{"1": {"fulltext": "BBBiilKilllli\\n1\\nm.\\nSy I P^BJCY. m ^MApAN^", "height": "3068", "width": "2067", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.\\nChap. opj right No.\\n^.MJ.$\\nUNITED STATES )i AMERICA.", "height": "2963", "width": "1981", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "THE\\nPeril 9LJHE Republic\\nOP THE\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA\\nBY\\nPERCY T. MAGAN, PH. B.\\nwe could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could\\nbetter judge what to do, and how to do it\u00e2\u0080\u0094 LINCOLN\\nChicago new York Toronto\\nFLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY\\nPUBLISHERS OF EVANGELICAL LITERATURE\\nL", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "TWO COPIES RECEIVED,\\nLJbr n\\nRegister cf Copy,\\n5 J 048\\nCopyrighted 1899, by Percy T. Magan.\\n8EC0ND COPY,", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "cO\\nPREFACE.\\nAbout ten years ago I became deeply interested in those prophe-\\ncies of the Bible which relate to the history of this world. As on\\nthe sacred page I read and pondered over the outlines of the great\\nevents of earth, both past and yet to be, I determined to make a\\nthorough study of human histories, for the double purpose of satis-\\nfying myself as to the truthfulness of the Bible concerning what had\\nalready transpired, and that through these things I might better\\nunderstand what was yet to come.\\nIn 1891 my friend and fellow worker, Alonzo T. Jones, wrote\\nhis- Two Kepublics, or Rome and the United States of America.\\nIt was my privilege to read this remarkable work in the proof; and,\\nfrom the general field of the annals of mankind, my attention was\\nspecifically turned to the prophetical and philosophical history of\\nthe Republic of Rome and the Republic of the United States.\\nDuring the past nine years, having occupied the chair of history in\\nthe College at this place, my duties have accorded me abundant\\nopportunity to pursue my cherished theme.\\nWith me the study of the great events of the present has been with\\nthe one desire that, guided by the Word of God, I might, through\\nthe things transpiring around me, read correctly the events which\\nare yet to take place. The matters touched upon in this little book\\nwere long ago recorded in sacred, prophetic Writ. They vitally\\nconcern the welfare and peace of the United States, and are inti-\\nmately connected with the deeds which will ultimately bring to a\\nclose the long and tragic history of the world. We are apt to\\nbelieve that we live in better times than those with which others\\nhave been favored; but those wonderful words of James Russell\\nLowell apply just as much to the present time as to any time in past\\nhistory\\nCareless seems the great Avenger: history s pages but record\\nOne death-grapple in the darkness twixt false systems and the Word.\\nTruth forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the throne;\\nYet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown\\nStandeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "4 PREFACE.\\nFirmly believing that it is my duty as a minister of the gospel,\\nambassador of Jesus Christ, to warn men and women what\\na ill be, I have written that which follows, that in life\\nand spirit they may transfer their allegiance and citizenship from\\nthe kingdoms of this world to the kingdom of our Lord and of\\nblch kingdom, according to the seer, shall never be\\nshall Btand forever and ever.\\nIn writing this little work I have not sought to bring hidden\\nto light, but rather to make plain the meaning, philosophy,\\nfacts already well known, generally accredited, and\\ncknowledged by thinking men. I have drawn freely\\nfrom the 1 speeches of others. Many times I have quoted\\ntheir words rather than to write my own. I have done this for the\\nin that their thoughts were my thoughts, and that in giving\\ntheir language I could at once give their ideas and my own without\\ner of injustice to them. I wish to acknowledge the assistance\\n1 in making these things plain from the speeches of\\nr, of Massachusetts; Mason, of Illinois; Baker of\\nand Daniells, of West Virginia; also from Mr. Chas. F.\\nof Hoston, and Prof. Carl Schurz, of New York. The\\nthought and careful study which these eminent men have\\nd this subject, although perhaps only from the standpoint of\\ncal and philosophical, in contradistinction to prophetical, his-\\njreat help to me in many ways.\\nIn commending my work to the public, I have only to say that\\nI have written has been written with an earnest desire to do\\nlis may escape the ruin which is surely to come upon\\nI it has been written with malice toward none, with\\nr all, with firmness in the right as God has given me to\\nPercy T. Magan.\\nI", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER I. PAGB\\nA Nation s Birthright 9\\nThe United States comes into existence over a principle All\\nmen created equal Consent of the governed doctrine Dec-\\nlaration of Independence one of great general principles Com-\\nments on the Declaration by Charles Sumner The Roman theory\\nof unlimited power The European theory of unlimited power\\nThe American theory of limited power Opinion of John Quincy\\nAdams Thackeray on the painting in the rotunda The Ameri-\\ncan principle of government the Bible doctrine of government\\nGod and the nations.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nThe Crisis of 61 20\\nThe American Civil war a contest over a great principle Lin-\\ncoln s great Gettysburg speech The Declaration means just\\nwhat it says Lincoln s ideas of the Declaration Judge Doug-\\nlas s ideas of the Declaration The ideas of the Fathers of the\\nnation concerning the meaning of the Declaration of Independ-\\nence Thomas Jefferson on slavery James Madison on slavery\\nA house divided against itself can not stand.\\nCHAPTER IH.\\nA War for Humanity s Sake 31\\nThe nation as it issued from the Civil war The sorrows of Cuba\\nCauses of the revolution in Cuba Sufferings of the Cuban peo-\\nple The causes of their sufferings Declaration of war against\\nSpain by the United States Reasons for the war Not for the\\nincrease of territory Forcible annexation, criminal aggression.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nA Chapter in Criminal History 41\\nThe beginnings of Spain Visigoths become Roman Catholics\\nThe Saracens arrive in Spain Magnificent civilization of the\\n[5]", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "I CONTENTS.\\nTheir bouses, gardens, and libraries, and con-\\ntribution- to BCience Their burning contrasted with papistical\\nThe Saracens conquered by the Spaniards The\\nIs attempt to convert the Saracens Odious persecutions\\nExpulsion of the Saracens from Spain Degradation of Spain.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nTh Inquisition 52\\nTie i-on for the Inquisition Everything based on the\\nBible Treatment of i be Albigenses Stories circulated concern-\\ning the Jews \u00e2\u0080\u0094Position of Queen Isabella Ideas of King Ferdi-\\nnand V.: idences thai a .lewish conversion was not sincere The\\nhall f torture Modes of torture Why the people of Cuba and\\nthe Philippine Islands rebelled against Spain.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nThe Council op Blood 61\\nFree Bpiril of the Hollanders Crimes of Charles the Fifth in\\nII land Philip the Second and Bloody Mary The Edict of\\n1550 Fearful persecutions William the Silent Hollanders\\nto England, and the commerce of Holland declines The\\npreachers f the Reformation Field preaching under guard\\np-meetings in Holland Composition of the Council of Blood\\nDeeds of the Council of Blood \u00e2\u0080\u0094All the inhabitants of Holland\\ndemned to death The siege of Leyden Relief of Leyden\\nading of the Dutch Republic.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nman Imit.hiai.ism National Apostasy 79\\nWh ras conquered Why America, was chosen to conquer\\ntting sun of Spanish glory An old World power is\\ndriven from Cuba, but an Old World idea invades the United\\nThe doctrine that mighl makes right\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The doctrine\\nikes might \u00e2\u0080\u0094American Imperialism \u00e2\u0080\u0094The Declara-\\nmocked at The forcible annexation of the\\nD. 1809 ideas of the Declaration\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Jefferson\\nIdeas of John Fiske James G. Blaine on\\nMacaulaj on colonial empires The American\\nion a war against the colonial system \u00e2\u0080\u0094Supreme Court\\ndependencies The national records\\n1 to dependencies, In the organization of the Northwest", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. 7\\nTerritory, treaty of cession with France over Louisiana purchase,\\nin the treaty of Washington over the Floridas, in the treaty of\\nGuadalupe Hidalgo over California, Nevada, etc., and in the\\nGadsden and Alaskan purchases A change of front on the\\ngovernment by consent doctrine The purchase of the Phil-\\nippines Recent opinions on the consent of the governed doc-\\ntrine In the track of King George Grand words from Carl\\nSchurz Criminal aggression Can the government endure half\\ncitizen, half colonial? The command, Silence! Liberty at\\nthe point of the bayonet Lord Macaulay on slavery in the West\\nIndies Is history a fable?\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nManifest Destiny 109\\nWhat is manifest destiny? God s dealings with the nations\\nThe case of Nebuchadnezzar The Most High ruleth in the\\nkingdoms of men Story of the Philippine revolt against Spain\\nCruelties of the Spaniards Aguinaldo and the Americans The\\ngreat seal of the United States Opinions of George Francis\\nAdams Principles born at Lexington and buried at Manila\\nAdmiral Dewey s estimate of the Filipinos Can the Filipinos be\\nmade good American citizens? Is it a Christian duty for the\\nUnited States to forcibly annex the Philippines? Christ and\\ncivil government The Bible in one hand and the shotgun in\\nthe other doctrine Is the United States a Christian nation?\\nMilitarism and democracy God uses nations as instruments\\nThe case of Assyria My Country, 1899 The Recessional\\nOde The task of the forefathers and the task of the sons Is it\\nLive through all time, or Die by suicide? Which way shall the\\ntide of destiny set?\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nIn the Trail op Rome .137\\nThe two great republics Cause of the transformation of Rome\\nfrom a republic to a military monarchy How nations lose their\\nown freedom The case in the Philippines Parallel between\\nthe last days of the republic of Rome and the present time in the\\nUnited States Roman expansion A Roman war in the cause\\nof humanity The liberty that was not given to the Greek repub-\\nlics Rome s treatment of allies Opinion of Rollin on the\\nRoman expansion policy American expansion in reality contrac-\\ntion When will Cuba be vacated How God punishes nations\\nNot political theories, but prophetical principles The Bible", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "8 CONTENTS.\\nconcerning the Roman republic The Bible ncerning Roman\\nexpansion Bible prophecies relating to the United States The\\ned book, why opened now? The ruin of Rome and the peril\\nof fche-United States.\\nCHAPTER X.\\nv ob Armageddon? 166\\nMaiming peace and preparing for war China the storm cen-\\nter \u00e2\u0080\u0094The czar s manifesto and the Peace and Disarmament Con-\\nference The United States formerly the champion of peace\\nThe Monroe doctrine The advent of the United States in the\\nat, does it portend peace or war? Washington s farewell\\naddress Carl Sohurz on the English alliance What shall be\\nth sign of thy coming, and of the end of the world? Position of\\nJerusalem in the world Position of the United States in the\\nworld The vision of the great image The ten kingdoms of\\nprophecy The God of heaven shall set up a kingdom The\\nImage struck upon the feet The reason for this The kings of\\nthe East Turkey and the great powers Prophecies concern-\\ning Russia The apostasy of the United States All nations in\\nrebellion The armies of heaven The kingdom and citizens of\\nour Lord and of his Christ.\\nAPPENDIX.\\nThk I mti bs and Slavery in the Sulus 189", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nA NATION S BIRTHRIGHT.\\nThe advent of the United States upon history s stage broke the\\ndawn of a new era, not alone for the Old Thirteen, but for all man-\\nkind. The principles of freedom enunciated in the immortal Decla-\\nration of Independence were pregnant with weal for tens of thousands\\nin other climes, and for millions then unborn, as well as for the\\nembattled farmers who fought at Lexington and Concord.\\nThe new nation appealed not to tables of dynasty and royal suc-\\ncession to prove her title to life or her right to existence as a sover-\\neign state among peers. Discarding these, her founders bore her\\ninto the arena upon certain self-evident truths. Her people assumed\\ntheir equal and separate station among the powers of the earth by\\nthe laws of nature and of nature s God. 1\\nHitherto the doctrine had prevailed that the Almighty had\\ncreated one class to govern and another class to be governed. States.\\nmen had universally held that all men were not created equal, and\\necclesiastics had not been slow in seconding their teachings. When\\nfrom time to time philosophers had arisen inculcating ideas of liberty\\nand equality, they had been branded as anarchists by the state and\\nas atheists by the church. Many a time both the civil and religious\\npowers had buried their own differences of opinion and claims of\\njurisdiction in order that they might form a union for the sole pur-\\npose of more effectively dealing swift and summary punishment to\\nthese disturbers of the existing order of things. The rack, the\\nfagot, and all the ingenious and exquisite tortures which the Inqui-\\nsition could devise had been freely employed to wring from unwilling\\nlips the desired recantation.\\ni Declaration of Independence, par. 1.\\n[9 J", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "Id THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nto the time of our glorious Revolution the doctrine that\\nrnments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov-\\ni was wholly unknown in national practise. The princes and\\natatea of the nations of Europe had entrenched themselves\\nbehind that wickedest of all political tenets, the divine right of\\nThis they amplified till it might better have read, the divine\\nright of kings to govern wrong. With the aid of this as their creed,\\nthey bad outraged in their subjects the inborn sense of manhood to\\nBach an extent that by the time the close of the eighteenth century\\nvrae reached it was well nigh extinct and the majority of the human\\nfamily, worn out by the struggle of centuries, were about to sink\\ninto a long sleep of political death from which it seemed almost\\nimpossible that there should be an awakening.\\nBut the -park of light and life still burned; and a few bold sen-\\n9, the reflection of a few brave hearts, kindled a pillar of fire\\nto guide mankind out of the wilderness of medieval political errors\\ninto the Canaan of governmental truth. As are the ten command-\\nments and the golden rule in divinity, so are the precepts that\\nrnments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov-\\nI. and that all men arc created equal, in civility. The Declara-\\ntion of Independence and the Constitution of the United States are\\nindeed the New and Old Testaments in things pertaining to Coesar,\\nthe one Berving as a commentary in the light of which the other\\nbe interpreted. Immortal are the words of Jefferson, the sage\\nof Monticello; grand in their simplicity and noble roughness\\nWhen, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for\\non people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them\\nwith another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the\\nrate and equal Btation to which the laws of nature and of nature s\\nGod entitle them. :i (hc.nl respect to the opinions of mankind\\nrequires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the\\nnation.\\nWe hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are\\n[ual that they are endowed by their Creator with certain\\nunalienable rights that among these are life, liberty, and the pur-\\nof happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are insti-\\nll riving their just powers from the consent of the\\ni", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "A nation s birthright. 11\\nThe Declaration of Independence is a declaration of great general\\nprinciples, as well as a recital of certain specific grievances. It was\\nnever written to meet the exigencies of one particular time or people.\\nNo nation prior to this one had ever declared it as a principle good\\nfor all mankind that all men are created equal, or that governments\\nderive their just powers from the consent of the governed. None of\\nthe great nations of Europe ever taught or ever believed these pre-\\ncepts. They were born simultaneously with the American Republic.\\nThey constituted her christening robe and her birthright, peculiarly\\nher own, and the first infant cry of her national life. That nation\\nof the old world which has ever been the foremost in promulgating\\ndoctrines of freedom and liberty did not believe these things, for she\\nit was who fought them. She did not even believe them in their\\nmost limited sense for her most limited self, the isle of England,\\nas distinguished from colony and dependency. Much less, therefore,\\ndid she consider them as divine and immortal truths, applicable to all\\ntimes and places, and worthy of being the basis of government among\\nmen in every kindred and nation and tongue and tribe and people.\\nWell has Charles Sumner said:\\nThe words that governments derive their just powers from the\\nconsent of the governed are sacred words, full of life-giving energy.\\nNot simply national independence was here proclaimed, but also the\\nprimal rights of all mankind. Then and there appeared the angel\\nof human liberation, speaking and acting at once with heaven-born\\nstrength, breaking bolts, unloosing bonds, and opening prison doors\\nalways ranging on its mighty errand, wherever there are any, no\\nmatter of what country or race, who struggle for rights denied now\\ncheering Garibaldi at Naples, as it had cheered Washington in the\\nsnows of Valley Forge, and especially visiting all who are down-\\ntrodden, whispering that there is none so poor as to be without\\nrights which every man is bound to respect, none so degraded as to\\nbe beneath its beneficent reach, none so lofty as to be above its\\nrestraining power; while before it despotism and oligarchy fall on\\ntheir faces, like the image of Dagon, and the people everywhere\\nbegin to govern themselves.\\nAnd again he says\\nThese words in the Declaration of Independence were not\\nuttered in vain. Do you suppose them idle? Do you suppose them", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "12 PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nmere phrase or generality No such thing. They are living words,\\nbich this country is solemnly bound, and from which it can\\nnever escape until they are fulfilled. Your statutes can not contain\\nany limitation which inflicts an indignity upon any portion of the\\nhuman family\\nyet again\\nThe Declaration of Independence is the twofold promise; first,\\nthat all are equal in rights, and secondly, that just government\\nly on the consent of the governed, being the two great\\npolitical commandments on which hang all laws and constitutions.\\nrnly, and you will keep all. Write them in your\\nStatutes; write them in our hearts. This is the great and only final\\nsettlement of all existing questions. To this sublime consecration\\nof the Republic let us aspire.\\nIn liberty, therefore, was the nation conceived; to these two prop-\\nositions was it Bacredly dedicated and solemnly sealed in the blood\\none. As the Bible declares that all men are equal before\\nthe i. i that God is no respecter of persons, so the Declara-\\nallirms that all men are equal before the law, and that this\\nequality is their own unalienable and primal right. The Declaration\\nnol mean that all men are equal in all respects. But it does\\nand it does say that they are equal in their right to life,\\nliberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And in this it recognizes the\\nnobility of man as the creation of God, and makes no exception or\\nkction in favor of an} human caste or human lineage.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Obviously, men are not born equal in physical strength or in\\n.1 capacity, in beauty of form or in health of body. Diversity\\nor inequality in these respects is the law of creation. But this\\nlality is in no particular inconsistent with complete civil or\\ncal equality.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2The equality declared by our fathers in 1776, and made the\\nfundamental La* oi Massachusetts in 1780, was equality before the\\nlaw. [ts object was to efface all political or civil distinctions, and\\nolish all institutions founded upon birth. All men ^recreated\\nequal ie Declaration o\\\\ Independence. All men are born\\nnd equal, says the Massachusetts Bill of Rights. These are\\nnot vain words. Within the sphere of their influence, no person\\ncan be created, no person can be born, with civil or political privi-", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "a nation s birthright. 13\\nleges not enjoyed equally by all his fellow citizens; nor can any\\ninstitutions be established, recognizing distinctions of birth. Here\\nis the great charter of every human being drawing vital breath upon\\nthis soil, whatever may be his conditions, and whoever may be his\\nparents. He may be poor, weak, humble, or black he may be of\\nCaucasian, Jewish, Indian, or Ethiopian race; he may be born of\\nFrench, German, English, or Irish extraction but before the consti-\\ntution of Massachusetts all these distinctions disappear. He is not\\npoor, weak, humble, or black; nor is he Caucasian, Jew, Indian,\\nor Ethiopian nor is he French, German, English, or Irish he is a\\nman, the equal of all his fellow-men. To some it [the state]\\nmay allot higher duties, according to higher capacities; but it\\nwelcomes all to its equal hospitable board. The state, imitating the\\ndivine justice, is no respecter of persons. 2\\nThis is the true doctrine of civil government, this is the Bible\\ndoctrine for civil government.\\nThere is still another principle in the Declaration of Indepen\\ndence which is worthy of notice here. The doctrine of the nations\\nof medieval times was that might makes right. If a nation\\npossessed enough arbitrary power and physical force to accomplish\\na certain end, no matter how criminally aggressive, no matter how\\ntyrannical or despotic that end might be, the power to do was always\\nsupposed to prove the rightfulness of the thing done. And back of\\nthis time, in the dawn of European history, in the days of the\\nEoman Republic, that nation had held to the doctrine of Vox\\nPopuli vox Dei, The voice of the people is the voice of God\\nin other words, the Roman doctrine was that if the majority of the\\npeople approved of a thing, it must be right.\\nBut the Declaration of Independence, with one simple yet\\nsweeping statement, disowns, disclaims, and discards both the Roman\\nand the medieval theories, and substitutes in their place a principle\\nbeyond comparison with them for its lofty and^ holy teachings. In\\nthe last paragraph of that immortal document it is written that\\nthese United Colonies as free and independent States have full\\npower to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish\\ncommerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent\\nStates may of right do.\\naChas. Sumner, Works, Vol. II, pp. 341, 342.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "14 TIIK PERIL OK THE REPUBLIC.\\nWrapped in these words was a new doctrine. Here was the\\nenunciation of a principle hitherto unheard of. Heretofore sover-\\nhad been considered as being unlimited and illimitable. But\\nthe Declaration of Independence brought to the birth a new prin-\\nciple, that right is superior to all earthly power, whether vested\\nin prince or potentate or in a republican form of government. With\\nthe founders of this government it was not a question of what the\\nnation was able to do, but contrariwise, what was right for the nation\\nto do. I quote once more from the great Sumner\\nBut the great Declaration, not content with announcing certain\\nrights as unalienable, and therefore beyond the control of any gov-\\nernment, still further restrains the sovereignty, which it asserts by\\nBimply declaring that the United States have full power to do all\\nacts and things which independent States may of right do. Here\\nis a well-defined limitation upon the popular sovereignty. The\\ndogma of Tory lawyers and pamphleteers put forward to sustain\\nthe claim of parliamentary omnipotence, and vehemently espoused\\nby Dr. .Johnson in his Taxation no Tyranny was taught, that\\nsovereignty is in its nature illimitable, precisely as it is now\\nly professed by Mr. Douglas for his handful of squatters.\\nBut this doctrine is distinctly discarded in the Declaration, and it is\\nfrankly proclaimed that all sovereignty is subordinate to the rule of\\nMark, now, the difference: all existing governments at that\\ntime, even the local governments of the colonies, stood on power\\nwithout limitation. Here was a new government, which, taking its\\nplace among the nations, announced that it stood only on right, and\\nclaimed no sovereignty inconsistent with right. 3\\nI 1837 John Quincy Adams in a Fourth of July oration at\\ni! port, said:\\nThe bov reign authority conferred upon the people of the colo-\\nnic by the Declaration of Independence could not dispense them,\\nany individual citizen of them, from the fulfilment of their\\nobligations. The people who assumed their equal and sepa-\\nitation among the powers of the earth, by the laws of nature s\\nhat very act acknowledged themselves bound to the observ-\\ner those laws, and could neither exercise nor confer any power\\nI with them.\\n1 Ehunner, Works.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "A nation s birthright 15\\nStill further alluding to the self-imposed restraints upon the\\nsovereignty which had been established, he said\\nThe Declaration acknowledged the rule of right paramount to\\nthe power of independent States itself, and virtually disclaimed all\\npower to do wrong. This was a novelty in the moral philosophy of\\nnations, and it is the essential point of difference between the sys-\\ntem of government announced in the Declaration of Independence\\nand those systems which had until then prevailed among men.\\nIt was an experiment upon the heart of man. All the legislators of\\nthe human race until that day had laid the foundations of all gov-\\nernment among men in power; and hence it was that in the maxims\\nof theory, as well as in the practise of nations, sovereignty was\\nheld to be unlimited and illimitable. The Declaration of Independ-\\nence proclaimed another law, a law of right, binding upon\\nnations as well as individuals, upon sovereigns as well as upon sub-\\njects. In assuming the attributes of sovereign power, the\\ncolonists appealed to the Supreme Judge of the world for the recti-\\ntude of their intentions, and neither claimed nor conferred authority\\nto do anything but for right.\\nWell indeed has George Bancroft, America s greatest historian,\\nsaid\\nThis immortal state paper, which for its composer was the\\naurora of enduring fame, was the genuine effusion of the soul of\\nthe country at that time, the revelation of its mind, when, in its\\nyouth, its enthusiasm, its sublime confronting of danger, it rose to\\nthe highest creative powers of which man is capable. The bill of\\nrights which it promulgates is of rights that are older than human\\ninstitutions, and spring from the eternal justice that is anterior to\\nthe state. 4\\nIn a speech delivered in the United States Senate, Jan. 9, 1899,\\nSenator Hoar, of Massachusetts, refers to Thackeray s comment upon\\nthe great picture in the rotunda of the capitol. So beautifully and\\nforcibly has he woven into his argument this incident, and another\\nwith it, that I take the liberty of giving it again in his own\\nwords, for they are far better than my own could be:\\nThackeray, no mean judge of noble art, no mean judge of\\nnoble actions, was one day crossing the rotunda of this capitol in\\n4 Bancroft, History of United States. Vol. IV, chap. 28.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\ncompany with Charles Sumner. He stopped before the picture\\nwhere the genius of the great artist of Connecticut has delineated\\non the imperishable canvas the scene when the Declaration of\\nIndependence was presented by Jefferson to the solemn sitting over\\nwhich Hancock presided, and the new nation, born on the 19th of\\nApril, 1775, was baptized in the faith of our new gospel of liberty.\\nHe stood for a moment silent, and then said to Mr. Sumner, That s\\nyour painter.\\nSurely he was right. The foremost action of human history\\nis fitly represented by the great work which we fondly hope is to be\\nas enduring as time, enduring as the Republic, enduring as liberty.\\nIt is there, in the foremost place of honor which can be found on\\nthis earth. No Parthenon, no Saint Peter s, no Palace of the Escu-\\nrial, no Sans Souci, not Westminster Abbey itself, can equal, at\\nleast to our eyes, this spot, where forever a great and free people\\ndeclares its constitutional will.\\nBeneath the great dome to which the pilgrim from afar first\\nrepairs when he visits the capital of his country, hangs the great\\npicture which delineates the scene, when the nation was first baptized\\ninto immortal life. It was not only the independence of America\\nwhich was then declared, it toas the dignity of human nature itself.\\nWhen Samuel Rogers visited the Dominican convent at Padua,\\nan aged friar showed him the famous picture of The Last Supper\\nin the refectory of the convent. He said:\\nI have sat at my meals before it for seven and forty years,\\nand such are the changes that have taken place among us so many\\nhave come and gone in that time that when I look upon the com-\\npany there, upon those who are sitting at that table, silent as they\\nare, I am sometimes inclined to think that we, not they, are the\\nshadows.\\nAs administrations, terms of presidential office, begin and end,\\nas senators and representatives come and go before the silent figures\\nin that immortal picture, it seems to me that we are but the shadows,\\nwhile Hancock and Jefferson and Adams and Franklin and Ellsworth\\nand Livingston are atill deliberating, still acting, still alive. 5\\nIn the Book of books it is written that the grass withereth, the\\nflower fadeih: hut the word of our God shall stand forever; and in\\nii of Hon. George F. Hoar in the United States Senate, Jan. 9, 1899.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "A nation s birthright. 17\\nanother place that that immortal Word liveth and abideth forever.\\nAnd it is even so with the great principles of the Declaration of In-\\ndependence and of the Constitution of the United States. They are\\ncoeval with time, and they will be commensurate with eternity. The\\ngovernment of God in the beautiful world to come will be a govern-\\nment of love, a government founded upon the principles of the con-\\nsent of the governed; for every soul in that blest home and kingdom,\\nand in all the infinite universe, will desire naught else but that God\\nand Jesus Christ shall rule. This will be the supreme and ever-\\nliving desire of every one. Heaven s government is indeed one\\nderiving its powers, which are only just, from the consent of the\\ngoverned. Every voice in the righteous nation blends in that glad\\nchorus Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power, and\\nriches, and wisdom, and strength, and honor, and glory, and bless-\\ning. Says John, the revelator: Every creature which is in\\nheaven, and on the earth, and under the earth, and such as are in\\nthe sea, and all that are in them, heard I saying, Blessing, and\\nhonor, and glory, and power, be unto him that sitteth upon the\\nthrone, and unto the Lamb forever and ever.\\nSome years ago James Russell Lowell was asked by Guizot, the\\ngreat French historian, how long the Republic of the United States\\nmight reasonably be expected to endure. So long, replied Mr.\\nLowell, as the ideas of its founders continue dominant.\\nNo truer answer than this could possibly have been given. The\\nUnited States obtained its national charter from the hand of Provi-\\ndence with the distinct understanding that its cardinal principles of\\ngovernment should forever be liberty and equality; and also with the\\nexpress stipulation that the rule of right should always be paramount\\nto the poicer of the sovereign State.\\nIf the Republic shall ever permanently desert these great prin-\\nciples, the star of her genius will set forevermore. By that foul act\\nof disloyalty and treason to the laws of nature and of nature s\\nGod, she will forfeit her own right to life, liberty, and the pur-\\nsuit of happiness. Woe be the day when she shall deny these\\nunalienable rights, these precious God-given boons, to any portion of\\nthe family of mankind. In that selfsame hour the bloodless hand\\nwill once again trace the dread writing on the national wall: Mene,\\nMene, Tekel, Upharsin, God hath numbered thy kingdom and\\n2", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "18 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nfinished it. Thou art weighed in the balances and found wanting.\\nTo her it will be said, Reward her even as she rewarded others,\\nand double unto her double according to her works: in the cup\\nwhich she hath filled, fill to her double.\\nIf we shall ever deny to others the right of government by their\\nown consent, by such a deed we shall ourselves surrender to the\\nCreator the charter of our national life, of our corporate existence\\nCan it even be that in recent events the treacherous and malig-\\nnant deed has indeed been done Has the gloomy cloud which has\\nhovered over and mantled our acts in the far East contained in its\\nfolds a Macbethian dagger, which, while slaying inoffensive and\\nsemicivilized people in the innocence of their national childhood, is\\nin reality being plunged to the hilt into the fountain of our waters\\nof life to poison them with the dread drug of despotism which sits\\nupon its blade Is national suicide being committed Is the seal\\nof state sorrow being set Is the die of doom even now being\\ncast\\nTo every nation as to every man God has committed its work.\\nThe Captain of our salvation sets the course of the man, and bids\\nhim steer the bark of his life for a port of spiritual and religious\\nperfection wherein is immortality and everlasting peace. On the\\nchart of the ocean of time the haven which he is to gain is faith-\\nfully marked. Happy is the man who knoweth and obeyeth his\\nCreator in this. With the individual man the goal pertaineth to\\nthe things of the soul, to the things of spirituality.\\nSo also it is with nations. The King of kings sets the course for\\nevery ship of state. Happy are the legislators who hold thereto. For\\nthe nation God appointeth a harbor of perfection in things civil, just\\nas verily as for man he appointeth it in things religious. Should\\nthe nation turn aside and steer another course, naught but the rocks\\nof destruction await it. All this is clearly brought to view in the\\ngreat Book of books. For it is written that he hath made of one\\nblood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth,\\nand hath determined the times before appointed and the bounds of\\ntheir habitation. It is the Lord, then, who determines the time\\nwhen nations shall rise and when they shall totter to their fall. It\\nis the great I Am who says to the nations concerning their boun-\\ndaries, Hitherto shalt thou come, but no farther: and here shall", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "A nation s birthright. 19\\nthy proud waves be stayed. And Job said: He leadeth away\\ncounselors spoiled, and maketh the judges fools. He loose th the\\nbond of kings, and girdeth their loins with a girdle. He leadeth\\nprinces away spoiled, and overthroweth the mighty. He removeth\\naway the speech of the trusty, and taketh away the understanding\\nof the aged. He poureth contempt upon princes, and weakeneth\\nthe strength of the mighty. He discovereth deep things out of\\ndarkness, and bringeth out to light the shadow of death. He\\nincreaseth the nations, and destroyeth them: he enlargeth the\\nnations and straighteneth them again. He taketh away the heart of\\nthe chief of the people of the earth, and causeth them to wander in\\na wilderness where there is no way. They grope in the dark with-\\nout light, and he maketh them to stagger like a drunken man. 6\\nWith every nation, as with every man, an account is opened on\\nthe ledger of life in the record office above. With unerring accuracy\\nthe Infinite One keeps an account with every kindred and nation and\\ntongue and tribe and people. While his mercy is tendered, with\\ncalls to repentance, this account will remain open; but when the\\nfigures reach a certain amount which God has fixed, the ministry of\\nhis wrath commences. The account is closed. Divine patience\\nceases. There is no more pleading of mercy in their behalf.\\nWith men there is a hereafter. With nations there is not; and\\nas they can not be punished or rewarded in the next world, they\\nmust be in this. Will the United States remain true to her trust\\nThat is the question which even now is hanging in the balances of\\ntime.\\nJob 13 17-25.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nTHE CRISIS OF 6L\\nIn the dark times which preceded the crisis of 61, gloomy\\nshades, as of the last days of the Republic, stealthily attempted to\\ndraw their weird forms across the land.\\nThe Civil war between the North and the South was a struggle\\nover principle. In the famous Gettysburg address, Abraham Lin-\\ncoln stated this principle in immortal prose as follows\\nFourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on\\nthis continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to\\nthe proposition that all men are created equal.\\nNow we are engaged in a great Civil war, testing whether that\\nnation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long\\nendure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have\\ncome to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for\\nthose who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is\\naltogether fitting and proper that we should do this.\\nBut, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not conse-\\ncrate, we can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living\\nand dead, who struggled here have consecrated it far above our\\npoor power to add or detract. The world will little note or long\\nremember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did\\nhere. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the\\nunfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly\\nadvanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task\\nremaining before us; that from these honored dead we take\\nincreased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full\\nmeasure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead\\nshall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have\\n.1 aew birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the\\npeople, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.\\nion thai all men are creal d equal was on trial in the\\nCivil war. The struggle was to test whether the government con-\\n[20]", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 61. 21\\nceived in liberty was so to endure. The brave men who shed their\\nblood, shed it in behalf of liberty and equality. They courted death,\\nand flocked to its arbitrary and despotic arms, in order that the\\nnation of liberty and equality might live.\\nEvery principle of the Declaration of Independence was at stake\\nand as the principles of the Declaration were the vital life of the\\nnation, it logically followed that if those principles were abandoned,\\nthe ruin of the young Republic was assured. Lincoln s whole effort\\nwas one in behalf of the Declaration for liberty and equality.\\nOn the part of the champions of slavery a plea was set up that\\nthe Declaration did not mean just what it said; that the clause,\\nall men are created equal, was not a self-evident truth, but on\\nthe contrary, a self-evident lie. It was held that the framers of\\nthe great charter of our liberties never intended to include the\\nnegro in the meaning of the word all in the clause above quoted.\\nIn fact, every kind and description of cringing sophistry and coun-\\nterfeit logic was used to prove that what was said in the Declaration\\nwas not true or that if it was true, it was limited to the time of\\nthe Revolution, and that it did not contain great general principles\\napplicable to all places, all times, and all peoples. It was against\\nthese arguments that Lincoln expended his strength and his life.\\nIn a speech delivered at Springfield, 111., June 26, 1857, we find\\nthe following noble defense of true principles:\\nIn those days [the days of the Revolution] our Declaration of\\nIndependence was held sacred by all, and thought to include all;\\nbut now, to aid in making the bondage of the negro universal and\\neternal, it is assailed, and sneered at, and construed, and hawked\\nat, and torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they\\ncould not at all recognize it. All the powers of earth seem rapidly\\ncombining against him. Mammon is after him, ambition follows,\\nphilosophy follows, and the theology of the day is fast joining the\\ncry. They have him in his prison house; they have searched his\\nperson, and left no prying instruments with him. One after another\\nthey have closed the heavy iron doors upon him and now they have\\nhim, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred keys, which can\\nnever be unlocked without the concurrence of every key; the keys\\nin the hands of a hundred different men, and they scattered to a\\nhundred different and distant places; and they stand musing as to", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "Tl THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nwhat invention, in all the dominions of mind and matter, can be\\nproduced to make the impossibility of his escape more complete than\\nit is. Judge Douglas finds the Republicans insisting that the\\nDeclaration of Independence includes all men, black as well as\\nwhite; and forthwith he boldly denies that it includes negroes at all,\\nand proceeds to argue gravel} that all who contend that it docs, do\\nso only because they want to vote, and eat, and sleep, and marry\\nwith the negroes! He will have it that they can not be consistent\\nelse. Now I protest against the counterfeit logic which concludes\\nthat, because I do not want a black woman for a slave, I must nec-\\nessarily want her for a wife. I need not have her for either. I can\\njust leave her alone. In some respects she certainly is not my\\nequal but in her natural right to eat the bread she earns with her\\nown hands without asking leave of any one else, she is my equal,\\nand the equal of all others.\\nChief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case,\\nadmits that the language of the Declaration is broad enough to\\ninclude the whole human family; but he and Judge Douglas argue\\nthat the authors of that instrument did not intend to include negroes,\\nby the fact that they did not at once actually place them on an\\nequality with the whites. Now this grave argument comes to just\\nnothing at all, by the other fact that they did not at once, or ever\\nafterwards, actually place all white people on an equality with one\\nanother. And this is the staple argument of both the chief justice\\nand the senator for doing this obvious violence to the plain, unmis-\\ntakable language of the Declaration!\\nI think the authors of that notable instrument intended to\\ninclude all men: but they did not intend to declare all men equal in\\nall respects. They did not mean to say all were equal in color,\\nsize, intellect, moral developments, or social capacity. They\\ndefined, with tolerable distinctness, in what respects they did con-\\nsul, r all men created equal equal with certain unalienable rights,\\namong which arc life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This\\nthey said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the\\nobvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality,\\nnor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them.\\nIn fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant\\nsimply to declare the right, so that enforcement of it might follow\\nist as circumstances would permit.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 61. 23\\nThey meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which\\nshould be familiar to all, and revered by all constantly looked to,\\nconstantly labored for; and even though never perfectly attained,\\nconstantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deep-\\nening its influence and augmenting the happiness and value of life to\\nall people of all colors everywhere. The assertion that all men are\\ncreated equal was of no practical value in effecting our separation\\nfrom Great Britain and it was placed in the Declaration, not for\\nthat, but for future use. Its authors meant it to be as, thank God,\\nit is now proving itself, a stumbling-block to all those who, in after\\ntimes, might seek to turn a free people back into the hateful paths\\nof despotism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to breed\\ntyrants, and they meant when such should reappear in this fair land\\nand commence their vocation, they should find left for them at least\\none hard nut to crack.\\nI have now briefly expressed my view of the meaning and\\nobject of that part of the Declaration of Independence which\\ndeclares that all men are created equal.\\nNow let us hear Judge Douglas s view of the same subject, as\\nI find it in the printed report of his late speech. Here it is:\\nNo man can vindicate the character, motives, and conduct of\\nthe signers of the Declaration of Independence, except upon the\\nhypothesis that they referred to the white race alone, and not to the\\nAfrican, when they declared all men to have been created equal;\\nthat they were speaking of British subjects on this continent being\\nequal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain; that\\nthey were entitled to the same unalienable rights, and among them\\nwere enumerated life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The\\nDeclaration was adopted for the purpose of justifying the colonists\\nin the eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance\\nfrom the British crown, and dissolving their connection with the\\nmother country.\\nMy good friends, read that carefully over some leisure hour,\\nand ponder well upon it; see what a mere wreck mangled ruin\\nit makes of our once glorious Declaration.\\nThey were speaking of British subjects on this continent being\\nequal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain Why,\\naccording to this, not only negroes, but white people outside of\\nGreat Britain and America, were not spoken of in that instrument.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "24 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nThe English, Irish, and Scotch, along with white Americans, were\\nincluded, to be sure; but the French. Germans, and other white\\npeoples of the world are all gone to pot along with the Judge s\\ninferior races.\\nhad thought the Declaration promised something better than\\nthe condition of British subjects; but no, it only meant that we\\nshould be equal to them in their own oppressed and unequal condi-\\ntion! According to that, it gave no promise that, having kicked off\\nthe king and lords of Great Britain, we should not at once be sad-\\ndled with a king and lords of our own in these United States.\\nI had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive\\nimprovement in the condition of all men everywhere; but no, it\\nmerely was adopted for the purpose of justifying the colonists in\\nthe eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from\\nthe British crown, and dissolving their connection with the mother\\ncountry. Why, that object having been effected some eighty years\\nago, the Declaration is of no practical use now mere rubbish\\nold wadding left to rot on the battle-field after the victory is won.\\nI understand you are preparing to celebrate The Fourth to-\\nmorrow week. What for? The doings of that day had no refer-\\nence to the present; and quite half of you are not even descendants\\nof those who were referred to at that day. But I suppose you will\\ncelebrate and will even go so far as to read the Declaration. Sup-\\npose, after you read it once in the old-fashioned way, you read it\\nonce more with Judge Douglas s version. It will then run thus:\\nWe hold these truths to be self-evident, that all British subjects\\nwho were on this continent eighty-one years ago, were created equal\\nto all British subjects born and then residing in Great Britain.\\nAnd now I appeal to all, to Democrats as well as others,\\nare you really willing that the Declaration shall be thus frittered\\naway? thus left no more at most than an interesting memorial of\\nthe dead past? thus shorn of its vitality and practical value, and\\nleft without the germ or even the suggestion of the individual rights\\nof man in it?\\nAll of this is good doctrine. It is the b st kind of civil govern-\\nment gospel. It is the enunciating of principles which are immor-\\ntal, and which will stand as long as time itself. And it can never\\nbe remembered too often, that it was in defense of these principles", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 61. 25\\nso ably toid by Abraham Lincoln that tens of thousands shed their\\nblood upon the field of battle in the Civil war. This was clearly seen\\nand recognized by the leaders at that time. The blare of battle and\\nreek of carnage seem to last longer in the minds of most men than\\nthe principles over which the battles were fought. Nevertheless it\\nis the principles which should interest all, for they are of vital\\nimportance to all.\\nIn .another speech delivered in Chicago, 111., July 10, 1858,\\nLincoln further amplified his comments upon the Declaration of\\nIndependence as follows\\nWe are now a mighty nation; we are thirty, or about thirty,\\nmillions of people, and we own and inhabit about one-fifteenth part\\nof the dry land of the whole earth. We run our memory back over\\nthe pages of history for about eighty-two years, and we discover\\nthat we were then a very small people in point of numbers, vastly\\ninferior to what we are now, with a vastly less extent of country,\\nwith vastly less of everything we deem desirable among men; we\\nlook upon the change as exceedingly advantageous to us and to our\\nposterity, and we fix upon something that happened away back, as\\nin some way or other being connected with this rise of prosperity.\\nWe find a race of men living in that day whom we claim as our\\nfathers and grandfathers; they were iron men, they fought for the\\nprinciples that they were contending for and we understood that\\nby what they then did it has followed that the degree of prosperity\\nwhich we now enjoy has come to us. We hold this annual celebra-\\ntion to remind ourselves of all the good done in this process of time,\\nof how it was done, and who did it, and how we are historically con-\\nnected with it; and we go from these meetings in better humor with\\nourselves, we feel more attached the one to the other, and more\\nfirmly bound to the country we inhabit. In every way we are better\\nmen in the age and race and country in which we live, for these\\ncelebrations.\\nBut after we have done all this, we have not yet reached the\\nwhole. There is something else connected with it. We have,\\nbesides these men descended by blood from our ancestors, among\\nus, perhaps half our people, who are not descendants at all of these\\nmen; they are men who have come from Europe, German, Irish,\\nFrench, and Scandinavian, men that have come hither and settled", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "26 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nhere, finding themselves our equals in all things. If they look back\\nthrough this history to trace their connection with those clays by\\nblood, they find they have none, they can not carry themselves back\\ninto that glorious epoch, and make themselves feel that they are part\\nof us but when they look through that old Declaration of Independ-\\nence, they find that those old men say that we hold these truths to\\nbe self-evident, that all men are created equal and then they feel\\nthat that moral sentiment, taught in that day, evidences their rela-\\ntion to those men, that it is the father of all moral principle in\\nthem, and that they have a right to claim it as though they were\\nblood of the blood and flesh of the flesh of the men who wrote the\\nDeclaration [loud and long continued applause] and so they are.\\nThat is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of\\npatriotic and liberty-loving men together that will link those\\npatriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds\\nof men throughout the world. [Applause.]\\nNow, sirs, for the purpose of squaring things with this idea of\\ndon t care if slavery is voted up or voted down, for sustaining the\\nDred Scott decision, for holding that the Declaration of Independ-\\nence did not mean anything at all, we have Judge Douglas giving\\nhis exposition of what the Declaration of Independence means, and\\nwe have him saying that the people of America are equal to the\\npeople of England. According to his construction, you Germans\\nare not connected with it. Now, I ask you in all soberness, if all\\nthese things, if indulged in, if ratified, if confirmed and indorsed, if\\ntaught to our children, and repeated to them, do not tend to rub out\\nthe sentiment of liberty in the country, and to transform this\\ngovernment into a government of some other form\\nThose arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be\\ntreated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying\\nthat as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow,\\nwhat are these arguments? They are the arguments that kings\\nhave made for enslaving the people in all ages of the world. You\\nwill find that all the arguments in favor of kingcraft were of this\\nclass they always bestrode the necks of the people, not that they\\nwanted to do it, but because the people were better off for being\\nridden. That is their argument, and this argument of the Judge is\\nthe same old serpent that says, You work, and I eat you toil, and", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 61. 27\\nI will enjoy the fruits of it. Turn it in whatever way you will,\\nwhether it come from the mouth of a king as an excuse for enslav-\\ning the people of his country, or from the mouth of men of one\\nrace as a reason for enslaving the men of another race, it is all the\\nsame old serpent and I hold, if that course of argumentation which\\nis made for the purpose of convincing the public mind that we\\nshould not care about this, should be granted, it does not stop with\\nthe negro. I should like to know if, taking this old Declaration of\\nIndependence, which declares that all men are equal upon principle,\\nand making exceptions to it, where will it stop If one man says\\nit does not mean a negro, why not another say it does not mean\\nsome other man If that Declaration is not the truth, let us get\\nthe statute book in which we find it, and tear it out Who is so\\nbold as to do it If it is not true, let us tear it out [Cries of no,\\nno. Let us stick to it, then let us stand firmly by it, then.\\nIt may be argued that there are certain conditions that make\\nnecessities and impose them upon us; and to the extent that a\\nnecessity is imposed on a man, he must submit to it. I think that\\nwas the condition in which we found ourselves when we established\\nthis government. We had slaves among us we could not get our\\nConstitution unless we permitted them to remain in slavery, we could\\nnot secure the good we did secure if we grasped for more. But\\nhaving by necessity submitted to that much, it does not destroy the\\nprinciple that is the charter of our liberties. Let that charter stand\\nas our standard.\\nMy friend has said to me that I am a poor hand to quote\\nScripture. I will try it again, however. It is said in one of the\\nadmonitions of our Lord, As your Father in heaven is perfect, be\\nye also perfect. The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any\\nhuman creature could be as perfect as the Father in heaven but he\\nsaid, As your Father in heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect. He\\nset that up as a standard, and he who did most toward reaching that\\nb.andard attained the highest degree of moral perfection. So I say\\nin relation to the principle that all men are created equal, let it be\\nas nearly reached as we can. If we can not give freedom to every\\ncreature, let us do nothing that will impose slavery upon any other\\ncreature. Let us then turn this government back into the channel\\nin which the framers of the Constitution originally placed it.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "28 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nWe must transport ourselves, in mind and spirit, if not in body,\\nback to those days of strife in order that we may imbibe even a little\\nof the spirit which animated them. We must feel and know and\\nunderstand in our innermost and truest selves something of the\\nintensity of feeling which inspired the breast of the immortal Lincoln\\nand the brave men who stood with him. Let all understand that\\nthe principles of the Declaration of Independence were the main\\nissue under consideration in those momentous times. They were\\nnot a mere side circumstance. They were the all and in all. It\\nseems as if human language could make these truths no plainer than\\nLincoln made them. That he said exactly what the noble instrument\\nitself said is perfectly plain. And that he was also correct in his\\nestimate of the ideas of the Fathers concerning their position on the\\nnegro question is a fact which no honest man can reasonably dispute.\\nAn interesting little incident in the history of James Madison\\nclearly evidences this. In the year 1783 one of his slaves escaped,\\nand was afterward found by Madison himself in Philadelphia. But\\nhe did not force him back into slavery; on the contrary he wrote\\nto his father that he had judged it most prudent not to force\\nBilley back to Virginia, even if it could be done; and that he\\ncould not think of punishing him by transportation merely for\\ncoveting that liberty for which we have paid the price of so much\\nblood, and have proclaimed so often to be the right, and worthy the\\npursuit, of every human being.\\nBut the advocates and champions of an extension of slavery\\nwere not easily downed. Not one of them, however, came out\\nopenty and said that an extension of slavery was what was desired.\\nBut every move they made, every act they did, and every speech\\nthey made showed beyond the shade of a shadow of a doubt that\\nthis was the focal point, the ultimate end which they desired.\\nIt seems astonishing that men could so suddenly depart from the\\nglorious gospel of liberty and equal rights for which their fathers\\nhad struggled in the Revolutionary war. It would seem that the\\nremembrance of those things, yea, verily the warm breath of them,\\nought to have still been in and upon their souls. It seems almost\\nincredible that men could rise up and make such sweeping denials\\nof the principles which had won for them their own freedom just a\\nfew short years before. But passion and prejudice were doing their", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 61. 29\\ndeadly work and once these two foul demons have taken possession\\nof the temple of the soul, facts are treated as a mere bagatelle, the\\ntruth is trampled in the dust, and naught is thought of or cared for\\nbut the end so ardently desired.\\nThe evidence that the great Revolutionary leaders were opposed\\nto slavery is monumental and beyond dispute. The famous words\\nof Thomas Jeffersou, I tremble for my country, for I know that\\nGod is just, were spoken with reference to slavery. At the federal\\nconvention, Mason, compressing the observation of a long life into\\na few burning words, made the statement, This infernal traffic\\noriginated in the avarice of British merchants; the British govern-\\nment constantly checked the attempts of Virginia to put a stop to\\nit. Slaves produce the most pernicious effects on manners.\\nEvery master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the\\njudgment of heaven upon a country. As nations can not be\\nrewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this.\\nBy an inevitable chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes\\nnational sins by national calamities. And the Constitution lim-\\nited the importation of slaves to the year 1808; and when that year\\nbroke, the importation of slaves had ceased. This was the best that\\ncould be done; but there were many who would fain have seen\\nslavery abolished altogether at the time of the birth of the nation.\\nSaid Madison, in a paper addressed to the country:\\nAn unhappy species of population abounds in some of the\\nStates, who, during the calm of the regular government, are sunk\\nbelow the level of men; but who, in the tempestuous scenes of civil\\nviolence, may emerge into the human character, and give a supe-\\nriority of strength to any party with which they associate them-\\nselves.\\nIt is a true principle of history that a free people can not long\\ngovern subject provinces and still retain their own freedom.\\nExceptions can not be made to principles without the exceptions\\ndestroying the principle itself. If a principle of government is vio-\\nlated to day in one portion of a nation s domain, it will not be long\\nuntil that violation, like a deadly leprosy, will have eaten its way to\\nevery acre of territory in the national domain.\\nLincoln clearly saw and understood this, and expressed it in a\\nspeech delivered at Springfield, 111., June 16, 1858:", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "30 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nA house divided against itself can not stand. I believe this\\ngovernment can not endure permanently half slave and half free.\\nI do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the\\nhouse to fall but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will\\nbecome all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of\\nslavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the\\npublic mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ulti-\\nmate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall\\nbecome alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as\\nwell as South.\\nIn the Civil war the principles of the Declaration of Independ-\\nence were triumphant. It was settled, for a time at least, that the\\nnation was to endure as the fathers had designed, true to its con-\\nception in liberty, and still dedicated to the proposition that all men\\nare created equal.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nA WAR FOR HUMANITY S SAKE.\\nThe mighty scourge of the Civil war bathed the fair fields of\\nthe sunny South in torrents of crimson life-blood drawn from the\\nveins of her strongest sons, and the wealth piled up by the bonds-\\nman s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil was sunk in\\nthat terrible effort of Herculean strength to obliterate forever the\\nprinciples of the immortal Declaration of Independence. But at\\nlast the long shadows of the evening of the weary day of strife drew\\no er the land. Once more the saber sought its scabbard, and the\\nsword its sheath. With the springtide of 1865 came the angel of\\npeace with healing in her wings, and God gave sweet rest to the\\ntired Republic.\\nFrom first to last the struggle had been an awful one. Aside from\\nthe contending forces of men, clad in their uniforms of blue and\\nof gray, unseen powers, angels and demons, had been at work with\\nall the intensity of their supernatural attributes. The Confederate\\nStates were humbled in the dust. In the North also there was deep\\nsadness, for the fairest flowers of many homes lay sleeping neath\\nthe Southern sod; and the rustling of the grass as the winds with\\ntheir invisible feet swept o er the soldiers sepulchers seemed only to\\nmake soft sighing in unison with the stifled and suppressed sobbing\\nin many a Northern home where mothers, sisters, and sweethearts\\nwept for the loved ones of whom they had been bereft.\\nNevertheless the dire contest had not been for naught. Tower-\\ning and grand, above the wrecks of war rose the principles over\\nwhich it had been fought. For them, there had been a second bap-\\ntism of blood, and in the crimson streams of that fearful strife the\\nnation s record had been washed and made spotlessly white. In the\\ninnocence and strength which purity alone can beget, the United\\nStates once more went aloft upon her flagstaff, and gloriously rewrote\\non the folds of freedom s flag: All men are created equal, and\\nGovernments derive their just powers from the consent of the\\n[31]", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "32 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\ngoverned. Many a people caught up the hallowed strain, and to\\nthousands of oppressed, rent by the schisms caused by caste and\\nclass, the blessed words became but a prelude to the angel s song of\\npeace on earth, good-will toward men.\\nFrom the close of the Civil war until 1898 profound peace\\nbrooded over our land. Locked in the embraces of the great twin\\noceans, absolutely secure from foreign attack, we grew and pros-\\npered. A period of national felicity almost unparalleled in the\\nhistory of nations was our happy lot. So long was the reign of\\ntranquillity that our people had almost come to believe that war for\\nthem was a thing of the past.\\nNevertheless while Providence favored the United States with\\nblessings innumerable, Cuba, the Pearl of the Antilles, torn, bleed-\\ning, and distracted by internecine strife, suffered travail untold\\nalmost beneath the shadows of our shores. As day by day the\\nwaves of the narrow strip of sea separating us from the unfortunate\\nisland, lashed and beat upon our coasts, throwing their silvery spray\\nupon our sands and soil, it almost seemed as if old ocean were bearing\\non his crest, and throwing toward us from imploring hands, number-\\nless tears, the distilled agony and anguish of the souls of our\\nfellow men.\\nThe revolution just ended in Cuba began in 1895, but it was\\nonly the successor of other similar insurrections against the mon-\\narchy of Spain which have before occurred in Cuba, These had\\nextended over a period of nearly half a century. As a result, this\\nfair and fertile island was lying desolate. If crops were planted, one\\nor the other of the contending armies would destroy them before the\\ntime of reaping. To homes both haughty and humble the ruthless\\ntorch was applied, and an Eden was soon turned into a wilderness.\\nThe gaunt specter of famine stalked through the land, and pinching\\nwant did its dire work. Many were homeless, and thousands died\\nfor want of food.\\nLittle by little the efforts of Spain were increased. A terrible\\npolicy of devastation and concentration was inaugurated by the cap\\ntain. general s bando of Oct. 21, 1896. The poor peasants of the\\nlands were by this decree driven into the garrisoned towns, or to the\\nwild and desolate places held by the throne of Madrid. Well has it\\nbeen said that this was not civilized warfare, but only extermination;", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "A WAR FOR HUMANITY S SAKE. 33\\nand that the only peace it could beget was that of the wilderness\\nand the grave.\\nFitzhugh Lee, the American consul-general at Havana, in an\\nenclosure with one of his despatches to the department of state,\\ngives an awful pen-picture of the sufferings of this reconcentrado\\nclass, sufferings so terrible that they almost beggar description\\nThe public rumor of the horrible state in which the reconcen-\\ntrados of the municipal council of Havana were found in the focos\\n(ditches) having reached us, we resolved to pay a visit there, and we\\nwill relate to you what we saw with our own eyes\\nFour hundred and sixty women and children thrown on the\\nground, heaped pell-mell as animals, some in a dying condition,\\nothers sick, and others dead; without the slightest cleanliness, or\\nthe least help, not even to give water to the thirsty with neither\\nreligious nor social help, each one dying wherever chance laid him.\\nFor this limited number of reconcentrados the deaths ranged between\\nforty and fifty daily, giving relatively ten days of life for each per-\\nson, with great joy to the authorities, who seconded fanatically the\\npolicy of General Weyler to exterminate the Cuban people; for these\\nunhappy creatures received food only after having been eight days\\nin the focos, if during this time they could feed themselves with the\\nbad food which the dying refused.\\nOn this first visit we were present at the death of an old man\\nwho died through thirst. When we arrived, he begged us, for God s\\nsake, to give him a drink. We looked for it, and gave it to him, and\\nfifteen minutes afterward he breathed his last, not having had even\\na drink of water for three da} T s before. Among the many deaths\\nwe witnessed there was one scene impossible to forget. There is\\nstill alive the only living witness, a young girl of eighteen years,\\nwhom we found seemingly lifeless on the ground; on her right-hand\\nside was the body of a young mother, cold and rigid, but with her\\nyoung child still alive clinging to her dead breast; on her left-hand\\nside was also the corpse of a dead woman holding her son in a dead\\nembrace; a little farther on a poor dying woman having in her arms\\na daughter of fourteen, crazy with pain, who after five or six days\\nalso died, in spite of the care she received.\\nIn one corner a poor woman was dying, surrounded by her\\nchildren, who contemplated her in silence, without a lament or the\\n3", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "34 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nshedding of a tear, they themselves being real specters of hunger,\\nemaciated in a horrible manner. This poor woman augments the\\ncatalogue, already large, of the victims of the reconcentration in\\nthe focos.\\nThe relation of the pictures of misery and horror which we\\nhave witnessed would be never-ending were we to narrate them all.\\nIt is difficult and almost impossible by writing to express the\\ngeneral aspect of the inmates of the focos, because it is entirely\\nbeyond the line of what civilized humanity is accustomed to see;\\ntherefore no language can describe it.\\nThe circumstances which the municipal authorities could\\nrelieve there are the following: complete accumulation of bodies\\ndead and living, so that it was impossible to take one step without\\nwalking over them the greatest want of cleanliness, want of light,\\nair, and water; the food lacking in quality and quantity what was\\nnecessary to sustain life, thus sooner putting an end to these already\\nbroken-down systems; complete absence of medical assistance; and\\nwhat is more terrible than all, no consolation whatever, religious\\nor moral.\\nIf any girl came in anywise nice looking, she was infallibly\\ncondemned to the most abominable of traffics.\\nAt the sight of such horrible pictures, the two gentlemen who\\nwent there resolved, in spite of the ferocious Weyler, who was still\\ncaptain- general of the island, to omit nothing to remedy a deed so\\ndishonorable to humanity, and so contrary to all Christianity. They\\ndid not fail to find persons animated with like sentiments, who,\\nputting aside all fear of the present situation, organized a private\\ncommittee with the exclusive end of aiding materially and morally\\nthe reconcentrados. This neither has been nor is at present an easy\\ntask. The great number of the poor and the scarcity of means make\\nus encounter constant conflicts. The conflict is more terrible with\\nthe official elements, and in a special manner with the maj-or of the\\ncity and the civil authorities, who try by all means to annihilate\\nthis good work. The results of the collections are very insignificant,\\nif we bear in mind the thousands of people who suffer from the\\nreconcentrations but it serves for some consolation to see that in\\nHavana some one hundred and fifty-nine children and eighty-four\\nwomen are well cared for in the asylum erected in Cadiz Street, No.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "A WAR FOR HUMANITY S SAKE. 35\\n82, and ninety-three women and children are equally well located in\\na large saloon erected for them in the second story of the focos, with\\ngood food and proper medical assistance, as also everything indis-\\npensable to civilized life.\\nAccording to the information which we have been able to\\nacquire since August until the present day, one thousand seven\\nhundred persons have entered the focos, proceeding from Jaruco,\\nCampo Florido, Guanabo, and Tapaste, in the Province of Havana.\\nOf these, only two hundred and forty- three are living now, and are\\nto be found in Cadiz Street eighty-two in the saloon already\\nmentioned, and sixty-one in the Quinta del Roy and the Hospital\\nMercedes, the whole amounting to about three hundred and ninety-\\nseven and of these a great many will die on account of the great\\nsufferings and hunger they have gone through.\\nFrom all this we deduce that the number of deaths among the\\nreconcentrados has amounted to seventy-seven per cent. 1\\nCould humans be called upon to suffer greater agonies than\\nthese? And it must be remembered that the above figures refer\\nonly to the conditions in the city of Havana, and that the death-rate\\nthere was only about fifty per cent of that in other places in the\\nisland; and when it is further borne in mind that there were several\\nhundred thousands of these non-combatant reconcentrados, or pacifi-\\ncos, mainly women and children concentrated under General Weyler s\\norder, some idea can be formed of the mortality among them.\\nIn the Pinar del Rio Province there were at one time about forty\\nthousand of these unfortunate reconcentrados. Of this number\\nfifteen thousand were children, and the most of them orphans. To\\nmake matters worse, they were unequally distributed throughout the\\ndifferent towns in the province. In the capital city there were only\\nfour hundred and sixty, while in some of the small towns there were\\nover four thousand. As the majority of the taxpayers in these towns\\nhad been ruined by the war, it was next to impossible to collect\\nanything by means of imposts with which to care for this added\\nburden. In many places food was so scarce that even cats were\\neaten, selling for thirty cents apiece.\\nThe relief offered by the authorities was relief in name only.\\nOn this point one United States consul wrote as follows\\ni Enclosure with Despatch No. 712 from Mr. Lee to Mr. Day, Nov. 27, 1897.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "36 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nI have personally visited (on several occasions) head masters\\nof distributing stations. Two thousand rations were given out for a\\nfew days only to eight thousand persons. There are more than\\ntwelve thousand starving people in this city to-day. One out of\\nfour (or six) received the following ration two ounces rice, one and\\none-half ounces tassajo (jerked beef), and sometimes a small\\npiece of bread, per diem. Imagine starving people being relieved\\nby such rations! Even this ration of food has been discontinued\\nsince the 11th inst. Death-rate has diminished somewhat; now\\nabout sixty-three daily. There are less people to die.\\nThe scenes of misery and distress daily observed are beyond\\nbelief. Here is one out of hundreds. In a family of seventeen\\nliving in an old lime-kiln, upper part of city limits, all were found\\ndead except three, and they barely alive. 2\\nStill another United States consul wrote that in his district there\\nwas a starving, struggling mass, whose constant cry was, Bread,\\nor I perish. His consulate was besieged to an extent that blocked\\nthe entrance, and greatly retarded business. Men, women, and\\nchildren, homeless and naked, roamed the streets; they begged of\\nevery one they met and at every door they passed, and at night they\\nslept wherever they could find a spot upon which to lay their weary\\nframes.\\nWhence sprang this sorrow? Whence came such awful suffering?\\nFrom whence this terrible mortality Why the thunder of artillery\\nand the desolating rattle of the deadly Mauser? What hellish cause\\ngave birth to this emaciated army of reconcentrados? Came they\\nfrom catacomb or tomb? Nay! From whence then?\\nGo to the twilight of history for the answer. Turn back the\\nU of time, and journey through the doctrines of the Dark Ages.\\nRead upon the pages of the great ledger of things which have hap-\\npened under the sun, and there be enlightened. Yes, find it upon\\nthe records that God keeps with the nations. There it is charged\\nto the account of those two theories that all men are not created\\nequal, and governments do not derive their just powers from the\\nconsent of the governed. There is where it is written, and there it\\nbelongs. From these pernicious principles sprang the Cuban insur-\\nrections.\\n2 A. c lirico. United States consul, Matanzas, to Secretary of State Day, Dec.\\n17, 1897.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "A WAR FOR HUMANITY S SAKE. 37\\nThe people of Cuba pleaded for their inalienable rights and lib-\\nerties. Spain was determined that they should not have them, and\\ntheir pleas were met with mockings and with war. To the end that\\nshe might not enjoy her liberties and her rights, Spain made war\\nupon her unfortunate and unhappy daughter. To prevent the\\npeaceable enjoyment of these two things, Spain marshalled her\\narmies and mobilized her fleets. In the defense of these evil doc-\\ntrines she spilled the blood of her sons, and sank her ships. But\\nthese efforts were like the final struggles of the man who vainly tries\\nto chain the last fierce flicker of the spark of life. They were\\nher death throes.\\nIt was during the height of the death grapple between mother\\nand daughter that the voice of the American republic was heard in\\nresolute tones. Impregnable in the rocky strength of the conviction\\nthat all men are created equal, and that governments derive\\ntheir just powers from the consent of the governed, the people of\\nthe United States spoke forth.\\nThe declaration of war against the kingdom of Spain was\\nadopted on the 18th of April, 1898, by a vote of 42 to 35 in the\\nSenate, and 311 to 6 in the House. It clearly sets forth the policy\\nof the government at that time\\nFirst. That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right\\nought to be, free and independent.\\nSecond. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and\\nthe government of the United States does hereby demand, that the\\ngovernment of Spain at once relinquish its authority and govern-\\nment in the island of Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces\\nfrom Cuba and Cuban waters.\\nThird. That the president of the United States be, and he\\nhereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval\\nforces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the\\nUnited States the militia of the several States, to such extent as\\nmay be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect.\\nFourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposi-\\ntion or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over\\nsaid islands, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its\\ndetermination when that is accomplished to leave the government\\nand control of the island to its people.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "38 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nThis declaration of war is significant in itself. Its first resolu-\\ntion clearly and forcibly voices the principles and sentiment of the\\nDeclaration of Independence. The one says, These United Colo-\\nnies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States;\\nand the other asserts, The people of the island of Cuba are, and\\nof right ought to be, free and independent.\\nMoreover the declaration of war demands that the Cubans shall\\nbe free and govern themselves, on the ground of right, when it\\nstates that the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought\\nto be free and independent. In short, it demands freedom for the\\npeople of Cuba on the same ground that the fathers demanded free-\\ndom for the people of these United States.\\nWhen the resolutions were passed by Congress, the United States,\\nto all appearances at least, rose above that selfishness to which\\nnations are so prone. From the executive mansion, in Senate and\\nHouse, on the platform, in the press, and even from out the Chris-\\ntian pulpit, it was everywhere noised abroad that the war upon\\nwhich the United States entered was wholly and solely for\\nhumanity s sake.\\nIn his message to Congress, April 11, 1898, President Mc Kin-\\nley said:\\nThe grounds for such intervention maybe briefly summarized\\nas follows\\nFirst. In the cause of humanity, and to put an end to the bar-\\nbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing\\nthere, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or\\nunwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is all in\\nanother country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore none\\nof our business. It is especially our duty, for it is right at our\\ndoor.\\nOther nations declared that America had sinister designs. Such\\ninsinuations were repudiated with contempt. Daily was defiance\\nhurled at all maligners. We boldly told the world that this was not\\na war for territorial aggrandizement; that we wanted nothing save\\nonly that a suffering people should go free. Even as late as last\\nOctober, at the Peace Jubilee in Chicago, President Mc Kinley said:\\nThe war with Spain was undertaken, not that the United\\nStates should increase its territory, but that the oppression at our", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "A WAR FOR HUMANITY S SAKE. 39\\ndoors should be stopped. This noble sentiment must continue to\\nanimate us, and we must give to the world a full demonstration of\\nthe sincerity of our purpose.\\nContinually and all the time we denied for ourselves, just as\\nmuch as for others, the right to Cuban or any other soil, save only by\\nand with the consent of the governed. The most forcible statement\\nof this was by the chief magistrate of the Republic in his message\\nto Congress of Dec. 6, 1897:\\nOf the untried measures there remain only recognition of the\\ninsurgents as belligerents, recognition of the independence of Cuba,\\nneutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compro-\\nmise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or\\nthe other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can\\nnot be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be crimi-\\nnal aggression.\\nIn these words a noble and thoroughly American principle is laid\\ndown. The idea of forcible annexation is expressly repudiated.\\nAnd more than this, it is repudiated on the ground that by our\\ncode of morality [it] would be criminal aggression. But where is\\nour code of morality In what part of that code is it declared\\nthat forcible annexation would be criminal aggression\\nWhat document contains it On what pages can it be found\\nOnce more the answer must be given that in the Declaration of\\nIndependence it is written, not only that governments derive their\\njust powers from the consent of the governed, but that these United\\nStates have full power to do all acts and things which independ-\\nent States may of right do.\\nIt was with these sacred principles burning upon every lip, flying\\nfrom the peak of every ship of war, and floating upon the folds of\\nall our battle standards, that we entered upon the contest with Spain\\nin the cause of humanity.\\nIn all of this the nation only reaffirmed the principles of the\\nDeclaration of Independence, and told to all mankind that still its\\nholy fire kindled in our breasts; that now, as ever before, we\\nbelieved these truths to be good for, and applicable to, not only\\nourselves, but all humanity. Not since the days of Rome, that\\nother great republic of the West, had the world listened to such\\nlofty and unselfish national sentiments.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "40 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nVictory crowned our arms. It was everywhere the same. One\\nharmonious strain of triumph pealed forth from Dewey on the whis-\\npering waters of Manila Bay, from the forces of Sampson, Schley,\\nand Shafter at Santiago, and from the Rough Riders of Colonel\\nRoosevelt at San Juan Hill.\\nWith the destruction of Admiral Montojo s fleet, and the annihi-\\nlation of Cervera s squadron; with the surrender of Santiago, and\\nthe results of the heroism at San Juan, there came to an end the\\ncolonial system of a nation whose history is at once profoundly\\ninteresting and pregnant with instruction. To-day the death cer-\\ntificate of Spain s colonial system stands signed; yea, even now that\\nsystem is arraigned at history s bar.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nA CHAPTER IN CRIMINAL HISTORY.\\nOf the powers which rose upon the ashes of the empire of Rome,\\nthe kingdom of Spain was one. This people trace their lineage back\\nto the woods of ancient Germania. In that vast cradle of nations\\nthey were known as the tribe of the Visigoths. Like all the other\\nGerman tribes they were intensely fond of liberty, and knew far\\nmore of its true and governing principles than did the more highly\\neducated and refined people of the Roman empire.\\nWhen Rome had filled her cup of tyranny and despotism to the\\nfull, Providence took these barbarous children of the North, and\\nused them as an instrument in the hand of Heaven to wreak ven-\\ngeance upon the guilty world-power. Under the leadership of the\\ngreat chieftain, Alaric, the Visigoths everywhere defeated the\\nRoman armies. By the year 436 a. d., they were established in\\nLie peninsula of Spain.\\nFor a long time the Visigoths remained true to the Arian faith, to\\nwhich they had been converted from heathenism. For years they\\nmaintained a sturdy and uncompromising warfare against the princes\\nand prelates of the Roman Catholic Church, who left untried no\\nstrategy of war, or seductions of peace, to accomplish their con-\\nversion and submission to the see of Rome.\\nHad the Visigoths persevered in their stand, they might have\\nbecome the liberators, instead of the oppressors, of mankind. Both\\nnatural traits and religious tenets had admirably fitted them for this\\nposition. But the nation of Visigoths, like many a man, allowed\\nthe golden opportunity to pass by and the opportunity came but\\nonce. Neglecting to accept the high and lofty station offered them,\\nthey became instruments of the Roman Catholic Church. There is\\nan ancient adage that a good slave always makes a good tyrant, and\\nthis has proved itself only too true in the case of the Spanish\\nnation.\\nThe bait of luxury, ease, and power held out by Rome was too\\ntempting and late in the sixth century they became orthodox, and\\n[41]", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "42 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\njoined the Latin communion. Then began an era in the history of\\nSpain, continuing through centuries, at times victorious and trium-\\nphant, and at times repulsed and defeated, and whether in weal or\\nin woe, ever and always criminal. The story of Spain, from first\\nto last, is the record of a criminal case. Her history is naught but\\none prolonged crime. Forever has it been her boast that she has\\nuncompromisingly denied freedom of conscience on the one hand,\\nand equality before the law on the other.\\nIn the year 711 a. d., the Mohammedans sailed from Africa,\\nand landed at Gibraltar, which notable rock took its present name\\nGebel-al-Tarik, the Rock of Tarik from Tarik, a lieutenant of\\nthe emir. A desperate struggle ensued, and continued for nearly\\neight centuries. At first victory after victory in rapid succession\\ncrowned the arms of the worshipers of Allah. At one time it\\nalmost looked as if the Spanish Catholics would be blotted from\\nthe face of the earth. A large part of the peninsula fell under the\\nrule of the Saracens. At length the tide of battle turned. Malaga\\nwas taken by the Spaniards in 1487, and Granada in 1492, and this,\\nin a certain sense, re-established the old Spanish monarchy.\\nChristendom has never yet acknowledged her debt to the Sara-\\ncens; but that much that is useful and artistic was acquired from\\nthem, can never be rightly contested nor successfully denied. During\\nthe time that they were masters of Spain they were lenient and\\nmerciful to their fallen foe. In the days of their power they\\naccorded far more of civil and religious liberty and toleration than\\nthe orthodox church was wont to grant to those whom she subdued\\nTo all who did net wish to turn to Mohammedanism, there was given\\nthe choice of paying a slight tribute and continuing as a devotee of\\ntheir former faith. But few historians have correctly understood\\nor estimated the real services of the Saracens of Spain to civilization\\nand intellectual development. Only one has honestly accorded to\\nthem their just and well-won place. I refer to the impartial and\\ningenuous John W. Draper. He alone has graphically and truth-\\nfully described their splendid achievements in material things:\\nScarcely had the Arabs become firmly settled in Spain when\\nthey commenced a brilliant career. Adopting what had now become\\nthe established policy of the commanders of the faithful in Asia,\\nthe emirs of Cordova distinguished themselves as patrons of learning,", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "A CHAPTER IN CRIMINAL HISTORY. 43\\nand set an example of refinement strongly contrasting with the con-\\ndition of the native European princes. Cordova under their admin-\\nistration, at its highest point of prosperity, boasted of more than\\ntwo hundred thousand houses and more than a million inhabitants.\\nAfter sunset, a man might walk through it in a straight line for ten\\nmiles by the light of the public lamps. Seven hundred years after\\nthis time there was not so much as one public lamp in London. Its\\nstreets were solidly paved. In Paris, centuries subsequently, who-\\never stepped over his threshold of a rainy day stepped up to his\\nankles in mud. Other cities, as Grenada, Seville, and Toledo con-\\nsidered themselves rivals with Cordova. The palaces of the khalifs\\nwere magnificently decorated. Those sovereigns might well look\\ndown with supercilious contempt on the dwellings of the rulers of\\nGermany, France, and England, which were scarcely better than\\nstables, chimney less, windowless, with a hole in the roof for the\\nsmoke to escape, like the wigwams of certain Indians. The Spanish\\nMohammedans had brought with them all the luxuries and prodi-\\ngalities of Asia. Their residences stood forth against the clear blue\\nsky, or were embosomed in the woods. They had polished marble\\nbalconies, overhanging orange-gardens; courts with cascades of\\nwater; shady retreats provocative of slumber in the heat of the day;\\nretiring-rooms vaulted with stained glass, speckled with gold, over\\nwhich streams of water were made to gush; the floors and walls\\nwere of exquisite mosaic. Here, a fountain of quicksilver shot up\\nin a glistening spray, the glittering particles falling with a tranquil\\nsound like fairy bells; there, apartments into which cool air was\\ndrawn from the flower gardens, in summer by means of ventilating\\ntowers, and in winter through earthen pipes, or caleducts, imbedded\\nin the walls the hypocaust, in the vaults below, breathing forth\\nvolumes of warmed and perfumed air through these hidden passages.\\nThe walls were not covered with wainscot, but adorned with ara-\\nbesques, and paintings of agricultural scenes, and views of Paradise.\\nFrom the ceilings, corniced with fretted gold, great chandeliers\\nhung, one of which, it is said, was so large that it contained 1,804\\nlamps. Clusters of frail marble columns surprised the beholder\\nwith the vast weights they bore. In the boudoirs of the sultanas\\nthey were sometimes of verd antique and incrusted with lapis-lazuli.\\nThe furniture was of sandal and citron wood, inlaid with mother-of-", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "44 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\npearl, ivory, silver, or relieved with gold and precious malachite.\\nIn orderly confusion were arranged vases of rock crystal, Chinese\\nporcelains, and tables of exquisite mosaic. The winter apartments\\nwere hung with rich tapestry; the floors were covered with embroid-\\nered Persian carpets. Pillows and couches, of elegant forms, were\\nscattered about the rooms, perfumed with frankincense. Great\\ncare was taken to make due provision for the cleanliness and amuse-\\nment of the inmates. Through pipes of metal, water, both warm\\nand 3old, to suit the season of the year, ran into baths of marble; in\\nniches, where the current of air could be artificially directed, hung\\ndripping alcarazzas. There were whispering-galleries for the amuse-\\nment of the women labyrinths and marble play-courts for the chil-\\ndren; for the master himself, grand libraries. The Khalif Alha-\\nkem s was so large that the catalogue alone filled forty volumes.\\nNo nation has ever excelled the Spanish Arabs in the beauty\\nand costliness of their pleasure- gardens. To them we owe the\\nintroduction of very many of our most valuable cultivated fruits,\\nsuch as the peach. Retaining the love of their ancestors for the\\ncooling effect of water in a hot climate, they spared no pains in the\\nsuperfluity of fountains, hydraulic works, and artificial lakes in\\nwhich fish were raised for the table. Into such a lake, attached to\\nthe palace at Cordova, many loaves were cast each day to feed the\\nfish. There were also menageries of foreign animals; aviaries of\\nrare birds; manufactories in which skilled workmen displayed their\\nart in textures of silk, cotton, linen, and all the miracles of the\\nloom; in jewelry and filigree work, with which they ministered to\\nthe pride of the sultanas and concubines. Under the shade of\\ncypresses, cascades disappeared; among flowering shrubs there were\\nwinding walks, bowers of roses, seats cut out of the rock, and crypt-\\nlike grottoes hewn in the living stone. Nowhere was ornamental\\ngardening better understood; for not only did the artist try to please\\nthe eye as it wandered over the pleasant gradation of vegetable\\ncolor and form, he also boasted his success in the gratification of\\nsense and smell by the studied succession of perfumes from beds of\\nflowers.\\n1 To these Saracens we are indebted for many of our personal\\ncomforts. Religiously cleanly, it was not possible for them to\\nclothe themselves according to the fashion of the natives of Europe,", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "A CHAPTER IN CRIMINAL HISTORY. 45\\nin a garment unchanged till it dropped to pieces of itself, a loath-\\nsome mass of vermin, stench, and rags. No Arab who had been a\\nminister of state, or the associate or antagonist of a sovereign,\\nwould have offered such a spectacle as the corpse of Thomas a\\nBecket when his haircloth shirt was removed. They taught us the\\nuse of the often-changed and often-washed undergarment of cotton\\nor linen, which still passes among ladies under its old Arabic name.\\nBut to cleanliness they were not unwilling to add ornament. Espe-\\ncially among women of the higher classes was the love of finery a\\npassion. Their outer garments were often of silk, embroidered and\\ndecorated with gems and woven gold. So fond were the Moorish\\nwomen of gay colors and the luster of chrysolites, hyacinths, emeralds,\\nand sapphires, that it was quaintly said that the interior of any\\npublic building in which they were permitted to appear, looked like\\na flower meadow in the spring besprinkled with rain.\\nThe khalifs of the West carried out the precepts of Ali, the\\nfourth successor of Mohammed, in the patronage of literature.\\nThey established libraries in all their chief towns; it is said that not\\nfewer than seventy were in existence. To every mosque was\\nattached a public school, in which the children of the poor were\\ntaught to read and write, and instructed in the precepts of the\\nKoran. For those in easier circumstances there were academies,\\nusually arranged in twenty-five or thirty apartments, each cata-\\nlogued for accommodating four students the academy being presided\\nover by a rector. In Cordova, Granada, and other great cities there\\nwere universities presided over by the Jews, the Mohammedan\\nmaxim being that the real learning of a man is of more public im-\\nportance than any particular religious opinions he may enter-\\ntain. The Mohammedan liberality was in striking contrast\\nwith the intolerance of Europe. In the universities some of\\nthe professors in polite literature gave lectures on Arabic classical\\nworks; others taught rhetoric or composition, or mathematics, or\\nastronomy. From these institutions many of the practises observed\\nin our colleges were derived. They held commencements, at which\\npoems were read and orations delivered in presence of the public.\\nThey had also, in addition to these schools of general learning,\\nprofessional ones, particularly for medicine.\\nThe Saracens commenced the application of chemistry to the", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "46 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\ntheory and practise of medicine, in the explanation of the functions\\nof the human body, and in the cure of its diseases. Nor was their\\nsurgery behind their medicine. Albucasis, of Cordova, shrinks not\\nfrom the performance of the most formidable operations in his own\\nand in the obstetrical art the actual cautery and the knife are\\nused without hesitation. He has left us ample description of the\\nsurgical instruments then employed; and from him we learn that,\\nin operations on females in which considerations of delicacy inter-\\nvened, the services of properly instructed women were secured.\\nHow different was all this from the state of things in Europe; the\\nChristian peasant, fever-stricken, or overtaken by accident, hied\\nto the nearest saint-shrine, and expected a miracle; the Spanish Moor\\nrelied upon the prescription or lancet of his physician, or the band-\\nage and knife of his surgeon.\\nOur obligations to the Spanish Moors in the arts of life are\\neven more marked than in the higher branches of science. They\\nset an example of skilful agriculture, the practise of which was\\nregulated by a code of laws. Not only did they attend to the culti-\\nvation of plants, introducing very many new ones, they likewise paid\\ngreat attention to the breeding of cattle, especially the sheep and\\nthe horse. To them we owe the introduction of the great products,\\nrice, sugar, cotton, and also, as we have previously observed,\\nnearly all the fine garden and orchard fruits, together with many\\nless important plants, as spinach and saffron. To them Spain owes\\nthe culture of silk; they gave to Xeres and Malaga their celebrity\\nfor wine. They introduced the Egyptian system of irrigation by\\nflood-gates, wheels, pumps. They also promoted many important\\nbranches of industry; improved the manufacture of textile fabrics,\\nearthenware, iron, and steel; the Toledo sword-blades were every-\\nwhere prized for the temper of their steel.\\nSuch were some of the splendid achievements of the Saracens of\\nSpain. Many more of the material benefits which they conferred\\nupon Christendom might be mentioned, but the above will suffice\\nfor this sketch, which is not designed to be exhaustive. These are\\nthe things with which the Saracens occupied themselves, while\\nChristendom sat in squalor and superstition. While Rome was\\nasserting the flatness of the earth, the Spanish Moors were teaching\\ngeography from globes. To say that the earth was globular in form", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "A CHAPTER IN CRIMINAL HISTORY. 47\\nwas held to be heretical by monks and patristic teachers. They\\nsaid in the words of Lactantius Is it possible that men can be so\\nabsurd as to believe that the crops and the trees, on the other side\\nof the earth, hang downward, and that men have their feet higher\\nthan their heads? They taught that the edge of the sea was pro-\\ntected by a wall of weeds in order to keep the ships from tumbling\\ninto space. While the Arab was studying physiology and the use\\nof the lancet, in order that he might the better treat disease, the\\nChristian of the West was prostrating himself before the shrine of\\nsome bleeding, sweating, winking image, with the hope and expec-\\ntation that the doing of this would cause his bodily woes to vanish.\\nIf a pious Catholic could only kiss a lock of the hair of Saint\\nPeter or a piece of a bone of Saint Paul, he would confidently\\nexpect that his diseases would disappear like frost before the\\nmorning sun.\\nBut the learning of the Arabs really forced Christendom to cast\\naside its superstition, and to study in a rational way. The Arabian\\nsystem was undoubtedly one of the chief causes of the Renaissance.\\nAnd the lasting benefits which the Saracens conferred upon Europe\\ncan be clearly traced, even at the present time.\\nIt made no difference to the Spanish Christians, however, how\\nmuch the Saracens were the benefiters of mankind. They were\\nheathen, and must be persecuted for that; and being heathen, they\\nhad no equal rights with others before even the civil law. With the\\nSpaniards these were cardinal principles. There were no real and\\nsubstantial grounds of complaint against the Saracens as competitors\\nand neighbors. They differed from the Spaniards in religion. This\\nwas the only thing that could be said against them. They were\\nkind, industrious, and peaceful; but all of this availed them noth-\\ning. Spain could not and would not allow the principle of freedom\\nof conscience and of equality before the law.\\nAt first the Spaniards attempted to convert the Saracens to their\\nown religion. Exhortations and arguments were the first weapons,\\nbut when these means failed, she had resource to other means viz.\\nshe persecuted those whom she was unable to persuade. This\\nmethod seemed to be more successful, since we are told by good\\nauthority that after the year 1526 there was no Mohammedan in\\nSpain who had not been converted to Christianity. That is to say,", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "48 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nin other language, that every Mohammedan in Spain professed to be\\na papist.\\nSome, however, were difficult subjects for conversion. They\\nwould not willingly submit to be baptized. The water might be\\nholy, but holy or unholy, they wanted none of jt. Nevertheless,\\nbaptized they must be, so they were forcibly seized, and the ordi-\\nnance was forcibly administered. This was done in an immense\\nnumber of cases. Then the church and state united, proceeded to\\ndoubt the genuineness of their forced conversion, and began to\\ninquire into their sincerity. They were ordered to relinquish every-\\nthing that might have the most remote tendency to remind them of\\ntheir former religion. They were forced, under severe penalties, to\\nlearn Spanish, and to deliver over to their persecutors all their\\nArabic books. They were forbidden to read Arabic, they were for-\\nbidden to write it, or even to converse in it in the sanctuary of their\\nown homes. The ceremonies and games in which their ancestors\\nhad delighted were forbidden them. They were prohibited from\\nwearing clothes of the same pattern as those worn by their fathers.\\nTheir women were to go unveiled; and, as bathing was a heathenish\\ncustom, all public baths were to be destroyed, and even all baths in\\nprivate houses.\\nAll of this was more than Saracenic flesh and blood could stand.\\nIn 1563 they rose in rebellion, and so desperately did their arms\\nmaintain the unequal contest that it was 1571 ere the insurrection\\nwas quelled. By this rising, their numbers were greatly reduced.\\nThe remnant appear to have lapsed into the quiet, every-day walks\\nof life. But the Spaniards were not satisfied yet. The obnoxious\\nMorisco, as these converted Mohammedans were termed, must be\\npursued to the grave with torture and civil disability, and even\\nbeyond that portal of darkness as far as the unrelenting hand could\\nreach.\\nWhatever ills befell the arms or diplomacy of Spain were charged\\nto the account of these unfortunates:\\nThe archbishop of Valencia assured the king that all the\\ndisasters which had befallen the monarchy had been caused by the\\npresence of these unbelievers, whom it was now necessary to root\\nout, even as David had done to the Philistines, and Saul to the\\nAmalekites. He declared that the Armada, which Philip II sent", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "A CHAPTER IN CRIMINAL HISTORY. 49\\nagainst England in 1588, had been destroyed because God would not\\nallow even that pious enterprise to succeed, while those who under-\\ntook it left heretics undisturbed at home. For the same reason the\\nlate expedition against Algiers had failed, it being evidently the will\\nof Heaven that nothing should prosper while Spain was inhabited by\\napostates.\\nFor these reasons, it was urged that the whole of them, men\\nwomen, and children, should be put to the sword:\\nBleda, the celebrated Dominican, one of the most influential\\nmen of his time, wished this to be done, and to be done thoroughly.\\nHe said that, for the sake of example, every Morisco in Spain\\nshould have his throat cut, because it was impossible to tell which\\nof them were Christians at heart, and it was enough to leave the\\nmatter to God, who knew his own, and who would reward in the\\nnext world those who were really Catholics. 2\\nIn the j ear 1609, when Philip III was king, Lerma, his minister,\\nat the instigation of the clergy, announced to the king that the\\nexpulsion of the Moriscos had become necessary. The resolu-\\ntion, replied Philip, is a great one; let it be executed. And\\nexecuted it was, with unflinching barbarity.\\nAbout one million of the most industrious inhabitants of Spain\\nwere hunted out like wild beasts, because the sincerity of their\\nreligious opinions was doubted. Many were slain as they approached\\nthe coast; others were beaten and plundered; and the majority in\\nthe most wretched plight, sailed for Africa. During the passage,\\nthe crew, in many of the ships, rose upon them, butchered the men,\\nravished the women, and threw the children into the sea. Those\\nwho escaped this fate landed upon the coast of Barbary, when they\\nwere attacked by the Bedouins, and many of them put to the sword.\\nOthers made their way into the desert, and perished from famine.\\nOf the number of lives actually sacrificed we have no accurate\\naccount; but it is said on very good authority that on one expedi-\\ntion in which one hundred and forty thousand were carried to Africa,\\nupward of one hundred thousand suffered death in its most fright-\\nful forms, within a few months after their expulsion from Spain.\\ni Buckle s History of OivilizatioD in England, Vol. II, chap. 1. par. 36.\\n2 Ibid., par. 37.\\na Ibid., par. 38.\\n4", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "50 THE TERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nNow, for the first time, the church was really triumphant.\\nFor the first time, there was not a heretic to be seen between the\\nPyrenees and the Strait of Gibraltar. All were orthodox, and all\\nwere loyal. Every inhabitant of that great country obeyed the\\nchurch, and feared the king. And from this happy combination, it\\nwas believed that the prosperity and grandeur of Spain were sure to\\nfollow. The name of Philip III was to be immortal, and posterity\\nwould never weary of admiring that heroic act by which the last\\nremains of an infidel race were cast out from the land. Those who\\nhad even remotely participated in the glorious consummation were\\nto be rewarded by the choicest blessings. Themselves and their\\nfamilies were under the immediate protection of heaven. The earth\\nshould bear more fruit, and the trees should clap their hands.\\nInstead of the thorn, should come up the fir-tree, and instead of the\\nbrier, the myrtle. A new era was now inaugurated, in which Spain,\\npurged of her heresy, was to be at ease, and men, living in safety,\\nwere to sleep under the shade of their own vineyards, sow their\\ngardens in peace, and eat of the fruit of the trees they had planted.\\nThese were the promises which the united church and state held\\nout, and which the people believed. It was told how that now the\\narts, the commerce, the wealth, and magnificence of Spain would\\nflourish and increase as never before, since heretical Jew, and idola-\\ntrous Mohammedan had been cast out of the land. Her ships were\\nto plow the seas, and crowd the ports of other shores. Her soldiers\\nwere to wreath themselves with laurels of victory till the sun should\\nnever set on her dominions, and all earth should do homage at the\\nfeet of her scepter of greatness.\\nBat 1G13, instead of being the beginning of the greatness and\\npower of Spain, was the apex of her glory, and that glory was one\\nof infamy. In that boasted hour of her might all heretics dead\\nor driven out can be heard, even at this late day, the death knell\\nof her prestige and glory. Prom that day forth her glory began to\\nwane, till naught is left to-day, save the mistiest shade of a shadow.\\nThe kingdom of Spain had driven out the men who cultivated her\\nrice and her cotton, and not being cultivated, they grew no more.\\nShe had expelled from her borders those who had manufactured her\\nsilk and paper, and the ceaseless humming of the looms and buzz-\\ning of the mills no longer reverberated upon the breezes. The", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "A CHAPTER IN CRIMINAL HISTORY. 51\\nolives and the vines ceased to yield their increase, for they were\\nneglected.\\nIn the sixteenth century and early in the seventeenth, Spain\\nenjoyed great repute for the manufacture of gloves, which were\\nmade in enormous quantities and shipped to many parts, being par-\\nticularly valued in England and in France, and being also exported\\nto the Indies. But Martinez de Mata, who wrote in the year 1655,\\nassures us that at that time this source of wealth had disappeared,\\nthe manufacture of gloves having quite ceased, though formerly, he\\nsays, it had existed in every city in Spain.\\nIn every department all power and life disappeared. The\\nSpanish troops were defeated at Rocroy in 1643; and several writers\\nascribe to that battle the destruction of the military reputation of\\nSpain. This, however, was only one of many symptoms. In 1656 it\\nwas proposed to fit out a small fleet; but the fisheries on the coasts\\nhad so declined that it was found impossible to find sailors enough\\nto man even the few ships which were required. The charts which\\nhad been made were either lost or neglected, and the ignorance of\\nthe Spanish pilots became so notorious that no one was willing to\\ntrust them. As to the military service, it is stated, in an account\\nof Spain late in the seventeenth century, that most of the troops\\nhad deserted their colors, and that the few who were faithful were\\nclothed in rags, and were dying of hunger. Another account\\ndescribes that once mighty kingdom as utterly unprotected; the\\nfrontier towns ungarrisoned the fortifications dilapidated and crum-\\nbling away, the magazines without ammunition, the arsenals empty,\\nthe workshops unemployed, and even the art of building ships\\nentirely lost.\\nThis is only one chapter in the history of Spain, but if it is not\\ncriminal history, bearing its legitimate mark, then none has ever\\nbeen enacted.\\nIbid., pars. 42-44.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nTHE SPANISH INQUISITION.\\nOne of the greatest grievances held by the Cubans and Filipinos\\nagainst the kingdom of Spain was the extortion practised by the\\nSpanish Roman Catholic clergy and monks. The people continually\\ngroaned under the weight of the ecclesiastical taxes. They con-\\nstantly complained that it was absolutely unjust to compel them to\\nsupport a religion, no matter whether they believed in that religion\\nor not. In all of the islands recently wrested from the throne of\\nMadrid, this was one of the main causes of dissatisfaction and insur-\\nrection. In the Philippines, in many cases and places the followers\\nof Aguinaldo were ready to release the Spanish soldiers who had\\nbeen taken prisoners of war; but in almost every instance they have\\nmanifested a most determined purpose to retain the friars in bonds.\\nThey have even threatened to butcher them in a wholesale manner.\\nThis policy of extortion for ecclesiastical purposes has been long\\nin vogue with the government of Spain, and to a large degree it has\\nled to the stripping her of her foreign possessions. In fact, the\\ntheory upon which Spain s colonial system has been based, is that\\ndependencies and foreign peoples under her control are a kind of\\nproperty, or farm, from which a revenue for the benefit of the home\\ncountry and the state church should of right be drawn.\\nThe Spanish government first originated this policy in its treat-\\nment of the Jews, and the Inquisition was invented to carry it into\\nexecution. The story is intensely interesting, and well worthy of\\nconsideration here, as it marks the beginning of a piece of sowing\\nfrom which Spain has just reaped the last instalment of the harvest\\nof loss.\\nThe kingdom and church of Spain have always professed to find\\nin Holy Writ precedent for all their doctrines and practises. I do\\nnot say that Holy Writ contains precedent for their doctrines and\\npractises; but simply aver that they think they find them there.\\nThe Inquisition is one of the most diabolically gross abuses that\\n[52]", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE SPANISH INQUISITION. 53\\never disgraced the name of humanity. Nevertheless the Spanish\\nwriters rest the authority of this infamous tribunal upon the Word\\nof God.\\nAccording to a well-known Roman Catholic historian, God him-\\nself was the first inquisitor-general. In the death penalty announced\\nto Adam and Eve, In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt\\nsurely die (Gen. 2:17), precedent is found for inflicting capital\\npunishment on heretics, because our first parents were heretics,\\nthey had left the true faith. Again, the Lord turned them out of\\nthe garden of Eden; this was the confiscation of the property of\\nheretics. Thirdly, the Almighty made them coats of skins, and\\nclothed them. Gen. 3: 21. This was the model of the san benito. 1\\nThe san benitos were coarse woolen garments, in which the heretic\\nwas arrayed for the auto da fe, the name given to the ceremony\\naccompanying the burning of the victims. These garments were\\nbrought close round the neck, and descended like a frock down\\nto the knees. They were of a yellow color, embroidered with a\\ncross, and well garnished with figures of devils and flames of fire,\\nwhich, typical of the heretic s destiny hereafter, served to make him\\nmore odious in the eyes of the superstitious multitude. In certain\\ncases the garment was also adorned with the picture of the wearer,\\nburning in flames, with several figures of dragons and devils in the\\nact of fanning them. 2\\nThe Inquisition has existed in principle ever since the fourth\\ncentury, when Christianity became the established religion of the\\nRoman empire; but acts of intolerance do not seem to have flowed\\nfrom any systematized plan of persecution until the papal authority\\nhad risen to a considerable height.\\nInquisitorial missions were first sent out by Pope Innocent III,\\n1210-1215, against the Albigenses, who dwelt under the shadow of\\nthe lofty Pyrenees in southern France. They were a most peaceable\\nand polished people, and the only national crime of which they had\\never been guilty was that of rejecting with shrinking horror the\\ndoctrines and practises of the Roman Catholic Church, whose clergy\\nwas regarded with loathing and contempt. Viler than a priest,\\niSee Paramo, Origin of the Inquisition, book 1, chaps. 1-3.\\n2 See Prescott, History of Ferdinand and Isabella, part 1, chap. 7, par. 34.\\nAlso D. Antonio Puighblanch, translated by Walton, Inquisition Unmasked,\\nchap 4.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "54 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nand I would as soon be a priest, became proverbial expressions.\\nThe papacy had lost all authority with all classes, from the great\\nfeudal princes down to the cultivators of the soil. How beautiful\\ntheir land, how elegant their manners, how advanced, for that bar-\\nbarous age, their scientific research, how cruel their extermination,\\nthe pen of Lord Macaulay has perfectly delineated!\\nIn the year 1480, during the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella,\\nthe holy office was established in Spain. It was inaugurated for the\\nbenefit of the Jews, not primarily because they were heretics, but\\nbecause they were wealthy, and Rome and Spain needed money.\\nThis is a serious charge, but nevertheless a true one, and one which\\ncan be easily and clearly sustained.\\nThese unfortunate members of the race of Israel were not only\\nwealthy, but they had gradually risen in political eminence until\\nthey were the incumbents of the highest civil offices. They made\\ngreat advancement in various departments of letters. The schools\\nof Cordova, Toledo, Barcelona, and Grenada were crowded with\\nstudents. It was the Jews and the Arabs who kept alive the flame\\nof learning during the mythological gloom of the Middle Ages.\\nThey frequently resided at the courts of Catholic princes as minis-\\nters of finance, situations which they were eminently qualified to fill.\\nBut royal patronage proved incompetent to save them from\\nthe bloody hand of the state church, when their flourishing for-\\ntunes had risen to a sufficient height to excite her envy. I quote\\nfrom Prescott:\\nStories were circulated of their contempt for the Catholic wor-\\nship, their desecration of the most holy symbols, and of their cruci-\\nfixion, or other sacrifice, of Christian children at the celebration of\\ntheir own Passover. At length toward the close of the four-\\nteenth century the fanatical populace, stimulated in many instances\\nby the no less fanatical clergy, and perhaps encouraged by the\\nnumerous class of debtors to the Jews, who found this a convenient\\nmode of settling their accounts, made a fierce assault on this unfor-\\ntunate people in Castile and Arragon, breaking into their houses,\\nviolating their most private sanctuaries, scattering their most costly\\ncollections and furniture, and consigning the wretched proprietors\\nto indiscriminate massacre, without regard to sex or age. s\\na Prescott, History of Ferdinand and Isabella.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE SPANISH INQUISITION. 55\\nOn account of this barbarous treatment many of the Spanish\\nJews feigned conversion to Christianity. Such was their spiritual\\ncondition when Ferdinand and Isabella assumed the reins of govern-\\nment. During their reign complaints against Jewish heresy became\\nmore and more frequent, and the throne was repeatedly beset with\\npetitions to devise some means for its extirpation. The words of the\\ncurate of Los Palacios, who lived at this time, throw considerable\\nlight on the real as well as pretended motives of the subsequent\\npersecution\\nThis accursed race were either unwilling to bring their children\\nto be baptized, or, if they did, they washed away the stain on\\nreturning home. They dressed their stews and other dishes with\\noil instead of lard; abstained from pork; kept the Passover, ate\\nmeat in Lent; and sent oil to replenish the lamps in their syna-\\ngogues, with many other abominable ceremonies of their religion.\\nThey were an exceeding polite and ambitious people engrossing\\nthe most lucrative municipal offices.\\nNo wonder Prescott remarks, after quoting the above\\nIt is easy to discern in this medley of credulity and supersti-\\ntion the secret envy entertained by the Castilians of the superior\\nskill and industry of their Hebrew brethren, and of the superior\\nriches which these qualities secured to them; and it is impossible\\nnot to suspect that the zeal of the most orthodox was considerably\\nsharpened by worldly motives. Ferdinand listened with com-\\nplacency to a scheme which promised an ample source of revenue in\\nthe confiscations it involved.\\nTo Isabella s honor be it spoken, frequent importunities on the\\npart of the clergy were necessary before she yielded her consent to\\nhaving the Inquisition established in her dominions. But at last\\nshe gave way.\\nSixtus the Fourth, who at that time filled the pontifical chair,\\neasily discerning the sources of wealth and influence which this\\nmeasure [the establishment of the Inquisition in Spain] opened to\\nthe court of Rome, readily complied with the petitions of the sov-\\nereigns, and expedited a bull, bearing date Nov. 1, 1478, authorizing\\nthem to appoint two or three ecclesiastics, inquisitors for the detec-\\ntion and suppression of heresy throughout their dominions. 6\\nIbid., part 1, chap. 7, pars. 16, 17. e ibid., par. 21.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "56 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nFerdinand and Isabella, in 1492, issued a decree expelling from\\nSpain every Jew who did not deny his faith, so that the soil of\\nSpain might be no longer polluted by ths presence of unbelievers.\\nTo make them Christians, or failing in this, to exterminate them,\\nwas the business of the Inquisition.\\nOf course many of the Jews declared, when the terrible words\\nwhich constituted the form of arrest, u Deliver yourself up a pris-\\noner to the Inquisition! were whispered in their ear, that they\\nwere not Jews, but Catholics. It then became necessary to prove\\nthat they were Jews. Here are some of the points by means of\\nwhich the charge of Judaism was established among them\\nIt was considered good evidence of the fact if the prisoner\\nwore better clothes or cleaner linen on the Jewish Sabbath than on\\nany other day of the week; if he had no fire in his house the pre-\\nceding evening; if he sat at table with Jews, or ate the meat of\\nanimals slaughtered by their hands, or drank a certain beverage\\nheld in much estimation by them; if he washed a corpse in warm\\nwater, or when dying turned his face to the wall; or, finally, if he\\ngave Hebrew names to his children, a provision most whimsically\\ncruel, since, by a law of Henry II he was prohibited under severe\\npenalties from giving them Christian names. He must have found\\nit difficult to have extricated himself from the horns of this dilemma.\\nSuch are a few of the circumstances, some of them purely acciden-\\ntal in their nature, others the result of early habit, which might\\nwell have continued after a sincere conversion to Christianity, and\\nall of them trivial, on which capital accusations were to be alleged,\\nand even satisfactorily established. 6\\nI give this quotation from Llorente, as he is a writer most com-\\npetent to unveil the hidden mysteries of the Inquisition. He was\\nsecretary to that tribunal in Madrid from 1790-1792. He devoted\\nseveral years to a thorough investigation of the records of the tribu-\\nnals, as well as of other original documents contained in their\\narchives.\\nIt will therefore be now in place to relate some of those secret\\nworkings, and to relate how its victims were accused, condemned,\\nand tortured.\\nTo presume the innocence of the prisoner until his guilt has\\nLlorente, History of the Inquisition. Vol. I, pp. 153-159.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE SPANISH INQUISITION. 57\\nbeen established, is an axiom of justice accepted by all true jurists.\\nThe Inquisition, however, instead of granting to the prisoner the\\nprotection afforded by every other judicature, and especially\\ndemanded by his forlorn situation, acted upon the opposite princi-\\nple, and used the most insidious arts to circumvent and surround\\nall who came within its fearful grasp. Says Prescott:\\nThe accused, whose mysterious disappearance was per-\\nhaps the only public evidence of his arrest, was conveyed to the\\nsecret chambers of the Inquisition, where he was jealously excluded\\nfrom intercourse with all, save a priest of the Romish Church, and\\nhis jailer, both of whom might be regarded as the spies of the tribu-\\nnal. In this desolate condition the unfortunate man, cut off from\\nexternal communication and all cheering sympathy and support, was\\nkept for some time in ignorance even of the nature of the charges\\npreferred against him; and at length, instead of the original process,\\nwas favored only with extracts from the deposition of the witnesses,\\nso garbled as to conceal every possible clue to their name and\\nquality. With still greater unfairness no mention whatever was\\nmade of such testimony as had arisen in the course of the examina-\\ntion in his own favor. Counsel was indeed allowed him from a list\\npresented by his judges. But this privilege availed little, since the\\nparties were not permitted to confer together, and the advocate was\\nfurnished with no other information than what had been granted to\\nhis client. To add to the injustice of these proceedings, every\\ndiscrepancy in the statements of the witnesses was converted into a\\nseparate charge against the prisoner, who thus, instead of one crime,\\nstood accused of several. This, taken in connection with the con-\\ncealment of time, place, and circumstance in the accusations,\\ncreated such embarrassment that, unless the accused was possessed\\nof unusual acuteness and presence of mind, it was sure to involve\\nhim, in his attempt to explain, in inextricable contradiction.\\n1 If the prisoner refused to confess his guilt, or, as was usual,\\nwas suspected of evasion, or an attempt to conceal the truth, he was\\nsubjected to torture. This, which was administered in the deepest\\nvaults of the Inquisition, where the cries of the victim could fall on\\nno ear save that of his tormentors, is admitted by the secretary of\\nthe holy office, who has furnished the most accurate report of its\\ntransactions, not to have been exaggerated in any of the numerous", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "58 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nnarratives which have dragged these subterranean horrors into light.\\nIf the intensity of pain extorted a confession from the sufferer, he\\nwas expected, if he should survive, to sustain it on the next day.\\nShould he refuse to do this, his mutilated members were condemned\\nto a repetition of the same sufferings, until his obstinacy (it should\\nrather have been termed his heroism) might be vanquished. 7\\nBy a subsequent regulation of Philip II, the repetition of tor-\\nture in the same process was strictly prohibited to the inquisitors.\\nBut they, making use of a sophism worthy of the arch-fiend him-\\nself, contrived to evade this law, by pretending after each new ap-\\nplication of punishment, that they had only suspended and not\\nterminated the torture. 8\\nShould the rack, however, prove ineffectual to force a confes-\\nsion of his guilt, he was so far from being considered as having\\nestablished his innocence that, with a barbarity unknown to any\\ntribunal where torture has been admitted, and which of itself proves\\nits utter incompetency to the end it proposes, he was not unfre-\\nqueutly convicted on the depositions of the witnesses. At the\\nconclusion of his mock trial, the prisoner was again returned to his\\ndungeon, where, without the blaze of a single faggot to dispel the\\ncold or illuminate the darkness of the long winter night, he was left\\nin unbroken silence to await the doom which was to consign him to\\nan ignominious death, or a life scarcely less ignominious. 9\\nTo add to the discomfiture of the victims, the three men who sat\\nas judges in the inquisitorial courts were almost invariably chosen\\nfrom the most ignorant. Says Puighblanch\\nEven the common people, amidst the illusion in which they\\nlived under the yoke of this tribunal, at length became sensible of\\nthe great ignorance which prevailed in its dark conclaves. This is\\nproved by the following saying to be met in the mouths of every\\none\\nQuestion What constituted the Inquisition?\\nAnswer One crucifix, two candlesticks, and three block-\\nheads, alluding to the form and parade of its sittings, and the\\nnumber of the judges present thereat. 10\\nPrescott, Ibid cbap. 7, pars. 30, 31.\\ne Llorente, Ibid., Vol. I, chap. 9, art. 7.\\no Prescott, [bid.\\nio Inquisition Unmasked, cbap. 4, par. 7, note.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE SPANISH INQUISITION. 59\\nThe culprit was obliged to declare bis whole genealogy and\\ndescent, and to state whether any of his ancestors, in a direct or\\ntransversal line, or his brothers, wife, children, or, indeed, himself,\\nhad at any time previously been arraigned before the tribunal, and\\npenanced by it. The real object of all this was to obtain possession\\nof the property he might have inherited, by declaring the right of\\nsuccession null and void.\\nThere were three kinds of torture generally used by the Inquisi-\\ntion; viz., the pulley, the rack, and the fire. The apartment in\\nwhich these were inflicted was underground, and was called the hall\\nof torture.\\nThe first of these three modes of punishment was inflicted by\\nfastening a pulley, with a rope passed through it, to the roof. The\\nexecutioners would then seize the culprit, shackle his feet together,\\nand suspend weights of one hundred pounds to his ankles. His\\nhands were bound behind his back, and the rope from the pulley\\nfastened to his wrists. He was then raised about six feet from the\\nground, and twelve stripes were inflicted upon him. After this he\\nwas let down with a run, but checked just before either of his feet\\nor the weights should touch the floor, in order to render the shock\\nto his body greater.\\nThe torture of the rack, also called that of water and ropes, was\\na common one. The victim, divested of his clothing, was stretched\\nupon his back along a hollow bench with sticks across like a ladder,\\nand prepared for the purpose. To this his head, hands, and feet\\nwere bound so tightly that he could not move. In this position he\\nexperienced eight strong contortions in his limbs; viz., two on the\\nfleshy parts of the arm above the elbow, two below the elbow, two on\\nthe thighs, and two on the legs. Sometimes also his face was\\ncovered with a thin piece of linen, through which seven pints of\\nwater ran into his mouth and nostrils, preventing him from breathing\\nBut the torture by fire was the most revolting of all. The\\nprisoner was placed with his legs naked in the stocks, the soles of\\nhis feet well greased with lard, and a blazing chafing-dish applied to\\nthem, by the heat of which they became perfectly fried\\nNow all of these tortures and inhuman barbarities were com-\\n11 These facts are gathered mainly from Puighblanch, translated by Walton,\\nInquisition Unmasked, chap. 4, par. 7, note.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "60 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nmitted in defense of those two theories that there should not be\\nfreedom of conscience, and that men are not equal before the law.\\nThey were committed for the purpose of wringing money from the\\ninferior race (if inferior it can be termed) for the support of the su-\\nperior. I can not believe that originally the Spaniards were more\\ncruel or inhuman than the rest of mankind. It is certain that we\\nare all of one blood, and all born in sin. But the manifestation of\\nsuch awful cruelties by the Spaniards was brought about by follow-\\ning a wrong theory.\\nThe people of Cuba and of the Philippine Islands were op-\\npressed for precisely the same reasons that the Jews of Spain were\\noppressed so many years ago. As a result of the first persecutions,\\nthe Jews left, and were driven out of Spain. But as a result of\\nthe second, the Spanish were driven out of the Philippines, and out\\nof Cuba; for in this latter time the cup of her iniquity was full,\\nand her punishment was decreed from above.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nTHE COUNCIL OF BLOOD.\\nThe dealings of Spain with Holland and the Netherlands are\\ndyed in stains of deepest crimson. This chapter in the history\\nof Spain is a tragedy of the most dreadful type. During the few\\nshort years in which this dependency of the Spanish crown struggled\\nfor freedom, crimes, monumental in their proportions and unnum-\\nbered for their multitude stand registered against the government\\nand warfare of Spain.\\nOf all the people of Europe, none were more brave than the\\nHollanders. To an unparalleled degree they were tenacious of\\nliberty, both in things civil and in things religious. From time to\\ntime during their history they had wrested valuable charters of\\nfreedom from their masters. These had been won at great cost\\nof blood and treasure, and at all times their owners showed a dis-\\nposition to cling to them firmly. From the earliest days of their\\nhistory, sovereignty had resided in the great assembly of the people,\\nand this same assembly elected the village magistrates, and decided\\nupon all matters of great importance. The government may have\\nbeen a fierce democracy, but it was a democracy nevertheless.\\nAt length, however, Holland fell under the rule of Spain; and\\nwith the advent to the throne of Charles V. of Reformation fame,\\nill times began for the little land. This monarch made continued\\neffort to drain their treasure, and to hamper their industry. He\\nhated their ancient and dearly bought civil liberties, and did all in\\nhis power to restrict and overthrow them. The Netherlands at this\\ntime were divided into seventeen distinct and separate provinces;\\nbut this prince was determined to construct them into one kingdom,\\nin order that he might rule them the more effectually with the iron\\nhand of absolutism. 1\\ni The historical facts of this chapter are gathered mainly from Motley s His-\\ntory of the Dutch Republic. I have not in all cases given the exact reference. It\\nwill be understood, however, that uncredited quotations are from his great work.\\n[61]", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "62 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nHis hand it was that planted the Inquisition in the Netherlands.\\nFor reading the Scriptures, f or looking irreverently at a graven\\nimage, for even daring to hint that the actual body and blood of\\nJesus Christ was not present in the consecrated wafer, from fifty to\\none hundred thousand Dutch perished according to his edicts. Well\\nhas Motley said that his name deserves to be handed down to\\neternal infamy, not only throughout the Netherlands, but in every\\nland where a single heart beats for political or religious freedom.\\nBut even in this life his crimes went not unpunished. While\\nhe was preparing to crush, forever, the Protestant Church, with the\\narms which a bench of bishops were forging, lo, the rapid and des-\\nperate Maurice, with long red beard streaming like a meteor in the\\nwind, dashing through the mountain passes, at the head of his lan-\\ncers arguments more convincing than all the dogmas of Granville!\\nDisguised as an old woman, the emperor had attempted, on the 6th\\nof April, to escape in a peasant s wagon from Innspruck into Flan-\\nders. Saved for the time by the mediation of Ferdinand, he had, a\\nfew weeks later, after his troops had been defeated by Maurice at\\nFussen, again fled at midnight of the 22d of May, 1555, almost\\nunattended, sick in body and soul, in the midst of thunder, light-\\nning, and rain, along the difficult Alpine passes from Innspruck into\\nCarinthia. Sad end indeed was this to all his greatness. Sick and\\ntired of life, on the 25th of October, 1555, he abdicated the throne,\\nand went to spend the rest of his life within the walls of a monas-\\ntery. This was a fitting end for a monarch who all his life had\\nbeen false as water, who never possessed a lofty thought, or enter-\\ntained a noble or generous sentiment.\\nHe was succeeded in Spain and the Netherlands by Philip II,\\nwho married Bloody Mary of England. The tastes of these two cer-\\ntainly ran in the same direction. To maintain the supremacy of\\nthe Church seemed to both of them the main object of existence; to\\nexecute unbelievers, the most sacred duty imposed by the Deity upon\\nanointed princes; to convert their kingdom into a hell, the surest\\nmeans of winning heaven for themselves. Philip hated the Chris-\\ntian heretic with a more venemous hatred than any of his ancestors\\nhad ever manifested toward Jew or Moor. Yet in spite of all this\\npretended piety, he was so grossly licentious that his liaisons are the\\nscandal of the annals of his state.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OF BLOOD. 63\\nFor national and popular rights he had a loathing which he\\nnever attempted to disguise. For the people itself, that vile\\nand mischievous animal called the people, as far as their ina-\\nlienable rights were concerned he entertained a most supreme con-\\ntempt. It was during his reign that the great struggle for freedom\\nin the Netherlands broke out. It was a great episode, the long-\\nest, the darkest, the bloodiest, the most important episode in the\\nhistory of the religious reformation in Europe. Spain was deter-\\nmined to put the Netherlands in a quarantine so effective that the\\nreligious pest of Protestantism should find no entrance. In the\\nNetherlands the scaffold had many victims, but the numbers of its\\nconverts were few indeed. In that land there were men and women\\nwho dared and suffered much for conscience sake. They were not\\nfanatics. For them all was terrible reality. The emperor and his\\nedicts were realities the ax, the stake, were realities and the hero-\\nism with which men took each other by the hand and walked into\\nthe flames, or with which women sang a song of triumph while the\\ngrave-digger was shoveling the earth upon their living faces, was a\\nreality also.\\nImmediately after the accession of Philip, the terrible edict of\\n1550 was re-enacted. From this notable document an idea of\\nSpain s methods of governing her colonies may be gathered\\nNo one shall print, write, copy, keep, conceal, sell, buy, or\\ngive in churches, streets, or other places, any book or writing made\\nby Martin Luther, John Ecolampadius, Ulrich Zwinglius, Martin\\nBucer, John Calvin, or other heretics reprobated by the holy\\nchurch; nor break, or otherwise injure the images of the Holy\\nVirgin or canonized saints; nor in his house hold conventicles,\\nor illegal gatherings, or be present at any such in which the adher-\\nents of the above-mentioned heretics teach, baptize, and form\\nconspiracies against the holy church and the general welfare.\\nMoreover, we forbid all persons to converse or dispute concerning\\nthe Holy Scriptures, openly or secretly, especially on any doubtful\\nor difficult matters, or to read, teach, or expound the Scriptures\\nunless they have duly studied theology, and been approved by some\\nrenowned university; or to preach secretly, or openly, or to\\nentertain any of the opinions of the above-mentioned heretics;\\non pain, should any be found to have contravened any of the points", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "64 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nabove mentioned, as perturbers of the state and of the general quiet,\\nto be punished in the following manner: that such perturbators of\\nthe general quiet are to be executed; to wit, the men with the sword,\\nand the women to be buried alive, if they do not persist in their\\nerrors; if the} do persist in them, then they are to be executed\\nwith fire all their property in both cases to be confiscated to the\\ncrown.\\nThus, the clemency of the sovereign permitted the repentant\\nheretic to be beheaded or juried alive, instead of being burned.\\nAll who in any way helped the heretic were in danger of, and\\nliable to, the same punishment; for said the decree:\\nWe forbid all persons to lodge, entertain, furnish with food,\\nfire, or clothing, or otherwise to favor any one holden or notoriously\\nsuspected of being a heretic; and any one failing to denounce\\nany such, we ordain shall be liable to the above-mentioned punish-\\nments. The edict went on to provide that if any person, being\\nnot convicted of heresy or error, but greatly suspected thereof, and\\ntherefore condemned by the spiritual judge to abjure such heresy,\\nor by the secular magistrate to make public fine or reparation, shall\\nagain become suspected or tainted with heresy although it should\\nnot appear that he has con (ravened or violated any one of our abovt\\nmentioned commands nevertheless we do will and ordain that such\\nperson shall be considered as relapsed, and, as such, be punished\\nwith loss of life and property, without any hope of moderation or\\nmitigation of the above-mentioned penalties.\\nAnd it was further decreed that the spiritual judges desiring\\nto proceed against any one for the crime of heresy shall request any\\nof our sovereign courts or provincial councils to appoint any one of\\ntheir college, or such other, adjunct as the council shall select, to\\npreside over the proceedings to be instituted against the suspected.\\nAll who know of any persons tainted with heresy are required to\\ndenounce them and give them up to all judges, officers of the bish-\\nops, or others having authority on the premises, on pain of being\\npunished according to the pleasure of the judge. Likewise, all shall\\nbe obliged, who know of any place where such heretics keep them-\\nselves, to declare them to the authorities, on pain of being held as\\naccomplices, and punished as such heretics themselves would be\\npunished if apprehended.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OP BLOOD. 65\\nIn order to bring about the greatest number of arrests by means\\nthe most base, and by that which appeals powerfully to the most\\nsordid attributes of our natures, it was further decreed that the\\ninformer, in the case of conviction, should be entitled to one half\\nthe property of the accused, if not more than one hundred pounds\\nFlemish; if more, then ten per cent of all such excesses.\\nTreachery to friends, brothers, and sisters was encouraged by a\\nprovision that if any man being present at any secret conventicle\\nshall afterwards come forward and betray his fellow members of the\\ncongregation, he shall receive full pardon.\\nNor was this any mere fanatical decree for the purpose of inspir-\\ning terror, for the sovereign continued to ordain\\nTo the end that the judges and officers may have no reason,\\nunder pretext that the penalties are too great and heavy, and only\\ndevised to terrify delinquents, to punish them less severely than they\\ndeserve that the punished be really punished by the penalties\\nabove declared; forbidding all judges to alter or moderate the pen-\\nalties in any manner forbidding any one, of whatsoever condition,\\nto ask of us, or of any one having authority, to grant pardon, or to\\npresent any petition in favor of such heretics, exiles, or fugitives,\\non penalty of being declared forever incapable of civil and military\\noffice, and of being arbitrarily punished besides. 2\\nSuch was one of the most famous decrees, having for its main\\nobject the trampling into the dust the religious and civil rights\\nand liberties of the people of Holland. It would a lmost seem that\\nif the archfiend himself had set about it to create a more awful\\nordinance, he would have paled before the magnitude of the task.\\nAnd it can never be said that this was done in the Dark Ages, and\\nthat the monarch was the only creature of the times in which he\\nlived. It was done during the days when the Kenaissance and the\\nReformation were at their height. It was done during an age in\\nwhich men were supposed to have come out of darkness into great\\nand marvelous light. And to make the whole transaction the more\\nhorrible, it was ordered and decreed that this edict should be pub-\\nlished forever, once in every six months, in every city, and in every\\nvillage of the Netherlands. And this by a monarch who said of\\nhimself that he had always, from the beginning of his govern\\nThis edict can be read in Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, part 2, chap. 1.\\n5", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "66 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nment, followed the path of clemency, according to his natural dis-\\nposition, so well knqwn to all the world.\\nAnd now the Inquisition was set in motion as the instrument\\nwhereby this decree should be carried into effect. It has been\\nwell said that, however classified or entitled, the Inquisition was\\nonly a machine for inquiring into a man s thoughts, and for burning\\nhim if the result was not satisfactory. The Inquisition was that\\npart of the church which caused the savages of India and America\\nto shudder and turn chill at the very name of Christianity.\\nIt is said that one day the secular sheriff, familiarly known as\\nRed-rod, from the color of his wand of office, met upon the high\\nroad, Titelmann, the great inquisitor of Holland, and thus addressed\\nhim\\nHow can you venture to go about alone, or at most with one\\nattendant or two, arresting people on every side, while I dare not\\nattempt to execute my office, except at the head of a strong force,\\narmed in proof, and then only at the peril of my life?\\nAh! Red-rod, answered Titelmann, laughing, you deal with\\nbad people. I have nothing to fear, for I seize only the innocent\\nand the virtuous, who make no resistance, and let themselves be\\ntaken like lambs.\\nMighty well, said the other; but if you arrest all the good\\npeople, and I all the bad, t is difficult to say who in the world is to\\nescape chastisement.\\nThere was no end to the horrors of this horrible time. One\\nBertrand was seized by Titelmann for having insulted the host.\\nHe was dragged on a hurdle, his mouth closed with an iron gag, to\\nthe market-place. Here his right hand and his right foot were\\nburned and twisted off between two red-hot irons. Then his tongue\\nwas torn out by the roots, and because he still endeavored to call\\nupon God, the iron gag was again applied. His arms and legs were\\nfastened together behind his back he was hooked by the middle of\\nhis body to an iron chain, and made to swing to and fro over a slow\\nfire till he was entirely roasted. His life lasted almost to the end\\nof these ingenious tortures, but his fortitude lasted as long as\\nhis life.\\nAt Ryssel, in Flanders, Titelmann caused one Robert Ogier to\\nbe arrested, together with his wife and two sons. The accusation", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OP BLOOD. 67\\nbrought against them was that they did not go to mass, and that\\nthey had private worship in their own home. They were asked\\nwhat rites they practised in their own house. One of the children\\nanswered: We fall on our knees, and pray to God that he may\\nenlighten our hearts, and forgive our sins. We pray for our sover-\\neign, that his reign may be prosperous, and his life peaceful. We\\nalso pray for the magistrates and others in authority, that God may\\nprotect and preserve them all. The simplicity of the boy drew\\ntears from even some of those who sat in judgment upon his case.\\nNevertheless the father and the older child were condemned to the\\nflames. 0 God! prayed the youth at the stake, Eternal\\nFather, accept the sacrifice of our lives, in the name of thy beloved\\nSon. Thou liest, scoundrel! interrupted the pious monk, who\\nwas lighting the fire; God is not your Father, ye are the devil s\\nchildren. As the flames rose high above them, the poor child once\\nmore cried out, Look, my father, all heaven is opening, and I see\\nten hundred thousand angels rejoicing over us. Let us be glad, for\\nwe are dying for the truth. Thou liest! thou liest! again roared\\nthe monk all hell is opening, and you see ten hundred thousand\\ndevils thrusting you into eternal fire. Only eight days after this\\nthe wife of Ogier and the other child were burned, and this once\\nhappy family exterminated.\\nThese were some of the things which were done in the Nether-\\nlands for the purpose of obliterating civil and religious freedom\\nin this dependency of Spain. It is no wonder that such things bred\\nrevolt, and that the Hollanders, slow to rise, but terrible and deter-\\nmined when at last they did rise, should make one terrible effort to\\nthrow off the accursed yoke. And it must ever be remembered that\\nthe whole object of these wicked proceedings was to extort money\\nand property unjustly from the people, and to bring about the\\nincorporation of a number of free and liberty-loving states into one\\ncompact and centrally governed kingdom, to be farmed for the\\nbenefit of the crown of Spain.\\nGeneral police regulations were issued at the same time, by\\nwhich heretics were to be excluded from all share in the usual con-\\nveniences of society, and were in fact to be strictly excommuni-\\ncated. Inns were to receive no guests, schools no children,\\nalmshouses no paupers, graveyards no dead bodies, unless guests,", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "68 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nchildren, paupers, and dead bodies were furnished with the most\\nsatisfactory proofs of orthodoxy. Midwives of unsuspected Roman-\\nism were alone to exercise their functions, and were bound to give\\nnotice within twenty-four hours of every birth which occurred; the\\nparish clerks were as regularly to record every such addition to the\\npopulation, and the authorities to see that Catholic baptism was\\nadministered in each case with the least possible delay. Births,\\ndeaths, and marriages could only occur with validity under the\\nshadow of the church. No human being could consider himself\\nborn or defunct unless provided with a priest s certificate. The\\nheretic was excluded, so far as ecclesiastical dogma could exclude\\nhim, from the pale of humanity, from consecrated earth, and from\\neternal salvation. 3\\nTo the famous William of Orange, better known as William the\\nSilent, or Father William, the great work of leading the revolt for\\nfreedom was by right assigned. His is one of the most noble char-\\nacters of which all history boasts. In 1564 he took the ground that\\nthe time for speaking out had arrived, and that brave and honest\\nmen could no longer keep still. He argued that an envoy of high\\nrank should be sent to the king of Spain in his native land, and\\nthat he should be told in unequivocal terms how the people of the\\nNetherlands felt toward him and his rule. Let him, were his\\nwords, be unequivocally informed that this whole machinery of\\nplacards and scaffolds, of new bishops and old hangmen, of decrees,\\ninquisitors, and informers, must once and forever be abolished.\\nEven while the envoy was absent in Spain, the oppressive meas-\\nures were pushed forward with unabated fury. Such a state of\\nthings was produced by this great wickedness, that the ordinary\\nbusiness of mankind was almost entirely suspended. Commerce\\ncame to a dead standstill. The great commercial city of Antwerp\\nshook as with an earthquake. Merchants from other lands,\\nmanufacturers, and artisans fled away, and the grass began to grow\\nin the streets. Contemporaneous records tell how that famine\\nreigned in the land. Emigration, caused not by overpopulation,\\nbut by persecution, was fast weakening the country. It was no\\nwonder that not only foreign merchants should be scared from the\\ngreat commercial cities by the approaching disorders, but that every\\na Motley Rise of the Dutch Republic, part 2, chap. 6.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OF BLOOD. 69\\nindustrious artisan who could find the means of escape should seek\\nrefuge among strangers, wherever an asylum could be found. That\\nasylum was afforded by Protestant England, who received these\\nintelligent and unfortunate wanderers with cordiality, and learned\\nwith eagerness the lessons in mechanical skill which they had to\\nteach. Already thirty thousand emigrant Netherlanders were estab-\\nlished in Sandwich, Norwich, and other places, assigned to them by\\nElizabeth.\\n1 It had always, however, been made a condition of the liberty\\ngranted to these foreigners for practising their handiwork that each\\nhouse should employ at least one English apprentice. 5 Thus,\\nsaid a Walloon historian, splenetically, by this regulation, and by\\nmeans of heavy duties on foreign manufactures, have the English\\nbuilt up their own fabrics, and prohibited those of the Netherlands.\\nThus have they drawn over to their own country our skilful artisans\\nto practise their industry, not at home but abroad, and our poor\\npeople are thus losing the means of earning their livelihood. Thus\\nhas cloth-making, silk-making, and the art of dyeing declined in our\\ncountry, and would have been quite extinguished but by our wise\\ncountervailing edicts. 6\\nThe cause given by this writer undoubtedly gives a wrong view\\nof the case. This expatriation of these poor people came about on\\naccount of the sufferings imposed upon them in their native land.\\nWhere such terrible edicts were being daily enforced, where civil\\nliberties were mocked at and trampled in the dust, it is only reason-\\nable to suppose that commerce and manufactures would make their\\nescape out of a doomed land with the utmost possible despatch.\\nBut neither edict, nor famine, nor persecutions could shake the\\npurpose of the sturdy Hollanders. They were determined to do as\\nthey pleased in things religious, and not to be oppressed in their\\ncivil rights so to do. In the early summer of 1566, many thou-\\nsands of burghers, merchants, peasants, and gentlemen were seen\\nmustering and marching through the fields of every province, armed\\nwith arquebus, javelin, pike, and broadsword. For what purpose\\nwere these gatherings? Only to hear sermons and sing hymns in the\\nopen air, as it was unlawful to profane the churches with such rites.\\nPasquier de la Barre, MSS. lvo, Correspondence de Philippe II, 1, 392.\\n6 Renom de France, MSS. 8 Renom de France, MSS.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "70 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nThis was the first great popular phase of the Netherland rebellion.\\nNotwithstanding the edicts and the inquisitions with their heca-\\ntombs, notwithstanding the special publication at this time through-\\nout the country by the duchess regent that all the sanguinary\\nstatutes concerning religion were in as great vigor as ever, notwith-\\nstanding that Margaret offered a reward of seven hundred crowns to\\nthe man who would bring her a preacher dead or alive, the popular\\nthirst for the exercises of the reformed religion could no longer be\\nslaked at the obscure and hidden fountains where their priests had\\nso long privately ministered.\\nApostate priests were not the only preachers. To the ineffable\\ndisgust of the conservatives in church and state, there were men\\nwith little education, utterly devoid of Hebrew, of lowly station,\\nhatters, curriers, tanners, dyers, and the like, who began to preach\\nalso; remembering, unseasonably perhaps, that the early disciples,\\nselected by the founder of Christianity, had not all been doctors of\\ntheology with diplomas from a renowned university. But if the\\nnature of such men were subdued to what it worked in, that charge\\ncould not be brought against ministers with the learning and accom-\\nplishments of Ambrose Willie, Marnier, Guy de Bray, or Francis\\nJunius, the man whom Scaliger called the greatest of all theolo-\\ngians since the days of the apostles. An aristocratic sarcasm could\\nnot be leveled against Peregrine de la Grange, of a noble family in\\nProvence, with the fiery blood of southern France in his veins, brave\\nas his nation, learned, eloquent, enthusiastic, who galloped to his\\nfield-preaching on horseback, and fired a pistol shot as signal for his\\ncongregation to give attention.\\nOn the 28th of June, 1566, at eleven o clock at night, there\\nwas an assemblage of six thousand people near Tournay, at the\\nbridge of Ernonville, to hear a sermon from Ambrose Willie, a man\\nwho had studied theology in Geneva, at the feet of Calvin, and who\\nwith a special price upon his head, was preaching the doctrines he\\nhad learned. Two days afterward ten thousand people assembled\\nat the same spot to hear Peregrine de la Grange. Governor Moul-\\nbasis thundered forth a proclamation from the citadel, warning all\\nmen that the edicts were as rigorous as ever, and that every man,\\nwoman, or child who went to these preachings was incurring the\\npenalty of death. The people became only the more ardent and", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OF BLOOD. 71\\nexcited. Upon Sunday, the 7th of July, twenty thousand persons\\nassembled at the same bridge to hear Ambrose Willie. One man in\\nthree was armed. Some had arquebuses, others pistols, pikes,\\nswords, pitchforks, poniards, clubs. The preacher, for whose appre-\\nhension a fresh reward had been offered, was escorted to his pulpit\\nby a hundred mounted troopers. He begged his audience not to be\\nscared from the Word of God by menace; assured them that\\nalthough but a poor preacher himself, he held a divine commission,\\nand that he had no fear of death; that should he fall, there were\\nmany better than he to supply his place, and fifty thousand men to*\\navenge his murder.\\nThe duchess sent forth proclamations by hundreds. She\\nordered the instant suppression of these armed assemblies, and the\\narrest of the preachers: but of what avail were proclamations\\nagainst such numbers with weapons in their hands? Why irritate to\\nmadness these hordes of enthusiasts, who were now entirely pacific,\\nand who marched back to the city at the conclusion of divine\\nservice with perfect decorum? All classes of the population went\\neagerly to the sermons. The gentry of the place, the rich mer-\\nchants, the notables, as well as the humble artisans and laborers, all\\nhad received the infection. The professors of the reformed religion\\noutnumbered the Catholics by five or six to one. On Sunday and other\\nholidays, during the hours of service, Tournay was literally emptied\\nof its inhabitants. The streets were as silent as if war or pestilence\\nhad swept the place. The duchess sent orders, but she sent no\\ntroops. The train bands of the city, the crossbowmen of St.\\nMaurice, the archers of St. Sebastian, the sword-players of St.\\nChristopher, could not be ordered from Tournay to suppress the\\npreaching, for they had all gone to the preaching themselves. How\\nidle, therefore, to send peremptory orders without a matchlock to\\nenforce the command!\\nThroughout Flanders similar scenes were enacted. The meet-\\nings were encampments, for the reformers now came to their relig-\\nious services armed to the teeth, determined, if banished from the\\nchurches, to defend their right to the field. Barricades of upturned\\nwagons, branches, and planks were thrown up around the camp.\\nStrong guards of mounted men were stationed at every avenue.\\nOutlying scouts gave notice of approaching danger, and guarded", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "72 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nthe faithful into the enclosure. Pedlers and hawkers plied the trade\\nupon which the penalty of death was fixed, and sold the forbidden\\nhymn-books to all who chose to purchase. A strange and contra-\\ndictory spectacle An army of criminals doing deeds which could\\nonly be expiated at the stake; an entrenched rebellion, bearding the\\ngovernment with pikes, matchlocks, javelin, and barricade, and all\\nfor no more deadly purpose than to listen to the precepts of the\\npacific Jesus.\\nThus the preaching spread through the Walloon provinces to\\nthe northern Netherlands. Toward the end of July an apostate\\nmonk, Peter Gabriel by name, was announced to preach at Overwen,\\nnear Harlem. This was the first field meeting which had taken\\nplace in Holland. The people were wild with enthusiasm, the\\nauthorities beside themselves with apprehension. People from the\\ncountry flocked into the town by thousands. The other cities were\\ndeserted, Harlem was filled to overflowing. Multitudes encamped\\nupon the ground the night before. The magistrates ordered the\\ngates to be kept closed in the morning till long after the usual hour.\\nIt was of no avail. Bolts and bars were but small impediments to\\nenthusiasts who had traveled so many miles on foot or horseback to\\nlisten to a sermon. They climbed the walls, swam the moat, and\\nthronged to the place of meeting long before the doors had been\\nopened. When these could no longer be kept closed without a con-\\nflict, for which the magistrates were not prepared, the whole popula-\\ntion poured out of the city with a single impulse. Tens of\\nthousands were assembled upon the field. The bulwarks were\\nerected as usual. The guards were posted. The necessary precau-\\ntions taken. But upon this occasion, and in that region, there was\\nbut little danger to be apprehended. The multitudes of reformers\\nmade the edicts impossible, so long as no foreign troops were there\\nto enforce them. The congregation was encamped and arranged in\\nan orderly manner. The women, of whom there were many, were\\nplaced next the pulpit, which, upon this occasion, was formed of a\\ncouple of spears thrust into the earth, sustaining a cross-piece,\\nagainst which the preacher might lean his back. The services com-\\nmenced with the singing of a psalm by the whole vast assembly.\\nClement Marot s verses, recently translated by Dathenus, were then\\nnew and popular. The strains of the monarch minstrel, chanted", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OP BLOOD. 73\\nthus in their homely but nervous mother tongue by a multitude who\\nhad but recently learned that all the poetry and rapture of devotion\\nwere not irrevocably coffined with a buried language, or immured\\nin the precincts of a church, had never produced a more elevating\\neffect. No anthem from the world-renowned organ in that ancient\\ncity ever awakened more lofty emotion than did those ten thousand\\nhuman voices, ringing from the grassy meadows in that fervid mid-\\nsummer noon. When all was silent again, the preacher rose, a\\nlittle meager man, who looked as if he might rather melt away\\nbeneath the blazing sunshine of July than hold the multitude\\nenchained four uninterrupted hours long, by the magic of his\\ntongue. His text was the eighth, ninth, and tenth verses of the\\nsecond chapter of Ephesians and as the slender monk spoke to his\\nsimple audience of God s grace, and of faith in Jesus, who had\\ndescended from above to save the lowliest and the most abandoned,\\nif they would but put their trust in him, his hearers were alternately\\nexalted with fervor or melted into tears. He prayed for all condi-\\ntions of men for themselves, their friends, their enemies, for the\\ngovernment which had persecuted them, for the king whose face\\nwas turned upon them in anger. At times, according to one who\\nwas present, not a dry eye was to be seen in the crowd. When the\\nminister had finished, he left his congregation abruptly, for he had\\nto travel all night in order to reach Alkmaar, where he was to\\npreach upon the following day.\\nBy the middle of July the custom was established outside all\\nthe principal cities. Camp-meetings were held in some places; as,\\nfor instance, in the neighborhood of Antwerp, where the congrega-\\ntion numbered over fifteen thousand; and on some occasions was\\nestimated at between twenty and thirty thousand persons at a time,\\nvery many of them, said an eye-witness, the best and wealthiest\\nin the town. 7\\nLooking back through the mist of time, we think how easy it\\nwould have been for Spain to have saved herself much trouble and\\ntravail, and to have imparted great happiness to a frugal, indus-\\ntrious, and peaceable people by simply letting them worship accord-\\ning to the dictates of conscience, and regulate their own local affairs\\nin whatever manner would have been most satisfactory to them.\\n7 Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, part 2, chap. 6.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "74 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nThis would have been a simple solution, to be sure; but lust and\\ngreed of gain were against it, and to these monsters principle was\\nsacrificed.\\nIn 15C7 the Duke of Alva, with a powerful army, was sent to\\nlook after the interests of Spain in the Netherlands. He was\\ninstructed to organize and preside over that terrible court, forever\\nto be known in history as the Blood-Council. It was a mere\\ninformal club, of which the duke was perpetual president, while ali\\nthe other members were appointed by himself; and of these other\\nmembers there were only two who had the right to vote the re-\\nmainder were not permitted to vote at all. This infamous court\\ncarried on its proceedings in defiance of all law and all reason.\\nImformation was lodged against one man or against one hundred\\nmen in a single document, and execution was frequently done upon\\nthe one man or upon the hundred men within forty-eight hours after\\nthe information had been lodged. The proceedings of the council\\nwere also ex parte, and an information was almost invariably fol-\\nlowed by a death-warrant. Sometimes the sentences were in advance\\nof the docket. Upon one occasion a man s case was called for trial,\\nbut before the investigation had commenced, it was discovered that\\nhe had already been executed. Moreover, upon examination, it was\\nfound that he had committed no crime. No matter for that,\\nsaid Vargas, gaily, if he has died innocently, it will be all the\\nbetter for him when he takes his trial in the other world.\\nHowever, according to the rules which defined and constituted\\nguilt, it was almost impossible for a man to be innocent before such\\na court. People were daily executed upon the most frivolous pre-\\ntexts. Thus Peter de Witt, of Amsterdam, was beheaded because\\nat one of the tumults in that city he had persuaded a rioter not to\\nshoot a magistrate. This was taken as sufficient evidence that he\\nwas a man in authority among the rebels, and he was accordingly\\nput to death. Madame Juriaen, who in 1566 had struck with\\nher slipper a little wooden image of the Virgin, together with her\\nmaid servant, who had witnessed, without denouncing, the crime,\\nwere both drowned by the hangman in a hogshead placed on the\\nscaffold.\\nDeath, even, did not in all cases place a criminal beyond the\\nreach of the executioner. Egbert Meynartzoon, a man of high", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OF BLOOD. 75\\nofficial rank, had been condemned, together with two colleagues, on\\nan accusation of collecting money in a Lutheran church. He died\\nin prison, of dropsy. The sheriff was indignant with the physician,\\nbecause, in spite of cordials and strengthening prescriptions, the\\nculprit had slipped through his fingers before he had felt those of\\nthe hangman. He consoled himself by placing the body on a chair,\\nand having the dead man beheaded in company with his colleagues.\\nThus the whole country became a charnel-house; the death-\\nbell tolled hourly in every village not a family but was called to\\nmourn for its dearest relatives, while the survivors stalked listlessly\\nabout, the ghosts of their former selves, among the wrecks of their\\nformer homes. The spirit of the nation, within a few months after\\nthe arrival of Alva, seemed hopelessly broken. The blood of its\\nbest and bravest had already stained the scaffold; the men to whom\\nit had been accustomed to look for guidance and protection were\\ndead, in prison, or in exile. Submission had ceased to be of any\\navail, flight was impossible, and the spirit of vengeance had alighted\\nat every fireside. The mourners went daily about the streets, for\\nthere was hardly a house which had not been made desolate. The\\nscaffolds, the gallows, the funeral piles, which had been sufficient in\\nordinary times, furnished now an entirely inadequate machinery for\\nthe incessant executions. Columns and stakes in every street, the\\ndoor-posts of private houses, the fences in the fields, were laden\\nwith human carcasses, strangled, burned, beheaded. The orchards\\nin the country bore on many a tree the hideous fruit of human\\nbodies.\\nThus the Netherlands were crushed, and but for the stringency\\nof the tyranny which had now closed their gates, would have been\\ndepopulated. The grass began to grow in the streets of those\\ncities which had recently nourished so many artisans. In all those\\ngreat manufacturing and industrial marts, where the tide of human\\nlife had throbbed so vigorously, there now reigned the silence and\\ndarkness of midnight. It was at this time that the learned Vigilius\\nwrote to his friend Hopper that all venerated the prudence and\\ngentleness of the Duke of Alva. Such were among the first-fruits\\nof that prudence and that gentleness.\\nUpon the 16th of February, 156S, a sentence of the holy office\\ncondemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands to death as heretics.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "76 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nFrom this universal doom only a few persons especially named,\\nwere excepted. A proclamation of the king, dated ten days later,\\nconfirmed this decree of the Inquisition, and ordered it to be carried\\ninto instant execution, without regard to age, sex, or condition.\\nThis is probably the most concise death-warrant that was ever\\nframed. Three millions of people, men, women, and children,\\nwere sentenced to the scaffold in three lines; and, as it was well\\nknown that these were not harmless thunders, like some bulls of the\\nVatican, but serious and practical measures, which it was intended\\nshould be enforced, the horror which they produced may be easily\\nimagined.\\nAnd under this new decree the executions certainly did not\\nslacken. Men in the highest and humblest positions were daily and\\nhourly dragged to the stake. Alva, in a single letter to Philip,\\ncoolly estimated the number of executions which had taken place\\nafter the expiration of holy week, at eight hundred heads. Many\\na citizen, convicted of a hundred thousand florins, and no other\\ncrime, saw himself suddenly tied to a horse s tail, with his hands\\nfastened behind him, and so dragged to the gallows. The\\ntongue of each prisoner was screwed into an iron ring, and then\\nseared with a hot iron. The swelling and inflammation, which were\\nthe immediate result, prevented the tongue from slipping through\\nthe ring, and of course effectually precluded all possibility of\\nspeech.\\nStill the sturdy Hollanders were not crushed. Fear ne er sat\\nupon their breasts; and never did they stack their arms until the\\nDuke of Alva had been forced to leave the country. But there was\\nno peace even then Spain kept up the fight, and the people of the\\nNetherlands contended against the most fearful odds which history\\nhas to record. Then came the far-famed siege of Leyden. The\\nbeleaguered city endured sufferings untold, and it seemed impossible\\nfor their brethren to bring them relief. Leyden was not upon the\\nsea, but they resolved to send the sea to Leyden. Better a\\ndrowned land than a lost land, was the cry of the patriots. They\\ndetermined to pierce the dikes that kept back the ocean, and drown\\ntheir land in the waves. The Spaniards mocked at the very idea.\\nThe idea that any people could love liberty sufficiently to purchase\\nit at such an awful price was foreign to their lust-loving and greedy", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE COUNCIL OF BLOOD. 77\\nsouls. Go up to the tower, ye beggars, was their frequent and\\ntaunting cry, go up to the tower, and tell us if you can see the\\nocean coming over the dry land to your relief. And day after day\\nthey did go up to the ancient tower of Hengist, with heavy heart\\nand anxious eye, watching, hoping, fearing, praying, and at last\\nalmost despairing of relief by God or man. Once, fearing that they\\nhad been forgotten, they addressed a despairing letter to the estates\\nbut back came the reply: Rather will we see our whole land and\\nall our possessions perish in the waves than forsake thee, Leyden.\\nWe know full well, moreover, that with Leyden all Holland must\\nperish also.\\nOnce during the siege a crowd of those who had grown faint-\\nhearted during the long and terrific struggle came to Adrain van\\nder Werf, the burgomaster. They assailed him with threats and\\nreproaches. He waved his hand for silence, and spoke as fol-\\nlows What would ye, my friends? Why do ye murmur that we\\ndo not break our vows, and surrender the city to the Spaniards,\\na fate more horrible than the agony which she now endures? I tell\\nyou I have made an oath to hold the city, and may God give me\\nstrength to keep my oath! I can die but once; whether by your\\nhands, the enemy s, or by the hand of God. My own fate is indif-\\nferent to me, not so the city entrusted to my care. I know that we\\nshall starve if not soon relieved; but starvation is preferable to the\\ndishonored death which is the only alternative. Your menaces move\\nme not; my life is at your disposal; here is my sword, plunge it into\\nmy breast, and divide my flesh among you. Take my body to ap-\\npease your hunger, but expect no surrender so long as I remain\\nalive. His words inspired courage, and a shout of applause went\\nup from the assembled throng.\\nAt length the last dike was pierced, and the ocean, aided by\\na strong equinoctial gale, swept over the land. In a light flotilla\\ncame the relieving force with supplies for the people of Leyden.\\nTerror took possession of the Spaniards, and in the gray light of\\nthe early morning they poured out of their entrenchments, and fled\\ntoward The Hague. They were none too early in their flight. Rap-\\nidly did their narrow path vanish in the waves, and hundreds sank\\nbeneath the deepening and treacherous flood. Leyden was relieved.\\nIt is needless for me to write here of the Dutch Republic which", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "78 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nfollowed, when the Netherlands gained their freedom and separa-\\ntion from the crown of Spain. Suffice to say that before the advent\\nof the United States upon the stage of earth s history, the little\\nDutch republic was the home of the oppressed of all Europe and\\nit is significant that Leyden was the home of the Pilgrim Fathers\\nbefore they sailed upon that memorable voyage which landed them\\nupon Plymouth Rock, where they were destined to lay the founda-\\ntion stone of a new and greater Republic, which was to take up the\\nwork so gallantly commenced by Holland, and bear it forward to\\nperfection.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nAMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY.\\nThe war, begun in 1898, between the kingdom of Spain and the\\nrepublic of the United States is now at an end, and the laurels of\\nvictory are worn by the armies and the navy of the Western Giant.\\nFew were the battles and brief the campaign which laid the feeble\\nfoe prostrate in the dust. Continued violation of natural law had\\nproduced internal weakness and disintegration. Spain fell an easy\\nand helpless prey, not simply on account of the superiority of Ameri-\\ncan prowess and gunnery, but because of inherent weakness, pro-\\nduced by her own sin.\\nIt was altogether fitting that the long struggle which the Iberians\\nhad carried on against their own colonies for the purpose of\\nenforcing the ideas that all men are not created equal, and that\\ngovernments do not derive their just powers from the consent of the\\ngoverned, should be abruptly terminated by that nation which was\\nconceived in principles the exact reverse of these theories.\\nThat Providence willed it so, there can be no doubt. Only the\\nhand that was free from the stain of despotism could be used to\\ninflict punishment upon her whose every garment was spotted with\\nits leprosy. With the surrender of Cuba and Porto Rico, Spain\\nrelinquished the last acre of that great landfall which Christopher\\nColumbus in 1492 brought to the united thrones of Aragon and\\nCastile. Spain s administration of these domains was one long\\nseries of national crime. Long ago the King of kings arraigned her\\nat tne bar above, and there and then it was justly decreed that the\\nunjust steward should have her stewardship taken away. Instal-\\nments of the penalty have fallen due from time to time. Just now\\nwe have witnessed the last payment, that of the uttermost farthing.\\nAnd in the words of Lincoln, As was said three thousand years\\nago, so still it must be said, The judgments of the Lord are true\\nand righteous altogether.\\n[79]", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "80 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nAs the stereopticon pictures dissolve upon the sheet upon which\\nthey are thrown, and fade away from view, so in A. D. 360 the\\nempire of the Romans began dissolving upon the great sheet of time\\nand space upon which all nations are cast, until in a. d. 476 the last\\nfaint traces and shadowy outlines of her once great power and glory\\nhad utterly vanished. But as her fleeting specter disappeared from\\noff the canvas, the Visigoths, in the childlike bloom of semi-bar-\\nbaric virginity, may be seen in that dim twilight of time stealthily\\ngliding in to occupy the rich peninsula which the fall of Rome\\nhad left without a tenant. Weal might have been their day;\\nglorious with white and gold the years of the hoar hair of their\\nnational existence, the harvest of their allotted span. By their own\\nchoice alone it has brought forth only tears and woe, first to\\nothers, and finally to themselves. They followed in the steps of\\nRome, they repeated her history, and as far as colonial empire is\\nconcerned, they have met her end, while their own dissolution, the\\nlast grand tableau in the tragedy, already looms in the offing of\\ntime. For as God is no respecter of persons, even so he is no\\nrespecter of nations.\\nColumbus sailed with the intent of finding, not the West, but the\\nEast Indies. To the day of his death he never discovered his mis-\\ntake. It was his intent there to plant the monarchical tyranny of\\nSpain. Four hundred years have passed away since then, and it is\\npassing strange that these United States, after breaking the power\\nof Spain in the West, are even now engaged in fastening upon that\\nland which Columbus sought to reach, those same Spanish principles\\nof power and tyranny which he would fain have taken there.\\nAn Old World power has been driven from Cuba, but an Old World\\nidea has invaded and well-nigh captured the republic of the United\\nStates, the idea that all men are not created equal, and that\\ngovernments do not derive their just powers from the consent of the\\ngoverned. There have been times when the ship of state in the\\nUnited States has been partially diverted from her course, and\\ngreed has used her officers for private ends and personal emolu-\\nments. But now the very foundation-stones of the fabric govern-\\nmental are being undermined.\\nPrior to the year 1898 this government was a republic pure and\\nsimple. Its foundations were laid in principle, and not in power.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 81\\nIt was not an empire in any sense of the word, for the foundations\\nof an empire are laid in power, and not in principle. It was built\\nupon that everlasting rock that right makes might. Against this\\nthe coming of floods and the blowing and beating of winds are\\nalike powerless, for it standeth sure and falleth not forever. But\\nempires, on the other hand, are built upon that sinking sand that\\nmight makes right. Against these the floods come, and the winds\\nblow and beat, and they fall, and great is the fall thereof.\\nTo-day this nation is in danger of abandoning the rock and set-\\ntling upon the sand. The love of power, so prone to the human\\nbreast, is smothering priceless, eternal principle. From being a\\ngovernment of the people, by the people, and for the people, it is\\nbeing rapidly transformed into a government of some of the people,\\nby a few of the people, for all the people. This is imperialism as\\nopposed to republicanism, and this is national apostasy.\\nUntil the summer of 1898 the word imperialism was but\\nlittle heard from the lips of Americans. Now the very atmosphere\\nis fairly drenched with it. A perfect wave of imperialism has swept\\nover the land, and the desire for an Imperial America, or an Im-\\nperial Republic, as it has been styled, sits supreme upon hundreds\\nof scores of souls. But an imperial republic can not exist. With\\nequal sense and propriety one might talk about good badness.\\nWhat means this wild babel of tongues clamoring for subjects\\nover which to exercise sway? What means this strange jargon,\\nformed from an Old World monarchical vocabulary? Are men crazed\\nwith the madness sometimes begotten by victory at arms? Are men\\ndrunken with the lust of colonial empire? Are men raving in the\\ndelirium of that dread fever, earth-hunger, in which all the mon-\\narchies of the Old World are writhing? Think they in the hour of\\ntriumph over a foe, outclassed at every point, to build a tower of\\nnational greatness which will reach to the very heavens, and at the\\nsame time to lay its unrighteous foundations on the stricken forms\\nof vassal peoples? The result will surely be as it was before in the\\ncase of the builders of Babel, there will be confusion of tongues, and\\nthe dissolution of the nation.\\nIn his day, Abraham Lincoln said that in the days of the Fathers\\nour Declaration of Independence was held sacred by all, and\\nthought to include all but now, to aid in making the bondage of\\n6", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "82 Iflii PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nthe negro universal and eternal, it is assailed, and sneered at, and\\nconstrued, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could rise\\nfrom their graves, they could not at all recognize it. 1\\nAnd again he said, speaking of the repeal of the Missouri\\nCompromise:\\nI think, and shall try to show, that it is wrong, wrong in its\\ndirect effect, letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska, and wrong\\nin its prospective principle, allowing it to spread to every other part\\nof the wide world, where men can be found inclined to take it.\\n1 This declared indifference, but as I must think covert real zeal,\\nfor the spread of slavery, I can not but hate. I hate it because of\\nthe monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it\\ndeprives our republican example of its just influence; enables the\\nenemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hypo-\\ncrites; causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity;\\nand especially because it forces so man} really good men among\\nourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles of\\ncivil liberty, criticizing the Declaration of Independence. 2\\nOnce again the time has come when the Declaration of Independ-\\nence is not held sacred by all, is not thought to include all. Once\\nagain, to make the bondage, not of the negro, but of the Filipino,\\nuniversal and eternal, it is assailed, and sneered at, and hawked\\nat, and, torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they\\ncould not at all recognize it.\\nThe forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands is now being\\nattempted. The government of the United States is endeavoring to\\nsubject this people against their will. To enforce this idea is to\\nenforce slavery; not in the extreme degree, to be sure, but in part\\nand in principle nevertheless. On this point a United States senator\\nhas truly said\\nWherever a people are required to render an obedience which is\\ninvoluntary, that requirement is an enslavement of that people.\\nThere are different degrees of enslavement. If we put our\\nyoke upon a people, if we rule them arbitrarily, if we send them\\ngovernors and judges, if we make laws for them without their par-\\nticipation, if we enforce obedience to such laws by our army, then it\\ni Speech at Sprlng6eld, 111., June 26, 1857\\na Speech at Peoria, 111., Oct. 16, 1854.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY 83\\nis an absolute enslavement. If, on the contrary, we allow them free\\ninstitutions, but at the same time prescribe to them that they shall\\nowe allegiance to a government against their will, it is none the\\nless an enslavement, although less in degree. 3\\nThat which is now being clone in this enslavement is wrong. It\\nis wrong in its direct effect, and wrong in its prospective principle,\\nallowing it [slavery vassalage] to spread to every other part of\\nthe wide world, where men can be found inclined to take it.\\nBesides this, it deprives our republican example of its just influ-\\nence in the world; enables the enemies of free institutions, with\\nplausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites; causes the real friends of\\nfreedom to doubt our sincerity. And more and worse than all of\\nthis, it forces so many really good men among ourselves into an\\nopen war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty,\\ncriticizing the Declaration of Independence.\\nNow here are the words of some who have been doing this\\nA constitution and national policy adopted by thirteen half-\\nconsolidated, weak, rescued colonies, glad to be able to call their\\nlife their own, can not be expected to hamper the greatest nation in\\nthe world. i\\nThis nation has become a giant, who is no longer content with\\nthe nursery rimes which were sung around his cradle. 5\\nIn the right to acquire territory is found the right to govern\\nand as the right to govern is sovereign and unlimited, the right to\\ngovern is a sovereign right, and I maintain is not limited in the\\nConstitution. I think it must be admitted that the right to govern\\nis sovereign and unlimited. Governments derive their just\\npowers from the consent of some of the governed. 6\\nThe Declaration of Independence was made to suit a particular\\nexisting condition of things. The Declaration meant simply that\\nthe colonies had become tired of the British domination, deeming it\\noppressive, and intended to set up a government of their own by the\\nright of revolution. They were not laying down a principle for anybody\\nexcept themselves, and they had no conception of the consent of\\nthe governed as it is proclaimed by Mr. and the generally\\n3 Hon. Augustus O. Bacon, speech in United States Senate.\\nFranklin Mac Veagh.\\n6 President Northrup, at Chicago Peace Jubilee Banquet.\\nSenator Piatt, of Connecticut, in the United States Senate.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "84 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nhypocritical gang who are sympathizing with him in the hope of\\ncheating us out of our rightful conquests. 7\\nc It is a favorite notion now to quote the words, Governments\\nare instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con-\\nsent of the governed, as if these embodied a law of application to\\nall inhabitants alike. It was never the intention [of the signers\\nof the Declaration] to assert that the negroes or the savage race\\nmust give consent before just government should be established over\\nthem. The Declaration of Independence was a formal notice\\nthat the inhabitants of the colonies consented no longer to British\\nrule. 8\\nWe would inform Senator Vest that the idea that all men are\\ncreated equal is not the fundamental law of this country. The\\nFathers had better sense than to put that phrase in the Constitution.\\nThey wrote it in the Declaration, which was simply their manifesto\\nto European powers, and is not law. 9\\nResist the crazy extension of the doctrine that government\\nderives its just powers from the consent of the governed. 10\\nAnd so to-day there are those that wave the Declaration of\\nIndependence in our faces, and tell us that the thing to do is to\\ndeliver over those islands of the archipelago in the East to the peo-\\nple who are their rightful masters for all governments derive their\\njust powers from the consent of the governed. So wrote Thomas\\nJefferson. Do you remember that the Lord said to Joshua, My\\nservant is dead And so is Thomas Jefferson. I do not believe\\nthat Thomas Jefferson was infallible. I believe that a live presi-\\ndent in the year of grace 1899 is just as much of an authority as a\\npresident that lived and died a, hundred years ago. I am no wor-\\nshiper of a saint just because he is dead. Let the dead bury the\\ndead. As to that hallowed document that declares that all govern-\\nments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, if\\nthat is to be literally construed, THERE NEVER WAS A GREATER\\nFALSEHOOD PALMED OFF BY THE DEVIL UPON A CREDU-\\nLOUS WORLD. It is not true of the government of God.\\n7 New York Sun. 8 The New York Tribune.\\ne The Chicago Times-Herald. w Whitelaw Reid.\\nn Rev. P. S. HensoD, Chicago, in Auditorium mass meeting, Sunday, May 7,\\n1899, printed in the Chicago Times- Herald, May 8, 1899.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 85\\nThese sentiments are so akin in principle to the doctrine of\\nJudge Stephen A. Douglas, Lincoln s great opponent, that it is well\\nworth while to put his words side by side with them. Here\\nthey are:\\nNo man can vindicate the character, motives, and conduct of\\nthe signers of the Declaration of Independence, except upon the\\nhypothesis that they referred to the white race alone, and not to the\\nAfrican, when they declared all men to be created equal, that\\nthey were speaking of British subjects on this continent being equal\\nto British subjects born and residing in Great Britain, that they\\nwere entitled to the same inalienable rights, and among them were\\nenumerated life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The Decla-\\nration was adopted for the purpose of justifying the colonists in the\\neyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from the\\nBritish crown, and dissolving their connection with the mother\\ncountry.\\nTruly did Lincoln rejoin to this speech that it made a mere\\nwreck, a mangled ruin, of our once glorious Declaration. But\\nverily it is true now as well as then, that its authors meant it to\\nbe, as, thank God, it is now proving itself, a stumbling-block to all\\nthose who in aftertimes might seek to turn a free people back into\\nthe hateful paths of despotism. They knew the proneness of pros-\\nperity to breed tyrants, and they meant that when such should\\nreappear in this fair land, and commence their vocation, they should\\nfind left for them at least one hard nut to crack.\\nThe advocates of the imperialistic policy frequently cite past\\nevents in our national history in support of their theory. The\\nFathers are quoted, and chief among them Thomas Jefferson.\\nNevertheless, of all the statesmen who ever lived none was more\\nhostile to colonial policy than was the sage of Monticello.\\nA well-known statesman of the present day has divided imperial-\\nism, as it now presents itself, into four distinct propositions, as\\nfollows\\n1. That the acquisition of territory by conquest is right.\\n2. That the acquisition of remote territory is desirable.\\n3. That the doctrine that governments derive their just powers\\nfrom the consent of the governed is unsound", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "86 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\n4. That people can be wisely governed by aliens. 12\\nAs for conquering territory and ruling over it there can be no\\nmistaking Jefferson s position, for in 1791 he wrote:\\nIf there be one principle more deeply written than any other\\nin the mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to\\ndo with conquest. 13\\nSurely this is plain enough from the author of the Declaration of\\nIndependence. Why, the very fundamental principle of the doc-\\ntrine of a republic is diametrically opposed to the acquisition of ter-\\nritory by conquest. This truth is plainly set forth by John Fiske,\\nthe most philosophical of all the American historians. He divides\\nnation-making into three classes, the third of which he styles the\\nEnglish method. This he defines as being the one which con-\\ntains the principle of representation. Then he adds:\\nFor this reason, though like all nation-making it was in its\\nearly stages attended with war and conquest, it nevertheless does\\nnot necessarily require war and conquest in order to be put into\\noperation. Now of the English or Teutonic method, I say,\\nwar is not an essential part for where representative government\\nis once established, it is possible for a great nation to be formed by\\nthe peaceful coalescence of neighboring states, or by their union into\\na federal body. Now federalism, though its rise and establish-\\nment may be incidentally accompanied by warfare, is nevertheless\\nin spirit pacific. Conquest in the Oriental sense is quite incompati-\\nble with it conquest in the Roman sense hardly less so. At the\\nclose of our Civil war there were now and then zealous people to be\\nfound who thought that the Southern States ought to be treated as\\nconquered territory, governed by prefects sent from Washington,\\nand held down by military force for a generation or so. Let us\\nhope that there are few to-day who can fail to see that such a course\\nwould have been fraught with almost as much danger as the seces-\\nsion movement itself. At least it would have been a hasty confes-\\nsion, quite uncalled for and quite untrue, that American federalism\\n12 W. J. Bryan, article on Jefferson versus Imperialism, published in Republic\\nor Empire, Independent Company, Chicago I am Indebted to this article in large\\ndegree for my technical knowledge of Jefferson s views on this subject, and wish\\nto give due and fair acknowledgment of such indebtedness at the beginning of\\nthis argument. I am also following quite closely Mr. Bryan s classification and\\ncomment.\\ni3 Letter to William Short.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 87\\nhad thus far proved itself incompetent; that we had indeed pre-\\nserved our national unity, but only at the frightful cost of sinking\\nto a lower plane of national life.\\nOur experience has now so far widened that we can see that\\ndespotism is not the strongest but well-nigh the weakest form of\\ngovernment; that centralized administrations, like that of the Roman\\nempire, have fallen to pieces, not because of too much, but because\\nof too little, freedom and that the only perdurable government must\\nbe that which succeeds in achieving national unity on a grand scale,\\nwithout weakening the sense of local and personal independence.\\nFor in the body politic this spirit of freedom is as the red corpuscles\\nin the blood; it carries the life with it. It makes the difference\\nbetween a society of self-respecting men and women and a society\\nof puppets. Your nation may have art, poetry, and science, all the\\nrefinements of civilized life, all the comforts and safeguards that\\nhuman ingenuity can devise, but if it lose this spirit of personal and\\nlocal independence, it is doomed, and deserves its doom. Of\\nthe two opposite perils which have perpetually threatened the wel-\\nfare of political society, anarchy on the one hand, loss of self-\\ngovernment on the other, Jefferson was right in maintaining that\\nthe latter is really the more to be dreaded, because its beginnings\\nare so terribly insidious. 14\\nNothing is more dangerous for a free people than the attempt\\nto govern a dependent people despotically. The bad government\\nkills out the good government as surely as slave labor destroys free\\nlabor, or as a debased currency drives out a sound currency. 16\\nSuch are the principles of Thomas Jefferson and of John Fiske,\\nand these were reiterated in later years by a statesman of no less\\nrepute than James G. Blaine. One of the great desires of his life\\nwas to bring the republics of North and South America into close\\nand cordial relations, and at a conference held for this purpose in\\n1890 he introduced the following resolutions, and the same were\\napproved by the commissioners present:\\nFirst. That the principle of conquest shall not, during the\\ncontinuance of the treaty of arbitration, be recognized as admissible\\nunder American public law.\\nh Fiske, Beginnings of New England. chap. 1, pars. 14, 15.\\n16 Fiske, American Political Ideas, Lectures, Federal Union, par. 17.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "88 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\n1 Second. That all cessions of territory made during the con-\\ntinuance of the treaty of arbitration shall be void, if made under\\nthreats of war or in the presence of an armed force.\\nThird. Any nation from which such cessions shall be exacted\\nmay demand that the validity of the cessions so made shall be sub-\\nmitted to arbitration.\\nFourth. Any renunciation of the right to arbitration made\\nunder the conditions made in the second section shall be null and\\nvoid.\\nNow these resolutions do not admit conquest to any place in\\nAmerican public law. The reason they do not admit it is simply\\nand solely because it is not right. Commenting on these resolutions\\na noted publicist justly says:\\nSo objectionable is the theory of acquisition of territory by\\nconquest that the nation which suffers such injustice can, according\\nto the resolutions, recover by arbitration the land ceded in the pres-\\nence of an armed force. So abhorrent is it that a waiver of arbitra-\\ntion, under such circumstances, is null and void. 16\\nBesides all this, Jefferson was ever opposed to the acquisition of\\nremote territory. He continually stated that he did not desire for\\nthe United States any land outside the North American continent.\\nIt is true, however, as an exception to this that he desired the an-\\nnexation of the island of Cuba. On this point, however, he has left\\non record a letter addressed to the then president of the United\\nStates, in which he suggests that we should be ready to receive\\nCuba when solicited by herself. The only reason that he ever\\ndreamed of desiring Cuba was because of its nearness to our own\\nshores; but for fear that any one might use its annexation as a prece-\\ndent for general and indefinite expansion, he said in another letter to\\nJames Madison, then pissident: It will be objected to our receiv-\\ning Cuba, that no limit can be drawn to our future acquisitions; but\\nhe added, Cuba can be defended by us without a navy, and this\\ndevelops the principle which ought to limit our views. Nothing\\nshould ever be accepted which requires a navy to defend it. 18\\nAnd still further, in the same letter, speaking in view of the\\ni6 W.J. Bryan in Republic or Empire, page 43.\\n17 Jefferson to Monroe, June 23, 1823.\\nis Jefferson to Madison, April 27. 1809.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 89\\npossible acquisition of that island, he said I would immediately\\nerect a column on the southernmost limit of Cuba, and inscribe on\\nit a ne plus ultra as to us in that direction.\\nUpon the fourth proposition regarding the government of people\\nby aliens, Jefferson spake words which for the truth they contain,\\nand the modest simplicity they manifest, must live forever. There\\nwas formed in the year 1817 a French society, the members of\\nwhich had it for their purpose to settle near the Tombigbee River.\\nThis society invited Jefferson to formulate laws and regulations for\\nthem. Replying, he expressed his appreciation of their feelings\\ntoward and confidence in him, but stated in effect that he could not\\nconscientiously undertake the task. The following are the reasons\\nwhich he gave for thus declining:\\nThe laws, however, which must effect this must flow from\\ntheir own habits, their own feelings, and the resources of their own\\nminds. No stranger to these could possibly propose regulations\\nadapted to them. Every people have their own particular habits,\\nways of thinking, manners, etc. which have grown up with them\\nfrom their infancy, are become a part of their nature, and to which\\nthe regulations which are to make them happy must be accommo-\\ndated. No member of a foreign country can have a sufficient sym-\\npathy with these. The institutions of Lycurgus, for example,\\nwould not have suited Athens, nor those of Solon, Lacedaemon.\\nThe organizations of Locke were impracticable for Carolina, and\\nthose of Rosseau for Poland. Turning inwardly on myself from\\nthese eminent illustrations of the truth of my observation, I feel\\nall the presumption it would manifest should I undertake to do\\nwhat this respectable society is alone qualified to do suitably for\\nitself. 19\\nThis is all aamirable truth. No self-respecting community will\\ncheerfully obey any other than self-imposed laws. They may obey\\nthrough fear, or on account of the presence of armed force, but there\\nwill always be danger of riots caused by discontent, or of insurrec-\\ntion in the hope of freedom. Liberty is an inalienable right.\\nNature has planted it in the human breast, and just as long as it\\nexists there, many and grievous will be the troubles of colonial\\nempires. The cases of Ireland and India under British rule are\\ncases in point.\\nWritten from Monticello, Va., Jan. 16, 1817.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nColonial empires are wroDg in principle. The conception of the\\nthing itself is wrong. Colonial empires are built upon arbitrary\\ntheories and force, instead of on natural law. The splendid colonial\\nsystem of England is held up as an example of this type of govern-\\nment; but Goldsmith called upon legislators\\n.to judge how wide the limits stand\\nBetwixt a splendid and a happy land.\\nLord Macaulay himself denied the value of colonies, even to\\nEuropean nations\\nThere are some who assert that, from a military and political\\npoint of view, the West Indies are of great importance to this\\ncountry. This is a common but a monstrous misrepresentation.\\nWe venture to say that colonial empire has been one of the greatest\\ncurses of modern Europe. What nation has it ever strengthened?\\nWhat nation has it ever enriched? What have been its fruits?\\nWars of frequent occurrence and immense cost, fettered trade, lavish\\nexpenditure, clashing jurisdiction, corruption in governments and\\nindigence among the people. What have Mexico and Peru done for\\nSpain, the Brazils for Portugal, Batavia for Holland? Or, if the\\nexperience of others is lost upon us, shall we not profit by our own?\\nWhat have we not sacrificed to our infatuated passion for transat-\\nlantic dominion? This it is that has so often led us to risk our own\\nsmiling gardens and dear firesides for some snowy desert or infec-\\ntious morass on the other side of the globe; this induced us to resign\\nall the advantages of our insular situation, to embroil ourselves in\\nthe intrigues and fight the battles of half the continent, to form\\ncoalitions which were instantly broken, to give subsidies which were\\nnever earned this gave birth to the fratricidal war against American\\nliberty, with all its disgraceful defeats, and all its barren victories,\\nand all the massacres of the Indian hatchet, and all the bloody con-\\ntracts of the Hessian slaughter-house this it was which, in the war\\nagainst the French republic, induced us to send thousands and tens\\nof thousands of our bravest troops to die in West Indian hospitals,\\nwhile the armies of our enemies were pouring over the Rhine and\\nthe Alps. When a colonial acquisition has been in prospect, we\\nhave thought no expenditure extravagant, no interference perilous.\\nGold has been to us as dust, and blood as water. Shall we never\\nlearn wisdom? Shall we never cease to prosecute a pursuit wilder", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 91\\nthan the wildest dreams of alchemy, with all the credulity and all\\nthe profusion of Sir Epicure Mammon?\\nThose who maintain that settlements so remote conduce to the\\nmilitary or maritime power of nations, fly in the face of history. 20\\nYet to-day the United States is flying in the face of history, and\\nher course is not only that of bad principle, but also of bad policy.\\nBut to return to the matter of the principle involved. The war of\\nthe Revolution the war which effected the separation between these\\nUnited States and Great Britain was fundamentally, aDd was\\nfought for four long years exclusively, against the colonial system\\nof Europe. This is a most important fact. In a war against that\\nsystem, this nation originated; and that not as a matter of policy,\\nbut as a matter of principle. In the commencement of that struggle\\nthe Fathers of this nation did not contemplate independence from\\nthe mother land. When the people of Rhode Island burned the\\nBritish war sloop Gaspee in Narragansett Bay, and the people of\\nMassachusetts threw overboard the cargo of tea in Boston Harbor,\\nthey acted as British subjects, proclaiming their loyalty to the crown\\nof England. When Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, and Light-\\nHorse Harry Lee met at the old Raleigh tavern in Williamsburg,\\nVa. and indorsed the action of Rhode Island and Massachusetts,\\nthey proclaimed themselves English subjects, loyal to the king,\\nand only demanded the rights that were given to them as English-\\nmen by Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights.\\nWhat is the colonial system against which our Fathers pro-\\ntested It is based upon the fundamental idea that the people of\\nimmense areas of territory can be held as subjects, never to become\\ncitizens that they must pay taxes, and be impoverished by govern-\\nmental exaction without having anything to do with the legislation\\nunder which they live.\\nAgainst taxation without representation our Fathers fought for\\nthe first four years of the Revolution, struggling against the system\\nwhich England then attempted to impose upon them, and which was\\ngraphically described by Thomas Jefferson as the belief that nine\\ntenths of mankind were born bridled and saddled, and the other\\ntenth booted and spurred to ride them. 21\\n20 Essay on the West Indies.\\n21 Speech, Senator George G. Vest, United States Senate, Dec. 13,", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "92 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nWhile it is true that this nation originated in a struggle against\\nthe colonial system, it is also true that the nation or the government\\nis not prohibited by any natural or human law from acquiring terri-\\ntory, but always within the limitations of right. All territory that\\nis acquired outside of the seat of the national capital, dockyards,\\narsenals, etc., must be acquired with the idea that it will be admitted\\nto statehood just as soon as possible, and the government has no\\nright to acquire territory with any other purpose in view. This is\\nso in the very nature of things were it otherwise, there would be a\\nviolation of the fundamental principles that all men are created\\nequal, and that governments derive their just powers from the con-\\nsent of the governed. More than this, it has been most ably set\\nforth in one of the most famous decisions ever handed down by the\\nSupreme Court of the United States:\\nThere is certainly no power given by the Constitution to the\\nfederal government to establish or maintain colonies bordering on\\nthe United States or at a distance, to be ruled and governed at its\\nown pleasure, nor to enlarge its territorial limits in any way except\\nby the admission of new States. That power is plainly given and\\nif a new State is admitted, it needs no further legislation by Con-\\ngress, because the Constitution itself defines the relative rights and\\npowers and duties of the State and the citizens of the State and the\\nfederal government. But no power is given to acquire a territory\\nto lie held and governed permanently in that character.\\nAnd, indeed, the power exercised by Congress to acquire terri-\\ntory and establish a government there, according to its own unlim-\\nited discretion, was viewed with great jealousy by the leading states-\\nmen of the day. And in the Federalist (No. 38), written by Mr.\\nMadison, he speaks of the acquisition of the Northwestern Territory\\nby the Confederated States, by the cession from Virginia, and the\\nestablishment of a government there, as an exercise of power not\\nwarranted by the articles of confederation, and dangerous to the\\nliberties of the people. And he urges the adoption of the Constitu-\\ntion as a security and safeguard against such an exercise of power.\\nWe do not mean, however, to question the power of Congress\\nin this respect. The power to expand the territory of the United\\nStates by the admission of new States is plainly given; and in the\\nconstruction of this power by all the departments of the govern-", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 93\\nment, it has been held to authorize the acquisition of territory not\\nfit for admission at the time, but to be admitted as soon as its popu-\\nlation and situation would entitle it to admission. It is acquired to\\nbecome a State, and not to be held as a colony and governed by\\nCongress with absolute authority; and as the propriety of admitting\\na new State is committed to the sound judgment of Congress, the\\npower to acquire territory for that purpose, to be held by the United\\nStates until it is in a suitable condition to become a State upon\\nan equal footing with the other States, must rest upon the same\\ndiscretion. 22\\nIt is true that the Dred Scott descision was the cause of a vast\\namount of discussion and bitter feeling; but in this part of the\\ndecision the entire bench of nine judges concurred, and Justice\\nMcLean in his dissenting opinion emphasized and elaborated the\\nquestion in point. Said he\\nIn organizing the government of a Territory, Congress is\\nlimited to means appropriate to the attainment of the constitutional\\nobject. No powers can be exercised which are prohibited by the\\nConstitution, or which are contrary to its spirit; so that, whether\\nthe object may be the protection of the property and persons of\\npurchasers of the public lands or of communities who have been\\nannexed to the Union by conquest or purchase, they are initiatory to\\nthe establishment of State governments, and no more power can be\\nclaimed or exercised than is necessary to the attainment of that end.\\nThis is the limitation of all the Federal powers. 23\\nThese legal opinons clearly set forth the lack of power in this\\ngovernment to hold Territories as colonies not to be admitted as\\nStates, and with no prospect of becoming States. In fact, in both\\nof these opinions the fundamental idea is conveyed that all the\\npower of Congress in regard to the Territories is to be exercised as\\nan initiatory process to their becoming States of the American\\nUnion.\\nThese principles have formed a part of the political faith of men\\nof all parties until within the last few months, and the actions of\\nthe government have uniformly been in harmony with them.\\nThe first land held by the United States not in the form of a\\n22 Dred Scott vs. Sandford.\\n23 Dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Mc Lean, Dred Scott vs. Sandford.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "04 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nState was the Northwestern Territory ceded by Virginia. It em-\\nbraced the area now occupied by the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,\\nMichigan, Wisconsin, and a part of Minnesota. During the time\\nwhen the constitutional convention was holding its sittings, the Con-\\ngress of the Confederation was considering the matter of the govern-\\nment of the Northwest Territory. On July 13, 1787, that body\\npassed the ordinance for the government of the Northwest Territory.\\nIt is one of the finest statues of statecraft that has ever been erected.\\nIt was sculptured by the same hand that chiseled the Declaration of\\nIndependence. Its existence and binding efficacy were expressly\\nrecognized in the legislation of the first Congress under the Consti-\\ntution, that of 1789. It contains this provision\\nSec. 13. And for extending the fundamental principles of civil\\nand religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics,\\ntheir laws and constitutions, are erected to fix and establish those\\nprinciples as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments\\nwhich forever hereafter shall be formed in the said Territory; to\\nprovide, also, for the establishment of States and permanent gov-\\nernment therein, and for their admission to a share in the federal\\ncouncils on an equal footing with the original States, at as early\\nperiods as may be consistent with the general interest.\\nSec. 14. It is hereby ordained and declared, by the authority\\naforesaid, that the following articles shall be considered as articles\\nof compact between the original States and the people and the States\\nof the said territory, and forever remain unalterable unless by\\ncommon consent. 24\\nIn the carrying out of the letter and the spirit of this ordinance\\nis the application of the whole principle involved. The ordinance\\ndistinctly mentions the establishment of States and permanent gov-\\nernment, showing conclusively that in the minds of the Fathers the\\npower of the federal government to hold and rule this Territory was\\nonly temporary.\\nAgain, on April 30, 1803, the United States government com-\\npleted the purchase of Louisiana from France. The territory\\nthus acquired embraced the area now occupied by the States of\\nLouisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, all but the southwest corner of\\nKansas, Iowa, Minnesota west of the Mississippi River, Nebraska,\\nRevised Statutes of the United States.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 95\\nColorado east of the Rocky Mountains and north of the Arkansas\\nRiver, the two Dakotas, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, Washington,\\nmost of Wyoming, and the present Indian Territory. The treaty\\nwith France by which this cession was provided contains a manifes-\\ntation of the same principle\\nThe inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated\\ninto the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possi-\\nble, according to the principles of the federal Constitution, to the\\nenjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens\\nof the United States and in the meantime they shall be maintained\\nand protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and\\nthe religion which they profess. 25\\nAt the time of the making of this treaty Thomas Jefferson was\\npresident of the United States, and James Madison was secretary of\\nstate. Moreover, the treaty was signed by James Monroe and by\\nRobert Livingston, and was ratified while many of the framers of\\nthe Constitution were still at the helm of the ship of state The\\nwhole furnishes a clear and lucid commentary upon the understand-\\ning of these men as to the principle of the government of new\\nterritory.\\nThe next territory which was added to the national domain was\\nthat of the Floridas. These, by the terms of the treaty of Wash-\\nington, were ceded to us by Spain, Feb. 22, 1819. This treaty\\nprovides\\nThe inhabitants of the territories which his Catholic Majesty\\ncedes to the United States by this treaty shall be incorporated in the\\nUuion of the United States as soon as may be consistent with the\\nprinciples of the Federal Constitution, and admitted to the enjoy-\\nment of all the privileges, rights, and immunities of the citizens\\nof the United States. 26\\nThen came the annexation of Texas, March 1, 1845. Texas\\nwas annexed, and admitted to statehood by one and the same act,\\nso of course no provision concerning the civil and religious status\\nof the inhabitants was necessary.\\nFollowing this was the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Feb. 2,\\n1848. By this the United States acquired from Mexico the territory\\n25 Article 3, Treaty of Cession.\\n26 Article 6.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "96 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nincluded in the States of California, Nevada, Utah, the greater part of\\nArizona, the larger part of New Mexico, Colorado west of the Kocky\\nMountains, and the southwestern part of Wyoming. This increase\\nof territory was further added to by the Gadsden purchase from\\nMexico, Dec. 30, 1853, which now constitutes the southern part\\nof the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona. This treaty says\\nThe Mexicans, who in the territory aforesaid shall not pre-\\nserve the character of citizens of the Mexican republic, conform-\\nably with what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incor-\\nporated into the Union of the United States, and be admitted at the\\nproper time (to be judged by the Congress of the United States)\\nto the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States,\\naccording to the principles of the Constitution, and in the meantime\\nshall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their\\nliberty and property, and secured in the free exercise of their\\nreligion without restriction. 27\\nThis article was also adopted as an article of the Gadsden treaty.\\nAnd again in the Alaskan treaty it was provided that the inhab-\\nitants shall be admitted to the enjoj ment of all the rights,\\nadvantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States.\\nThis brings us down to the present time and to the acquisition\\njust recently made. Now all these treaties prove beyond the\\nshadow of a doubt that, until within the last lew months, at most,\\nthis nation was utterly opposed to the colonial policy, that we con-\\nsidered it subversive of our fundamental principles, and that in each\\nand every case where territory was acquired, it was stipulated in\\nclear and distinct language that such territory should be admitted\\nto statehood in accordance with the principles of the Federal\\nConstitution. It therefore follows that the record of the United\\nStates, until the present crisis, has been unanimously in support\\nof the principles of the Declaration of Independence and of the\\nConstitution of the United States.\\nBut now the United States has purchased the Philippine Islands\\nfrom Spain, and has paid to that government therefor the sum of\\ntwenty million dollars. For this price, paid to another nation, ten\\nmillion men, women, and children have become the property of\\nthese United States. No one dreams that the nation will make\\nArticle 0.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 97\\nslaves of them but is not the principle involved a dangerous one\\nIs it not a step down from the noblest plane of national princi-\\nple? These people, however, declare that the title of Spain is\\nnot good, and refuse to come under submission. And the United\\nStates is now engaged in telling them plainly that she expects to rule\\nthem without their consent, whether they like it or not. For in-\\nstance, in a recent speech the chief executive of the nation said:\\nDid we ask their consent to liberate them from Spanish sov-\\nereignty, or to enter Manila Bay and destroy the Spanish sea power\\nthere? We did not ask these. We were obeying a higher moral\\nobligation which rested upon us, and which did not require any-\\nbody s consent. Every present obligation has been met and fulfilled\\nin the expulsion of Spanish sovereignty from the islands, and while\\nthe war was in progress we could not ask their views. Nor can we\\nnow ask their consent. 28\\nHow different is this from the words found in his annual mes-\\nsage, under date of Dec. 6, 1897:\\nOf the untried measures there remain only recognition of the\\ninsurgents as belligerents, recognition of the independence of Cuba,\\nneutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compro-\\nmise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the\\nother party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not\\nbe thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal\\naggression.\\nCodes of morality can not change, because morals are themselves\\nfixed and unchangeable. But the United States simply abandoned\\nher code of morality, and is now engaged in criminal aggression.\\nFor it is just as much a matter of criminal aggression to attempt the\\nforcible annexation of the Philippines, as it would have been to\\nattempt the forcible annexation of Cuba. In principle there can\\nnot possibly be any difference between the two cases. And when\\nthe president of the United States announces that he can not ask\\nthe consent of the Filipinos to allow him to govern them, he\\nvirtually proclaims a war of extermination. And when the com-\\nmanding general of the American army in the Philippines demands\\nunconditional surrender, and nothing but that, he also proclaims a\\nwar of extermination. But the Filipinos are fighting simply for\\n28 Mc Kinley, Boston Speech.\\n7", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "08 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\ntheir freedom; hence this war is one of extermination against free-\\ndom. Well has Professor Sumner said:\\nThe question of imperialism, then, is the question whether we\\nare going to give the lie to the origin of our own national existence\\nby establishing a colonial system of the old Spanish type, even if we\\nhave to sacrifice our own existing civil and political system to do it.\\nI submit that it is a strange incongruity to utter grand platitudes\\nabout the blessings of liberty, etc. which we are going to impart to\\nthese people, and to begin by refusing to extend the Constitution\\nover them, and still more by throwing the Constitution into the\\ngutter here at home. If you take away the Constitution, what is\\nthe American liberty and all the rest? Nothing but a lot of\\nphrases.\\nThe cold and unnecessary cruelty of the Spaniards to the abor-\\nigines is appalling, even if when compared with the treatment of\\nthe aborigines by other Europeans. A modern economist stands\\naghast at the economic measures adopted by Spain, as well in regard\\nto her domestic policy as to her colonies. It seems as if these\\nmeasures could only have been inspired by some demon of folly,\\nthey were so destructive to her prosperity. She possesses a large\\nliterature from the last three centuries, in which her publicists dis-\\ncuss with amazement the question whether it was a blessing or a\\ncurse to get the Indies, and why, with all the supposed conditions\\nof prosperity in her hands, she was declining all the time.\\nWe now hear it argued that she is well rid of her colonies, and\\nthat if she will devote her energies to her internal development, and\\nrid her politics of the corruption of colonial officials and interests,\\nshe may be regenerated. That is a rational opinion. It is the best\\ndiagnosis of her condition, and the best prescription of a remedy\\nwhich the occasion has called forth. But what, then, will happen\\nto the state which has taken over her colonies? I can see no answer\\nexcept that that nation, with them, has taken over the disease, and\\nthat it now is to be corrupted by exploiting dependent communities\\njust as she has been. That it stands exposed to this danger is\\nundeniable.\\nThese words state precisely what has been done and accom-\\nplished by this attempt to forcibly annex the Philippines. The\\nnation has laid off the beautiful garments of righteous principles,", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 99\\nand in their place has donned the cast-off rags of despotism and of\\nSpain. Well has Senator Tillman said\\nAs far as my observation goes, and as I understand the pres-\\nent status of the American people, we have no Constitution left. 29\\nNo man, said Abraham Lincoln, is good enough to govern\\nanother man without that other man s consent. When the white\\nman governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs\\nhimself and also another man that is more than self-government,\\nthat is despotism. 30\\nIt is sad, but it is so, that the United States is wandering from\\nthe bright path of her past and glorious career. No one dreams of\\nadmitting the Filipinos to the full privileges of citizenship. It is\\nargued that they are not fit for this in any way, that they have not\\nthe mental qualifications, etc. This may all be true, and if it is, it\\nfurnishes one of the strongest proofs possible that the United States\\nshould let the islands and the people inhabiting them entirely alone.\\nThe Negritos, the Malays, the Visayos, the Moros, the Igorrotes, the\\nSpanish Mestizos, the Chinese, and the Chinese Mestizos certainly form\\na witch s caldron which it would be utterly impossible to admit through\\ntheir representatives into the Senate or House of Representatives of\\nthe United States. I will not deny this nobody will deny it. Then\\nthe only thing to do is to let them alone, and let them govern them-\\nselves. Undoubtedly they can not manage a government on exactly\\nthe same lines that we can but there is a fundamental truth in\\nrepublican government, that a people are entitled only to such gov-\\nernment as they can maintain. Any government which they can\\nmaintain, which brings order and peace to the people, is the govern-\\nment which they have the right to have and ought to have, and we\\nhave no right to interfere and say to them, Unless you can main-\\ntain a better government than you now have, one as good as ours,\\nyou must let us manage your affairs, and we will give you a better\\ngovernment. A government of the people and by the people may\\nnot always be the highest form of government, but if it brings peace\\nand protection to the people, and is the best they can do, it is all\\nthat we can demand of them. 31\\n29 Speech, United States Senate, Feb. 9, 1899.\\nso Speech at Peoria, 111., Oct. 16, 1854.\\n3i Speech of Hon. H. M. Teller, United States Senate.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "100 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nOn the other hand, if they are made dependencies, as it is now\\nseriously proposed to do, then we shall for the first time since the\\nabolition of slavery, again have two kinds of Americans Americans\\nof the first class, who enjoy the privilege of taking part in the gov-\\nernment in accordance with our old constitutional principles, and\\nAmericans of the second class, who are to be ruled in a substantially\\narbitrary fashion by the Americans of the first class, through con-\\ngressional legislation, and the action of the national executive, not to\\nspeak of individual masters arrogating to themselves powers\\nbeyond the law.\\nThis will be a difference no better nay, rather somewhat\\nworse than that which a century and a quarter ago existed between\\nEnglishmen of the first class and Englishmen of the second class;\\nthe first represented by King George and the British Parliament,\\nand the second by the American colonists. This difference called\\nforth that great paean of human liberty, the American Declaration\\nof Independence a document which, I regret to say, seems, owing\\nto the intoxication of conquest, to have lost much of its charm\\namong some of our fellow citizens. Its fundamental principle was\\nthat governments derive their just powers from the consent of the\\ngoverned. We are now told that we have never fully lived up to\\nthat principle, and that, therefore, in our new policy we may cast it\\naside altogether. But I say to you that, if we are true believers in\\ndemocratic government, it is our duty to move in the direction\\ntoward the full realization of that principle, and not in the direc-\\ntion away from it. If you tell me that we can not govern the\\npeople of those new possessions in accordance with that principle,\\nthen I answer that this is a good reason why this democracy should\\nnot attempt to govern them at all.\\nIf we do, we shall transform the government of the people,\\nfor the people, and by the people, for which Abraham Lincoln lived,\\ninto a government of one part of the people, the strong, over another\\npart, the weak. Such an abandonment of a fundamental principle as\\na permanent policy may at first seem to bear only upon more or less\\ndistant dependencies, but it can hardly fail in its ultimate effects to\\ndisturb the rule of the same principle in the conduct of democratic\\ngovernment at home. And I warn the American people that a\\ndemocracy can not so deny its faith as to the vital conditions of its", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 101\\nbeing, it can not long play the king over subject populations, with-\\nout creating within itself ways of thinking and habits of action most\\ndangerous to its own vitality, most dangerous especially to those\\nclasses of society which are the least powerful in the assertion, and\\nthe most helpless in the defense, of their rights. Let the poor, and\\nthe men who earn their bread by the labor of their hands, pause and\\nconsider well before they give their consent to a policy so deliberately\\nforgetful of the equality of rights. They will be told, as they\\nare now told, that we are in it, and can not honorably get out of it;\\nthat destiny, and Providence, and duty demand it; that it would be\\ncowardly to shrink from our new responsibilities that those popula-\\ntions can not take care of themselves, and that it is our mission to\\nlet them have the blessings of our free institutions; and that we\\nmust have new markets for our products that those countries are\\nrich in resources, and that there is plenty of money to be made by\\ntaking them that the American people can whip anybody, and do\\nanything they set out to do; and that Old Glory should float over\\nevery land on which we can lay our hands.\\nThose who have yielded to such cries once will yield to them\\nagain. Conservative citizens will tell them that thus the homogene-\\nousness of the people of the Republic, so essential to the working\\nof our democratic institutions, will be irretrievably lost; that our\\nrace troubles, already dangerous, will be infinitely aggravated; and\\nthat the government, of, by, and for the people will be in immi-\\nnent danger of fatal demoralization. They will be cried down as\\npusillanimous pessimists, who are no longer American patriots.\\nThe American people will be driven on and on by the force of\\nevents, as Napoleon was when started on his career of limitless con-\\nquest. This is imperialism as now advocated. Do we wish to pre-\\nvent its excesses? Then we must stop at the beginning, before\\ntaking Porto Rico. If we take that island, not even to speak of the\\nPhilippines, we shall have placed ourselves on the incline plane, and\\nroll on and on, no longer masters of our own will, until we have\\nreached the bottom. And where will that bottom be? Who\\nknows? 32\\nThe United States has already taken Porto Rico. She has\\nalready started down the incline plane; she has already commenced\\n32 Oarl Schurz, convocation address, University of Chicago, Jan. 4, 1899.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nto roll on; she is no longer mastei of her will; and she will surely\\nreach the bottom and as is pertinently asked by this great states-\\nman, Where will that bottom be? Who knows?\\nA war begun for humanity s sake has been turned from its high\\nand holy purpose into a war which has for its purpose a different\\naim and object. The fundamental principles of the Declaration of\\nIndependence and the Federal Constitution are no longer revered,\\nbut they are flung to the breezes as worthless relics, good for noth-\\ning but to hamper the greatest nation in the world. In the days\\nof the Rebellion Senator Petit styled the Declaration of Independ-\\nence as a self-evident lie; now a noted divine declares it to be\\na doctrine palmed off by the devil upon a credulous world. Again\\nit must be said that the theories which have ruled in the conduct\\nof governmental affairs during the past few months can only be\\nconstrued as the desertion of sacred principles once held dear by the\\nnation and while there exists in the Philippines a state of war, there\\nexists in the United States of America a state of NATIONAL APOS-\\nTASY.\\nIn one of his speeches Lincoln once quoted these words from\\nthe Scriptures: A house divided against itself can not stand.\\nThen he added these words:\\nI believe this government can not endure permanently half\\nslave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved;\\nI do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will cease to be\\ndivided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either\\nthe opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and\\nplace it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in\\nthe course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it for-\\nward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well\\nas new, North as well as South. 3;t\\nAnd it is even now equally true that this nation can not endure\\npermanently half citizen and half subject, half representative and\\nhalf colonial, half free and half vassal. Either the principles of\\ndespotism and tyranny now being advocated for and exercised in the\\nPhilippines will be utterly renounced and stamped out, or else they\\nwill grow and increase in power and strength until they shall be domi-\\nnant in every State of the Union from the Atlantic to the Pacific,\\n83 Speech at SpriDgfield, 111., June 15, 1858.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 103\\nand from the Canadian line to the Gulf of Mexico. Despotism\\nis a dread disease. It is insidious in its beginnings. Indulge it in\\na few remote islands, and it will begin to work, and never cease\\nuntil it has sapped the vitality of free life out of the whole body\\npolitic.\\nProphetic was a recent speech:\\nIf we enter upon a colonial policy, we must expect to hear the\\ncommand Silence! issuing with increased emphasis from the\\nimperialists. If a member of Congress attempts to criticize any\\ninjustice perpetrated by a government official against a helpless\\npeople, he will be warned to keep silent lest his criticisms encourage\\nresistance to American authority in the Orient.\\nIf an orator on the fourth of July dares to speak of unalien-\\nable rights, or refers with commendation to the manner in which our\\nforefathers resisted taxation without representation, he will be\\nwarned to keep silent lest his utterances excite rebellion among dis-\\ntant subjects. 34\\nAlready this prophecy has begun to be fulfilled against mem-\\nbers of Congress and United States senators in their places in the\\nnational capital; in the exercise of a rigorous press censorship; and\\nin the stopping of documents in the United States mails, which\\nwere thought to be hurtful to the imperialistic policy. This is\\nonly the beginning. Restrictions of liberty of a similar nature\\nbut far greater in degree are bound to follow. The bottom has\\nnot yet been reached.\\nBut it is argued that there will be anarchy in the islands unless\\nthe people thereof are ruled by us. It is said by many that all they\\nwant to do is to give liberty to these poor, ignorant people, who do\\nnot know enough to have it for and of themselves. This has ever\\nbeen the argument of tyrants. This was the argument made by\\nKing George III, when the Fathers were struggling for their inde-\\npendence. Here are his exact words\\nI am desirous of restoring to them the blessings of law and j\\nliberty equally enjoyed by every British subject, which they have\\nfatally and desperately exchanged for the calamities of war and the\\narbitrary tyranny of their chiefs.\\n34 w. J. Bryan, speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, Jan. 6, 1899, on the occasion of the\\nDuckworth Olub Banquet.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "104 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nChiefs was the title applied by the king of Great Britain\\nto Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Adams, and the other leaders\\nof the revolutionists; and chiefs is the title applied by senators\\nto Aguinaldo and his officers. On the same day that the king made\\nhis speech there was another man who arose to speak. I refer\\nto Fox, and Fox understood what liberty was, and he loved it. Said\\nhe in his answer to his Majesty:\\nBut, sir, how is this blessed system of liberty to be established?\\nBy the bayonets of disciplined Hessians?\\nAnd again, how is this liberty to be established in the Philippine\\nIslands. Many say, Peacefully if you can, but by powder if you\\nmust. Those arguments that are made that the inferior races\\nare to be treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoy-\\ning, that as much is to be done for them as their condition will\\nallow. What are these arguments? These are the arguments that\\nkings have made for enslaving the people in all ages of the world.\\nYou will find that all the arguments in favor of kingcraft were\\nof this class they always bestrode the necks of the people, not that\\nthey wanted to do it, but because the people were the better off for\\nbeing ridden. Turn it whatever way you will, whether it come\\nfrom the mouth of a king as an excuse for enslaving the people\\nof his country, or from the mouth of men of one race as a reason\\nfor enslaving the men of another race, it is all the same old ser-\\npent; and I hold, if that course of argumentation that is made for\\nthe purpose of convincing the public mind that we should not care\\nabout this, should be granted, it does not stop with the negro [in\\nthis case with the Filipino] I should like to know if taking this\\nold Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men are\\nequal upon principle, and making exceptions to it, where will it stop?\\nIf one may say it does not mean a negro [a Filipino], why not\\nanother man say it does not mean some other man? 35\\nThe armies and fleets of the United States have destroyed the\\nsoldiers and sailors of Spain; but they can not destroy a self-evident\\ntruth. Self-evident truths will burn in the breasts of all men,\\nbe they black, brown, or white, as long as the spark of life burns\\nthere.\\nI can not forbear at this juncture from quoting once more from\\n86 Lincoln, Speech at Chicago, 111., July 10, 1858.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 105\\nthe great Lord Macaulay. He was speaking on the topic of the\\nabolition of slavery in the West Indies. True, the two cases,\\nslavery in the Indies and vassalage in the Philippines, are not alto-\\ngether parallel. I do not for a moment hold that they are; yet\\nnevertheless, the principles involved are very similar. What his\\nlordship says in regard to the causes of revolt, the freedom of the\\npress, the system of slavery [or in this case vassalage], is very perti-\\nnent to the present issue and the manner in which it is being\\nhandled:\\nAsa friend to humanity, sir, I can not look without the great-\\nest satisfaction on such a meeting assembled for such an object.\\nWe hear, indeed, much of the pernicious tendency of these discus-\\nsions; we are told that they inflame the passions of the slave, and\\nendanger the person and property of the master. To me it\\nseems somewhat singular that such assertions should proceed from\\nthe same persons by whom we have been assured that the system of\\ncolonial slavery is the glory of the British name, the envy of the\\nBritish peasant; that all its evils exist only in theor} r that in its\\npractical operations it is the greatest of blessings. No assertions,\\nhowever bold and pertinacious, can possibly obtain credit when they\\nso directly contradict each other. Never was any government at\\nonce so benignant and so insecure; never were any subjects at once\\nso happy and so turbulent. Abuses merely speculative never T et\\nroused to revolt the great body of the people. An educated man of\\nenlarged views and enthusiastic temper, a Thrasea or a Sidney, may\\nconvince himself that one form of government has a greater tend-\\nency than another to promote the happiness of mankind; and by\\nsuch considerations he may be induced to engage in hazardous enter-\\nprises. But the multitude is not thus influenced. When they are\\nexcited to a general revolt, it is not by speeches, it is not by pamph-\\nlets, it is not by meetings but by physical evils, by sensible priva-\\ntions, by the spoliation of the honest fruits of their industry, by the\\nviolation of the sacred ties of nature, by unmeasured exaction, by\\nstripes, by insults, by the strong necessity of famine. These things\\nsting to madness. These things turn plowshares into swords, and\\npruninghooks into spears. But when was it ever known that the\\nmere exposure of theoretical evils excited a people to rebellion,\\nwhile they were enjoying comfort and personal security? We need", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "106 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nnot look very far for instances. Observe the state of our own\\ncountry! For many years hundreds have been employed in telling\\nthe people of England that they are debarred from their just\\nrights, that they are degraded, that they are enslaved. Every day\\nthis is heard, read, believed by thousands. More appeals are made\\nto their passions in a week than by those of the West India slaves\\nin a year. Yet who lives in the apprehension of rebellion? Who,\\nexcept in times of temporary distress, expects even a riot? Who\\ndoes not know that, while their rights of property, person, and\\nconscience are protected by law, and while they are all well fed\\nand clothed, Cobbett may write away his fingers, and Hunt may\\ntalk away his lungs, in vain?\\nAnd yet, sir, with this example before us, we are required to\\nbelieve that men whose situation is infinitely better than that of\\nthe English peasant men whose condition is a realization of\\nUtopia, a renewal of the Golden Age, an anticipation of the prophetic\\nmillennium can not safely be permitted to hear a single whisper\\nagainst the system under which they live. It requires no skilful\\ninterpreter to translate these forebodings of danger into confessions\\nof tyranny. What are we to think of a system which, as its\\nadvocates tell us, can not be discussed without inciting insur-\\nrection? What, again, are we to think of a system under which\\ninsurrections, as its advocates also tell us, can not be suppressed\\nwithout massacre? Look at the punishments inflicted a few years\\nback on the insurgents of Barbadoes, and recently on those in\\nDemerara. Where, in the whole history of modern Europe, shall\\nwe find an instance in which the destruction of so large a pro-\\nportion of the population has been deemed necessary for the safety\\nof the survivors? The British subjects of the New World have\\noutdone, immeasurably outdone, all the military despots, all the\\nfanatic Jacobins, of the Old. Their tender mercies are more cruel\\nthan the vengeance of Dundee; their little fingers are thicker than\\nthe loins of Alva. Robespierre chastised with whips, but they\\nchastise with scorpions. But we are told that this is not wanton\\ncruelty; it is indispensably necessary for the peace and safety of\\nthe colonies! Grant it; and what then? Must not every particle of\\nblame which is taken away from the agents be laid on the system?\\nWhat must be the state of things which makes that wholesome", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN IMPERIALISM NATIONAL APOSTASY. 107\\nseverity which elsewhere would be diabolical atrocity? What are\\nwe to think of the condition of a people, when inflictions so tremen-\\ndous are necessary to make endurance appear to them a less evil\\nthan rebellion? Woe to that society which has no cement but\\nblood! Woe to that government, which, in the hour of success,\\nmust not dare to be merciful\\nI need no other testimony against the colonists than that with\\nwhich they themselves furnish us, and that which daily and hourly\\nforces itself on our notice. When I see institutions which tremble\\nat every breath, institutions which depend for support on restless\\nsuspicion, on raving calumny, on outrageous persecution, on military\\nforce, on infamous testimony, on perverted law, I have no further\\nneed of witnesses or of arguments to convince me that they must be\\nas flagitious and unjust as are the means by which they are upheld.\\nWe hear, indeed, that this system, in theory confessedly odious, is\\nin practise lenient and liberal and abundance of local testimony is\\nadduced to this effect. Local testimony is indeed invaluable when\\nit can be obtained unadulterated by local interest and local prejudice\\nbut that it is adulterated I must always believe, when I see that it\\ncontradicts great general principles. Is it possible that the power\\nwith which the slave codes invest the master can be exercised with-\\nout being perpetually abused? If so, then is there no truth in\\nexperience; then is there no consistenc} in human nature; then is\\nhistory a fable, and political science a juggle, and the wisdom of\\nour ancestors madness, and the British constitution a name! Let us\\nbreak up the benches of the House of Commons for firewood, and\\ncut Magna Charta into battledores! These assertions, then, of our\\nopponents are not, they can not be, true and fortunately it is not\\nmerely by reasoning on general principles that we are enabled to\\nrefute them. Out of the mouths of our adversaries themselves we\\ncan fully show that West Indian slavery is an evil, a great and fear-\\nful evil; an evil without any affinity to good principles, or any\\ntendency to good effects; an evil so poisonous that it imparts to\\nalmost every antidote a nature as deadly as its own! When this\\ncountry has been endangered either by oppressive power or by\\npopular delusion, truth has still possessed one irresistible organ,\\njustice one inviolable tribunal: that organ has been an English press,\\nthat tribunal an English jury. But in those wretched islands we", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "108 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nsee a press more hostile to truth than any censor, and juries more\\ninsensible to justice than any star-chamber. In those islands alone\\nis exemplified the full meaning of the most tremendous of the\\ncurses denounced against the apostate Hebrews, I will curse your\\nblessings! 36\\nThe Philippines are seven thousand miles away from our west-\\nern shore. Is there no way of cementing them to the larger land\\nbut by blood Is there no truth in experience no consistency in\\nhuman nature? Is history a fable, and political science a juggle;\\nthe wisdom of our ancestors madness, and the American Constitu-\\ntion a name? If so, then let us break up the desks of the House of\\nRepresentatives for firewood, and cut the Declaration of Independ-\\nence into battledores Let us put the blood-red star of Mars upon\\nthe flag, with a milky way of smaller luminaries to denote dependent\\nStates. It has been truly said that the ramparts of republics are\\nin the hearts of their freemen; but when freemen turn into despots,\\nthe silent artillery of time levels those ramparts to the ground, and,\\nlike Samson shorn of his locks of strength, and bound to the pillars\\nof the temple of the Constitution, we break them, and are ourselves\\ncrushed beneath the falling mass of the once symmetrical and beauti-\\nful governmental edifice, which itself becomes a shapeless heap of\\nruins, a monument of human folly and of a blasted and prematurely\\nbroken national life.\\nae Lord Macaulay, speech at a meeting of the Society for the Mitigation and\\nAbolition of Slavery, held at Freemason s Hall, June 25, 1834.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nMANIFEST DESTINY.\\nMuch is being said at the present time on the subject of mani-\\nfest destiny. Reflective minds, however, are apt to consider that\\nbut a very small portion of those using the term have the faintest\\nconception of its real meaning. It is generally referred to in con\\nnection with exploitations concerning a divine mission, a provi-\\ndential call, a summons to duty, and responsibility thrust upon\\nus. In the majority of cases, moreover, when manifest destiny\\nis talked about, it is embedded in an atmosphere of mystery; it is\\ntalked about as being something wise, wonderful, and divine, alto-\\ngether too deep for the common people to understand.\\nIt is commonly argued that the present position of the United\\nStates, in and in regard to, the Philippines has been thrust upon\\nus, that it is a part of our responsibility as a world-power, which\\nour own greatness forces us to accept that we are now performing\\na duty toward an inferior race, and that this duty is imposed\\nupon us by Providence and our own position, prior to any request\\nfrom us, and without awaiting our consent.\\nNow nothing can be more true than that Providence controls in\\nthe affairs of nations as well as in the affairs of men. Nations are\\ncomposed of men, and it is insupposable that God could control in the\\naffairs of every unit composing a whole, and yet not control in the\\naffairs of that whole. Thus David said: Put them in fear,\\nLord: that the nations may know themselves to be but men. 1\\nDuring the years of which the Bible records form a contempora-\\nneous history, we read of God s giving kings their kingdoms, and\\nnations their place in the earth. The case of Nebuchadnezzar will\\nillustrate the point. Concerning him and his kingdom it is writ-\\nten:\\nIn the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah\\nking of Judah came this word unto Jeremiah from the Lord, saying,\\ni Ps. 9:20.\\n[109]", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "110 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nThus saith the Lord to me; Make thee bonds and yokes, and put\\nthem upon thy neck, and send them to the king of Edom, and to\\nthe king of Moab, and to the king of the Ammonites, and to the king\\nof Tyrus, and to the king of Zidon, by the hand of the messengers\\nwhich come to Jerusalem unto Zedekiah king of Judah; and com-\\nmand them to say unto their masters, Thus saith the Lord of hosts,\\nthe God of Israel; Thus shall ye say unto your masters I have made\\nthe earth, the man and the beast that are upon the ground, by my\\ngreat power and by my outstretched arm, and have given it unto\\nwhom it seemed meet unto me. And now have I given all these\\nlands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, my servant\\nand the beasts of the field have I given him also to serve him. And\\nall nations shall serve him, and his son, and his son s son, until the\\nvery time of his land come and then many nations and great kings\\nshall serve themselves of him. And it shall come to pass, that the\\nnation and kingdom which will not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar\\nthe king of Babylon, and that will not put their neck under the yoke\\nof the king of Babylon, that nation will I punish, saith the Lord,\\nwith the sword, and with the famine, and with the pestilence, until\\nI have consumed them by his hand. 2\\nNow what was true of Nebuchadnezzar in his sphere, is equally\\ntrue of every nation in its sphere. Nevertheless, because God gave\\nNebuchadnezzar his kingdom, and Babylon a great place as a\\nworld-power, it did not keep either from going astray, and doing\\nthings which were neither lawful nor right. This Nebuchadnezzar\\nbecame proud because the glory of his kingdom grew and increased.\\nThen, heathen though he was, a dream was given him by the Al-\\nmighty, and this dream he told the prophet Daniel, who interpreted\\nit for him. In the dream and the interpretation there is a truth\\nstated several times which is vital in the consideration of manifest\\ndestiny. Here is the dream:\\nI Nebuchadnezzar was at rest in mine house, and flourishing in\\nmy palace: I saw a dream which made me afraid, and the thoughts\\nupon my bed and the visions of my head troubled me. Thus\\nwere the visions of mine head in my bed; I saw, and behold a\\ntree in the midst of the earth, and the height thereof was great.\\nThe tree grew, and was strong, and the height thereof reached unto\\n2 Jer. 27 1-8.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. Ill\\nheaven, and the sight thereof to the end of all the earth: the leaves\\nthereof wei e fair, and the fruit thereof much, and in it was meat for\\nall the beasts of the field had shadow under it, and the fowls of the\\nheaven dwelt in the boughs thereof, and all flesh was fed of it. I\\nsaw in the visions of my head upon my bed, and, behold, a watcher\\nand an hoi}* one came down from heaven he cried aloud, and said\\nthus, Hew down the tree, and cut off his branches; shake off his\\nleaves, and scatter his fruit: let the beasts get away from under it,\\nand the fowls from his branches: nevertheless leave the stump of\\nhis roots in the earth, even with a band of iron and brass, in\\nthe tender grass of the field and let it be wet with the dew of\\nheaven, and let his portion be with the beasts in the grass of\\nthe earth: let his heart be changed from man s and let a beast s\\nheart be given unto him and let seven times pass over him. This\\nmatter is by the decree of the watchers, and the demand by the\\nword of the holy ones: to the intent that the living may know\\nthat the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to\\nwhomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men. This\\ndream I king Nebuchadnezzar have seen. Now thou, Belteshaz-\\nzar, declare the interpretation thereof, forasmuch as all the wise\\nmen of my kingdom are not able to make known unto me the inter-\\npretation thereof: but thou art able; for the spirit of the holy gods\\nis in thee. Then Daniel, whose name was Belteshazzar, was aston-\\nied for one hour, and his thoughts troubled him. The king spake,\\nand said, Belteshazzar, let not the dream or the interpretation\\nthereof trouble thee. Belteshazzar answered and said, My Lord,\\nthe dream be to them that hate thee, and the interpretation there-\\nof to thine enemies. The tree that thou sawest, which grew, and\\nwas strong, whose height reached unto the heaven, and the sight\\nthereof to all the earth; whose leaves were fair, and the fruit\\nthereof much, and in it was meat for all under which the beasts\\nof the field dwelt, and upon whose branches the fowls of the\\nheaven had their habitation: it is thou, king, that art grown\\nand become strong: for thy greatness is grown, and reaches unto\\nthe heaven, and thy dominion to the end of the earth. And whereas\\nthe king saw a watcher and an holy one coming down from heaven,\\nand saying, Hew the tree down, and destroy it; yet leave the\\nstump of the roots thereof in the earth, even with a band of iron", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "112 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nand brass, in the tender grass of the field; and let it be wet with the\\ndew of heaven, and let his portion be with the beasts of the field,\\ntill seven times pass over him this is the interpretation, King,\\nand this is the decree of the Most High, which is come upon my\\nlord the king that they shall drive thee from men, and thy dwell-\\ning shall be with the beasts of the field, and they shall make thee\\nto eat grass as oxen, and they shall wet thee with the dew of heaven,\\nand seven times shall pass over thee, till thou know that the Most\\nHigh ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he\\nwill. And whereas they commanded to leave the stump of the tree\\nroots; thy kingdom shall be sure unto thee, after that thou shalt\\nhave known that the heavens do rule. Wherefore, king, let my\\ncounsel be acceptable unto thee, and break off thy sins by righteous-\\nness, and thine iniquities by showing mercy to the poor; if it may\\nbe a lengthening of thy tranquillity. 3\\nThree times in the dream and the interpretation is the truth\\nemphasized that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men.\\nAnd this was told by a dream, interpreted by a prophet to the king\\nof the greatest world-power of that time. All the things spoken\\nof in the dream came true. Nebuchadnezzar was driven from his\\nthrone, and dwelt with the beasts of the field for seven years. At\\nthe end of that time, he says himself\\nI Nebuchadnezzar lifted up mine eyes unto heaven, and mine\\nunderstanding returned unto me, and I blessed the Most High, and\\nI praised and honored him that liveth forever, whose dominion is\\nan everlasting dominion, and his kingdom is from generation to\\ngeneration and all the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as\\nnothing and he doeth according to his will in the army of heaven,\\nand among the inhabitants of the earth and none can stay his\\nhand, or say unto him, What doest thou At the same time my\\nreason returned unto me and for the glory of my kingdom, mine\\nhonor and brightness returned unto me and my counselors and my\\nlords sought unto me and I was established in my kingdom, and\\nexcellent majesty was added unto me. Now I Nebuchadnezzar\\npraise and extol and honor the King of heaven, all whose works\\nare truth, and his ways judgment and those that walk in pride he\\nis able to abase.\\n8 Dan. 4:4-27. Dan. 4: 34-37.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 113\\nNebuchadnezzar learned the lesson which the King of kings knew\\nthat it was necessary for him to learn. But when in later days his\\ngrandson Belshazzar came to the throne, he refused to learn this\\nimportant lesson, and to him it was that the handwriting appeared\\nupon the wall, and he it was whose kingdom was taken away, and\\ngiven to the Medes and Persians. He was reminded of what had\\nhappened to his grandfather, in these words And he [Nebuchad-\\nnezzar] was driven from the sons of men and his heart was made\\nlike the beasts, and his dwelling was with the wild asses they fed\\nhim with grass like oxen, and his body was wet with the dew of\\nheaven till he knew that the most high God ruled in the kingdom\\nof men, and that he appointeth over it whomsoever he will. And\\nthou his son, O Belshazzar, hast not humbled thine heart, though\\nthou knewest all this. 5\\nThus four times directly, and once indirectly, is it taught in\\nthese two chapters of this one book that the Most High ruleth in the\\nkingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will. Is there\\nanother truth in all the Bible that is emphasized so strongly And\\nthis is just as true to-day as it was then, for it was written to the\\nintent that the living may know that the Most High ruleth in the\\nkingdom of men. It is for us, the living, that all this was written;\\nand it was written for us because it applies in our time. He\\nlooseth the bond of kings, and girdeth their loins with a girdle.\\nHe leadeth princes away spoiled, and overthroweth the mighty.\\nHe increaseth the nations, and destroyeth them: he enlargeth the\\nnations, and straiteneth them again. 6\\nThis is the basis of the Bible doctrine concerning God s part in\\nthe affairs of nations. As far as Providence is concerned, this is\\nmanifest destiny. But the destiny of a nation, the same as the\\ndestiny of an individual, is a matter of choice, and not a matter of\\nchance. It is in the power of the United States to choose the path\\nin which it will hereafter walk. When once that path is chosen\\nand entered upon, it may not be so easy, yea, it may not be possible,\\nto turn back, and take another course. This is just as true of men\\nas of nations. The voluntary choice of the government of the\\nUnited States has put the nation in the Philippines. She has\\ns Dan. 5 21, 22. Job 12 18, 19, 23.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "114 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nchosen to enter these islands, not as a republican, but as a mortar-\\nchical form of government. A war is now being waged to compel\\nthe Filipinos to accept this government without their consent. Thus\\nshe has chosen to abandon the tracks of the forefathers, and to re-\\nturn, like the prodigal son, to the doctrines of Rome and of Europe.\\nAll this has been done during the hour of victory and of power, and\\nat a time when the nation was completely master of the situation,\\nfind entirely free to do just as she pleased. Having done all this,\\nthere is now a manifest destiny before the United States. It is\\nso manifest that all can see it.\\nWhen the United States went to war with Spain, the Philippine\\nIslands were in revolt against that government. Concerning this\\nthe United States consul at Manila wrote\\nThere is no peace, and has been none for about two years.\\nConditions here and in Cuba are practically alike. War exists,\\nbattles are of almost daily occurrence, ambulances bring in many\\nwounded, and hospitals are full. The crown forces have not\\nbeen able to dislodge a rebel army within ten miles of Manila, and\\nlast Saturday a battle was there fought, and five left dead on\\nthe field.\\nThe governor-general, who is amiable and popular, having\\nresigned, wishes credit for pacification, and certain rebel leaders\\nwere given a cash bribe of $1,650,000 to consent to public deporta-\\ntion to China. This bribe and deportation only multiplied claim-\\nants, and fanned the fires of discontent.\\n1 Insurgents demand fewer exactions from church and state, a\\nhalf of public offices, and fewer church holidays, which seriously\\nretard business.\\nA republic is organized here as in Cuba. Insurgents are being\\narmed and drilled, are rapidly increasing in numbers and efficiency,\\nand all agree that a general uprising will come as soon as the\\ngovernor- general embarks for Spain. All authorities now\\nagree that unless the crown largely re-enforces its army here, it\\nwill lose possession. 7\\nSoon after this Mr. Williams wrote again\\nInsurrection is rampant; many killed, wounded, and made\\nprisoners on both sides. A battle-ship, the Don Juan de\\nAustria, sent this week to the northern part of Luzon to co-operate\\nwith a hmd force of two thousand despatched to succor local forces,", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 115\\noverwhelmed by the rebels. Last night special squads of mounted\\npolice were scattered at danger points to save Manila. 8\\nThus it appears that two years ago the Filipinos were fighting\\nfor their freedom against the government and the tyranny of Spain.\\nThis was the condition of things when the United States government\\ndeclared war against the throne of Madrid. With them the Fili-\\npinos the struggle was not a fitful insurrection, but a determined\\nrebellion in behalf of government by the consent of the governed.\\nOn the reverse side of the great seal of the United States is the\\ninscription in Latin, Nbvics ordo seculorum, which translated means,\\nA new order of things. On the same side of the seal are also\\nthe words, God hath favored the undertaking. But now the\\nnation is abandoning the new order of things, and deciding that\\nafter all Great Britain was right. On this point a noted historian\\nand citizen of Boston, Mass., has well said:\\nWe now abandon the traditional and distinctively American\\ngrounds, and accept those of Europe, and especially of Great\\nBritain, which heretofore we have made it the basis of our faith to\\ndeny and repudiate.\\nWith this startling proposition in mind, consider again the\\nseveral propositions advanced; the first, as regards the so-called\\ninferior races. Our policy toward them, instinctive and formulated,\\nhas been either to exclude or destroy, or to leave them in the ful-\\nness of time to work out their own destiny undisturbed by us; fully\\nbelieving that, in this way, we in the long run best subserved the\\ninterests of mankind. Europe, and Great Britain especially, adopted\\nthe opposite policy. They held that it was incumbent on the supe-\\nrior to go forth and establish dominion over the inferior race, and\\nto hold and develop vast imperial possessions, and colonial depend-\\nencies. They saw their interest and duty in developing systems of\\ndocile tutelage; we sought our inspirations in the rough school of\\nself-government. Under this head the result, then, is distinct, clean-\\ncut, indisputable. To this conclusion have we come at last. The\\nOld World Europe and Great Britain were after all, right, and\\nwe of the New World have been wrong. From every point of view,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nreligious, ethnic, commercial, political, we can not, it is now claimed,\\ntoo soon abandon our traditional position and assume theirs. Again,\\nEurope and Great Britain have never admitted that men were ere-", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "116 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nated equal, or that the consent of the governed was a condition\\nof government. They have, on the contrary, emphatically denied\\nboth propositions. We now concede that, after all, there was great\\nbasis for their denial; that certainly, it must be admitted, our fore-\\nfathers were hasty, at least, in reaching their conclusions; they gen-\\neralized too broadly. We do not frankly avow error, and we still\\nthink the assent of the governed to a government a thing desirable\\nto be secured, under suitable circumstances, and with proper limi-\\ntations but, if it can not conveniently be secured, we are advised\\non New England senatorial authority that the consent of some of\\nthe governed will be sufficient, we ourselves selecting those proper\\nto be consulted. Thus in such cases as certain islands of the Antil-\\nles, Hawaii, and the communities of Asia, we admit that, so far as\\nthe principles at the basis of the Declaration are concerned, Great\\nBritain was right, and our ancestors were, not perhaps wrong, but\\ntoo general, and of the eighteenth century in their statements. To\\nthat extent we have outgrown the Declaration of 1776, and have\\nbecome as wise now as Great Britain was then. At any rate, we\\nare not above learning. Only dead men and idiots never change\\nand the people of the United States are nothing unless open-minded.\\nSo, also, as respects the famous Boston tea-party, and taxa-\\ntion without representation. Great Britain then affirmed this right\\nin the case of colonies and dependencies. Taught by the lesson of\\nour war of Independence, she has since abandoned it. We now take\\nit up, and are to-day, as one of the new obligations toward the\\nheathen imposed upon us by Providence, formulating systems of\\ninposts and tariffs for our new dependencies, wholly distinct from\\nour own, and directly inhibited by our Constitution, in regard to\\nwhich systems those dependencies have no representative voice.\\nThey are not to be consulted as to the kind of door, open or\\n1 closed, behind which they are to exist In taking this position\\nit is difficult to see why we must not also incidentally admit that,\\nin the great contention preceding our war of independence, the first\\narmed clash of which resounded here in Lexington, Great Britain\\nwas more nearly right than the exponents of the principles for which\\nthose embattled farmers contended. 7\\n7 [mperialism and tbo Tracks of our Forefathers, a paper read by Charles\\nFrancis Adams before the Lexington, Mass., Historical Society.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 117\\nSad though it be to pen it, it is even true that the great princi-\\nples which were born at Lexington and Concord were buried at\\nManila, and the wheels of time turned back, and the old order of\\nthings substituted for the new. This is American imperialism.\\nThis is national apostasy and since the course upon which the nation\\nhas entered is so manifest, the destiny to which she is doomed is\\nequally manifest, the condition of the military nations of the Old\\nWorld, upon whom she has for so long looked down with pitying\\nglances. Nations may be defeated by the acts of others, but they\\ncan be degraded only by their own. She has not been defeated by\\nthe deeds of others, but she has been degraded, and is even now being\\ndragged into the mire, by her own. Her character as a nation, first\\nformulated in the war of the Revolution, regenerated and reconse-\\ncrated in the war of the Rebellion, has been ruthlessly sacrificed\\nto colonial greed and rapacious lust. Awake! Fathers of the\\nRepublic, ere it is too late, and call back your posterity ere they\\nstray into paths from which there is no returning!\\nBut it is argued that these people are not capable of self-govern-\\nment. On this point one who ought to know, Admiral Dewey\\nhimself, whose voice is worthy of respect, has said:\\nIn a telegram sent to the department on June 23, I expressed\\nthe opinion that these people (the Filipinos) are far superior in\\ntheir intelligence, and more capable of self-government than the\\nnatives of Cuba, and I am familiar with both races. Fuither inter-\\ncourse with them has confirmed me in this opinion. 8\\nAnd again, Consul Wildman, of Hongkong, says:\\nI have lived among the Malays of the Straits Settlements, and\\nhave been an honored guest of the different sultanates. I have\\nwatched their system of government, and have admired their intelli-\\ngence, and I rank them high among the semicivilized nations of the\\nearth. The natives of the Philippine Islands belong to the Malay\\nrace, and while there are very few pure Malays among their leaders,\\nI think the r stock has rather been improved than debased by admix-\\nture. I consider that the forty or fifty Philippine leaders, with whose\\nfortunes I have been very closely connected, are the superiors of\\nboth the Malays and the Cubans. Aguinaldo, Agoncilla, and Sandico\\ns Admiral Dewey to secretary of navy, Aug. 29, 1898. Senate Document No. 62,\\npart 1, Fifty-fifth Congress, third session.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "118 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nare all men who would be leaders in their separate departments in\\nany country; while among the wealthy Manila men who live in\\nHongkong, and who are spending their money liberally for the over-\\nthrow of the Spaniards and for annexation to the United States,\\nmen like the Cortes family and the Basa family, would hold their\\nown among bankers and lawyers anywhere. 9\\nThe kind of men who form the Filipino congress has been\\ndescribed by Mr. Roberson, who himself visited the congress while\\nit was in session. He gives a very favorable account of the charac-\\nter and ability of the members. Of the eighty-three members sit-\\nting, seventeen were graduates of European universities, and the\\npresident, Pedro Paterno, took his degree as D. D. in the University\\nof Madrid, and afterward received his degree of LL. D. from the\\nUniversity of Salamanca. His books are of such reputation that\\nthey have been translated into German.\\nIt is said that we can Americanize these people. We can not,\\nwe dare not, do it. To educate them would be to make rebels of\\nthem. Could we teach them the history of our glorious past?\\nCould we tell them of the deeds of the Fathers in behalf of freedom\\nand independence? Just as surely as we did, the spark of liberty\\nand independence would be kindled in their breasts, and they would\\ndemand of us by what right we were their masters. Our only hope\\nwould be to keep them in superstition and ignorance. It is far\\neasier for Great Britain to rule colonies and to better their condi-\\ntion than it is for us. She has no past like ours. She never had\\na war of independence, nor did she ever take her stand upon the\\nprinciple that governments derive their just powers from the consent\\nof the governed, or that all men are created equal. While upon\\nour own platform of eternal truth, we stood upon a plane immeasur-\\nably superior to any which it was possible for her to occupy. Now\\nthat we have fallen from our first estate, and lost our Edenic purity,\\nwe are weaker and more impotent than it is possible for her to be.\\nThis is manifest destiny as far as the governing of the Filipinos\\nis concerned.\\nIt has been urged by many that there is a duty incumbent upon\\nthe United States to take the Philippines for the purpose of Chris-\\no United States Consul Kounsevelle Wildman to Mr. Moore, No. 63, Hong-\\nkong, July 18, 1898. Senate Document No. 62, part 1.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 119\\ntianizing the natives, even although such occupation be against the\\nwishes of the inhabitants, and contrary to the principle of govern-\\nment by consent. It is argued that the opportunity to purchase\\nthe islands constituted a divine call to this Benjamin of\\nnations to enter that neglected part of the Master s vineyard.\\nZealous advocates, in earnest tones, tell of the blessings which will\\naccrue to these benighted souls when an army of missionaries, filled\\nwith an undying love for those who know Him not, can, without\\nfear of molestation, proclaim, beneath the protecting aegis of the\\nstars and stripes, the sufferings of the Saviour and the joys of the\\nbetter world. Vividly they portray how much more rapidly the\\ngospel can be carried to those who know it not, when the islands\\nare controlled by the government of the United States, than it could\\npossibly be if these isles which wait for His law were ruled by the\\nheathen. These are for the most part a devoted and consecrated\\nclass of people, who are thoroughly conscientious in the views they\\nexpress.\\nIn these days of toil and bustle, when more is compressed into a\\ndecade than was formerly the portion of man s allotted span, many\\nof us Christians are like Martha of Bethany, who was cumbered\\nabout much serving, and careful and troubled about many\\nthings; and in our anxiety to work for the Lord we neglect to\\nchoose the good part, the one thing needful, which her sister\\nMary took, and which shall not be taken away. We fail to take\\nthe necessary time to sit at Jesus feet, and hear his word.\\nThe weapons of carnal warfare vary and change with the onward\\nmarch of scientific discovery. But the holy arms of the Christian\\nremain ever the same. Like the Father of Lights, who changeth\\nnot, in them is no variableness, neither shadow of turning. The\\nsame arms which apostles, prophets, and our own dear Saviour used\\nare the only true weapons for the Christian to-day. Beautifully\\nhas it been said of the Reformers and the Reformation: The\\nReformation was accomplished in the name of a spiritual principle.\\nIt had proclaimed for its teacher, the word of God for salvation,\\nfaith; for king, Jesus Christ; for arms, the Holy Ghost; and had\\nby these very means rejected all worldly elements. Rome had been\\nestablished by the law of a carnal commandment; the Reforma-\\ntion, by the power of an endless life. Whatever is accomplished", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "120 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nin the line of Christian reformation in this day and age of the\\nworld, will be accomplished in the name of this same spiritual\\nprinciple. Jesus never sought the civil power as an aid wherewith\\nto accomplish his mission, and on one occasion, at least, he dis-\\ntinctly refused it.\\nWhen the Redeemer was alone in the wilderness, fasting in\\nbehalf of fallen man, it is written: Again, the devil taketh him\\nup into an exceeding high mountain, and sheweth him all the king-\\ndoms of the world, and the glory of them; and saith unto him, All\\nthese things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship\\nme. 10 Here was an opportunity. The gospel was to be preached.\\nThe world, and all the governments of the world, stood arrayed in\\nopen hostility against it. But here were the kingdoms of the\\nworld, and the glory the power of them, freely offered. Could\\nnot the gospel be carried to better advantage if Christ controlled the\\nreins of the civil power He did not so believe. Was not this\\nwhispering a providential call, a new mission, a distinct call to\\nduty, manifest destiny? It was a whispering, not from the\\nAlmighty, but from Satan, and was repulsed with the words, Get\\nthee hence, Satan.\\nIn the garden of G-ethsemane, Peter cut off the ear of the high\\npriest s servant with his sword. But Jesus answered and said,\\nSuffer ye thus far. And he touched his ear, and healed him. Jesus\\ntherefore said unto Peter, Put up again thy sword into the sheath:\\nfor all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword: the cup\\nwhich my Father hath given me, shall I not drink it? And to these\\nwords he added, Or thinkest thou that I can not beseech my Father,\\nand he shall even now send me more than twelve legions of angels?\\nAgain, when the Master was in the judgment hall, Pilate called\\nJesus and said unto him, art thou the king of the Jews? Jesus\\nanswered him, Sayest thou this thing of thyself, or did others tell\\nit thee of me? Pilate answered, Am I a Jew? Thine own nation\\nand the chief priests have delivered thee unto me: what hast thou\\ndone? Jesus answered, My kingdom is not of this world: if my\\nkingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight. u\\nThe triumphs of the gospel in those early days were won without\\nw Matt. 4 8, 9.\\nn John 18 33-36.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 121\\nthe aid of the civil power. The blood of the martyrs was the seed\\nof the church. Never did the Christian church make greater prog-\\nress than when she stood alone, unaided by any civil power. Yea,\\nmore than this, the times of her greatest purity and progress have\\nbeen the times when every earthly power has been arrayed against\\nher. Then it was that her members sought their Lord and Master\\nmost earnestly, and reflected his blest image most brightly.\\nOne United States senator, in the course of his speech on the\\nPhilippine question, declared that the Anglo-Saxon advances into\\nthe new regions with the Bible in one hand and a shotgun in the\\nother. The inhabitants of those regions which he can not convert\\nwith the Bible and bring into his markets, he gets rid of with the\\nshotgun. This is not altogether irony. Ministers of the Christian\\nchurch are everywhere praising the war in these islands, and preach-\\ning that it has come about in the providence of God in order that\\nthe gospel may go more rapidly. Just as far as this idea gets hold\\nof the Christian sects, just that far they assent to the doctrine of\\na union of church and state; just that far they are extolling that\\nsystem of things which we hoped we had forever discarded in the\\nnew order of things. Will the people whose fathers, husbands,\\nbrothers, and sons have been shot down in this ruthless war, be\\nmore ready to accept the gospel at the hands of the murderers of\\ntheir relatives? Will it cause them to be kindly inclined toward the\\nteachings of the Saviour? Will they not look upon our religion as\\nbeing similar to that of the Mohammedans, who think it virtuous\\nto propagate their faith by means of fire and sword? Nay, verily,\\nit will steel their souls against the gospel, and fill them with preju-\\ndice and suspicion. Better, ten thousand times better, for a few\\nmissionaries to lose their lives at the hands of heathen savages than\\nfor heathen savages to lose their lives at the hands of those calling\\nthemselves Christians. The missionaries are certain of eternal life,\\nbut not so the poor heathen.\\nThen again, if this doctrine of the Bible in one hand and the\\nshotgun in the other is a good ODe for the Philippine Islands, how\\nlong will it be ere it is considered a good one for every State in the\\nUnion Should one religious sect get control of the governmental\\naffairs, why may it not use force to compel all others to come into\\nline, and think and pray as it thinks and prays This idea may be\\n9", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "122 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nreceived by some with ridicule, but the beginnings of the loss of\\nliberty, both civil and religious, are always insidious, and very\\nsmall precedents have oftentimes started tremendous changes in\\nthings. There has been persecution in the past, there is persecu-\\ntion for religious views even at the present, and there will be perse-\\ncution for conscience sake in the time to come. Allow a new\\ndoctrine to pass unchallenged to-day, it quickly gains strength and\\nstanding, and by to-morrow it is heterodoxy to question its applica-\\ntion.\\nThere have been some fearful crimes committed in the name of jus-\\ntice in this gospel-enlightened land. Many a soul has suffered death\\nin one horrible form or another, without having been duly convicted\\nin the courts of law. Possibly it may be said with truth that there\\nis no country on earth claiming to be Christian and civilized where\\nthere have been more deaths by mob violence, than in the United\\nStates. In times of excitement over vital questions our people have\\nmany times proved the truthfulness of the statement of Alexander\\nHamilton, that a man was a reasoning rather than a reasonable be-\\ning. In the fierce struggles between capital and labor, in times of a\\nstrike, a boycott, or a lockout, terrible deeds of violence and blood-\\nshed have stained the nation s robe. Innocent lives have been placed\\nin the most dire peril and jeopardy. It is not necessary here to\\ngive illustrations or enter into details. This class of crime is so\\ncommon and so patent that the mere mention of it will suffice.\\nSuch deeds go to show that Christianity has still a great work\\nbefore her in the homeland. Civilization has indeed veneered\\nour natures, but it has not changed and renovated them. Our pas-\\nsions are easily excited, and break loose with but small provocation.\\nThere is still a field for missionary effort in this part of the vineyard\\nof the Man of Galilee. Even in the most recent years, yea, within\\nthe past few months, crimes too horrible to spread upon the pages\\nof a decent book, have been committed without any chance for the\\nlaw to take its course. These things fill the heart of the Christian\\nwith sadness, and they stand as a fact to be by all true followers of\\nthe Master deeply lamented and deplored. For nigh two thousand\\nyears the religion of Jesus Christ has been striving with all the power\\nof the Holy Ghost to do its beneficent work upon the hearts of the\\nhuman family. In view, however, of the awful crimes still filling", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 123\\nthe earth, it seems hard to believe that much has been accomplished.\\nThis is no reflection on the gospel, but on those who reject the gospel.\\nBut brutality is not confined to this class of cases. A young\\nman, everywhere reported to be pious, attends a prayer-meeting;\\nafter which he waylays his rival in a love affair, beats out his brains,\\nand throws his body into a creek.\\nA man conceals a knife, with a rapier-like point in a bundle\\nwhich he carries under his arm, and starts out walking in a crowded\\nthoroughfare, nudging people with the bundle purposely, and\\nseriously wounding them as he goes along. In a State Refuge\\nHome for Women horrible cruelties are practised. Lashing to\\nthe floor, however, is not the worst cruelty resorted to, according to\\nthe evidence taken. It is said by eye-witnesses and participants\\nthat girls confined in houses of refuge are stripped of their clothing,\\nand sometimes held by some of the employees, and at other times\\nchained to the floor, and whipped with a heavy leather strap several\\nfeet long. Recently a young mother with a babe only five months\\nold was treated in this manner. A man with plenty of money\\ndivests his aged wife of her clothing, fastens her under the bed,\\nand leaves her to starve. Yet to all others he is perfectly sane.\\nThe reports from the largest city in the country are as follows:\\nIn several quarters of the city life is no longer safe. The night\\nstreets of the district lying between Union Square and Long Acre\\nand Seventh and Third avenues are in the possession of the disorderly\\nelements. The police force is already demoralized, and the demoral-\\nization is progressing rapidly toward chaos. What shall be\\ndone? What can be done to avert chaos, and restore order and\\nsecurity? Is it impossible for a community as intelligent as this\\nto find some mean between the exasperating crushing of personal\\nliberty and the terrifying domination of criminals and semi-crimi-\\nnals? 12\\nEven natural affection seems to have deserted the mother s\\nbreast. A little child, five years old, and very puny, is kept day\\nafter day in a foul air-shaft, with nothing but an old ragged quilt\\nto lie upon, and a little shirt to cover his nakedness. The floor was\\nuneven, and always wet, yet day after day the little life was left,\\nfor no reason at all except cruelty, to pine away in this awful place.\\nis New York World, July 10, 1899.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "124 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nCrime appears to be discovering all kinds of ingenious methods.\\nPoisoned candy or cake is sent through the mails to persons whom\\nit is desired to destroy. The victims of this class of wickedness are\\nbecoming more and more frequent.\\nMoreover, crime is getting to be as common in high life as it is\\namong the middle and lower classes, to say nothing of the criminal\\nclasses. An eastern millionaire secures a divorce from his wife, and\\nfour and a half hours afterward she is wedded to another million-\\naire. So blunted have morals in general become that the affair\\nexcites but little disgust anywhere. Two wealthy men have differ-\\nences of opinion over business matters. One invites the other to a\\nfriendly conference. They meet, and the one who has been invited\\nis shot without warning. The murderer gives himself up with the\\nutmost complacency to the authorities, and hands them two sets of\\ntypewritten statements, setting forth in legal form his reason for the\\ndeed. One of these statements is four thousand five hundred words\\nin length, and the other ten thousand. In these he had previous to\\nthe commission of the crime set forth in the coolest manner possible\\nhis object in killing his fellow millionaire.\\nThese are only a few specific instances of crime, representing a\\nfew of the different classes. After all, with how thin a veneer has\\nthat which we call civilization covered the natural brute ferocity of\\nour natures. True, we have steam engines, elegant railroad cars,\\nand fast service; we have high buildings equipped with all the latest\\nmodern improvements we have telephones, and the telegraph but,\\nafter all, how much more civilized and Christianized are our natures\\nabove those of the poor ignorants of other climes This is a ques-\\ntion worth considering. The theory of our government is perfect\\nbut how well do we live up to it? Fraud and deceit in high places\\nof public trust are frequent election scandals fill the very atmosphere\\nwhenever the franchise is exercised. Aldermen accept boodle; and\\nthe lowest dens of vice are allowed to run wide-open under the\\neye of the authorities. Our lives are spent in all kinds of pleasure,\\nwith but little thought or care for the sorrows and trials of the\\npoor.\\nAll these things lead one seriously to ask, In what position are\\nwe as a nation to bring benefit to those in benighted lands? In April\\nof this year, 1899, it was authoritatively reported that since the", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 125\\narrival of the Americans in Manila there had been over three hun-\\ndred saloons opened in that city. Again, a statement is issued from\\nthe office of the surgeon-general in Washington that twenty-one\\nper cent of the soldiers of the American army in the islands are\\nafflicted with loathsome diseases.\\nThat the poor souls in the Philippine Islands are in need of the\\ngospel of Jesus Christ no one will deny but that gospel must be\\ncarried to them by men endued with the power of the Holy Ghost,\\nand armed with the weapons of faith and prayer, and not by any\\nsuch means as are now being used.\\nI will not dwell upon this phase of the question longer, however,\\nfor it is only one of many. Suffice it to say that in view of the\\ncondition of our own spiritual experience and morals, one is hardly\\nwarranted in believing that the opportunity to become the owners\\nof the heathen Filipinos by purchase from Spain, and the liberal\\nuse of American muskets and machine guns, constitutes a divine\\ncall in order that we may impart to these poor souls virtues so\\nfaintly visible in ourselves.\\nThe next problem which demands solution is that of the large\\narmy and navy which will be continually required for the retention\\nof the group. Militarism and democracy are incompatible. A\\nlarge standing armed force is the natural adjunct of a monarchy.\\nThe monarch represents an authority springing not from the\\nperiodically expressed consent of the people, and relying for the\\nmaintenance of that authority, if occasion requires, upon the em-\\nployment of force, even against the popular will. An army is an\\norganization of men subject to the command of a superior will, the\\norigin or the purpose of which it is assumed to have no right to\\nquestion. The standing army is in this sense, therefore, according\\nto its nature and spirit, an essentially monarchical institution. 13\\nIt is clear from this that in a republic there is no rightful place\\nfor a large standing force. Such a thing is contrary to the very\\nbasic principles upon which republics are founded, besides being a\\nconstant menace to the free expression of the popular will and\\nthought, and a dangerous source of arbitrary power in the hands of\\nthe men who for the time being form the government.\\n13 Address by Hon. Oarl Schurz before the American Academy of Political\\nScience, April 7. 8, 1899.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "126 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nMilitary virtues are in many instances the opposite of civic\\nvirtues; and in more cases than one the attributes and qualities\\nnecessary to constitute a good military man are the very ones\\nwhich constitute a bad civilian. Military modes of thinking and\\nmethods of action unfit men for the duties incumbent upon the\\ncitizens of a free republic. The rise of a large, permanent armed\\nforce in a republic always portends the downfall and ruin of free\\ngovernment.\\nIn Europe the armiea of the great powers are a necessity, or at\\nleast they are a necessity under the present conditions. Europe\\nis simply a conglomeration of armed camps, in which the hostile\\nnations sit watching each other, and preparing for the conflict which\\ntheir mutually rival interests are bound sooner or later to bring.\\nBut with us an army for defense is wholly unnecessary. Locked\\nin the embraces of two broad oceans we have naught to fear from a\\nforeign invader. Lincoln once said that all the armies of Europe,\\nAsia, and Africa combined, with all the treasures of the earth (our\\nown excepted) in their military chest, with a Bonaparte for a com-\\nmander, could not by force take a drink from the Ohio or make\\na track on the Blue Ridge in a trial of a thousand years. These\\nwords are undoubtedly true. It therefore follows that with us a\\nlarge standing army can only be of use for preying upon helpless\\npeoples near us; that is, for the purpose of buccaneering. It is\\nnow being seriously urged that the standing army of the United\\nStates be increased to 100,000 fighting men; that is, about four\\ntimes its size at the beginning of 1898. To train and keep stand-\\ning such a force is simply to train men to become good subjects of\\na monarchy, and inefficient citizens of the republic. The two\\nthings can not possibly survive together. It is now for this nation\\nto choose whether it will stick to the old paths, and discard large\\nstanding armies in times of peace, or whether it will unnecessarily\\nadopt what the Old World monarchies would fain throw off, but\\nwhich they find to be an evil necessary to their very existence.\\nShould she choose in this matter as in others to return, like the prodi-\\ngal son, to the ways of the Old World, her manifest destiny will be\\nfixed. She will degenerate into a monarchy herself in truth, if\\nnot in name. And it may yet be with her as it was with Rome of\\nold, concerning which Gibbon said The image of a free constitu-", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 127\\ntion was preserved with decent reverence: the Roman senate\\nappeared to possess the sovereign authority, and devolved on the\\nemperors all the executive powers of government. And these\\nemperors were backed by enormous military establishments.\\nIt is urged that war makes men brave and patriotic. On this\\npoint I must again quote words of wisdom from an author already\\ncited\\nLet me now pass to the institutional aspect of the case as far\\nas it concerns this republic in particular. I am far from predicting\\nthat the organization and maintenance and use of large armaments\\nwill speedily bring forth in this country the same consequences which\\nthey did produce in England in Cromwell s time, and in France at\\nthe periods of the first and second French republics. With us the\\n1 man on horseback is not in sight. There is no danger of monar-\\nchical usurpation by a victorious general, although it is well worthy of\\nremembrance that even here in the United States of America, at the\\nclose of the Revolutionary war, at the very threshold of our history\\nas a republic, a large part of the Revolutionary army, turned by\\nsix years of war from militia into seasoned veterans, and full of\\nthat overbearing esprit cle corps characteristic of standing armies,\\nurged George Washington to make himself a dictator, a monarch\\nthat, as one of his biographers expresses it, it was as easy for\\nWashington to have grasped supreme power then, as it would have\\nbeen for Caesar to have taken the crown from Anthony upon the\\nLupercal; and that it was only George Washington s patriotic loy-\\nalty and magnificent manhood that stamped out the plot. However,\\nusurpation of so gross a character would now be rendered infinitely\\nmore difficult, not only by the republican spirit and habits of the\\npeople, but also by our federative organization, dividing so large an\\nexpanse of country into a multitude of self-governing States.\\nBut even in such a country and among such a people it is pos-\\nsible to demoralize the constitutional system, and to infuse a danger-\\nous element of arbitrary power into the government without making\\nit a monarchy in form and name. One of the most necessary con-\\nservative agencies in a democratic republic is general respect for\\nconstitutional principles, and faithful observance of constitutional\\nforms; and nothing is more apt to undermine that respect and to\\nfoster disregard of those forms than warlike excitements, which at", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "128 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nthe same time give to the armed forces an importance and a prestige\\nwhich they otherwise would not possess.\\nNo candid observer of current events will deny that even\\nto-day the spirit of the new policy awakened by the victories and\\nconquests achieved in the Spanish war, and by the occurrences in the\\nPhilippines, has moved even otherwise sober-minded persons to speak\\nof the constitutional limitations of governmental power with a levity\\nwhich a year ago would have provoked serious alarm and stern re-\\nbuke. We are loudly told by the advocates of the new policy that\\nthe Constitution no longer fits our present conditions and aspirations\\nas a great and active world-power, and should not be permitted to\\nstand in our way. Those who say so forget that it is still our\\nConstitution; that while it exists, its provisions as interpreted by our\\nhighest judicial tribunal are binding upon our actions as well as upon\\nour consciences; that they will be binding, and must be observed\\nuntil they are changed in the manner prescribed by the Constitution\\nitself for its amendment; and that if any power not granted by the\\nConstitution is exercised by the government or any branch of it, on\\nthe ground that the Constitution ought to be changed in order to fit\\nnew conditions, or on any other grounds, usurpation in the line of\\narbitrary government is already an accomplished fact. And if such\\nusurpation be submitted to by the people, that acquiescence will\\nbecome an incentive to further usurpation which may end in the com-\\nplete wreck of constitutional government.\\nSuch usurpations are most apt to be acquiesced in when, in\\ntime of war, they appeal to popular feeling in the name of military\\nnecessity, or of the .honor of the flag, or of national glory. In a\\ndemocracy acting through universal suffrage, and being the govern-\\nment of public opinion informed and inspired by discussion, every\\ninfluence is unhealthy that prevents men from calm reasoning. And\\nnothing is more calculated to do that than martial excitements which\\nstir the blood. We are told that war will lift up people to a higher\\nand nobler patriotic devotion, inspire them with a spirit of heroic\\nself-sacrifice, and bring their finest impulses and qualities into action,\\nThis it will, in a large measure, if the people feel that the war is a\\nnecessary or a just one. But even then its effects upon the political\\nas well as the moral sense are confusing. When the fortunes of\\nwar are unfavorable, almost everything that can restore them will be", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 129\\ncalled legitimate, whether it be in harmony with sound principles or\\nnot. When the fortunes of war are favorable, the glory of victory\\ngoes far to justify, or at least to excuse, whatever may have been\\ndone to achieve that victory, or whatever may be done to secure or\\nincrease its fruits.\\nHistory shows that military glory is the most unwholesome\\nfood that democracies can feed upon. War withdraws, more than\\nanything else, the popular attention from those problems and inter-\\nests which are, in the long run, of the greatest consequence. It pro-\\nduces a strange moral and political color-blindness. It creates false\\nideals of patriotism and civic virtue.\\nNobody is inclined to underestimate the value of military\\nvalor; but compared with military valor we are apt to underestimate\\nthe value of other kinds of valor which are equally great, and no less,\\nsometimes even more, useful to the community. I do not refer only\\nto such heroism as that of the fireman, or the member of the life-\\nsaving service on the coast, who rescues human beings from the\\nflames or from the watery grave at the most desperate risk of his\\nown life, and whose deeds are all the more heroic as they are not\\ninspired by the enthusiasm of battle, and pale into insignificance\\nby the side of any act of bravery done in killing enemies in the field\\nI speak also of that moral courage more important in a democracy,\\nwhich defies the popular outcry in maintaining what it believes right,\\nand in opposing what it thinks wrong.\\nBlood spilled for it on the battle-field is often taken to sanctify\\nand to entitle to popular support, however questionable. It is called\\ntreason to denounce such a cause, be it ever so bad. It is called\\npatriotism to support it however strongly conscience may revolt\\nagainst it. Take for instance the man who honestly believes our\\nwar against the Filipinos to be unjust. If that man, faithfully obey-\\ning the voice of his conscience, frankly denounces that war, and\\nthereby risks the public station he may occupy, or the friendship\\nof his neighbors, and resolutely meets the clamor vilifying him as\\na craven recreant and an enemy to the republic, he is, morally,\\nsurely no less a hero than the soldier who at the word of command\\nand in the excitement of battle rushes against a hostile battery.\\nYou can no doubt find in our country an abundance of men who\\nwould stand bravely under a hail-storm of bullets. But many of", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "130 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nthem, if their consciences condemned the Filipino war ever so\\nseverely, would be loath to face the charge of want of patriotism\\nassailing everybody who opposes it. This is no new story. War\\nmakes military heroes, but it makes also civic cowards. No wonder\\nthat war has always proved so dangerous to the vitality of democra-\\ncies; for a democracy needs to keep alive, above all things, the\\ncivic virtues which war so easily demoralizes.\\nYou will have observed that I have treated the matter of mili-\\ntarism in the United States in intimate connection with our warlike\\nenterprises, as if they were substantially the same thing. I have\\ndone so purposely. As I endeavored to set forth, the development\\nof militarism in European states can be explained on the theory that\\neach power may think the largest possible armaments necessary for\\nthe protection of its safety among its neighbors, and for the preserva-\\ntion of peace. With us such a motive can not exist. Not needing\\nlarge armaments for our safety, for this Republic, if it maintained\\nits old traditional policy, would be perfectly safe without them,\\nwe can need them only in the service of warlike adventure under-\\ntaken at our own pleasure for whatever purpose. And here I may\\nremark, by the way, that in my opinion, although such a course of\\nwarlike adventure may have begun with a desire to liberate and\\ncivilize certain foreign populations, it will be likely to develop itself,\\nunless soon checked, into a downright and reckless policy of con-\\nquest with all the criminal aggression and savagery such a policy\\nimplies. At any rate, that policy of warlike adventure and milita-\\nrism, will, with us, go together as essentially identical. Without the\\npolicy of warlike adventure, large Standing armaments would, with\\nus, have no excuse, and would not be tolerated. If we continue\\nthat policy, militarism with its characteristic evils will be inevitable.\\nIf we wish to escape those evils and to protect this democracy\\nagainst their dangerous effects, the policy of warlike adventure must\\nbe given up, for the two things are inseparable. u\\nThus it is that the matter of American imperialism and expan-\\nsion is inseparably linked with the question of large standing armies.\\nThey are Siamese twins, both alike being pregnant with a manifest\\ndestiny for this Republic; namely, the ruin of free government.\\nAgain, the size of our armies and our navies, if the imperialistic\\nnSchurz, address on Militarism uud Democracy.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 131\\npolicy is persisted in, can not be regulated by our own wishes. Our\\nprogram in this respect must be arranged to suit and to fit the pro-\\ngrams of the other world-powers. This is strikingly illustrated\\nby a speech recently made in the British House of Commons by\\nMr. Goshen, the first lord of the admiralty, when he asked the\\nHouse of Commons to appropriate the enormous sum of $132,770,-\\n000 for the British navy, saying that so startling an estimate had\\nnot originally been contemplated, but that it had been framed after\\na careful study of the programs of the other powers that the United\\nStates, Russia, France, Japan, Italy, and Germany had under con-\\nstruction 685,000 tons of warships, and that England was compelled\\nto shape her action accordingly. He prayed that, if the czar s hope\\nfor disarmament were not realized, those who proposed to attack\\nthe country s expenditures would not attempt to dissuade the people\\nfrom bearing the taxation necessary to carry on the duties of the\\nempire. 20\\nOur lot in this respect will now be the same as that of Great\\nBritain, and this again is another link in the cable of manifest\\ndestiny.\\nFor violating eternal principles of right and justice, Spain was\\ncalled to a strict account. This nation was the instrument in the\\nhand of God to mete out her punishment. There have been similar\\ninstances at other times in the history of the world. Once the Lord\\ncalled the Assyrians to punish the people of Israel, and concerning\\nthem it is said in the Scriptures\\nO Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand\\nis mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation,\\nand against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge, to take\\nthe spoil, and to take the prej r and to tread them down like the\\nmire of the streets. Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his\\nheart think so but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations\\nnot a few. For he saith, Are not my princes altogether kings? Is\\nnot Calno as Carchemish? is not Hamath as Arpad? is not Samaria\\nas Damascus? As my hand hath found the kingdoms of the idols,\\nand whose graven images did excel them of Jerusalem and of Sam-\\naria; shall I not, as I have done unto Samaria and her idols, so do\\nto Jerusalem and her idols? Wherefore it shall come to pass, that\\nso ibid.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "132 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nwhen the Lord hath performed his whole work upon Mt. Zion and\\non Jerusalem, I will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of\\nAssyria, and the glory of his high looks. For he saith, By the strength\\nof my hand I have done it, and by my wisdom; for I am prudent:\\nand I have removed the bounds of the people, and have robbed their\\ntreasures, and I have put down the inhabitants like a valiant man:\\nand my hand hath found as a nest the riches of the people: and as\\none gathereth eggs that are left, have I gathered all the earth; and\\nthere was none that moved the wing, or opened the mouth, or peeped.\\nShall the ax boast itself against him that heweth therewith? or shall\\nthe saw magnify itself against him that shaketh it? as if the rod\\nshould shake itself against them that lift it up, or as if the staff\\nshould lift up itself, as if it were no wood. Therefore shall the\\nLord, the Lord of hosts, send among his fat ones leanness; and\\nunder his glory he shall kindle a burning like the burning of a fire.\\nAnd the light of Israel shall be for a fire, and his Holy One for a\\nflame: and it shall burn and devour his thorns and his briars in one\\nday; and shall consume the glory of his forest, and of his fruitful\\nfield, both soul and body: and they shall be as when a standard-\\nbearer fainteth. And the rest of the trees of his forest shall be\\nfew, that a child may write them. 15\\nAssyria, in the course of a war to which she was called by the\\nLord for the purpose of punishing a wicked nation, grew proud,\\nand became filled with ideas of her own greatness and in the hour\\nof her triumph she laid the foundations for her ruin.\\nPensive, beautiful, and filled with veriest truth are the stanzas\\nof Owen Wister, in his magnificent poem, My Country 1899,\\njust written. The verses are descriptive of the condition of the\\ncountry at the present time, and are in the form of a dialogue\\nbetween Uncle Sam and Columbia. Columbia has been chiding\\nUncle Sam concerning the corruption of voters and the spoils sys-\\ntem, and the forty-second stanza opens with his answer:\\nDrowsing he answered. Why, I ve waked the world\\nThe scornful powers, the sovereign close-throned few,\\nThe sceptered circle, whose dull lips once curled\\nBecause they were so old, and I so new,\\nTo-day count me, and what I say, and do;\\nis Isa. 10 5-19.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 133\\nI sit among them, chaired in equal state\\nThey have obeyed my knock, and opened me their gate.\\nDrowsing tis you that walk in blindfold sleep,\\nWith sight but imaged in a senseless eye;\\nT is you that should awake, so you may keep\\nPace with my ocean-spreading destiny.\\nMy banners Hold she cried. I know the cry\\nWar of humanity In Freedom s name\\nA spangled cloak of words to screen their game and shame.\\nHark to the babel and cajoling din\\nPaid orators and bedlam prophets raise,\\nWhile corporate greed conspires to make you sin\\nAgainst your birthright and your ancient ways.\\nWar of humanity mouth-feeding phrase\\n1 Beneficent assimilation how\\nDrivels the jargon that hypocrisy speaks now?\\nThese puffed wind-swollen sounds your land have flung\\nTo such commotion, shaken so her poise,\\nThat every jackanapes who wags a tongue\\nAnd thumps a fist must lead into the noise,\\nWhile Polly, rabid to make heard her voice,\\nMounts the high pulpit and outscreams the mass,\\nProfane mid tinkling cymbals and mid sounding brass.\\nGod s instrument, they style you, bid you be,\\nAnd Carry Christ to heathens. Will you dare\\nSearch your own mansion and your hearth, and see\\nHow much of Christ this day have you to spare?\\nYour fraud-bespattered ballot\u00e2\u0080\u0094 reigns He there?\\nYour pension bureau does that crime reveal\\nAcknowledgment of Him who said Thou shalt not steal\\nWhat shall you tell the heathen of those thieves\\nThat sway Manhattan, and decree her laws,\\nAnd spin the meshes that corruption weaves\\nAround each right and honorable cause?\\nAnd Pennsylvania s unjailed bird that draws\\nHis fetid vultures round her heart, that rules\\nA government of knaves at the expense of fools\\nWhat shall you tell of Carolina s stain?\\nOf blood-spilt polls, and smoking butchery?\\nOf dastard brag about her victims slain?\\nIf they were savages, what thing is she?\\nGeorgia s outlawed tribunals view, and see", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "134 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nMen roasted at the stake. Then, if you will,\\nGo teach the heathen how God said: Thou shalt not kill.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Ah, through the shaking tinsel of the day\\nHow easy for Truth s golden gaze to shine!\\nTruth s in your heart then let her lend a ray\\nTo your bedazzled eyes, ere you resign\\nYour birthright, ere your separate path entwine\\nWith alien tangles. What concern have you\\nTo sit with sceptered powers, the sovereign close-throned few?\\nO Benjamin of nations! has your coat\\nNot enough colors 16 that ye must inweave\\nNew skeins of savag ry, unknown, remote,\\nNew wards in motley guardianship receive?\\nWas it for this you bade the Old World leave\\nYou to yourself, and set the vacant seas\\nBetween your youth and her age-worn iniquities?\\nO Benjamin of nations, best beloved!\\nStill let your isolated beacon show\\nIts steadfast splendors from their rock unmoved,\\nMixed with no lanterns that flare, fall, and go.\\nStill may your fortunate twin oceans flow\\nTo island you from neighbors broils aloof\\nTeach liberty to live! be your life still the proof!\\nSo long in heaven I waited for your birth,\\nSuch joy filled me when I became your soul,\\nSo close I have companioned you on earth,\\nWalked with each step you ve trodden toward our goal,\\nO stray not now aside and mar the whole\\nBright path She stopped she laid her hand on him\\nHe, looking up, beheld how her clear eyes were dim.\\nTrue principles are the strength of nations as well as of men.\\nBut almost every principle ever held and prized as sacred in this\\nnation has been prostituted to base perfidy and passion for foreign\\npossession. Those priceless principles, the goodly heritage which\\nthe Fathers bequeathed us, have been bartered for a mess of Philip-\\npine pottage. Well would it be for every nation if its legislators\\n10 The poet s reference to the Scripture incident slightly limps; it was Joseph,\\nnot Benjamin, whose coat had many colors.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "MANIFEST DESTINY. 135\\nwould constantly keep before them the sentiment in Rudyard Kip-\\nling s great Recessional Ode, for it is only by the cherishing of\\nsuch lofty and noble truths that states can derive a substantial\\nprosperity, and statesmen an immortal renown\\nThe tumult and the shouting dies,\\nThe captains and the kings depart;\\nStill stands thine ancient sacrifice,\\nAn humble and a contrite heart.\\nLord God of Hosts, be with us yet,\\nLest we forget lest we forget!\\nFar-called our navies melt away,\\nOn dune and headline sinks the fire\\nLo, all our pomp of yesterday\\nIs one with Nineveh and Tyre!\\nJudge of the nations, spare us yet,\\nLest we forget lest we forget!\\n11 If, drunk with sight of power, we loose\\nWild tongues that have not thee in awe,\\nSuch boasting as the Gentiles use\\nOr lesser breeds without the law\\nLord God of Hosts, be with us yet,\\nLest we forget lest we forget!\\nFor heathen heart that puts her trust\\nIn reeking tube and iron shard\\nAll valiant dust that builds on dust,\\nAnd guarding, calls not thee to guard\\nFor frantic boast and foolish word,\\nThy mercy on thy people, Lord!\\nAmen.\\nOne by one the silent artillery of time sweeps us from the\\nscenes of life s strife. Short is the span of vital breath; quick\\ncomes the hour when our feeble forms are laid to molder in the\\ndust. Soon we are forgotten. But the deeds which we have done\\nare undying; they live on through all time as monuments of our\\ngreatness or our folly. The verdict of history is seldom unjust, and\\nat its bar, as the cycles of the century speed on, we are all arraigned\\nfor trial. It was the task of our political forefathers, and nobly\\nthey performed it, to possess themselves, and through themselves\\nus, of this goodly land, and to up- rear upon its hills and its valleys", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "13G THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\na political edifice of liberty and equal rights; tis ours only to\\ntransmit these the former unprof aned by the foot of an invader,\\nthe latter undecayed by the lapse of time and untorn by usurpation\\nto the latest generation that fate shall permit the world to know.\\nThis task, gratitude to our fathers, justice to ourselves, duty to pos-\\nterity, and love for our species in general, all imperatively require\\nus faithfully to perform.\\nHow then shall we perform it At what point shall we expect\\nthe approach of danger By what means shall we fortify against\\nit Shall we expect some transatlantic military giant to step the\\nocean, and crush us at a blow Never All the armies of Europe,\\nAsia, and Africa combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our\\nown excepted) in their military chest, with a Bonaparte for a com-\\nmander, could not by force take a drink from the Ohio or make a\\ntrack on the Blue Ridge in a trial of a thousand years.\\nAt what point then is the approach of danger to be expected\\nI answer, If it ever reach us, it must spring up among us; it can\\nnot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves\\nbe its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen we must live\\nthrough all time, or die by suicide.\\nThese were the words of the immortal Lincoln. Now the crisis\\nhas been reached; the hour of temptation is here. Will it be a\\nstepping-stone, or will it be a stumbling-block Present proceed-\\nings indicate the latter. The burning question blazes up before us\\nnow: As a nation of freemen shall we live through all time, or shall\\nwe die by suicide The heavenly seraph holds the scale in which\\nthe state is swinging. We are a spectacle not only unto the world,\\nand to angels, and to men, but the ever-watchful eye of the Most\\nHigh, who ruleth in the kingdom of men, is riveted upon the trem-\\nbling indicator, nervously made to quiver on its course as events\\nof weal or woe affect it. Which way the tide of our destiny shall\\nset is now for us to decide. Once more let it be said that this is\\nwholly a matter of choice, and not in any way a question of chance.\\nThe manifest destiny of the nation waits upon the actions of men,\\nwhile expectancy sits on the brow of the universe.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nIN THE TRAIL OF ROME.\\nAmong the great nations of ancient times the republic of Rome\\nis at once the most gigantic and striking figure. In the history of\\nmankind only two republics have ever risen to a pitch of grandeur\\nand prominence sufficient to entitle them to a rank in the galaxy of\\ngreat world-powers. Of these the republic of the Romans is\\none, and that of the United States of America is the other.\\nAside from the Anglo-Saxon race, no people have ever possessed\\nthe faculty of self-government to such an extent as the Roman\\nnation. Theirs was a commonwealth, which, as Cicero, one of\\ntheir own greatest orators, said, ought to be immortal, and forever\\nrenew its youth. His words contain a truth, but sad to state, a\\ntruth unrealized beneath the sun. Republican forms of government\\nhave proved even less enduring than the other systems which have\\nbeen devised for the ruling of mankind. This constitutes no criti-\\ncism of the principle on which republics are based. Popular\\ngovernment is an experiment upon the heart of man a higher, that\\nis, a more self-sacrificing, grade of citizenship is required from the\\nindividual in order that the higher form of national life may sur-\\nvive and prosper. It is possible for a monarchy to continue to\\nexist, even although great crimes are committed in the name of the\\nstate; even though justice and the rights of men and peoples are\\nmired beneath the mailed heel of arbitrary authority. In the doing\\nof these things a monarchy violates no natural law of its being or\\nits life. It is not so with a republic. This is founded upon right,\\nnot power; this is laid in righteousness, not iniquity. When once\\npower is substituted for right, and iniquity for righteousness, the\\nrepublic, in the nature of things, is transformed by these very acts\\ninto a despotic grade of government. It may continue to wear the\\ninsignia and badge of freedom, but the life, the sacred fire, has\\nflickered and gone out in darkness. The image may remain, but\\ntis only a death mask; the vital breath has fled. If republics\\nendure, their citizens must not only know the right, but they must\\n10 [137]", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "138 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\ndo the right. This the people of the Roman republic, in early days,\\nknew and appreciated. Hence, they worshiped the virtues.\\nThey built temples, and offered sacrifices to the highest human\\nexcellences, to Valor, to Truth, to Good Faith, to Modesty,\\nto Charity, to Concord. Hence it was that they said to every\\nman: You do not live for yourself. If you live for yourself, you\\nshall come to not hing. Be brave, be just, be pure, be true in word\\nand deed; care not for your enjoyment, care not for your life; care\\nonly for what is right. So, and not otherwise, it shall be well with\\nyou. So the Maker of you has ordered, whom you will disobey at\\nyour peril. J These words give at least a strong intimation of how\\neven the people of that elder day regarded popular government\\nas being an experiment on the heart. When once the heart is un-\\nchained and personal or national ambition is allowed to have full\\nsway, then freedom s rule is at an end. Arbitrary power is most\\neasily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness. 2\\nFrom being a republic, Rome was converted into a military\\nempire. The cause of this conversion is of remarkable interest to\\nthe people of the United States. This cause is well understood by\\nall students of history, and has been stated in a few masterly sen-\\ntences by James Anthony Froude:\\nIn virtue of their temporal freedom the Romans became the\\nmost powerful nation in the known world and their liberties per-\\nished only when Rome became the mistress of conquered races, to\\nwhom she was unable or unwilling to extend her privileges. If\\nthere is one lesson which history clearly teaches, it is this, that free\\nnations can not govern subject provinces. If they are unable or\\nunwilling to admit their dependencies to share their own constitu-\\ntion, the constitution itself will fall in pieces from mere incompe-\\ntence for its duties.\\nRome became imperial because she was unable or unwilling to\\nextend the privileges of her constitution to the nations which she\\nconquered. This was the cause of her imperialism. The result to\\nthe Roman people themselves was that their own liberties per-\\nished. In refusing the privileges of her constitution to the peo-\\nples whom she had conquered, Rome denied a fundamental law of\\ni Froude, Caesar; a Sketch.\\n2 Washington, letter of congratulation and advice.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OP ROME. 139\\nher own governmental being, and nothing else could logically fol-\\nlow but ruin of her government, of her constitution; that is, the\\nruin of the republic of Rome.\\nTo-day the republic of the United States is coursing over the\\nsame track to the same goal. But when the tape at the end of the\\ntrack is reached, the dead line of republican life will have been\\npassed. The nation is riding for a fall just as certajnly as did\\nancient Rome, that other great republic of the West. The one\\nlesson which history teaches, that free nations can not govern\\nsubject provinces, is now being ignored and scoffed at, as if it\\nwere the veriest fairy-tale, totally unworthy of contemplation by\\nreflective and intelligent minds. It is now being seriously urged\\nthat this nation is not unwilling, but only unable, to extend\\nher privileges to the conquered races. This inability is said to\\nbe caused, not by any inherent weakness or lack upon the part of\\nthe conqueror; but because of the conditions and circumstances of\\nthe conquered. Precisely the same thing was argued in the Roman\\ntimes but such arguments availed nothing to prevent loss of lib-\\nerty to the people of Rome themselves, and ruin to her constitution.\\nRome violated a natural law of her being, and all violations of nat-\\nural law, governmental as well as physical, bring, by nature, pun-\\nishment upon the transgressor. In the Declaration of Independ-\\nence this nation declared that she assumed among the powers of\\nthe earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature\\nand of nature s God entitled her. The very foundation stones of\\nthis nation then are laid in natural law. That natural law is that\\nall men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator\\nwith certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty,\\nand the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure these rights, govern-\\nments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from\\nthe consent of the governed. The United States is now engaged in\\na war, the avowed purpose of which is to deprive a poor people of\\nliberty, their unalienable right. But the natural law by means\\nof which this nation came into existence and being declares that to\\nsecure this right, liberty, governments are instituted among\\nmen, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.\\nBut now, the government of the United States is being instituted\\namong men, the Filipinos, not to secure to them, but to", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "140 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\ndeprive them of their rights. If this is not the violation of\\na natural law of our own national being, then there never has been\\nsuch a thing in the history of the world.\\nGoethe compares life to a game at whist, where the cards are\\ndealt out by destiny, and the rules of the game are fixed; subject to\\nthese conditions, the players are left to win or lose, according to\\ntheir skill or want of skill. The life of a nation, like the life of a\\nman, may be prolonged in honor into the fulness of its time, or it\\nmay perish prematurely, for want of guidance, by violence or inter-\\nnal disorders. And thus the history of national revolutions is to\\nstatesmanship what the pathology of disease is to the art of medi-\\ncine. The physician can not arrest the coming on of age. Where\\ndisease has laid hold upon the constitution, he can not expel it; but\\nhe may check the progress of the evil if he can recognize the symp-\\ntoms in time. He can save life at the cost of an unsound limb.\\nHe can tell us how to preserve our health when we have it; he\\ncan warn us of the conditions under which particular disorders will\\nhave us at disadvantge. And so with nations: amid the endless\\nvariety of circumstances there are constant phenomena which give\\nnotice of approaching danger; there are courses of action which\\nhave uniformly produced the same results and the wise politicians\\nare those who have learned from experience the real tendencies of\\nthings, unmisled by superficial differences, who can shun the rocks\\nwhere others have been wrecked, or from foresight of what is com-\\ning can be cool when the peril is upon them.\\nIn so many wa} r s the times when Rome fell from her lofty estate\\nas a republic and degenerated into a military empire are akin to our\\nown. No historian has discerned this so clearly as Froude, and his\\ndelineation of that drama is powerful beyond description. He\\nsays\\nWith such vividness, with such transparent clearness, the age\\nstands before us of Cuto and Pompey, of Cicero and Julius Cresar;\\nthe more distinctly because it was an age in so many ways the coun-\\nterpart of our own, the blossoming period of the old civilization,\\nwhen the intellect was trained to the highest point which it could\\nreach; and on the great subjects of human interest, on morals and\\npolitics, on poetry and art, even on religion itself, and the specula-\\ns Froude, Ibid.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 141\\ntive problems of life, men thought as we think, doubted where we\\ndoubt, argued as we argue, aspired and struggled after the same\\nobjects. It was an age of material progress and material civiliza-\\ntion; an age of civil liberty and intellectual culture; an age of\\npamphlets and epigrams, of salons and dinner parties, of senatorial\\nmajorities and electoral corruption. The highest offices of state were\\nopen in theory to the meanest citizen; they were confined, in fact,\\nto those who had the longest purses, or the most ready use of the\\ntongue on popular platforms. Distinctions of birth had been\\nexchanged for distinctions of wealth. The struggles between ple-\\nbeians and patricians for equality of privilege were over, and a new\\ndivision had been formed between the party of property and the\\nparty who desired a change in the structure of society. The free\\ncultivators were disappearing from the soil. Italy was beiug ab-\\nsorbed into vast estates and held by a few favored families, and\\ncultivated by slaves, while the old agricultural population was\\ndriven off the land, and was crowded into towns. The rich were\\nextravagant, for life had ceased to have practical interests except\\nfor its material pleasures; the occupation of the higher classes was\\nto obtain money without labor, and to spend it in idle enjoj ment.\\nPatriotism survived on the lips, but patriotism meant the ascend-\\nency of the party which would maintain the existing order of things,\\nor would overthrow for a more equal distribution of the good things\\nwhich alone were valued. Religion, once the foundation of the\\nlaws and rule of personal conduct, had subsided into opinion. The\\neducated, in their hearts, disbelieved it. Temples were still built\\nwith increasing splendor; the established forms were scrupulously\\nobserved. Public men spoke conventionally of Providence, that\\nthey might throw on their opponents the odium of impiety; but of\\ngenuine belief that life had any serious meaning, there was none\\nremaining beyond the circle of the silent, patient, ignorant multi-\\ntude. The whole spiritual atmosphere was saturated with cant\\ncant moral, cant political, cant religious; an affectation of high\\nprinciple which had ceased to touch the conduct, and flowed on in\\nan increasing volume of insincere and unreal speech. The truest\\nthinkers were those who, like Lucretius, spoke frankly out their real\\nconvictions, declared that Providence was a dream, and that man\\nand the world he lived in were material phenomena generated by", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "142 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nnatural forces out of cosmic atoms, and into atoms to be again\\ndissolved.\\nTendencies now in operation ma}- a few generations hence land\\nmodern society in similar conclusions, unless other convictions\\nrevive meanwhile and get the mastery over them of which possi-\\nbility no more need be said than this, that unless there be such a\\nrevival, in some shape or other, the forces, whatever they be, which\\ncontrol the forms in which human things adjust themselves, will\\nmake an end again, as they made an end before, of what are called\\nfree institutions. Popular forms of government are possible only\\nwhen individual men can govern their own lives on moral principles,\\nand when duty is of more importance than pleasure, and justice\\nthan material expedienc}\\nThen it was that there came upon the Romans that extraordinary\\nspirit of expansion, which led them to believe that theirs was a\\nmanifest destiny to rule the entire world and in a few short years,\\nfrom being a snug little country, locked in the arms of twin seas,\\nRome was transformed into an imperialism, set for the despoliation\\nof every conquerable nation. On this point Froude has said:\\nItaly had fallen to them by natural and wholesome expansion;\\nbut from being sovereigns of Italy, they became a race of imperial\\nconquerors. Suddenly and in comparatively a few years after the\\none power was gone which could resist them, they became the\\nactual or virtual rulers of the entire circuit of the Mediterranean.\\nThe southeast of Spain, the coast of France from the Pyrenees to\\nNice, the north of Italy, Illyria and Greece, Sardinia, Sicily, and\\nthe Greek islands, the southern and western shores of Asia Minor,\\nwere Roman provinces, governed directly by Roman magistrates.\\nOn the African side, Mauritania (Morocco) was still free. Numidia\\n(the modern Algeria) retained its native dynasty, but was a Roman\\ndependency. The Carthaginian dominions, Tunis and Tripoli, had\\nbeen annexed to the empire. The interior of Asia Minor up to the\\nEuphrates, with Syria and Egypt, were under sovereigns, called\\nallies, but like the native princes in India, subject to a Roman\\nprotectorate. Over this enormous territory, rich with the accumu-\\nlated treasures of centuries, and inhabited by thriving, industrious\\nraces, the energetic Roman men of business had spread and settled\\nFroude, Ibid.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 143\\nthemselves, gathering into their hands the trade, the financial\\nadministration, the entire commercial control of the Mediterranean\\nbasin. They had been trained in thrift and economy, in abhorrence\\nof debt, in strictest habits of close and careful management.\\nTheir frugal education, their early lessons in the value of money,\\ngood and excellent as these lessons were, led them, as a matter of\\ncourse, to turn to account their extraordinary opportunities. Gov-\\nernors with their staffs, permanent officials, contractors for the\\nrevenue, negotiators, bill-brokers, bankers, merchants, were scat-\\ntered everywhere in thousands. Money poured in upon them in\\nrolling streams of gold. The largest share of the spoils fell to the\\nSenate and the senatorial families. The Senate was the permanent\\ncouncil of state, and was the real administrator of the empire. The\\nSenate had the control of the treasury, conducted the public policy,\\nappointed from its own ranks the governors of the provinces. It\\nwas patrician in sentiment, but not necessarily patrician in composi-\\ntion. The members of it had virtually been elected for life by the\\npeople, and were almost entirely those who had been quaestors,\\naediles, praetors, or consuls; and these offices had been long open to\\nthe plebeians. It was an aristocracy, in theory a real one, but tend-\\ning to become, as civilization went forward, an aristocracy of the rich.\\nHow the senatorial privileges affected the management of the prov-\\ninces will be seen more and more particularly as we go on. It is\\nenough at present to say that the nobles and great commoners of\\nRome rapidly found themselves in possession of revenues which\\ntheir fathers could not have imagined in their dreams and money,\\nin the stage of progress at which Rome had arrived, was convertible\\ninto power. 5\\nThis is a good description of the territory of Rome s expansion,\\nand what she did with it, when once it fell into her possession. The\\nnext question that calls for solution is, How did Rome get started in\\nher expansion policy The answer is short, simple, and, with\\nthe sound of recently uttered phrases still ringing in our ears, per-\\nhaps familiar: the expansion of Rome, which also means the impe-\\nrialism of Rome, began in a war for humanity, in the cause of\\nhumanity, solely for humanity. This is the story.\\nWhen the second Punic war came to an end, with such a disas-\\n6 Froude, Ibid.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "144 PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\ntrous issue for the Carthaginians, and such a favorable outcome for\\nthe Romans, the latter determined immediately to crush the power\\nof Philip, king of Macedon. True, peace had been concluded with\\nhim two or three years before, yet the grounds of a new quarrel\\nwere soon discovered. He was accused of having attacked the\\nAthenians and some of the other friends of Rome. At this time\\nthe southern part of Greece was divided into a number of small\\nrepublics, all of which paid more or less tribute to Philip of Mace-\\ndon. Rome was a republic, a great and a strong republic, and she\\nconsidered it her duty to assist these poor, little, weak, struggling\\nrepublics against the tyranny of the king of Macedonia. The war\\nwas undertaken by the Romans chiefly, as icas pretended, on their\\n[the small republics of Greece] account. 6 It was under pre-\\ntext of an invitation from the Athenians to protect them from the\\nking of Macedon that the ambitious republic secured a foothold in\\nGreece. 7 To all appearances this was a piece of disinterestedness\\nnot common among nations; but it was only to all appearances.\\nThe barbarous tribes on the north and west of Macedonia were\\nalso led, by the temptation of plunder, to join the confederacy;\\nand their irruptions served to distract the councils and the forces\\nof Philip. 8\\nThe parallel or analogy between that war solely for humanity\\nand the one through which the United States has just passed, is\\nquite complete. The little republics of Southern Greece stood\\nrelated to Philip of Macedon much the same as Cuba, Porto Rico,\\nand other places stood related to Spain at the time when this nation,\\nsolely in the cause of humanity, declared war in their behalf.\\nAnd. moreover, it may not be out of the way to compare the bar-\\nbarous tribes on the north and west of Macedonia, who were led to\\njoin the confederacy, and whose irruptions served to distract the\\ncouncils and forces of Philip. it may not be out of the way to\\ncompare these to Aguinaldo and his barbarous hordes of Negri-\\ntos, who, by a United States consul and a commodore of the United\\nStates navy, were led to join the confederacy, and whose irrup-\\ntions served to distract the councils and forces of Spain.\\nArnold, History of Rome.\\nDraper, Intellectual Development of Europe, Vol. I, chap. 8, par. 14.\\ns Arnold, Ibid.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 145\\nAt the battle of Cynocephale, in 197 b. c. Philip was signally\\ndefeated, his country was exposed to invasion, and he was reduced\\nto accept peace on such terms as the Romans thought proper to\\ndictate.\\nThese, as usual, tended to cripple the power of the vanquisned\\nparty, and at the same time to increase the reputation of the Romans,\\nby appearing more favorable to their allies than to themselves.\\nPhilip was obliged to give up every Greek city that he pos-\\nsessed beyond the limits of Macedonia, both in Europe and in Asia;\\na stipulation which deprived him of Thessaly, Achaia, Phthiotis,\\nPerrhaebia, and Magnesia, and particularly of the three important\\ntowns of Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias, which he used to call the\\nfetters of Greece. 9 In other words, Philip of Macedon lost all his\\noutlying dependencies; and this is just about what happened to Spain\\nat the treaty of Paris. Both alike were stripped of by far the\\ngreater part of their territory outside of the home land.\\nAll these states were declared free and independent, except\\nthat the Romans (pretending that Antiochus, king of Syria, threat-\\nened the safety of Greece) retained, for the present, the strong\\nplaces of Chalcis and Demetrias in their own hands. 10\\nThe war had been waged by Rome at an infinite cost of blood\\nand treasure to herself. Freely she had sacrificed the blood of her\\nsons, and caused the tears of her daughters to be shed, in this war,\\nsolely for humanity. She had marshaled her armies, and mobil-\\nized her fleets, put the former in the field, and the latter in the sea,\\nsolely and only for the purpose of bringing liberty to these small\\nand distressed dependencies, the little sister republics, who were\\nstruggling for their freedom. She asked no money nor land for all\\nthis; her cup of joy was full to the overflowing, because she had\\ndone such a great act of disinterested kindness in the cause\\nof humanity. In a striking proclamation she published to the\\nworld the liberty of these people, won by her valor at arms, and\\nfreely given to them:\\nThe senate and people of Rome, and Titus Quintius the general,\\nhaving conquered Philip and the Macedonians, do set at liberty from\\nall garrisons, imposts, and taxes, the Corinthians, the Locrians, the\\nIbid. i\u00c2\u00bbJbid.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "146 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nPhocians, the Phthiot-Achaians, the Messenians, the Thessalians,\\nand the Perrhebians, declare them free and ordain that they shall\\nbe governed by their respective customs and usages.\\nThen followed the memorable scene at the Isthmian games,\\nwhen it was announced to all the multitude assembled on that occa-\\nsion, that the Romans bestowed entire freedom upon all those states\\nof Greece which had been subject to the kings of Macedonia. The\\nGreeks, unable to read the future, and having as yet had no expe-\\nrience of the ambition of Rome, received this act with the warmest\\ngratitude; and seemed to acknowledge the Romans in the character\\nthey assumed, of protectors and deliverers of Greece. u\\nFollowing this was a war with Antiochus, king of Syria. He\\nwas reduced to the condition of a suppliant in b. c. 190, by the\\nevent of the battle of Magnesia. Philip of Macedon had helped the\\nRomans in their campaigns against him. This king seems vainly\\nto have hoped that by a faithful and a zealous observance of the\\ntreaty of peace, he might soften the remorseless ambition of the\\nRomans. The iEtolians fell before the Roman arms, and then\\nthe Galatians, and now the way was open for Rome to continue her\\nambitious designs against Perseus, king of Macedon. At the battle\\nof Pydna his army was overthrown, and his power broken. This was\\nin b. c. 168. Macedonia was then divided into four districts, each\\nof which was to be under a republican government. Half of the trib-\\nute formerly paid to the king was henceforward to be paid to the\\nRomans, who also appropriated to themselves the produce of all the\\ngold and silver mines of the kingdom. The inhabitants were for-\\nbidden to fell timber for ship-building; and all intermarriages and\\nsales of land between the people of the several districts were forbid\\nden. With these marks of real slavery, they were left, for the pres-\\nent, nominally free and Macedonia was not yet reduced to the form\\nof a Roman province.\\nThen, says Arnold, and his words are pregnant with deepest\\ninstruction for the people of the United States at the present\\ntime\\nIt is curious to observe, how, after every successive conquest,\\nthe Romans altered their behavior to those allies who had aided\\nthem to gain it, and whose friendship or enmity was now become\\nii Ibid.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OP ROME. 147\\nindifferent to them. Thus, after their first war with Philip, they\\nslighted the iEtolians; after they had vanquished Antiochus, they\\nreadily listened to complaints against Philip; and now the destruc-\\ntion of Macedon enabled them to use the language of sovereigns\\nrather than of allies to their oldest and most faithful friends,\\nEumenes, the Rhodians, and the Achaians. The senate first tam-\\npered with Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, hoping that he might\\nbe persuaded to accuse his brother, and to petition for a share of\\nhis dominions but when they found him deaf to their temptations,\\nthey retracted some promises which they had made him, in the hope\\nthat he would listen to them. Afterward, when Eumenes himself\\nlanded in Italy on his way to Rome, with a view to removing the\\nsuspicions entertained against him, the senate, aware of his pur-\\npose, issued an order that no king should be allowed to come to\\nRome; and despatched one of the quaestors to announce it to him\\nat Brundusium, aud to command him to leave Italy immediately.\\nThe Rhodians had offended by declaring openly that they were\\ntired of the war with Perseus that he, as well as the Romans, was\\nthe friend of their commonwealth; that they should wish to see the\\ncontending parties reconciled; and that they would themselves\\ndeclare against those whose obstinacy should be an impediment to\\npeace. This declaration, which was received at Rome most indig-\\nnantly, had been privately recommended by Q. Marcius, the Roman\\nconsul, to one of the Rhodian ambassadors, who had visited him\\nin his camp in Macedonia, during the preceding year; and Polybius\\nreasonably conjectures that Marcius, confident of a speedy victory\\nover Perseus, gave this advice to the Rhodians, with the treacherous\\npurpose of furnishing the senate with a future pretense for hostil-\\nity against them. However, their fault was punished by the loss\\nof Lycia and Caria, which the senate now declared independent;\\nand the individuals who were accused of favoring Perseus were\\ngiven up to the Romans, or at the instigation of Roman officers\\nwere put to death by the Rhodian government. Nor should it be\\nomitted that a general inquiry was instituted throughout Greece\\ninto the conduct of the principal men in the several states during\\nthe late war. Those who were accused b} T their countrymen of the\\nRoman party of having favored Perseus were summoned to Rome to\\nplead their cause as criminals; and some were even put to death.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "148 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nBut if the mere opinions and inclinations of individuals were thus\\npunished, the states which had actually taken part with Macedon\\nmet with a still heavier destiny. Let it be forever remembered\\nthat by the decree of the senate seventy towns of Epirus were given\\nup to be plundered by the Roman army, after all hostilities were at\\nan end that falsehood and deceit were used to prevent resistance or\\nescape and that in one day and one hour seventy towns were sacked\\nand destroyed, and one hundred and fifty thousand human beings\\nsold for slaves. The instrument employed on this occasion was L.\\nEmilius Paulus, the conqueror of Macedon, and one of those whom\\nwe are taught to regard as models of Roman virtue. There is no\\nreason to doubt his sincere affection for his country, his indifference\\nto money, and his respectability as a citizen, husband, son, and\\nfather. But it is useful to see what dreadful actions the best men\\nof ancient times were led unhesitatingly to commit, from the utter\\nabsence of a just law of nations, and the fatal habit of making\\ntheir country the supreme object of their duty. Nor is it possible\\nthat these evils should be prevented, unless truer notions have\\ninsensibly established themselves in the minds of men, even of those\\nwho are least grateful to the source from which they have derived\\nthem; and if modern Europe be guided by purer principles, the\\nChristian historian can not forget from what cause this better and\\nhappier condition has arisen.\\nIt remains now that we speak of the conduct of the Romans\\ntoward the Achaians. The early history of the Achaian League,\\nand the leaning of its councils toward a friendly connection with\\nMacedon, has been already noticed. In the war between the\\nRomans and Philip, however, the Achaians were persuaded to join\\nwith the former, a step which Polybius describes as absolutely\\nnecessary for their safety whether it were altogether equally honor-\\nable we have hardly the means of deciding. But their new connec-\\ntion, whatever may be thought of its origin, was ever afterward\\nfaithfully observed, insomuch that the Romans, though sufficiently\\nadroit in finding matter of complaint, when they were disposed to\\ndo so, and though offended by the free and independent tone which\\nthe Achaian government always maintained toward them, could yet\\nobtain no tolerable pretext for attacking them. There was, how-\\never, a traitor among the Achaians, named Calicrates, who, jealous", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 149\\nof the popularity of the ruling party in the councils of his country,\\nendeavored to supplant them through the influence of Rome; and to\\ningratiate himself with the senate by representing his opponents as\\ndespisers of the Roman authority, which he and his friends vainly\\nendeavored to uphold. After the Macedonian war, his intrigues\\nwere carried to a greater extent than ever. He accused a great\\nnumber of the most eminent of his countrymen of having favored\\nthe cause of Perseus and although the conduct of the Achaian gov-\\nernment toward Rome had been perfectly blameless, and nothing\\nwas found among the papers of the king of Macedon which con-\\nfirmed the charge, even against any of its individual citizens, yet,\\non the demand of the Romans, more than a thousand of the most\\neminent men in the commonwealth were arrested and sent into\\nItaly, under pretense that they should be tried for their conduct at\\nRome. On their arrival in Italy, they were confined in the different\\ncities of Tuscany, and there remained nearly seventeen years. The\\nsenate repeatedly refused the petition of the Achaian government,\\nthat they might either be released or else be brought to trial. It\\nis added that whoever among them were at any time detected in\\nendeavoring to escape were invariably put to death. At last, after\\nmost of them had died in captivity, the influence of Cato, the cen-\\nsor, was exerted in behalf of the survivors, at the request of Scipio\\niEmilianus, who was anxious to serve one of their number, his own\\nfamiliar friend, the historian Polybius. Rut the manner in which\\nCato pleaded their cause deserves to be recorded. He represented\\nthe Achaian prisoners as unworthy of the notice of the senate of\\nRome. We sit here all day, said he, as if we had nothing to do,\\ndebating about the fate of a few wretched old Greeks, whether the\\nundertakers of Rome or of Achaia are to have the burying of them.\\nWe have dwelt the more fully on this treatment of the Achaians,\\nbecause it sets in the clearest light the character of the Roman gov-\\nernment; and enables us to appreciate the state of the world under\\nthe Roman dominion, when such men as Polybius were subject to\\nthe worst oppression and insolence from a nation which boasted of\\nCato the censor as one of its greatest ornaments.\\nHitherto, however, Achaia and the rest of Greece still enjoyed\\na nominal independence, notwithstanding the real supremacy of the\\nRoman power. Rut within little more than twenty years from the", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "150 lilt: PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\noverthrow of Perseus, even these poor remains of freedom were des-\\ntroyed. 18\\nInto the details of this it is not necessary to go; suffice it to say\\nthat the same course of treachery, duplicity, and base perfidy which\\nhad marked the course of Rome in other cases also marked her trail\\nin this one. Achaia was one of the last allies of Rome, in whose\\nbehalf she had entered upon war solely in the cause of humanity,\\nbut with other enemies or friends, as the case might be, disposed of,\\nit was decided that her hour for destruction was now arrived. The\\nAchaian league was dissolved, and Greece was henceforth treated as\\na province, was subjected to tribute, and was governed by a Roman\\nproconsul, or pra tor\\nSuch are the military facts connected with the story of the\\n1 expansion and imperialism of Rome. Upon them, the historian\\nRollin has written some Reflections on the conduct of the Romans\\nwith regard to the Graecian states/and the kings both of Europe and\\nAsia. His reflections contain the wisest philosophy on these events\\nthat the writer has ever discovered. His words are full of instruc-\\ntion concerning that time but they are also full of truths applica-\\nble to all times and places, and the present crisis in the United\\nStates, perhaps more than any other. He says\\n1 The reader begins to discover, in the events before related, one\\nof the principal characteristics of the Romans, which will soon\\ndetermine the fates of all the states of Greece, and produce an\\nalmost general change in the universe; I mean, a spirit of sover-\\neignty and dominion. This characteristic does not display itself at\\nfirst in its full extent; it reveals itself only by degrees; and it is\\nonly by insensible progressions, which at the same time are rapid\\nenough, that it is carried at last to its greatest height.\\n1 It must be confessed that this people, on certain occasions,\\nshow such a moderation and disinterestedness as (judging them only\\nfrom their outside) exceed everything we meet with in history, and\\nto which it seems inconsistent to refuse praise. Was there ever a\\nmore delightful or more glorious day than that in which the Romans,\\nafter having carried on a long and dangerous war, after crossing\\nseas, and exhausting their treasures, caused the heralds to proclaim\\nin a general assembly that the Roman people restored all the cities\\n12 Arnold, Ibid.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OP ROME. 151\\nto their liberty, and desired to reap no other fruit from her victory\\nthan the noble pleasure of doing good to nations, the bare remem-\\nbrance of whose ancient glory sufficed to endear them to the\\nRomans? The description of that immortal day can hardly be read\\nwithout tears, and without being affected by a kind of enthusiasm\\nof esteem and admiration.\\nHad this deliverance of the Graecian states proceeded merely\\nfrom a principle of generosity, void of all interested motives; had\\nthe whole tenor of the conduct of the Romans never belied such\\nexalted sentiments, nothing could possibly have been more august,\\nor more capable of doing honor to a nation. But, if we penetrate\\never so little beyond this glaring outside, we soon perceive that this\\nspecious moderation of the Romans was entirely founded upon a pro-\\nfound policy; wise indeed, and prudent, according to the ordinary\\nrules of government, but, at the same time, very remote from that\\nnoble disinterestedness, so highly extolled on the present occasion.\\nIt may be affirmed that the Graecians had abandoned themselves\\nto a stupid joy fondly imagining that they were really free, because\\nthe Romans declared them so.\\nGreece, in the times I am now speaking of, was divided\\nbetween two powers; I mean the Graecian republics and Macedonia;\\nand they were always engaged in war, the former to preserve the\\nremains of their ancient liberty, and the latter to complete their\\nsubjection. The Romans, being perfectly well acquainted with this\\nstate of Greece, were sensible that they needed not to be under any\\napprehensions from those little republics, which were grown weak\\nthrough length of years, intestine feuds, mutual jealousies, and\\nthe wars they had been forced to support against foreign powers.\\nBut Macedonia, which was possessed of well-disciplined troops,\\ninured to all the toils of war, which had continually in view the\\nglory of its former monarchs; which had formerly extended its con-\\nquests to the extremities of the globe which harbored ardent, though\\nchimerical desire of attaining universal empire; and which had a\\nkind of natural alliance with the kings of Egypt and Syria, sprung\\nfrom the same origin, and united by the common interest of mon-\\narchy, Macedonia, I say, gave just alarms to Rome, which, from\\nthe time of the ruin of Carthage, had no obstacle left with regard\\nto their ambitious designs, but those powerful kingdoms that shared", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "152 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nthe rest of the world between them, and especially Macedonia, as it\\nlay nearer to Italy than the rest.\\nTo balance, therefore, the power of Macedon, and to dis-\\npossess Philip of the aid which he flattered himself he should\\nreceive from the Greeks, which, indeed, had they united all their\\nforces with his, in order to oppose this common enemy, would per-\\nhaps have made him invincible with regard to the Romans; in this\\nview, I say, this latter people declared loudly in favor of those\\nrepublics, made it their glory to take them under their protection,\\nand that with no other design in outward appearance than to defend\\nthem against their oppressors; and further to attach them by a still\\nstronger tie, they hung out to them a specious bait (as a reward for\\ntheir fidelity) I mean liberty, of which all the republics in question\\nwere inexpressibly jealous; and which the Macedonian monarchs\\nhad perpetually disputed with them.\\nThe bait was artfully prepared, and swallowed very greedily\\nby the generality of the Greeks, whose views penetrated no farther.\\nBut the most judicious and most clear sighted among them dis-\\ncovered the danger that lay concealed beneath this charming bait;\\nand accordingly they exhorted the people from time to time, in\\ntheir public assemblies to beware of this cloud that was gathering\\nin the west, and which, changing on a sudden into a dreadful tem-\\npest, would break like thunder over their heads, to their utter\\ndestruction.\\nNothing could be more gentle and equitable than the conduct\\nof the Romans in the beginning. They acted with the utmost\\nmoderation toward such states and nations as addressed them for\\nprotection; they succored them against their enemies, took the\\nutmost pains in terminating their differences, and in suppressing all\\ncommotions which arose among them, and did not demand the\\nleast recompence from their allies for all these services. By this\\nmeans their authority gained strength daily, and prepared the\\nnations for entire subjection.\\nAnd, indeed, upon pretense of offering them their good offices,\\nof entering into their interests, and of reconciling them, they ren-\\ndered themselves the sovereign arbiters of those whom they had\\nrestored to liberty, and whom they now considered, in some meas-\\nure, as their freedmen. They used to depute commissioners to", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 153\\nthem, to inquire into their complaints, to weigh and examine the\\nreasons on both sides, and to decide their quarrels but when the arti-\\ncles were of such a nature that there was no possibility of reconciling\\nthem on the spot, they invited them to send their deputies to Rome.\\nAfterward, they used, with plenary authority, to summon those who\\nrefused to be reconciled, obliged them to plead their cause before\\nthe senate, and even to appear in person there. From arbiters and\\nmediators being become supreme judges, they soon assumed a\\nmagisterial tone, looked upon their decrees as irrevocable decisions,\\nwere greatly offended when the most implicit obedience was not paid\\nto them, and gave the name of rebellion to a second resistance;\\nthus there arose, in the Roman senate, a tribunal which judged all\\nnations and kings, from which there was no appeal. This tribunal,\\nat the end of every war, determined the rewards and punishments\\ndue to all parties. They dispossessed the vanquished nations of\\npart of their territories, in order to bestow them on their allies, by\\nwhich they did two things from which they reaped a double advan-\\ntage for they thereby engaged in the interest of Rome such kings\\nas were in no way formidable to them, and from whom they had\\nsomething to hope; and weakened others, whose friendship the\\nRomans could not expect, and whose arms they had reason to dread.\\nWe shall hear one of the chief magistrates in the republic\\nof the Achaians inveigh strongly in a public assembly against this\\nunjust usurpation, and ask by what title the Romans are empowered\\nto assume so haughty an ascendent over them whether their republic\\nwas not as free and independent as that of Rome; by what right\\nthe latter pretended to force the Achaians to account for their con-\\nduct; whether they would be pleased, should the Achaians, in their\\nturn, officially pretend to inquire into their affairs, and whether\\nmatters ought not to be on the same footing on both sides? All\\nthese reflections were very reasonable, just, and unanswerable; and\\nthe Romans had no advantage in the question but force.\\nThey acted in the same manner, and their politics were the\\nsame in regard to their treatment of kings. They first won over\\nto their interest such among them as were the weakest, and conse-\\nquently the least formidable; they gave them the title of allies,\\nwhereby their persons were rendered in some measure sacred and\\ninviolable and it was a kind of safeguard against other kings more\\n11", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "154 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\npowerful than themselves they increased their revenues, and enlarged\\ntheir territories, to let them see what they might expect from their\\nprotection. It was this which raised the kingdom of Pergamus\\nto so exalted a pitch of grandeur.\\nIn the sequel the Romans invaded, upon different pretenses,\\nthose great potentates who divided Europe and Asia, and how\\nhaughtily did they treat them, even before they had conquered!\\nA powerful king, confined within a narrow circle by a private man\\nof Rome, was obliged to make his answer before he quitted it; how\\nimperious was this! But then how did they treat vanquished kings?\\nThey command them to deliver up their children, and the heirs\\nto their crown, as hostages and pledges of their fidelity and good\\nbehavior; oblige them to lay down their arms; forbid them to\\ndeclare war, or conclude any alliance, without first obtaining their\\nleave; banish them to the other side of the mountains; and leave\\nthem, in strictness of speech, only an empty title, and a vain show\\nof royalty, divested of all its rights and advantages.\\nWe are not to doubt but that Providence had decreed to the\\nRomans the sovereignty of the world, and the Scriptures had\\nprophesied their future grandeur; but they were strangers to those\\ndivine oracles; and besides, the bare prediction of their conquest\\nwas no justification of their conduct. Although it be difficult to\\naffirm, and still more difficult to prove, that this people had from\\ntheir first rise formed a plan, in order to conquer and subject all\\nnations, it can not be denied but that, if we examine their whole\\nconduct attentively, it will appear that they acted as if they had a\\nforeknowledge of this, and that a kind of instinct determined them\\nto conform to it in all things.\\nBut be this as it will, we see by the event, to what this so\\nmuch boasted lenity and moderation of the Romans was confined.\\nEnemies to the liberty of all nations, having the utmost contempt\\nfor kings and monarchy, looking upon the whole universe as their\\nprey, they grasped, with insatiable ambition, the conquest of the\\nwhole world they seized indiscriminately all provinces and kingdoms,\\nand extended their empire over all nations; in a word, they pre-\\nscribed no other limits to their vast projects, than those which des-\\nerts and seas made it impossible to pass. 13\\n.\u00c2\u00bbRollin, Ancient History, book 18, sec. 7.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OP ROME. 155\\nThe expansion fever which laid such firm hold upon the people\\nof the Roman republic has come upon the people of the republic\\nof the United States. In both cases the game of the despolia-\\ntion of nations and peoples has opened with a war solely in\\nthe cause of humanity. In the former instance, the Romans\\ndid declare the people of the small Greek republics free and\\nindependent. The United States has not yet even done this much.\\nThe republics of Greece never became free. The war for\\nhumanity never gave them their liberty. They soon found, and\\nthat to their bitter disappointment, that they had only exchanged\\nmasters, and that the little finger of Rome was thicker than the loins\\nof Philip of Macedon, and that if the king had chastised them with\\nwhips, the republic chastised them with scorpions. They soon\\nfound to their intense sorrow that in the war for humanity there\\nhad been a transfer made, and that they had been the subject of\\nbarter. It did not take them long to discover that they had\\nonly acquired a slavery more abject and complete than that which\\nthey had endured under their previous ruler. It was as much more\\ncomplete as Rome was more powerful than Macedon.\\nRome never withdrew her foot from the Greek states, and it is\\neven now doubtful whether the United States will ever withdraw\\nfrom Cuba. Recent public utterances indicate that a great change\\nof sentiment is sweeping over the country on this point. At the\\nmeeting of the members of the Associated Press, held in Chicago,\\nMay 18, 1899, in the star speech of the evening, St. Claire McKel-\\nway, editor of the Brooklyn Eagle, said:\\nThere is no newspaper which believes that we are in Porto\\nRico ever to get out. We are there to stay. There is none which\\nbelieves that we are in Cuba to get out soon. I think we will\\nstay there about as long as Great Britain will stay in Egypt, and\\nthat Great Britain will stay in Egypt about as long as the Anglo-\\nSaxon race has a habit of staying where it settles down. I am will-\\ning to differ from my brethren on this subject, but as my estimate\\nhas been only comparative, perhaps there is less room for difference\\nthan might superficially appear. The duration of our stay in the\\nPhilippines is prodigiously debated. While the debate goes on, we\\nstay. If the debate coincides with our stay, I think it will be a\\nprotracted debate.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "156 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nIndeed, as time goes on, the prospects of this country s withdraw-\\ning from Cuba seem to be more and more remote. A silent revolu-\\ntion has been taking place, a revolution more fatal to the United\\nStates than any that ever went on in Cuba could possibly have been\\nto the Spanish throne and power.\\nThe things which have come to pass, and which are written out\\nin this book, both those concerning Rome and the United States,\\nhave also been written long before in the prophecies of the Book of\\nbooks, on the sacred leaves of the Holy Scriptures. This is not a\\nchimera, but a fact, a reasonable fact, and one of deepest interest\\nto all the citizens of the United States. It is fashionable nowadays\\nto scoff at the idea that the Bible gives any instructions concerning\\nthe affairs of nations; but nevertheless a very large portion of the\\nWord of God is simply a history of the nations, and a record of\\nGcd s dealings with them. Nothing can be more true or evident\\nthan that God keeps an account, not only with every individual, but\\nalso with every family, every city, and every State.\\nWhen Abraham and his followers entered the land of Canaan,\\nthey were not permitted to destroy the sinful inhabitants; but, said\\nJehovah, addressing the father of the faithful, and referring to\\nIsrael In the fourth generation they shall come hither again, for\\nthe iniquity of the Amorites is not yet full. 14 And in the fourth\\ngeneration they did come hither again, and by the command of\\nthe Lord they slew and spared not; and wrote of Sihon: Then\\nSihon came out against us, he and all his people, to fight at Jahaz.\\nAnd the Lord our God delivered him before us and we smote him,\\nand his sons, and all his people. And we took all his cities at that\\ntime, and utterly destroyed the men, and the women, and the little\\nones, of every city, we left none to remain: only the cattle we took\\nfor a prey unto ourselves, and the spoil of the cities which we took.\\nFrom Aroer, which is by the brink of the river Arnon, and from\\nthe city that is by the river, even unto Gilead, there was not one\\ncity too strong for us: the Lord our God delivered all unto us:\\nonly unto the land of the children of Ammon thou earnest not, nor\\nunto any place of the river Jabbok, nor unto the cities in the moun-\\ntains, nor unto whatsoever the Lord our God forbade us. 15 These\\nwars of the Israelites are often taken to prove the position that God\\nGen. 15 16. is Deut. 3 32-37.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. J 57\\napproves of war and acts of bloodshed. But the truth is not so.\\nWhen Israel was commanded to destroy the people of the land into\\nwhich she entered, it was because their cup of iniquity was full, and\\nbecause it would be only cruelty on the part of the Creator to per-\\nmit them a longer existence. Had God permitted them to live\\nlonger, their accumulation of sin would only have grown greater,\\nand the penalty which they would have had to receive as individual\\nsinners would necessarily have been more severe. They were\\nutterly destitute of the Spirit of God; it had fled away forever.\\nAnd being utterly destitute of that which alone can make us holy\\nand good, there was nothing left in them for God to ally himself to,\\nor which he could use as a means to bring them salvation. In\\nprinciple they were demons for what are Satan and his angels but\\nbeings entirely destitute of the Spirit of God It is in mercy,\\ntherefore, that God brings the career of wicked individuals and evil\\nnations to a close. It is not an arbitrary act, it is the kindest thing\\nthat a merciful God can do.\\nWhen the angels visited Abraham under the oaks on the plains\\nof Mamre, the Lord spake through them, concerning the cities of\\nSodom and Gomorrah:\\nAnd the Lord said, Shall I hide from Abraham that thing\\nwhich I do; seeing that Abraham shall surely become a great and\\nmighty nation, and all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in him?\\nFor I know him, that he will command his children and his house-\\nhold after him, and they shall keep the way of the Lord, to do justice\\nand judgment: that the Lord may bring upon Abraham that which\\nhe hath spoken of him. And the Lord said, Because the cry of Sodom\\nand Gomorrah is great, and because their sin is very grievous I will\\ngo down now, and see whether they have done altogether according to\\nthe cry of it, which is come unto me; and if not, I will know. 19 The\\nangels went on their way, and Abraham remained before the Lord,\\nand pleaded with him, first that he should spare the cities if there\\ncould be found fifty righteous persons there; and then if there\\ncould be found forty-five, forty, thirty, twenty, or even ten right-\\neous persons within their walls. And the Lord said, I will not\\ndestroy it for ten s sake. Only righteous Lot and his family\\nwere found, and to them it was said: Escape for thy life; look\\n19 Gen. 18:17-21.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "158 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nnot behind thee, neither stay thou in all the plains; escape to the\\nmountain, lest thou be consumed. Then the Lord rained upon\\nSodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of\\nheaven; and he overthrew those cities, and all the plain, and all\\nthe inhabitants of the cities, and that which grew upon the\\nground.\\nIn the case of these cities the limit of God s forbearance had\\nbeen reached, the hour of their probation had closed. It was use-\\nless to give their inhabitants a further opportunity for salvation;\\nthey had sinned away their day of grace, and were given over\\nto wickedness.\\nThe same God who watched over the nation of the Amorites,\\nand destroyed them when their cup of iniquity was full; the same\\nGod who kept record of the gay pleasures and grievous sins of the\\npeople of Sodom and Gomorrah, and who consumed them in the\\nfearful flames when they had passed the unseen line, that same\\nOne also kept watch over the republic of Rome, and is keeping\\nwatch over the republic of the United States. In the wonderful\\nprophecies traced with the pencil of the Holy Ghost, the history\\nof these last two is written, and was written long before either came\\ninto existence. It was written to the intent that the living might\\nknow that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth\\nit to whomsoever he will.\\nThere are many who believe that the churches and church-\\nmen should have nothing to do with politics. None hold this\\nview more stanchly than I do. Nevertheless, it is as true to-day\\nas it was in centuries past and gone that prophets and priests\\nare sent by the Lord to warn kings and nations concerning the\\nretribution which will be visited upon them by the King of kings\\nand Lord of lords, if they depart from the path which a divine hand\\nhas mapped out for their feet. In this sense, and in this sense only,\\ndo I believe that the voice of the ambassadors of Jesus Christ\\nshould be heard in the courts and congresses of human powers, of\\nearthly governments. And it is because I firmly believe that if\\nthe United States persists in the course she has entered upon, her\\nruin and the ruin of the world can be the only result, that I have\\npenned these lines. Prophets were sent to heathen kings, as well\\nH Gen. 19 17, 24, 25.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 159\\nas to the monarchs who sat on Israel s throne. They were sent be-\\ncause God loved the people, and did all that infinite love and mercy\\ncould do to save them from a general doom. If the nation as a\\nwhole heeded not, as was often the case, there were individuals\\nwho listened to the voice of the ambassadors of the Lord, and\\nwere kept from the dire troubles which God sent upon the rebel-\\nlious state. My life has been devoted to the affairs of religion and\\nspirituality. I have never been a member in any sense of any\\npolitical party, and have never in my life cast a vote in city, State,\\nor national elections. In saying this I would in no sense judge my\\nbrethren who have considered it their duty to do this; suffice it to\\nsay that it has been my conviction that as a citizen of the kingdom\\nof heaven, and as an ambassador of Jesus Christ, I would serve\\nhumanity the best by holding entirely aloof from the political strifes\\nwhich divide men into factions and parties, and devoting my strength\\nto the sweetest of all ministries, that of reconciliation between\\nChrist and sinners. It is only in instances like the present, when\\nthe things which are done are the things which are warned against\\nin the Word of God, that I feel free to lift my voice and pen,\\ntrusting and praying that the spirit in which I write may rest upon\\nand enter into those who read. With me the events which are now\\ntranspiring are not the working out of mere political theories, but of\\ngreat prophetical principles. It is for this reason that I write. It is\\nbecause I wish my position upon this matter of Christians in politics\\nto be clearly understood that I have taken time and space for this\\ndigression.\\nIn the Bible, by the pen of the prophet Daniel and of the reve-\\nlator John, we have in advance of its enactment the history of\\nRome and the United States, the two great republics of the West.\\nDaniel spake, and said:\\nI saw in my vision by night, and, behold, the four winds of\\nthe heaven strove upon the great sea. And four great beasts came\\nup from the sea, diverse one from another. The first was like a\\nlion, and had eagle s wings: I beheld till the wings thereof were\\nplucked, and it was lifted up from the earth, and made stand upon\\nthe feet as a man, and a man s heart was given to it. And behold\\nanother beast, a second, like to a bear, and it raised up itself on\\none side, and it had three ribs in the mouth of it between the teeth", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "1(30 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nof it: and they said thus unto it, Arise, devour much flesh. After\\nthis I beheld, and lo another, like a leopard, which had upon the\\nback of it four wings of a fowl; the beast had also four heads; and\\ndominion was given to it. After this I saw in the night visions, and\\nbehold a fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceed-\\ningly; and it had great iron teeth: it devoured and brake in pieces,\\nand stamped the residue with the feet of it: and it was diverse\\nfrom all the beasts that were before it. 18\\nSuch is a part of the vision. Daniel was grieved and troubled,\\nand he asked one of them that stood by, the truth of all this.\\nHe was told that the great beasts are four kings which shall arise\\nout of the earth. Not content with this answer he said: I\\nwould know the truth of the fourth beast, which was diverse from\\nall the others, exceeding dreadful, whose teeth were of iron, and\\nhis nails of brass; which devoured, brake in pieces, and stamped\\nthe residue with his feet. Thus he said, The fourth beast shall\\nbe the fourth kingdom upon the earth, which shall be diverse from\\nall the kingdoms, and shall devour the whole earth, and tread it\\ndown, and brake it in pieces. 19\\nNow these four kingdoms are named outright in other places in\\nthe Bible. They were Babylon, Medo-Persia, Grecia, and Rome.\\nRome was the fourth, and was diverse from all before it, in that it\\nwas a republic. Now it was while it was a republic that Rome\\ndevoured, brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with his feet.\\nMoreover, in Dan. 8:24, 25 it is written of this same power: And\\nhis power shall be mighty, but not by his own power: and he shall\\ndestroy wonderfully, and shall prosper, and practise, and shall\\ndestroy the mighty and the holy people. And through his policy\\nalso he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand; and he shall mag-\\nnify himself in his heart, and by peace shall destroy many: he\\nshall also stand up against the Prince of princes; but he shall be\\nbroken without hand. And the vision of the evening and the morn-\\ning which was told is true: wherefore shut thou up the vision; for\\nit shall be for many days.\\nJust what was this crafty, peaceful, destroying policy, and how\\nhis power became mighty, but not by his own power, has already\\nis Dan. 7:2-7. i\u00c2\u00bb Dan. 7:19, 23, R. V.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 161\\nbeen set forth clearly from the history in this chapter. By the\\nhistory I have shown that Rome, being a republic, a government of the\\npeople, made high pretensions to liberty and to the love of liberty,\\nonly for the sake of liberty that for this reason Rome pretended to love\\nand desire liberty for other people that the little states of Greece were\\nstruggling against monarchies, that they might themselves be free\\nand be republics. Solely from love of liberty for the sake only of lib-\\nerty, and for the sake of humanity, Rome sent her armies and navies\\nacross seas to fight the battles, and win the causes of those other\\npeoples, only to set them free from oppressive powers, to enjoy the\\nblessings of liberty of which Rome was the conservator in the world.\\nAnd then when the battles were fought, the victories won, and the\\npeoples delivered, those peoples were not free. They were more\\nbound, and more hopeless than ever before, because of Rome s\\ngreater power than that of the former oppressors. And to-day\\nno man can intelligently read that history of the republic of Rome\\nbefore any audience in the United States without that audience\\nseeing the republic of the United States perfectly outlined up to date.\\nNow a point particularly to be considered is that this history\\nof the republic of Rome was sketched in the book of Daniel three\\nhundred and forty years before it occurred; and then that sketch\\nwas closed up and sealed, not for three hundred and forty years,\\nnot till 198 b. c. and onward; but for twenty .four hundred years,\\ntill the time of the end.\\nWhy was that sketch of the Roman republic written, and then\\nclosed up and sealed until a time two thousand years after that\\nrepublic had failed as a republic and become imperial? It was\\nbecause at this time, the time of the end, there would be another\\nrepublic that would go over the same course as did that republic,\\nwould apostatize from republicanism into imperialism.\\nMoreover it was a state composed of this apostasy of a republic\\ninto imperialism, it was such a state with which the apostate\\nchurch of early days, the man of sin, of the Bible, united, and\\nthis union made the papacy, the first beast of the Bible, as men-\\ntioned in Revelation 13.\\nIn the same thirteenth chapter of Revelation it is written: And\\nI beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; and he had two", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "L62 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nhorns like a lamb, and he spake as a dragon. 20 Here is depicted\\nthe rise of the United States, coming up peacefully out of the\\nearth, instead of forming amidst long years of tumults and fightings,\\nas was the case with all the other powers. It is represented as hav-\\ning two horns like a lamb. A horn in prophecy signifies power, and\\nthe two great principles which have given power to the United States\\nand made her what she is to-day are Protestantism and Republi-\\ncanism. But Protestantism and Republicanism are both in their\\nspirit pacific that is, they are lamblike, hence the words, had two\\nhorns like a lamb. It is obvious from this that should these two\\nhorns of power be plucked up, as it were, should they be abandoned,\\nand Roman Catholic principles in things religious, and monarchical\\nideas in things civil, take possession of this government; then,\\nat once, everything that is lenient and lamblike in the government\\nwould at that very moment disappear, and nothing but despotism\\nbe in their place. In other words, it is the prevalence of these two\\nprinciples, Protestantism and Republicanism, which alone makes\\nthe government lamblike in its nature.\\nNow the nature of Protestantism is well set forth by D Aubigne,\\nthe historian of the Reformation. Speaking of the diet of Spires,\\nwhere the famous Protest of the Princes was drawn up, and from\\nwhich we get the name of Protestant, and the word Protestantism,\\nhe says\\nThe principles contained in this celebrated protest of the 19th\\nof April, 1592, constitute the very essence of Protestantism. Now\\nthis protest opposed two abuses of man in matters of faith: the first\\nis the intrusion of the civil magistrate, and the second the arbitrary\\nauthority of the church. Instead of these abuses, Protestantism\\nsets the power of conscience above the magistrate, and the authority\\nof the Word of God above the visible church. 21\\nThis is the essence of Protestantism in very truth. There may\\nbe sects many and varied; but this is the underlying, fundamental,\\nbasic principle. True Protestantism opposes the intrusion of the\\ncivil magistrate in things pertaining to the church.\\nOn this point George Bancroft, the great historian of the\\nUnited States Constitution, has also said of the new nation:\\n20 Verse 11.\\n\u00c2\u00abD Aubigne, History of the Reformation, book 13, chapter 6.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 163\\nVindicating the right of individuality in religion, and in\\nreligion above all, the new nation dared to set the example of\\naccepting in its relation to God the principle first divinely ordained\\nof God in Judea. It left the management of temporal things to\\nthe temporal power; but the American Constitution, in harmony\\nwith the people of the several States, withheld from the federal\\ngovernment the power to invade the home of reason, the citadel of\\nconscience, the sanctuary of the soul; and not from indifference,\\nbut that the infinite Spirit of eternal truth might move in its freedom\\nand purity and power.\\nAnd the very first amendment to the national Constitution\\nreads\\nCongress shall make no law respecting an establishment of\\nreligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.\\nThus was the horn of power, the principle of Protestantism,\\nestablished as a fundamental doctrine of the United States.\\nWith equal truth it may be said that the essence of republi-\\ncanism is, that all men are created equal, and that governments\\nare instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent\\nof the governed.\\nThe principles of Protestantism are the true principles of Chris-\\ntianity, the Christianity of the Bible. The principles of Republi-\\ncanism are also the principles of God and the Bible in things civil.\\nBut it is said concerning the beast which symbolizes the United\\nStates in the Bible that he had two horns like a lamb, and spake\\nas a dragon. Here are two things happening together, at the same\\ntime, and totally incompatible with one another, that which is\\nlamblike speaking as a dragon. Now a thing that is lamblike can\\nnot possibly speak as a dragon, and still retain its lamblike disposi-\\ntion. It therefore follows that the Scriptures have portrayed that\\nthe United States will in name retain its lamblike principles of\\nProtestantism and Republicanism, but in nature and in practise it\\nwill deny them. This is national hypocrisy; yea, it is national\\napostasy. There may never in these United States exist, openly,\\navowedly, and in name, a union of church and state, which consti-\\ntutes in itself the abandonment of Protestantism; but the thing\\nitself will be, and even now is, here. We may never have an\\nemperor with a crown upon his brow; but Rome was imperial, and", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "164 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nan empire for long years, while still retaining the image and name\\nof a republic.\\nNow the first beast was Rome, once a republic, but apostatized\\ninto an imperial monarchy, degenerated into a military despotism\\nunited with a church once Protestant in principle, but apostatized\\ninto the papacy. The union of these two was, I say, the first\\nbeast.\\nNow when in the prophecy the image of the beast is to be made,\\nit is said to them that dwell on the earth, that they should make\\nan image to the beast. This shows that it is a government of the\\npeople where the image is made. And it is said to them that they\\nshall make a union of church and state. This shows that this is all\\ndone in a place where there is no union of church and state. That\\nis true of the United States at its formation, and it is not true of\\nany other nation that was ever on earth.\\nThese things show that the nation is first a republic, and that\\nthis nation is the one where these things are at last done. But\\nthese things can not be done in a true republic, for they are posi-\\ntively antagonistic to it in principle. For these things to be done\\nin a country professing to be a republic, there must be an apostasy\\nfrom the principles of a true republic.\\nAlready there has been an apostasy from the principles of Prot-\\nestantism, from the principle of a separation of church and state.\\nThe Congress of the United States, the executive, and the judiciary\\nof the United States are already committed to the papal principles\\nas opposed to Protestantism. This has already been done, by con-\\ngressional legislation, executive action, and judicial decision. All\\nthree arms of the federal government have already interfered in\\nbehalf of a religious institution, in behalf of Sunday and Sunday\\nlaws. Already here in the home of freedom men have been arrested\\nand thrown into prison, and even committed to the chain-gang, in\\ncompany with loathsome criminals, simply because they could not\\nconscientiously observe the first day of the week. Into the history\\nof this apostasy from Protestant principle I can not go. It is fully\\nwritten out in other works. 22\\n22 Fide The Two Republics of Rome and the United States of America, by\\nAlonzo T. Jones, and The Rights of the People, by the same author. Review and\\nHerald Pub. Co., Battle Creek, Mich.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "IN THE TRAIL OF ROME. 165\\nA true republic can never unite with papal principles but now\\nthe Republic is apostatizing from republicanism and uniting with\\napostate Protestant principles, and this is in itself an image to\\nthe beast.\\nAlready this nation has commenced to war against men who\\nplead for republican principles in their island home and according\\nto the prophecy it is yet to go the furthest step in this awful path,\\nand kill men for desiring Protestant principles in these United\\nStates. For it is written of the United States\\nAnd he had power to give life unto the image of the beast,\\nthat the image of the beast should both speak, and cause that as\\nmanj as would not worship the image of the beast should be\\nkilled.- 23\\nThe union of church and state in Rome hastened and actually\\nwrought the ruin of that apostate republic. So even now will this\\nunion hasten and cause the ruin of this so far apostate republic.\\nAnd the sketch of the history of the former was written in the book\\nof the prophet Daniel then, and closed up and sealed until 71010, so\\nthat they that be wise may understand what to do to escape the evil\\nand the ruin that will come, and even now hastens, a ruin that\\nwill come to this modern great Republic as surely as came the ruin\\nof that ancient great Republic.\\nThis national apostasy is proceeding daily before the eyes of\\nall the people; and as national apostasy progresses, national ruin\\nhastens. And with this national ruin comes the ruin of the world,\\nand of every nation in the world.\\n23 Rev. 13:15.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nAMITY OR ARMAGEDDON?\\nThe people of this world are proclaiming peace, and preparing\\nfor war. Never has there been a state of affairs so utterly incon-\\ngruous. With one voice men unite in declaring that the halcyon\\ndays are at hand, while at the same time they get ready for the\\nbiggest game of powder and projectile that has ever been proposed\\nduring the history of the earth. Europe presents the appearance of\\none vast battle-field, with the rival armies of every nation drawn up\\nin military array, waiting for the signal which will announce that the\\ntime has come for the fray to commence. In Africa, from the\\nCape to Cairo, and from Sierra Leone to Zanzibar, the powers and\\npotentates of the Old World have staked out their claims, and in a\\nstate of delirium incident to the dread fever of earth-hunger, they\\nare ready at a moment s warning to fly at each others throats, or\\nto tear out each others vitals. Around the China Sea we again\\nfind them all encamped, watching for and hastening on the break-\\nup of the Middle Kingdom. The empire of the Celestials is the\\nstorm-center round which the international typhoon is whirling,\\nand even now almost bursting from its own inherent power, power\\nso sensitive and dangerous that it is scarcely possible for it to keep\\nfrom detonating like a charge of dynamite or guncotton. Into this\\nawful vortex of angry nations the United States has voluntarily\\nleaped, now henceforward to be reckoned as one of the sceptered\\nkings of the East.\\nIn 1898 the world was startled by the peace and disarmament\\nproclamation of the Russian czar, through which he called for all\\nthe nations to join him in a peace conference, the purpose of which\\nshould be to bring about some scheme of general disarmament on\\nthe part of the nations. Of that appeal this is the leading and\\nmost important part:\\nIn the course of the last twenty years the longings for a gen-\\neral appeasement have grown especially pronounced in the con-\\nsciences of civilized nations. The preservation of peace has been\\n[166]", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 167\\nput forward as the object of international policy; it is in its name\\nthat great states have concluded between themselves powerful alli-\\nances it is the better to guarantee peace that they have developed\\nin proportions hitherto unprecedented their military forces, and still\\ncontinue to increase them without shrinking from any sacrifice.\\nAll these efforts, nevertheless, have not yet been able to bring\\nabout the beneficent results of the desired pacification. The finan-\\ncial charges following an upward march strike at the public pros-\\nperity at its very source.\\nThe intellectual and physical strength of the nations, labor\\nand capital, are for the major part diverted from their natural appli-\\ncation, and unproductively consumed. Hundreds of millions are\\ndevoted to acquiring terrible engines of destruction, which, though\\nto-day regarded as the last word of science, are destined to-morrow\\nto lose all value in consequence of some fresh discovery in the\\nsame field.\\nNational culture, economic progress, and the production of\\nwealth are either paralyzed or checked in their development. More-\\nover, in proportion as the armaments of each power increase, so do\\nthey less and less fulfil the object which the governments have set\\nbefore themselves.\\n1 The economic crisis, due in great part to the system of arma-\\nments, a outrance [to the point of outrage, or to the bitter end],\\nand the continued danger which lies in this massing of war material,\\nare transforming the armed peace of our days into a crushing\\nburden, which the people have more and more difficulty in bearing.\\nIt appears evident, then, that if this state of things were prolonged,\\nit would inevitably lead to the very cataclysm which it is desired to\\navert, and the horrors of which make every thinking man shudder\\nin advance.\\nWhatever may have been the underlying reasons which caused\\nthe czar of all the Russias to issue this invitation to his brother\\npotentates, one thing is certain, that whether his object and design\\nwas sinister or sincere, men stand aghast when they view the terrible\\neffects which must needs be produced by modern warfare. Within\\nhundreds of thousands of breasts there exists a desire for a change\\nin this state of affairs so horrible to contemplate.\\nUntil the year 1899 the United States has stood before the", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "lbS THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nworld as the champion of small standing armies, and squadrons of\\nwar-ships sufficient only for the patrol of the coast. While clinging\\nto this doctrine, the United States has become one of the greatest\\nof the world-powers, without possessing a fleet worth speaking of, and\\nwithout calling upon her few soldiers to step beyond the boundaries\\nof her own continent. Small armies and navies have been made\\npossible for this country on account of that magnificent clause in the\\npolitical creed of all parties, known as the Monroe Doctrine. This\\nwas announced by the president of the country full seventy-five\\nyears ago, and the essence of it is We owe it, therefore, to candor\\nand to the amicable relations existing between the United States and\\nthose powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their\\npart to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as\\ndangerous to our peace and safety. And immediately after this\\nthere was enunciated the solemn declaration With the existing\\ncolonies or dependencies of any European power we have not inter-\\nfered, and shall not interfere.\\nThe Monroe Doctrine was proclaimed at a time when the allied\\npowers of Europe, whose representatives, assembled at Vienna, took\\nto themselves the name of the Holy Alliance, were attempting to\\ngive renewed prominence to the idea that kings govern by divine\\nright. It was intended to teach the people that all the liberties\\nthey were entitled to possess were such only as the governing mon-\\narchs deemed expedient to grant them that they were entitled to\\nnone whatsoever by virtue of the natural law; that the attempt to\\nestablish representative and liberal government, like that of the\\nUnited States, was an unpardonable sin against God; and that the\\nhighest duty of citizenship was obedience to monarchical authority. 1\\nSuch were the principles of the Holy Alliance of the crowned\\nheads of Europe its specific object was to re-establish the despot-\\nism of Spain upon her revolted colonies in South America and in\\nMexico. On the other hand, the essence of the Monroe Doctrine as\\nthen understood by all the world was that while we forbid the\\nestablishment of despotic governments upon the American continent,\\nwe recognize the corresponding obligation to refrain from any attempt\\nto force our political system upon any part of the Old World. 8\\ni Thompson, Footprints of the Jesuits, page 249.\\nsFrom article by the Hon. Adlai F. Stevensen.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 169\\nNow we have abandoned the Monroe Doctrine, and entered into\\nthe arena for foreign possessions, and this, of course, naturally calls\\nfor a large increase of the army and the navy. If the American\\nnation persists in this policy, the time is past and gone forever when\\nshe can look clown with condescending pity upon the nations of\\nEurope groaning beneath the weight of tremendous military estab-\\nlishments. It is now seriously urged that the United States requires\\nan army of at least 100,000 fighting men. This would mean an\\nannual cost of about $150,000,000. It must also be remembered\\nthat to-day the nation is carrying a pension roll of most enormous\\nproportions. Last year there was paid to the pensioners of the\\nCivil war the gigantic sum of $145,000,000. This is an amount\\nlarger than the cost per annum of the entire peace establishment\\nof Germany, including her pension roll.\\nHowever, the item of cost is but a small one compared with the\\nprinciple involved. Had the czar s peace and disarmament confer-\\nence been called a year or so earlier, the United States could have\\ngone to take a part in its deliberations, and joyfully told the mon-\\narchies of the Old World the benefits to be derived from having no\\nlarge standing armies, or huge navies. The representatives of this\\ngovernment could have told those people that peace and disarma-\\nment were the two things she had been not only advocating, but of\\nwhich she had been a living example during all her national history.\\nThe United States would have then been entitled to the chief place in\\nthe van, and could have led all the other nations to the full fruition\\nof the harvest of peace so ardently desired. But now the one nation\\nwhich could have rightfully and with power born of a principle lived\\nup to, changed the course of the other powers, has herself apos-\\ntatized from these principles of peace and disarmament, and has\\nnow taken up a position which will necessarily entail walking in\\nthe labyrinth from which they are so vainly trying to extricate\\nthemselves.\\nThe Peace and Disarmament Conference has met, deliberated,\\nand come to a close. Many are of the opinion that something has\\nbeen accomplished; but in reality nothing of real worth or merit has\\nbeen accomplished. That anything of real worth or merit should\\nhave been accomplished is impossible in the very nature of things.\\nMany are saying that the time has come when strong nations shal;\\n12", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "170 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nbeat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-\\nhooks: nation shall not lift up a sword against a nation, neither\\nshall they learn war any more. But they shall sit every man under\\nhis own vine, and under his fig-tree. 3\\nThe advent of the United States in the Orient will not tend to\\namity, but rather to animosity. This was cleverly stated by Lord\\nSalisbury, when at the last lord mayor s banquet, he said the\\nappearance of the United States as a factor in Asiatic affairs is\\nlikely to conduce to the interests of Great Britain, but might not\\nconduce to the interests of peace. It can not possibly conduce to\\nthe interests of peace, for the very reason that in entering the Orient\\nthis nation has deserted her policy of peace, and has adopted in\\nprinciple, at least, the bellicose spirit; she has now departed from\\nthat doctrine of the father of his country, which, if it never\\nbrought to her military glory, most certainly has been the cause of\\nher material greatness. The words in the Farewell Address are\\na pearl of great price. They may be familiar, but they can not too\\noften be recalled\\nAgainst the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you\\nto believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought\\nto be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that\\nforeign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican\\ngovernment.\\nThe great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations\\nis, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as lit-\\ntle political connection as possible. So far as we have already\\nformed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.\\nHere let us stop.\\nEurope has a set of primary interests which to us have none\\nor a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent\\ncontroversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our con-\\ncerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate our-\\nselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or\\nthe ordinary combinations or collisions of her friendships or\\nenmities.\\nOur detached and distant situation invites and enables us to\\npursue a very different course. If we remain one people, under an\\ns Mlcah i 3, 4.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON? 171\\nefficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy\\nmaterial injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an\\nattitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon\\nto be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the\\nimpossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard\\nthe giving us provocation when we may choose peace or war, as our\\ninterests, guided by justice, shall counsel.\\nWhy forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why\\nquit our own to stand upon foreign ground Why, by interweaving\\nour destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and\\nprosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest,\\nhumor, or caprice?\\nIt is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with\\nany portion of the foreign world.\\nBut all the nations interested in the Chinese and Oriental problem\\nin general are continually making and breaking alliances. This is\\nabsolutely necessary in the very nature of things. One nation\\nmay on account of its own internal policy and traditions desire to\\nkeep aloof from the others but when combinations are formed\\nagainst it, there is no other choice but to join forces with some\\nother power. England has been, more than any other nation,\\nperhaps, friendly to the idea of having the United States in the\\nOriental caldron. Many think that this friendship will conduce to\\npeace, but that it can not possibly do this is clearly set forth by Carl\\nSchurz in his address before the convocation of the Chicago Univer-\\nsity last January\\nIf we take those new regions, we shall be well entangled in\\nthat contest for territorial aggrandizement which distracts other\\nnations and drives them far beyond their original design. So it will\\nbe inevitably with us. We shall want new conquests to protect that\\nwhich we already possess. The greed of speculators working upon\\nour government will push us from one point to another, and we\\nshall have new conflicts on our hands, almost without knowing how\\nwe got into them. It has always been so under such circumstances,\\nand always will be. This means more and more soldiers, ships,\\nand guns.\\nA singular delusion has taken hold of the minds of otherwise\\nclear-headed men. It is that our new friendship with England will", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "172 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nserve firmly to secure the world s peace. Nobody can hail that\\nfriendly feeling between the two nations more warmly than I do,\\nand I fervidly hope it will last. But I am profoundly convinced\\nthat if this friendship results in the two countries setting out to\\ngrasp for the Anglo-Saxon, as the phrase is, whatever of the earth\\nmay be obtainable if they hunt in couple they will surely soon\\nfall out about the game, and the first serious quarrel, or at least one of\\nthe first, we shall have, will be with Great Britain. And as family\\nfeuds are the bitterest, that feud will be apt to become one of the\\nmost deplorable in its consequences.\\nNo nation is, or ought to be, unselfish. England, in her\\nfriendly feeling toward us, is not inspired by mere sentimental be-\\nnevolence. The anxious wish of many Englishmen that we should\\ntake the Philippines is not free from the consideration that, if we do\\nso, we shall for a long time depend on British friendship to maintain\\nour position on that field of rivalry, and that Britain will derive\\nample profit from our dependence on her. This was recently set\\nforth with startling candor by the London Saturday Review, thus:\\nLet us be frank, and say outright that we expect mutual gain\\nin material interests from this rapprochement. The American com-\\nmissioners at Paris are making this bargain, whether they realize it\\nor not, under the protecting naval strength of England, and we\\nshall expect a material quid pro quo for this assistance. We expect\\nthe United States to deal generously with Canada in the matter of\\ntariffs, and we expect to be remembered when the United States\\ncomes in possession of the Philippine Islands, and above all we\\nexpect her assistance on the day, which is quickly approaching, when\\nthe future of China comes up for settlement, for the young impe-\\nrialist has entered upon a path where it will require a strong friend,\\nand a lasting friendship between the two nations can be secured not\\nby frothy sentimentality on public platforms, but by reciprocal\\nadvantages in solid, material interests.\\nAnd the cable despatch from London bringing this utterance\\nadded:\\nThe foregoing opinion is certainly outspoken enough, but\\nevery American moving in business circles here knows this voices\\nthe expectations of the average Englishman.\\nThis is plain. If Englishmen think so, we have no fault to find", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 173\\nwith them. But it would be extremely foolish on our part to close\\nour eyes to the fact. British friendship is a good thing to have,\\nbut, perhaps, not so good a thing to need. If we are wise, we shall\\nnot put ourselves in a situation in which we shall need it. British\\nstatesmanship has sometimes shown great skill in making other\\nnations fight its battles. This is very admirable from its point of\\nview, but it is not so pleasant for the nations so used. I should be\\nloath to see this republic associated with Great Britain in appar-\\nently joint concerns as junior partner with a minority interest, or\\nthe American navy in the situation of a mere squadron of the Brit-\\nish fleet. This would surely lead to trouble in the settling of\\naccounts.\\nThis is a correct statement of what awaits the United States in\\nthe case. It therefore follows, that as far as the nativity of the\\nUnited States of America and Asia is concerned, the cause of\\nArmageddon, rather than that of amity, will be served. And aside\\nfrom all matters of accident or policy there is a principle which\\nwill work to this end, one foretold in the Bible, and worth consider-\\ning here.\\nIn Matthew 24 there is a wonderful prophecy which fell from\\nthe lips of the Saviour himself. As he sat on the Mount of Olives\\nthe disciples came unto him privately, saying, Tell us, when\\nshall these things be? and what shall be the sign of thy coming and\\nof the end of the world? They came to him privately, and it was\\nthen that these questions were asked. There is a wonderful sig-\\nnificance in these words. It is only to those who come to the Lord\\nprivately, alone on their knees in the secret chambers, or by them-\\nselves in some quiet place, it is only to such that there is revealed\\nthe sign of his coming and of the end of the world. Away from\\nthe hurry and the bustle of the things of life, and shut in alone\\nwith the Master, the still, small voice communicates with the\\npleading soul, anxious for knowledge concerning the greatest event\\nin human and divine history.\\nIt was not even all of the disciples who came to the Master, and\\nthus besought him in private for this precious knowledge. In the\\ngospel of Mark it is written that there were only four of them,\\nPeter, James, John, and Andrew. These were the most faithful\\nand trusty of his followers, and yet to them the Saviour replied:", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "174 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nTake heed that no man deceive you. Not simply the careless\\nand sinful ones are in danger of being deceived concerning the sign\\nof his coming and of the end of the world. It must ever be\\nremembered that these words were spoken for the benefit of\\nthose who of all people were most constant in prayer and commun-\\nion with God and if they were needful for them, how much more\\nso for the thoughtless and indifferent. The true knowledge of the\\nsign of the coming of the Lord is a matter of the heart, rather than\\nof the head and the mind. We may hear it discoursed upon from\\npulpits, we may read arguments upon it in books and papers; but\\nthe only knowledge of it which will nave power to keep from decep-\\ntion in the day of deception is that which is gained alone with Jesus\\nin sacred and spiritual communion.\\nYe shall hear of wars and rumors of wars see that ye be not\\ntroubled, for all these things must come to pass, but the end is not\\nyet. Just prior to the destruction of Jerusalem there was fearful\\npolitical commotion in the world. The Roman empire filled the\\nearth, but this gave no peace or security. Men struggled for the\\nmastery. Emperor after emperor was slain by the hand of polit-\\nical foes, and all was turmoil, all was confusion. Favorite parasites\\nof the throne to-day were galley-slaves to morrow. There will be\\nthese wars and rumors of wars, said Jesus, but the end of the\\nJewish nation is not yet.\\nFor nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against king-\\ndom and there shall be famines, and pestilences, and earthquakes\\nin divers places. All these are the beginning of sorrows.\\nAnd because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold.\\nIn the last great conflict for the souls of men which will be waged\\nbetween the powers of light and darkness, there will be many of\\nthose who have once loved and known the Saviour whose affection\\nwill not only wane, but will wax cold. These words have not\\nbeen placed in the Bible to discomfort and discourage the faint-\\nhearted, but rather that through them we might gain strength, and\\nbe prepared for the trial which awaits us. It is in mercy to his\\nchildren that the Master utters them, for in them, if accepted in\\nliving faith and applied to the soul and life, is power and strength\\nto resist spiritual declension.\\nBut he that shall endure to the end, the same shall be saved.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON? 175\\nThe Redeemer does not say, he that shall live to the end, but he\\nthat shall endure; and this shows something of the temptation and\\ntrial which the latter-day Christian will have to withstand. We\\nspeak about enduring pain, or torture of mind or body, and signify\\nthereby that every fiber of our being is brought into play, and put\\nto the utmost strain and test in order to cope with that which was\\nbrought to bear against us. It is even so in the end, the struggle\\nwill require every nerve and fiber of spiritual strength to wage suc-\\ncessful combat.\\nAnd this gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the\\nworld for a witness unto all nations; and then shall the end come.\\nThen said the Saviour, When ye therefore shall see the abomina\\ntion of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the prophet, stand in the\\nholy place (whoso readeth let him understand) then let them which\\nbe in Judea flee into the mountains: let him which is on the house-\\ntop not come down to take anything out of his house neither let\\nhim which is in the field return back to take his clothes. And woe\\nunto them that are with child, and to them that give suck in those\\ndays! For then shall be great tribulation, such as was not since\\nthe beginning of the world to this time, no, nor ever shall be.\\nThe gospel is now being preached to all the world. This is so\\nas never before in the history of the world. Missionaries are\\ncompassing sea and land to herald to those who sit in darkness\\nthe glad tidings of the cross and crown of Calvary. So manifest\\nis this movement that it does not need argument here. But\\nsaid the Saviour, when this has been done, Then shall the end\\ncome.\\nWhat is the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel\\nthe prophet? It was to stand in the holy place. The Syriac\\nversion renders it the abominable sign of desolation. And Luke\\nin the contemporaneous record of this prophecy says And when\\nye shall see Jerusalem compassed with armies, then know that the\\ndesolation thereof is nigh. It follows from this that the abomi-\\nnation of desolation spoken of by Matthew is the army of the\\nRomans surrounding Jerusalem, spoken of by Luke. That the\\nterm abomination of desolation used by Matthew fitly describes\\nthe Roman army, there can be no question. Wherever the army of\\nthe Romans planted their eagles, there desolation and ruin fol-", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "17G THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nlowed. It was everywhere the same. Self-government became a\\nthing of the past, and a Roman governor arbitrarily appointed in\\nthe capital city took its place, while the people mourned beneath\\nthe heavy load of taxes. In the year a. d. 70 the Roman army did\\ninvest Jerusalem, and they did stand in the holy place. The\\narmies of the Romans no longer exist. Long since their legions\\nand centuries have been laid to molder in the dust. But the prinr\\nciples which were back of the Roman armies still live, and will live\\nuntil the end of the world. The armies themselves, the men\\nwho formed the legions, were no more abominable or desolating in\\ntheir behavior than the troops of any army. War is inhuman, but\\nwar by the Romans was no more inhuman than by scores of other\\nnations. The Roman rule was a denial of the doctrine that all men\\nare created equal, and that governments derive their just powers\\nfrom the consent of the governed. And it is these principles of\\narbitrary government which have always everywhere caused abomi-\\nnable desolation, which still live, and which will live till the his-\\ntory of this earth in its present form is brought to a close.\\nThe Lord had set Jerusalem in the earth to be a light to all the\\nnations round about. It was the will of God that from the sacred\\ncitadel at Jerusalem should emanate right principles concerning the\\nrelations which should exist between man and man, and man and his\\nMaker. But Jerusalem apostatized, and left the true faith and love\\nof God, so that when the Saviour came, he was denied and rejected,\\ninstead of being acknowledged and received. Then, and not till\\nthen, was it given over to the armies of Rome, and the devastating\\nprinciples of Rome. Jerusalem had passed the unseen line of her\\nprobation, and only desolation and destruction could come.\\nNow in this latter day the Lord set the nation of the United\\nStates for a light in the world, that from and through it there\\nshould go forth to all the world the right principles of government\\nboth concerning the relation of the state to the church, and the rela-\\ntion of the state to the citizen. As long as the United States held fast\\nto these two pi inciples, Republicanism and Protestantism, govern-\\nment by the consent of the governed, and no interference by the civil\\nmagistrate in the things of the church, as long as the United States\\nremained true to these things, she was impregnable in the rocky\\nstrength of her principles and convictions. But now the principles", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 177\\nof Protestantism have been deserted, and the principles of Republi-\\ncanism are being deserted. The principles of Rome have invested\\nthe United States, and naught but the abomination of desolation\\ncan possibly follow.\\nThe territorial expansion of the United States has been pur-\\nchased at the cost of the contraction of the principles of the\\nUnited States. The United States is now in the East, not as a\\nrepublic of the East, but as one of the kings of the East. But these\\nkings of the East are spoken of in the Scriptures. Here is what is\\nsaid by John the revelator And the sixth angel poured out his\\nvial on the great river Euphrates and the water thereof was dried\\nup, that the way of the kings of the East might be prepared. And\\nI saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the\\ndragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of\\nthe false prophet. For they are the spirits of devils, working mira-\\ncles, which go forth unto the kings of the earth and of the whole\\nworld, to gather them to the battle of that great day of God\\nAlmighty. Behold I come as a thief. Blessed is he that watch-\\neth, and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked, and they see\\nhis shame. And he gathered them together into a place called in\\nthe Hebrew tongue Armageddon.\\nThese kings of the East, then, with all the kings of the earth,\\nare to be gathered together to the battle of that great day of God\\nAlmighty. And that battle is to be in a place called in the Hebrew\\ntongue Armageddon.\\nNow who are the kings of the East at the present time. Is\\nthe king of Greece one of them? Assuredly not, for he is subject\\nto the dictum of the great powers in all external affairs of his kingdom.\\nIs the sultan of Turkey one of them? No, for he has been taken in\\ncharge by the great powers. Are the native princes of India, or\\nis the shah of Persia, or the ameer of Afghanistan? Again the\\nanswer can only be in the negative. Is the emperor of China? In\\nhis case it goes without the saying of it that he is a mere puppet\\nin the hands of the great powers of Western Europe. Now to the\\nprophecy, that more sure word, whereunto ye do well that ye\\ntake heed, as unto a light that shineth in a dark place, until the day\\ndawn, and the day star arise in your hearts.\\nIn Daniel, the second chapter, compressed in a few short verses", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "178 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nis the most wonderful outline history of the nations of earth that\\nhas ever been written.\\nTo Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, a dream was given.\\nOn awakening he could not recall the things which he had seen in\\nhis dream, and after the wise men of his government had failed to\\ntell him what these things were, Daniel, the young Hebrew captive,\\nwas permitted to make manifest before the king of that great world-\\npower the skill and understanding which God had given him, and\\nto that great monarch he said Thou, King, sawest, and behold\\na great image. This great image, whose brightness was excellent,\\nstood before thee and the form thereof was terrible. This image s\\nhead was of fine gold, his breast and his arms of silver, his belly\\nand his thighs of brass, his legs of iron, his feet part of iron and\\npart of clay. Thou sawest till that a stone was cut out without\\nhands, which smote the image upon his feet that were of iron and\\nclay, and brake them to pieces. Then was the iron, the clay, the\\nbrass, the silver, and the gold, broken to pieces together, and\\nbecame like the chaff of the summer thrashing-floors; and the wind\\ncarried them away, that no place was found for them: and the stone\\nthat smote the image became a great mountain, and filled the whole\\narth. This is the dream; and we will tell the interpretation thereof\\nbefore the king. Thou, king, art a king of kings for the God\\nof heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power, and strength, and\\nglory. And wheresoever the children of men dwell, the beasts of\\nthe field and the fowls of the heaven hath he given into thine hand,\\nand hath made thee ruler over them all. Thou art this head of\\ngold. And after thee shall arise another kingdom inferior to thee,\\nand another third kingdom of brass, which shall bear rule over all\\nthe earth. And the fourth kingdom shall be strong as iron foras-\\nmuch as iron breaketh in pieces and subdueth all things: and as\\niron that breaketh all these, shall it break in pieces and bruise.\\nAnd whereas thou sawest the feet and toes, part of potters clay,\\nand part of iron, the kingdom shall be divided; but there shall be\\nin it of the strength of the iron, forasmuch as thou sawest the iron\\nmixed with miry clay. And as the toes of the feet were part of\\niron, and part of clay, so the kingdom shall be partly strong, and\\npartly broken. And whereas thou sawest iron mixed with miry\\nclay, they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men: but they", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON? 179\\nshall not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay.\\nAnd in the days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a\\nkingdom, which shall never be destroyed: and the kingdom shall\\nnot be left to other people, but it shall break in pieces and consume\\nall these kingdoms, and it shall stand forever. Forasmuch as\\nthou sawest that the stone was cut out of the mountain without\\nhands, and that it brake in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the\\nsilver, and the gold the great God hath made known to the king\\nwhat shall come to pass hereafter: and the dream is certain, and\\nthe interpretation thereof sure. 4\\nBabylon, the head of gold, was the first of the universal em-\\npires; and when the day of Babylon passed away, Medo-Persia\\noccupied her place. For a while Babylon had been true to her trust,\\nand had done the work required at her hand by the Lord but when\\nshe neglected this, and turned from it, God took the Medes and the\\nPersians and through them brought punishment upon the guilty\\nnation. Then the power of Medo-Persia filled the world; but she\\nalso apostatized from the task assigned her by the Lord, and her\\nplace and her station was taken by Greece, the kingdom of brass.\\nAnd when the iniquity of the transgressors in Greece was come to\\nthe full, God took the Romans, and, evil as they were, used them\\nto punish Greece. But they, instead of turning to the Lord, only\\nincreased in their wickedness, until in 476 a. d. the empire of the\\nRomans fell into ruins and from her ruins and ashes arose the ten\\nkingdoms represented by the ten toes of the image, part of iron and\\npart of potter s clay, partly strong and partly brittle. Of these,\\nthree were plucked up by the roots, as brought to view in Daniel 7,\\nand the remaining seven stand till the present day as the kingdoms\\nof Western Europe.\\nIt is in the days of these kingdoms that the God of heaven is to\\nset up his kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, but it shall\\nbreak in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand\\nforever. We are living in the days of these kingdoms, and there-\\nfore we are living in the days when the kingdom of the God of\\nheaven shall be set up.\\nIn the vision, when the stone, cut out without hands, struck the\\nimage, it struck the image on the feet; and the record says that\\nDan 3 31-45.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "180 THE PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nthen was v the rest of the body, the iron, the clay, the brass, the\\nsilver, and the gold, broken to pieces together, and became like the\\nchaff of the summer thrashing-floors.\\nThe stone was made to strike the image on the feet. This is\\nunnatural. The missile is always aimed at the head, or some vital\\nportion of the body. It is aimed at the head, because there is the\\nseat of life. This shows, therefore, that, at the end of time, when\\nthis world is to be brought to an end, the seat of the life of\\nthe world will be in the feet, that is, in the nations of Western\\nEurope. And this is now precisely the case. It is more the\\ncase to-day than it was one year ago, and it is getting more and\\nmore so all the time. To-day it is the nations of Western Europe\\nwhich rule the greater part of the earth, and all that portion\\nformerly ruled over by Babylon, Medo-Persia, and Greece, to say\\nnothing of the territory of Rome, is ruled over by them. The\\nnations of Western Europe are the rulers of all the Oriental coun-\\ntries, and especially of China. They are in deed and in fact the\\nkin^s of the East. But more than this, it could never be truth-\\nfully said that they were the kings of the East until within the last\\nyear or two. For years England held that China should be kept\\nintact, and that the dissolution of the Celestial empire should be\\nprevented. But just recently England has agreed with Russia that\\nthe spheres of influence system shall be admitted as the law\\ngoverning the great powers in the case of China, and now all the\\ngreat nations are grabbing every portion of that vast empire that is\\nworth having. Into the details of this it is not necessary to go.\\nThe facts are well known to all, and the boundary lines of to-day\\nmight be all upset by some fresh move upon the part of one of the\\ngreat powers to-morrow.\\nAnd now, into the East, as one of the kings of the East, the\\nUnited States has gone. For this nation is not in the Philippines as\\na republic, but as a king. The United States is in the East as\\none of the kings of the East, and with all the others only waiting\\none event, and that event every day threatened, to be gathered\\ntogether to the great day of the battle of God Almighty, into a\\nplace called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon.\\nThe event for which all the nations are waiting before they can be\\ngathered together to this great conflict is stated in the Scriptures", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 181\\nas being the drying up of the waters of the great river Euphrates.\\nNo one, upon a moment s thought, can entertain the proposition\\nthat by the term the great river Euphrates here used, the literal\\nriver is intended. In the first place the book of Revelation is a\\nbook of symbols, for it is the revelation of Jesus Christ, which\\nGod gave unto him, to show unto his servants things which must\\nshortly come to pass; and he sent and signified it by his angel\\nunto his servant John. To signify is to make manifest by a sign,\\nor symbol. The term river Euphrates is therefore only a sign,\\nor symbol, of the power occupying or holding possession of the\\nterritory through which that river runs, and this power is the\\nOttoman, or Turkish, empire.\\nFor about half a century the great powers of Europe have been\\nof the belief that the preservation of the Turkish empire was a\\nnecessity to the peace of Christendom. So thoroughly is this now\\nan established part of the political creed of all nations that it may\\nbe considered as an axiom in statesmanship. The idea was very clearly\\nset forth by Lord Salisbury in his Mansion House speech, Nov. 9,\\n1895. He had been discussing the state of affairs in Armenia, at\\nthat time quite acute, and the possibility of bringing pressure by\\nmeans of persuasion to bear upon the sultan, and in the course of\\nhis remarks said\\nBut, supposing the sultan will not give these reforms, what is\\nto follow? The first answer I should give is that, above all treaties,\\nand above all combinations of external powers, the nature of\\nthings, if you please, or the providence of God, if you please to\\nput it so, has determined that persistent and constant misgovem-\\nment must lead the government which follows it to its doom and\\nwhile I readily admit that it is quite possible for the sultan of\\nTurkey, if he will, to govern all his subjects in justice and peace,\\nhe is not exempt more than any other potentate from the law that\\ninjustice will bring the highest on earth to ruin. Well, it is not\\nonly the necessary action of the law, of the law of which I have\\nspoken, there is the authority of the great powers. Turkey is\\nin that remarkable condition that it has now stood for half a cen-\\ntury mainly because the great powers of the world have resolved\\nthat for the peace of Christendom it is necessary that the Ottoman\\nempire should stand. They came to that conclusion nearly half a", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "182 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\ncentury ago. I do not think that they have altered it now. The\\ndanger that if the Ottoman empire should fall, would not merely\\nbe the danger that would threaten the territories of which that\\nempire consists; it would be the danger that the fire there lit\\nshould spread to other nations, and should involve all that is most\\npowerful and civilized in Europe in a dangerous and calamitous con-\\ntest. That was a danger that was present to the minds of our\\nfathers when they resolved to make the integrity and independence\\nof the Ottoman empire a matter of European treaty, and that is a\\ndanger which has not passed away.\\nThe only thing that has kept the Ottoman empire in place for\\nabout half a century has been the authority of the powers. Should\\nthat help be withdrawn, the Turkish empire would be doomed. And\\nthis is precisely what will be done. This is foretold in the Word of\\nGod. And he shall plant the tabernacles of his palace between\\nthe seas in the glorious holy mountain yet he shall come to his end\\nand none shall help him 5 Then says the prophets, And at that\\ntime shall Michael stand up, the great prince which standeth for the\\nchildren of thy people: and there shall be a time of trouble, such\\nas never was since there was a nation even to that same time and\\nat that time thy people shall be delivered, every one that shall be\\nfound written in the book. And many of them that sleep in the\\ndust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to\\nshame and everlasting contempt.\\nWith the removal of the Turkish government from Constanti-\\nnople to the glorious holy mountain, that is, to Jerusalem,\\nthere comes the time of trouble such as never was since there was\\na nation, even to that same time. This trouble, then, is national\\ntrouble.\\nWe have now seen that it is the nations of Western Europe who\\nare the kings of the East. But it is the nations of Western\\nEurope who constitute the feet and toes of the image, which is\\nstricken on the feet with the stone cut out of the mountain without\\nhands. And it is the kings of the East who are to be gathered\\ntogether to the battle of the great day of God Almighty, at a place\\ncalled in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon. And it is also the\\nkings of the East who are only waiting for the reduction of the\\nDan. 11:45.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 183\\nTurkish power before this last grand move is made; and that the\\nwiping out of the Turkish power in Europe may occur at any\\nmoment is evident to any one who endeavors at all to keep pace\\nwith the affairs agitating the minds of the statesmen of the great\\npowers of the earth.\\nJust at present Russia appears to be the nation which is forcing\\nthings more than any other in the far East. This also is foretold\\nin the Scriptures in the book of Ezekiel. There it is written:\\nAnd the word of the Lord came unto me saying, Son of man, set\\nthy face against Gog, the land of Magog, the chief prince of\\nMeshech [Moscow] and Tubal [Tobolsk], and prophesy against him.\\nThis is the rendering in the King James version. But the Revised\\nVersion reads, lam against thee, Gog, prince of Rosh, Meshech,\\nand Tubal. From this word Mosh comes the modern name and\\nnation of the Russians {Rosh, Hoas, Houss, Huss, Russians). Of\\nthis power, Russia, the Lord says, I am against thee. In the\\nlate aggressive movements of the king of JRosh, is he not already\\nbeginning to come up from the north parts just as the Bible said\\nhe would? And he is doing it, even although the Lord says, I\\nam against thee.\\nThe prophet continues\\nAnd I will turn thee back, and put hooks into thy jaws, and\\nI will bring thee forth, and all thine army, horses, and horsemen, all\\nof them clothed with all sorts of armor, even a great company\\nwith bucklers and shields, all of them handling swords: Persia,\\nEthiopia, and Libya 6 with them all of them with shield and hel-\\nmet: Goiner, 7 and all his bands; the house of Torgarmah 8 of the\\nnorth quarters, and all his bands: and many people with thee. Be\\nthou prepared, and prepare for thyself, thou and all thy company\\nthat are assembled unto thee, and be thou a guard unto them.\\nAfter many days thou shalt be visited in the latter years thou\\nshalt come into the land that is brought back from the sword, and\\nis gathered out of many people, against the mountains of Israel,\\nThe term Libya formerly applied to the whole northern coast of Africa, from\\nthe confines of Egypt to the straits of Gibraltar, and southward as far as it was\\nknown to the Greeks and Romans.\\n\u00c2\u00bbThe term Gomer refers to the modern Crimea, also under the control of the\\nking of Rosh, or Russia, the older form of the same was Cimmeria.\\n8 Armenia.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "184 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nwhich have been always waste: but it is brought forth out of the\\nnations, and they shall dwell safely all of them. Thou shalt ascend\\nand come like a storm, thou shalt be like a cloud to cover the land,\\nthou, and all thy bands, and many people with thee. It shall\\nbe in the latter days, and I will bring thee against my land, that\\nthe heathen may know me, when I shall be sanctified in thee,\\nGog, before their eyes. And it shall come to pass at the same\\ntime when Gog shall come against the land of Israel, saith the Lord\\nGod, that my fury shall come up in my face. And I will call\\nfor a sword against him throughout all my mountains, saith the\\nLord God: every man s sword shall be against his brother. And I\\nwill plead against him with pestilence and with blood; and I will\\nrain upon him, and upon his bands, and upon the many people that\\nare with him, an overflowing rain, and great hailstones, fire, and\\nbrimstone. Thus will I magnify myself, and sanctify myself: and\\nI will be known in the eyes of many nations, and they shall know\\nthat I am the Lord. 9\\nIt is clear from all of this that when the king of Rosh, the em-\\nperor of the Russians, comes forth from the north quarters with\\nall his bands with him, that he comes forth to war, and that that\\nwar is against the mountains of Israel. It is also clear that the\\nLord is against the emperor of the Russians, and at that time\\nand place pleads with him with great hailstones, fire, and brim-\\nstone. And what is this but the battle of Armageddon in which\\nall the kings of the East and of the whole world are in-\\nvolved And where is it but in the land of Palestine, on the\\nmountains of Israel, the place to which the Ottoman empire is\\nto go when driven out from Constantinople?\\nIn the book of the prophet Micah it is written that in the last\\ndays there shall many nations come, and say, Come, and let us\\ngo up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the house of the God of\\nJacob; and he will teach us of his ways, and we will walk in his\\npaths: for the law shall go forth of Zion, and the word of the Lord\\nfrom Jerusalem. And he shall judge among many people, and\\nrebuke strong nations afar off; and they shall beat their swords\\ninto plowshares, and their spears into pruninghooks nation shall\\nnot lift up a sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any\\nEzekiel 38.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 185\\nmore. But they skull sit every man under his vine, and under his\\nfig-tree; and none shall make them afraid: for the mouth of the\\nLord of hosts hath spoken it. For all people will walk every one\\nin the name of his God, and we will walk in the name of the Lord\\nour God forever and ever. 10\\nIt will be observed that in this scripture it is not the Lord who\\nsays all of this, but many nations. This is precisely what the\\nnations are saying at the present time. They are talking of amity,\\nbut they are preparing for Armageddon. But while many nations\\nare talking about beating their swords into plowshares, and their\\nspears into pruninghooks, and saying that nation shall not lift up a\\nsword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more,\\nwhile they are saying all this, God delares what they are actually\\ndoing:\\nProclaim ye this among the Gentiles; Prepare war, wake up\\nthe mighty men, let all the men of war draw near; let them come\\nup: beat your plowshares into swords, and your pruninghooks into\\nspears let the weak say, I am strong. Assemble yourselves, and\\ncome, all ye heathen, and gather yourselves together round about:\\nthither cause thy mighty ones to come down, Lord. Let the\\nheathen be wakened, and come up to the valley of Jehoshaphat: for\\nthere will I sit to judge all the heathen round about. Put ye in the\\nsickle, for the harvest is ripe come, get you down for the press is\\nfull, the fats overflow; for their wickedness is great. Multitudes,\\nmultitudes in the valley of concision [margin] for the day of the\\nLord is near in the valley of concision. The sun and the moon\\nshall be darkened, and the stars shall withdraw their shining. The\\nLord also shall roar out of Zion, and utter his voice from Jerusalem\\nand the heavens and the earth shall shake: but the Lord will be\\nthe hope of his people, and the strength of the children of Israel.\\nSo shall ye know that I am the Lord your God dwelling in Zion, my\\nholy mountain: then shall Jerusalen be holy, and there shall no\\nstrangers pass through her any more.\\nIn the years of the past, when a nation had done evil, and trans-\\ngressed the principles which God has laid down for the guidance of\\nall nations, he has taken another and purer nation with which to\\nvisit punishment upon the guilty one. Thus it was that he took the\\n10 Micah 4 1-5. u Joel 3 9-17.\\n13", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "186 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\narmies of Medo-Persia with which to punish Babylon; thus it was\\nthat when Medo-Persia became corrupt and departed from the path\\nhe had marked for her feet, that he took Greece and her armies,\\nand through them brought punishment upon the Medes and the\\nPersians. And when the iniquity of the transgressors was\\nfull in Greece, God took the Romans, and they were an instru-\\nment in his hand to chastise this dissolute people and when in their\\nturn the Roman nation rejected the ways of the Lord, when the\\nfigures of their account had reached a certain limit which God had\\nfixed, he took the barbarous Germans of the North, unlettered and\\nignorant, but knowing far more of the true principles of govern-\\nment, and with them brought the Roman empire to an end. The\\nnations of Western Europe to-day are the descendants of these Ger-\\nmans, and from their loins have come forth the people of the new\\nnation, of the United States. This nation above them all has been\\nthe recipient of great light from heaven. But now when the United\\nStates, the last of them all, has turned from the ways of the Lord,\\nthere is no nation which God can take to punish her, for every one\\nhas rejected the counsels of the King of kings and Lord of lords.\\nWhen the Lord comes to earth again in this latter day, he comes\\nnot only as the Saviour of the redeemed, but as the judge of the\\nnations, to plead with them with fire and sword. He comes with an\\narmy of angels, and with his army he smites the armies of princes\\nof the earth. All of this is plainly set forth in the Scriptures\\nBlow ye the trumpet in Zion, and sound an alarm in my holy\\nmountain: let all the inhabitants of the land tremble: for the day\\nof the Lord cometh, for it is nigh at hand; a day of darkness and of\\ngloominess, a day of clouds and of thick darkness, as the morning\\nspread upon the mountains: a great people and a strong; there\\nhath not ever been the like, neither shall be any more after it, even\\nto the years of many generations.\\nA fire devoureth before them and behind them a flame burn-\\netii: the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind\\nthem a desolate wilderness; yea, and nothing shall escape them.\\nThe appearance of them is as the appearance of horses; and as\\nhorsemen, so shall they run. Like the noise of chariots on the tops\\nof mountains shall they leap, like the noise of a flame of fire that\\ndevoureth the stubble, as a strong people set in battle array. Before", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 187\\ntheir faces the people shall be much pained: all faces shall gather\\nblackness. They shall run like mighty men, they shall climb the\\nwall like men of tear; and they shall march every one on his ways, and\\nthey shall not break their ranks; neither shall one thrust another;\\nthey shall walk every one in his path: and when they fall upon the\\nsicord, they shall not be icounded. They shall run to and fro in\\nthe city; they shall run upon the wall, they shall climb up upon the\\nhouses they shall enter in at the windows like a thief. The earth\\nshall quake before them; the heavens shall tremble: the sun and the\\nmoon shall be dark, the stars shall withdraw their shining: and the\\nLord shall utter his voice before his army; for his camp is very\\ngreat for he is strong that executeth his word for the day of the\\nLord is great and very terrible; and who can abide it? 12\\nThis is a description of the second coming of the Lord and when\\nthe Saviour comes to earth again, he comes as King of kings and\\nLord of lords. He comes with all the angels of heaven with him.\\nThese are in the form of men of war, who give battle to the princes\\nand the potentates of the earth, who, with the nations they rule,\\nhave rejected the principles of High Heaven, and filled up the cup\\nof their iniquity. And when the kings of the East, and of the\\nwhole world meet in the valley of Jehoshaphat, at Armageddon, they\\nmeet to settle with the one whose principles they have trampled under\\nfoot. That Christ comes to punish the nations as such for their\\nrebellion against him, is clearly set forth by John the revelator:\\nAnd I saw heaven opened, and behold a white horse and he\\nthat sat upon him was called Faithful and True, and in righteous-\\nness he doth judge and make war. His eyes were a flame of fire,\\nand on his head were many crowns and he had a name written,\\nthat no man knew, but he himself. And he was clothed with a ves-\\nture dipped in blood: and his name is called the Word of God.\\nAnd the armies which were in heaven followed him upon white\\nhorses, clothed in fine linen, white and clean. And out of his\\nmouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he should smite the nations\\nand he shall rule them with a rod of iron: and he treadeth the\\nwinepress of the fierceness and wrath of Almighty God. And he\\nhath on his vesture and on his thigh a name written, King of kings\\nand Lord of lords. And I saw an angel standing in the sun and\\n12 Joel 2:1-11.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "188 THE PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nhe cried with a loud voice, saying to all the fowls that fly in the midst\\nof heaven, Come and gather yourselves together unto the supper of\\nthe great God; that ye may eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of\\ncaptains, and the flesh of mighty men, and the flesh of horses, and\\nof them that sit on them, and the flesh of all men, both free and\\nbond, both small and great. And I saw the beast, and the kings\\nof the earth, and their armies, gathered together to make war\\nagainst him that sat on the horse, and against his army. And the\\nbeast was taken, and with him the false prophet that wrought mira-\\ncles before him, with which he deceived them which had received\\nthe mark of the beast, and them that worshiped his image. These\\nboth were cast alive into a lake of fire burning with brimstone.\\nAnd the remnant were slain with the sword of him that sat upon\\nthe horse, which sword proceeded out of his mouth: and all the\\nfowls were filled with their flesh. 13\\nIn the proud parade of nations, princes, potentates, and\\npowers, which, since the gray dawn of the nineteenth century,\\nhave with serried ranks, in tramping column and marching file,\\nmaneuvered and deployed upon the grand plateau of human history,\\none, one only, and one alone, the United States, has broken out\\nher banners to the breezes, and nobly declared her right to a place\\nin the galaxy of great world-powers because she stood for a priceless\\nprinciple, eternal as the heavens. All others have stood upon might;\\nthis one, and this one alone, upon irresistible, impregnable right.\\nOn the folds of the flag of Columbia have been woven in glitter-\\ning strands, By the laws of nature and of nature s God, to estab-\\nlish justice. Her silver stars have shone forth like ambassadors of\\nbetter things from the blue dome of the goodly land beyond. In\\nthe breasts of her freemen has burned the sacred flame of liberty\\nfor all mankind. This flame has partaken, of the nature of the\\ncloven tongues of fire which once rested upon the apostles of our\\nLord. It has gone forth and attracted tens of thousands of the\\noppressed, yet still the best and blest of every nation, kindred,\\ntongue, and tribe.\\nis Rev. 19:11-21.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 189\\nThey have come by the millions. And when, all tired from\\ntheir voyages across the stormy seas, they have touched the sands\\nof our shining shores, Columbia, innately good, arising in the\\npeaceful purity of her nature to bid them welcome, has with her\\ngentle, unmailed hand pointed their weary eyes and longing souls to\\nthe precious pillars of priceless principle upon which the great\\ntemple of the nation is upreared. And then the magnetic light\\nwhose mellow beams had penetrated distance and annihilated space,\\ndrawing these pilgrims of the night from every clime on earth, has\\nflashed forth in power from the pillars, kindling itself in their eyes\\nand sitting itself down upon the altar of their hearts. For these\\nstones of principle upon which the national fabric rests may be,\\ndimly perhaps, but truly, nevertheless, compared to the foundations\\nof the New Jerusalem, having the glory of God, and her light\\nwas like unto a stone most precious, even like a jasper stone clear\\nas crystal. Quickly then have these pilgrims become one with the\\npeople of the land, and their natures and voices have blended in\\nunison with those whose happy lot they have become privileged to\\nshare.\\nViewed in the gaze of the Old World monarchies, from the\\nstandpoint of army and navy, the United States has been weak.\\nBut there is such a thing as the irresistible might of weakness.\\nThis the United States has possessed in a remarkable degree. True,\\nher cities have not been garrisoned, nor have her sons been taken\\nfrom the arts of agriculture to learn the art of arms. In the\\npeaceful hours of the morning, as the scions of the soil go to the\\nbeautiful fields and vineyards, and the daughters of the hearth to\\nthe duties of domestic life, no sharp sound of the reveille has\\nbroken upon their ear. The air has not reverberated with the\\nthundering of artillery perfecting itself in the dark sciences of\\ndeath. No clash and clank of trotting cavalry have they heard\\nupon their highways. There has been no measured tread of infan-\\ntry upon their country roads.\\nBy the sea, the fishers of this land have gone down into the\\ndeep with their nets. On the bosom of the twin oceans their boats\\nof commerce have gently rocked. Scarce a steel-clad ship protected\\nthem. No cruiser bristling with great guns has been necessary to\\nmake them safe, or to guard the shores from which they came. A", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "190 PERIL OF THE REPUBLIC.\\nstronger arm than that of sailor or marine with Gatling gun and\\nfighting-top has been here to ward away all harm.\\nLast summer I visited a cousin from the motherland across\\nthe sea. He had come to the great republic to make his home at\\na quiet spot on the banks of the lone Columbia River. His cottage\\nstands upon the very brink of the noble stream. I stood by the\\nwindow. On the table beside me lay a London illustrated paper.\\nOn the open page was a picture of Rudyard Kipling writing his\\ngreati Recessional Ode. He sat b} T a desk, his elbow rested upon\\nit, his hand supporting his head. Behind him, as it were upon the\\nwall, was a great panorama of the British navy. There were the\\ncruisers Powerful and Terrible, and the battle-ships Majes-\\ntic and Revenge, with a host of half a thousand other craft of\\nwar.\\nBut the back of the writer was turned upon these terrible\\nengines of destruction. He was rapt in deep meditation. His\\nthoughts were far away. Upon the edge of the desk lay a partially\\nunfolded scroll upon which in plain letters was penciled the thought\\nwhich occupied Kipling s mind, A Fleet in Being.\\nA new chord of life and emotion had been touched and awa-\\nkened in my soul. I looked at the dark, disdainful, swirling waters\\nof the great Columbia. I gazed upon the stern and rocky head-\\nlands, which in places looked as if they were about to close upon\\nthe proud waters, and challenge their right of way. The whole\\nscene was symbolic of great power.\\nFrom the river and the headland to the tracings on the scroll my\\nmind wandered to and fro, and forth and back again. Over and\\nover, like the ever-heaving, swelling billows of old ocean, those\\nwords kept rising to the surface of my soul, A fleet in being.\\nAnd as I pondered, my heart gave answer to my thought: yes, there\\nis a fleet in being; in being not only true, but in being the truth.\\nThere is a host of power in being, a power immeasurably superior to\\nthat of soldiers and sailors, of parapet on frowning fort, or turret\\non ship of steel. Blessed an hundredfold is the man who is great\\nfor what he is above the man who is great only for what he does.\\nThere have been legions of the latter, but the numbers of the former\\nare few. There is wonderful power in being in being pure, in\\nbeing holy, in being firm as adamant, loyal as lead in the rock, to\\nconvictions inspired and guided from above.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 191\\nLuther was the all-powerful figure at the Diet of Worms. He\\nwas all-powerful in the irresistible might of his weakness. All that\\nwas great and grand on earth was arrayed against him. There he\\nstands, garbed in the humble robe of an Augustine monk. Around\\nhim in that marble hall was a galaxy of princes. They were\\nbedecked in gorgeous gowns and resplendent uniforms, and bejew-\\neled with countless orders of royalty. But the lowly habit of the\\nfriar concealed a breast burning with the power of God, the power\\nof eternal truth. That poor, lone priest had the power of being.\\nThose princes had naught but the power of position. This latter,\\nthough to human vision it may appear great, is so feeble that its\\nlight is to the power of being like the little flickerings of the glow-\\nworm to the effulgence of the sun in the meridian.\\nOn his way to the hall, Luther had passed the old general,\\nGeorge of Freundsberg, who touched his shoulder, and shaking his\\nhead, blanched in many a battle, kindly said, Poor monk, poor\\nmonk, thou art going to make a nobler stand than I or any other\\ncaptain have ever made in the bloodiest of our battles. But if thy\\ncause is just, and thou art sure of it, go forward in God s name, and\\nfear nothing; God will not forsake thee.\\nAnd Luther did go forward in God s name. Spellbound sat the\\nprinces through his speech. Its close resembled the grand finale of\\na sacred oratorio. His very form and figure grew majestic. His\\nbosom heaved with conscious power his eye flashed fire more deadly\\nto those who opposed him than the thunderbolts of artillery; while\\nhis voice swelled in resonant, stentorian tones like the music of the\\ngreat pipe organ in the cathedral at Friberg, and that immortal sen-\\ntence was hurled forth as by creative energy, and sent rolling and\\nreverberating through that hall of princes: Here I stand Jean\\ndo no other; may God help me; amen.\\nAh, there was a power of being in the monk; a power which a\\nfew brief years later changed the map of Europe, hurled the em-\\nperor from his throne, and caused the crowns to topple from the\\nheads of tottering princes. Before the power of truth, the power\\nof position became as the waters that pass away.\\nAnd it is the power of being, the power begotten by the posses-\\nsion and living out of truth, wonderful truth, that has caused the\\nname of the Republic of the United States to be reverenced and", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "192 PERIL OP THE REPUBLIC.\\nrevered through all the earth. Hitherto the United States has stood\\nlike a rock for the truth, aud her very being has been the truth.\\nHer very being has been impregnated with the thoughts of liberty\\nand equal rights to all mankind. Hitherto she has set to herself\\nthe bounds and metes of right. And when vaunting ambition in\\nthe breasts of her sons would strive to break bej ond these natural\\nbarriers, her voice has been heard in the words of a Greater One,\\nsaying to their ambition, Hitherto [as far as the line of right]\\nshalt thou come but no further; and here shall thy proud waves be\\nstayed.\\nThe ember hours of the nineteenth century are here. The gloam-\\ning time of this cycle of a hundred years is upon us. Shall the ship\\nof state be held upon the course which God through the Fathers set\\nfor her, or shall the brilliant star of her peace and power be allowed\\nto be diverted, be made to grow dim, and to lose its heavenly luster?\\nThat a dark time of trouble is before this land and before the\\nworld, and is swiftly closing in upon the sons and daughters of men,\\nis evident to many of different faiths both spiritual and secular.\\nWe hear the mutterings of the storm, the distant roar of the angry\\nbillows of strife in things religious and civil. The tempest will\\nsurely break, but let it be our holy glory, our sacred joy, that,\\nalthough we may be broken by it, we shall never bend before it.\\nInfinitely happier is the man who is defeated in a good cause than\\nthe man who is victorious in a bad one.\\nBut the tempest produced by transgression in things individual\\nand things national will not last forever; it can not last for long.\\nSin and transgression are terrible things; but they carry in their\\nbreasts a poison which not only destroys all that it touches, but\\nultimately breeds destruction to themselves. In sin and wickedness\\nProvidence has fixed an evolution unto death.\\nAfter the night there will come the glorious dawning of the bet-\\nter morn. It will be for the good and the pure. We may differ as\\nto how it will come, but that it will come, we all believe. Soon will\\nbe heard great voices in heaven, saying, The kingdoms of this\\nworld are become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ, and\\nhe shall reign forever and ever.\\nThe citizens of that blest kingdom will be those who have known\\nthe power of being, of being true as steel to priceless principle of", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "AMITY OR ARMAGEDDON 193\\nright in things national as well as in things personal. For the king-\\ndom of God itself is founded upon the principle of right, founded\\nupon the consent of the governed, and the voices of the redeemed\\nwill whisper gently among the amaranthine flowers, saying, Thou\\nart worthy, Lord, to receive glory and honor and power.\\nTherefore let us work for right principles while it is day, for\\nthe night cometh when no man can work. Let us gird up the loins\\nof our minds, and be sober, and hope to the end for the grace\\nwhich is to be brought unto us at the coming of Jesus Christ.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nTHE UNITED STATES AND SLAVERY IN THE SULUS.\\nAfter the pages of this boos were all in type and for the most\\npart plated, another incident occurred in the policy of abandoning\\nthe Constitution of the United States. It constitutes a radical\\ndeparture from principles in behalf of which every day of the years\\n1861 to the spring of 1865 was steeped in the blood of the noblest\\nsons of the Northern States. Therefore I have considered it of\\nsufficient importance to append here.\\nThe Sulu Archipelago is the most southerly group of the Philip-\\npines. The inhabitants number about 110,000. They are Mo-\\nhammedan by religion and more or less pirates by instinct.\\nThey, and the sultan who rules over them, practise concubinage\\nand polygamy. Slavery is an established institutioa among them.\\nAccording to President Jacob G. Schurman, of Cornell Univer-\\nsity, and United States commissioner to the Philippines, this slavery\\nis not the cruel inhuman slavery, but beneficent in form. Some\\ntime ago the president of the United States announced that the\\npolicy of this government toward the Filipinos was one of benefi-\\ncent assimilation. This beneficent assimilation policy has been\\npushed forward by powder and projectile ever since it was first pro-\\nmulgated. Now it has become so exceedingly beneficent and assimi-\\nlative in character that it has assimilated into the body politic of\\nthe United States of America and Asia the beneficent poisons of\\nconcubinage, polygamy, and slavery. And as seemingly these\\nwere too good to be garnered by gunboats and Gatling guns like\\neverything else in the Philippines, they were purchased with Mexi-\\ncan dollars.\\nRecently a treaty, or treaty-like arrangement, has been effected\\nby General Bates in behalf of the United States with the sultan of\\nSulu. According to the agreement this government pays to the sultan\\nof Sulu a cash bonus of ten thousand Mexican dollars, and in addi-\\ntion to this he is to get an annual subsidy of four thousand dollars.\\nThe sultan, on his side, agrees that in consideration of the payment\\n[194]", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 195\\nof the sums aforesaid he and his people will be subject to the power\\nand jurisdiction of the United States. This was a cheaper way of\\nsecuring recognition of the undisputed sovereignty of the United\\nStates than by their benevolent assimilation through bayonet\\nand bullet.\\nAs a part of the bargain the United States agrees not to disturb\\nthe domestic institutions of the sultan and people of the Sulus; viz.,\\nconcubinage, polygamy, and slavery. In other words, the United\\nStates has agreed to recognize polygamy in the Sulu Islands, and to\\npay four thousand dollars per annum to the polygamous ruler there\\nfor the glory of exercising sovereignty over them.\\nAt the present time there are many petitions being circulated by\\nthe churches in this country requesting Congress to expel Congress-\\nman-elect Roberts, of Utah, because, as alleged, he is a polygamist.\\nWill these churches plead with the Senate of the United States not\\nto approve this treaty, or bargain, which recognizes polygamy in the\\nSulu jurisdiction of the United States? Will they petition Congress\\nnot to appropriate the four thousand dollars which the administra-\\ntion has agreed to pay to the order of the Sulu polygamist? If\\nthey do, what will become of their boasted loyalty to the govern-\\nment? If they do not, what will become of their consistency?\\nThis is a serious phase of the incident; but there is still another\\nphase of it which is much more serious.\\nThe United States has agreed not to disturb the institution of\\nslavery in her Sulu jurisdiction. Now what shall be done with the\\nthirteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States,\\nwhich declares that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,\\nexcept as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have\\nbeen duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any\\nplace subject to their jurisdiction 1\\nIt follows from this that when the administration agreed not to\\ndisturb slavery in the Sulu Islands, the same being part of the\\nPhilippines and consequently under the jurisdiction of the United\\nStates, it agreed both in principle and in practise that it would\\nopenly violate and publicly disregard the Constitution of these\\nUnited States. Possibly the administration is proceeding upon the\\nplan hinted at and proposed last winter, that the Philippines and\\nother islands be ruled without tl\\\\\u00c2\u00bb Constitution! But to do this is", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "196\\nAPPENDIX.\\nonly to trample upon and abandon the Constitution which by and\\naccording to the very wording of the instrument itself, extends to\\nall places within the jurisdiction of the United States.\\nSince the Declaration of Independence is repudiated, accounted\\nas a nursery rime only fit to hamper the greatest nation of\\nearth; and since the Constitution is abandoned, and this by the\\nvery government of the United States itself, since all this is so,\\nit may be pertinent to inquire, how much of the original government\\nof the United States remains?\\nAnd further, in view of the revived discussion of the race\\nproblem, since slavery is an undisturbed institution in one corner\\nof the territory under the jurisdiction of the United States, what\\nassurance is there that slavery will not be established, yea, and\\nre-established, in other places subject to their jurisdiction Will\\nthe sun upon the dial of the nation s day be set back where it stood\\nbefore the mighty conflict of 61 With sadness we turn from the\\ncontemplation of this checkered spectacle of a great nation whose\\nbeginnings were in so much glory, but whose latter day must be in\\nso much shame.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "The\\nMissionary Publications\\nof the\\nFleming H. Revell\\nCompany\\nClassified and Illustrated\\nSent postpaid to any address on receipt\\nof advertised prices", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "LATEST ISSUES.\\nThe Redemption of Africa. By Frederic Perry Noble.\\nA Story of Civilization. With illustrations, maps,\\nstatistical tables and bibliography. 2 vols., 8vo,\\ncloth, $4.00.\\nThis work, by the Secretary of the Chicago African Con-\\ngress of 1893, is a history of African Missions of the\\nCatholic and Protestant Churches, including- all denomina-\\ntions of the latter. It includes work for the negro in the\\nWestern Hemisphere as well as on the Dark Continent.\\nSpace is given to the history of Islam in Africa, as well as\\nto native religions. In sections one gets a clear idea of\\nthe great workers who have set their stamp on Africa. No\\nsnch comprehensive work on African Missions has ever\\nbefore been attempted. Of the author, The Independent\\nsays, in its African number, May 5, 1898, that he is prob-\\nably better qualified than any other man to write on\\nthis subject.\\nKorean Sketches. By Rev. James S. Gale. A Mission-\\nary s Observations in the Hermit Nation. Fully\\nillustrated. l2mo, cloth, #1.00.\\nHe writes easily and picturesquely of the peoples and\\ntheir customs; of exciting and amusing travel adven-\\ntures; and of the possibilities of manufactures, com-\\nmerce, agriculture, education and religion in Korea. His\\nbook is thoroughly readable. As a clear presentation of\\nnative life it is the best extant book on Korea. Outlook.\\nEvery-Day Life in Korea. By Rev. Daniel L. Gifford,\\neight years a missionary in Korea. A collection of\\nstudies and stories. Illustrated. l2mo, cloth, $1.25.\\nThe author has had in mind a number of classes of\\nreaders in the preparation of this book; among others,\\nbusiness men, fond of facts in a compact form; ladies in\\nthe missionary societies, ever alert to add to their fund of\\nmissionary information, and another class still, found in\\nthe yonng people s societies, who enjoy information pre-\\nsented in a pictorial or narrative form.\\nMissions and Politics in Asia. By Robert E. Speer.\\nStudies of the spirit of the Eastern peoples, the pres-\\nent making of history in Asia, and the part therein\\nof Christian Missions. Student s Lectures on Mis-\\nsions, Princeton, 1898. l2mo, cloth, $1.00.\\nThe lectures composing this volume were suggested by\\nthe study and observation of an extended tour in Asia, in\\nthe years 1896 and 1897. They are at once the fruit and\\nthe ground of the conviction, vindicated by the obvious\\nfacts of history and of life, that Christ is the present\\nLord and King of all life and history and their certain\\nultimate goal.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "Latest Issues Continued.\\nOur Indian Sisters. By Rev. E. Storrow. Illustrated.\\nl2mo, cloth, $1.25.\\nMr. Storrow, the veteran Indian missionary, brings to-\\ng-ether in this volume a great mass of information about\\nthe degradation and the sufferings of Indian women.\\nFairy Tales from Far Japan. Translated by Miss Bal-\\nlard. With Prefatory Note by Mrs. Isabella L. Bird\\nBishop. Small 4to, cloth, 75 cents.\\nMiss Ballard has translated some of the most famous of\\nthe Japanese nursery tales, and Mrs. Bishop s preface is\\na testimony at once to the accuracy and to the importance\\nof her work. The illustrations are all from Japanese\\noriginals.\\nThe Transformation of Hawaii: How American Mis-\\nsionaries Gave a Christian Nation to the World.\\nTold for Young People by Belle M. Brain, author\\nof Fuel for Missionary Fires. 12mo, cloth, illus-\\ntrated, $1.00.\\nIn Afric s Forest and Jungle. By Rev. R. H. Stone.\\nIllustrated. 12mo, cloth, $1.00.\\nIt is an unusually bright series of sketches by a mission-\\nary who resided for several years in a large native village\\nin West Africa.\\nMissionary Expansion Since the Reformation. By\\nRev. J. A. Graham, M.A. With 8 colored maps\\nand 145 illustrations. l2mo, cloth, $1.00.\\nA brief, general view of principles, history and present\\nposition of the Missions of the Evangelical Churches. It\\nis the result of wide reading and the most careful in-\\nvestigation. There are 145 well-made illustrations, in-\\ncluding a very large number of portraits, and eight\\ncolored maps, the latter a particularly valuable feature\\nin a work of this nature.\\nA Life for Africa. A Biography of the Rev. Adolphus\\nC. Good, Ph.D., American Missionary in Equatorial\\nWest Africa. By Ellen C. Parsons, M.A., editor of\\nWoman s Work for Women. Illustrated. l2mo,\\ncloth, #1.25.\\nLike many other missionaries, he accomplished much of\\nvalue in one or two departments of science, and an ap-\\npendix to the work contains an account of his scientific\\nlabors by W. J. Holland, and a paper on the superstitions\\nof the equatorial Africans, from his own pen. Such a\\nbook, wherever it goes, is a stimulus to missionary zeal,\\nand is a work of real interest in itself. The Congreea-\\ntwnalist.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "Latest Issues Continued.\\nThe Preparation for Christianity in the Ancient World.\\nBy R. M. Wenley, Sc.D. (Edm.), etc., Professor in the\\nUniversity of Michigan. l2mo, cloth, 75 cents.\\nMan s unaided efforts to raise himself into communion\\nwith God, and their failure, leading at length to un-\\nparalleled moral obliquity and spiritual insolvency, can-\\nnot but afford fresh insiffht into the predestined deficiency\\nof similar attempts at any time. From the Preface.\\nApostolic and Modern Missions. By Rev. Chalmers\\nMartin, A.M. 12mo, cloth, #1.00.\\nThe author, formerly a missionary to Siam, was invited\\nto deliver the 1895 course of Students Lectures on Mis-\\nsions before the students of Princeton Theological Sem-\\ninary, in which institution he is an instructor. Repeated\\nrequests from the Faculty and students have resulted in\\nthe publication of the lectures in this permanent form.\\nChristianity and the Progress of Man. A Study of Con-\\ntemporary Evolution in connection with the work of\\nModern Missions. By Prof. W. Douglas Mackenzie.\\n12mo, cloth, gilt top, $1.25.\\nThe book shows evidence of a thorough acquaintance\\nwith the literature of missions, and with the history of\\nthe progress of Christianity. It is another valuable ad-\\ndition to the missionary library, and is worthy of careful\\nstudy. The Church at Home and Abroad.\\nMissionary Methods for Missionary Committees. A\\nManual for Y. P. S. C. E., B. Y. P. U., and other\\nyoung people s societies. With Diagrams and charts\\nby David Park. l6mo, cloth, net, 25 cents.\\nThe Young Folks Missionary. Published monthly.\\nTen copies or over to one address, 10 cents per\\ncopy per annum. Single subscriptions, 25 cents per\\nyear.\\nThis is a new missionary paper which we are now issuing,\\nvery well adapted to all classes and ages of missionary\\nworkers, but especially suited to Woman s and Juvenile\\nMissionary Societies, Young People s Societies and Sun-\\nday Schools. Designed to develop and foster among all\\nour young people a greater zeal and intelligence in mis-\\nsionary work. It is on fine paper and beautifully illus-\\ntrated, presenting vivid conceptions of parts of the\\nworld and phases of missionary work not usually pre-\\nsented in other papers. The paper is fully illustrated\\nwith half-tone and other cu.s and is most attractively\\npresented. Sample copies free.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "GENERAL.\\nA Concise History of Mis-\\nsions.\\nBy Rev. Edwin Munsell Bliss,\\nD.D. i6mo, cloth, 75 cents.\\nIn three parts. I. General History\\nII. Development of the Field; III. Or-\\nganization and Methods of Mission\\nWork; IV. Appendix.\\nThe Rev. Dr. Edwin M. Bliss is\\nprobably more closely acquainted with\\nthe general subject of mission work than\\nany one else in this country. His expe-\\nrience as the compiler of the well-known\\nreference book, An Encyclopaedia of\\nMissions, and his work as editor and\\nwriter of special articles, have put him in possession of a store of\\nuseful knowledge on this subject. His A Concise History of\\nMissions is admirably planned and arranged. Its historical sur-\\nvey of the actual field is comprehensive its reasoning is just and\\nits tone is inspiring and hopeful. The Outlook.\\nChristianity and the Progress of Man.\\nContemporary Evolution as illustrated by the Work of\\nModern Missions. By Prof. W. Douglas Mackenzie.\\ni2mo, cloth, $1.25.\\nA study of social progress among heathen peoples under the\\ninfluence of Christian men and Christian principles.\\nChristian Missions and Social Progress.\\nA Sociological Study of Foreign Missions. By Rev. James\\nS. Dennis, D.D., Student s Lecturer on Missions, Prince-\\nton, 1893 ar d 1896. With 64 Illustrations from Photo-\\ngraphs. 2 vols., 8vo, cloth, gilt tops, each, $2.50. (Vol.\\nI. ready.)\\nAn epoch-making book lies before us, one of the riches\\ncontributions ever made to the literature of Christian Missions.\\nThe educational value of this book to ministers, theological stu-\\ndents and laymen, can hardly be overstated. The bibliography\\nappearing in connection with each lecture is beyond praise.\\nPresident Hail in The Expositor.\\nForeign Missions After a Century.\\nBy Rev. James S. Dennis, D.D. Fourth edition. 8vo,\\ncloth, $1.50.\\nThis book deserves to be ranked among the best of its class\\nfor the missionary information it gives and the missionary interest\\nit excites. It is a trumpet-toned book. The Evangelist.\\nA broad, philosophical and systematic view of the missionary\\nwork in its relation to the living Church. The Independent.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "AFRICA.\\nThe Personal Life of David Livingstone.\\nChiefly from his unpublished jour-\\nnals and correspondence in the\\npossession of his family. By W.\\nGarden Blaikie, D.D., LL.D.\\nWith portrait and map. New,\\ncheap edition. 508 pages, 8vo.\\ncloth, $1.50.\\nThere is throughout the narrative\\nthat glow of interest which is realized\\nwhile events are comparatively recent,\\nwith that also which is still fresh and\\ntender. The Standard\\nDavid Livingstone.\\nHis Labors and His Legacy. By A. Montefiore, F.R.G.S.\\nIllustrated. 160 pages, i2mo, cloth, 75c.\\nA volume of the very popular Missionary Biography Series\\ngiving the great events of a great life.\\nDavid Livingstone.\\nBy Mrs. J. H. Worcester, Jr., Missionary Annals Series.\\ni2mo, paper, net, 15c; flexible cloth, net, 30c.\\nLivingstone Anecdotes.\\nBy Dr. Macaulay. With portrait. i8mo, cloth, 25 c.\\nReality vs. Romance in South Central\\nAfrica.\\nBeing an Account of a Journey across the African Conti-\\nnent, from Benguella on the West Coast to the mouth of\\nthe Zambesi. By James Johnston, M.D. With 51 full-page\\nphotogravure reproductions of photographs by the author,\\nand a map. Royal 8vo, cloth, boxed, $4.00.\\nThe merits of this volume are incontestable. There is no\\neffort made to be grandiloquent, or to present things other than as\\nthey are. If the possibilities of civilizing Africa seem relegated to\\nthe far future, that is not Dr. Johnston s fault. The photogravures\\nhe prints are as novel as they are excellent. The New York Times,\\nAmong the Matabele.\\nBy Rev. D. Carnegie, for ten years resident at Hope Foun-\\ntain, twelve miles from Bulawayo. With portraits, maps\\nand other illustrations. Second edition. 1 2mo, cloth, 60 c.\\nIt is almost impossible for a dweller in civilization to under-\\nstand what heathenism is, but this book makes the picture more\\nvivid than any volume we have read. The Golden Rule", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "AFRICA.\\nThe Story of Uganda\\nAnd of the Victoria Nyanza Mission. By S. G. Stock.\\nIllustrated. i2mo, cloth, $1.25.\\nTo be commended as a good, brief, general survey of the\\nProtestant missionary work in Uganda. The Literary World.\\nPeril and Adventure in Central Africa.\\nIllustrated Letter to the Youngsters at Home. By Bishop\\nHammington. Illustrated. i2mo, cloth, 50 c.\\nRobert Moffat,\\nThe Missionary Hero of Kuruman.\\nBy David J. Deane. Missionary\\nBiography Series. Illustrated.\\n25 th thousand, i2mo, cloth, 75 c.\\nRobert Moffat.\\nBy M. L. Wilder. Missionary An-\\nnals Series. i2mo, paper, net,\\n15c; flexible cloth, net, 30 c.\\nRivers of Water.\\nThe Story of Robert Moffat. Illus-\\ntrated. i2ino, cloth, $1.00.\\nThe Congo for Christ.\\nThe Story of the Congo Mission. By Rev. John B. Myers.\\nMissionary Biography Series. Illustrated. Tenth thousand\\ni2rno, cloth, 75 c.\\nOf unique interest and suggestiveness. The Missionary\\nReview of the World.\\nLife on the Congo.\\nBy Rev. W. Holman Bentley. 1:1110, cloth, 60 c.\\nSouth Africa.\\nCountry, Peoples, European Colonization, Christian Mis-\\nsions. By Rev. James Sibree, F.R.G.S. i6mo, paper, 20c.\\nOn the Congo.\\nEdited from Notes and Conversations of Missionaries, by\\nMrs. H. Grattan Guinness, umo, paper, 50 c.\\nThomas J. Comber,\\nMissionary Pioneer to the Congo. By Rev. John B.\\nMyers. Missionary Biography Series. Illustrated. Tbir*\\ntecnth thousand. i2mo, cloth, 75 c.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "AMERICA.\\nOn the Indian Trail,\\nAnd Other Stories of Missionary\\nWork among the Cree and Saul-\\nteaux Indians. By Egerton R.\\nYoung. Illustrated by J. E. Laugh-\\nlin. i2mo, cloth, $1.00.\\nMr. Young is well known to readers of\\nall ages as the author of By Canoe and\\nDog Train, Three Boys in the Wild\\nNorth Land, and other very popular\\nbooks describing life and adventure in the\\ngreat Northwest. The stories in this new\\nbook tell of some very exciting incidents\\nin his career, and describe phases of life\\namong the American Indians which are\\nfast becoming things of the past.\\nForty-two Years among the Indians and\\nEskimos.\\nPictures from the Life of the Rt. Rev. John Horden, first\\nBishop of Moosonee. By Beatrice Batty. Illustrated.\\ni2mo, cloth, $1.00.\\nVikings of To-Day\\nOr, Life and Medical Work among the Fishermen of\\nLabrador. By Wilfred T. Grenfel, M.D., of the Deep\\nSea Mission. Illustrated from Original Photographs.\\nSecond edition. 121110, cloth, $1.25.\\nThe author has been in charge of the work since its inception,\\nand writes, accordingly, with special authority and wealth of detail,\\nboth as to the methods of work and as to the people\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the fearless,\\npatient Vikings\u00e2\u0080\u0094 to whom he has dedicated his life. The Ex-\\nAmid Greenland Snows;\\nOr, The Early History of Arctic Missions. By Jesse Page.\\nMissionary Biography Series. Illustrated. Tenth thous-\\nand. i2mo, cloth, 75c.\\nThis is an interesting history of Arctic missions, and espe-\\ncially ol the remarkable labors of Hans Egede. Christian Work.\\nKin-da-Shon s Wife.\\nAn Alaskan Story. By Mrs. Eugene S. Willard. Illus-\\ntrated. Third edition. 8vo, cloth, $1.50.\\nFrom beginning to end the book holds the attention. Mrs.\\nWillard has shown herself peculiarly well qualified to write such a\\nbook. Public Opinion.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "AMERICA.\\nDavid Brainerd,\\nThe Apostle to the North American Indians. By Jesse\\nPage. Missionary Biography Series. Illustrated. Twelfth\\nthousand. i:mo, cloth, 75c.\\nNo romance can equal the story of his life. We have it here\\nin admirable form, and it will thrill every one who reads these\\npages. Christian Work.\\nSouth America, the Neglected Continent.\\nBy Lucy E. Guinness and E. C. Millard. With a Map\\nin colors and many other Illustrations. Small 4to, paper,\\n50c. cloth, 75c.\\nAn account of the mission tour of the Rev. G. C. Grubb, M.A.,\\nand party, in 1893, with a historical sketch and summary of mission-\\nary enterprise in South America.\\nThe West Indies.\\nBy Mrs. E. R, Pitman. Outline Missionary Series. i6mo,\\npaper, 20c.\\nPERSIA.\\nPersian Life and Cus- r\\ntoms.\\nWith Incidents of Residence and\\nTravel in the Land of the Lion\\nand the Sun. By Rev. S. G.\\nWilson, M.A., for 15 years a\\nmissionary in Persia. With Map,\\nand other Illustrations, and In-\\ndex. Second edition, reduced\\nin price. 8vo, cloth, $1.25.\\nThis is not merely a book of\\ntravel, but of long observation, in Per-\\nsia. The author has studied with much\\ncare the condition of Persia and its fu-\\nture possibilities. The N. Y. Tribune.\\nJustin Perkins,\\nPioneer Missionary to Persia. By his son, Rev. H. M.\\nPerkins. Missionary Annals Series. i2mo, paper, net,\\n1 5c. flexible cloth, net, 30c.\\nWoman and the Gospel in Persia.\\nBy Rev. Thomas- Laurie, D.D. Missionary Annals Series.\\ni2mo, paper net, 15c; flexible cloth, net, 30c.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "INDIA.\\nWilliam Carey.\\nThe Shoemaker who became the\\nFather and Founder of Foreign\\nMissions. By Rev. John B. Myers.\\nMissionary Biography Series. Illus-\\ntrated. Twenty-second thousand.\\ni2mo, cloth, 75c.\\nWilliam Carey.\\nBy Mary E. Farwell. Missionary\\nAnnals Series. i2mo, paper, net,\\n15c; flexible cloth, net, 30c.\\nAlexander Duff.\\nBy Elizabeth B. Vermilye. Missionary Annals Series\\ni2mo, paper, net, 15c; flexible cloth, net, 30c.\\nReginald Heber,\\nBishop of Calcutta, Scholar and Evangelist. By Arthur\\nMontefiore. Missionary Biography Series. Illustrated\\ni2mo, cloth, 75c.\\nThe author has done his work well, and has given us a very\\ninteresting sketch of the man and his mission as country parson\\ntraveler, writer, and missionary. Public Opinion.\\nHeavenly Pearls Set in a Life.\\nA Record of Experiences and Labors in America, India\\nand Australia. By Mrs. Lucy D. Osborn. Illustrated.\\ni2mo, cloth, $1.50.\\nIndian Gems for the Master s Crown.\\nBy Miss Droese, of Landour, India. Illustrated i-rno\\ncloth, 80c.\\nTo require every book about missions to be as readable as\\nthis, would be too much to ask. The Church. Standard.\\nIndia.\\nBy Rev. E. Storrow. Outline Missionary Series. lomo\\npaper, 2 parts, each 20c.\\nf a rt I- Country, People, History, Manners and Customs,\\nHinduism. Part II.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 History of Christianity, Obstacles and Hin-\\ndrances, Forms of Labor, Results.\\nIndian Zenana Missions\\nTheir Need, Origin, Objects, Modes of Working, and\\nResults. By Mrs. E. R. Pitman Outline Missionary\\nSeries. i6mo, paper, 20c.", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "INDIA.\\nIn the Tiger Jungle,\\nAnd Other Stories of Missionary\\nWork among the Telugus. By\\nRev. Jacob Chamberlain, M.D.,\\nD. D. for 37 years a Missionary in\\nIndia. Illustrated. i2mo, cloth,\\n$1.00.\\nIf this is the kind of missionary\\nwho mans the foreign stations, they will\\nnever fail for lack of enterprise.\\nThe book is withal a vivid and serious\\nportrayal of the mission work, and as\\nsuch leaves a deep impression on the\\nreader. The Independent.\\nThe doctor writes in a fascinating\\nstyle, and in so realistic and vivid a\\nmanner as to make the countries des-\\ncribed and the stirring adventures through which he passed live\\nagain upon the printed page, while the whole book glows with an\\nintense and pure missionary fervor. Christian Work.\\nThe Child of the Ganges.\\nA Tale of the Judson Mission. By Prof. R. N. Barrett,\\nD.D. Illustrated. i2mo, cloth, $i.2s.\\nWith a story of Seekers after God in Burmah is interwoven\\nthat of the consecrated missionaries Adoniram and Ann Judson, a\\nstory familiar to us from childhood, yet never to lose its interest.\\nThe A 7 V. Observer.\\nAdoniram Judson.\\nBy Julia H. Johnston. Missionary Annals Series. i2mo,\\npaper, net, 15c; flexible cloth, net, 30c.\\nOnce Hindu, now Christian.\\nThe Early Life of Baba Padmanji. An Autobiography,\\ntranslated. Edited by J. Murray Mitchell, M. A. i6mo,\\ncloth, 75c.\\nA more instructive or more interesting narrative of a human\\nsoul gradually emerging into the light, does not often come to\\nhand. The Missionary Herald.\\nBombay Conference Report.\\nReport of the Third Decennial Missionary Conference, held\\nat Bombay, 1892-93. 878 pages. 2 volumes, 8vo, cloth,\\nnet, $4.00.\\nThe Gospel in Southern India;\\nOr, The Religious Life, Experience, and Character of the\\nHindu Christians. By Rev. Samuel Mateer, F.L.S. Illus-\\ntrated. i2mo, cloth, $1.40.", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2932", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2949", "width": "1927", "jp2-path": "perilofrepublico00maga_0217.jp2"}}