{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4585", "width": "3035", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS,\\nChap.. Copyright No.\\nShelf..I.ll2 I\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "POLITICS\\nFOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n3V\\nCHARLES NORDHOFF\\nAuthor of God and the Future Life, The Communistic Societies of the\\nUnited States, Cape Cod and All Along Shore California\\nfor Health, Pleasure, and Residence} etc.\\nA NEWLY REVISED EDITION FOR SCHOOLS\\nAND COLLEGES\\nNEW YORK CINCINNATI CHICAGO\\nAMERICAN BOOK COMPANY", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "1\\nRegister of Cop,\\n49502\\nCopyright, 1899, by\\nAMERICAN BOOK COMPANY.\\nCopyright, 1875, by\\nHARPER BROTHERS.\\nNORDHOFF S POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS.\\nw. p. 1\\nSECOND GOPV,\\n5~\\\\ lo^ o", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "TO READERS, TEACHERS, AND\\nSTUDENTS\\nIn the following pages I have attempted to explain in\\nsimple language, and by familiar illustrations fitted for the\\ncomprehension of young men and women, the meaning\\nand limits of liberty, law, government, and human rights\\nand thus to make easily intelligible to them the political\\nprinciples on which our system of government in the\\nUnited States is founded.\\nI believe that free government is a political application\\nof the Christian theory of life that at the base of our\\nPolitical System lies the Golden Rule and that to be a\\ngood citizen of the United States one ought to be imbued\\nwith the spirit of Christianity, and to believe in and act\\nupon the teachings of Jesus. He condemned self-seeking,\\ncovetousness, hypocrisy, class distinctions, envy, malice,\\nundue and ignoble ambition and he inculcated self-\\nrestraint, repression of the lower and meaner passions,\\nlove to the neighbor, contentment, gentleness, regard for\\nthe rights and happiness of others, and respect for the\\nlaw.\\nIt seems to me that the vices he condemned are those\\nalso which are dangerous to the perpetuity of free govern-\\n3", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "ment and that the principles he inculcated may be prop-\\nerly used as tests of the merits of a political system or a\\npublic policy. In this spirit I have written, believing that\\nthus government of the people, by the people, and for\\nthe people, can be most clearly justified and explained.\\nPolitics for Young Americans has been so fortunate\\nas to retain, since its first publication in 1875, the favor of\\nmany teachers, students, and readers and it has seemed\\nto me, and to the publishers, advisable that I should now\\nmake a thorough revision of it to eliminate examples\\nor illustrations which have in the course of time become\\nobsolete and ineffective, and to add several new chapters\\ncovering important questions bearing on constitutional\\ngovernment, which have become prominent since the book\\nwas written.\\nBut in doing this I have made no change in the general\\nprinciples upon which the book is based, because these gen-\\neral principles remain, in my belief, sound and just and\\nfundamental.\\nCHARLES NORDHOFF.\\nCoronado, California,\\nJuly, 1899.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nPAGE\\nIntroduction 7\\nCHAPTEK\\nI. Of Society 9\\nII. Of Liberty, and the Province of Law .12\\nIII. Of Governments .14\\nIV. Of the Primary and Necessary Functions of Government 16\\nV. Of Some Other Functions of Government 20\\nVI. Of the Usefulness and the Inconvenience of Free Govern-\\nment 24\\nVII. Of the Different Parts of a Government 29\\nVIII. Of Decentralization 30\\nIX. Of the Responsibility of the Executive 32\\nX. Of Political Parties 36\\nXL Who vote, and why 38\\nXII. What Officers should not be elected 41\\nXIII. Of Political Constitutions 45\\nXIV. Of the Legislative or Lawmaking Branch of Government 48\\nXV. Of Town Meetings 50\\nXVI. Of Education 51\\nXVII. Of Taxes 54\\nXVIII. Of Public Debts 59\\nXIX. Of Property 61\\nXX. Of Barter 64\\nXXI. Of the Materials used for Money 67\\nXXII. Of Subsidiary Currency 69\\nXXIII. Of Bimetallism 71\\nXXIV. Of Legal Tender Laws 74\\n5", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "6 CONTENTS\\nCHAPTER PAGE\\nXXV. Of Banks, Banking, and Credit 77\\nXXVI. Of Bank Notes .81\\nXXVII. Of Greenbacks S3\\nXXVIII. Of Usury Laws 85\\nXXIX. Of Commerce 91\\nXXX. Of Diversity of Industries, Monopolies, and Trusts 99\\nXXXI. Of Labor and Capital 112\\nXXXII. Of Corporations, and Limited Liability Laws 1 1 5\\nXXXIII. Of Trades Unions and Strikes 118\\nXXXIV. Of Prohibitory Laws, so called 122\\nXXXV. Of Local Option 126\\nXXXVI. Of Party Government the Importance of the Minority 127\\nXXXVII. Of the Public Service 130\\nXXXVIII. Of Confederation and Union 134\\nXXXIX. The American Political System 138\\nXL. Of the Rights and Duties of an American Citizen 143\\nXLI. Of City Governments 146\\nXLII. Of Trial by Jury 150\\nXLIII. Of Territories and Colonies 153\\nXLIV. When we Number One Hundred Millions 157\\nXLV. Rules for the Conduct of Deliberative Assemblies .160\\nAPPENDIX\\nI. Constitution of the United States of America 175\\nII. Questions on the Constitution .186\\nIII. Declaration of Independence 191\\nIV. Washington s Farewell Address 195\\nIndex 206", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nINTRODUCTION\\nAn American citizen ought to perform the duties of\\ncitizenship intelligently, and not ignorantly and to do this\\nit is advisable that he should understand the principles on\\nwhich our government is established. This is the more\\nnecessary because the right cause is sometimes in the\\nminority, and it is of great importance that its adherents\\nshould be able to give clear and convincing reasons for\\ntheir course, for thus only can a minority hope to become\\na majority and thus have authority from the mass of\\nvoters to carry out that policy which they believe to be\\nright and wise for the country. In a free state every real\\npolitical contest concerns the principles and policies on\\nwhich the government should be carried on and you have\\nonly to read any great debate in Congress to see of what\\nextreme importance to the preservation of free govern-\\nment, by right and wise policies, is the ability to compre-\\nhend for yourself and to expose clearly to others the\\nfundamental principles of our government.\\nTo the citizen of a free state, politics concerns itself\\nin the largest sense with the liberty and the prosperity of\\nthe people, which are sure to be affected by bad laws\\nand bad laws are often adopted with the best motives, and\\n7", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "8 INTRODUCTION\\nurged and supported by men who are as truly patriotic\\nand benevolent as they are ignorant or shortsighted.\\nIt is one of the great merits of our political system in\\nthe United States that, though it appears at first view com-\\nplicated, it is in fact sufficiently simple to be understood\\nby all the citizens. In what follows I mean to explain the\\ngeneral principles on which free government rests, and the\\nmanner in which those principles are applied in our own\\ncountry; and I shall try to do this in such a way that,\\nwith a little attention and study, readers and students will,\\nI hope, be able to understand all that is needful.\\nAt the foundation of all government is Society, and of\\nthis it is expedient that I should first tell you something.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "OF SOCIETY\\n1. We find all mankind to possess certain qualities,\\nfaculties, and desires, which move and rule them, whether\\nthey are savages or call themselves civilized, and whether\\nthey are black, brown, yellow, or white.\\n2. One of the principal and most important qualities of\\nmankind is gregariousness. This means that men have a\\npropensity to gather in flocks or herds a propensity also\\nof many animals, as sheep, cattle, horses, blackbirds, ele-\\nphants, and some monkeys. This desire for the society\\nof their kind leads animals to go in droves, and makes iso-\\nlation hateful to them and in like manner collects savage\\nmen into tribes, and civilized men into nations, which are\\nonly larger and more highly organized tribes.\\n3. But as man has received from God qualities, faculties,\\nand desires which the beasts have not, men are able to do\\nsomething more and higher than the beasts and the rudest\\ntribe of savages has rules for the conduct of its members\\nwhich the most highly developed society of apes or black-\\nbirds or elephants of which we know is without.\\n4. Animals have, 1, desire to live 2, desire for sufficient\\nfood 3, desire to propagate their kind and to protect their\\nyoung and, 4, desire to avoid pain, and to live, therefore,\\nin the circumstances for which their nature best fits them\\nin other words, to be comfortable. When you see more of\\nmen, you will discover that some men are very much like\\n9", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "IO POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nanimals, and have no aspirations or desires which can not\\nbe properly ranged under the above heads. Such a per-\\nson you ought not to be.\\n5. Besides the desires which we have in common with\\nbeasts, and which are necessary to us in order to preserve\\nour species from extinction, God has given us other de-\\nsires, and faculties which, if we wish, we may use for\\ntheir fulfillment. These higher qualities of our lives are not\\nneeded for the mere preservation of life. Some of those\\nwhich by general consent are regarded as the highest, lead\\ninevitably to the lessening of many of our pleasures, and\\nnot unfrequently to the surrender of an individual s com-\\nfort, happiness, and even life, to increase, as he believes,\\nthe welfare of his fellow men. Looking at these higher\\nmotives, desires, and aspirations, and at the degree in which\\nthey interfere with the happiness or comfort of the body\\nalone, it is reasonable to believe, what Jesus taught, that\\nmen have something immortal, destined to live on after the\\nbody perishes, and capable, after its release from the body,\\nof still greater development and higher enjoyments. This\\nsomething we call the Soul.\\n6. Take notice that the soul of man should not obey the\\nlaw of living, but the law of duty, which means self-\\nsacrifice. We see this spirit of self-sacrifice and duty not-\\nably shown where a people is engaged in what it believes\\nto be a just war. In such a case we see the best citizens\\ncast aside the mere law of living, and obey the much higher\\nand nobler law of duty. Instead of remaining at home,\\npursuing their usual callings in comfort, with their families\\nabout them, and their wealth increasing, we see them\\nbreaking up the careers they had planned, leaving their\\nfamilies and comfortable homes to face unaccustomed hard-\\nships and dangers, or to perish of disease or die on the field", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "SOCIETY 1 1\\nof battle. They do and suffer thus, not to benefit themselves,\\nor to gratify the desires or passions which men have in\\ncommon with the beasts, but out of what we all feel to be\\na nobler, an elevating, and, as we say, patriotic wish to\\nprotect their country. A tiger would be incapable of such\\nmotives if he fought, it would be from greed for food,\\nfrom a desire for a more comfortable lodgment, out of jeal-\\nousy, or in self-defense, supplemented eventually by rage.\\n7. A creature believing himself to possess an immortal\\npart, or soul, destined to survive the body, would reason-\\nably seek to prepare this immortal part for the conditions\\nunder which it is to exist. And as the future life is, as we\\nare taught, to be lived without the help of the body, it is\\nevident that training the soul or spirit consists in increas-\\ning by cultivation our capacity for those enjoyments which\\ndo not depend upon the body. To curb the body, there-\\nfore, and keep it under control, to restrain the lower pas-\\nsions those which we have in common with the beasts\\nand to weed out of ourselves envy, greed, spite, covetous-\\nness, jealousy, hypocrisy, ill-temper all tending to dis-\\nregard for the rights of others would appear, aside from\\nthe commands and instructions of religion, to be the reason-\\nable and prudent course of every one who believes himself\\nto have an immortal part, or soul.\\n8. But God has so made the world, and so formed man-\\nkind, that they naturally and inevitably respect and esteem\\nmost highly those who most consistently act upon this\\ntheory of life. The whole world is combined to honor\\nWashington and it is equally unanimous in execrating a\\nmerely vulgar and selfish trader or politician.\\n9. Now I wish you to remember, as a fundamental\\ntruth in American politics, that the course of life which\\nis thus calculated to fit your immortal part for the future", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nand spiritual life is also that course which will make you a\\ngood citizen of the United States.\\n10. To be a good citizen means not merely that you\\nshall give such prudent obedience to the laws as will\\nkeep you out of jail. It means that you shall in all parts\\nof your life live moderately and virtuously that you shall\\nlove your neighbor as yourself, and therefore do him no\\nwrong that you shall pursue your aims in life with such\\nmoderation as to avoid interfering with the happiness of\\nothers that you shall endeavor by your actions, whenever\\noccasion serves, to benefit your fellow men for selfishness\\nbreeds selfishness, covetousness corrupts those who behold\\nit, and liberty can be maintained only among a people who\\npractice self-sacrifice, and to whom a virtuous life seems\\nmore important than mere selfish success.\\nii. To be a good man is your first duty as an Ameri-\\ncan but you ought also, if possible, to be a wise citizen,\\nand to that end you should understand what are the proper\\npowers and the proper limitations of government what\\ncan not, usefully, as well as what can, be done by law. For\\nsome of the most foolish and injurious laws on our statute\\nbooks have been enacted by good men with a sincere desire\\nto increase the happiness of their fellow beings. We come\\nthen, next, to the consideration of Liberty and the Province\\nof Law.\\nII\\nOF LIBERTY, AND THE PROVINCE OF LAW\\n12. You enjoy liberty when you may say and do what-\\never pleases you and does not injure other persons. If\\nevery human being were endowed with infallible judgment\\nas to the effect of his acts on others, and strength of pur-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "LIBERTY, AND THE PROVINCE OF LAW 1 3\\npose to avoid everything that could injure his fellows, laws\\nwould be needless.\\n13. But as the judgment of men is fallible and their\\nstrength varies, and as all men do not think alike, it has\\nbeen found necessary in almost all societies, however\\nrudely organized, to declare what shall be held injurious\\nand not only this, but to declare penalties for such injurious\\nacts. Bear in mind, however, that political laws can cover\\nonly a part and not the whole duty of man and that there\\nis no lower or meaner rogue than he who studies the law\\nmerely to keep out of its clutches.\\n14. Necessarily and wisely, in a free country like ours,\\nthe lawmaking powers are distributed, some to the gen-\\neral or Federal Government, some to the States, and yet\\nothers to cities and counties. We have thus a great num-\\nber of legislative bodies and while this is necessary, be-\\ncause it would be impossible for one body, as the Federal\\nCongress, to regulate the minor and local affairs of States,\\ncounties, and cities, it has yet in our day aided in the crea-\\ntion of an evil, in the very great multiplication of laws.\\nThis has become a curse to the people, and has a tendency\\nto bring into contempt, not only the laws, but those who\\nmake them. This evil is so strongly felt by the citizens\\nthat in most of the States it has been ordained that the\\nlegislature shall meet, not annually, but only once in two\\nyears.\\n15. But, considering the propensity of men to multiply\\nlaws, and, often with good intentions, to legislate upon\\nsubjects which do not come properly within the limits of\\nlaw, it is proper to tell you this: Lazvs should be few in\\nnumber and simple in structure they sliould rigidly avoid\\ngranting special privileges or immunities to individuals, but\\nshould be general in their application and they ought never", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nto interfere with the liberty of men to move about peaceably\\nfrom place to place to discuss freely public affairs and ques-\\ntions to engage in whatever honest occupation pleases the7n\\nto produce whatever seems to them most suitable and to ex-\\nchange what they have produced where they please, and for\\nwhat they most desire. These limitations of the lawmaking\\npower no doubt seem to you so simple and so evidently\\njust that you wonder that they need to be specified; but,\\nin fact, there is in every legislative body a constant pro-\\npensity to overstep these limits, a tendency which the\\nunited efforts of the wisest men in any State, or in the\\nwhole country, cannot entirely resist. It is too commonly\\nbelieved that additional laws are necessary for the reform\\nof abuses but it is a fact, noticed by many eminent states-\\nmen, that ALMOST ALL MODERN REFORMS OF ABUSES, in\\nEurope and also in this country, have been effected,\\nNOT BY ENACTING NEW LAWS, BUT BY REPEALING OLD ONES.\\nIll\\nOF GOVERNMENTS\\n1 6. Governments may be said to be necessary evils,\\ntheir necessity arising out of the selfishness and stupidity\\nof mankind.\\n17. They are of different kinds Despotisms, where the\\nwill of one man is the law oligarchies, where a few make\\nthe laws for those subordinate to them and free or popu-\\nlar governments, where the laws are made by the people,\\nor by persons they select for that purpose.\\n18. In reading history, you will discover that the less\\nintelligent and more selfish a nation was, the more despotic\\nwas its government, and the more arbitrary and vexatious", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENTS 1 5\\nits laws and that as the general average of virtue and\\nintelligence in a nation increased, in the same degree its\\ngovernment and laws became milder and more just. It is\\nequally true that a nation which has enjoyed an excellent\\ngovernment may, by the corruption of its morals, and the\\nconsequent increase of selfishness and ignorance, lose this,\\nand have imposed on it a worse, and even the worst, form\\nof government. Thus I wish you to believe that it is only\\nby maintaining, and even elevating, the standard of virtue\\nand real intelligence among our people that we can pre-\\nserve our free institutions.\\n19. Hence the importance that you should be a good\\ncitizen, in the largest sense for the example of each tells\\nupon all who surround him. If you should be dishonest,\\nunscrupulous, regardless of others rights, covetous of\\nwealth or distinction to the injury of others, envious, in\\nany way base, your course would help to demoralize and\\ndebauch the unthinking and weak, which means the larger\\npart of those who surround you. The success of bad men,\\ntemporary though it be, is a serious injury to the com-\\nmunity, because to the younger and the thoughtless this\\nsuccess appears to condone the moral misconduct. This\\nis why good men and women abhor the bad public example\\nof a successful political demagogue, a corrupt or incom-\\npetent man in office, or one who aims at great power or\\npossessions without regard to the public welfare or the\\nrights of others. For this reason, to give a conspicuous\\nexample, Napoleon III. drew upon himself in an especial\\nmanner, during his reign over France, the bitter dislike\\nof thoughtful men and women in all countries, and the\\ndisgraceful and humiliating close of his career was wel-\\ncomed as the righteous ending of a vulgar and merely\\nselfish life. Such bad examples are contagious, and de-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "1 6 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nmoralize the weaker part of society, who hunger for suc-\\ncess, and think they see success crown evil deeds. Thus\\npublic opinion is degraded, vice becomes less odious, and\\nvirtue and self-restraint seem less important. On the other\\nhand the example of probity, of faithfulness to duty and\\nto principle, even in the lowest citizen, is valuable and im-\\nportant because it wins general respect, not merely for the\\nman, but for those virtues of which his life is an example.\\nIV\\nOF THE PRIMARY AND NECESSARY FUNCTIONS OF\\nGOVERNMENT\\n20. The primary and necessary functions of any gov-\\nernment are to maintain the peace and to administer jus-\\ntice, which means to protect the orderly and law-abiding\\npart of the people in the enjoyment of life and property\\nand against the attacks of the disorderly and lawbreaking.\\nNecessarily it has also to collect from the people, in the\\nmanner most equal and least oppressive, the money needed\\nto pay the officers charged with these duties.\\n21. Where the average of virtue, intelligence, and self-\\nrestraint is high among a people, their government needs to\\ninterfere but little in their affairs. Where this average is\\nlow, government always interferes more, by means of po-\\nlice, armies, and vexatious regulations. This arises from\\nthe fact that peace, order, and the security of life and\\nproperty are regarded as the most precious and necessary\\npossessions by every people, and to secure these, men and\\nnations are generally ready to give up a large measure of\\npolitical liberty, and to suffer many other and minor evils,\\nsuch as high taxation. On this plea the French people", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "PRIMARY FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT \\\\J\\nwere induced to accept Napoleon as the savior of so-\\nciety, and the common excuse for a despotism is that it\\nis necessary to maintain order which nevertheless it does\\nnot maintain, except temporarily, and at the monstrous\\ncost of increasing the ignorance and helplessness and\\ndiminishing the virtue and public spirit of the nation, and\\nthus in the end increasing tremendously the causes of\\ndisorder. Napoleon III. held France by the throat for\\neighteen years, and all the meaner sort of mankind glori-\\nfied him as the wisest of rulers but eighteen years of\\nliberty, even with the greatest presumable amount of dis-\\norder, would not have left France so poor, debt ridden, and\\nhumiliated as it was at the overthrow of Napoleon. Fur-\\nther, it is important for you to bear in mind that while the\\ndespotic rule of Napoleon III. brought upon France three\\ncostly wars in eighteen years, the French republic has\\nkept the peace since 1871 a much longer period; and\\nthis, though it has had to contend with many internal diffi-\\nculties, left to it as an evil inheritance by the preceding\\ndespotism. A republic is the most peaceably inclined\\nform of government. The mass of the people never will-\\ningly enter on, or cordially support, an aggressive war;\\nthough for the defense of their rights, if these are attacked\\nfrom without, history shows by many examples that no\\npeople is so formidable as a free nation.\\n22. It is only where the people have public spirit\\nenough to resent wrong, and to give vigorous and instant\\nsupport to the officers of justice, that governments can be\\nefficient; and it is true that no government will be just,\\neconomical, or efficient unless the general opinion of the\\npeople demands that it shall be so. Rulers are only men\\nthe possession of power easily demoralizes the best and\\nwisest of men and no ruler will long be just, efficient,\\nNORD. 2", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "1 8 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nhonest, or respectable, or will long keep within constitu-\\ntional bounds, who does not feel and fear the force of\\npublic indignation nor will rogues fear the laws, unless\\nthey are assured that the mass of citizens will vigorously\\ndemand the prompt enforcement of the laws.\\n23. Good laws are useless unless they are vigorously and\\npromptly enforced. Where punishment follows surely and\\nquickly on the crime, crimes tend to become rare. Where\\ntrial and punishment are delayed or uncertain, crimes tend\\nto increase, not only in frequency but in degree. We see\\nthis in some of our great cities, where crime flourishes and\\ncriminals become audacious, because influences of various\\nkinds create delay in trial and failure of justice. There\\nis a story, of the days of the notorious Tweed Ring in\\nNew York, of a burglar who was caught in the act of\\nentering a house. He was seized before he had actually\\nforced an entrance, and pleaded to the judge that therefore\\nhe had not really committed a breach of the law. Having\\nwhat in low political and thieves slang is called a pull,\\nhe was discharged, whereupon he demanded the return of\\nhis kit of false keys and jimmies, on the ground that these\\nwere the tools of his trade.\\n24. Back of all laws and all authority must lie a belief\\nthat in the last resort every citizen will defend his own\\nrights. You cannot put a corporal s guard at every man s\\ndoor. The thief or robber at bottom never fears the law\\nand the government nearly so much as he does the right\\narm and courage of the man he seeks to injure. This is\\nshown wherever, in our own country, any even incon-\\nsiderable body of citizens have suffered themselves to be\\nrobbed, whether on the highway or by combinations of\\ndemagogues. Train and stage robberies are still not un-\\ncommon in the far West, and seem to increase in fre-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "PRIMARY FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 1 9\\nquency and this is because these robbers have found that\\nthey need not fear resistance from the passengers, but\\nhave only to deal with the stage driver or the few train\\nmen while if they are caught they have before them a\\nlong trial, with the hope of escaping justice in the end.\\nA few quick and sure shots from the passengers would do\\nmuch to put a stop to this odious form of crime but the\\ncertainty of prompt and severe punishment by law would\\ndo more.\\n25. In Mexico, when railroads were first introduced,\\nattacks on trains of various kinds were for a time very\\ncommon. President Diaz, a very able ruler, who knew\\nthe extreme importance of swift and sure justice for crime,\\nadvised the Mexican Congress to enact a law by which any\\none caught injuring or attacking a railroad train should\\nbe shot at once and on the immediate scene of his crime.\\nThis law he vigorously enforced, with the result that\\nattacks on railroad trains are to-day very rare in Mexico.\\n26. In Montana, in the early days of its settlement,\\nand before a territorial government was established, its\\npeople, a large proportion of whom were excellent citi-\\nzens, lay for a considerable time subject to a powerful\\nand well organized robber band, whose members openly\\ndefied law and justice, and became so audacious that they\\neven rode into shops, in open day, and demanded tribute\\nfrom shopkeepers. The citizens, in fear for their lives,\\ndreaded to resist. But a number of courageous men at\\nlast formed themselves into a force, called The Vigi-\\nlantes of Montana, determined to put an end summarily\\nto this organized band of robbers. They took their lives\\nin their hands, for the robbers were unhesitating mur-\\nderers. One day a courageous shopkeeper shot dead a\\nrobber chief who rode into his store to demand tribute,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nand that bold act, arousing the citizens, caused the speedy-\\nextirpation of the robbers, many of whom were caught\\nand summarily hanged, while others were shot, and the\\nremainder driven out of the Territory with notice that if\\nthereafter they were found anywhere in Montana they\\nwould be shot on sight. Thus law and order were suc-\\ncessfully reestablished but only by the united action of\\nthe good citizens.\\n27. It is only where the mass of the people resent the\\nviolation of law and order, and are prompt in coming to\\nthe help of the officers to enforce the laws and put down\\nwrongdoers, that free government is secure. Where the\\npeople are careless, and submit readily to wrong, the law\\nsoon falls into disrepute, rights are invaded, and disor-\\nders are encouraged. Hence, in a free community the citi-\\nzens can not delegate to police or other law officers the\\nwhole duty of maintaining peace and order they must\\nhold themselves ready at all times to assist by their coun-\\ntenance, and if need be by their personal efforts, the\\nofficers whom they have charged with the execution of the\\nlaws. This does not imply the obligation or the right\\nof citizens to take the law into their own hands unless the\\nestablished authorities permanently fail of their duty the\\ncitizens must promptly insist on the proper officers doing\\ntheir duty, and if need be help them, acting under their\\nauthority.\\nV\\nOF SOME OTHER FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT\\n28. The primary and necessary functions of govern-\\nment are, as I told you in the last section, to maintain the\\npeace and execute justice between the different members", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "SOME OTHER FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 21\\nof society. Under this head come the maintenance of\\nthe army, navy, and police, and the conduct of official\\nintercourse with foreign nations, and in our country with\\nIndian tribes whom we have treated as foreign nations,\\nbv which course we have retarded their advance into civi-\\nlization, and caused endless Indian wars and constant\\ncorruption.\\n29. But all civilized governments are charged with\\nyet other duties, which, it has been found, they can per-\\nform, if not in a better, yet in a more uniform and conven-\\nient manner, than private citizens, and. which are also\\nincidentally of political importance. These duties are\\nthe maintenance of the post office by which intercourse\\nby letters, and the dissemination of printed information,\\nare made uniformly easy and cheap all over the country\\nthe public or free education of youth the maintenance of\\na lighthouse system the protection and improvement of\\nharbors the making of scientific observations which need\\nto be conducted systematically during a great number of\\nyears in order to be valuable the survey of lands, and\\nthe recording of deeds, which are the tokens of ownership\\nin land the care of the public health, the prevention\\nor abolition of nuisances, and quarantine or the keeping\\nout of infectious diseases the care of roads and bridges\\nand some others.\\n30. Some of these matters we leave to the Federal\\nGovernment others are assigned to the States and others\\nyet are deputed by these to the city and county govern-\\nments.\\n31. I wish you to remember that private enterprise\\nwould perform some of these offices or duties as well as\\nand perhaps better than the public authorities. Thus, in\\nsome of our great cities it has been proved in actual practice", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "22 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nthat the inhabitants of a block or square, joining together\\nindependently of the city authorities, were able to keep\\ntheir street area clean at little cost, where the authorities\\nhad persistently and vexatiously failed of this.\\n32. In the early days of California and Nevada it was\\na common practice of the people to send important letters,\\nnot through the post office, but by Wells-Fargo s express.\\nThis private company exacted not only the governmental\\nstamp but an additional payment. The miners readily\\npaid this because they found that the express company\\ndid convey their letters more rapidly and securely than the\\npost office at that time, and they were willing to pay an\\nextra rate for their security. In like manner, during many\\nyears, in some of our great cities, private companies un-\\ndertook to deliver local letters more promptly than the\\npost office, and these were at one time largely patronized\\nby those who wanted a quick delivery. But over the\\nwhole country it is doubtful if the mails would be delivered\\nwith the same general uniformity of speed and regularity\\nand cheapness by private persons as by the government\\nand this is the legitimate excuse for the existence of the\\npost office.\\n33. The fact that we assign to the government some\\nduties, therefore, which private citizens might perform in a\\nbetter manner than the government, does not prove that the\\ngovernment ought to extend such operations and intrude\\ninto the great field of private enterprise. And yet, you\\nmust know, there is a constant tendency toward such\\nextension. Thus it is asserted by many persons that the\\nFederal Government ought to own and carry on the tele-\\ngraph lines, and even the railroads. Various reasons lead\\nmen to this belief such as abuse of power by corpora-\\ntions impatience under delays or inconveniences disap-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "SOME OTHER FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 23\\npointed business rivalries hopes of gain by selling out\\nat a large price to the government a liking for grand\\noperations, such as governments alone can carry on and\\na vague belief that the government can really transact\\nbusiness better than private persons, which is not true, as\\na long experience shows.\\n34. I give you here the main reasons why a government\\nshould be strictly confined to its proper functions, and\\nwhy we should oppose all attempts to impose upon it\\nother duties which lie outside of these: 1st. It would\\nhave to increase very greatly its staff of servants, which\\nincreases the patronage, which means the power of brib-\\nery possessed by the rulers, and their means of corrupt-\\ning the people, and thus encroaching upon our liberties.\\n2d. It would greatly increase the amount of money to\\nbe handled by the government, and thus make the posses-\\nsion of power tempting to bad men, which is another means\\ntoward the corruption of the people. 3d. It would make\\nthe people dependent, and deprive them of incentives to\\ningenuity and enterprise, and lead them to look to some\\npower outside of themselves for the management of their\\ndaily lives. All these are serious evils and if we had to\\nchoose, it would be far wiser to turn the post office, roads,\\nlighthouses, the public education, and all other matters of\\nthat kind over to private enterprise, than to allow the gov-\\nernment to assume still other functions, such as owning\\nand managing telegraphs and railroads.\\n35. It is of the utmost importance to the perpetuity of\\nfree government that the people should be left to do for\\nthemselves whatever they can, without the interference of\\nthe government. Free government is not, at any given\\ntime, the most convenient, as I shall show you farther on\\nbut it has this transcendent merit, that under it alone can", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "24 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nabuses be cured without revolution or the disorganization\\nof society. For instance, the people have been for some\\nyears agitated about the abuse of power by railroads and\\nother great corporations. We shall remedy this class of\\nevils, slowly no doubt, but surely, by laws, and without\\nrevolution but in a despotic government the railroad\\nquestion would perhaps upset the government, and would\\nat any rate become mixed up with the question of the ex-\\nistence of the government itself. We in the United States\\nmay not, at any time, have all the physical conveniences\\nwhich we might have for a while if the government did\\neverything for us but we have the means of peaceful\\nprogress, the certainty that we shall slowly but surely\\nsolve all the difficulties which press upon all civilized\\nnations alike, and solve them without revolution which\\nmeans without permanent injury to society.\\nVI\\nOF THE USEFULNESS AND THE INCONVENIENCE OF\\nFREE GOVERNMENT\\n36. What we call a free government, one in which the\\npeople rule, and in which much is left to the people, has\\ntherefore this extremely important advantage, that it forces\\nthem to be self -helpful and obtains peaceful progress, not\\nby the costly and after all ineffective interference of the\\ngovernment, but by the only permanent means, the deter-\\nmination of the people themselves. Thus government of\\nthe people, for the people, and by the people, educates a\\nnation in courage, enterprise, a strong sense of duty, self-\\nrestraint, the habit of obeying law, and the capacity and\\nreadiness to act together for public ends. Free government\\nis a school of all the manly virtues.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "USEFULNESS OF FREE GOVERNMENT 25\\n37. It works also another, equally important result:\\nIt maintains peace amid change, and allows the reform of\\nevils without resort to revolution because where the whole\\npeople take part in electing their rulers and lawmakers, all\\nfeel equally bound by the laws at any time enacted, and if\\nany feel these laws to be oppressive, they get patience from\\nthe knowledge that open discussion will in time bring its\\nremedies. Under a despotic government some wrongs can\\nbe righted only by violence and revolution. Under a free\\ngovernment like ours, all zurongs cci7i be righted by argit-\\nvient. Hence the freest government is likely to be the\\nmost peaceable, orderly, and permanent.\\n38. Free government is troublesome to its citizens be-\\ncause it imposes upon every man duties of a public nature,\\nto which he must give time and intelligent thought. In\\nthe measure that all the people thus give up time and\\nthought to their political duties, in that measure will their\\ngovernment be justly and honestly administered. Gross\\nselfishness, such as leads men to abandon their political\\nand public duties in order to devote their whole time and\\nenergies to their own affairs or pleasures, is therefore a\\ndangerous vice in the citizen of a republic.\\n39. A despotism, like that from which France so long\\nsuffered, is easily endurable to the meaner kind of men,\\nbecause it saves them from thought upon matters concern-\\ning the general welfare. A despotic ruler, moreover, is\\napt to attend carefully to the minor conveniences of the\\npeople he provides public amusements for them regulates\\narbitrarily the price of provisions prohibits monopolies\\nexcept those he himself and his friends enjoy; and in\\nmany ways does for them, wastefully, and with their\\nmoney for of course he has none of his own what\\nthey ought to do and could do more cheaply for them-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "26 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nselves. Meantime he thus makes them incapable of act-\\ning intelligently and effectively in great perils, disables\\nthem from remedying abuses, demoralizes them by en-\\ncouraging their selfishness and love of pleasure, and thus\\nprepares the way, logically, for some such great and dis-\\ngraceful catastrophe as left France humiliated, burdened\\nwith debt, with the loss of a large part of her territory,\\nand, worse than all, with a population largely unaccus-\\ntomed to self-government, after eighteen years of what a\\nmultitude of shortsighted people pronounced a splendid\\nreign.\\n40. A wise and beneficent despot may for a time greatly\\nand rapidly increase the material welfare of a people by\\nhis power to command obedience, he may, if he lives long\\nenough, impose upon them new habits of thought and\\naction, or even a different civilization but it is always at\\nthe expense of qualities which are absolutely necessary to\\nthe life of a nation, and with the result of leaving his sub-\\njects unable to maintain the existence of society if the des-\\npotic head should be suddenly removed, or if the state\\nshould suffer serious attack from without. Doubtless the\\nIncas greatly benefited the Peruvians, among whom they\\nintroduced some important arts of civilization. But under\\nthe despotic rule they established, a handful of Spaniards\\noverthrew the government, and when they had conquered\\nthe rulers, the people, too long the subjects of despotism,\\nlay prostrate at their feet.\\n41. Thus nations, as well as individuals, need liberty and\\nresponsibility to make them strong. A boy who is coddled\\nby his parents, who sits behind the stove in winter when\\nothers are playing in the snow, who lies late abed and\\nhas his pockets full of candy, who must not go into the\\nwater until he can swim, and whose precious life and", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "USEFULNESS OF FREE GOVERNMENT 2j\\nhealth are the objects of his own and his parents inces-\\nsant solicitude, may look with pity upon his neighbor, who\\nruns about barefooted, gets up early to feed the cows, has\\nfew clothes and no candv, and must work for his food.\\nBut all human experience and history show that the hardier\\nboy has by far the better chance of becoming a useful man,\\nand making an honorable figure in the world. His early\\nlife has been full of inconveniences, and perhaps hard-\\nships but the overcoming of these has hardened his frame,\\ntrained his will, strengthened the moral side of his nature,\\nand prepared him thus to withstand trials and temptations\\nunder which his tenderly nurtured neighbor would sink.\\n42. I wish you to take notice that there are in every free\\ncountry persons to whom the duties and responsibilities of\\ncitizenship are irksome and who, too ignorant or thought-\\nless to see the evil results of dependence on a government,\\nseek to avoid temporary evils and inconveniences by dele-\\ngating to the government greater powers, and seeking to\\nestablish it as a kind of earthly Providence, to guard their\\nprivate affairs, and make their lives easier.\\n43. Thus we in this country do not yet know how best\\nto control railroads and other corporations so as to guard\\nthe general interest effectively and some people think to\\ncure this evil by having the government own and manage\\nthem.\\n44. There is no doubt that the creation and encourage-\\nment of what are called limited liability corporations\\nhave opened the door to some grave abuses, mainly because\\nlegislative bodies have ignorantly and imprudently given\\nundue powers and privileges to such corporations. But with\\npatience and larger experience these evils will be cured.\\nThere has grown up in recent years a strong disposition\\nto hold great corporations to a stricter accountability, and", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "28 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nto avoid imprudent grants to them, and to require of them\\nmore rigid conditions, beneficial to the public and in that\\ndirection lies true reform.\\n45. But there are citizens who believe that a short and\\neasy way would be to cause the Federal Government to buy\\nand manage all the railroads. To avoid temporary abuses\\nor inconveniences they would put the transportation of\\nproducts and passengers, on the whole the most vast and\\nimportant business in the country, into the hands of the\\ngovernment. They forget that 1st. No government trans-\\nacts even its legitimate work, as that of carrying on a war,\\neither economically or efficiently. 2d. If the government\\nowned and managed the railroads, the millions of men\\nemployed upon them would have their liberty of con-\\ntract seriously abridged, because the first prudent act of a\\ngovernment engaged in the railroad business would-be to\\nrequire its men to enlist for a fixed term, and to subject\\nthemselves to regulations military in their character. 3d.\\nTo put the vast business of transportation into the hands\\nof the government would be to give it the means of cor-\\nrupting and abusing the people to give to an ambitious\\nand unscrupulous ruler enormous power for this evil end,\\nsure to be dangerously misused, and, after all, to secure no\\nreforms which cannot be got, and are already slowly but\\nsurely got, by other and safer means.\\n46. Take notice that the plan of obliging the men en-\\ngaged in the transportation and telegraph services to enlist\\nfor fixed terms under martial law as soldiers do in the\\nregular army has already been urged and discussed in\\nthis country. Government ownership of railroads and tele-\\ngraphs would bring this about very quickly and necessarily.\\n47. As to the government ownership of the telegraph\\nsystems of the country, which also finds favor, there is an", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "DIFFERENT PARTS OF A GOVERNMENT 29\\nadditional and serious objection, in that it would give to\\nthe party in power entire control over the public news, and\\nenable a weak or an unscrupulous ruler to poison the very\\nsources of public opinion by giving false or partial reports\\nof passing events, thus making the people incapable, in an\\nimportant emergency, of forming a just opinion of the con-\\nduct or misconduct of their rulers.\\nVII\\nOF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF A GOVERNMENT\\n48. Government falls naturally into three different\\ndepartments That part which makes the laws that\\nwhich executes them, or carries them into effect; and\\nthat which administers justice, or interprets the laws\\nbetween man and man.\\n49. In a rudely organized society or tribe, the chief or\\nhead man assumes all these functions he gives orders,\\nwhich are the laws he enforces these orders and he sits\\nas judge in disputes between members of the tribe. Under\\nany despotism, the ruler exercises the same powers as the\\nchief of a tribe of savages but necessarily he acts through\\nagents, his favorites, who make life still less tolerable to\\nthe subjects.\\n50. In order to maintain a free or popular government,\\nit is necessary that these powers shall be lodged in differ-\\nent hands that the body which makes the laws shall have\\nnothing to do with their enforcement and that the judges\\nshall be a body independent of both the legislative and the\\nexecutive branches of the government. Where this divi-\\nsion of powers is well established and carefully guarded,\\nif at the same time the nation has sufficient intelligence", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "30 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nand public spirit to hold the rulers it chooses to a strict\\naccount, 3. people s liberties are reasonably secure, and they\\nare able to make their government as honest and efficient\\nas they please to have it. For at the elections they are\\nable to remove those legislators who enacted bad laws, or\\nthat executive officer who carelessly or wickedly failed in\\nthe proper enforcement of the laws. Thus the people not\\nonly rule, but are easily able to distinguish where the\\nfault of misgovernment lies, and to apply the remedy. In\\nour own government, this great division of powers is very\\nclearly made in the Federal Government, Congress enacts\\nthe laws, but cannot execute or enforce them the Presi-\\ndent enforces the laws, but he does not make them and\\nthe courts of the United States construe the Federal laws\\nand apply them in disputed cases and the same distri-\\nbution of powers is made by State constitutions.\\nThere is a still further subdivision, which is of equal\\nimportance to good government, and which is called\\nDecentralization.\\nVIII\\nOF DECENTRALIZATION\\n51. It has been found advisable, by experience, still\\nfurther to subdivide the powers necessarily intrusted to\\ngovernment; to limit the general government to the per-\\nformance of certain offices or duties which apply equally\\nto all parts of the nation and to confide other powers\\nand duties, having only a local application, to subordinate,\\nbut in their sphere independent governments.\\n52. Thus, in our own system, the Federal Government\\nat Washington exercises powers very strictly limited,\\nothers being left to the State governments and the State", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "DECENTRALIZATION 3 1\\ngovernments in turn delegate certain powers to the county\\nand even to the township governments.\\n53. This subdivision of power and authority is called\\nDecentralization; and experience has shown that this\\npolitical device is of extreme importance, for two reasons\\nFirst, it is a powerful and the best means of training a\\npeople to efficient political action and the art of self-\\ngovernment and, second, it presents constant and impor-\\ntant barriers to the encroachment of rulers upon the rights\\nand liberties of the nation, every subdivision forming a\\nstronghold of resistance by the people against unjust or\\nwicked rulers.\\n54. Take notice that any system of government is\\nexcellent in the precise degree in which it naturally trains\\nthe people in political independence, and habituates them\\nto take an active part in governing themselves. Whatever\\nplan of government does this in a high degree is good\\nno matter what it may be called that which avoids this is\\nnecessarily bad.\\n55. It is a fault in the British system of government\\nthat the Parliament interferes too much in local affairs\\nand it is one of the great causes of the chronic discontent\\namong the people of Ireland, that the management of their\\npurely local affairs has been so largely kept from them and\\nin the hands of the supreme authority in London. It has\\nbeen one of the greatest obstacles to the maintenance in\\nFrance of a true republic, that there the central govern-\\nment largely selects and appoints the local officials in the\\nprovinces.\\n56. If the President of the United States should appoint\\nnot only the postmasters and the revenue and law officers\\nwho are properly a part of the Federal executive, but also\\nthe governors of States, the mayors of cities, the super-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "32 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nvisors of counties, and even the justices of the peace and\\nlocal police, you need not think profoundly to see that\\nindependence and free government would be impossible\\nunder a system which thus removed the pettiest local\\nofficers from the censure and condemnation of their neigh-\\nbors, and made them responsible only to the distant chief\\nauthority at Washington. The first time we had a bad\\nman in the presidential chair he might be tempted by the\\nfavorable circumstances to play the part of Napoleon, and\\nmake himself master of the nation. Nor could the people,\\nwithout great difficulty, and probably revolution, resist\\nhim.\\n57. To make liberty secure, the powers and responsibili-\\nties of the executive ought to be plainly limited and de-\\nfined and ought to be such, and no greater, that even a\\nbad man in the executive chair could not, during the term\\nfor which he is chosen, do serious detriment to the repub-\\nlic without the general consent of the people. For con-\\nslitntions are made to guard against bad officers, just as\\nlaws are or ought to be made, not to interfere with the good,\\nbut to restrain the vicious and ignorant.\\nIX\\nOF THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE EXECUTIVE\\n58. The executive is the head and ruler of the political\\ncommunity. He is so called because he executes or en-\\nforces the laws which the legislative body enacts. With\\nus the President is the chief executive of the United\\nStates the governor is the executive head of a State and\\nthe mayor is, or ought to be, the executive head of a city.\\n59. Large powers are usually, and ought always to be,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "RESPONSIBILITY OF THE EXECUTIVE 33\\ngiven to an executive or ruler; these powers should be,\\nand in constitutional governments are, strictly limited\\nbut within the limits fixed in the constitution the ruler\\nshould have the utmost discretion, for thus only can he\\nbe held responsible for faithfully executing the duties of\\nhis office.\\n60. Responsibility can never be greater than the author-\\nity given. Thus you can see that to tell a general to\\nwin a battle, and leave him to make his own plans, is to\\nfix upon him a large responsibility, because his authority\\nis practically unlimited. But to order him to win a battle\\naccording to certain plans imposed on him by a war board\\nat a distance would be to cramp and limit his powers, and\\nin the same measure to lessen his responsibility for, if\\nhe were beaten, he might justly say that the plan of action\\nin accordance with which he was compelled to fight was\\nnot the best, and that defeat was not his fault, but the\\nfault of the council which impaired his liberty of action\\nhence he would probably not exert himself to the utmost.\\n61. One of the most vicious and dangerous defects in a\\nscheme of government, therefore, is a mixed and ill-defined\\nresponsibility. Thus if the executive is intrusted to two\\nor more persons, confusion and corruption are sure to\\nresult, because it is then impossible to fix the blame for\\nmisconduct upon any one officer. A board or commis-\\nsion, as an executive composed of a number of persons is\\ncalled, is certain to be both inefficient and corrupt. This\\nis because it is more difficult to bring several persons to a\\nprompt decision than one and because the blame for\\ninefficiency or misconduct is shifted from one to the other,\\nto the confusion of the public, which can not tell whom\\nto blame.\\n62. It is another vicious defect to take away from the\\nNORD. 3", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "34 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nexecutive head the appointment of his subordinates, for he\\ncan not justly be held responsible for the conduct of per-\\nsons selected by others than himself and being deprived\\nof what is of the essence of just authority, he is pretty\\ncertain to lose that strong interest in the conduct of affairs\\nwhich he is compelled to feel when the eyes of the peo-\\nple are fixed upon him alone, and he in his single person\\nis held responsible for the administration of the public\\nbusiness.\\n63. In a well-ordered free government, therefore, a\\nsingle executive head, being chosen for a specified time,\\nand having duties and powers clearly defined and limited,\\nought to possess the power to appoint and remove his sub-\\nordinates at will. In that case he can be justly held\\nresponsible by the people for the management of affairs.\\n64. In our own Federal Government, the Senate has an\\nadvisory power in regard to appointments made by the\\nPresident {but none as to removals) and to that extent the\\nSenate is a part of the executive. This power was given\\nin the Constitution, because those who framed that instru-\\nment were more fearful of the tyranny of a despotic execu-\\ntive than of the worse, because less responsible, tyranny\\nof a numerous body like the Senate and believed it\\nnecessary to guard with especial care against usurpation\\nof power by the President. If they lived to this day, they\\nwould see that it becomes constantly more desirable to\\nfix responsibility for misgovernment upon a single person,\\nin order that the people may more easily understand upon\\nwhom and how they ought to visit punishment and thus\\nremedy abuses.\\n65. It is useful to repeat to you that the powers and\\nauthority of the President under the Federal Constitution\\nare so strictly limited that even the worst man in that office", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "RESPONSIBILITY OF THE EXECUTIVE 35\\ncan not, withottt exposing himself to impeachment and re-\\nmoval, cause serious harm to the republic, except in one\\ncase.\\n66. If the injurious or unconstitutional course of a\\nPresident has the general consent of the people if there\\nis no vigilant and outspoken opposition party if public\\nopinion is silent or supine, in that case an unscrupulous\\nPresident may of course safely do what he will. The Con-\\nstitution does not enforce itself it depends for its restrain-\\ning force upon the watchfulness of the citizens and it is\\nnot an idle saying that Eternal vigilance is the price\\nof liberty. Hence the importance, in a free state, of\\npolitical parties, and especially of a watchful and vigorous\\nminority, which is usually called the opposition party.\\nMen in power are very apt to go to extremes, and to dis-\\nregard, in the eager pursuit of their partisan ambition,\\neven constitutional limitations. The duty and importance\\nof an opposition party is to expose to the voters such mis-\\nconduct, and thus to alarm and arouse public opinion.\\nThere have been several instances in our history where\\nonly the vigorous and even fierce and defiant opposition of\\na minority has prevented a party in power from injurious\\nand sometimes unconstitutional acts. Such was the at-\\ntempt in 1 874-1 875 of the leaders of the party then in\\npower to pass a law authorizing the President to proclaim\\nmartial law in certain parts of the Union, and to do this on\\nhis own judgment and though the country was at peace.\\nOnly a skillfully led and vigilant minority, by its tenacious\\nresistance in Congress, and loud appeals to the people, pre-\\nvented this from succeeding.\\n67. It is important for you to bear in mind that if the\\nmass of the voters of both parties as shown by the\\naction of their representatives in Congress and by their", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "36 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nown consent or silence at home are agreed upon a\\npolicy, even if that is unwise, or contrary to the traditional\\npolicy of the country, or even clearly unconstitutional, a\\nPresident may do what he pleases in such a matter.\\n68. Thus the President, in 1898, determined, without\\nconsulting the people, and without the warrant of the plat-\\nform on which he was elected, to make an important\\nchange in the character and career of the country. It had\\nbeen a continental nation, with a homogeneous and gen-\\nerally intelligent population. He determined on the an-\\nnexation of Hawaii, the mass of whose population was\\nnotoriously incompetent, by racial diversities, ignorance,\\nand easy corruptibility, to perform the duties of American\\ncitizenship. If he had found himself vigorously opposed\\nin Congress and by the people, he would not have ventured\\nupon such a policy. But he had the support of the leaders\\nof both parties in Congress, and his policy met with but\\ntrifling and perfunctory protest from a small part of the\\ncitizens. There was, therefore, nothing to prevent his\\ngoing on nor under similar circumstances of general pop-\\nular acquiescence would a President determined for any\\nreason on a clearly unauthorized policy need to hesitate\\nto assume what in such case would be dictatorial powers.\\nIf the people agree, or if they silently consent, a President\\nmay safely do what he wishes.\\nYou see in this the importance of political parties, of\\nwhich I will next speak.\\nX\\nOF POLITICAL PARTIES\\n69. In a free state there are usually two political parties.\\n70. These may have varying names, but their motives", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "POLITICAL PARTIES 37\\nare independent of names and it may be said that one of\\nthe two great parties in a free state, if they are real parties,\\nis composed of men who desire change, and the other of\\nmen who cling to that which is.\\n71. Party government is necessary in a free state. The\\norganization of political parties is the only means by which\\nthe sense of the people upon questions of public policy can\\nbe got at elections and by party government only can\\nresponsibility be fixed upon political leaders, so that these\\nmay receive approval or condemnation. A non-partisan\\ngovernment is the dream of weak and amiable men it be-\\nlongs to an ideal condition, in which all men shall be un-\\nselfish and sincerely desirous of the public good. In the\\npresent condition of mankind, a non-partisan government\\none in which the leaders of both or all political parties\\nshare is only an admirable and effective device to conceal\\nmaladministration and corruption, because it becomes then\\nthe interest of the leaders of both parties to cover up\\nwrong. Non-partisan boards are a favorite device of\\npolitical jobbers everywhere.\\n72. A large part of the voters in every free state, by rea-\\nson of ignorance, or prejudice, or devotion to favorite party\\nleaders, follow the party with which they have long acted,\\neven though that has, through long possession of power,\\nbecome ineffective or even corrupt. An increasing num-\\nber of American citizens, however, act independently of\\nparty lines and vote with that party which in their judg-\\nment promises the best policy for their country, and thus\\nchanges of administration in the State, city, or Federal Gov-\\nernment are brought about naturally, and without violence.\\nYou ought in this way to be an independent voter, because\\nthus only can you fulfill the true duty of a citizen in casting\\nhis vote.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "38 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n73. A political party appeals to the citizens with what\\nwe call a platform, which means a statement of the policy\\nit desires to see carried out. Necessarily it also nominates\\nmen to enforce this policy in case they are elected by the\\npeople.\\n74. If party leaders always declared their opinions and\\nintentions openly and honestly, and if they nominated only\\ntheir most capable men, the duty of the citizen would be\\nvery simple. But a political platform is often an ingenious\\njumble of words, intended to attract men of opposite senti-\\nments, and naturally candidates nominated on such plat-\\nforms are not likely to be men famous for positive principles.\\nIn such cases the citizen has to choose the less of two evils.\\nReform of evils is slow work in a free state, because the\\nmass of the people are engrossed in their own affairs, and\\nconservative in their habits of thought, which means that\\nthey dislike great and sudden changes, even if these ap-\\npear to be improvements. This spirit is an admirable one\\nthough often inconvenient and sometimes costly, it gives\\nstability to political and social institutions and stability is\\na main condition of progress.\\nXI\\nWHO VOTE. AND WHY\\n75. Minors, paupers, and insane persons have in gen-\\neral no vote in the United States, and in most of the States\\nwomen also are excluded from voting.\\n76. In some countries the electoral franchise, as the\\nright to vote is called, is still further limited to persons\\nwho can read and write, or to persons possessing a speci-\\nfied amount of property, or paying a certain annual rent\\nfor the premises they occupy.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "WHO VOTE, AND WHY 39\\nJJ. Property qualifications originally obtained in a num-\\nber of our States, but they have been almost entirely\\nabolished.\\n78. An educational qualification is in force in some\\nStates. Where public or free schools are made accessible\\nto the whole population, there is no injustice in requiring\\nthat only those shall vote who can read.\\n79. Minors, or persons under age, and paupers are not\\nallowed to vote because they are dependent and it is pre-\\nsumable that they would vote under coercion, and not\\naccording to their independent judgment. Moreover, a\\nperson incapable of managing his private business ought\\nnot to have a voice or influence in public affairs. It is\\nprobable that women have been denied the vote for the\\nsame reason because the greater part of them were in a\\ndependent condition, and the law took no note of excep-\\ntions in their case.\\n80. General manhood suffrage, which prevails in the\\nUnited States, is required by justice, and is necessary to\\nthe perpetuation of peace in a community or nation. By\\nhis vote each man has his influence upon those affairs\\nwhich are common to all the citizens if he is outvoted, he\\nis still satisfied, because it was his hope to outvote his\\nopponents, and it is his hope to have the majority with him\\nat another time.\\n81. It is sometimes urged that only those who possess\\nproperty ought to be allowed to vote taxes and appropria-\\ntions for public purposes. This proposition has an appear-\\nance of justice; but besides being generally impracticable,\\nit rests upon a wrong view of society. It supposes a\\ndegree of meanness and bad spirit in the poor, and of\\nintelligence and liberality in the wealthy, which we do not\\nfind in actual life and it would facilitate a division of men", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "40 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ninto classes, the poor arrayed against the rich, which, if it\\nexisted, would make free government impossible.\\n82. Suppose even that the poor were not only the most\\nnumerous, but also the least intelligent and the most\\nselfish, which is not true it is still a fact that the rich and\\nintelligent possess great influence over their poorer neigh-\\nbors, by reason of their greater means and knowledge,\\nwhich it is their duty to use for the general good. Any\\nregulation which would make it unnecessary for them to\\nuse this influence, or to take that part in political affairs\\nwhich is necessary to give them their natural and just\\npredominance (arising from the possession of wealth and\\nintelligence), would be an injury to the commonwealth.\\n83. If general manhood suffrage anywhere leads the\\npoor to vote money out of the pockets of the rich, waste-\\nfully, or for needless or corrupt purposes, the reason is\\nthat the rich have abdicated their proper place and influ-\\nence in political society, and have selfishly given them-\\nselves to mere money-getting or a life of pleasure, by\\nwhich they endanger not only themselves, but, what is of\\ngreater consequence, the stability of the community. It is\\nan additional argument in favor of general suffrage if it\\ncompels the wealthy and intelligent, as an act of unavoid-\\nable self-defense, to exercise that influence in political\\naffairs which justly and naturally belongs to them and if\\nit reminds them that their prosperous fortunes bring with\\nthem duties and responsibilities.\\n84. Take notice that a free state or republic can not\\nremain prosperous if the more fortunate of its citizens\\nwithdraw themselves from political duties to devote their\\nlives to money-getting or to pleasure. Take notice, too,\\nthat when a rich man complains that his poorer neighbors\\nmany of whom he probably employs vote against his", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "WHAT OFFICERS SHOULD NOT BE ELECTED 4 1\\ninterests, you will find that he conducts himself toward\\nthem selfishly, and thus loses that influence which his\\nwealth naturally assures him if he rightly uses it.\\n85. Under our system the States have the power of\\ndeclaring, each for itself, which of the citizens shall vote\\nbeing prohibited only from excluding persons on account\\nof race, color, or previous condition of slavery. The Fed-\\neral Government, however, provides a uniform law for the\\nnaturalization of foreigners.\\nXII\\nWHAT OFFICERS SHOULD NOT BE ELECTED\\n86. It is a common complaint of busy citizens that\\npolitics takes up too much time, and elections are too\\nfrequent, and besides that, not interesting. The main, and\\nindeed almost the sole, reason of this complaint is that we\\nhave in almost all the States and cities far too many elect-\\nive offices. The citizens are compelled, by a very injuri-\\nous custom and law, to vote in State and city elections for\\na long list of officials, about whose character and abilities\\nthey are unable to inform themselves. They must vote\\ntherefore ignorantly and blindly and this injurious system,\\nwhich now obtains in almost all our States and cities, on\\nthe one hand deprives our political struggles in these\\nlocalities of interest to conscientious and intelligent citi-\\nzens, and on the other strengthens the evil tendency in\\nvoters to support blindly the party they have been accus-\\ntomed to act with of sticking to the party, right or\\nwrong. This gives corrupt or trading political leaders\\ntheir main chance, and creates machines.\\n87. hi order to enable the people to take an intelligent and", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "42 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nreal interest in politics, it is necessary that they shall have to\\nelect but feiv persons.\\n88. The persons who compose the lawmaking body\\nought to be elected, and at frequent intervals, in order\\nthat they may come fresh from the people, and know their\\nwill also, the lawmaking body should be numerous, so\\nthat responsibility may be more easily fixed upon each\\nmember by his constituents.\\n89. The executive head of the community, be he presi-\\ndent, governor, or mayor, ought to be elected by the peo-\\nple, and probably at less frequent intervals than the\\nlegislative body, as the Federal Constitution provides\\nfor the President. Thus the government gains in stability\\nof purpose, without danger to liberty.\\n90. The judges ought in no case to be elected,\\nbut should be appointed for life or good behavior\\nby the executive. Thus only can the majesty and dig-\\nnity of the courts of justice be maintained. It is absurd\\nand wicked to degrade a judge by forcing him to appeal to\\nthe voters for election because justice has nothing to do\\nwith political parties, and ought to be beyond the influence\\nof partisan strife. A court does not deal with policies, but\\nwith principles.\\n91. It is sometimes urged that a president or governor\\nor mayor may appoint an improper person as judge, and\\nthis is true but even a bad man, placed for life in an ex-\\nalted and entirely independent position, is likely to conduct\\nhimself well, as many instances prove and an executive\\nofficer, though he might make a careless or bad appoint-\\nment to a temporary office, will think twice before he\\nselects for a life office, so important as a judgeship, a man\\nwhose career, if it should be disgraceful, would be a con-\\nstant reproach to the man who created him judge.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "WHAT OFFICERS SHOULD NOT BE ELECTED 43\\n92. The officers subordinate to the executive ought not to\\nbe elected, but appointed by their chief. Otherwise there is\\nconfusion in the government, because, chief and subordi-\\nnates deriving their authority from the same source, elec-\\ntion by the people, there arises necessarily division of\\nresponsibility, and the public business is left undone or is\\ncorruptly done, as we see in many States and cities.\\n93. The provisions of our Federal Constitution are very\\nwise upon this point. The President may appoint and re-\\nmove even so low a grade of officers as postmasters and\\nminor revenue officers. It has sometimes been proposed\\nto make the place of postmaster elective but to do so\\nwould be to make these officers irresponsible the Presi-\\ndent could not remove them .summarily for incompetency\\nor corruption, because they wpuld hold their places inde-\\npendently of him, and from the same source which gave\\nhim his, so you can easily see that the Post Office Depart-\\nment would be exposed to the grossest mismanagement\\nand corruption.\\n94. What is true of this is true of all the executive de-\\npartments. No subordinate officers charged with enfor-\\ncing the laws ought to be elected, because they would thus\\nbe independent of their chief, be he president, governor,\\nor mayor. The business of a government does not differ\\nin this respect from that of a merchant or -a railroad com-\\npany and no merchant could successfully conduct his\\nbusiness if his clerks, bookkeeper, and porters were ap-\\npointed and removable, not by himself, but by his\\ncustomers.\\n95. But in most of our States this serious blunder is\\nmade and the people are obliged to elect many minor\\nexecutive officers, and even those persons who form the\\ncabinet of the governor and, as though to breed the ex-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "44 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ntreme of confusion, in some States these subordinate offi-\\ncers are chosen at different times from their nominal chief,\\nand are thus not merely independent of his will, but often\\nhis political opponents, disagreeing with his policy, and\\nnaturally inclined to make him inefficient by opposing or\\ncarelessly carrying out his orders.\\n96. This foolish system makes government difficult,\\nfavors corruption, and screens inefficiency, because it\\ndivides responsibility among many persons and it is the\\nchief cause of almost all the misgovernment from which\\nso many of our States and cities have suffered and are still\\nsuffering.\\n97. It seems to have been the device of ingenious politi-\\ncal demagogues, helped, as these usually are, by well-mean-\\ning but ignorant people, who were taken with the plausible\\nappeal that to make the people elect all their officers would\\nbe to give them more power over public affairs, whereas\\nit really gives them less. So long as it is tolerated in any\\npart of our political system, so long the baser sort of poli-\\nticians will continue to impose their slates upon the\\nvoters, disable these from exercising an intelligent control\\nover their rulers, and make government a mockery.\\n98. The people, busy with their own affairs, have not\\nleisure to scrutinize the characters of a number of candi-\\ndates presented to them on the same ticket the press,\\noccupied with a great variety of public interests and ques-\\ntions, is equally disabled. Every man, of perhaps a dozen\\nor twenty on a ticket, uses his influence to elect all the\\nothers, bad and good, as well as himself, and thus the\\npopular vote is stultified. See how different is the case in\\na presidential election. There the people are asked to con-\\nsider but three offices those of President, Vice President,\\nand member of Congress and the character, abilities,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "POLITICAL CONSTITUTIONS 45\\npolitical principles, and history of the candidates for these\\nthree positions receive the closest scrutiny from the press\\nand public speakers during the canvass, so that every fault\\nor evidence of unfitness is brought to light, and the people\\nhave a fair chance to vote intelligently. The result is that\\nin presidential elections the greatest interest is taken by\\nthe people.\\n99. Only the chief executive officer, in the executive\\nbranch of the government, ought to be elected by the people\\nand upon him should be placed the grave responsibility of\\nselecting the subordinates by zvhose help he is to carry on\\nthe public business. If then he fail, he and his party may\\nbe held responsible by the people, and removed from\\npower at the next election.\\nXIII\\nOF POLITICAL CONSTITUTIONS\\n100. A written political constitution is the instrument\\nor compact in which the rights of the people who adopt it,\\nand the powers and responsibilities of their rulers, are de-\\nscribed and fixed.\\n101 The chief object of a constitution is to limit the poiver\\nof majorities.\\n102. A moment s reflection will tell you that mere\\nmajority rule, unlimited, would be the most grinding of\\ntyrannies the minority at any time would be mere slaves,\\nwhose rights to life, property, and comfort no one who\\nchose to join the majority would be bound to respect.\\n103. It is the object of constitutions to protect minori-\\nties in certain common rights, and to restrain the power\\nof majorities, who may do, or enact, or cause to be done,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "46 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nonly what in any case the constitution permits and have\\nno right, no matter how numerically strong they may be,\\nto deprive the minority of those rights which the constitu-\\ntion secures to all the citizens.\\n104. Out of this thought grow all the provisions of a\\npolitical constitution for instance, under our own, no\\nmajority can deprive a criminal of trial by jury, or elect its\\ncandidates for longer than a prescribed term, or deprive\\nthe minority of life or property by unequal laws, or enact\\nlaws contrary to the provisions or outside of the limitations\\nof the Constitution.\\n105. To the Supreme Court is given the authority to de-\\ncide but only on an appeal by a citizen in a bona fide or\\nactual case whether an act of legislation is or is not in\\nharmony with the supreme law, the Constitution. You can\\neasily see that such a court of final appeal is necessary in\\norder to prevent unending disputes between citizens on the\\nquestion whether a law is in accord with the Constitution.\\nYou should bear in mind that the Supreme Court cannot\\nof its own motion take up such a question. The court\\nmust be moved, as the saying is, in this case as in all\\nothers.\\n106. It is a merit in any constitution to be brief, and to\\nstate only general rules or principles, to be applied practi-\\ncally by the lawmaking power; because thus this instru-\\nment, which ought to be but rarely and cautiously altered,\\nis more elastic, and more easily applied to changing cir-\\ncumstances and to a great variety of life. It is the proper\\nfunction of a constitution, for instance, to declare the term\\nduring which a president, a member of Congress, or a gov-\\nernor shall hold office, for that may be and ought to be a\\npermanent regulation but it would be an error to fix in the\\nconstitution the amount of salary an officer ought to receive,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "POLITICAL CONSTITUTIONS 47\\nor even to prohibit the reelection of an officer, for cir-\\ncumstances may occur making it expedient to reelect.\\nIt has become a tradition having the force of a constitu-\\ntional provision that the President shall not be chosen for\\na third term. The example set by General Washington,\\nin this respect, is likely to be followed for if any Presi-\\ndent desired a third term, this would be thought proof of\\ninordinate and dangerous ambition in him, rendering him\\nunfit for the office and if in such a case a President used\\nthe power of his patronage to procure a nomination, it\\nwould be wise to vote against him at every hazard. But\\nit is a proper constitutional regulation that the salary of\\nthe President shall neither be increased nor diminished\\nduring his term. Thus he may not use his great influence\\nfor his personal benefit. Just as important is the provision\\nthat the salaries of the Federal Judges shall not be\\ndiminished during their continuance in office, which pro-\\ntects their independence against possible partisan attacks.\\nIt is proper that the Constitution should prohibit human\\nslavery but it is better to leave to the province of ordinary\\nlaws not only the penalties for smuggling, theft, etc., but\\nalso the declaration of what constitutes these and other\\ncrimes except treason. This is a purely political offense,\\nwhose definition ought to be immutably fixed, as it is in\\nour Federal Constitution, and not left to the political pas-\\nsions of any period. But notice that Congress, in the\\nConstitution, is wisely charged to declare the penalty of\\ntreason. Again, it is proper that the Constitution should\\ncreate a supreme court, as ours does but it would be\\nunwise that it should also fix the number of the judges or\\nthe location of minor courts, because as the country grows\\nthese may have to be increased and accordingly our Con-\\nstitution leaves to Congress the authority to do this.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "48 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nXIV\\nOF THE LEGISLATIVE OR LAWMAKING BRANCH\\nOF GOVERNMENT\\n107. Legislative bodies have usually two Houses, as\\nin our Congress and State legislatures. In the Federal\\nCongress, the senators are chosen by the legislatures of\\nthe different States, and are supposed to represent the\\nStates, while the representatives are chosen directly by\\nthe people in the districts.\\n108. Action in a lawmaking body means change and\\nlaws ought to be changed seldom, and never without full\\ndiscussion and consideration.\\n109. All the arrangements of modern legislative bodies\\nin free nations are wisely made to secure these ends.\\nThus we have two Houses, each of which must separately\\ndiscuss and agree to a bill before it can become a law\\none of those Houses chosen by a different set of electors\\nor for a longer term than the other; and we have the\\nexecutive veto which, bear in mind, is solely to ask the\\ntwo Houses to reconsider their bill, and not at all to ob-\\nstruct or abrogate the law for when it once becomes a\\nlaw in spite of his veto, the executive is bound to enforce\\nit. To the same end are all the Parliamentary rules and\\nforms which cause delay in the passage of new laws.\\nno. All these are wholesome and necessary checks on\\nthe lawmaking power. It is therefore a mistake to accuse\\nCongress or a State legislature, as inconsiderate people\\nsometimes do, of wasting time in debate. A repre-\\nsentative body is never so usefully employed as when\\nengaged in discussing the measures before it and it is\\nnever so dangerous to the people as when the majority", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE LAWMAKING BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT 49\\nare strong enough to prevent debate, and pass laws by the\\nmere overwhelming force of votes because laws so passed,\\nwithout discussion which means examination are likely\\nto be unwise.\\nin. Another reproach which is sometimes cast at our\\nlegislative bodies is that the ablest men are not chosen to\\nseats. But our Congress and legislatures do not pretend\\nto be collections of the ablest men in the nation. They\\nare representative bodies. Of course you are to under-\\nstand that a representative is not a mere delegate to utter\\nthe voice of his constituents. He is sent to exercise his\\nindependent judgment on pending questions, and not to\\nrecord what their whims or temporary passions might dic-\\ntate. He is their wise man, and not their slave. If the\\npeople of any district send an unfit or dishonest person,\\nthat is their risk they leave themselves without influence\\nin the House. Our Congress does not contain the most\\nbrilliant men in the nation, nor all the ablest men but\\nit has a great body of solid ability always, and it is the\\nbetter for containing little genius.\\n112. Any one who is familiar with Washington or our\\nState capitals knows that constituencies gain immensely in\\npolitical power by sending able men as their representatives,\\nand lose when they send demagogues and also that the\\ninfluence of a political district may be increased by keep-\\ning the same man a long time in its service. But if the\\npeople in any district or State choose, negligently or per-\\nversely, to send only inexperienced or incapable men, that\\nis their business and their loss. If there is anywhere a\\nconstituency composed mainly of foolish or ignorant or\\nmisguided people, they have a right to be heard, and their\\nfolly is likely to be the sooner exploded if it is officially\\ndisplayed in Congress. It happened once, many years", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "5 D POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nago, that a constituency elected to Congress a man who\\nhad been a prize fighter and the keeper of a gambling\\nhouse. Thereupon many good men unwisely wished the\\nHouse to refuse to receive him. But the House was not\\nso foolish he had been regularly elected no fraud was\\ncharged he was not a confessed lawbreaker and he was\\nadmitted. He served his term, the most carefully dressed\\nand the least obtrusive of all the members. He did not\\nseek to be reelected and his constituents, who had a right\\nto select him, saw, no doubt to their disappointment, that\\nthey had not, during his service, the least influence on\\npublic affairs.\\nXV\\nOF TOWN MEETINGS\\n113. A town, or township, is the smallest political\\nsubdivision we recognize. The school district is only to\\nregulate the free school. The wards in cities are the\\nequivalents of the townships in the country.\\n114. When the people of a town (or township, as it is\\ncalled in most of the States) meet annually to discuss the\\naffairs of their township, to elect its officers, appropriate\\nthe money required to carry on its local interests, criticise\\nwhat has been done or left undone in the past year, and to\\ndeclare, after discussion, what shall be done or left undone\\nin its local concerns during the year to come that is a\\nTown Meeting.\\n115. In such a place each citizen has opportunity to\\nbring up such suggestions as he pleases, recommending\\nthem to the best of his ability there alone the people act\\ndirectly, and not by delegates and by this democratic\\nparliament the local affairs of the township its roads,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "EDUCATION 5 1\\nschools, police, health can be the most efficiently and\\neconomically managed.\\n1 1 6. The town meetings have been called the nurseries\\nof free government, because in them the people learn the\\nart of self-government; public spirit is developed, because\\neach citizen sees that he may exercise a direct influence\\nupon affairs with which he is familiar men become skilled\\nin debate, and, what is more important, learn to submit\\nquietly to the majority when that happens to decide\\nagainst their wishes. In those States where town meetings\\nare held, they have always had an important influence\\nupon the political character of the population. Unfortu-\\nnately, in most of our States the town meeting is unknown\\nor has fallen into disuse, and the powers which it ought to\\nexercise are scattered among county and district officers,\\nto the destruction of one of our most important political\\norganizations.\\nXVI\\nOF EDUCATION\\n117. A certain degree of intelligence is necessary to\\nmake a man a good citizen of a free state. Experience\\nhas proved that an elementary education is very helpful to\\nany one in acquiring this degree of intelligence though,\\npray remark, it is not absolutely essential nor absolutely\\neffective in all cases for I have known a man who\\ncould neither read nor write, but whose good sense and\\nsound judgment made him a very admirable citizen and I\\nhave known a number of persons whom even an academic\\nor college education has not made his equals. Bear in mind,\\ntherefore, that what we call education is not the equivalent\\nof intelligence, but only a very helpful means to it.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "52 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n1 1 8. An elementary education, also, is absolutely neces-\\nsary in these days to enable a man to follow successfully\\nany but the very lowest occupations, and its general dif-\\nfusion, if it is rightly directed, is therefore a means to\\nincrease the prosperity of a community, and to prevent\\npauperism as well as crime.\\n119. A compulsory school law ought to include the\\nchildren of the wealthy as well as those of the poor and\\nit ought to compel attendance during about four years\\nsay from ten to fourteen. The free schools serve an im-\\nportant political use by bringing all the children of the\\ncommunity together in a way which makes citizens of all\\nclasses know each other, and thus prevents that alienation\\nof the less from the more prosperous which is a grave\\ndanger to free government.\\n120. Hence the necessity of schools, and the justifica-\\ntion of free or public schools. Such a school, maintained\\nand inspected by the State, is not a charitable, but a politi-\\ncal institution, in the broadest sense, because it is to the\\ninterest of all the citizens that every child in tJie State shall\\nhave so much education as shall enable him to follow intelli-\\ngently some useful industry. That much the State, in the\\ncommon interest, ought to provide free of charge for all.\\nA child who at fourteen has been thoroughly drilled in the\\ncommon school in spelling, reading, and writing, with so\\nmuch knowledge of good literature as these studies should\\nbring with them, in arithmetic, drawing, elementary\\ngeography, the history of our own country, and musical\\nnotation, has received from the State, free of charge, all\\nthe essentials of education which the general public inter-\\nest requires and he is then fitted to learn a useful trade,\\nor, if the parents have the means and desire, may, at their\\ncost, be sent to a higher academy and finally to the college", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "EDUCATION 53\\nor university. But it is not required for the safety and\\nwelfare of the State that all the children shall be trained\\nor prepared for a business or professional life at the public\\nexpense.\\n121. The conditions of life have very greatly changed in\\nthis country in the last thirty years. Employment is no\\nlonger easily got without special preparation independ-\\nence in work is hopeless unless the worker has a trade.\\nCapable handicraftsmen earn more than a great mass of\\nlawyers, clergymen, and clerks and what is of equal im-\\nportance, the demand for their labor is greater and more\\nconstant. The master of a good trade has far better pros-\\npects and is much more secure of a comfortable living than\\nthe great mass of average clerks or professional men.\\n122. It is, in the belief of many wise men, a serious\\nmisfortune that our system of free education has not been\\nadapted to the changed circumstances of the country, but\\nis carried on still on the old lines, with the addition of\\nnumbers of studies which have no relation to practical life.\\nThe increase of these has, as every careful observer knows,\\ncaused the elementary tuition to be greatly neglected. In-\\ndeed, many of our colleges have protested that the pupils\\nseeking to enter from the higher free academies are glar-\\ningly incompetent in such common branches as spelling\\nand simple English composition.\\n123. A true and useful system of free education for the\\nyouth of our country would provide for them a very thor-\\nough training in the strictly elementary branches mentioned\\nabove, which ought to be completed by the age of fourteen.\\nThis should then be supplemented by a three years course\\nin thorough handicraft schools, where they should also at\\nthe expense of the State if necessary be taught a trade.\\nA trade is a provision for life, says an old proverb; its", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "54 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\npossession makes a man independent, and tends therefore\\nto make him a good and useful citizen, which is very im-\\nportant to the general welfare. The public or free school\\nsystem, as now carried on in most of our States, prepares\\nthe pupils only for a dependent life in a few vocations\\nwhich are already greatly overcrowded and that is a\\nserious injury to the commonwealth.\\nXVII\\nOF TAXES\\n124. The tax is what the citizen pays out of his earnings\\nor accumulated wealth, or both, to defray the necessary\\ncost of protecting his life and property to enable him to\\nproduce, accumulate, and exchange with security and con-\\nvenience, without having to devote a part of his time and\\nstrength to the labor of defending himself and guarding\\nhis accumulations against robbers.\\n125. This general defense of the lives and property of\\nall we delegate to governments and it results that when a\\ngovernment levies taxes, and yet fails to make life and\\nproperty secure, it fails of its duty, and robs the taxpayer.\\n126. Free government is the best, because under it the\\npeople are able constantly to hold their government\\nresponsible, and force its officers to fulfill their duties and\\nto conduct affairs economically or, if they fail, to remove\\nthem and put more capable men in their places.\\n127. We delegate to the government Federal, State,\\ncity, or county also some other duties besides that of\\nprotecting us in life and property, as I have before told\\nyou such as carrying the mails, building and repairing\\nroads, the survey of lands, the improvement of harbors,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "TAXES 5 5\\netc. To defray the cost of these undertakings we must\\npay also a general contribution, which is improperly called\\na tax. It is in fact art assessment upon each person, for\\nan improvement in the benefits of which he shares and\\nfor this assessment he therefore gets some return in\\nconveniences.\\n128. But all taxes imposed to defray the cost of pre-\\nserving the peace, protecting life and property, dispensing\\njustice, and punishing criminals, are loss. They are so\\nmuch taken from the wealth or accumulated savings of a\\nnation and flung into the fire. If all men were honest,\\npeaceable, and just, there would be no need of govern-\\nments, there would be no taxes, and there would be, there-\\nfore, the more wealth, and, of course, the more comfort\\nand enjoyment in the world for all. Every thief, burglar,\\nrobber, murderer, every avaricious, grasping, unjust man,\\nin the community, makes it the poorer, and takes some-\\nthing from the comfort of every honest man.\\n129. Hence the importance that every man shall be a\\ngood citizen, just to his fellows, and honest in all his deal-\\nings hence, too, the importance of a wisely planned system\\nof free schools, the maintenance of which tends toward\\nvirtuous conduct, because one of the main objects of such\\na properly directed system is, or should be, that it will\\nbetter enable men to get an honest living. Also of just,\\nequal, and stable laws, because these tend to make men\\njust and honest, by removing from them temptations to\\ngreed and dishonest gains. For taxes are the costly pen-\\nalties of vice, ignorance, and selfishness.\\n130. Taxes are either direct or indirect, and it may be\\nsaid that direct taxes are those exacted directly from the\\nconsumer, and indirect those paid by the producer, middle-\\nman, or exchanger, who adds them to the price he exacts", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "56 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nfrom his customers, who thus pay indirectly. Bear in\\nmind that all taxes are paid by the consumer or user, in the\\nend.\\n131. Direct taxes are those laid on real estate and on\\npersonal property in actual use, on incomes, and on polls\\nor heads. Our State and other local revenues are all\\nraised by direct taxation.\\n132. Indirect taxes are duties on goods imported, or on\\ngoods manufactured for sale at home in the latter case\\nthey are called excises. But you easily see that the mer-\\nchant who imports goods, or the manufacturer at home,\\ndoes not submit to the loss of the amount of tax he pays.\\nHe makes it in either case a charge upon his goods, and\\nadds it to their price. Not only that, but, as he must take\\nthe risk of loss by fire or other accident, or by falling prices\\nor a lack of market after the duty or excise is paid, he adds\\na percentage to the price to cover these risks for he knows\\nthat the government will not return him the taxes he has\\npaid, no matter if he should entirely lose his goods the day\\nafter he had paid the tax or duty upon them.\\n133. Hence indirect taxes are less economical than\\ndirect taxes they inflict more loss upon the consumer\\ncompared with the amount of revenue raised. But\\nbecause indirect taxes are paid by the consumer with other\\npayments, in small and often insignificant amounts at a\\ntime, and without the direct intervention of that universally\\ndisliked personage the taxgatherer, this mode of raising\\nrevenue has always been a favorite one with our people\\nand because an indirect tax is thus collected with less fric-\\ntion, and can be increased secretly, as it were, and without\\nits effect being so immediately and plainly felt by each\\nindividual taxpayer, it has always been a favorite one with\\ngovernments.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "TAXES 57\\n134. The revenues of the Federal Government are\\nlargely, but not entirely, derived from indirect taxes.\\n135. As these are difficult of adjustment and compli-\\ncated, their arrangement almost always gives opportunity\\nto selfish and scheming persons to impose upon Congress,\\nand get it to favor their pursuits either by exemption where\\na tax should be laid, or by laying a tax where the general\\ninterest requires none, or, finally, by inducing Congress to\\nchange the duty or tax, either raising or lowering it, by\\nwhich change manufacturers or importers or speculators\\nmay make extraordinary gains. Thus taxation, whose only\\nproper and justifiable end is to raise which means to\\ntake out of the people s pockets a certain amount of reve-\\nnue for the use of the government, is in this country and\\nsome others too often misapplied to provide a bounty for\\ncertain favored pursuits, or to enable influential speculators\\nto make unjust gains to the loss and injury of the mass of\\nthe people, or even, in some cases, to crush an industry by\\na prohibitive tax.\\n136. That a government should collect in taxes more\\nmoney than it needs for its proper and economical expen-\\nditures is a gross but not uncommon misuse of the author-\\nity to levy taxes. During a number of years our Federal\\nCongress laid upon the people so needless an amount of\\ntaxes that it received a surplus revenue of more than a\\nhundred millions a year. Not only was this great sum\\nneedlessly taken out of the pockets of the people during\\nmany years, to their lessened prosperity, but the existence\\nof this great surplus in the treasury became the constant\\nand notorious cause of wasteful and extravagant expendi-\\nture, and of serious corruption in the public service. Re-\\nmember that a people invite public robbery and corruption\\nwho tolerate a surplus revenue.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "58 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n137. It is another serious evil and oppression if the tax\\nsystem is ill-adjusted, which has long been the case in\\nmany of our States and in the Federal Government. You\\nwill see, if you reflect a little, that a man (or a donkey) can\\ncarry a load with ease and comfort, if it is skillfully adjusted,\\nwhich would be burdensome and exhausting if it were ill-\\nadjusted. This is so well understood in our mining regions,\\nwhere heavy loads are transported over difficult roads on\\nthe backs of animals, that the packer is a very neces-\\nsary and important man. On his skill depends, as every-\\nbody there knows, successful transportation of this kind.\\nEvidently those selected to frame systems of taxation\\nought to be skillful packers, and not men ignorant or\\nprejudiced, or both. Thus it has been held and practiced\\nin some of our States that to tax everything was the\\ntrue method, on the ground that thus no one would escape.\\nBut that is as though one should assume, in packing a\\ndonkey for a mountain trail, that it was good policy not to\\nlay and adjust the load on his back in the way to give the\\nburden-bearer the greatest ease, to give him the best\\nchance, as the packers say but that the real art of pack-\\ning consisted in hanging some part of the burden on every\\npart of his body fastening packages to his ears, his neck,\\nhis legs, on the ground that his burden would be eased by\\nsuch a general distribution. It would then only remain\\nthat, by way of surplus revenue, the packer should put\\na stone or other entirely needless additional burden on top\\nof all.\\n138. Our country is thought to be so rich that its people\\ncan bear any burden laid upon them, however badly ad-\\njusted. Some day it will be better appreciated that a large\\npart of the complaints we hear of hard times are\\ncaused by heavy, needless burdens, very crudely adjusted.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC DEBTS 59\\n139. Taxes should be laid on but few articles; direct\\ntaxes only on objects in sight, as lands and houses and\\nall taxes only for the purpose of raising money for the\\nsupport of the government, State or Federal, economically\\nadministered, and for its legitimate purposes.\\nXVIII\\nOF PUBLIC DEBTS\\n140. It happens, too frequently, that the taxes paid by\\na community do not suffice to pay the expenses which are\\nincurred by it and in that case the community, as a cor-\\nporation, borrotvs money. Thus arise national debts, State\\ndebts, county debts, city debts.\\n141. A government bond is simply a certificate that\\nthe government which issues it owes the holder of the\\nbond a sum mentioned on its face, with interest at a rate\\nspecified, payable at fixed periods, the principal or sum\\nof the bond being also payable at a fixed time. Instead of\\nsending agents around to borrow money, it is more con-\\nvenient for a government (or a railroad or other corpora-\\ntion) to prepare such bonds, and thereupon offer them for\\nsale. You may see frequently in the advertising columns\\nof newspapers, State, city, county, and railroad bonds thus\\noffered, the advertisement calling for bids for such bonds,\\nwhich are, in effect, put up at public auction.\\n142. The rate of interest named in such bonds is usu-\\nally low and if there are a great many bonds offered, or if\\nit is known that the supply must be great, or that the\\nsecurity which is the stability or good faith of the gov-\\nernment or other corporation is doubtful, it can hope to\\nreceive only some sum for its bonds less than the sum", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "60 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nwhich these promise to pay. People deal with governments\\nin such matters precisely as they do with individuals.\\n143. The security for a national or State debt is the hon-\\nesty of its people. The sheriff, who is the official collector\\nof debts, can not levy upon a nation, nor upon a State.\\nAll private corporations, such as railroads, can be sold out\\nif the agreement is violated their bonds are true mortgage\\nbonds, whose owners can foreclose and sell out the prop-\\nerty pledged as security for their payment. Also, cities\\nand towns can be sued and compelled to raise the money\\nto pay their debts.\\n144. If you owe so much money that to pay the inter-\\nest on it requires the greater part of your income, you will\\nreadily comprehend that this might be a serious embarrass-\\nment to you. A private person in such a dilemma, if he\\nhas property, usually sells some of this, to pay off his debt\\nor a part of it if he has little or no property and is hope-\\nlessly in debt, he becomes a bankrupt, and on surrender-\\ning all that he has to his creditors, his debt is canceled\\nunder the operation of the bankrupt law. But a nation or a\\nState has no property to sell or to surrender to its creditors\\nit can not take the benefit of the bankrupt act. It must\\npay.\\n145. But the interest it pays is drawn from the people\\nby taxation. A heavy debt therefore necessarily increases\\nthe taxes and these may become so burdensome as to\\ncripple the industry and energy of a people, as is the\\nlamentable case of Italy and one or two other European\\nstates and is likely to be with yet others if the system of\\ngreat armaments continues. Our own national credit\\njustly stands very high. We are, in spite of too many\\ninjurious laws, a rich and industrious nation with a high\\nsense of honor and of the value of public credit.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "PROPERTY 6 I\\nXIX\\nOF PROPERTY\\n146. Whatever you earn or produce or create by your\\nlabor or ingenuity or forethought, or all combined, is your\\nproperty it belongs to you, because you have taken the\\ntrouble to produce it and you have the right to do with it\\nwhat you will, within the limits of law. You may, for\\ninstance, consume or waste it all, as many actually do.\\n147. If you produce more than you consume, what re-\\nmains over is still your own, your property, to which you\\nhave the exclusive right against other persons. This sur-\\nplus which remains over in your hands is called capital.\\nThus if you have saved enough from your product to buy\\nyourself a spade, or a chest of tools, or a plow and span\\nof horses, these articles are properly capital, and their pos-\\nsession constitutes you to that degree a capitalist. Many\\npersons misuse this word, and a capitalist is generally\\nunderstood to be one who has accumulated a large amount\\nof property. I want you to understand that this is a fool-\\nish limitation of the meaning of this word.\\n148. Capital might be called the net profit of labor, if it\\nwere not that, in order to create it, another element than\\nlabor is required, namely, self-denial or economy. For it\\nis possible for a man to destroy, by consumption or waste,\\nor both, all that he earns or produces and a considerable\\npart of mankind do actually live in this way from hand\\nto mouth, as we say.\\n149. Industry and economy united are therefore re-\\nquired, as you see, to accumulate that surplus which we call\\ncapital and as both these are voluntary and irksome exer-\\ncises, as you deny yourself both when you engage in produc-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "62 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ntive labor and when you refrain from consuming or wasting\\nwhat you have produced, it folloius that no otlier person can\\nhave so good a claim on your surplus as yourself.\\n150. In a rude or savage society, a man who wished to\\naccumulate property had not only to labor to create it, and\\nto exercise self-denial to save it, but he had to devote a\\nconsiderable part of his time and strength to defending his\\npossessions as well as his life against others. To save this\\nlast necessity, governments exist, their use being to make\\nlife and property secure against attack, and by a gen-\\neral cooperation and contribution of efforts or of means\\nto overawe and punish depredators. Armies, navies, the\\npolice, the courts, and the body of laws in obedience to\\nwhich all these act in free state, are simply means for the\\nguarding of life and property at a cheaper rate and in a\\nmore effective manner than could be done by individual\\nefforts and every nation is therefore, in this respect, only\\na great cooperative association, in which each member\\ncontributes somewhat from his accumulations or earnings\\nto pay the charges for preserving the rest. It is only by\\nthus delegating the power of guardianship to a few mem-\\nbers of society that the remainder can get time to produce\\nsufficient for consumption and a surplus which surplus\\nwe call wealth or capital. And it is only where the govern-\\nment to which we delegate this duty is effective that men are\\nencouraged to the labor and self-denial necessary to create\\nproperty or wealth.\\n151. I want you to fix firmly in your mind that every dol-\\nlar s worth of property or wealth in the world is a dollar s\\nworth of proof that somebody at some time did not only la-\\nbor to produce it, but denied himself some pleasure or com-\\nfort in order to save it. For though God gave us the soil, the\\nseasons, rain, and many other means of production, just", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "PROPERTY 63\\nas he gave us our hands, strength, and brain, these are in\\nthemselves not wealth. The gold lay in California for\\ncenturies and was unused and therefore valueless until men\\ndug it out and in like manner every natural product is\\nworthless until the labor of man is applied to it. For in-\\nstance, the plains of Kansas might be covered with wheat\\nbut, unless it was harvested, it would be worthless. You\\nmay say that cattle would eat it but unless the cattle were\\nafterwards caught and slain, and their hides and meat pre-\\nserved by the labor of men, they would be worthless and\\nif, being caught, they were wastefully shot and left to rot,\\nno surplus or capital would be saved.\\n152. Remember, too, that what we call the wealth of a\\nnation is only the aggregate wealth of its members, and\\nrepresents the results of their industry and self-denial. To\\nmaintain or increase this wealth, therefore, a people must\\nboth labor and save and to be encouraged in these irk-\\nsome duties, they must feel themselves secure in the en-\\njoyment of what they produce and accumulate. Every-\\nthing, therefore, which makes property less secure, which\\nexposes it not merely to open attack by predatory men, but\\nto loss by bad laws or by inefficient or corrupt rulers^ weakens\\nthe spirit and the power of accumulation.\\n153. But to maintain civilization, great accumulated\\nwealth and an active desire by the people to accumulate\\nmore are absolutely necessary. If you will try to imagine\\na nation whose members have accumulated no property,\\nyou will see that to them civilization is impossible, even if\\nthey desired it. For such a people would have no houses,\\nor cattle, or tools all of which are accumulated wealth\\nor capital, to possess which men must previously have\\nlabored and denied themselves. But you must see that\\nsuch a civilization as ours requires much more than houses,", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "64 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ncattle, and tools. We have schools, shops, factories, roads,\\nrailroads, steamboats, telegraphs, and a great multitude of\\nother things, to possess any one of which we must have\\naccumulated, previous to their construction, property or\\nwealth enough by our labor and self-denial to pay their cost.\\nA nation whose members had accumulated no property,\\nand who consequently lived from hand to mouth, could not\\nafford to build a railroad or a factory or a schoolhouse\\neach person would be busy providing food for himself\\nand no laboring force could be diverted to these other ob-\\njects, because no means or capital would be at hand to sup-\\nport such a force while it was laying a stone wall or rolling\\na rail, which at the close of the day they could neither eat\\nnor clothe themselves with.\\n154. Nor, if accumulation should at any time cease,\\ncould civilization continue because in such a case the\\nwealth already accumulated would quickly be spent, and\\nthe nation would be left without the means to maintain its\\ninstruments of civilization. It may interest you to know\\nthat by the careful computation of able statisticians, no\\nnation, however rich, is ever more than three or four years\\nahead; that is to say, if among any people there should\\nbe a total stoppage of production and saving, in about\\nfour years that nation would be beggared and starving.\\nXX\\nOF BARTER\\n155. To encourage men in production and facilitate\\naccumulation, barter the exchange of product for prod-\\nuct was the earliest expedient among savages. No man,\\nnot even a savage, can produce all the objects he needs or\\ndesires and to give something he has and does not need", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "BARTER 65\\nfor something which some other man has and is willing to\\ngive in exchange, is the first natural act of a man, as soon\\nas mere robbery becomes too dangerous or is forbidden by\\nthe ruler of his tribe. It is the beginning of commerce.\\n156. But the practice of barter is very inconvenient in\\nmany ways, as reflection will quickly show you. If you\\nare a carpenter and I a shoemaker, it could plainly be an\\nadvantage to both of us, I wanting a house and you shoes,\\nif we agreed that you would build me the house, and I\\nshould make you a certain number of shoes. This kind\\nof exchange is called barter.\\n157. Imagine now a tribe or nation to whom barter is\\nunknown, but who have learned to accumulate property.\\nEach family aims to provide all it needs by its own labor\\nand whatever its surplus may be it stores away. You will\\nsee the monstrous inconvenience of such a condition, because\\nthe surplus may be perishable. But, what is far more se-\\nrious, suck a surplus could have no value for unless it could\\nbe sold, which means exchanged for some other articles giv-\\ning comfort or enjoyment, it would simply accumulate, and\\nin time rot. That is to say, unless you can exchange your\\nsurplus for something else, it is worthless.\\n158. Fix clearly in your mind, therefore, that to estab-\\nlish industry and self-denial, which means to make civiliza-\\ntion possible, it is necessary, first, that property shall be\\nsecure and, second, that the possessors of property shall\\nbe able to exchange it for other articles which they desire\\nand that if you take away the possibility of exchange pro-\\nduction will cease.\\n1 59. But barter is an inconvenient and wasteful method\\nof exchange. If you had surplus clothing and I coffee, you\\nmight, if you could find me, give me clothing for my cof-\\nfee and thus both of us would be benefited and pleased.\\nNORD. 5", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "66 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nWe should, however, first be at the trouble of finding each\\nother, and should waste much time in this pursuit, which\\nwould be so much taken from the production of other\\nclothing and coffee. If now a third person should appear,\\nready to carry your clothing to me, and bring back to you\\nmy coffee, plainly that would be an advantage to both of\\nus, who could go on in the pursuits in which we had most\\nskill, and in which therefore we could produce the most.\\n1 60. This third person is called a merchant, and his busi-\\nness is commerce. For his trouble we should both be ready\\nto pay him a share of our products, because by using his\\nlabor and skill we are enabled to produce a greater quantity.\\n161. But how am I to be sure that the merchant to whom\\nI intrust my coffee is honest, and that he will really bring\\nme back clothing, w T hich I want He may be a rogue.\\nTo smooth the way and make us both secure, we have an\\ningenious contrivance called money, the precise nature of\\nwhich it is very important that you should understand.\\n162. If the merchant who offers to exchange for us our\\nclothing and coffee can leave with us, as a pledge of his\\nhonesty, something which either of us will accept of the\\nother as really valuable and equally valuable with our\\nproducts, we shall of course be satisfied. For if the mer-\\nchant should disappear with your clothing, you would still\\nhave that with which you could procure my coffee.\\n163. Take another example If you are a shoemaker, it\\nis necessary for you to receive for your shoes either the\\nactual articles you need to consume, or something which\\nwill procure these. You may be willing to accept for shoes\\nan order on the farmer for oats and butter, another on the\\nmiller for flour, another on the tailor for clothing, another\\non the hatter for hats. But your great object has been to\\nhave at the end of all these transactions a number of shoes", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE MATERIALS USED FOR MONEY 6j\\nfor which you need no article which is at once to be con-\\nsumed by you or your family. These surplus shoes, the\\nresult of labor and self-denial, are your capital what will\\nyou take for them Not an order for more butter, oats,\\nflour, clothes, hats, for your shoes will keep as well or\\nbetter than any of these articles. Yet, to store up surplus\\nshoes is inconvenient and risky rats may eat them damp\\nstorage may spoil them fire may destroy them in course\\nof time they would rot or a new fashion in shoes may\\ncome in so that no one would want your stored shoes.\\n164. If you could get for your surplus shoes something\\nwhich was not cumbrous, or easily destroyed, or subject to\\nloss by change of fashion, and which had universal and\\nequal value among producers, so that everywhere they\\nwould be willing to accept it at the same rate or value in\\nexchange for their products, that would plainly be a great\\nconvenience to you, and thus a great advantage.\\n165. This something, which is used and has been used\\nby all nations and tribes as soon as they ceased to be the\\nlowest savages, as a means for facilitating the exchange of\\nproducts, is money. Money, therefore, has been accurately\\ndefined as a medium of exchange. It is that and noth-\\ning more. You cannot eat it, or wear it except as an orna-\\nment it is neither food nor clothing it is a medium of\\nexchange, a means to facilitate the exchange of food,\\nclothing, and other products.\\nXXI\\nOF THE MATERIALS USED FOR MONEY\\n166. Money being thus a great convenience to facilitate\\nthe exchange of products as a medium of exchange\\nsome form of money has come into use even among most", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "68 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nsavages. Thus over a large part of Africa and in the is-\\nlands of the Pacific Ocean, glass beads, which the savages\\ncould not make, and of which the supply was limited by\\nreason of difficult and infrequent intercourse with civilized\\nmen glass beads served for many years as money. For\\nso many strings of beads a traveler could buy an ox, or\\nother supplies for so many more he could hire a man s\\nservices. Beads had in each tribe a recognized value, and\\nwere, while this condition lasted, true money a medium\\nof exchange willingly accepted and, please observe, need-\\ning no legal tender law to force their acceptance.\\n167. But as communication became easier, as more fre-\\nquent travelers brought more abundant supplies of beads,\\nthese lost their use as money among the most easily acces-\\nsible tribes.\\n168. Wampum strings of a certain kind of shell\\nwere used and valued as money as a medium of exchange\\nby our Indians and are still so used among some rude\\nAfrican tribes. But when the supply became overabun-\\ndant, and when at the same time a more convenient, more\\nportable, more easily concealed and stored kind of money,\\nand a kind, moreover, much more widely exchangeable for\\nuseful or desirable articles, came within their reach, the use\\nof wampum as money, as a medium of exchange, was\\nabandoned by them.\\n169. Iron was used as money by some ancient nations,\\nbut as its manufacture from the abundant ore became com-\\nmon, its use as money ceased. Copper was largely used\\nas money in comparatively modern times, but except among\\na few barbarous nations it also has gone out of use as\\nmoney, though it is still used as small change, or sub-\\nsidiary coin, of which, and its difference from real\\nmoney, I will speak to you presently.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "SUBSIDIARY CURRENCY 69\\n170. You will observe that as any material used for\\nmoney became more abundant it lost value or was depre-\\nciated, and that some other kind was adopted, even by\\nsavages. The superior excellence of the new money\\nmaterial, in their minds, was that it was more easily car-\\nried about, more easily stored or concealed, and more\\nwidely and universally acceptable at a steady rate so that\\nnot only was it more convenient, but what was to them\\nof prime importance, its use as a medium of exchange\\nextended over a much wider area. Not their own tribe\\nonly, but all its neighbors, were ready to give products for\\nthe improved kind of money. These advantages com-\\nbined even savages see.\\n171. Silver was, during a long period, the chief money\\nof most European nations. But partly for the same\\nreasons which moved savages to reject glass beads and\\nwampum, their over-abundance and cumbrousness, most\\nEuropean nations, as well as our own country, have now\\nfor some time disused silver as money. They still, how-\\never, as we too, use silver very largely as a necessary con-\\nvenience, for small change, or subsidiary currency. The\\ndifference between this and real money I will now explain\\nto you.\\nXXII\\nOF SUBSIDIARY CURRENCY\\n172. All civilized nations have established mints where\\nboth real money and subsidiary currency are coined. This\\nis a general convenience it saves all of us the trouble and\\nexpense of assaying for ourselves the crude metals.\\n173. Bear in mind that the coinage of a metal does not\\nand can not give it added value. The mint stamp is only", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "70 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nthe government s universally accepted official certificate of\\nthe coin s purity and weight, and the mint s denomination\\non the coin is this certificate and nothing more.\\n174. Observe, too, that the government does not even\\nown the gold its mints coin into money. It is the property\\nof those who carry it in bars or ingots to the mint and\\ntheir object in getting the government to turn these into\\ncoins is not to get increased value for their metal, but only\\nto get the official government certificate that each coin\\ncontains so much gold.\\n175. When, however, our government coins subsidiary\\ncurrency as silver dollars, and halves, and quarters, and\\nnickel and copper coins, the action of the government and\\nmint is entirely different. This difference it is important\\nyou should clearly understand.\\n176. In making subsidiary currency, whether the\\npieces be called dollars, or half dollars, or cents,\\n1, our government buys the metal and has it coined on\\nits own account; 2, it puts into each subsidiary coin a less\\nvalue of metal than its denomination, for instance, it puts\\ninto a silver dollar only from sixty to seventy cents\\nworth of the silver 3, it puts these undervalued coins\\ninto its treasury, and pays them out to those who want\\nthem 4, and it redeems such subsidiary coins, on\\ndemand, in real or gold money. Under this system\\nour country is, in common with most European nations, on\\nwhat is called a gold basis and with this a large num-\\nber of our people are, for various reasons, dissatisfied, and\\nwish that silver be admitted to free coinage at the mints on\\nthe same footing with gold.\\n177. Subsidiary coin is a general convenience, because\\nin the infinitely numerous daily minor transactions between\\nthe citizens, a very great quantity of small change is", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "BIMETALLISM 7 1\\nrequired. As these transactions are confined to our own\\ncountry, it is not important that these subsidiary coins\\nshould contain their f ace value of metal, so long as the\\ngovernment stands ready to redeem them, or give real money,\\ngold, for them, at their face value or denomination.\\n178. You may use real or gold money, at its face\\nvalue, or mint denomination, all over the world, in pay-\\nments but subsidiary coin is taken at its face value only\\nin the country whose government makes and circulates it\\namong its citizens. In other countries it is rejected as real\\nmoney and accepted only as bullion or metal, or at its\\nvalue as such metal and this, you easily see, is because\\nit does not contain the true value our silver dollar, for\\ninstance, containing though for convenience called a\\ndollar only from sixty to seventy cents worth of\\nsilver, as measured in gold money.\\n179. To give you an example of the distinction thus\\ninevitably and constantly made, the Mexican dollar con-\\ntains more silver than our own silver dollar, but it is ac-\\ncepted in our country not as a dollar, but only at its bullion\\nvalue, while our own silver dollar, having actuallv less sil-\\nver in it, is, by our people, readily taken as a full dollar.\\nObserve that this is because our government redeems our\\nsilver dollars in gold, while the Mexican government does\\nnot do that for its silver dollars.\\nXXIII\\nOF BIMETALLISM\\n180. Bimetallism means the coincident use, as real\\nmoney, of two metals, as gold and silver, at a fixed ratio of\\nvalue, as that sixteen ounces of silver shall be taken as the\\nequivalent of one ounce of gold.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "72 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n181. If, as a matter of fact, sixteen ounces of silver are\\nworth in the world s markets an ounce of gold, in that case\\nboth metals can be used at this ratio as real money, though\\neven then gold money might be preferred, because of its\\nmuch greater convenience in carrying and storing it.\\n182. During the earlier part of our national history the\\nvalues, compared with each other, of gold and silver were\\ngenerally steady, but not absolutely so and while this\\ncondition lasted, and so far as it at any time existed, both\\ncould be used as real money. As a matter of fact, how-\\never, the United States was substantially an almost exclu-\\nsively gold-using country all the time, as is shown by the\\nmint s official returns of the coinage of the two metals.\\n183. Between 1793 and 1873, in which last year the\\nsilver dollar was by act of Congress demonetized, a period\\nof eighty years, our mints coined $813,905,878 in gold, but,\\nin the same period, only 8,045,838 silver dollars, though\\nthose silver dollars were in all that time a legal tender\\nequal with gold. In the same period there were coined\\n137,009,676 dollars worth of small silver halves, quar-\\nters, dimes, etc. for use as small change.\\n184. It is clear, from these figures, that the American\\npeople preferred gold to silver, and very greatly preferred\\nit. They preferred gold as real money, partly because the\\nAmerican people have always been a shrewd and eager\\ncommercial people, seeking to extend their trade and sell\\ntheir products in all parts of the world, and experience\\nearly taught them that for such foreign and world-wide\\ncommerce a form of money of general preference was\\nmost advantageous to them. But it is evident from the\\nextremely small coinage of silver dollars that even for\\nhome transactions they preferred gold over silver, and the\\nprobable reason is that for carriage, storage, and ready", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "BIMETALLISM 73\\nconcealment gold possesses a very great advantage over\\nsilver.\\n185. In April, 1870, a bill revising the coinage laws was\\nbrought before the Senate, and in the following June before\\nthe House of Representatives. This bill did not become a\\nlaw until nearly three years later in February, 1873. It\\nestablished the gold dollar as the unit of value, and dropped\\nthe silver dollar from the coinage. The elimination of\\nthe long-unused and substantially unknown silver dollar\\naroused very little opposition in either house during the\\nlong period in which the bill was pending.\\n186. It was not until some years later in 1875\u00e2\u0080\u00946\\nthat, coincidently with a heavy fall in silver, there arose a\\ndemand that a legal tender silver dollar should again be\\ncoined. Many people were induced to join in this demand\\nby the assertion that gold was becoming scarce, and\\nthat it alone was insufficient for the needs of commerce\\nthough in fact there was at the same time, and is still, a\\nconstantly increasing production of gold. They demanded\\na restoration of bimetallism, and at the old ratio between\\nthe two metals.\\n187. Congress, impressed by this demand, in which many\\npersons joined in the belief that an act of legislation can alter\\nreal values, adopted a compromise (1878). It ordered the\\npurchase, by the treasury, of silver bullion and its coinage\\ninto silver dollars. It also declared these coins a legal\\ntender for all debts.\\n188. This, however, was not bimetallism, since the silver\\nwas coined only on government account. The silver coined\\nunder this law, and the silver-coinage laws which have\\nfollowed it, is really subsidiary coinage.\\n189. In spite of the large coinage of silver dollars by the\\ngovernment, silver continued to fall in price in the world s", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "74 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nmarkets and not only that, but its continuous and large\\nfluctuation in value totally unfitted it for use as real money.\\nThe silver dollar was worth in 1873 a little more than a\\ngold dollar; in 1876 it was worth only eighty-nine cents;\\nand its value has since then fallen as low as sixty cents.\\n190. It will be clear to you, I think, that real money\\nbeing merely a measure of values a yardstick, as it has\\nbeen called, it is impossible, without constant confusion\\nand enormous loss to all, to use as real money a metal of\\nconstantly varying and therefore uncertain value in the\\nworld s markets, and in our own of course. The attempt\\nto force its use as real money by making silver, equally\\nwith gold, freely coinable at the mints, would not only com-\\nmit the government to a dishonest transaction, in declaring\\nthat to be a dollar which every one now feels is not so\\nbut it would have the effect of at once withdrawing all gold\\nfrom our circulation, because no one would pay out gold\\nor one hundred cent dollars when he could pay out silver\\nor sixty to seventy cent dollars.\\n191. Take notice that those who demanded the free\\ncoinage of silver dollars by our mints, required at the\\nsame time that these sixty or seventy cent dollars should\\nbe made a legal tender for the payment of all debts.\\nOf this injurious and after all futile contrivance of legal\\ntender laws I must next tell you.\\nXXIV\\nOF LEGAL TENDER LAWS\\n192. It was a shrewd and true saying of an Egyptian\\nBey to a foreign friend, that governments ought to inter-\\nfere in the private affairs of their people as little as pos-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "LEGAL TENDER LAWS 75\\nsible, for, said he, the government is an irresistible\\npower, and when it interferes with the private affairs and\\ninterests of the people it is more likely to injure them than\\nnot. It is true that a legislature can by its laws effect\\nmany strange and injurious things. It can make you pay\\na fine (called a duty) for buying what you need in the\\ncheapest and best market. It can, by a law (also called a\\nduty), so increase the price of a commodity hides, for\\ninstance, which are the raw material of shoes as to\\ninjure a great and useful industry, as shoemaking, on\\nwhich the comfort and prosperity of many thousands of\\nfamilies depends. It can, by systematically favoring a\\nfew industries, crush out a multitude of smaller ones, and\\nthus narrow the range and diversity of callings, to the\\ngreat injury of the mass of the people, who thus have their\\ningenuity, skill, and independence lessened, and instead\\nof engaging in a great diversity of pursuits requiring per-\\nsonal ingenuity and skill, become the servants of great\\ncapitalistic combinations in a few and much lower employ-\\nments, requiring less intelligence.\\n193. But one thing no government has ever been able to\\ndo that is, by a legal tender law to force its people to\\naccept bad or depreciated money, or money of varying and\\nuncertain value, at the same rate as good money.\\n194. By legal tender laws Congress can derange\\nthe whole business of the country it can bring loss and\\ndistress upon the whole vast body of citizens who work\\nfor wages for the first effect of a legal tender law aim-\\ning to make bad or depreciated money equal with good\\nand full valued money, is to lessen the purchasing power\\nof wages by increasing the price of the necessaries of life.\\n195. But no legal tender act, however rigid, ever suc-\\nceeded, and least of all in this day of widespread intel-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "y6 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nligence, in making bad money, or money of fluctuating\\nvalue, pass on an equality with good.\\n196. What then is the excuse for legal tender laws?\\nThere is none; they are a relic of barbarism and des-\\npotism. They have no use in an honest and intelligent\\ncommunity or nation, and, if they have any effect, can\\nonly do injury. A legal tender law ordering all American\\ncitizens to accept American gold coin in the payment of\\ndebts would be ridiculous and entirely superfluous; because\\nnobody thinks of refusing gold dollars. No legal tender\\nlaw is required to compel men to accept real or good\\nmoney. It is only when an attempt is to be made to put\\nmoney of low or uncertain value on a par or equality with\\ngood, that legal tender laws are brought forward by men\\nwho are unaware that such laws have never, in a civilized\\nstate, been effective for their designs.\\n197. The belief in the usefulness of legal tender laws is\\npart of a series of popular superstitions, all of them injuri-\\nous to the people. Another of these is the notion that a\\nnational debt is a national blessing/ A debt is no more\\na blessing than a lame foot or a bad fit of illness. Another\\nis that a nation may become rich by needlessly taxing\\nitself, which is as though a man should say that his labor\\nwould be made more effective if he should tie one hand\\nbehind him while he worked. High and needless taxation\\nimpoverishes a people, disables them from cheap produc-\\ntion, and thus deprives them of a wide market for their\\nproducts, because, as you can see, the tax is an element in\\nthe cost of production and needless taxation can only effect\\na lowering of wages.\\n198. There is no need or excuse hi our country for legal\\ntender laws. They are only instruments of oppression and\\nabuse, which ought not to be tolerated by a free people,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "BANKS, BANKING, AND CREDIT JJ\\nfor they serve only to derange business, check enterprise,\\nand injure the workers for wages, while they give a very\\ngreat opportunity to speculators.\\nXXV\\nOF BANKS, BANKING, AND CREDIT\\n199. If I have a thousand dollars which I shall need to\\nuse three months from now, but do not need in the mean-\\ntime, it would be an advantage to me to be able to lend the\\nmoney out at interest for three months. But it might hap-\\npen that you wanted to use a thousand dollars for three\\nmonths and no more and it would be an advantage to\\nyou to be able to borrow, not for a year or a longer term,\\nbut for three months only. If we two could know of each\\nother s wants at the right time, both of us would be bene-\\nfited; and not we two only, but also all whom our joint\\narrangement enabled you to employ with my thousand\\ndollars, and me with the interest I received of you.\\n200. In every civilized country there are daily hundreds,\\nor rather hundreds of thousands, of such instances and\\nbanks are established to enable borrower and lender to\\nbe quickly accommodated. Experience has shown that\\nthe demand of lenders can be foretold, depending, as it does,\\nupon business transactions arising out of commerce, manu-\\nfactures, and agriculture, which have their regular periods\\nof activity. A banker, therefore, acts upon his knowledge\\nof the laws of commerce and the laws of nature, which\\ntell him that money realized by one set of transactions may\\nbe safely loaned to persons engaged in another set, to be\\nreturned in time to be used for a third, and so on. You\\ncan see, for instance, that a miller, having sold his flour,\\ncan lend his money to a farmer, who wants to plant his", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "y8 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ncrop provided that at harvest the farmer, who will then\\nsell his crop, will return the loan to the miller. The store-\\nkeeper, with whom laborers spend their wages for the\\nnecessaries of life, receives meantime money, which he\\nmay lend to the miller in case he should want to repair\\nhis machinery.\\n201. A bank is an association to facilitate such loans,\\nand its interests are therefore harmonious with those of\\nthe whole community, and especially with those of the\\nclass who work for wages because the less capital lies idle\\nthe more will be at the disposal of those who want to employ\\nlabor and pay wages.\\n202. A bank is in fact an association for the safe-keep-\\ning and the loaning of money. It becomes responsible to\\nus for the money we deposit with it allows us to draw\\nchecks at will against our deposits in some cases pays us\\na low rate of interest on the sums we leave with it; and\\nmakes its profits by lending at higher rates. As it is\\nresponsible to us for our money, it must lend on good\\nsecurity only, and must know the character as well as the\\ncircumstances of borrowers and as it must return us our\\nmoney at any time, and without previous notice, its man-\\nagers can properly lend only at short dates, or on call\\nthat is, to be repaid by the borrower after a short in-\\nterval, or on demand. And it is to the banker s interest\\nnot only to make as many loans as possible, but to make\\nthem prudently, to competent men, on good security; for\\nhe has capital of his own at stake, and if he should fail to\\npay his depositors on demand, they would close his bank\\nand seize his property.\\n203. Thus you see that a bank is a means for the\\neconomical use of capital and every economy of this kind\\nmakes more readily available the fund out of which wages", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "BANKS, BANKING, AND CREDIT 79\\ncan be paid, and thus secures a greater range and amount\\nof employment to those who work for wages.\\n204. What is thus true of banks is, of course, equally\\ntrue of credit in general. If a mechanic, on the strength\\nof his good name and of his chest of tools, can borrow a\\nhundred dollars for a year or for a term of years, and if\\nhe has a profitable use for the money, evidently he is\\nbenefited by the credit he has. He may use it to pay the\\nwages of men he employs and with the help of a small\\nloan may in time achieve real independence. And if, after\\nhaving accumulated property, his character and property\\nsecure him credit for ten thousand dollars, and enable him\\nto employ fifty or a hundred men, still that credit is a\\nbenefit not only to him, but to all whom by its help he\\nis able to employ for wages.\\n205. Thus credit is useful to the poor and not merely to\\nthe rich and to the many, and not only to the individuals\\nwho have or use it.\\n206. But credit may be misused as if I should borrow\\nmoney to be used in an enterprise, as a mill, which was\\nunprofitable. Here my laborers would still receive the\\nmoney in wages. I should lose that but they and the\\nmass of laborers also would lose, secondarily, because\\nthe capital sunk or lost in the unprofitable mill would be\\ndead it would never more be available for wages or con-\\nsumption it could not increase, and would produce no\\nprofits available for wages and by every such loss of\\ncapital, the whole community, including, as you plainly\\nsee, the laborers for wages the non-capitalists as well\\nas the capitalists are the poorer. Thus when a bad law\\ntempts or forces capital into naturally unprofitable indus-\\ntries, this is a loss to the mass of the laborers as well as to\\nthe owners of the capital.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "80 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n207. In many cases, indeed, the individual capitalist\\nprudently saves himself from loss, by insurance. Thus,\\nwhen a mill or factory is burned down, or swept away by\\na broken dam, the owners may receive its full value from\\nan insurance company they may use this money to re-\\nbuild their factory, and thus give temporary employment\\nto a large number of men and to a superficial view the\\nloss might appear a gain. But you must see that, first,\\nthe operatives stand idle while the mill is rebuilding, or if\\nthey seek employment elsewhere, do so at a loss to them-\\nselves by the cost of removal, and at a loss to others of\\ntheir own class by increasing the supply of their kind of\\nlabor at the very time that the demand is diminished and,\\nsecond, the old mill rebuilt will give employment only to\\nits former operatives, while if the mill had not been de-\\nstroyed, the capital used in rebuilding it would have been\\navailable for a new mill or other enterprise, which would\\nhave given employment to an additional number of hands.\\n208. Thus you see that destruction of capital must work\\nto the injury of the non-capitalist class, the workers for\\nwages. The destructive fire which burned down the\\ngreater part of Chicago gave employment for a time to a\\nmultitude of carpenters, masons, bricklayers, and others,\\nand caused a seeming but artificial prosperity while the city\\nwas getting rebuilt but it was, nevertheless, a loss to the\\nmass of the laboring population, because it seriously lessened\\nthe surplus wealth of the country, and turned so much of\\nwhat remained away from new works to the repair of vast\\nlosses. The great Boston and Chicago fires were followed\\nby a general stagnation in business all over the country,\\nbecause capital which would have been used in other\\nenterprises and expenditures, and consequently in the pay-\\nment of wages for other and new production, was concen-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "BANK NOTES 8 1\\ntrated in Boston and Chicago, and used to repair enormous\\nwaste and losses, to replace what had been destroyed.\\n209. But an unprofitable enterprise is just as much a\\ndestruction of capital as a fire and if I should hire you\\nfor a year to carry bricks from one side of a road to the\\nother and back, though you might in the- meantime live\\nfrom your wages, I should have sunk my capital, and the\\nmass of the laborers in the community would have suffered\\na loss, because there would be less capital out of which to\\npay wages.\\n210. Thus you see that credit, which is only capital in\\nanother shape, can not be misused without inflicting a loss\\non the whole community, and especially on the laborers for\\nwages.\\nXXVI\\nOF BANK NOTES\\n211. Besides receiving money on deposit, and lending\\nit out on security, which is their proper and legitimate\\nbusiness, banks sometimes issue notes or bills of their own.\\n212. A bank note is not money on the contrary, it is\\nonly a promise to pay money. It is one of several kinds of\\npromises to pay, and differs from the others mainly in\\nthese particulars that it bears no interest, and that the\\nholder has no security in his own hands.\\n213. If you have in your pocket a twenty dollar gold\\npiece, you have actually in your possession that much\\nvalue. But if you have in your pocket a bank note for\\ntwenty dollars, you have only a certificate that a bank,\\nwhich may be a thousand miles distant, and of whose man-\\nagers you know nothing, has your twenty dollars.\\n214. Now, if you wished to carry about with you two or\\nNORD. 6", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "82 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nthree hundred, or even one hundred dollars, it would\\nobviously be more convenient to carry bank notes to that\\namount than money for the paper bills are lighter than\\ncoin, and more easily concealed from thieves.\\n215. This convenience of carriage and concealment is\\nthe excuse for the existence of bank bills, and it is a suffi-\\ncient excuse where men need to carry about considerable\\nsums. But a laboring man, whose whole wages for a week\\namount perhaps to less than twenty dollars and who pays\\nout the greater part of this sum at once for subsistence, is\\nnot inconvenienced by the zv eight of his money. He does not\\nneed bank bills and there is no need for small bills to\\naccommodate him.\\n216. Banks like to issue small bills, because these remain\\nlonger in circulation, and the proportion lost and destroyed\\nis naturally greater.\\n217. But for the public advantage the issue of small\\nbills, under ten dollars, is not necessary, and the issue of\\nbank bills for sums less than ten dollars ought to be totally\\nprohibited.\\n218. Laws authorizing banks to issue bills ought to\\nguard with the most vigilant care the right of the bill\\nholder to have his bank bill redeemed on demand, and at\\nall times, in real money.\\n219. Such laws should, in the public interest, also pro-\\nvide regulations under which all banks of issue should be\\ncompelled to unite their responsibilities, so that all the\\nbanks of issue in the whole country should be held respon-\\nsible and forced to redeem on demand the bills of each,\\nand in real money. In that way a citizen who is offered a\\nbank bill no matter how distant the bank which issued it\\nwould know that behind this bank bill stood, not a single\\nbank, which might be insolvent, but all the banks author-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "GREENBACKS 83\\nized in the whole Union. With such security all bank\\nbills could be safely taken all over the country.\\n220. Our national bank system, by a different but cum-\\nbrous expedient, has worked well; for under it no bill\\nholder has ever, since its establishment, lost a cent and\\nthe bills of all national banks have been equally and safely\\nacceptable in all parts of the country, because it is\\nknown that if the bank fails, the Federal Government\\nwill redeem its bills, selling for that end the government\\nbonds which it compels banks of issue to deposit in the\\nFederal treasury, as a safeguard, before they are author-\\nized to issue bills.\\n221. Under any system authorizing the issiie of bank\\nbills, the officers and directors of a bank failing or refusing\\nto redeem its bills in real money on demand ought to be\\nsubjected to very severe penalties, not merely of loss of\\nproperty, but of imprisonment; for their failure in this\\nprimary duty is a fraud on a helpless public.\\nXXVII\\nOF GREENBACKS\\n222. Greenbacks are demand notes of the govern-\\nment, issued in the stress of a great war, and made a legal\\ntender. As they were forced on the people by being\\nmade a legal tender, they were, in effect, a forced loan.\\n223. They took the place of real money, on their issue,\\nand not only gold but even subsidiary coin disappeared\\nfrom circulation for a number of years after greenbacks\\ncame in.\\n224. Greenbacks had for years a varying value, some-\\ntimes being worth no more than fifty or sixty cents, and", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "84 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\neven less in real money, which shows you again how futile\\nare legal tender laws.\\n225. This variableness in value, of course, gave great\\nand constant opportunities to speculators.\\n226. But the legal tender quality given these govern-\\nment notes, and their rapid depreciation in value, caused\\nan immediate rise in the prices of products, which caused\\ngreat suffering to those who worked for wages, because\\nwages rose but slowly, and not in proportion to prices\\nas all history shows is always the case when under-\\nvalued or depreciated money is made a legal tender and\\nthus takes the place of real or good money.\\n227. On the resumption of specie payments when,\\nthat is to say, the government, having bought gold for the\\npurpose, offered to pay off the greenbacks in real money,\\ngold these went at once to par, and there followed\\nimmediately on this settlement of values a period of great\\nprosperity all over the country.\\n228. Obviously, when they were thus redeemed by the\\ngovernment, being past due obligations bearing no interest,\\nthey should have been destroyed.\\n229. But Congress, by a law which has proved a great\\ncurse to the country, ordered them to be reissued after they\\nwere paid off and this, although the government had for\\nyears an immense surplus revenue, and had no need there-\\nfore to borrow by this reissue of its notes.\\n230. As under the resumption act you can get gold on\\ndemand for greenbacks, at the treasury, and as, on the\\nother hand, the greenback is at the same time made by\\nCongress receivable for all its debts, the only present\\nadvantage of the greenback is to speculators, who may use\\nit to draw gold from the treasury for their purposes. As\\nthe government often receives but little gold in its revenues,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "USURY LAWS 85\\nit is forced, when its store is lessened, as has happened,\\nto issue bonds for the purchase of gold, of which it is,\\nby these foolish laws, obliged to keep a great store on\\nhand.\\n231. If the general public sees the treasury s gold les-\\nsening in amount, it becomes alarmed, anticipating the\\ntreasury s inability to pay its obligations in real money.\\nGold in private hands is then hoarded, as in 1893-4, a\\npanic ensues, business and enterprise stop or are seriously\\nchecked workshops close, or men and women are put on\\nhalf time consumption of products is checked men\\nwear old clothes instead of buying new, for instance.\\nThe great body of millions of laboring men and women\\nand their families fall into distress and discontent.\\n232. You see, in this example, what widespread and\\nvery serious evil may follow as the result of a bad law,\\nand in this case a very foolish law. If the greenbacks\\nor past due obligations of the government, issued in the\\nextreme stress of a great war had been canceled or de-\\nstroyed as fast as they were paid off, which could easily\\nhave been done during the years when we had a great\\nsurplus revenue or if Congress had even taken away\\ntheir legal tender quality all this costly trouble would\\nhave been avoided.\\nXXVIII\\nOF USURY LAWS\\n233. If you- have money, you may hide it, as a miser\\ndoes or you may use it in enterprises, in building houses,\\nfor instance, in which case you receive a return or interest\\non your investment, called rent while in the work of con-\\nstruction your money yields employment to a variety of", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "86 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nworkmen. Or you may loan your money to some one\\nelse, to use.\\n234. If you lend your money to some one, you take the\\nrisk of losing it he may not pay it back. Also you deny\\nyourself the use of it while it is out of your hands. You\\nhave a natural right to compensation for the risk you run\\nand the self-denial you submit to. That reward to you for\\nloaning your money to another is called interest. If you\\nown a house and let it to another person, on the agreement\\nthat he shall pay you rent, you perceive that this is the\\nsame thing the rent you receive for your house is\\nthe interest on the money you spent in building it, and\\non the cost of the ground on which it stands.\\n235. Now, if the city or State or Federal Government\\nshould be asked to make a law regulating how much rent\\nyou and all others should receive for your houses, every-\\nbody would denounce that as an absurd and tyrannical\\ninterference with private affairs. It would be justly said\\nthat the rentable value of houses depends on their situa-\\ntions, the uses to which they are put, and the demand for\\nsuch houses in such localities, and that no lawmaking body\\ncan determine these constantly varying circumstances.\\n236. But, further, such a law would largely put a stop\\nto building houses, because men with money to spare, who\\nwere inclined to use it for housebuilding, would leave this\\nand find some other, some safer way, to lay out their\\nmoney for investment some way by which they could\\nget a natural return of interest and escape the arbitrary\\ninterference of the government. If housebuilding were\\nthus stopped, you can see that mechanics and laboring\\nmen would be thrown out of employment, and thus a\\nnumerous and useful part of the population would be in-\\njured while the increasing scarcity of Houses to let,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "USURY LAWS 87\\nwould very soon put to loss and make uncomfortable the\\ngreat mass of the population in cities, who do not own the\\nhouses or rooms they live in. You can see that if house-\\nbuilding were checked, house rents would go up. Thus,\\nby such a foolish law, limiting the rent which is the\\ninterest to be charged on houses, the whole laboring\\npopulation would be seriously injured and put to loss, and\\nonly those the wealthier citizens who own the houses\\nthey live in, would be safe against loss and inconvenience.\\n237. But while lawmakers do not attempt to regulate or\\nprescribe the rent or interest which a house owner\\nshall receive for his money investment in it, they do, in\\nmany of our States, prescribe by law what rent, or interest,\\nhe shall receive for the money itself, if he loans or lets\\nthat out. Such a regulation is called a usury law, and is a\\npernicious interference in the people s private affairs.\\n238. It is impossible for lawmakers to know, and justly\\nprescribe by law, what a man should pay, or another receive,\\nas rent on, say, a two-story frame house because, as I\\nshowed you above, its value for use cannot be foretold it\\ndepends on situation, demand, and other circumstances.\\nBut it is even less possible for a legislative body to foresee\\nthe value, to the borrower, of the money he wants to bor-\\nrow. The Usury Law may tell him that he shall not pay\\nmore than four, five, or six per cent or that the owner of\\nthe money shall not receive more than that rate. But the\\nborrower may find and know that his enterprise is of such\\na profitable character that he can afford to pay ten or\\ntwelve per cent, or even more and a law forbidding him\\nto do this would be an injury to him.\\n239. In the settlement of our western States, for in-\\nstance, usury laws, if they had existed in those States,\\nwould have seriously checked and hindered their develop-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "88 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nment. In the earlier history of Indiana farmers often\\npaid twenty per cent per annum for money they borrowed.\\nThey were poor men, who took up Congress land/ and\\nknew by a wide experience that if they could borrow money\\nto break it and put in a crop, the first crop might pay\\nfor the whole investment. But to make that first crop the\\nfarmer, having no money of his own, had to borrow, and\\nhe could well afford to pay high interest, and would have\\nbeen the loser if a usury law had interfered with his bor-\\nrowing by prescribing a rate of interest at which no money\\nowner would take the risk of lending him what he needed\\nto start his farm. For the owner of the money asked a\\nhigh rate of interest because the farmer s enterprise was\\nin certain elements risky the borrower might die his\\ncrop might fail or his management might be bad.\\n240. All new countries or regions lack money for their\\nproper and rapid development and as in such new coun-\\ntries there are unusual opportunities for gain, in fertile\\nsoils, mineral deposits, and more than all in the great work\\nof construction of dwellings and other houses, roads, and\\nall other things required to plant civilization in a wilder-\\nness, there is a great demand for money capital. The\\nvigorous, shrewd, enterprising men who carry on business\\nin a new country have need for a great deal of ready\\nmoney, because the wages of labor are high, there is a\\ngreat deal of useful and necessary work to be done,\\nand workmen must be paid promptly every Saturday\\nnight.\\n241. In new countries, therefore, where much work is\\nneeded to be done, and done rapidly, the rate of interest\\non money is always high. In older and longer-settled\\nregions it is lower and in general the interest rate tends\\nto fall slowly, but constantly, in all settled regions, and all", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "USURY LAWS 89\\ncountries which are at peace and have an orderly govern-\\nment.\\n242. Thirty years ago in New York city, a man who\\nwas accounted a shrewd and far-seeing business man, and\\nwas a man of fortune, was asked in my presence why he\\ndid not spend ten thousand dollars on a matter he was\\nknown to have much at heart. His reply was, Ten thou-\\nsand dollars is seven hundred dollars a year forever, and I\\nwill not make that sacrifice. He had in mind that the\\ncommon and natural rate of interest at that time in New\\nYork city was seven per cent; and he, and the community\\nin general, believed that this would not change. But if\\nthis man were now alive he would see that in New\\nYork he would be lucky to get four per cent on a sound\\nsecurity.\\n243. To give you another case where high interest was\\nprofitably paid by a poor but capable man A quarter of\\na century ago I was riding through a part of California\\nthen very thinly settled, and found it one day convenient\\nto stop over night with a sheep man in his camp. He\\nwas an intelligent man, and owned the sheep. In the\\nevening, sitting by his camp fire, he told me of his busi-\\nness. He had been a poor workingman, without money,\\nbut saw that there was abundance of unoccupied land on\\nwhich he could graze sheep, if only he could get money\\nto buy the sheep. I looked over the whole thing care-\\nfully, he said to me, and when I saw my way, I went to\\na man who knew me, and he lent me enough money to\\nbuy this band of sheep. I had to pay him twenty-five per\\ncent for the loan, but I made fifty per cent last year, and\\nhope to do as well this year and you understand my sheep\\nare increasing all the time and they are mine. I said\\nthe rate of interest seemed high. He replied You can", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "go POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nsee that I can afford to go halves with my creditor, and\\ntake twenty-five per cent for my share, for I am making\\nthat with his money and of course he took a risk and is\\nentitled to his share until I pay him off. If I had not\\nfound him, I should have been a day-laborer to this\\nday.\\n244. You can see that if there had been a usury law in\\nCalifornia in those days this man, and a great many others\\nlike him, poor, but capable and industrious, would have\\nbeen prevented from making a start in life.\\n245. The temptation of high interest brings money into\\na new region the owners of the money take risks, and\\ncharge for them. If the law forbids them to do this, by\\nprescribing a lower rate and a penalty for taking more,\\nthey refuse to lend. It is the poor men who are benefited\\nby the freedom to borrow of which a usury law deprives\\nthem.\\n246. It is practically impossible to establish by law a\\ngeneral rate of interest for money, because the natural\\nrate, in spite of laws, varies greatly and constantly with the\\nnature of the transaction, the character of the borrowers,\\nthe confidence of lenders, the activity of business (which\\nincreases the number of borrowers), the belief in the per-\\nmanence of institutions, the condition of peace or war,\\nand for many other reasons.\\n247. It is an axiom based on the experience of centuries\\nin many nations that a higher, rather than lower, rate\\nof interest at any time is a token of general prosperity\\nin a country which is at peace and has a settled and\\norderly government. Thus it was shown by an eminent\\nEnglish economist, by a comparison of the interest rates\\nin England during a series of years, that two per cent\\ndenoted hard times, while the country was prosperous", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE 91\\nin those years when the rate rose to three or four per\\ncent. You will understand this generalization if you reflect\\nthat in prosperous times the profits of enterprises are\\nlarge, and the number of new ones needing money to\\ncarry them on is growing, thus increasing the demand\\nfor money by borrowers.\\n248. Finally, usury laws are injurious to borrowers\\nbecause they are largely evaded to the injury of bor-\\nrowers, as you will see. The borrower pays, ostensibly,\\nand on the face of the papers, only the legal rate, the\\nrate fixed by the usury law. That makes the lender safe\\nagainst the law. The borrower, however, oftenest does not\\ndeal directly with the lender, but with the lender s agent,\\nand he is required to pay a premium to this agent (to be\\ndivided between the lender and his agent), and this may\\nrun up a six per cent loan to eight or even ten per cent.\\nXXIX\\nOF COMMERCE\\n249. You have seen, under the head of Property that\\nthe surplus, or that part of his product not needed by the\\nproducer for his own consumption, has 710 real value, and-\\nean not become wealth or capital unless lie can exchange it\\nfor some tiling else.\\n250. It is not less true that the value of the surplus\\ngrows in the precise measure in which the facility of ex-\\nchanging it is increased.\\n251. The Nebraska farmer, years ago, was unable to\\nget his corn to market was forced to burn it as fuel and\\nno matter how rich his land, or how great his crop, the sur-\\nplus on his hands was after all worth to him only so much", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "92 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nwood. If he could have sent it to Chicago, it would have\\nbeen worth a good deal more than so much fuel. If he\\ncould as cheaply have sent it to New York as to Chicago it\\nwould have brought him a still greater price and its value\\nto him would have been increased with every market he\\ncould reach. When I was a boy, Ohio had no railroads,\\nand the farmers near Cincinnati used to sell eggs in that\\nmarket for three cents a dozen, because that was their only\\nmarket. Railroads have so greatly increased for them the\\nfacility of exchanging eggs, that they now get even in\\nCincinnati probably at least six or eight times as much as\\nformerly. You can see that they gain this great advantage\\nsimply by increased facility of exchange. Railroads have\\nextended their market for selling eggs.\\n252. Nor is this increased facility of exchanging eggs\\nfor other products a benefit to the farmer alone for if for-\\nmerly, for lack of cheap transportation, eggs were very\\ncheap in Cincinnati, they were very dear in many other\\nplaces. To facilitate the exchange only equalized the\\nprices, and thus increased the comfort of the mass of con-\\nsumers, and also the wealth of the mass of producers. For\\nif eggs were anywhere very dear, that is a proof that they\\nwere scarce there and facility of exchange created abun-\\ndance where before was scarcity.\\n253. Pray fix in your mind, therefore, this fundamental\\ntruth, that every impediment to tJie excliange of products is\\nan injury and that every removal of such an impediment\\nis a benefit, because it increases the rewards of the mass of\\nproducers, and the abundance, and hence the comfort and\\nhappiness of the mass of consumers.\\n254. Hence the satisfaction with which people welcome\\nrailroads the benefit of steamboats, steamships, bridges,\\nand all other means by which we decrease the cost of", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE 93\\ntransportation. For you can see that if a farmer can send\\nhis eggs to only one place, Cincinnati, where men want to\\nbuy eggs, he can not hope to get as much for them as if he\\ncould with cheap transportation send them to any one\\nof a dozen cities. And as he would send his eggs only to\\nplaces where they would bring a higher price where\\ntherefore eggs were scarce cheap transportation, by cre-\\nating abundance in those places, would benefit consumers\\nthere.\\n255. Commerce means the exchange of products. If I\\nhave more hides than I need, and you have more clothing\\nthan you need, and if I want clothing and you hides, it is\\nplain that we shall make an exchange of our surpluses if\\nwe can get together and agree upon a price. It is clear,\\ntoo, that we shall both benefit by such an exchange, because\\ntvhen it is made, each of us will have less of the articles\\nwhich he could not use, and more of those which he wanted.\\n256. Thus you see that unimpeded commerce is a bene-\\nfit to the mass of producers and that every impediment\\npreventing a part of the owners of surplus clothing from\\nreaching a market of hides, while it may be an advantage\\nto the few who do reach it, and who would thus have a\\nmonopoly, would be an injury, first, to those who were pre-\\nvented from reaching it but, second, and more important,\\nto all those who were anxious to exchange hides for\\nclothing.\\n257. Every impediment to free exchange, therefore,\\nwhether natural or artificial, is an injury to the mass of\\nconsumers who are the whole people.\\n258. Nevertheless, every act of exchange which takes\\nplace, even where a close monopoly exists on one side, or\\nin regard to one product, is still a benefit, for it increases\\nabundance and comfort, though in a less measure than if", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "94 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nthe monopoly did not impede free exchange and thus it\\nwould be wrong to say that men, under any circumstances,\\nbecome poorer by voluntary exchange. It is, however,\\nquite certain that capital increases far more sloivly and\\nindustry is hampered where impediments exist to a free\\nexchange of surplus products.\\n259. Impediments to the exchange of products are\\neither natural or artificial. The natural obstacles are very\\nnumerous, but may be comprised under the general head\\nof distance. A river is a serious impediment to commerce,\\nuntil it is bridged or a ferryboat crosses it an ocean is a\\ngreater impediment, and can be overcome only with the\\nhelp of ships. Differences in language and habits are\\nnatural impediments.\\n260. Different and distant parts of the earth have dif-\\nferent climates, soils, and capacities for production, so that\\nwhat is produced in one country is needed in many others\\nand every part of the earth is fitted to produce something\\nwhich is desired by the people of other parts.\\n261. You will quickly see the advantage of this, for it\\ncompels mankind to intercourse with each other and\\ncommerce is thus one of the main agents in spreading\\ncivilization over the world, in bringing men and nations to-\\ngether in a humane and brotherly spirit in subduing bar-\\nbarism, preserving the peace, and in increasing constantly\\nthe area over which industry and self-denial are rewarded,\\nproperty is made secure, and civilization becomes possible.\\n262. Imagine a nation which was so favored by climate\\nand soil that it could and did produce within its bounds all\\nand everything that its members required, and you will see\\nthat such a nation would soon cease to have any influence\\nupon the outer world for good at least it would become\\nselfish would scorn, because it did not need, commerce", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE 95\\nwould lose the immense advantage of intercourse with other\\nnations and having no such commerce or intercourse, would\\npresently contract vices, such as ignorance, superstition, con-\\ntempt of foreigners, and disregard of justice, which would\\ndegrade its civilization. For it is by intercourse and not\\nby isolation that men become intelligent and humane.\\n263. To overcome difficulties forces us to exercise inge-\\nnuity, courage,, persistence, patience, daring, and enterprise\\nall those which we can call manly virtues. Impediments\\nto intercourse between men in distant parts of the earth,\\nfor the purpose of exchanging products essential to our\\ncomfort, impel us to overcome such impediments, and make\\nus feel that we are the higher and the better, as well as the\\nwealthier and more comfortable beings, in the measure that\\nwe do overcome them.\\n264. Artificial obstacles to exchange arise out of laws,\\nwhich either prohibit exchange with foreigners entirely, as\\nformerly in Japan, or lay a penalty on such exchange as\\nregards certain products this is still done in many coun-\\ntries, among them our own.\\n265. All such artificial restrictions are impolitic, injuri-\\nous, and, unless all commerce is prohibited, necessarily\\npartial and unjust.\\n266. It is possible to imagine a nation determining to\\nseclude itself entirely from the world, and therefore totally\\nprohibiting commercial as well as other intercourse with\\nforeigners. In such a case the whole people accept less\\nabundance, and deny themselves comforts and luxuries\\nwhich they can not themselves produce. All are injured,\\nall suffer loss and deprivation and if injustice is done, it\\nis by all to all.\\n267. But among civilized nations like our own, the pro-\\nhibitions and penalties on foreign exchange are nowhere of", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "96 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nthis character they are always partial being laid prac-\\ntically upon a few articles and thus an essential injustice\\nis done to those who would, if they were allowed, exchange\\ntheir products for those articles which are forbidden them,\\nor who must pay a penalty for such exchange. For\\ninstance, if I am a farmer, who need to exchange my sur-\\nplus wheat for clothing, it is surely an injustice to me if\\nthe law forbids me to make this exchange wherever I may\\nchoose for, as we have seen, if by any impediment it\\nnarrows my market it lowers my profit. I may be able to\\nget more cloth for my wheat in Germany than in my own\\nneighborhood a law which makes me pay a penalty for\\ndoing so is clearly partial and unjust. Or I may be a\\nblacksmith, and prefer Swedish bars for my horseshoes\\nwhy should you who make American bars urge a law to\\nmake me pay a penalty for my preference\\n268. Fix in your mind that commerce is not a swindling\\ntransaction, but a purely beneficial operation that every act\\nof honest trade increases the happiness and prosperity of all\\nwho are concerned in it that when we two exchange\\nproducts, each is the more comfortable and the better off\\nfor the exchange for each has given that which he wanted\\nless for that which he wanted more.\\n269. Property, as you have before seen, originates in\\nthree acts labor, self-denial, and exchange. A law which\\nshould interfere with a man s right to labor ought to be\\nresisted by all sensible men as an injustice. A law which\\nshould limit the right of self-denial or compel me to\\nspend my accumulations as fast as I created them, would\\nbe no less unjust and monstrous. But a law which interferes\\nwith my right to exchange my surplus where I like is only\\nmore endurable to us because we are accustomed to it. It\\ndoes not differ in principle.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE 97\\n270. The most magnificent and conclusive example of\\nthe benefits of unobstructed commerce is afforded by our\\nown country. The government of the United States pro-\\nvides carefully for the most entire and unobstructed free-\\ndom in the interchange of products over almost half of the\\nNorth American continent, and no one doubts that it is to\\nthis absolute freedom of exchange that we owe our won-\\nderful advance in wealth, as well as in the ingenuity and\\nintelligence of our people. Consider what must have\\nbeen our condition had Virginia been allowed to lay re-\\nstrictions and penalties on commercial intercourse with\\nPennsylvania, or New York to interfere with her citizens\\nwhen they sought to exchange products with Massachu-\\nsetts, or the North with the South, or the East with the\\nWest.\\n271. Yet if any such interference is beneficial, it would\\nseem to be more necessary to protect the West against\\nNew England than against Europe or the South against\\nthe North than against England and France. For, the\\nplea for such interference being that it is necessary to\\nenable the establishment of manufactures at home, and to\\nmaintain a high rate of wages, it is clear that Michigan or\\nGeorgia manufactures, for instance, can be more easily\\nundersold by Massachusetts or New York than by English\\nor German manufacturers, who must carry their goods so\\nmuch farther to market, and must also draw their raw\\nmaterials from a greater distance and an ironmaster in\\nsuch a State as Arkansas or California, which has no\\niron mines and few coal mines, would feel the competition\\nof his Pennsylvania or Virginia rival far more keenly than\\nthat of an Englishman or German who must send his iron\\nthree thousand miles to our Atlantic seaboard. Yet we\\nhear few complaints of such home competition and a\\nNORD. 7", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "98 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nCalifornia shipyard has produced for our navy one of the\\nfinest battle ships in any navy.\\n272. You must understand, however, that the people of\\nthe United States have long and deliberately consented to\\na policy in regard to external commerce which I have\\nshown you to be injurious to the general welfare. No\\npolitical party is yet united in demanding that the people\\nshall be guaranteed the right of free exchange. Nor can\\nit be doubted that the Congress has power to lay duties\\ndiscriminating in favor of some branches of industry\\nand of course against others for it is the essence of such\\ndiscrimination that it injures some while it benefits others.\\n273. This is one of the great battle grounds of opinion\\nin the United States; and as many large individual inter-\\nests are arrayed in favor of such discrimination, and as the\\nmasses who are injured have not the means for as com-\\npact an organization as the few whom self-interest guides,\\nit is probable that we shall see protective tariffs for many\\nyears cumbering our statute books, and lessening the gen-\\neral prosperity.\\n274. When the Constitution was adopted, most states-\\nmen still believed that a country needed such interference\\nwith the free exchange of products to enable the establish-\\nment of home manufactures hence the power given to\\nCongress to regulate commerce, which undoubtedly\\nmeans, and has always been held to imply, the power to\\ninterfere with exchange, not merely for purposes of rev-\\nenue, but for the object of protecting, as it is called,\\nhome manufacturers. The first tariff or scale of external\\nduties enacted by Congress had this object in view; and\\nthough unjust, partial, and impolitic, there is no doubt that\\nCongress has the constitutional right thus to derange\\nindustry by partial laws.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES 99\\n275. One plea on which protective tariffs, as such inter-\\nferences are called, have been justified, is that thus only\\ncan we have diversified industries. If this were true, it\\nwould really justify the protectionist system for diversi-\\nfied industries are a great benefit to a nation. But in the\\nnext section I hope to show you that so far from favoring\\na diversity of industries, protective tariffs have really, in our\\ncountry, discouraged and destroyed many small industries,\\nand created a powerful, and, to the people, irresistible\\ntendency of both capital and labor toward a few great\\nindustries.\\nXXX\\nOF DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES, MONOPOLIES, AND\\nTRUSTS\\n276. That nation or people is happiest which has the\\nmost widely diversified industries; because its members\\nwill be led inevitably to the exercise of great and varied\\ningenuity and enterprise, while at the same time capital,\\nthe fruit and reward of labor, will be more equally dis-\\ntributed among the population than in a country where\\nbut a few industries are pursued.\\n277. Take, for instance, a region devoted to grazing, or\\nto the cultivation of cotton only, and you will find the mass\\nof the people dull and subordinate, and the wealth in few\\nhands. In like manner examine a district devoted mainly\\nto the production of crude iron, coal, or cotton fabrics, and\\nyou will find the mass of the people subordinate, in poor\\ncircumstances, comparatively ignorant and unenterprising,\\nand not ingenious, while the greater part of the wealth of\\nthe community is concentrated in a few hands.\\n278. But find a district where the people are engaged in", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "IOO POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\na multitude of small industries, and you are sure to find\\nwealth more equally divided, comfort more widely diffused,\\nand the people more enterprising, intelligent, ingenious,\\nand independent.\\n279. To contrive a system of laws, therefore, whose\\ntendency and effect would be to draw large numbers from\\nthe smaller industries which they would naturally pursue,\\nand concentrate their labors upon a single pursuit, would\\nbe to degrade the character of such a population, by mak-\\ning it less ingenious, enterprising, and independent than\\nbefore and this the more if this single industry should\\nbe of a kind which required in the mass of those engaged\\nin it but little skill or thought, and at the same time re-\\nquired that much capital should be devoted to it. For in\\nthat case not only would the character of the people dete-\\nriorate, but wealth would more and more be drawn away\\nfrom the smaller industries, and concentrated in the larger,\\nand the mass of the people would become in time less\\nindependent, prosperous, and comfortable.\\n280. Now this grave injury has been done to large\\nclasses of our population by what is wrongly called the\\nsystem of Protection to Home Industry which is simply\\nan interference with the right of free exchange.\\n281. To comprehend how protective laws, so called,\\ndegrade home industry, and prevent diversity of industries,\\nI must first explain to you the natural progress of indus-\\ntry in any country.\\n282. When a new country begins to receive population,\\nmen being scarce and land abundant, it is inevitable that\\nwise men will turn to industries which require for their\\nprosecution the least amount of labor, because the rate of\\nwages will be high, laborers being few. Hence in our\\nnew territories grazing is at first a favorite and profitable", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES 10 1\\noccupation. As population increases, lands rise in price,\\nand farming is begun and presently villages make their\\nappearance, where blacksmiths, carpenters, masons, wagon-\\nmakers, and shopkeepers gather, to supply the farmer s\\nneeds, and afford him for at least a part of his surplus\\nproducts a near market. Capital or surplus rapidly in-\\ncreases in a new country as population continues to\\nstream in, new industries are devised, and the region\\nwhich at first imported everything except its meat be-\\ncomes more and more self-sustaining; for capital, intelli-\\ngently directed, spies out the wants of the people and the\\nnatural resources and advantages of the land and it is\\nnot long before even some articles of manufacture begin\\nto be exported to neighboring districts.\\n283. By this time roads and perhaps railroads have been\\nbuilt, and, by lessening the cost of transportation, and\\nincreasing production, the cost of living has been greatly\\ncheapened new enterprises no longer offer such great\\nrewards as at first to capital, and the rate of interest has\\nconsequently fallen increasing population has lowered\\nthe rate of wages without, however, necessarily lessen-\\ning the comfort of the laborers, for all prices are also less,\\nas you have seen. Finally, there is a numerous class\\nof hired laborers, whereas in the beginning almost every\\nman was his own employer. At this stage, what we\\ncall manufactures naturally arise. Capital, seeking new\\nmeans of profitable employment, provides machinery, raw\\nmaterial, and wages for the use of laborers also seeking\\nnew ways to earn a living.\\n284. This is the natural course of a country s industries\\nwhere arbitrary and partial laws are not used to force both\\ncapital and labor out of the channels nature has provided.\\nIn this natural development the ingenuity and enterprise", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "102 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nof the people have constant exercise capital is for a long\\ntime pretty equally diffused, because there will be a great\\nand increasing diversity of small industries the character\\nof the population will be high, its independence great,\\nand prosperity will be general. The greater operations of\\nindustry, which require extreme concentration of both\\ncapital and labor, will be deferred, until at last the coun-\\ntry s natural resources are fully explored, and the accumu-\\nlation of wealth and the increase of population are both\\nso great as to lead naturally and safely to such employ-\\nment for both. The stages of development in such a case\\nwill be slow, but sure, and there will be no great crisis\\nor panic, nor any marked lowering of the condition of the\\npeople. Their ingenuity and desire for prosperity lead\\nthem to devise new industries and control new enterprises\\nas fast as capital and labor offer to prosecute them and\\nit is an important consideration that these new enterprises\\ngrow naturally out of the conditions of the country, as to\\nclimate and productions, and the wants of the people.\\n285. Unfortunately this natural and sound growth is\\nnot permitted. Different motives, among which are na-\\ntional pride, a desire for more showy production, the\\nsubtle fallacy of supplying a home market, but mainly\\nthe greed for wealth and supremacy in individuals, unite\\nto bring about the adoption of unjust and partial laws, en-\\nacted to favor some special branch of industry. These\\nlaws, under the beguiling name of Protection to Home\\nIndustry, lay heavy duties on a few foreign products, in\\norder to enable those who produce these articles at home\\nto charge a higher price for them, and to give them the\\ncommand of the home market which means only, as\\nmust be plain to you, to compel the mass of the people to\\nbuy of the favored individuals at a higher price than they", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES 103\\ncould, but for these laws, buy for elsewhere in other\\nwords, to impede the free exchange of products.\\n286. For instance, New England capitalists helped, I\\nbelieve, originally by some Southern men began to\\nclamor for duties on foreign-made cotton goods and, con-\\ntrary to the wish of the first promoters of cotton manu-\\nfactures, a high duty was put on the importation of foreign\\ncalicoes, sheetings, and other manufactures of cotton.\\n287. Of course, a duty on the foreign product is a\\nbounty on the home product. The home manufacturer\\nraises his price to the price at which the foreigner can sell\\nafter he has paid the duty. A duty on calicoes, therefore,\\nconfessedly makes calico the home as well as the for-\\neign product dearer than it would otherwise be and all\\nwho wear calico must pay more for dresses, in order that\\nthe insignificant number engaged in making calicoes at\\nhome shall obtain their bounty.\\n288. Now it has never been pretended that the people\\nof New England were starving when a duty was laid on\\ncalicoes and other cotton goods. They were, according to\\nall accounts, an extremely industrious and ingenious peo-\\nple, engaged in such a multitude of small enterprises that\\nYankee Notions was the generic name of a great class\\nof small inventions and products, all useful to mankind.\\nCapital was widely dispersed in these petty industries, for\\nwhich the character of the country and its inhabitants was\\nwell fitted large fortunes were few and not easily accumu-\\nlated, but the average of comfort, intelligence, and public\\nspirit was uncommonly high.\\n289. The effect of the protective duty was, 1st, by\\noffering an unnaturally high reward to capital, to draw\\nthat away from a number of the smaller industries, and\\nconcentrate it in a few great buildings filled with costly", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "104 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nmachinery 2d, to draw away a large part of the laboring\\npopulation from their petty industries and their country\\nhomes into large manufacturing towns, and to employments\\nwhich made them more dependent and less ingenious and\\nself-helpful than before.\\n290. The life of a mill or factory operative being of a\\nkind offering few hopes of advancement, and a smaller\\nchance of independence than intelligent and enterprising\\npeople like to submit to, the best class of the New Eng-\\nland population presently withdrew from it, or never en-\\ntered it; but capital then not superabundant in the\\ncountry having been diverted to manufacturing on a\\ngreat scale by the protective duty, was made less\\nabundant for small enterprises. The temptation of cheap\\nand fertile lands then drew off the most enterprising\\npopulation to the Western States and the Yankee girls\\nleft the factories to fill the vacant places of those who had\\nemigrated to the West.\\n291. The manufacturers, to fill the gap, began sys-\\ntematically to import foreigners, mostly of a low grade of\\nintelligence, and have continued to do this to the pres-\\nent time with results evident to the country in a gradual\\nbut serious deterioration in the character of the popula-\\ntion, and in the corruption of politics.\\n292. To bring about these evils the women and children\\nof the United States were compelled to pay tribute, dur-\\ning a great many years, every time they bought a new\\ncalico dress or a yard of muslin. Meantime this pro-\\ntection to home industry, or favoritism to a few at the\\ncost of the great mass, has built up a few great fortunes,\\nand a large population, subject, ignorant, to a large extent\\nthe easy prey of demagogues, and in many ways inferior\\nto that it superseded. The average of comfort and intelli-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES 105\\ngence in New England is much lower than it was before\\nProtection.\\n293. You see here that Protection to Home Industry\\nwas a curse to people who were protected, at the same\\ntime that it was unjust to that great mass of the popu-\\nlation, which, not being engaged in cotton manufactures,\\nwas not protected, but had to pay, in higher prices for\\nclothing, the cost of protection to a few.\\n294. Take now another case, where an attempt was\\nmade to protect both the producers of a raw material\\nand its manufacturers of course once more at the ex-\\npense of the great mass of the people, who are consumers.\\nThe woolgrowers and the wool manufacturers combined\\nto appeal to Congress for protection, and encourage-\\nment for their home industries and their demands were\\ngranted. Naturally both American wool and American\\nwoolen goods immediately rose in price that was the\\nobject of the men who asked for the high duties. Woolen\\nshirts, trousers, coats, blankets, carpets thus cost more, in\\norder that these two home industries might be favored.\\n295. The exclusion of foreign wool and woolens caused,\\n1st, a rapid and great increase in the production of Ameri-\\ncan wool, also in the price of mutton for the farmers,\\nsure of a high price for wool, would not sell so many\\nsheep to the butchers as before. But mutton, too, is\\nan article of universal consumption. 2d. The high duty\\ncaused the establishment of a large number of woolen\\nmills, with expensive machinery, to build and work which\\ncapital was drawn from other industries where it was\\nbefore usefully employed. At the same time people were\\ndrawn from farms and other employments into the woolen\\nmills. Thus, as in New England in the previous case,\\nthe course of industry was in a double way changed.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "106 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n296. But hardly had all the woolgrowers and woolen\\nmanufacturers got fairly to work when it was discovered\\nthat the exclusion of foreign-grown wool from so large a\\nmarket as the United States had made it so cheap in Eu-\\nrope that manufacturers there could still sell their goods\\nhere, after paying the high duty, in competition with ours\\nin our own market. Then followed a demand for still\\nhigher duties on the foreign goods.\\n297. But this additional protection for themselves en-\\nabled our manufacturers to import some foreign-grown\\nwool whereupon the woolgrowers began to clamor they\\nhad greatly increased the product of wool for sheep\\nbreed rapidly and as many had paid high prices for\\nsheep, they did not like to lose the benefit of protection.\\n298. But it was reasonably urged by manufacturers\\nthat to exclude foreign wools entirely was to confine our\\nmanufacturers to making but few varieties of goods, and\\nthose not the most profitable, because, for most kinds of\\ngoods, the manufacturer needs to mix in the looms the\\nwools of different climates and countries. Hence the\\nexclusion of foreign wool, and an overstocked market in\\nsome kinds of goods, caused the stoppage of many fac-\\ntories a general stagnation of the business under the\\nhigh duties, remember consequent fall in the demand\\nfor American wool, and prostration of the protected wool-\\ngrowers all to the advantage of only a few wealthy and\\ncautious manufacturers, who happened to be able to take\\nadvantage of the low prices.\\n299. Here was a loss to farmers, manufacturers, and\\noperatives by protection. Nor was this all. Machinery\\nlives, though men die. If it stands idle, it deteriorates\\nnew inventions supersede it by and by, and if it has stood\\nidle it has not earned the cost of replacement hence ac-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES 107\\ntual loss of much capital. As to the workmen, drawn\\naway from other and more healthful employments, and\\nmade more dependent than formerly, many were turned\\nadrift.\\n300. To achieve these miserable results to cause loss\\nto the farmers as well as to the manufacturers and their\\nlaborers, to derange an important industry, and benefit\\nonly a few speculators who were ready to take advantage\\nof the general loss the whole American people were\\nobliged by a partial and unjust law to pay needlessly high\\nprices for coats, trousers, blankets, carpets, flannels, and\\nwoolen dresses.\\n301. Take yet another example, differing from the fore-\\ngoing the manufacture of crude and rolled iron, which\\nincludes pig and railroad and other bars. Laws placing a\\npenalty on the use of foreign iron have existed on our\\nstatute books for a great number of years they were\\nadopted on the plea that we possessed rich ores and\\nabundant coal and limestone, and that we could not\\nsafely be dependent on foreign nations for so necessary\\nan article as iron, because we might in such a case be very\\nseriously inconvenienced in the case of war. I hope you\\nare logician enough to see the fallacy in this proposition\\nit lies in the implication that without a penalty on the\\nuse of foreign iron, and a consequent bounty to the home\\nmanufacturer, no American would have engaged in this\\nindustry. But if, as is most true, we have abundant sup-\\nplies of excellent ores, fuel, and fluxes that is to say, if\\nnature has put us into an uncommonly advantageous posi-\\ntion for making iron, surely it is too much to say that\\nwe could not or would not use these natural advantages\\nwithout an additional bounty from the government.\\n302. The protective bounty, however, caused a rapid", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "108 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nflow of capital and labor from various other industries to\\nthis crude pursuit one of the lowest of all, the least ele-\\nvating to those engaged in it. The capital and labor were\\ndiverted from industries naturally more productive, and\\nthis of course put a serious loss upon the general commu-\\nnity; because thus less aggregate wealth was produced,\\nand the means of exchange were lessened. But, further,\\nthe hope of extraordinary gains from protection which\\npromised the ironmaster a monopoly of the home market\\nled men to rash ventures. Many placed their iron\\nfurnaces badly, so that they labored under natural dis-\\nadvantages, and needed protection, in fact, not from\\nEuropean ironmasters, but from their more judicious\\nneighbors.\\n303. Another result of high protection is that the\\nmasters of the subsidized industries are not quick to in-\\ntroduce new and improved machinery, and thus cripple\\nour industries. They are less apt to use their brains.\\nThus, some years ago an American, visiting an English\\nmanufacturer of a specialty in woolen goods, discovered\\nthat, in spite of our high tariff, he continued to export his\\ngoods to the United States and asking curiously how it\\ncould be afforded, the Englishman replied by showing him\\nthat he had just put in an entire set of new and greatly\\nimproved machinery, and had sold his old and wasteful\\nmachinery to a manufacturer in the United States to\\nhis competitor, namely, who depended not on ingenuity,\\nor cheap means of production, but on protection, and\\nno doubt petitioned Congress for higher duties as soon as\\nhe had set up the Englishman s cast-off machines.\\n304. The object of a protective duty on foreign iron\\nis, of course, to enable the American ironmaster to charge\\na higher price for his product. But think for a minute", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES IO9\\nwhat an addition to the price of iron means to our own\\npeople. It means that the carpenter shall pay more for\\nhis tools, the blacksmith for his horseshoes, the house-\\nbuilder for his nails, the housekeeper for her pots and\\nkettles, the farmer for his implements it means that\\nhouses shall be dearer and house rent higher that all\\nagricultural operations shall cost more that all machinery\\nshall be more costly, and therefore all clothing and other\\nnecessaries of life produced by machinery shall be dearer\\nto the poor; and, finally, that railroads, which use enor-\\nmous quantities of iron in rails, locomotives, and cars, shall\\nbe more costly, and therefore freights higher forever to the\\nfarmer who wants to get his produce to market.\\n305. That is to say, the duty on iron has taken some-\\nthing out of the pocket of every man, woman, and child in\\nthe United States, and by that much lessened their comfort\\nand prosperity and it has done this, as you have seen, to\\nmake the fortunes of a comparatively small number of\\ncapitalists engaged in the production of iron.\\n306. We have in recent years become, under the artifi-\\ncial stimulus of protective tariffs, a great manufacturing\\nnation with the result that we produce, of protected arti-\\ncles, more than our own people can consume. Statisticians\\nsay that, in normal conditions, w r e are able to manufacture\\nin nine months what we can consume only in a year.\\nHence, periodical closing of factories, to the loss and dis-\\ntress of the workpeople.\\n307. But another and curious result is that more and\\nmore the surplus of our protected factories is thrown on\\nforeign markets, where it is sold at a price lower than is\\nexacted from our own people by our manufacturers. Thus,\\nto take only one example, during many years in which a\\nhigh duty on copper prevailed, American copper was sold", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "IIO POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nin the London market at a lower price than in this, the\\ncountry of its production of course, to the disadvantage\\nand loss of all Americans who used copper.\\n308. Again, as high duties overstimulate production\\nin the protected branches of industry, we see the cre-\\nation of monopolies, called trusts. These undertake to\\nmaintain artificially high prices, by paying some of their\\ncompetitors to close their works, which, of course, not\\nmerely limits production, but throws workmen out of em-\\nployment. One of the earliest of these efforts to limit the\\nsupply of a necessary of life was called the Salt Ring.\\nCongress, to please certain influential American producers\\nof salt, laid a very heavy duty on foreign salt. When I\\nsaw, at that time, on a journey through West Virginia,\\nsome salt works standing idle, and asked the reason why,\\nI was told that the owners of these works were paid by\\nthe Salt Ring a fixed yearly sum to close their works,\\ndischarge their workmen, and, by so much as they would\\nhave produced, limit the American people s supply of salt.\\n309. Trusts, as they are called, are attempts to monop-\\nolize production and maintain artificially high prices. They\\nhave their foundation in protective tariffs. You will see\\nthis if you reflect that such a monopoly, aiming to control\\nany branch of production, would find its scheme at once\\nchecked and overthrown, under freedom of commerce, by\\nimportations from other countries. Such a trust could\\nsucceed, if commerce were free, only if it could persuade or\\nforce all foreign producers in the same branch to enter its\\ncombination.\\n310. The interference with commerce and the right of\\nexchange by protective duties strikes, as I have shown\\nyou, at the foundations of honest industry. is an inter-\\nference ivith real freedom. It injures in many ways even", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "DIVERSITY OF INDUSTRIES III\\na simply organized or semibarbarous community but as\\nsociety becomes more highly complicated, the injury done\\nby such partial and therefore unjust laws becomes con-\\nstantly more serious and threatening. And these increas-\\ning evil results affect, not merely the physical, but also the\\nmoral welfare of the communities which tolerate them.\\nThey suffer not merely by the derangement of industry,\\nwhich makes labor for wages uncertain and unsatisfactory\\nnot merely in causing artificial high prices, which are an\\ninjury to the mass of the people who are consumers of\\nproducts not merely in giving opportunity to monopolists\\nat the expense of workmen thrown out of employment or\\nirregularly employed. These are serious material disad-\\nvantages.\\n311. But such partial and unjust interferences with one\\nof the most important of human rights bring also moral\\nevils of a serious character the increased greed for gain\\nand for great wealth, in the more active and less scrupu-\\nlous members of the community, to whom such laws offer\\ntempting opportunities the corruption of legislative bodies\\nby them in their efforts to secure selfish advantages by the\\nenactment of laws the lowering of public spirit the nar-\\nrowing of the people s chances for a satisfactory living\\ntheir consequent decrease in intelligence and independence\\nthe keeping alive of popular ferment and discontent. States-\\nmanship and true leadership perish where the main thing\\nrequired of a public man as a leader is to secure for his\\ncapitalist constituents laws intended for their advantage,\\nand not for the common good.\\n312. We see this exemplified already in several of our\\nStates, in the confessed deterioration in character of their\\nrepresentatives in both Houses of Congress, as well as\\nin the legislative bodies where large communities have", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "112 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nbeen taught, for many years, that protective laws,\\nthat is to say, partial and unjust laws for the merely\\nmaterial benefit of a few, are their sole or greatest inter-\\nest in the Union of States which makes up our government.\\nXXXI\\nOF LABOR AND CAPITAL\\n313. The spirit of accumulation of industry and self-\\ndenial being once aroused in a people, and encouraged\\nby their security in the enjoyment of property, and facility\\nin exchanging their surplus products, which gives them\\nvalue, it is clear, considering the difference in men some\\nbeing weak of body, less persistent, less ingenious, or less\\nself-denying than others that inevitably some will accu-\\nmulate less property than others and that many will, in\\nfact, accumulate nothing, but consume all they produce,\\nand as fast as they produce it.\\n314. But in many emergencies of a man s life it is abso-\\nlutely necessary that he shall have some surplus to start\\nwith. Take as an instance the gold hunters in the early\\ndays of California. A multitude of men rushed to the rich\\nplacer diggings, hopeful of speedy fortune but a large\\npart of them presently discovered that they must eat and\\ndrink, and be clothed and sheltered, while they looked for\\nand dug out gold and not having a surplus sufficient to\\nprovide themselves with food, clothing, and shelter in this\\nemergency, what should they do Die No a man who\\nfound himself in that situation sought out another who bad\\na surplus, and said to him, Give me food, clothing, and\\nshelter, or the means of getting these, and I will give you\\nmy strength and skill, until I have saved by self-denial a", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "LABOR AND CAPITAL 113\\nsurplus sufficient to enable me to prospect and dig on my\\nown account. That is to say, he became a laborer for hire,\\nor wages.\\n315. Suppose now he could have found no one thus\\nready to hire him and pay him wages. Suppose every\\nman who had a surplus (this surplus being capital) had laid\\nit away in a strong box, and refused to use it in paying\\nwages for the labor of the man without surplus. Do you\\nnot see that the chief sufferer in this case the only imme-\\ndiate sufferer, indeed would be the man without surplus\\nor capital, and in need of food and other necessaries of life,\\nwhich he could get only by wages or theft?\\n316. But here you have the whole question of capital and\\nlabor and if anybody tells you that there is a necessary\\nand natural antagonism between capital and labor, you\\nmay safely set him down as a misguided person.\\n317. Capital is simply accumulated savings. He who\\nhas it becomes the enemy of labor when he hides his capital\\nin an old stocking, or a fireplace, or in the ground when\\nhe refuses to make use of it. When he does this we call\\nhim a miser, and despise and dislike him, as is but just,\\nfor then only he sets up his selfish interest against his\\nfellow-men.\\n318. But while property, surplus, or capital is used by\\nits possessors, it is a benefit to the whole mass of those\\nwho have no capital, and to whose advantage it is,\\nas in the case of the needy miner, to be able to receive\\nwages for their labor. The more numerous the laboring\\nor non-capitalist class is, the more important to them, you\\nmust see, is a large accumulation of capital, for they de-\\npend on that to enable them to earn wages, and in their\\nturn, if they will exercise self-denial, to save a surplus\\nand no one is so seriously injured as the laborer for wages,", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "114 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nby any event be it a war, an unjust law, a corrupt gov-\\nernment, or a currency of variable and uncertain value\\nwhich lessens the safety of accumulations, alarms their\\nowners, and makes them reluctant to venture on new\\nenterprises.\\n319. It is therefore fortunate for the less prosperous of\\nmankind that the spirit of accumulation leads those who\\nown property to seek ways in which to use this very prop-\\nerty or capital in adding to their stores for thus the\\nefforts of the poor, the non-capitalists, are lightened, and\\nmade more productive for themselves than they otherwise\\ncould be.\\n320. Capital is simply accumulated savings. In the\\nUnited States any laborer may hope to acquire property,\\nif he has health and intelligence, by the exercise of industry\\nand economy and it is one of the commonest, as well as,\\nto a thoughtful man, one of the most satisfactory experi-\\nences, to see a young man, after laboring faithfully for\\nhire for a time, presently begin on his own account, and\\nby and by become, in his turn, the employer of other men s\\nlabor as well as his own.\\n321. While it will probably, for a long time to come, be\\nnecessary, as well as advantageous, to the mass of men to\\nlabor for wages, that country is the most fortunate in which\\nit is the easiest for an indtistrioiis and self-denying citizen\\nto lift himself from the condition of a hired man to that of\\nindependence, however modest. It is extremely important\\nthat neither laws nor customs shall interfere with this\\nchange, but that all doors shall be opened for it. For,\\nthough not one in a thousand of the laborers for wages\\nmay choose thus to elevate himself to independence, it\\nadds materially to the contentment and happiness of all to\\nbelieve that if they chose to do so they might and that", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "CORPORATIONS, AND LIMITED LIABILITY LAWS 115\\nefforts not beyond their powers would always open the\\nway to them.\\n322. As the accumulated wealth or savings in any coun-\\ntry is thus a source of subsistence and a means of advance-\\nment, not merely to the individual owners of this wealth,\\ncapital, or property, but to the whole population, and\\nespecially to that part of it which labors for wages, and who\\ncould not receive wages if accumulated capital did not exist,\\nor if it were destroyed, so it may be said without exaggera-\\ntion that 110 part of the community has so vital an interest in\\nthe abundance, freedoyn, and security of capital as those who\\nlabor for wages. For though the individual capitalist may\\nbe seriously inconvenienced by events which lessen or\\nmake insecure his accumulations, he has still the resource\\nof removing his capital, especially if it consists of money,\\nto a more secure place of withdrawing it, at whatever loss,\\nfrom enterprises which afford employment by giving the\\nmeans out of which to pay wages or, in the final resort, of\\nliving upon it without seeking any return for its use. In\\nany of these cases the laborers for hire suffer first and\\nmost severely. This you may see in every great panic\\nand business crisis in our country, when those who possess\\na surplus or capital at once begin to hoard it, and to with-\\ndraw it from enterprises.\\nXXXII\\nOF CORPORATIONS, AND LIMITED LIABILITY LAWS\\n323. A corporation is an association of persons united\\nto promote a common purpose, either of pleasure or busi-\\nness. Thus a club, a church or hospital, an insurance or\\nrailroad company, may work as a corporation.\\n324. Corporations are called in law artificial persons", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "Il6 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nbecause they have no natural existence, but are the crea-\\ntures of law. Observe that while individuals have but a\\nlimited duration of life, a corporation may have an exist-\\nence far longer than any individual life it renews its\\nyouth by the selection of new members as the old die.\\n325. Originally each member of a corporation was per-\\nsonally liable for the debts, and, in a degree also, for the\\nmisconduct of the corporation.\\n326. A contrivance called a Limited Liability law,\\ndating from about the middle of the nineteenth century,\\nabolished this unlimited personal liability, and placed those\\ncorporations which took advantage of it as all now do\\non an entirely different basis. Under Limited Liability\\nlaws, each shareholder in a corporation is liable only for\\nthe amount of his own shares, and not at all for the cor-\\nruption or other misconduct of the corporation.\\n327. This strict limitation of the responsibilities of\\nshareholders has done a great deal to promote commercial\\nand manufacturing enterprise and activity, and to enable\\nin particular, by the use of capital contributed by great num-\\nbers of people, to forward the construction of many great\\nworks, such as railroads, telegraphs, bridges, factories,\\nmines, etc. But while it has thus been useful in some im-\\nportant respects, it begins to be seen that it has had also\\nsome seriously evil results.\\n328. It has brought about an injurious separation of\\ninterests between the stockholders and the workmen em-\\nployed in their enterprise. The shareholders may live\\nanywhere they need not even be inhabitants of the coun-\\ntry in which their enterprise is carried on. They look\\nonly to their individual profits or dividends, and feel no\\nconcern for the welfare or character of those they em-\\nploy. They confide their interests to a board of directors,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "CORPORATIONS, AND LIMITED LIABILITY LAWS I 17\\nwho are their managers, and have, in effect, the sole power\\nand control.\\n329. As one result, this system has given opportunity\\nfor immense and unscrupulous speculations by directors in\\nsuch N companies, who, in numerous cases, have used their\\npower of control even against the general good of their\\nshareholders, and solely for their personal advantage.\\n330. Again, such corporations have, in numerous in-\\nstances, influenced governments, State, Federal, or city, to\\ngive them privileges injurious to the public good and they\\nhave been tempted to get these by the use of corrupting\\ninfluences on legislative bodies.\\n331. Limited Liability laws have also been helpful\\nto the creation and maintenance of monopolies. And they\\nhave increased, abnormally, the vice of speculation or\\ngambling, demoralizing to the community.\\n332. All these and other evils are increased by the fact\\nthat such corporations are not always content to work\\nunder general laws, but seek special charters and it may\\nbe taken for granted that when a Limited Liability\\ncorporation seeks a special charter, it has for one of its\\nobjects to obtain special advantages injurious to the public.\\n333. While, therefore, Limited Liability laws will no\\ndoubt continue, it is the conviction of many wise citizens\\nthat the whole system needs to be thoroughly recast and\\nimproved, so as to guard more carefully the rights of the\\npeople against the vast aggregations of money which\\nsuch laws draw into the control of a few men to limit\\ntheir powers and increase their responsibilities.\\n334. Corporations ought to be very rigidly held to the\\nstrict performance of their duties to the public, and their\\ndirectors should be subject to severe punishment, not\\nmerely by money fines, but by imprisonment, for failure", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "Il8 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nin duty or malversation of their trust. The privileges\\ngranted them ought to be much more carefully defined\\nand limited than they are under present laws.\\n335. To labor for such a necessary and useful reform\\nwould be one of the most beneficent acts of Trades Unions,\\nof which I will next tell you.\\nXXXIII\\nOF TRADES UNIONS AND STRIKES\\n336. Trades Unions are associations of men working\\nfor wages, having for their object to guard their interests\\nas bodies of laboring men. They seek, by united effort,\\nto obtain better terms and they have an undoubted\\nand complete right to such association. They have their\\njustification, if any were needed, in the existence of\\nLimited Liability laws, which enable and favor the\\nexercise of vast, and as yet badly limited, powers in the\\nhands of a few shrewd and often unscrupulous employers.\\n337. Wisely managed, such associations of hired laborers\\nmay do, and in some cases in this country have actually\\ndone, good, not only to their members, but to society at\\nlarge. Their serious fault is that on the whole they have\\nnot accomplished nearly the good, even for themselves,\\nwhich they might and ought to have done if their aims\\nhad been higher and broader, and more wisely founded on\\nthe general welfare as they would have been, if they had\\nsought for advice, or even leadership, men trained in eco-\\nnomical laws, and capable of framing for them a wise and\\nfar-reaching policy, instead of the hand-to-mouth policy\\nwhich most of these associations have followed in this\\ncountry.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "TRADES UNIONS AND STRIKES 119\\n338. For trades unions and labor societies in general\\narise out of a perfectly just feeling, among hired laborers,\\nthat they are less comfortable than they wish to be. Edu-\\ncation has, in all civilized countries, given to the great\\nclass of laborers for wages the taste and desire for a\\ngreater amount of comfort than contented them in other\\ndays. But some of the theories on which they act are\\nnot merely unsound, but tend to defeat the very ends they\\nhave in view, by repelling from their ranks a great body\\nof workingmen whom, for success, they ought of course\\nto attract.\\n339. It is one of the serious faults of trades unions\\nand other labor associations that they hold that men have\\na vested interest in their employment; that a mason, for\\ninstance, has a right to his living as a mason that society\\nowes him a living, and on such terms as his union pro-\\nposes, by that trade. I wish particularly to warn you\\nagainst this error. No man has the least right to subsist-\\nence as merely a mason, or a shoemaker, a lawyer, a\\nclergyman, a tailor, a bricklayer, or a miner. If his labor\\nas a mason is surplus, if no more masons are wanted when\\nhe comes along with his trowel, it is his duty to go at some-\\nthing else. A man who regards himself as only a shoe-\\nmaker, a mason, a tailor, a bricklayer, a bookkeeper, or a\\nclerk, sacrifices his independence, and makes himself the\\nsport of circumstances. In our days, when new inven-\\ntions continually change the methods of labor, it is espe-\\ncially hazardous for men to bind themselves for life to a\\nsingle employment and those only can hope to benefit\\nboth themselves and their fellow-laborers who, when they\\nfind their occupation overcrowded, have courage and inde-\\npendence enough to seek a new calling, or a new field\\nof labor.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "120 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n340. When wages in any industry fall to a point too low\\nto afford the laborers engaged in it a comfortable subsist-\\nence, and with prudence and economy a small surplus, that\\nis a proof that labor presses too severely upon the capital\\nwhich can be profitably employed in that industry. Sup-\\npose, now, ten thousand persons employed in such an\\nindustry, and all enrolled in a trades union. Their present\\ncourse would be to strike. Their trice course would be\\nto use the fund which every trades union accumulates, to\\nsend surplus members to a region where labor is better re-\\nwarded that is to say, to reestablish the disturbed equi-\\nlibrium.\\n341. There are no surplus men in the world:\\nwhen any one appears to be so, he is only in the wrong\\nplace. Enable him to go elsewhere, and teach him that he\\nshall, if need be, do something else, and he is no longer\\nsurplus, but highly necessary to civilization. More than\\none half of our planet still lies waste and useless, and suf-\\nfers for lack of strong arms and stout hearts to redeem it.\\n342. It is another fault of trades unions, resulting from\\nthe first named, that some members of unions consider\\nthemselves at liberty to oppose, intimidate, and sometimes\\nphysically injure nonmembers who are of the same trade.\\nI want you to consider this carefully because it is a very\\ngrave matter to all workingmen, whether they are members\\nof labor associations or not.\\n343. When laborers for wages make a demand upon\\ntheir employer, accompanied with a threat that if he re-\\nfuses they will leave him, they are said to strike.\\n344. Of course, every workman has a right to make his\\nown terms with his employer and it can make no differ-\\nence so far as right goes whether he acts singly or\\nwhether he joins a number, great or small, of his fellow-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "TRADES UNIONS AND STRIKES 121\\nlaborers in arranging or rearranging these terms. All\\nlaws having for their object the prevention of such com-\\nbinations and strikes are therefore unjust and oppressive.\\nEvery man has an inalienable right to seek to better his\\ncondition, and the means he uses for that end lie within\\nhis discretion, saving only, of course, that he must keep tJie\\npeace. As a workman lias no defense against a7i oppressive\\nemployer except the threat to leave him, it would be the\\nextreme of injustice to deprive him of that.\\n345. His strike may bring loss and inconvenience, not\\nonly upon his employer, but upon the general community:\\nthat does not lessen his right to strike, or to combine with\\nothers in a strike. It may be unwise, and bring suffering\\nupon him and his associates and their families that, too,\\ndoes not impair his right. In short, when a laborer strikes,\\nhe exercises only the liberty of decidi7ig to whom and on\\nwhat terms lie will hire his labor and to interfere with\\nthat right would be to take away his freedom and make\\nhim a slave.\\n346. But the rights he has a7id uses he must allow to\\nothers and the striker has no right to coerce any other\\nworkingman to join him; when he does that he becomes\\na criminal of a very grave kind, for his wrong affects the\\nrights of all workingmen. If it were granted that a striker\\nmight rightfully force another workman to join him, he\\nwould thereby give up his own rights and liberties for\\nclearly, if he may abridge the freedom of another, somebody\\nelse, by the same right may lessen his. If you have a right\\nto force me not to work, another may, by the same right,\\nforce you to work. The striker therefore encourages the\\ngrossest and most absurd tyranny against himself when he\\ninterferes to force some other man to cease work.\\n347. A strike is the crudest and least advantageous", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "122 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nway to cure a labor grievance. If it is accompanied by\\nviolence, it becomes a crime. Trades unions, as they come\\nunder wiser leadership, will use the means they are able\\nto accumulate to seek out new fields of labor, and will\\nteach their members energetically that laivful liberty is the\\nchief glory of a nation and its maintenance the most im-\\nportant duty of a citizen that with patience and by lawful\\nmethods, all abuses can be removed or cured in a free\\ncountry that no man has a vested interest in a trade or\\nemployment, because that would create a monopoly.\\n348. Perfection comes very slowly under free govern-\\nment abuses are slowly cured. But they are cured,\\nwhile under a despotism they only flourish and increase.\\nOur Limited Liability laws are not perfect, and as they\\nstand open the door to many demoralizing abuses. Our\\ntrades unions are not yet wisely managed. But while all\\ngood citizens unite to maintain lawful liberty in the land,\\nall abuses will be on the way to removal or cure.\\nXXXIV\\nOF PROHIBITORY LAWS, SO CALLED\\n349. Benevolent and philanthropic men, unless they\\nare also wise, which is not always the case, are fond of try-\\ning to make men virtuous by act of legislature. Long\\nexperience has shown, however, that purely social evils or\\nexcesses, or even prejudices, can not be cured by laws.\\n350. The intemperate use of spirituous liquors is one of\\nthe greatest curses to which modern society is exposed it\\nis the cause of at least three quarters of the vice, crime,\\npoverty, pauperism, and misery to be found in our country.\\nIf you were to cut from the newspapers all the reports of", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "PROHIBITORY LAWS, SO CALLED 1 23\\nmurders and attempts to murder during the year, you\\nwould find that at least three out of four arose out of the\\nmisuse of spirituous liquors. If you trace to its source\\nany case of crime, poverty, or extreme misery you may\\nmeet, the chances are at least four to one you will find\\nRum did it. If we could prevent the misuse of spirit-\\nuous liquors, we should save at least one half of the taxes\\ncollected by States, cities, and counties, and very apprecia-\\nbly raise the average of comfort and prosperity among the\\npeople. The gravity of this evil is so generally recognized\\nthat the word Intemperance has come to have a narrow\\napplication in the public mind, being used generally to\\nsignify the misuse of alcoholic drinks though men and\\nwomen may be and constantly are intemperate in many\\nother things, as in eating, in the strife after wealth or\\nsocial or political distinction, or in their use of cards and\\nother means of amusement and I have known boys who\\nwere intemperate in eating candy and gingerbread, in\\nthe use of firecrackers on the Fourth of July, or in novel\\nreading.\\n351. When a boy manifests a morbid and depraved\\ndesire for candy, judicious parents deny him this in-\\ndulgence but they do not necessarily deprive all his\\nbrothers and sisters who have no such morbid craving. So\\nwhen a man has contracted a passion for gambling, he\\ndoes well to avoid the use of cards entirely but it does\\nnot follow, because some men intemperately waste their\\nmeans in poker playing, that all elderly ladies and gentle-\\nmen should be forbidden a harmless and pleasant game of\\nwhist.\\n352. In many of our States, however, philanthropic\\npersons demand what is called a Prohibitory Liquor Law\\na law entirely forbidding the manufacture, importation,", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "124 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nand sale of spirituous liquors as a beverage and they\\ndemand this because they believe the only way to extirpate\\nthe vice of intemperate drinking is to stop the use of\\nliquors entirely.\\n353. Lawmakers in order that their labors may be\\neffective and useful, are bound to bear in mind the pas-\\nsions and natural tastes of mankind. Not every wrong\\nor evil can be cured by law and there are matters which\\nthe wise lawmaker leaves unnoticed on the statute books.\\n354. Further, it is important for you to know that any\\nlaw is unwise which has not the general favor of the\\ncommunity to which it is to be applied for if a law has\\nnot this general countenance and support in public opinion,\\nit can not be enforced in a free state. It is only a despotic\\nruler who can, by force of arms, terrify and compel his\\nsubjects into a change of their habits.\\n355. In legislating upon the subject of spirituous liquors,\\na wise lawmaker would remember that the craving for stim-\\nulants is very common among mankind that spirituous\\nliquors and wines are of important use in diseases, and when\\nmoderately used are doubtless of service in preventing some\\ndiseases that the right of a man to decide whether or not\\nhe needs a stimulant can not be declared by any general\\nlaw, because each case must necessarily be judged upon\\nits own features, and it must therefore practically be left\\nto himself that it is not a function of law to prevent a man s\\ninjuring himself else the government would have to in-\\nterfere in every act of our lives, but only to prevent him\\nfrom injuring others and that, finally, a law cutting off\\nthe supply of an article in common demand cannot be\\ncarried into effect without vexatious and justly hateful\\nsearches and interference with individual desires and\\ntastes. To a wise lawmaker, therefore, greatly as he", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "PROHIBITORY LAWS, SO CALLED 1 25\\nmight be impressed with the evils arising to society out\\nof the misuse of spirituous liquors, a general law totally\\nprohibiting their sale within a State, or the United States,\\nwould seem inexpedient, because it could not be enforced\\nand if it could be, would involve an unjust and vexatious\\ninterference with individual rights.\\n356. Prohibitory liquor laws are thus unwise, and their\\nadoption ought to be opposed, because they are directed,\\nnot against the abuse, but against the use of an article.\\nBut society has a right to seek, by judicious regulations, to\\nprotect itself against the results of the misuse of liquors.\\nIt has a right to exact of the retail liquor seller a tax or\\npenalty for the privilege of pursuing his injurious calling,\\nand to establish and enforce severe penalties for selling\\nwithout such permit or license. It may rightly levy a fine\\nupon the liquor seller in whose house a drunken man is\\nfound, and put a penalty upon habitual drunkenness\\nwhich might very justly be enforced labor for the benefit\\nof his family. Also the community may refuse entirely to\\nlicense barrooms or other places for the sale of liquor at\\nretail and its consumption on the premises. Moreover, it\\nwould be eminently just to devote the proceeds of liquor\\nlicenses to the support of the hospitals, poorhouses, orphan\\nasylums, jails, and penitentiaries which the misuse of strong\\ndrink does so much to fill and the necessities of these\\ncharitable and penal institutions might be made, in any\\nState or county, the measure of the license fees which\\nshould be exacted from liquor sellers, instead of fixing a\\nmere arbitrary sum. In this way, at least those who keep\\nand frequent tippling-houses would be obliged to make up\\nto the community some part of the money loss inflicted\\nupon it by their vice.\\n357. In the vain attempt to prevent the use of intoxi-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "126 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\neating liquors, the temperance people have neglected some\\neffective measures for lessening the misuse which is all\\nthey have any business with. It has been practically\\ndemonstrated, for instance, that it is a great help toward\\ntemperance in the use of alcoholic drinks, to empower\\nsmall communities, townships, or even school districts, and\\nwards in cities, to decide, by a vote of the inhabitants, the\\nquestion whether retail liquor licenses shall be granted or\\ndenied within their bounds. This is called local option/\\nand I will proceed to explain to you its uses.\\nXXXV\\nOF LOCAL OPTION\\n358. Local option is an application of the principle\\nof decentralization, which was explained to you in Section\\nVIII.\\n359. In our political system, as you have read, some\\nthings are assigned to the Federal Government, some to\\nthe State government, and some by this to the county, city,\\nand township governments. It has been seen by wise men\\nthat some matters which have been usually left to the State,\\nor to the counties and cities, might advantageously be\\nassigned to the smaller political subdivisions.\\n360. For instance, a compulsory school law is found to\\nbe very difficult of enforcement over a whole State. In some\\nparts public opinion would readily sustain such a law in\\nothers it is opposed, and where this is the case such a law\\nis likely to be a dead letter. Again, a law refusing liquor\\nlicenses would be sustained by public sentiment in some\\nlocalities, but would be openly violated in others, where the\\npublic opinion was decidedly hostile to it.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "PARTY GOVERNMENT 1 27\\n361. If, now, instead of adopting one rule for all the\\npeople of a State, a legislature should empower every town-\\nship, city ward, or school district to declare by a vote of its\\ncitizens, to be taken once a year, whether within the limits\\nof such a subdivision licenses should he, granted, ox refused, it\\nis evident that, as each of these small subdivisions would de-\\ncide for itself, its inhabitants would be directly thrown upon\\ntheir responsibility. If the majority wished tippling-shops,\\nthey would vote for licensing them if they wished to ex-\\ntirpate them, they would vote to refuse licenses; but it\\nwould be certain that public sentiment would enforce the law.\\nMoreover, by such an expedient the friends of temperance\\nwould be able to raise the question once a year, to bring it\\nprominently before the people in each locality, and to show\\nthe people by statistical comparisons the economical and\\nmoral advantages of temperance, which are very great.\\nThis plan has been successfully carried out in several\\nparts of our country and it is found by experience that\\nwhere the people of a township have persistently refused\\nto license shops for the sale of liquors and its consumption\\non the premises, in barrooms, that is to say, crime and\\npauperism have been almost entirely extirpated.\\nXXXVI\\nOF PARTY GOVERNMENT THE IMPORTANCE OF THE\\nMINORITY\\n362. In an ideal state, the people, gifted with unfailing\\ndiscernment of merit, would select continually, and without\\nprompting of any kind, the wisest and ablest men for their\\nrulers and these rulers would devise always the most\\nbeneficent and the noblest policies for the nation, State,", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "128 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nor city. Practically, however, these matters are managed\\nsomewhat differently. The voters are guided more or less\\nby political leaders in whom they have confidence, and by\\nappeals to their prejudices. Men are brought into political\\nlife by careful management of their friends, and of the\\nhigher chiefs of a party, who are always on the lookout for\\ncapable men to help them. Platforms are studied over\\nand prepared by small coteries of politicians, who aim to\\nmake them attractive to those citizens by whose votes they\\nhope to be elected, and conformable to the policies which\\nthe party desires to advance.\\n363. As men in the actual state differ in judgment as\\nto the wisdom of different policies, and as not merely re-\\ngard for the general welfare, but prejudices, self-interest,\\nand other passions move them, party government arises\\ninevitably in a free country, and the voters are called on\\nto decide, at elections, what policy, and what men repre-\\nsenting such policy, shall have the preference.\\n364. 7/ is very important to the welfare of a state that\\nboth the great political parties shall be controlled by wise and\\nhonest men. A feeble, or divided, or unprincipled minority\\ncan not offer an effective opposition to even the worst\\nattempts of an unscrupulous majority. In reality, such an\\nineffective minority only helps to debase the majority\\nwhile a powerful, honest, and intelligent minority forces\\nthe majority to rule carefully and honestly. A weak,\\ndivided, and ineffective minority may easily bring serious\\ncalamities on a country.\\n365. The first duty of a minority is to become a majority.\\n366. A minority is as likely to be right as a majority\\nand if it is, and if it persists in asserting its principles, and\\nif its leaders are able enough to frame a practical and\\nconstitutional policy, and to meet their opponents in argu-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "PARTY GOVERNMENT 1 29\\nment before the people, it will, by and by, find itself in\\nthe majority.\\n367. A minority is contemptible and must fail when it\\nhas neither principles nor policy to oppose to the majority,\\nbut relies upon abuse of its opponents, or mere criticism of\\nthe majority s blunders. For, in such a case, unless the\\nmajority is extraordinarily corrupt or inefficient, the peo-\\nple, seeing no principles at issue, will condone its offenses\\nand maintain it in power, out of a conservative spirit, which\\nis one of the most valuable qualities in a free people. Nor\\nare they wrong in this for if the minority have no satis-\\nfactory policy or principles to offer, their struggle is merely\\none for place or office, with which the people have but\\nlittle sympathy.\\n368. In general, inefficiency is more quickly resented\\nby the people in their rulers than corruption, unless that\\nassumes the dimensions of mere vulgar robbery. Ineffi-\\nciency and corruption usually go together. But the\\nstrongest appeal of a minority to the American people is\\nagainst injustice.\\n369. A strong and able minority is a very important\\npart of a legislative body. Its office there is to examine\\nand criticise the propositions and acts of the party in\\npower to scrutinize its expenditures to expose its ineffi-\\nciency, its usurpations of power to ridicule its blunders\\nand to oppose all attempts at bad legislation. Where a\\nminority is strong in votes, and has able leaders, the first\\neffect of its vigilance is to make the party in power more\\ncareful in administration and legislation, and thus to benefit\\nthe country and its second effect is to rally to its side the\\nmost independent and ablest members of the majority, and\\nthus if the majority is inefficient or corrupt to prepare\\nthe people s minds for a change at the elections.\\nNORD. 9", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "130 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n370. But, on the other hand, where a legislative minor-\\nity lacks ability and statesmanship, and offers a merely\\nfactious or trivial opposition, it is very apt to fall into con-\\ntempt with the people, and to injure its own prospects of\\npolitical success.\\nXXXVII\\nOF THE PUBLIC SERVICE\\n371. To carry on the necessary business of the various\\ngovernments we have, Federal, State, city, and county, in a\\ncountry like ours, which will soon have a hundred millions\\nof people, a large number of officials are required and as\\nthere is a constant tendency to increase the duties of\\nthese governments, and to allow them to interfere more\\nand more in the concerns of the people this, of course,\\ntends also to increase the numbers of those employed in\\nthe public service; the Taxeaters, as they are often\\ncalled by taxpayers.\\n372. The not unnatural, yet vicious, desire of party\\nchiefs to strengthen their own power by rewarding their\\nadherents with public office, paying them out of the public\\nmoney for party service, of course strengthens the tend-\\nency to increase the number of public offices to make a\\ngovernment assume new duties makes occasion, as you can\\nsee, for the employment of more officials.\\n373. The race for public employment has become a\\nstriking and disagreeable phenomenon amongst us. We\\nare sometimes accused of being a nation of office\\nseekers. Partly this comes from the general perversion\\nof our common school system, which trains the youth of\\nour country too exclusively for clerical work, and thus leaves\\nthem almost helpless, except in one greatly overcrowded", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE PUBLIC SERVICE 131\\nset of vocations, when they come to enter practical life.\\nA young man who is master of a good trade is not usually\\nan office seeker. Partly also, no doubt, it comes from a\\ngeneral feeling that a place in the public service though\\nit does not offer permanence, or a career, and is in general\\npoorly paid yet brings, even in a petty office, honor or\\ncredit to the occupant, together with easier tasks and sure\\npay. But this propensity to office seeking has been very\\ngreatly increased by the practice of partisan chiefs prom-\\nising office to incite their adherents to work in the\\ncampaign and by the custom, which has grown amongst\\nus, of turning out of place the incumbents, however ca-\\npable and faithful, and putting in their places, on the\\ncoming in of a new administration, the party workers\\nand personal favorites of those assuming power.\\n374. The most serious evil resulting from this senseless\\nsystem of rotation in office is that it makes our elec-\\ntions not a strife for principles and policies, which is their\\ntrue and honorable purpose, but a mere struggle for\\noffice, in w 7 hich party workers have mainly in view not the\\nsuccess of a cause, but the plunder, so to speak, of the\\nvictory. It is what the party workers are to gain for\\nthemselves and their adherents and favorites which is in\\nquestion in the election, not the best policy for a great\\nnation, State, or city.\\n375. While we were a small people, and while our\\nvarious governments, national, State, and city, had but\\nfew and simple duties, this system of rotation in office\\nand the open division of public plunder, were tolerated\\nthough you must remember that they had their origin\\nlong after the foundation of the Federal Government and\\nthe fathers of our system did not reward party service with\\noffice, and did not think it honorable or patriotic to turn", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "132 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nout a competent and honest clerk in office because he was\\nof opposite political faith.\\n376. But as our territorial area and our population have\\nvastly increased, as our various governments more and\\nmore interfere in the concerns of the people, and as what\\nwe call civilization makes constantly more complicated our\\nsocial system, to intensify the bitterness of party strife by\\nholding out the plunder of office as an incitement and\\nreward is seen by wise citizens to put a severe and dan-\\ngerous strain on our free institutions. Party strife is bitter\\nenough in all free states, as history, ancient as well as\\nmodern, shows, without adding the incitement of a great\\nmultitude of personal interests and ambitions. A practice\\nwhich may have been considered harmless when we were\\na simply organized community of twenty or twenty-five\\nmillions, is dangerous to our free and popular government\\nwhen we have become a very highly complicated social\\nbody of seventy-five or a hundred millions.\\n377. There has arisen, therefore, a demand for a reform\\nof this growing evil. It is demanded that the men selected\\nfor the minor places in the public service shall be shown\\nto be fit for their duties by a thorough and practical exam-\\nination and that the chief executive shall select such\\nsubordinates only from those who have passed such exami-\\nnations. Also that the incumbents of places requiring\\nonly minor clerical duties shall remain while they perform\\ntheir duties satisfactorily.\\n378. A very important benefit, you will easily see,\\nwould be gained to our country by the permanent estab-\\nlishment of this reform. Political leaders, having no\\nlonger what has been called the cohesive power of pub-\\nlic plunder to appeal to and count on, would find it\\nnecessary to move the voters by the presentation of", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "THE PUBLIC SERVICE 1 33\\nwell-considered public policies, and thus we might hope\\nby and by to see statesmen, where we now see mainly\\npolitical bosses.\\n379. There are some important reasons why this reform\\ncan be carried into practice less by laws than by the strong\\nforce of public opinion, holding it a disgrace and an injury\\nto the community in an executive chief to tolerate or sub-\\nmit to the spoils system.\\n380. To make and hold the chief executive, be he\\npresident, governor, or mayor, responsible for the careful\\nperformance of his duties, it is obviously necessary that he\\nshall have the selection of his subordinates and the power\\nto dismiss summarily any of them who, in his judgment,\\ndo not perform their duties satisfactorily.\\n381. If he is deprived of this power he is, as you can\\nsee, at the mercy of his subordinates, and cannot justly be\\nheld responsible for the honest and effective conduct of\\nthe public service by the people. Thus, to make the post-\\nmasters all over the country elective officers, as has been\\nproposed, would make them independent of the President,\\nwho could not remove them summarily for unfaithfulness\\nor incompetence. This would at once and greatly demor-\\nalize that important public service. So, too, to make the\\nsubordinates of a governor or mayor elective officers,\\nweakens and demoralizes the public service by lessening\\nthe responsibility, to the people, of the executive head.\\nThe voters can not usefully, or without injury to the public\\nservice, be required to elect subordinate executive officers.\\n382. But it is no lessening of the proper powers or\\nresponsibility of a chief executive to require that those\\nhe wishes to appoint to office under him shall be proved\\nto be competent by a preliminary practical examination.\\nIf he honestly desires to serve the community, and not", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "134 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nmerely to reward his friends at the public expense, such\\nexaminations will be a great help to him in making his\\nselections.\\nXXXVIII\\nOF CONFEDERATION AND UNION\\n383. You already know from history that our country\\nwas first settled mainly by English people, who were\\nformed into different colonies, subject to the English\\ncrown. Great Britain eventually acquired nearly all of\\nour Atlantic seaboard.\\n384. The management of colonies by all the European\\ngovernments was, at that time, conceived in the most nar-\\nrow and selfish spirit. A colony was held, by the ablest\\nstatesmen of the eighteenth century, to be rightly treated\\nas a dependency whose inhabitants were to enrich only\\nthe government and people whose flag they served, and\\nthe nation from which they were derived and the people\\nof a colony were therefore forbidden to trade with foreign\\nnations, and even to manufacture for themselves many\\narticles which were produced in the mother country.\\n385. The English Navigation Act closed the North\\nAmerican ports to all but English ships, forbade any\\nbut English subjects to engage in foreign trade, and pro-\\nhibited the exportation of tobacco, wool, and other prod-\\nucts of the colonies, to any country but England. Also\\nthe English colonists were forbidden to establish manu-\\nfactures of several kinds, because it was held that they\\nwould thus injure the industries of England.\\n386. It was this interference with the right to produce\\nwhat they pleased, and to exchange their products freely\\nwhere they could do so most advantageously, which began", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "CONFEDERATION AND UNION 1 35\\nthat alienation from England which ended in the Revolu-\\ntionary War and the independence of the colonies. The\\ngreater part of the wrongs set forth in the Declaration of\\nIndependence grew out of the efforts of the British govern-\\nment to confine the commerce of the colonies to the mother\\ncountry out of the determination of the Americans freely\\nto produce what they pleased, and freely to exchange their\\nproducts wherever it was to their advantage to do so.\\n387. During the Revolutionary War the thirteen colo-\\nnies, which had become States, formed themselves into a\\nConfederation but, jealous of their separate independ-\\nence, and fearful of a new master, the States, in the Arti-\\ncles of Confederation, reserved, each to itself, almost all\\nthe powers of government.\\n388. The government of the Confederation had no\\npresident or other executive; it had no power over indi-\\nviduals, either to tax, to coerce, or to punish them. It\\nconsisted of a Congress of delegates elected by the State\\nlegislatures, and upon this Congress were devolved cer-\\ntain duties, which, however, it had no power to perform.\\nAll its determinations were to be carried into effect by the\\nStates, which, however, it had no power to coerce.\\n389. The States, under the Confederation, reserved to\\nthemselves the power of the purse. The Congress could\\ndeclare the amount of revenue needed to carry on the gen-\\neral government, but the taxes were laid and collected by\\nthe States according to a general apportionment, and when,\\nas sometimes happened, some States did not pay in their\\nquota, the Congress had no power to enforce its payment.\\nThe Congress had authority to declare war, but it could\\nnot raise a single soldier that was reserved to the States.\\nThe Congress was made an arbitrator between the States,\\nbut it was powerless to enforce its decisions. Finally, the", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "136 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nStates, which alone could levy taxes, reserved to themselves\\nthe regulation of commerce, and the right to tax the ex-\\nchange of products, not only those coming from abroad,\\nbut also those which were sent from one State into another\\nand it was not long before high and vexatious duties were\\nexacted for the encouragement of home industry/ on the\\nimportation of goods from one State into another, which\\nled, naturally, to retaliatory laws, and presently to such ob-\\nstruction of the exchange of products as caused a general pros-\\ntration of all industries in all the States. Production was\\ndiscouraged, because markets were limited at every State\\nboundary customhouse officers stood to exact tribute of the\\nman who had something to exchange and as the profitable-\\nness of industry depends on the right to exchange and is di-\\nminished by every check placed upon the freedom of exchange\\nand by every limitation of the area over which a product may\\nbe exchanged, production was fatally hampered, and the\\nwhole country fell into poverty.\\n390. The first movement toward our present form of gov-\\nernment arose out of a convention called to remove some\\nunendurably vexatious fetters upon the exchange of prod-\\nucts. Commissioners were appointed by the legislatures\\nof Maryland and Virginia to make freer to the people of\\nthose States the navigation of the rivers Potomac and\\nRoanoke, and the Chesapeake Bay. They were unable to\\nact effectively and at their instance the legislature of\\nVirginia, in 1786, proposed a convention of commissioners\\nfrom all the States, to take into consideration the state of\\ntrade, and the propriety of a uniform system of commercial\\nrelations. These commissioners advised a convention to\\nrevise the Articles of Confederation, and it was this body\\nwhich in 1787 framed our present Constitution.\\n391. Once more you see the extreme importance oifree-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "CONFEDERATION AND UNION 1 37\\ndom of exchange to the prosperity of industry. Our Con-\\nstitution grew out of the necessity of freeing the exchange\\nof products from the fetters imposed upon it by the States\\nand accordingly those who framed it took care to secure in\\nan effectual manner this great object.\\n392. The Federal Constitution differed in but two fun-\\ndamental particulars from the Articles of Confederation\\nwhich it superseded. It gave the central government,\\nwithin its properly limited sphere, direct power over indi-\\nviduals and by its limitation of the powers of the State\\ngovernments, and its definition of the powers of the Fed-\\neral Government (sections 8, 9, and 10 of Article I.), it\\nestablished and has maintained entire freedom for the mi-\\ngration of citizens and the exchange of products between the\\nStates. No citizen needs a passport, to pass from one of otir\\nStates into another and no State customhouses bar the way\\nof commerce or impede the free interchange of products\\nbetween the States.\\n393. The adoption of the Constitution, by freeing the\\nexchange of products among the States, at once revived\\nindustry, by vastly enlarging the market for all products.\\nWhen men could sell over an immensely enlarged area,\\nwithout obstruction, what they had raised and produced,\\nevery energy was stimulated which before was crushed, and\\nwe began thus, by the removal of obstructions to exchange,\\nthat career of prosperity and growth which has been the\\nwonder of the world.\\n394. The union of the States under a central or Federal\\nGovernment has thus been the direct cause of all our long\\nand remarkable career of prosperity, and this because, first,\\nit has secured to our people, within their constantly increas-\\ning area, unrestricted freedom of exchange, which has acted\\nas a constant stimulant to their enterprise, ingenuity, and", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "138 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nindustry. It has set a prize on intelligence by securing its\\nproducts an immense market, covering nearly half of the\\ncontinent, and that the richest part. Second, the Consti-\\ntution assured homogeneous laws and free intercommuni-\\ncation over the whole of our territory, and thus made\\nmigration possible and safe, whereby new fields of activity\\nhave been constantly opened to the thrifty poor and to the\\nrestless and adventurous of our population.\\n395. Finally, the self-government in local affairs reserved\\nto the States has enabled these to experiment safely, and to\\nmake changes in the State constitutions, not always for the\\nbest, but often needed improvements, and thus, by compar-\\ning results, gradually and safely to improve our system of\\ngovernment.\\nXXXIX\\nTHE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM\\n396. Appended to this volume you will find the Federal\\nConstitution, which I advise you to read with care.\\n397. You will discover that this instrument creates a\\ngovernment of limited powers, but of unlimited authority\\nwithin its province. For instance, the President of the\\nUnited States can not appoint any State officer, nor issue\\na command to him not even to a justice of the peace or\\na constable in a township but Congress may order the\\nPresident to draft or compel half a million of citizens into\\nthe army in case of war. Congress may declare war, and\\nraise armies and levy taxes to carry it on it may declare\\nwho are citizens, how much gold shall go to a dollar, and\\nhow many pounds of wheat to a bushel; but it can not\\nenact or repeal a city charter, nor interfere in the acts of\\neven a township s trustees.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM 1 39\\n398. This limitation and division of powers we call de-\\ncentralization. You have read of it in Section VIII. and\\nits practical application is one of the most important and\\nbeneficial features of our political system.\\n399. Under it, you must remember, the Federal Govern-\\nment has absolute command and power over every citizen\\nand his property, for certain purposes and in certain rela-\\ntions; and this is necessary to give it efficiency. But it is\\nabsolutely without power over the citizens in other relations,\\nand this is necessary to secure our liberties, and to give\\nelasticity to our political system which means to make\\nchange possible without revolution.\\n400. The people of the United States are a nation the\\nFederal Government is a national government in the truest\\nand largest sense of the word and the Constitution em-\\npowers it to do all that any nation can require of its gov-\\nernment, and to act in the most direct and decisive manner\\nupon the individual citizen.\\n401. The Federal Government has the exclusive charge\\nof our intercourse, as a nation, with other nations and it\\nalone can make treaties. If you travel abroad, your citi-\\nzenship is declared by a Federal passport your rights are\\ndefended by the Federal Government you are known as\\na citizen, not of New Jersey or California, but of the\\nUnited States the flag of your country is the Federal\\nflag and foreign governments have not even any official\\nknowledge of the existence of our States.\\n402. The Federal Government has the exclusive au-\\nthority to make treaties, to declare war and peace, to raise\\narmies and maintain a navy and though the militia in\\ntime of peace are trained by the States, this must be ac-\\ncording to rules adopted by the Federal Congress. It has\\nthe entire charge of the common defense against attack", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "I40 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nfrom other nations, and has the power to defend its own\\nexistence against insurrection, and make its own laws\\nobeyed by all the citizens all State constitutions and\\nlaws to the contrary notwithstanding. It is empowered to\\nraise revenue by internal as well as external taxes, and, if\\nnecessary, to borrow money. Its tax collectors and other\\nofficers proceed directly against the individual citizen, and\\nin its own courts. It has the authority to establish and\\nmaintain post offices, to coin money and punish counter-\\nfeiters to fix weights and measures, to regulate commerce,\\nto take cognizance of offenses committed at sea, in the\\nTerritories, and against the laws of nations to declare\\nwho shall be citizens, and to grant patents and copyrights.\\nAnd all laws enacted by Congress, for these and other pur-\\nposes recited in the Constitution, are the supreme law of\\nthe land, and as such entitled to your faithful obedience,\\neven though a State constitution or laws should command\\nyou to the contrary. For an act of Congress, a decision\\nof the United States Supreme Court, or a command of the\\nPresident when this is in accordance with an act of Congress,\\nis above any or all State laws and constitutions. The States\\nare so completely prohibited from interfering with the\\nFederal Government in its own field, as this is prescribed\\nin the Constitution, that they can not even tax Federal\\nbonds and the Federal power is so supreme, within its\\nlimits, that it may punish even the obstruction of one of\\nits mail wagons.\\n403. It may be well to explain to you here, also, that\\nwhen a citizen disobeys a Federal law he is directly dealt\\nwith arrested, tried, and punished by Federal officers\\nand courts. In case of insurrection or rebellion, the\\nFederal authority acts against individuals, not against\\nStates and if a State adopts a law contrary to the", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM 141\\nFederal Constitution the citizen who is called on to obey\\nit may appeal to the Federal Supreme Court, whose\\ndecision in the case is final.\\n404. In all that concerns us as a nation, either in our\\nexternal or internal interests, the Federal Government is\\nthus supreme. But in a great many important relations it\\nhas nothing to do with us and these are left as entirely\\nto the State governments, and to the county and city govern-\\nments, as the other and general interests are given to the\\nFederal Government. In fact, great and apparently over-\\nshadowing as is the power of our central government, it\\nis scarcely felt by the individual citizen, except when we\\nhave a war, which involves the raising of armies and a\\nnavy, and heavy taxation, or when we are cursed w r ith a\\nheavy debt, or serious internal disorders. In the first half-\\ncentury of our existence as a nation there were millions of\\nAmericans who hardly knew that there was a Federal\\nGovernment, except when they voted for a President or a\\nmember of Congress. The Federal revenues were then\\ncollected entirely at a few customhouses the only tax-\\ngatherer seen by the mass of citizens was a State officer\\nand the only evidences of the Federal power s activity\\nwhich then came under the notice of the multitude of citi-\\nzens were in the benefits they received from post offices,\\nlighthouses, and the survey of wild lands.\\n405. A State government is bound to maintain peace\\nand order within its limits, and thus to make its own laws\\nrespected it is the governor of a State who, through the\\nsheriff, his local peace officer, and by help of the State\\nmilitia if necessary, puts down local riots and disturbances.\\nBut observe that if such riot becomes too formidable for\\nthe forces at his command to contend with, the State\\nlegislature (or the governor himself, if the legislature", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "142 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ncannot be convened) is authorized by the Federal Consti-\\ntution to call upon the President for help.\\n406. And observe still further, what is very important\\nfor you to bear in mind, that if such riotous disturbance\\ninterrupts the functions of the Federal Government, as its\\nduty to carry the mail, or to preserve its property, or col-\\nlect its taxes, in that case the Federal Government, under\\nthe Constitution, is bound to step in and by its officials,\\nand its soldiers if need be, summarily put down the law-\\nbreakers and restore peace and order. General Washing-\\nton understood this distinction perfectly, in the case of the\\n11 Whisky Insurrection, so called, in the early days of our\\ngovernment.\\n407. The State government has the duty to punish\\ncrimes, except those committed against the United States\\nor against the laws of nations to appoint the police and\\nmaintain the prisons to regulate the rules of inherit-\\nance. It has charge of education and the public health\\nit creates and regulates all corporations, such as railroad\\nand insurance companies, within its limits it declares\\nwho of its inhabitants shall vote it may regulate the sale\\nof liquors and poisons, and abolish nuisances. In all these\\nmatters, and others of the same kind, the State has juris-\\ndiction and power, to the exclusion of the Federal Govern-\\nment and the governor, the State courts, and the State\\nlegislature have abundant power to perform all their duties.\\n408. Within the State there are a number of political\\nsubdivisions the county, township, and school district, and\\nthe city and ward all these are created and may be\\nchanged by the State legislature, and to each a part of the\\nwork of government is assigned by the State constitution\\nand laws, and in accordance with custom, which varies\\nsomewhat in different States. A city ward is the equiva-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN 1 43\\nlent of a township but cities are with us governed by a\\ncharter granted by the State legislature, while county gov-\\nernments are usually prescribed in a State constitution.\\nThere is no reason for this difference and the practice\\nof granting special charters to cities has been the cause\\nof much mischievous legislation, and of widespread cor-\\nruption. A city government needs to be somewhat\\ndifferently constituted from that of a county but there is\\nno reason why all the cities of a State should not exist\\nunder a single charter, carefully drawn.\\nXL\\nOF THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN\\n409. In all the constitutions, Federal and State, the\\npeople have reserved to themselves certain rights and\\nimmunities which none of their governments are allowed\\nto interfere with and it is important that you should\\nunderstand these.\\n410. As an American citizen, you are a free man; and\\nno one has a right to enslave your person, except for crime,\\nof which you must first be convicted upon a fair trial in\\nopen court, or to take from you your property, except by\\ndue process of law.\\n411. You have a right to believe what you please; to\\nworship God as you please to express your opinions on\\nall subjects freely but you may be punished for libelous\\nattacks on others, and for incitement to riotous and violent\\nconduct, in violation of or resistance to law, in which last\\ncase it is as a rioter that you make yourself amenable to\\npunishment. You may print what you please, with the\\nsame restrictions and you have the right to assemble", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "144 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nwith whom you please, in an orderly manner, and to\\npetition the State or Federal Government for redress of\\ngrievances.\\n412. You may be arrested only for cause mentioned in\\na proper and legal warrant, served by an authorized officer\\nof the law, who must show you his authority.\\n413. You have a right to be released on bail, unless\\ncharged with a capital crime and to be produced before\\nthe nearest court, on a writ of habeas corpus, in order that\\nthat court shall decide whether your arrest and confinement\\nwere properly made, and for sufficiently probable cause.\\n414. You have a right to a speedy trial by jury, to be\\nconfronted with the witnesses against you, to engage a\\ncompetent person for your defense, and to know at once\\nand definitely, when you are arrested, what you are\\ncharged with.\\n415. You have a right to appeal to the proper court for\\nprotection to your person and property and if the con-\\nstituted authorities fail to protect you, you have a right\\nto damages for their neglect.\\n416. You have a right to be secure in your house\\nagainst searches by officers of the law, except on proper\\nwarrant, which must first be shown you, and for sufficient\\ncause.\\n417. You have a right to keep and bear arms, but not,\\n1 in most of our States, to carry them concealed upon your\\nperson.\\n418. You have a right to sue for damages any officer of\\nthe law who arrests or tries you in an unlawful manner.\\n419. These are the sacred and inalienable rights of every\\nAmerican citizen. They make him secure against unjust\\nor usurping rulers, and against unscrupulous attacks from\\na fellow-citizen. They enable the citizen to be safe against", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN 145\\ninjustice, or to obtain, by summary or immediate methods,\\nredress against unjust attacks. They are possessed by all\\nthe people women and children as well as men.\\n420. These are inestimable blessings to those who en-\\njoy them. Many nations calling themselves civilized have\\nthem not.\\n421. It is your highest duty as an American citizen to\\nobey the laws, even if they are, in your belief, unjust or un-\\nwise. General Grant once shrewdly said that the best\\nway to procure the repeal of an unjust or unwise law was\\nrigorously to enforce it. It is your right to expose the\\nfolly or injustice of a law, to demand its repeal, and to try\\nto get a majority to repeal it. But while it remains a law,\\nyou, are to obey it.\\n422. Under a free government such as ours, resistance\\nto law is inexcusable in the citizens because the people\\nthemselves cause the laws to be made the constitution\\nlimits the powers of the majority and thus prevents its\\ntyranny the courts are open for redress of grievances\\nand by patient argument and exposure, before the people,\\nthe repeal of bad or unjust laws can with certainty be\\neffected.\\n423. But further, it is your important duty as an Ameri-\\ncan citizen to watch the conduct of public officers, the\\nhighest as well as the lowest, to see that they not only\\nperform their duties, but also observe their constitutional\\nlimitations. And if they fail in this, then it is your duty\\nto help to expose their misconduct, to arouse the general\\npublic opinion against them, and cause their punishment\\nat the elections. This you are bound to do, whether such\\nofficers belong to your own party or to the other. For it is\\nonly by such constant vigilance in the individual citizens that\\na free nation can hope to preserve its liberties unimpaired.\\nNORD. IO", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "146 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nXLI\\nOF CITY GOVERNMENTS\\n424. To secure a proper, that is to say, an honest or\\neffective, government for great cities, is a problem enga-\\nging the attention of good citizens, not only in this country,\\nbut in several others. The rapid growth of these enor-\\nmous aggregations of people is a phenomenon still of no\\nlong standing; the problem of effective city government\\nunder greatly and rapidly changed conditions is still new.\\nIt begins to be clearly seen, only of late, that the old sys-\\ntem, still in the main retained, by which the city affairs are\\nmanaged on the theory that it is a political corporation,\\nlike a State in the Federal Union, will no longer answer,\\nbecause it is not true.\\n425. A modern city, with its thousands or millions of\\npeople closely crowded together in a narrow space, is really\\nnot a political but a business corporation. You will see this\\nif you reflect that the duties of the heads of the city cor-\\nporation have no relation to our State or Federal political\\nmovements or changes, but solely to the health, security,\\nand comfort of the members of the corporation, the mass\\nof the inhabitants of the city, namely. The citizens of a\\ncity rightly influence by their votes at State or Federal\\nelections the policy to be pursued in the State or country\\nat large, but you can see that the exercise of this function\\ncan not usefully be allowed to affect the business character\\nand operations of the city government and that where, as\\nis now the practice, these two are mixed together, confu-\\nsion and mismanagement are sure to ensue.\\n426. The true and proper functions of the heads of a city\\ncorporation concent not party politics, but business. They\\nhave to control", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "CITY GOVERNMENTS 1 47\\ni. The police and police courts, to keep public order\\nand prevent and punish crime.\\n2. The streets, which must be paved and kept clean and\\nclear and of course the street railroads so that move-\\nment shall be unobstructed and comfortable.\\n3. The charities, which means the relief of the destitute\\nand helpless.\\n4. The water supply on a great scale.\\n5. Lighting by gas or electricity, also on a great\\nscale.\\n6. Schools.\\n7. The preservation of the general health by sanitary\\nregulations.\\n8. An effective fire department to prevent sudden and\\ndisastrous losses where houses are so closely crowded\\ntogether.\\n9. Sewers, to carry off safely the refuse of thousands or\\nmillions of people.\\n10. Parks or public recreation grounds.\\n11. Wharves, piers, and bridges.\\n427. These, you will observe, are purely business mat-\\nters. They have no relation to party politics or to the\\nmanagement of State or Federal affairs. Summed up,\\nthey relate entirely to the security, health, and comfort of the\\nmembers of the corporation, the inhabitants of the city and\\nremember that these business matters must be attended to,\\nno matter what other and different questions may be agita-\\nting the public mind, regarding the control or management\\nof the State or Federal Government.\\n428. Think of some other great business corporation,\\na railroad or a manufacturing corporation you would hold\\nit absurd and only leading to bankruptcy if, in one of\\nthese, the stockholders should be required to vote for their", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "I48 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nboard of directors on partisan political grounds as Repub-\\nlicans or Democrats. Of course they would refuse to do\\nso, and on the plain ground that the affair they are inter-\\nested in has no relation to politics or political parties;\\nwhat they want in their separate relation as members of\\nsuch a corporation is skillful and economical management\\nto produce dividends and into that they would justly say\\nparty political questions do not enter at all.\\n429. Now, the dividends of the inhabitants of a\\ngreat city are an effective police, clean and well-paved\\nstreets, due care for the public health, and so on. And\\nthe constitution and by-laws of this great corporation\\nought to be so framed that the heads of the corporation\\nshould be made to look after these varied business inter-\\nests. It should be made possible to select them for their\\nskill and integrity but, above all else, not because of\\ntheir relation to partisan politics.\\n430. This is the aim toward which, more or less blindly\\nand clumsily, thoughtful citizens are working, in this ques-\\ntion how to manage well those huge business corporations\\nwhich we call cities. How, precisely, they are to be\\nchanged from political to business corporations no one can\\nforetell; because no one can tell you how long the mil-\\nlions of people in New York, for instance, will endure to\\nbe made uncomfortable at a needlessly heavy cost how\\nlong before they will see that, poor and rich alike, they\\nget, while the city remains a political instead of a business\\ncorporation, very little for their money.\\n431. All reforms come about slowly in a free country\\nbut they come nor must you forget that in this case many\\ndifficult questions embarrass a true and businesslike settle-\\nment. For instance, our cities generally own their water\\nsupply the question is now often asked why they should", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "CITY GOVERNMENTS 1 49\\nnot also own their gas and electric lighting works, their\\nstreet railroads, all their public conveniences, as they\\nare called.\\n432. To this important question there is for you a con-\\nclusive answer. If a city is made definitely a business\\ncorporation, it may safely and successfully own these and\\nother public conveniences, and the proof that it may is\\nin the fact that in some European cities and in some of\\nthe smaller cities of this country it is already successfully\\ndone. But while our great cities continue, as at present,\\npolitical corporations, you will see, I think, that such\\nmunicipal ownership would only increase inefficiency\\nand waste. Partisan political management cannot be use-\\nfully applied in business corporations.\\n433. When this important and decisive change is brought\\nabout, as it will be, because the wish for it is strong in\\nmany able and influential men, the government of a great\\ncity on business principles will offer an honorable career\\nto its ablest citizens. To be the business head of so great\\na corporation will be a worthy ambition for the greatest\\nmen. For able men like real power, and joyfully accept\\ngreat and real responsibilities. They have a strong sense\\nof duty.\\n434. Under our present system of partisan political gov-\\nernment in cities you may notice that able men do not\\naspire to the mayoralty. Even the ablest and most power-\\nful city politicians, the bosses as they are called, care-\\nfully avoid that really great place. It has sometimes\\noccurred to citizens that the boss might be made\\nmayor. But the boss is never of that mind. Boss\\nTweed, as he was everywhere called, could in his time\\nhave been mayor, but he was careful not to suffer that\\nhe put a dummy in that place.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "150 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n435. I wish you to bear in mind that any system of\\ngovernment which does not easily bring the brains to the\\ntop is bad. You can see that even a political boss could\\nnot, if he were mayor of a great city, tolerate its misgov-\\nernment because if he did he would be held responsible,\\nand he knows that in that case his fortunes and ambitions\\nwould go to the ground, and he would be ruined.\\nXLII\\nOF TRIAL BY JURY\\n436. When a crime or an offense has been committed\\nand the police officers have arrested the person suspected\\nof it, the prosecuting officer collects the evidence against\\nhim, and upon the meeting of the grand jury lays it before\\nthem in the form of an indictment. They investigate the\\ncharge, call witnesses before them if they wish, and if\\nthey have reason to believe guilt probable, they return the\\nindictment with the indorsement, A true bill. If they\\nbelieve that the charges are not sustained, they make\\nreturn Not a true bill, whereupon the person is released\\nbut he may be rearrested if, subsequently, new evidence is\\nfound against him.\\n437. The grand jury is a body of responsible citizens,\\nusually twenty-three in number, selected under the eye of\\nthe court. We have, of course, grand juries for the Fed-\\neral as well as for the State courts. Their authority to in-\\nvestigate crimes and offenses is not limited to cases laid\\nbefore them by the prosecuting officer; they may make\\nindependent investigations, and if they find guilt or blame,\\nmay make what is called a presentment, which may there-\\nupon be followed by an indictment, and this by trial. Upon", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "TRIAL BY JURY 151\\nthe meeting of the grand jury, it is usual for the court to\\ninstruct them in their duties, and it may also direct their\\nespecial attention to notorious offenses. All their pro-\\nceedings are secret, and the oath the grand jurors take\\nmakes secrecy a duty.\\n438. One object of a grand jury is to prevent injustice.\\nIf the prosecuting attorney were alone empowered to\\nbring offenders to trial, he might either misuse this power\\nfor purposes of revenge, and thus annoy and disgrace\\ninnocent persons or he might be bribed to withhold an\\nindictment, and thus favor the escape from justice of\\nwealthy or influential criminals. The powers of the grand\\njury are a check upon him and their number, and the\\ncare usually taken to select only responsible and well-\\nknown citizens, make the corruption of a grand jury\\nimprobable. The grand jury has power to compel the\\nattendance of witnesses.\\n439. When a person charged with a crime or an offense\\nis brought to trial, it is before a petit jury. The judge is\\nnot allowed to decide upon the guilt or innocence of the\\nprisoner for he might be prejudiced, or unduly influ-\\nenced twelve men, chosen from a numerous list of citi-\\nzens, are appointed to hear the evidence, and to declare\\nupon the question of guilt. In selecting a jury, the ac-\\ncused, and the plaintiff or the prosecuting attorney, have\\na right to challenge or object to a certain number per-\\nemptorily, or without giving reasons, and they may object\\nto others if they can show that these are prejudiced. The\\njudge attends to the pleadings of the lawyers; takes care\\nthat witnesses are properly sworn and examined and, in\\nhis summing up to the jury, points out to them if the\\ncounsel on either side have made unsupported assertions,\\ninstructs the jury in their duty, and endeavors to clear the", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "152 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ncase of all extraneous matter his charge is of course with-\\nout bias or favor. Thereupon the jury retire to deliberate\\nand if they can unanimously agree, their foreman announces\\nthe verdict. The judge then delivers the sentence, as pro-\\nvided by the law. Trial by jury is important because it\\nis justly held to be a preventive of tyrannical courses by\\njudges, who might be influenced or intimidated. The ac-\\ncused has a right to be tried by a jury of the vicinage\\nwhich means by twelve men who are supposed to be his\\nneighbors, subject more or less to the same customs and\\nhabits, and bringing into their judgment of the case a\\nknowledge of these, which is important to the accused.\\nTo send a man charged with a crime or offense to another\\ncountry or region, where his offense might be judged from\\na standpoint different from that of his vicinage, and\\nwithout knowledge of local habits and customs, or with, as\\nmight happen, a special dislike of these, would be, as you\\ncan readily see, an injustice.\\n440. In some countries the jury need not be unanimous,\\na certain part of the twelve, if they agree, making the\\nverdict and there are those who believe that this practice\\ncould be advantageously introduced in our States.\\n441. The jury system is not perfect; it needs to be\\nguarded against abuses. But you can see that it is highly\\nimportant for the cause of justice and public order and\\nmorality, that both the grand and petit juries shall be com-\\nposed of intelligent and upright citizens otherwise crime\\nmay go unpunished, and society suffer in a way not easily\\nreparable. Bear in mind, therefore, that to serve on a jury\\nis one of the most important duties of an American citizen\\na duty which he can not avoid without wronging the\\ncommunity of which he is a part.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "TERRITORIES AND COLONIES I 53\\nXLIII\\nOF TERRITORIES AND COLONIES\\n442. A Territory is an incomplete State, a piece of\\ncountry still so sparsely inhabited that it is not in a social\\nor political condition to become a State of the Union.\\n443. It is organized politically by permission of Con-\\ngress its governor and other executive officers and its\\njudges are appointed by the President it has a legislature\\nwhich enacts laws of local application, but Congress has\\npower to reject any of these acts. The inhabitants elect\\na delegate who represents them in Congress, but who has\\nno vote. His duty is to tell the House in which he sits the\\nwants of his constituents. When the people of a Territory\\ndesire to form themselves into a State, they may be allowed\\nby Congress to frame and adopt a Constitution. This they\\npresent to Congress, for its scrutiny and approval and\\nCongress may in its discretion reject the instrument, and\\nthus refuse to create the State and from this decision\\nthere is no appeal, except to another Congress. The peo-\\nple of a Territory do not vote for President.\\n444. It was held by the earlier American statesmen\\nthat our possession of a vast area of unsettled land was,\\nand as they believed would continue to be, one of the most\\nimportant helps to the perpetuity of our institutions, and\\nof free and lawful government amongst us. They knew\\nfrom history that with a dense population come in slowly\\nbut inevitably great differences in wealth, a separation of\\nthe people into classes, the increase of poverty and indi-\\ngence among the mass; consequently a lessened independ-\\nence and intelligence among the poorer citizens, and the\\ndecay of that public spirit among all on which the continu-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "154 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nance of a free government so vitally depends. They feared\\nthat the increase of these evils would threaten in the end\\nthe stability of our free institutions. They saw that the\\nabundance of unsettled or wild land, open to the free\\noccupation of our citizens, would leave open for many years\\nfor centuries, indeed, as they hoped a broad field for\\nthe exertions of the more adventurous, enterprising, and\\nrestless part of our people offering these opportunity to\\nexchange dependence and subordination in the densely\\npopulated States for hardy independence in our vast,\\nsparsely settled areas.\\n445. You can see that a laborer in a thickly popu-\\nlated European state, to whom the conditions of his life\\nhave become hateful, has no resource except migration to\\na distant and strange country. American statesmen rightly\\nbelieved it an inestimable good fortune for our own people\\nthat such men in our country, in seeking to better their\\ncondition, would betake themselves, not to a foreign coun-\\ntry, but to their own public lands, under the protection of\\ntheir own flag and laws. There, by their strong arms and\\nvigorous spirit, and needing no more capital than any in-\\ndustrious and economical laboring man in the East could\\nsave out of his earnings, they could achieve at least inde-\\npendence for themselves, and for their children more than\\nthat.\\n446. You can see that this was a wise and far-reaching\\nthought and our history tells you that this earlier policy,\\nunwritten, but not the less strongly adhered to, was carried\\nout during many years, by the absorption of vast conti-\\nnental areas not included in the original States. Thus\\nwe acquired Florida we bought under the name of\\nLouisiana a far greater area than is included in the pres-\\nent State of that name we admitted Texas to the Union", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "TERRITORIES AND COLONIES 155\\nwe took possession of California and absorbed the vast\\ncountry north of it to the British line at the close of the\\nMexican War we secured the great region called New\\nMexico and later we bought Alaska from the Russians.\\nSo that in the course of years nearly half of North America,\\nwith the most fertile soil and the best climatic conditions,\\nwas brought under our flag and rule.\\n447. You may observe these peculiarities about all these\\nacquisitions, that they were of co7itinental lands, and\\nlands almost bare of population, and therefore freely open\\nto the settlement of our own people.\\n448. Not only did wise and patriotic men thus greatly\\nextend our original area, but they took care that those who\\nwished to settle in these regions should be able to acquire\\nland very cheaply; 160 acres free to every citizen, except\\nthe insignificant charges for registering his claim and for\\nproving his occupation of the land. They took care also\\nto set apart from the public domain a liberal share dedi-\\ncated to the support of free schools, so that education\\nshould be within the reach of the settlers children.\\n449. Unfortunately a later generation permitted a con-\\nsiderable part of our public domain to be made over to\\ncorporations, as an incentive and reward for constructing\\nrailroads through the wilderness. But we have still a\\ngreat area of public lands open to free settlement and the\\nland grants to corporations are sold by them in most cases\\nat cheap rates. We have thus still a great space open to\\nthe restless and enterprising of our people, where our laws,\\nand what is of equal or even greater importance, our cus-\\ntoms, habits, and political system, easily and naturally\\nbecome dominant, so that out of Territories we can safely\\nmake States of the Union.\\n450. Of late a new policy has been introduced, of an-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "I56 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nnexing outlying ^//-continental areas, as Hawaii, Puerto\\nRico, the Philippine Islands, and perhaps also Cuba. Here\\nwe take not unsettled continental lands, but distant and\\nextra-continental islands, having already a more or less\\ndense population, of mixed races, glaringly unfitted by\\nhabits and customs to become our fellow-citizens. These\\nislands also offer very narrow, if any, regions open to such\\nfree settlement as our own people have been accustomed to.\\n451. It is plain, therefore, that these new acquisitions\\ndo not fall under the same category with those before men-\\ntioned and that for the security of our own institutions\\nthey require a different treatment.\\n452. That, with proper and wise methods, we can rule\\nthese dependencies greatly to the benefit of their people,\\nby enforcing upon them by our power and vigor peace and\\nlawful order, justice and security for life and property, no\\nAmerican doubts.\\n453. But you can see that, while we owe this to them,\\nour first duty is to ourselves. They can not be made a part\\nof our continental political system without perverting and\\nendangering that. They are already largely occupied by\\nraces and populations unfitted in various ways to become\\na part of us as American citizens and offer no such ad-\\nvantages, of free and unoccupied lands for the settlement\\nof our own people, as our other and continental accretions\\nof territory have given and continue to give us. We are\\nbound, therefore, for our own security, to administer them\\nnot as Territories in due time to become States of the\\nUnion, but as what they are, outlying colonial possessions,\\nwhose people should be excluded entirely from any share in\\nour home government neither voting in our home elections\\nnor capable of holding any office, congressional, executive,\\nor judicial, within the United States.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "WHEN WE NUMBER ONE HUNDRED MILLIONS 1 57\\nXLIV\\nWHEN WE NUMBER ONE HUNDRED MILLIONS\\n454. The larger the machine, the more important is it\\nthat it shall be built upon sound principles of mechanics,\\nand that it shall be carefully managed in accordance with\\nthe laws of its construction for a break in a machine\\nwhich weighs a hundred tons and moves at a great speed\\nin all its parts is more disastrous than one in a hand\\nmachine whose momentum is insignificant, even if its\\nspeed of revolution should be considerable. What is true\\nof a piece of machinery in this respect is equally true of a\\nstate or nation. The more populous it is, and the more ex-\\ntended its area, the more unwieldy it becomes, the more\\ndisturbing is every friction of the parts, and the more\\nvdtal it is that its managers or rulers shall be made to\\nadhere closely to the principles on which its government\\nis constructed.\\n455. The fundamental and most vital principle under-\\nlying our political system is that called Decentraliza-\\ntion, by which the duties imposed by the people upon\\ntheir rulers are divided among several distinct govern-\\nments, each acting independently in its sphere, but all\\nsubordinate to one general or organic law, called with us\\nthe Federal Constitution and all so arranged as to work\\nharmoniously to a common purpose.\\n456. You have seen, in other sections, how this division\\nof powers is regulated in our political system and I\\nhave explained to you that it has clearly defined objects\\nnamely, to leave as much as possible to the private enter-\\nprise and ingenuity of the people to leave to them also, in\\nthe smaller political subdivisions, the direct management", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "158 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nof their minor or local affairs, and thus to train them in\\nindependence, self-government, and public spirit secondly,\\nto enable the people easily to control and change their\\nrulers at regular elections, and to do this in one locality\\nwithout necessarily disturbing the whole country thirdly,\\nto give the people, in their different subordinate govern-\\nments, strongholds against possible usurpation of power\\nby the Federal rulers, and in the Federal Government\\nsecurity for peace, order, and free exchange and inter-\\ncommunication in all the parts fourthly, to relieve the\\ncentral or Federal Government of a multitude of details,\\nthe control of which would make it cumbrous, inefficient,\\nand tyrannical, and would dangerously increase the pat-\\nronage of the Federal rulers, and their power to corrupt\\nthe people and, finally, to enable the people of different\\nStates, counties, and even townships to determine, each\\nlocality for itself, upon local regulations and laws suited to\\ntheir habits and customs all of which laws, however, are\\nto be in conformity with the Federal Constitution and the\\nlaws of Congress.\\n457. Thus we secure uniformity in the general system,\\nwith independence, variety, and elasticity in details the\\nleast interference with personal liberty, combined with\\nsecurity to person and property.\\n458. We Americans enjoy the most perfect government\\nin the world; and we owe to it almost all the blessings\\nwhich make our lives exceptionally happy. Peace, liberty\\nto a degree unknown to the subjects of European powers,\\nfree opportunity for the exercise of all our faculties, knowl-\\nedge and intelligence within the reach of the humblest cit-\\nizen, security against injustice, stability of order these\\nand other blessings we owe, not to the rulers we choose,\\nbut to the form of government under which we live, which", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "WHEN WE NUMBER ONE HUNDRED MILLIONS 1 59\\nis as beneficent in what it leaves undone as in what it\\ndoes.\\n459. But in all earthly contrivances there is a tendency\\nto change and it has been noticed that as we increase in\\npopulation there is an increasing propensity to impose\\nmore upon the Federal Government, and to take from the\\npowers of the local governments. This all wise citizens\\nought to oppose, for as we increase in population it is\\nnecessary that we shall even add to the number of objects\\nover which the people shall determine and rule in their\\nlocal governments, for thus only can their political training\\nbe continued.\\n460. It is in this direction that wise citizens will strive\\nto guard against future dangers. The inconveniences, the\\ntemporary maladministration, and above all the apparent\\ncarelessness with which the people condone blunders in\\ntheir public servants need not give you occasion for\\ngloomy forebodings. Our people are naturally inatten-\\ntive to minor details in their governments. They forgive\\nmuch to their rulers, if only they are convinced that these\\nhave an honest desire to serve the public. They are slow\\nto lose their faith in old public servants, and especially in\\na political party which has once secured their confidence\\nby conspicuous good service.\\n461. This quality, which is often vexatious, and some-\\ntimes causes thoughtful men to despair, is in fact a most\\nvaluable trait in any people for it secures what is of the\\nvery greatest importance in public affairs stability.\\nThat people is happiest and most likely to maintain its\\nliberties, and to be prosperous, which by natural tempera-\\nment dislikes change, and can be moved to it only upon\\nimportant occasions, and for clearly and even pressingly\\nnecessary objects. Stability of laws, stability in industry", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "l6o POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nand business, stability of character and of purpose in the in-\\ndividual, are all of far greater importance than the most\\nbrilliant experiments in government, or the most seductive\\nand adventurous enterprises.\\n462. But, finally, bear in mind that nothing is stable\\nexcept justice. Unjust and unequal laws are liable to\\nperpetual change.\\nXLV\\nRULES FOR THE CONDUCT OF DELIBERATIVE\\nASSEMBLIES\\n463. When you come to act with others in a public\\nmeeting of any kind, whether it is a college debating club,\\na town, church, or business meeting, or a legislative body,\\nyou will discover the extreme importance of orderly and\\nsystematic proceedings. A numerous assembly of men\\ngathered for consultation or action of any kind very easily\\nfalls into disorder, and even slight disturbances or irregu-\\nlarities cause a great waste of time and temper. Thus a\\npetty obstruction in the line of march of an army, which\\nto two or three persons would be hardly noticeable, might\\nyet, if the army contained ten thousand men, each of\\nwhom would have to leap over it, delay the rear several\\nhours.\\n464. Moreover, wherever men are gathered in delibera-\\ntive assemblies, there will be some of hasty tempers, some\\nmore eager, less logical, or more peremptory than others\\nand to preserve the rights of all it is absolutely necessary\\nthat each member shall be able to appeal to some gener-\\nally recognized rules of procedure, and that all shall submit\\nto these rules.\\n465. To avoid disorder and maintain the rights of each,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "RULES FOR DELIBERATIVE ASSEMBLIES l6l\\nEnglish-speaking people have in the course of time per-\\nfected rules for the conduct of public business, which\\napply as well to a debating club as to our Houses of Con-\\ngress. These general rules are founded on common sense,\\nand have for their main objects the easy preservation of\\norder and fair play to all, and the protection of the\\nminority in such bodies.\\n466. When the French legislative body falls into an\\nuproar and confusion too great for its presiding officer to\\ncontrol, he puts on his hat, and by that act concludes the\\nsession. His only way to restore order is to stop the pro-\\nceedings entirely. But in the British House of Commons,\\nor in the American Congress, long-established and univer-\\nsally respected rules, to violate which would be a very\\ngrave offense, prevent the necessity of such a time-wast-\\ning expedient.\\n467. The great body of the rules, as well as the prece-\\ndents on which they rest, are contained in various books\\nwith which Congress and the State legislatures are fa-\\nmiliar, and to which constant reference is made in these\\nbodies. But it is not necessary to the proper conduct\\nof a debating or college society, or of a town or church\\nmeeting, that its members should be conversant with the\\nwhole body of Parliamentary law. A knowledge of the\\nelementary rules which should govern proceedings in all\\ndeliberative assemblies is very useful to every American\\nand these, accordingly, I will endeavor to arrange in a\\nclear and intelligible manner for your use in the following\\npages. Acquaintance with these elementary rules may\\nenable you, on occasion, to save the time of a public meet-\\ning, help to maintain order and dispatch business in it,\\nand preserve your own temper.\\n468. I desire, first of all, to impress upon you the abso-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "1 62 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nlute necessity of conducting all such bodies with dignity\\nand order. Not unfrequently young people meeting in a\\ndebating club or other such society fancy the object of\\ntheir convocation too unimportant to make dignified con-\\nduct necessary. This is a mistake. No business whatever\\ncan be well conducted, nor can any society or assembly\\nprosper, unless there is decorum, self-restraint, and such\\nrespect shown to the object of the meeting and to the per-\\nsons assembled as will lend dignity, and even a little so-\\nlemnity, to the proceedings. I have seen, once in my life,\\na State legislative body in which the Speaker was careless\\non these points, and weakly allowed members to enter with\\nhats on their heads, to smoke during the session, to inter-\\nrupt him and other members, and to indulge in trivial and\\ndisrespectful language and I noticed that this body did\\nnot respect itself the disorderly conduct permitted to its\\nmembers made the body contemptible to itself, and affected\\nvery seriously its usefulness to the people. Hence, no\\nmatter how unimportant the object of a public meeting\\nmay be, if you are one of its members, it is your duty to\\nenter quietly, and with uncovered head to sit in your\\nseat attentively listening to the proceedings to address\\nyourself, if you speak, to the presiding officer only to\\nrefrain from all trifling or disorderly conduct and thus to\\nassert the dignity of the body and preserve its decorum\\nwhile it is in session.\\n469. The first business of a meeting is to choose a pre-\\nsiding officer. In large and formal assemblies, as political\\nconventions, it is usual to begin with the selection of a\\ntemporary chairman. This is because in such assemblies\\nthe office of chairman or president is often so important\\nthat several persons desire it, and it is necessary to estab-\\nlish order, so as to enable the assembly to choose that one", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "RULES FOR DELIBERATIVE ASSEMBLIES 1 63\\nwhom a majority prefers. The temporary chairman calls\\nthe meeting to order and when quiet is obtained declares\\nnominations in order, whereupon the candidates for chair-\\nman or president and secretary are nominated and elected.\\nOr it may happen that the temporary chairman appoints,\\nat the desire of the assembly, a committee to report a list\\nof officers.\\n470. Where a public body comes together without pre-\\nvious organization, there has usually been some prelimi-\\nnary understanding among those who called it together as\\nto the person to be chosen presiding officer and in such a\\ncase one of these rises in the meeting and nominates the\\nperson thus agreed on, and puts the nomination to vote.\\nIf the meeting chooses it may vote him down; and in such\\ncase, naturally, another person would then be proposed.\\nUsually, however, there is no such disagreement on the\\nfirst organization.\\n471. In any case, the meeting is not organized and pre-\\npared for business until a presiding officer, and properly\\nalso a secretary, are chosen.\\n472. Where the body already has officers, the chairman\\nor president takes the chair punctually at the hour pre-\\nviously appointed, and calls the meeting to order.\\n473. In permanent bodies, the proceeding next in order\\nis to call the roll of members. The object of this is to\\nascertain in a formal manner that a quorum is present.\\n474. A quorum is the number of persons required by\\nthe rules of the assembly or society for the proper trans-\\naction of business. Usually this is one more than half\\nthe total number of members but the number may be\\nfixed by a special rule. No business can be properly\\ntransacted without a quorum, except the calling of the roll,\\nand the necessary proceedings for summoning absent", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "1 64 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nmembers. This is to prevent a minority from taking ad-\\nvantage of the absence of the majority to adopt measures\\nand transact business which would not have the consent of\\nthe majority. If at any time during the session a quorum\\nis not present, any member may call the attention of the\\nchairman to that fact, whereupon all business stops. Par-\\nliamentary bodies, as Congress or a State legislature,\\nhave by law the power to compel the attendance of mem-\\nbers and when no quorum is present, if the house does\\nnot wish to adjourn, it sends its sergeant-at-arms to sum-\\nmon absent members to the bar, where they may be inter-\\nrogated by the presiding officer as to the reason for their\\nabsence, and, if the house wishes, fined. Such a proceed-\\ning is styled a Call of the House and when it is\\ndetermined on, the doors are usually locked, and remain\\nlocked until the house declares its wish to have them re-\\nopened. This is to keep those present from leaving the\\nhouse, and to maintain a quorum for business.\\n475. The assembly being organized, and the officers in\\ntheir places, it is the duty of the chairman or president to\\nstate the business before it. If the body has met in pur-\\nsuance of any law or previous resolution, it may be proper\\nto read that. If several matters of business are to come\\nup, he announces first that which is first in order and thus\\nthe body goes regularly to its work.\\n476. It is the duty of the presiding officer to maintain\\norder. To this end he, and not the house, is addressed\\nby the speakers to him all motions, resolutions, and bills\\nare submitted no member may speak unless he is first\\nrecognized by the president if several rise at once to\\naddress him, it is his part to recognize one, whereupon the\\nothers sit down and where, as constantly happens, mem-\\nbers do not understand the order of business before the", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "RULES FOR DELIBERATIVE ASSEMBLIES 1 65\\nmeeting, or its condition at any moment, he must be ready\\nto explain, to decide upon the propriety of motions, and\\ngenerally to conduct the meeting. It is of great impor-\\ntance that the presiding officer should be treated with\\nrespect, that his decisions should be promptly and clearly\\nmade, and that they should be readily acquiesced in. If\\na member doubts the correctness of a chairman s decision,\\nhe may say so, and appeal to the house to support him\\nand the house may, at its discretion, overrule such a\\ndecision. But this ought seldom to be done, and will\\nrarely happen if the chairman is competent. Wrangling\\nand f ussiness are productive of disorder in a public meeting\\nand it is generally the most ignorant members who are\\nready to jump to their feet with a question of order or an\\nappeal against the chairman.\\n477. In legislative bodies where a part of the business\\nis referred to committees to be considered and elaborated,\\nsuch committees are either selected by the presiding officer\\nas in the Federal House of Representatives or elected\\nby the house itself as in the United States Senate. In\\nthe latter case, practically, the majority meet in caucus,\\nand there frame the committees, which are afterward\\nformally reported and submitted to the vote of the whole\\nbody. The Speakership in the Lower House is much\\nsought after, because of the power the Speaker has over\\nthe policy of the country by the selection of committees.\\nWhere the Speaker is an able man, he can thus at the\\nbeginning of a session give a direction to the public policy\\nby placing at the heads of important committees men of\\ndecided views. Also, he has thus the power to favor his\\npersonal friends. The reference of business to committees\\nis that these may consider the proposed measure, and report\\nupon it to the house, which may then concur with the", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "1 66 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ncommittee, or reject its report. This saves time, but it is\\nalso apt to prevent discussion and the Federal House of\\nRepresentatives has in the course of time become the slave\\nof its committees, who, except in the case of revenue\\nmeasures, are very apt to prepare a verdict which the\\nHouse is compelled to accept without debate, by the adroit\\nuse of a motion called the previous question, of which\\nyou will hear farther on.\\n478. The order of business is regulated by the meeting,\\nwhich may set a certain day and hour for the considera-\\ntion of a specified motion may declare a regular order for\\nthe introduction of business and may otherwise regulate\\nthis matter. In the Federal House of Representatives, for\\ninstance, for the general convenience, one day in the week\\nis set apart for the consideration of private bills an hour\\non another day is set apart for a call of the States, for the\\nintroduction and reference of bills and joint resolutions;\\nand if any member on a certain day can get the consent of\\nthe House by a two thirds vote, he may have even these\\nrules suspended for the introduction of special business.\\nIn any case, and whatever business is to come up, the\\nSpeaker announces it to the House.\\n479. When the member of an assembly wishes to make\\na motion or introduce a matter of business, he rises, and\\ncalls out, Mr. Speaker or whatever the title of the\\npresiding officer may be if he is recognized, he has then\\nthe floor, and states his proposition. He may be required\\nto reduce this to writing and if it is an important matter\\nhe has probably taken the precaution to do this before-\\nhand, so that it may be recorded without error. Any\\nmotion, to be entertained, must be seconded, which is an\\nimmediate proof to the assembly that more than one of its\\nmembers favor it. A motion made and seconded, and", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "RULES FOR DELIBERATIVE ASSEMBLIES 1 67\\nannounced by the presiding officer, is thereupon the prop-\\nerty of the meeting, and can not be withdrawn without its\\nconsent this, however, is almost always given if desired.\\n480. A fundamental rule is that a motion voted down can\\nnot be repeated until some other business has intervened.\\n481. Thus the motion to adjourn, which is said to be\\nalways in order because an assembly ought always to\\nhave it in its power to dissolve its session can not, if it\\nis voted down, be made again until some other motion has\\nbeen made or business transacted. This is to prevent an\\nirritating waste of time.\\n482. It is another fundamental rule that no one can\\ninterrupt a speaker with a motion, even one to adjourn.\\nThe person who has the floor is entitled to complete his\\nremarks, or to occupy the whole time allowed him by the\\nmeeting, and interruptions are out of order. If he gives\\npermission to another to interrupt him he thereby resigns\\nhis own right to the floor; though he may give way\\nfor a brief interruption, by general consent, and resume\\nafterward.\\n483. Next in order, after the motion to adjourn, is the\\nmotion to lay on the table which is substantially to\\nadjourn the business in hand in order that something else\\nmay be taken up.\\n484. Neither of these motions is debatable, because the\\nassembly ought to have a right without delay, and at any\\ntime, to dissolve, or to turn to another subject.\\n485. A successful motion to lay on the table is generally\\nequivalent to a rejection of the measure. This cannot\\ncome up again out of its regular turn, except by a motion\\nto take it up, or to reconsider the motion to lay it on the\\ntable and the pressure of business before a meeting\\nusually makes its members reluctant to go back to meas-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "1 68 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nures once disposed of or put out of the way. A motion\\nto take a bill or other matter from the table is debatable.\\n486. Third in order, among Parliamentary motions, is\\nthe previous question. This is of the same nature as\\nthe two preceding its object is to get done with business\\nand, like the other two, it is not debatable, because the\\nassembly ought to be able at any time to make known that\\nit is ready to vote upon the question before it. When a\\nmember calls for the previous question, and the call is\\nseconded, the presiding officer is bound to put it. It takes\\nthis shape Shall the main question be now put If\\nthe majority vote aye, that shows that they have made\\nup their minds, and wish no further debate.\\n487. If the assembly, by supporting the previous ques-\\ntion, demands the main question, then the presiding officer\\ntakes in their proper turn, beginning with the last offered,\\nthe several amendments to the question before the house, if\\nthere are any, and finally brings to vote the question itself.\\n488. The previous question is sometimes an instrument\\nin the hands of a majority to prevent debate, and to push\\nthrough measures which perhaps would not bear discussion\\nbut where it is ruthlessly used, it is very apt to arouse a\\nfeeling of opposition which is dangerous to a majority.\\n489. Where it is pretty certain that a public assembly or\\nmeeting is ready and desirous to vote, a cry of Question\\nquestion calls the attention of the presiding officer to\\nthat fact and, if he perceives that the meeting really\\nwishes to vote, he usually, before recognizing the next\\nspeaker, asks, Is the meeting ready to vote on the\\nproposition and the answering cries tell him what is\\nthe wish of the members. In such a case there is no need\\nfor the previous question formally put.\\n490. The three motions above described are not debata-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "RULES FOR DELIBERATIVE ASSEMBLIES 1 69\\nble, because, if they were, the assembly would be help-\\nlessly in the hands of a few of its members, who could by\\ninterminable debates keep it in session, or prevent it from\\nacting on bills or measures before it. The United States\\nSenate does not allow the previous question, and the\\nminority there sometimes deliberately and purposely put\\noff decisions on measures by a long series of speeches,\\nwhich have the object, by a continuous session, to wear\\nout the majority, and bring them to terms or force them to\\na compromise.\\n491. You must understand that a motion to adjourn is\\nnot subject even to an amendment to adjourn to a named\\nday or hour; because, as an amendment, this would open\\ndebate. Where it is desired to substitute for an adjourn-\\nment without date one to a fixed date, it is usual to make\\na request that the first motion be withdrawn, whereupon\\nthe other is made.\\n492. It is well to remember also that a motion to take\\na recess is different from one to adjourn. A recess only\\ninterrupts, and does not close the session and when after\\nthe recess the. assembly comes together, it proceeds to\\nbusiness at once without opening formalities, such as read-\\ning the journal or calling the roll. On the journal the\\ndate of the session remains unaltered, even though the\\nrecess should carry it over to another civil day. But a\\nrecess can not carry the meeting past the regular hour of\\nits next day s assembling.\\n493. The business before a meeting is in the shape\\neither of a bill or a resolution. In either case it is subject\\nto the following motions besides those before mentioned\\nand in the order in which they are named\\n494. To postpone to a fixed day or hour, whereby\\nthe meeting agrees to consider it at that time and when", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "170 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\nthe time arrives the presiding officer s duty is to suspend\\nother business, and lay that before the house.\\n495. Or to commit which means to refer it. to a com-\\nmittee for consideration, which committee is expected to\\nreport upon it to the house, at its own convenience, or\\nupon the order of the house. The business of legislative\\nbodies in this country is too much referred to committees,\\nas I have pointed out to you above and it is common to\\nsee a measure referred to a committee merely to get it\\npermanently out of the way. Of the duties of committees\\nI shall speak farther on.\\n496. Or to amend. If the member who introduced the\\nbill or resolution accepts the amendment, it is at once\\nincorporated in his bill; if he rejects it, it becomes a sepa-\\nrate part of the question, and the house votes upon it\\nbefore it does on the bill. It is possible to amend an\\namendment (but not to amend that again); but it ought to\\nbe avoided, and the friends of a measure can agree pri-\\nvately beforehand upon amendments. Sometimes its\\nenemies try to kill it by amendments.\\n497. Or, finally, to postpone.it indefinitely. In a legis-\\nlative assembly the motion to lay on the table is practically\\nequivalent to this, and is so used and in the House of\\nRepresentatives, when a bill has been passed, in order to\\nprevent an opponent from moving a reconsideration\\nwhich would bring it again before the house it is cus-\\ntomary for the mover of the bill himself to move that the\\nvote by which it was just passed be reconsidered, and to\\nmove to lay that motion on the table.\\n498. If you consider the matter you will see that the\\norder of these motions, as prescribed in the rules, is\\nfounded on common sense, and a desire to enable an\\nassembly to transact business without improper delays.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "RULES FOR DELIBERATIVE ASSEMBLIES 171\\n499. To prevent undue haste, on the other hand, legis-\\nlative bodies usually require a bill to be read three times,\\nand often on three separate days measures are referred\\nto committees for examination and on the final reading\\nthe bill is debated, unless the majority insists on the\\nprevious question. The reference of a measure to two\\nhouses, and after its passage by both to the President or\\nGovernor, is also a very important means of delay, because\\nit gives time for thorough consideration.\\n500. Committees are composed of selected members of\\nthe assembly and they are either appointed or elected,\\nand for a special object. They may be permanent, or\\ntemporary and special. Their meetings, unless otherwise\\nordered, are private, so far as the public is concerned\\nbut it is held that any member of the assembly of which\\nthey are a part may attend their meetings. The first per-\\nson named on the committee is usually its chairman and\\nif a member moves the appointment of a committee, it is\\ncustomary to name him as one of its members, and to make\\nhim its chairman unless reasons exist against that. The\\ncommittee reports by its chairman, and the conclusions of\\nthe majority form the report. The minority of the com-\\nmittee have no right to make a report but this is usually\\nallowed, because they could bring their views before the\\nhouse and the public in other ways.\\n501. Legislatures and other permanent bodies some-\\ntimes resolve the whole assembly into a committee, called\\nthe Committee of the Whole House. It is done on mo-\\ntion by a member, and for the consideration, usually, of a\\nparticular subject. When the house goes into committee of\\nthe whole, the speaker or presiding officer leaves the chair,\\ncalling a member to take his place. The presiding officer\\nmay take the floor in the committee, and take part in the", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "172 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\ndebate. The committee of the whole can not conclude\\nany business, and can not adjourn. When it has com-\\npleted the discussion of a bill, or is ready to cease for that\\ntime, a member moves that the committee do now rise,\\nwhereupon, if the motion is carried, the speaker resumes\\nhis place, and his substitute in the committee reports to\\nhim briefly but formally what the committee has done, thus\\nofficially informing him of the stage at which the business\\nwas left. If the bill under consideration is ready for a\\nvote, and that fact is reported, the speaker may then bring\\nit to a vote without further delay. If the house while in\\ncommittee of the whole desires to adjourn, it rises but\\nonly after the chairman has reported progress to the\\nspeaker is a motion to adjourn the house in order. While\\nin committee, it is not proper to use the previous question\\nto stop debate instead, the majority may vote that the\\ncommittee rise, when the debate stands adjourned, and the\\nreconstituted house takes up other business. The object\\nof going into committee of the whole is to be easily rid of\\nthose rules which otherwise limit debate, and to make dis-\\ncussion freer. In committee of the whole there is no limit\\nto debate.\\n502. When a bill or resolution is introduced, if the\\nassembly is willing it may then be discussed, and in the\\ndebate the mover has the right to address the house first.\\nIn debate the friends and opponents of the question should\\nhave the floor alternately, and it is usual for the mover to\\nclose the debate. No one is expected to speak more than\\nonce on the same question or bill.\\n503. In debate the speakers should confine themselves\\nrigorously to the question and if any one wanders away\\nin his remarks to other matters, he may properly be called\\nto order by the presiding officer on the request of a mem-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "RULES FOR DELIBERATIVE ASSEMBLIES 1 73\\nber. All personalities should be avoided and to assist in\\nthis, it is a rule that no member shall, in debate, be called\\nor spoken of by his name. In legislative bodies this rule\\nis very rigidly adhered to and in the British House of\\nCommons, when the Speaker calls a member to order, and\\nhas difficulty in procuring order, by an old tradition his\\nlast resort is a threat to call the gentleman by name.\\nAs his threat has always been effective, I believe it is not\\nknown what would be the result if it were actually carried\\ninto effect.\\n504. In recognizing those who wish to speak during a\\ndebate, the presiding officer exercises a certain liberty of\\nchoice but he must take care to be fair to both sides. If\\nthe debate is important, and comes up after notice, mem-\\nbers often privately inform the presiding officer that they\\ndesire to speak and he then makes a list of their names,\\nand may properly arrange them in the order of their abili-\\nties if he wishes taking care, however, that both sides are\\nfairly represented. He then recognizes among those who\\nrise to obtain the floor those on his list, and may give pri-\\nvate notice to each beforehand when his turn is at hand.\\n505. The assembly may limit debaters to a specified\\ntime, giving each five or ten minutes, or half an hour; and\\nit may, by unanimous consent, extend the time of any\\nspeaker who has not completed his remarks, and whom\\nit wishes to hear. But such a favor must be by unanimous\\nconsent.\\n506. When the measure comes to a vote the presiding\\nofficer should clearly state it, and he then adds: Those\\nwho are in favor of this will vote Aye, the contrary, No.\\nAnd he should be very particular to put the question so\\nthat every member may understand the bearing or effect\\nof his vote upon the question.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "174 POLITICS FOR YOUNG AMERICANS\\n507. Those only may vote who are within the proper\\nlimits of the meeting when their names are called. If, for\\ninstance, a part only of the hall is reserved for the meet-\\ning, and the remainder for an audience, a member stand-\\ning without the barriers of separation has no right to vote.\\n508. Finally, remember that one of the main and most\\nimportant objects of a deliberative assembly is to debate.\\nIt is not a merit, but a fault, in such an assembly to adopt\\nhastily a number of measures prepared beforehand by a\\ncommittee or caucus; it is far better, more conducive to\\na proper understanding of the business in hand, and to the\\npublic welfare, in the case of conventions and other public\\nmeetings, that the measures proposed should be discussed,\\neven if apparently time should be thus lost.\\n509. I have aimed to give you only such a brief outline\\nof the rules in accordance with which meetings should be\\nconducted as will let you understand the general princi-\\nples, and references to congressional and other rules are\\nonly to illustrate these statements. Legislative bodies are\\nguided in intricate cases by formal precedents, which\\nare stated in large books, such as Barclay s Digest; works\\nwhich are not only important to legislators, but interesting\\nas showing the growth of what are called Parliamentary\\nrules.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX\\nCONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF\\nAMERICA\\nWe, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union,\\nestablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense,\\npromote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and\\nour posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of\\nAmerica.\\nARTICLE I. SECTION i. I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be\\nvested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and\\nHouse of Representatives.\\nSection 2. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members\\nchosen every second year by the people of the several States and the electors\\nin each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most nu-\\nmerous branch of the State legislature.\\n2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age\\nof twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and\\nwho shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be\\nchosen.\\n3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several\\nStates which may be included within this Union, according to their respective\\nnumbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free per-\\nsons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians\\nnot taxed, three fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be\\nmade within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United\\nStates, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they\\nshall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for\\nevery thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative and\\nuntil such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be en-\\ntitled to choose three Massachusetts, eight Rhode Island and Providence\\nPlantations, one Connecticut, five New York, six New Jersey, four Penn-\\nsylvania, eight Delaware, one Maryland, six Virginia, ten North Carolina,\\nfive South Carolina, five and Georgia, three.\\n4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive\\nauthority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.\\n*75", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "1 76 APPENDIX\\n5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other offi-\\ncers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment.\\nSECTION 3.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two\\nSenators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years and\\neach Senator shall have one vote.\\n2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first elec-\\ntion, they shall be divided as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of\\nthe Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second\\nyear, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third\\nclass at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every\\nsecond year and if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the\\nrecess of the legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary\\nappointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such\\nvacancies.\\n3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of\\nthirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall\\nnot, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.\\n4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate,\\nbut shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.\\n5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president pro\\ntempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office\\nof President of the United States.\\n6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sit-\\nting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President\\nof the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside and no person shall\\nbe convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.\\n7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal\\nfrom office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or\\nprofit, under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be\\nliable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law.\\nSECTION 4. 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Sen-\\nators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature\\nthereof; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regula-\\ntions, except as to the places of choosing Senators.\\n2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting\\nshall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a\\ndifferent day.\\nSection 5. 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and\\nqualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a\\nquorum to do business but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and\\nmay be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members in such manner\\nand under such penalties as each House may provide.\\n2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members\\nfor disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 1 77\\n3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time\\npublish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy\\nand the yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall,\\nat the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.\\n4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent\\nof the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that\\nin which the two Houses shall be sitting.\\nSection 6. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensa-\\ntion for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of\\nthe United States. They shall, in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of\\nthe peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their\\nrespective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same and for any\\nspeech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.\\n2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was\\nelected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States\\nwhich shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been in-\\ncreased, during such time and no person holding any office under the United\\nStates shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office.\\nSection 7. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of\\nRepresentatives but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on\\nother bills.\\n2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the\\nSenate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United\\nStates if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it with his objec-\\ntions to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objec-\\ntions at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such\\nreconsideration, two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be\\nsent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise\\nbe reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a\\nlaw. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by\\nyeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall\\nbe entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be\\nreturned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have\\nbeen presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had\\nsigned it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which\\ncase it shall not be a law.\\n3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate\\nand House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of ad-\\njournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States, and before\\nthe same shall take effect shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by\\nhim, shall be re-passed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representa-\\ntives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.\\nSECTION 8. The Congress shall have power\\nI. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and\\nNORD. 12", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "178 APPENDIX\\nprovide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States but\\nall duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States\\n2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States\\n3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States,\\nand with the Indian tribes;\\n4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the\\nsubject of bankruptcies throughout the United States\\n5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix\\nthe standard of weights and measures\\n6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current\\ncoin of the United States;\\n7. To establish post-offices and post-roads\\n8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for\\nlimited times to .authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective\\nwritings and discoveries\\n9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court\\n10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and\\noffenses against the law of nations\\n11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con-\\ncerning captures on land and water\\n12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use\\nshall be for a longer term than two years\\n13. To provide and maintain a navy\\n14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval\\nforces\\n15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union,\\nsuppress insurrections, and repel invasions\\n16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for\\ngoverning such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United\\nStates, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers and\\nthe authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by\\nCongress\\n17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district\\n(not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the\\nacceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United\\nStates, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of\\nthe legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts,\\nmagazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings and,\\n18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into\\nexecution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution\\nin the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.\\nSECTION 9. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the\\nStates now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the\\nCongress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 1 79\\nduty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each\\nperson.\\n2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless\\nwhen in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.\\n3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.\\n4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the\\ncensus or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken.\\n5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No pref-\\nerence shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of\\none State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State\\nbe obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.\\n6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appro-\\npriations made by law and a regular statement and account of the receipts and\\nexpenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.\\n7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States and no person\\nholding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the\\nCongress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind what-\\never, from any king, prince, or foreign state.\\nSection 10. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confedera-\\ntion grant letters of marque and reprisal coin money emit bills of credit\\nmake anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts pass any\\nbill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts,\\nor grant any title of nobility.\\n2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or\\nduties on imports or exports except what may be absolutely necessary for exe-\\ncuting its inspection laws and the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by\\nany State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United\\nStates and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the\\nCongress. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of ton-\\nnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or\\ncompact with another State or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless\\nactually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.\\nARTICLE II. Section i.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i. The executive power shall be vested in a Pres-\\nident of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term\\nof four years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term,\\nbe elected as follows:\\n2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may\\ndirect, a number of Electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Repre-\\nsentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress but no Senator or\\nRepresentative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United\\nStates, shall be appointed an Elector.\\nClause j has been superseded by the 12th Article of Amendments.\\n4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the Electors, and the\\nday on which they shall give their votes which day shall be the same through-\\nout the United States.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "l8o APPENDIX\\n5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States\\nat the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of\\nPresident neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have\\nattained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within\\nthe United States.\\n6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resig-\\nnation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of said office, the same\\nshall devolve on the Vice-President and the Congress may by law provide for\\nthe case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and\\nVice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such offi-\\ncer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed or a President shall be\\nelected.\\n7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation,\\nwhich shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he\\nshall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other\\nemolument from the United States, or any of them.\\n8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following\\noath or affirmation:\\nI do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of\\nPresident of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, pro-\\ntect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.\\nSection 2. 1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and\\nnavy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called\\ninto the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in\\nwriting, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any\\nsubject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power\\nto grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in\\ncases of impeachment.\\n2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to\\nmake treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall\\nnominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint\\nEmbassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court,\\nand all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein\\notherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law but the Congress\\nmay by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper,\\nin the President alone, in the Courts of law, or in the heads of Departments.\\n3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen\\nduring the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at\\nthe end of their next session.\\nSection 3. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of\\nthe state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as\\nhe shall judge necessary and expedient he may, on extraordinary occasions,\\nconvene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between\\nthem with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES l8l\\ntime as he shall think proper he shall receive Embassadors and other public\\nMinisters he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall com-\\nmission all the officers of the United States.\\nSECTION 4.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United\\nStates, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of,\\ntreason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.\\nARTICLE III. SECTION i. The judicial power of the United States shall\\nbe vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress\\nmay from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the Supreme\\nand inferior Courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at\\nstated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be dimin-\\nished during their continuance in office.\\nSection 2.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity\\narising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made,\\nor which shall be made, under their authority to all cases affecting Embassadors,\\nother public Ministers, and Consuls to all cases of admiralty and maritime juris-\\ndiction to controversies to which the United States shall be a party to contro-\\nversies between two or more States between a State and citizens of another\\nState between citizens of different States between citizens of the same State\\nclaiming lands under grants of different States and between a State, or the cit-\\nizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects.\\n2. In all cases affecting Embassadors, other public Ministers, and Consuls, and\\nthose in which a State shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original\\njurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall\\nhave appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and\\nunder such regulations as the Congress shall make.\\n3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury;\\nand such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been\\ncommitted but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such\\nplace or places as the Congress may by law have directed.\\nSECTION 3. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying\\nwar against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort.\\nNo person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two wit-\\nnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.\\n2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but\\nno attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except dur-\\ning the life of the person attainted.\\nARTICLE IV. SECTION 1.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Full faith and credit shall be given in each\\nState to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State.\\nAnd the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such\\nacts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.\\nSECTION 2. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges\\nand immunities of citizens in the several States.\\n2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "1 82 APPENDIX\\nshall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the\\nexecutive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be re-\\nmoved to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.\\n3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, es-\\ncaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be\\ndischarged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the\\nparty to whom such service or labor may be due.\\nSection 3. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union;\\nbut no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other\\nState nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts\\nof States, without the consent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well\\nas of the Congress.\\n2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules\\nand regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United\\nStates and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice\\nany claims of the United States or of any particular State.\\nSection 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a\\nrepublican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion\\nand, on application of the legislature, or of the Executive (when the legislature\\ncan not be convened) against domestic violence.\\nARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall\\ndeem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the\\napplication of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a\\nconvention for proposing Amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to\\nall intents and purposes as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legis-\\nlatures of three fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three fourths\\nthereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the\\nCongress provided, that no Amendment which may be made prior to the year\\none thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and\\nfourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article and that no State, without\\nits consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.\\nARTICLE VI. 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before\\nthe adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States\\nunder this Constitution as under the Confederation.\\n2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made\\nin pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the\\nauthority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land and the\\njudges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or\\nlaws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.\\n3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of\\nthe several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the\\nUnited States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to\\nsupport this Constitution but no religious test shall ever be required as a quali-\\nfication to any office or public trust under the United States.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 1 83\\nARTICLE VII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be\\nsufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratify-\\ning the same.\\nAMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.\\nARTICLE I.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of\\nreligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of\\nspeech or of the press or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to\\npetition the government for a redress of grievances.\\nARTICLE II. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a\\nfree state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.\\nARTICLE III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any\\nhouse without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to\\nbe prescribed by law.\\nARTICLE IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,\\npapers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be vio-\\nlated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath\\nor affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the per-\\nsons or things to be seized.\\nARTICLE V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise\\ninfamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except\\nin cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual\\nservice in time of war or public danger nor shall any person be subject for the\\nsame offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb nor shall be compelled\\nin any criminal case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life,\\nliberty, or property, without due process of law nor shall private property be\\ntaken for public use without just compensation.\\nARTICLE VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the\\nright to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district\\nwherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been pre-\\nviously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the\\naccusation to be confronted with the witnesses against him to have compulsory\\nprocess for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel\\nfor his defense.\\nARTICLE VII. In suits at common law where the value in controversy\\nshall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no\\nfact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United\\nStates, than according to the rules of the common law.\\nARTICLE VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines\\nimposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.\\nARTICLE IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall\\nnot be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "1 84 APPENDIX\\nARTICLE X.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The powers not delegated to the United States by the Con-\\nstitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively,\\nor to the people.\\nARTICLE XL\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The judicial power of the United States shall not be con-\\nstrued to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against\\none of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects\\nof any foreign state.\\nARTICLE XII. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote\\nby ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be\\nan inhabitant of the same State with themselves they shall name in their ballots\\nthe person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as\\nVice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as Pres-\\nident, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes\\nfor each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat\\nof the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate.\\nThe President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of\\nRepresentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted\\nthe person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the Presi-\\ndent, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed\\nand if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest\\nnumbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the\\nHouse of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President.\\nBut in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the represen-\\ntation from each State having one vote a quorum for this purpose shall consist\\nof a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the\\nStates shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives\\nshall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon\\nthem, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President\\nshall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disa-\\nbility of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as\\nVice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the\\nwhole number of Electors appointed and if no person have a majority, then\\nfrom the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-Pres-\\nident a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number\\nof Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice.\\nBut no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be\\neligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.\\nARTICLE XIII. i. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a\\npunishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall\\nexist within the, United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.\\n2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.\\nARTICLE XIV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I. All persons born or naturalized in the United States,\\nand subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of\\nthe State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 1 85\\nshall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States nor\\nshall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due\\nprocess of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec-\\ntion of the laws.\\n2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according\\nto their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each\\nState, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election\\nfor the choice of Electors for President and Vice-President of the United States,\\nRepresentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the\\nmembers of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of\\nsuch State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or\\nin any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis\\nof representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of\\nsuch male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one\\nyears of age in such State.\\n3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or Elector of\\nPresident and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the\\nUnited States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a\\nmember of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of\\nany State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to sup-\\nport the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or\\nrebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But\\nCongress may, by a vote of two thirds of each House, remove such disability.\\n4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, in-\\ncluding debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in sup-\\npressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the\\nUnited States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred\\nin aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the\\nloss or emancipation of any slave but all such debts, obligations, and claims\\nshall be held illegal and void.\\n5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the\\nprovisions of this article.\\nARTICLE XV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall\\nnot be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of\\nrace, color, or previous condition of servitude.\\n2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legis-\\nlation.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "QUESTIONS ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE\\nUNITED STATES\\nPREAMBLE\\nWho adopted the Constitution Why a more perfect union More perfect\\nthan what\\nARTICLE I\\nSection I.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 How is the Congress composed\\nSection II. i. How long does a representative serve? What are the\\nqualifications of voters for representatives\\n2. What are the qualifications of a representative\\n3. Explain the ratio of representation.\\n4. In case of the resignation or death of a representative, how is the vacancy\\nfilled? Why does not the governor appoint a successor? (Ans. Because the\\nrepresentative is to represent directly the people, and must therefore be chosen\\ndirectly by them.)\\n5. How are the officers of the House of Representatives chosen\\nSection III. 1. How are senators chosen? What therefore do they repre-\\nsent For how long are they chosen\\n2. Who appoints senators to fill a vacancy? Why are one third of the\\nSenate chosen every second year?\\n3. What are the qualifications of a senator\\n4. Who presides over the Senate\\n5. What is the office of the President pro tempore?\\n6. When is the Senate a court of justice Who presides when the President of\\nthe United States is tried Why not the Vice-President\\n7. What are the limitations to the power of the Senate in impeachment What\\nis the meaning of impeachment Explain the respective powers of the House of\\nRepresentatives and of the Senate in this matter.\\nSection IV. 1. May Congress impose on the States a uniform method of\\nchoosing representatives And of senators\\n2. How long does a Congress last How often must it assemble May it\\nhold a continuous session (Ans. Yes.) On what day must it meet On what\\nday does it cease to exist May a new Congress meet as soon as the previous one\\nadjourns (Ans. Yes.)\\nSECTION V. 1. What is a quorum? Who judges of the qualifications and\\nelection of the members of either House Can either House compel the attend-\\nance of members? Why has it this power?\\n2. Who determines the rules\\n186", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "QUESTIONS OX THE CONSTITUTION 1 87\\n3. Have both Houses power to make part of their journals secret Why are\\nthe yeas and nays to be entered on the journal\\n4. Why may not one House adjourn for more than three days, or to another\\nplace, during the session\\nSECTION VI. 1. Why are members privileged from arrest Why exempt\\nfrom question elsewhere for words spoken in debate What does this exemption\\nmean (Ans. It preserves the member from suits for libel and slander, and other\\npenal proceedings, for words spoken in his place, and thus secures him the utmost\\nliberty of speech.)\\n2. What is the object of this clause\\nSECTION VII. 1. Where are revenue bills originated Why\\n2. State the authorities who must approve a bill before it becomes a law. What\\nhappens if the President objects How long may the President consider a bill\\n3. Must all bills be presented to him\\nSECTION VIII. W T hat is the limitation to the power of Congress to levy taxes\\nRecite the chief powers conferred on Congress in this section. In exercising these\\npowers, how is Congress guided {Ans. First, by the provisions of the Constitu-\\ntion and, second, by the will of the people, which it represents.) What is the\\nobject of the last clause of this section {Ans. It conclusively confers power on\\nCongress to pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the measures it has deter-\\nmined on.)\\nSection IX. 1. To what persons does this clause refer\\n2. Explain the meaning of habeas corpus.\\n3. What is an ex post facto law Why is it prohibited\\n4. What is a capitation tax Why is it so limited\\n5. What is the effect of this clause (Ans. It helps to secure freedom of com-\\nmercial intercourse between the different States.)\\n6. What is the effect of this clause\\n7. What is the object of this clause\\nSECTION X. 1. Why are the prohibitions declared in this clause? {Ans.\\nBecause such acts, if performed by States, would cause confusion, and make a less\\ninstead of a more perfect union.\\n2. Why these prohibitions (Ans. Because the acts prohibited to the States\\nwould, if attempted, interfere with the supreme authority of the Federal Govern-\\nment within the limits assigned to it in Section VIII.)\\nARTICLE II\\nSECTION I. 1. What is the executive power Explain why Congress can not\\nbe called an executive power. Who is the executive head\\n2. What is the number of the electors Why are Federal officers prohibited\\nfrom serving as electors\\n3. (For the manner of electing the President and Vice-President, see the 12th\\nAmendment.)\\n4. Is the time of choosing electors uniform all over the United States Why\\nshould it be What is the day", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "1 88 APPENDIX\\n5. Who may be elected President\\n6. Who succeeds the President in case of his death or removal (Ans. In case\\nof the death of both President and Vice-President, Congress has provided, by a\\nlaw adopted in 1886, that the office of acting President shall be filled by the Secre-\\ntary of State or, in case of his death also, by the Secretary of the Treasury and\\nso on through the list of seven cabinet officers.)\\n7. Why is the salary of the President fixed during his term\\n8. State what the President promises in his oath of office.\\nSECTION II. 1. Why is the President made commander-in-chief of the armies,\\nnavy, and militia in time of war (Ans. In order that all the powers of the Fed-\\neral Government may be wielded by a single hand effectively for a single purpose.\\nRemember that the Congress may, if it pleases, deny him an army or a navy.)\\nWhy may he require the opinion in writing of the heads of departments\\nWhy should he not pardon or reprieve in cases of impeachment (Ans. Because\\nimpeachment is usually for malfeasance in office, and works only removal and\\nincapacity to hold office.\\n2. Who makes treaties If the Senate rejects a treaty, does it fall Why\\nshould the President nominate his subordinates?\\n3. When vacancies happen during a recess of the Senate, how are they filled\\nSECTION III. What are the documents called in which the President gives to\\nCongress information, and advises them Why may he convene both Houses\\nMay he convene only one Is he responsible for the faithful execution or\\nenforcement of the laws\\nSection IV. For what offenses may civil officers be removed from office, and\\nhow?\\nARTICLE III\\nSection I. How is the judicial power of the United States composed? For\\nwhat period do the judges hold office? Who appoints them? (See Art. II.,\\nSect. II.) Why should not their salaries be diminished? (Ans. Because they\\nhave to interpret the laws and, in doing so, might excite the hostility of Congress,\\nwhich might, if it had the power, punish them by lessening their salaries.)\\nSECTION II. 1. Trace out the powers of United States Courts. Do they\\nadjudicate on State laws (Ans. Only so far as to declare whether they are or are\\nnot in violation of the Federal Constitution.)\\n2. What is the meaning of original and appellate jurisdiction\\n3. Why should trials of crimes be within the States where they are committed\\nSection III. 1. What is treason\\n2. What is corruption of blood What is forfeiture\\nARTICLE IV\\nSection I. Why was this provision enacted\\nSection II. 1. Has a citizen of New York the same privileges in Ohio or\\nLouisiana as a citizen of those States Why is this necessary\\n2. Why must the governor of a State demand, in another State, the surrender of", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "QUESTIONS ON THE CONSTITUTION 1 89\\na criminal or person charged with crime (Ans. Because constant disorders and\\nabuses would occur if irresponsible police officers of one State might go into\\nanother to make arrests.)\\n3. To what class of persons did this paragraph refer\\nSection III. 1. On what condition may new States be formed? Why these\\nlimitations\\n2. Does Congress govern the territories What property has the United\\nStates Is its authority supreme over forts, arsenals, lighthouses, etc.\\nSection IV. What must the Federal Government guarantee a State Against\\nwhat must it protect it Why the limitation as to its power to repress domestic\\nviolence in a State? (Ans. To force the governor and legislature of a State to\\nuse to the utmost their own legal authority before calling on the Federal Govern-\\nment, and thus to invigorate the local governments.)\\nARTICLE V\\nHow are amendments to the Constitution proposed How adopted Why\\nwas the limitation as to equal suffrage in the Senate adopted Is it wise to make\\nthe method of amendment as cumbrous as it is If so, why\\nARTICLE VI\\n1. To what does this clause refer\\n2. What constitutes the supreme law of the land Must we obey a Federal law,\\neven if a State law forbids it\\n3. Who must swear to obey the Constitution\\nARTICLE VII\\nWas the Constitution ratified by all the States How many States were needed\\nto ratify it\\nAMENDMENTS\\nARTICLE I\\nState the three supreme rights of the people protected by this article.\\nARTICLE II\\nDoes a law prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons\u00c2\u00bbviolate this provision\\nWhy not\\nARTICLE III\\nWhy was this provision advisable\\nARTICLE IV\\nWhat are unreasonable searches and seizures What are the three necessary\\nelements of a warrant of arrest, under this article What is the meaning of war-\\nrant Why should the power of arrest be thus guarded Take the reverse of\\neach limitation, and examine what power it would give to an officer.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "I9O APPENDIX\\nARTICLE V\\nWhy are persons in the army and navy, and in the militia in time of war,\\nexcepted from the safeguard of preliminary indictment by grand jury What is\\nthe office of a grand jury Why should not a person be twice tried for the same\\noffense What is due process of law\\nARTICLE VI\\nState the guards specified in this article. Why are these provisions important\\nto the liberty of the citizen (The teacher should make the class intelligently\\nexplain the necessity for each separate provision; as, Why should a trial be\\nspeedy Why public An excellent way to do this is to let them reverse every\\nproposition.)\\nARTICLE VII\\nWhat is the right guarded by this article\\nARTICLE VIII\\nWhat rights are here guarded\\nARTICLES IX., X\\nWhat are the objects of these articles\\nARTICLE XI\\nWhat previous article of the Constitution does this Amendment define\\nARTICLE XII\\nDescribe the manner of electing the President and Vice-President.\\nIf there should be more than two candidates for President, is a majority over\\nall required? Who elects if the electors fail Why must the House act imme-\\ndiately How are the votes taken How many votes has each State What\\nhappens if the House of Representatives does not elect\\nWho elects the Vice-President if the electors fail?\\nWho may be elected Vice-President\\nARTICLE XIII\\nWhat is the object of this article\\nARTICLE XIV\\n1. Who are citizens of the United States\\n2. What is the object of this clause\\n3 and 4. What is the object of these clauses\\nARTICLE XV\\nWhat right does this article confer on citizens Does it prohibit a State from\\nadopting an educational qualification for the suffrage What is it intended to\\nguard against?", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE\\nIN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.\\nThe unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of\\nAmerica.\\nWhen, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to\\ndissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to as-\\nsume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which\\nthe laws of nature and of nature s God entitle them, a decent respect to the\\nopinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel\\nthem to the separation.\\nWe hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal that\\nthey are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights that among\\nthese are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights,\\ngovernments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con-\\nsent of the governed. That, whenever any form of government becomes de-\\nstructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to\\ninstitute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organ-\\nizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their\\nsafety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long\\nestablished should not be changed for light and transient causes and, accord-\\ningly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while\\nevils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which\\nthey are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursu-\\ning invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute\\ndespotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and\\nto provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient suf-\\nferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them\\nto alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King\\nof Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in\\n191", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "192 APPENDIX\\ndirect object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To\\nprove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world:\\nHe has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the\\npublic good.\\nHe has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing im-\\nportance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should be obtained\\nand when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.\\nHe has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of\\npeople, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the\\nlegislature a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.\\nHe has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and\\ndistant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of\\nfatiguing them into compliance with his measures.\\nHe has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing, with manly\\nfirmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.\\nHe has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be\\nelected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned\\nto the people at large for their exercise the State remaining, in the meantime,\\nexposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within.\\nHe has endeavored to prevent the population of these States for that pur-\\npose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners refusing to pass others\\nto encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appro-\\npriations of lands.\\nHe has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his assent to laws\\nfor establishing judiciary powers.\\nHe has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices,\\nand the amount and payment of their salaries.\\nHe has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers\\nto harass our people and eat out their substance.\\nHe has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the con-\\nsent of our legislatures.\\nHe has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the\\ncivil power.\\nHe has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our con-\\nstitution, and unacknowledged by our laws giving his assent to their acts of\\npretended legislation\\nFor quartering large bodies of armed troops among us\\nFor protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which\\nthey should commit on the inhabitants of these States\\nFor cutting off our trade with all parts of the world\\nFor imposing taxes on us without our consent\\nFor depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury\\nFor transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses\\nFor abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, es-", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 1 93\\ntablishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to\\nrender it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute\\nrule into these colonies\\nFor taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering,\\nfundamentally, the forms of our governments\\nFor suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with\\npower to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.\\nHe has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his protection, and\\nwaging war against us.\\nHe has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and de-\\nstroyed the lives of our people.\\nHe is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete\\nthe works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances\\nof cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and\\ntotally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.\\nHe has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on the high seas, to bear\\narms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and\\nbrethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.\\nHe has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to\\nbring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose\\nknown rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and\\nconditions.\\nIn every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most\\nhumble terms our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated\\ninjury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define\\na tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.\\nNor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have\\nwarned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an\\nunwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum-\\nstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their\\nnative justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our\\ncommon kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt\\nour connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice\\nof justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity\\nwhich denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of man-\\nkind\u00e2\u0080\u0094enemies in war; in peace, friends.\\nWe, therefore, the representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,\\nin General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the\\nworld for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of\\nthe good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these\\nunited colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States that\\nthey are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political\\nconnection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be,\\ntotally dissolved and that, as Free and Independent States, they have full power\\nNOKD. 13", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "194 APPENDIX\\nto levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do\\nall other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the\\nsupport of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine\\nProvidence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our\\nsacred honor.\\nJOHN HANCOCK.\\nNew Hampshire.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton.\\nMassachusetts Bay.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine,\\nElbridge Gerry.\\nRhode ISLAND, Etc.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery.\\nConnecticut. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams,\\nOliver Wolcott.\\nNew York. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris.\\nNew Jersey. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson,\\nJohn Hart, Abraham Clark.\\nPennsylvania. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John\\nMorton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George\\nRoss.\\nDELAWARE. Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M Kean.\\nMaryland.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll\\nof Carrollton.\\nVirginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin\\nHarrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton.\\nNorth Carolina. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.\\nSouth Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas\\nLynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton.\\nGeorgia. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS\\nTO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.\\n(September 17, 1796.)\\nFriends and Fellow-Citizens The period for a new election of a citizen\\nto administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant,\\nand the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating\\nthe person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper,\\nespecially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that\\nI should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being con-\\nsidered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.\\nI beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolu-\\ntion has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations apper-\\ntaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country and that, in\\nwithdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation, might imply, I\\nam influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest no deficiency of\\ngrateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that\\nthe step is compatible with both.\\nThe acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your\\nsuffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the\\nopinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I con-\\nstantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with\\nmotives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from\\nwhich I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this,\\nprevious to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to\\ndeclare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture\\nof our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to\\nmy confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.\\nI rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer\\nrenders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or\\npropriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services,\\nthat, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my\\ndetermination to retire.\\nThe impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained\\non the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have,\\nwith good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of\\nthe government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable.\\nNot unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in\\n195", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "196 APPENDIX\\nmy own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives\\nto diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes\\nme, more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be\\nwelcome. Satisfied that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my\\nservices, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice\\nand prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.\\nIn looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of\\nmy public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment\\nof that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors\\nit has conferred upon me still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has\\nsupported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my\\ninviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness\\nunequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let\\nit always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our\\nannals that, under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction,\\nwere liable to mislead, amid appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of for-\\ntune often discouraging, in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of success\\nhas countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the\\nessential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were\\neffected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my\\ngrave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you\\nthe choicest tokens of its beneficence that your union and brotherly affection may\\nbe perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be\\nsacredly maintained that its administration in every department may be stamped\\nwith wisdom and virtue that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States,\\nunder the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation\\nand so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recom-\\nmending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet\\na stranger to it.\\nHere, perhaps, I ought to stop but a solicitude for your welfare, which can not\\nend but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge\\nme, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to\\nrecommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much\\nreflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important\\nto the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with\\nthe more freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a\\nparting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel nor\\ncan I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments\\non a former and not dissimilar occasion.\\nInterwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no rec-\\nommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.\\nThe unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to\\nyou. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence\\nthe support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of\\nyour prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy\\nto foresee, that, from different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS 1 97\\nbe taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this\\ntruth as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of\\ninternal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often\\ncovertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly\\nestimate the immense value of your National Union to your collective and indi-\\nvidual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable\\nattachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palla-\\ndium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with\\njealous anxiety discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it\\ncan, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning\\nof every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble\\nthe sacred ties which now link together the various parts.\\nFor this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by\\nbirth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your\\naffections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capa-\\ncity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived\\nfrom local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same\\nreligion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause,\\nfought and triumphed together the independence and liberty you possess are\\nthe work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and\\nsuccesses.\\nBut these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your\\nsensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your\\ninterest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives\\nfor carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.\\nThe North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the\\nequal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great\\nadditional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious mate-\\nrials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by\\nthe agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand.\\nTurning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular\\nnavigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and\\nincrease the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protec-\\ntion of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like\\nintercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of\\ninterior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable\\nvent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home.\\nThe West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and,\\nwhat is, perhaps, of still greater consequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure\\nenjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence,\\nand the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an\\nindissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the\\nWest can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate\\nstrength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power,\\nmust be intrinsically precarious.\\nWhile, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "ig8 APPENDIX\\ninterest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to find, in the united mass of\\nmeans and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionally greater security\\nfrom external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations\\nand, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from\\nthose broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring\\ncountries not tied together by the same governments; which their own rivalships\\nalone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attach-\\nments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will\\navoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any\\nform of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as\\nparticularly hostile to republican liberty in this sense it is that your union ought\\nto be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought\\nto endear to you the preservation of the other.\\nThese considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtu-\\nous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patri-\\notic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large\\na sphere Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case,\\nwere criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole,\\nwith the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford\\na happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With\\nsuch powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country,\\nwhile experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always\\nbe reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to\\nweaken its bands.\\nIn contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of\\nserious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing\\nparties by geographical discriminations Northern and Southern, Atlantic and\\nWestern; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a\\nreal difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to\\nacquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and\\naims of other districts. You can not shield yourselves too much against the jeal-\\nousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations they tend\\nto render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal\\naffection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson\\non this head they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unani-\\nmous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satis-\\nfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded\\nwere the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Govern-\\nment and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mis-\\nsissippi they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great\\nBritain and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in\\nrespect to our foreign relations, toward confirming their prosperity. Will it not be\\ntheir wisdom to rely, for the preservation of these advantages, on the UNION by\\nwhich they were procured Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if\\nsuch there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with\\naliens", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS 1 99\\nTo the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is\\nindispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate\\nsubstitute they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which\\nall alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you\\nhave improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a Constitution of Govern-\\nment better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the effica-\\ncious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of\\nyour own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and\\nmature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its\\npowers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its\\nown amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect\\nfor its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties\\nenjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political\\nsystems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Gov-\\nernment. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit\\nand authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very\\nidea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes\\nthe duty of every individual to obey the established government.\\nAll obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations,\\nunder whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counter-\\nact, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are\\ndestructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to\\norganize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force to put, in the place\\nof the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and\\nenterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs\\nof different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill- concerted\\nand incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and whole-\\nsome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.\\nHowever combinations or associations of the above description may now and\\nthen answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to\\nbecome potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be\\nenabled to subvert the power of the people, and usurp for themselves the reins of\\ngovernment; destroying, afterward, the very engines which had lifted them to\\nunjust dominion.\\nToward the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your\\npresent happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregu-\\nlar oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the\\nspirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One\\nmethod of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations\\nwhich will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not\\nbe directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remem-\\nber that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of gov-\\nernments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by\\nwnich to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a country; that\\nfacility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to\\nperpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remem-", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "200 APPENDIX\\nber, especially, that, for the efficient management of your common interest in a\\ncountry so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent\\nwith the security of perfect liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such\\na government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian.\\nIt is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to with-\\nstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the\\nlimits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil\\nenjoyment of the rights of person and property.\\nI have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular\\nreference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now\\ntake a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against\\nthe baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.\\nThis spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the\\nstrongest passions of the human mind. It exists, under different shapes, in all\\ngovernments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the\\npopular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.\\nThe alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of\\nrevenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has per-\\npetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads\\nat length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries\\nwhich result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the\\nabsolute power of an individual and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing\\nfaction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition\\nto the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.\\nWithout looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which, nevertheless,\\nought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the\\nspirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to\\ndiscourage and restrain it.\\nIt serves always to distract the Public Councils and enfeeble the Public Admin-\\nistration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms\\nkindles the animosity of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and\\ninsurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a\\nfacilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions.\\nThus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of\\nanother.\\nThere is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the\\nadministration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty.\\nThis, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical\\ncast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of\\nparty. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is\\na spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will\\nalways be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being con-\\nstant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate\\nand assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to\\nprevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.\\nIt is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS 201\\ninspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves\\nwithin their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the\\npowers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment\\ntends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create,\\nwhatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of\\npower, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is\\nsufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal\\nchecks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into dif-\\nferent depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against\\ninvasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern\\nsome of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must\\nbe as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribu-\\ntion or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it\\nbe corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates.\\nBut let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this in one instance may be\\nthe instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are\\ndestroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil,\\nany partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.\\nOf all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and\\nMorality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of\\nPatriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness,\\nthese firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician,\\nequally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume\\ncould not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply\\nbe asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of\\nreligious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in\\nCourts of justice And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality\\ncan be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence\\nof refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both\\nforbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious\\nprinciple.\\nIt is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular\\ngovernment. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of\\nfree government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference\\nupon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric\\nPromote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general\\ndiffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives\\nforce to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.\\nAs a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One\\nmethod of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible avoiding occasions of\\nexpense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to\\nprepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it;\\navoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions\\nof expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts\\nwhich unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon\\nposterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "202 APPENDIX\\nmaxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion\\nshould cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essen-\\ntial that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts\\nthere must be revenue that to have revenue there must be taxes that no taxes\\ncan be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant that the\\nintrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects\\n(which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a\\ncandid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for\\na spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public\\nexigencies may at any time dictate.\\nObserve good faith and justice toward all nations cultivate peace and harmony\\nwith all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good\\npolicy does not equally enjoin it It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at\\nno distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too\\nnovel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.\\nWho can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan\\nwould richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady\\nadherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent\\nfelicity of a nation with its virtue The experiment, at least, is recommended by\\nevery sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas is it rendered impossible\\nby its vices\\nIn the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent,\\ninveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for\\nothers, should be excluded and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings\\ntoward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an\\nhabitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to\\nits animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from\\nits duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each\\nmore readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and\\nto be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute\\noccur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.\\nThe nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the\\nGovernment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government some-\\ntimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what\\nreason would reject at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation sub-\\nservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister\\nand pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of\\nnations has been the victim.\\nSo, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a\\nvariety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an\\nimaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and\\ninfusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation\\nin the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification.\\nIt leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others\\nwhich is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily\\nparting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will,", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS 203\\nand a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are with-\\nheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote them-\\nselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interest of their own\\ncountry, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appear-\\nances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public\\nopinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of\\nambition, corruption, or infatuation.\\nAs avenues to foreign influence, in innumerable ways, such attachments are\\nparticularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How\\nmany opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice\\nthe arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public\\ncouncils Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful\\nnation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.\\nAgainst the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me,\\nfellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake since\\nhistory and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes\\nof republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else\\nit becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense\\nagainst it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of\\nanother, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve\\nto veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may\\nresist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious\\nwhile its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to\\nsurrender their interests.\\nThe great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending\\nour commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as\\npossible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled\\nwith perfect good faith. Here let us stop.\\nEurope has a set of primary interests which to us have none, or a very remote\\nrelation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of\\nwhich are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise\\nin us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her\\npolitics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.\\nOur detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different\\ncourse. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not\\nfar off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance when we may\\ntake such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon\\nto be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of\\nmaking acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation\\nwhen we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.\\nWhy forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation Why quit our own, to\\nstand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any\\npart of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambi-\\ntion, interest, humor, or caprice\\nIt is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the\\nforeign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "204 APPENDIX\\nunderstood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold\\nthe maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is\\nalways the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed\\nin their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise\\nto extend them.\\nTaking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respecta-\\nble defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary\\nemergencies.\\nHarmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy,\\nhumanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal\\nand impartial hand neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences\\nconsulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle\\nmeans, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so\\ndisposed, in order to give trade a -stable course, to define the rights of our mer-\\nchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of\\nintercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit,\\nbut temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experi-\\nence and circumstances shall dictate constantly keeping in view that it is folly in\\none nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a\\nportion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that,\\nby such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents\\nfor nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving\\nmore. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors\\nfrom nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just\\npride ought to discard.\\nIn offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate\\nfriend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could\\nwish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our\\nnation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations.\\nBut if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit\\nor some occasional good that they may now and then recur to moderate the\\nfury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard\\nagainst the impostures of pretended patriotism this hope will be a full recom-\\npense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.\\nHow far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the\\nprinciples which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of\\nmy conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance\\nof my own conscience is that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.\\nIn relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of\\nApril, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by\\nthat of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure\\nhas continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me\\nfrom it.\\nAfter deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I\\nwas well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a\\nright to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position.", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS 205\\nHaving taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it,\\nwith moderation, perseverance, and firmness.\\nThe considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not neces-\\nsary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my under-\\nstanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent\\npowers, has been virtually admitted by all.\\nThe duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more,\\nfrom the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases\\nin which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity\\ntoward other nations.\\nThe inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to\\nyour own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been\\nto endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institu-\\ntions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and con-\\nsistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own\\nfortunes.\\nThough, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of\\nintentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it\\nprobable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I\\nfervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may\\ntend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view\\nthem with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of rny life dedicated to its\\nservice with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to\\noblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.\\nRelying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent\\nlove toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of\\nhimself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing\\nexpectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the\\nsweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influ-\\nence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart,\\nand the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.\\nGeorge Washington.\\nUnited States, September iyth, ryg6.", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAbundance, how increased, 92\\nAbuses, reform of, 28\\nAccumulation, spirit of, 112\\nAggressive wars, free nations not inclined to,\\n17\\nAmerican citizens, rights of, 143; political\\nsystem, 8, 138-143\\nAmericans should be intelligent, 7\\nArgument, a means of righting wrongs, 25\\nAuthority and responsibility go together, 33\\nBank notes, not money, 81 small, should be\\nprohibited, 82\\nBank officers, proper punishment of, 83\\nBanks, how responsibility should be fixed, 82;\\nobject of, 77\\nBarter, 64\\nBimetallism, when possible, 72\\nBoards and commissions, evils of, 33\\nBonds, government, 59\\nBosses, political, 149\\nBritish government, a fault in, 31\\nBurglar, case of a, 18\\nBusiness, order of, in public assemblies, 162,\\n167-170\\nCalifornia sheep man, case of, 89\\nCall of the House, 164\\nCapital, destruction of, 80; economical use of,\\n78; importance of abundant, 115; what is,\\n61, 113\\nCentralization, dangers of, 32\\nCitizens must help officials, 17, 20\\nCitizenship, 40\\nCity, a business corporation, 146\\nCity governments, reform of, 147-8\\nCivilization, conditions necessary for, 63\\nCivil service, reform in, 132\\nCoinage does not add value, 69\\nColonial acquisitions, 156\\nColonies, thirteen, 134\\nCommerce, impediments to, 93; importance\\nof, 91 necessity of, 65 not a swindling\\ntransaction, 96; regulation of, 98; spreads\\ncivilization, 94\\nCommissions, executive, evils of, 33\\nCommittee of the whole, 171-2\\nCommittees, how formed, 171; object of, 165\\nCompulsory school law, 52\\nConfederation, why insufficient, 135\\nCongress, and our territories, 153; a repre-\\nsentative body, 49; in the constitution, 47\\nConstitution does not enforce itself, 35;\\nqualities of a good, 46\\nConstitutionality of laws, 46\\nConstitutions, limit power of majorities, 45\\nCooperative associations, how nations are, 62\\nCopper used as money, 68\\nCorporations, abuses by, 27; artificial per-\\nsons, 116\\nCredit, misuse of, 79-80; usefulness of, 79\\nDebate, importance of, 48, 174; rules for,\\n172-3\\nDebtors, bankrupt, 60\\nDebts, government, 59\\nDecentralization, importance of. 31, 158\\nDemonetization of silver dollar, 73\\nDependencies, how to rule, 157\\nDespotism, evils of, 25, 26\\nDiaz, President of Mexico, 19\\nDiversity of industries, 99\\nDonkey, how to load a, 58\\nDuties, protective, 98; effects of, 103\\nDuty, the law of, 10\\nEducational qualifications, 39\\nEducation, not the equivalent of intelligence,\\n51; public, 52, 53\\nEggs, 92\\nElections, when uninteresting, 41\\nElectoral franchise, limitations of, 38, 39\\nEmployment, no longer easily got, 53; pub-\\nlic, 130\\nExchange, freedom of, 135; money a me-\\ndium of, 67; of products, 64, 91, 93\\nExecutive, chief, should have large powers,\\n32, 34; responsibility of, 45, 133\\nFactory operatives, 104\\nFederal Constitution, benefits of, 137\\n206", "height": "4223", "width": "2701", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n207\\nFederal government, duties and limits of, 138-\\n140; powers of, limited, 30\\nFree coinage of silver, 70, 74\\nFree government, a school of the manly\\nvirtues, 24; not always most convenient,\\n23; revolution inexcusable under, 24\\nFree trade within the Union, 97, 137\\nFurnaces, iron, 108\\nGold and silver coined in eighty years, 72\\nGold worthless unless got out by labor, 63\\nGovernment, division into parts, 29; how\\nmade ineffective, 44; object of, 16, 21; ours\\nthe best, 158; primary duty of, 54; various\\nforms of, 14\\nGreenbacks, government promises to pay\\nmoney, 83; reissue of why injurious, 84,\\n85\\nHandicraft schools needed. 53\\nHawaii, annexation of, 36\\nHome industry, protection of, 100\\nHome market, control of, 102\\nHomestead provisions, 155\\nIndependent voters, 37\\nIndiana farmers, case of, 88\\nIndirect taxation, why preferred, 56\\nIndustries, derangement of, 107; different\\nqualities of, 108; diversity of, 99, 100;\\nnatural progress of. 100\\nIntelligence, necessary for good citizenship,\\n51\\nIntemperance, a great curse, 122\\nInterest, high rates because of risks, 88;\\nnatural rate of, varies, 89; why charged,\\n86\\nInterference, by government, 23, 74\\nJudges, should not be elected, 42\\nJury, grand, 150, 151; petit, 151; why of\\nthe vicinage, 152\\nLabor, benefited by capital, 113 foreign,\\n104\\nLabor associations, 118, 119\\nLaborers, hired, 101, 113\\nLawmaking, checks on, 48; powers, how\\ndistributed, 13\\nLaws, foolish, enacted by good men, 12;\\nmust be obeyed, 145; prompt enforcement\\nof, 18; proper limits of, 13; reform of, 14\\nLaws should be changed slowly, 48; unjust if\\npartial, in; when unwise, 124\\nLegal tender, greenbacks a, 83; laws ineffect-\\nive, 75; notes, injured the poor, 84\\nLegislators, not delegates, 49\\nLiberty, how made secure, 32 lawful chief\\nglory of a nation, 122; must not injure\\nothers, 12; why sometimes surrendered,\\n16\\nLimited liability corporations, 27, 116, 117\\nLiquor licenses, 125\\nLocal option, 126, 127\\nLocal self-government, 30\\nMachinery, old and new, 108\\nMachines, political, 41\\nManhood suffrage, importance of, 39\\nMarkets, wide range of, how useful, 96\\nMen, no surplus, 120\\nMerchants business is exchange of products,\\n66\\nMigration, right of, 138\\nMinorities, protection of, 45\\nMinority, duty of, 35, 128, 129\\nMints, object of, 69\\nMiser, why disliked, 113\\nMisgovernment, responsibility for, how fixed,\\n34\\nModeration in life, a virtue, 12\\nMoney, a medium of exchange, 67; interest\\non, 85; only a measure of values, 74; vari-\\nous forms of, 68\\nMonopolies, helped by limited liability laws,\\n117\\nMorals, corruption of, 15\\nMotions, order of, 167-170\\nNapoleon III., case of, 15\\nNational bank system, 83\\nNational debt, not a blessing, 76\\nNaturalization laws, 41\\nNebraska farmer, case of, 91-2\\nNon-partisan boards lead to jobbing, 37\\nOccupations, if overcrowded, 119\\nOfficeholders, 130\\nOffice seeking, vice of, 131\\nOfficials, must be watched, 145\\nOpposition party, important uses of, 35\\nOver-production, 109\\nPanics, effects of, on laborers, 115\\nPartisanship, 41, 132\\nParty government in free states, 37; why\\nnecessary, 128\\nParty platforms, 38\\nPeople, reserved rights of, 143\\nPolitics, and business, 146; in a free nation, 7\\nPoor and rich, 40\\nPostmasters should not be elected, 43, 133\\nPresident when able to do what he pleases,\\n36", "height": "4223", "width": "2677", "jp2-path": "politicsforyoun00nor_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "208\\nINDEX\\nPresiding officer, duties of, 164; must be\\naddressed, 162\\nPrevious question, the, 168\\nPrivate enterprise important, 23\\nProhibitory liquor laws, 123\\nProperty, duties of, 39; how produced, 61,\\n96; if insecure, 63\\nProtection, cost of, 109\\nProtective duties, policy in United States, 98\\nPublic lands, importance of, 154\\nPublic meetings, dignity in, 162\\nPublic opinion, how degraded, 16; importance\\nof, 17, 35; needed to enforce laws, 124\\nPublic schools, 52, 53\\nQuorum, why necessary, 164\\nRailroads, extend markets, 92; why govern-\\nment should not own, 23\\nReform of evils, slow, 38, 148; without revo-\\nlution, 24\\nRent, 85, 86\\nRepublics, inclined to peace, 17\\nResistance to laws, why excusable, 145\\nResponsibility and authority, 33; evil of\\ndivided, 44\\nRevenue, from indirect taxes, 56; surplus\\nwhy objectionable, 57\\nRich and poor, 40\\nRobberies, train and stage, 18\\nRotation in office. 131\\nRules, for public meetings, 161\\nRum did it, 123\\nSchools, public, a political institution, 52;\\nreform needed in, 53\\nSelf defense, importance of, 18\\nSelf-denial, importance of, 61\\nSelf-government, local, 30\\nSenate, advisory powers of, 34\\nShoemaker, case of, 66\\nSilver, coined in eighty years, 72; demone-\\ntized, 73; made subsidiary coin, 73; fluctua-\\ntions of, 74; free coinage of, 70, 74; used as\\nmoney, 69\\nSmall change, 68\\nSpeculation, vice of, 117\\nStability, great importance of, 38, 159; how\\nguarded, 48\\nState governments, powers of, 141\\nStrikes, 121\\nSubordinate officers should be appointed, 43\\nSubsidiary coinage, 68, 70, 71\\nSuffrage, general, important, 40\\nSupreme Court, one function of, 46\\nSurplus, how got, 61; when needed, 112\\nSurplus products, how acquire value, 91\\nwhen valueless, 65\\nTariff, high, causes trusts, no\\nTaxation, indirect, may lead to jobbing, 57;\\nneedless impoverishes, 76 primary ob-\\nject of, 54; rules for, 59\\nTax eaters, so-called, 130\\nTaxes, direct or indirect, 56; evils of ill-\\nadjusted, 58; hard times, 58\\nTelegraphs, government ownership of, 22, 28\\nTerritorial acquisitions, 154\\nTerritories, government of, 153\\nThird Term, 47\\nTown meeting, a pure democracy, 50; im-\\nportant as training citizens, 51\\nTrade schools, important, 53\\nTrades unions, 118, 122\\nTreason, penalty of, 47\\nTrusts, origin of, no\\nUsury laws evaded, 91; injurious to bor-\\nrowers, 87\\nVested interests, 119\\nVeto, meaning of, 48\\nVigilantes in Montana, 19\\nWages, rise slowly, 84\\nWampum, used as money, 68\\nWealth, necessary to civilization, 64; of a\\nnation, 63\\nWool and woolens, 105-6\\nYankee notions, 103\\nTYPOGRAPHY BY J. 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