{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3522", "width": "2187", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": ".0 0.\\no 0^\\n\\\\V\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2X^\\n-V\\n..V .V .V .-i:^\\ns\\n4\\nV\\nxO^x.\\n.0^\\naO\\no S\\n,i -^t\\n.Oc\\n3\\nV S.^^ ^r.A\\\\\\n.0\\n0^ o 0^\\nc^ v^ c:^ v^\\nr^ -v:*. x^\u00c2\u00b0 M .A v% x^\\nc^,. A c^\\nv^ n.- v^", "height": "3368", "width": "2146", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "i\\nv^\\nbo^\\n,f%\\nv-\\nf\\n.p-\\nvP\\n0- ^o.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2S^\\nx^-^ ,0-\\ni", "height": "3368", "width": "2146", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3368", "width": "2146", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "Autobiography.\\nPoor Richard. Letters.\\nBy\\nBenjamin Franklin\\nWith a Critical and Biographical Introduction\\nand Notes by Ainsworth R. Spofford\\nIllustrated\\nNew York\\nD. Appleton and Company\\n1900", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "TWO COPIES RECEiVEiJ,\\nLibrary of CjngreB^\\nOffloa of tha\\nJAN f 1900\\nRegister of CopyrlghtSc\\n51527\\nCopyright, 1899,\\nBy D. APPLETON AND COMPANY.\\nSECOND COPY.", "height": "3368", "width": "2064", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Benjamin Franklin\\nAutobiography Poor Richard\\nThe World s Great Books\\nCommittee of Selection\\nThomas B. Reed William R. Harper\\nSpeaker of the House President of the\\nof Representatives University of Chicago\\nEdward Everett Hale Ainsworth R. Spofford\\nAuthor of The Man Of the Congressional\\nWithout a Country Library\\nRossiter Johnson\\nEditor of Little Classics and Editor-in-Chief of this Series\\nAldine Edition", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "...I I iMiiy-t\\nI I", "height": "3368", "width": "2146", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "y^/", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nIN selecting the present volume to form one of the\\nLibrary of the World s Great Books, the editors have\\nbeen guided by a controlling sense of the interest and\\nmerit of the work, as well as by the world-wide fame of\\nthe author. The name of Benjamin Franklin is a house-\\nhold word in all lands. His modest chronicle of his early\\nlife, known as his Autobiography, has been read and\\nenjoyed by successive generations. The final test of\\nliterary merit, as well as of intrinsic interest, is the con-\\ntinual public demand for new editions. The life of Frank-\\nlin has been reprinted in hundreds of editions, and in\\nnearly all the languages of the globe. In fact, it is one of\\nthe half-dozen books for which merit and public demand\\nmake a perennial market.\\nIf we seek for the causes of so wide and so lastinsf a\\npopularity, they are found in the charming simplicity of\\nthe style and the engaging interest of the narrative.\\nThere are few books of which we can say, as of this, that\\nthe style is as clear as crystal. The words are so happily\\nchosen that one thinks no others could convey the author s\\nmeaning so clearly or forcibly. Franklin always avoided,\\nin composition, the tendency to figures of rhetoric, or fine\\nlanguage. His sentences, never long or involved, go\\nstraight to the point. And the impress of a sincere and\\nhonest personality pervades the entire narrative. The\\nauthor does not play the egotist, modestly records his\\nsuccesses, candidly owns the errors of his early life, and\\ntakes the reader irresistibly into his confidence.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "iv BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nA remarkable fact about the Autobiography of Frank-\\nlin is that it first appeared in a foreign language. While\\nhe left his manuscripts by will to his grandson, William\\nTemple Franklin, he had sent a copy of this narrative of\\nhis life to an intimate friend, M. Veillard, Mayor of Passy,\\nnear Paris. Dr. Franklin died in 1790, at the age of eighty-\\nfour, and the next year appeared in Paris a French trans-\\nlation of his Autobiography. From this first translation\\nit was at once retranslated into English, and rival editions\\nwere published in London in 1793. This imperfect version,\\nmade from a French translation, and not at all the original\\nAutobiography, was the only text of this remarkable book\\never printed in English up to the year 18 17, when the\\ngrandson, after strange and unaccounted-for delays, at\\nlast published in London, in six volumes, the Works of\\nBenjamin Franklin, and among them the Autobiography\\nfrom the Doctor s manuscript.\\nThe Hon. John Bigelow, long a diplomatic represen-\\ntative of the United States in Europe, found and purchased\\nin 1867, from the family who had inherited it, the precious\\noriginal manuscript of Franklin s Autobiography, in his\\nown handwriting. INIr. Bigelow edited it, and printed it\\nin Philadelphia in 1868, and it has since gone through\\nseveral editions. This authentic text is followed in the\\npresent publication of the work.\\nThe Poor Richard s Maxims, here printed, include\\nall that is most characteristic and interesting in the long\\nseries of Poor Richard s Almanack, which Franklin\\noriginated and edited, from 1733 to 1758 inclusive. The\\noriginals of these curious almanacs have now become so\\nrare, that a visit to three cities is necessary to secure a\\nsight of all the issues. A partial set in the Library of\\nCongress, embracing forty-one years of the Almanack, con-\\ntains the verv scarce issue for 1758, in which Franklin\\nf rinted a summary of the Poor Richard sayings,\\nscattered through twenty-five years of his Almanack.\\nThese pithy, homely adages, so well adapted to plant", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN V\\nseeds of prudence and virtue in the common mind, have\\nbeen multiplied by the presses of every nation in Europe,\\nunder the titles of The Way to Wealth, The Sayings\\nof Poor Richard, La Science du bonhomme Richard,\\netc. Seventy-five editions of them are known in English,\\nsixty in French, and fifteen in German.\\nThe remaining portions of our edition of the select\\nworks of Franklin include his most entertaining and\\ninstructive Essays and Letters. He excelled as a letter-\\nwriter, and as a story-teller he had no superior. He was\\nalso a master of the fine art of irony, and his vein of humour\\ncolours a large share of his private correspondence.\\nSeveral bibliographies of Frankliniana, or of books and\\nother publications written by or relating to him, have been\\npublished. The list of Franklin publications in the Boston\\nPublic Library, with the added titles that could be gath-\\nered from all sources, was printed in the Bulletins of that\\nLibrary for i882- 83. A still fuller list was published in\\n1889 by Paul L. Ford, in Brooklyn, N. Y. The titles of\\nthe publications of Franklin s own press are pretty fully\\ngiven in Charles R. Hildeburn s Century of Printing\\nissues of the press in Pennsylvania, 1685-1784, in two\\nvolumes (Philadelphia, i885- 86). Henry Stevens s list of\\nthe books, pamphlets, periodicals, and manuscripts in his\\nFranklin collection, purchased by Congress in 1882,\\nwas printed in Washington in 1881 as a History and\\nDescription of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin.\\nHow shall we best study this many-sided man, Benja-\\nmin Franklin Shall we apply the method of analysis,\\nand view separately the component parts which go to\\nmake up this impressive whole? We may study him first\\nas a boy, working hard for his living, hungrily devouring\\nthe books that came in his way, writing precocious essays\\nfor the press, and dropping them secretly in the box of\\nthe paper on which he worked, resenting the petty tyran-\\nnies of his apprenticeship, frugal for himself, generous to\\nothers, eager to improve, devoting every moment rescued", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "vi BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nfrom toil to his favourite authors, swallowing the many\\nchagrins of his servitude (for he was an apprentice to a\\nhard master-printer) until he was convinced that forbear-\\nance had ceased to be a virtue then, with native inde-\\npendence, shaking the dust of Boston from his feet, to\\nj lant them in the streets of Philadelphia.\\nWe may study him next as a writer, master of a clear,\\nforcible, and engaging style, never above his subject, nor\\nbelow it grave and earnest when reasoning of public\\nmatters, light and even sportive when writing to friends\\nfull of the happiest analogies, fertile in epilogue, anecdote,\\nand fable, to illustrate the point in hand master of a\\nrefined irony and a subtle humour, marshalling all his\\npowers to set forth the strongest points in a few words.\\nHe wrote poor poetry, for the imaginative faculty was\\nnot strong in him but he knew it to be poor, something\\nwhich we can not say of man}- writers of verse and printers\\nof the same.\\nWe may study him as an inventor, alive from his\\nearliest years to the defects of existing processes, and fer-\\ntile in devising means to improve them a keen observer\\nall his life of causes and efTects, and of all natural phenom-\\nena early experimenting with electricity and galvanism,\\nand the first to draw lightning from the clouds, which led\\n.to his invention of the lightning-rod; discoverer of an\\nunfailing remedy for that dreadful evil, the smoky chim-\\nney inventor of the Franklin stove (modestly named by\\nhim the Pennsylvania fireplace\\\\ which at once increased\\nthe heat and saved the fuel discoverer of the temperature\\nof the Gulf-Stream; exhibiting, from youth to old age,\\nthe scientific bent of his mind. It is wonderful to find\\nhow many ideas of the highest utility were first suggested\\nby Franklin the first public circulating library, not only\\nin America but in the world, founded by him in 1731 (now\\nthe Library Company of Philadelphia); the first philo-\\nsophical or scientific society in America, proposed bv him\\nin 1744; the first volunteer militia, organized in 1747; the", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN vii\\nfirst street pavement in America; the first night-watch,\\nmen for the protection of property the first plan for\\nstreet-sweeping the first open stove, and the first light-\\nning-rod, already referred to the first hospital in Amer-\\nica, in 175 1 (for which he secured the means by organi-\\nzation and influence, though he attributed the idea to\\nanother) the first plan for uniting all the American colo-\\nnies, proposed by him in the year 1754; the first Amer-\\nican magazine, established by Franklin in 1741 and last,\\nbut by no means least, the first Academy or High School,\\nin 1749, since become the University of Pennsylvania.\\nWe may study him as a printer, early making himself\\nmaster of the art preservative of all the other arts; a\\nrapid and accurate compositor, outworking all his fellow-\\njourneymen a laborious pressman an ingenious letter-\\nfounder upon occasions careful of the quality of his\\nwork, tasteful in details, carrying away the provincial\\npublic printing from all competitors by superior work-\\nmanship, promptitude, and strict attention to his business.\\nThat Franklin s business as a printer was large is evi-\\ndenced by the testimony of his contemporaries, by the\\nhandsome profits it yielded, paying him for more than\\ntwenty years an income of a thousand pounds a year\\n(a large sum for those days), and by the long catalogue of\\nthe productions of his press, which a revived interest in\\nall that concerns Franklin has brought to light. A colla-\\ntion of titles, gathered from all libraries, sale catalogues,\\nand printers lists, yields the sum total of about four hun-\\ndred books and pamphlets bearing the imprint of Benja-\\nmin Franklin, or of Franklin Hall, from 1729 to 1765,\\nwhen he relinquished his interest in the printing business,\\nin his sixtieth year, to his partner, Daniel Hall. This, of\\ncourse, is exclusive of newspapers, as well as of repeated\\neditions of the same work. The list embodies a great\\nvariety of publications on multifarious subjects, civil and\\necclesiastical poems, essays, political treatises, biography,\\nhistory, classical translations, acts of Parliament relating", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "viii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nto the colonies, conferences and treaties with the Indians,\\nLaws and Journals of Pennsylvania, of New Jersey, and\\nof Delaware, hymn-books, catechisms, religious treatises,\\nalmanacs, and broadsides. Of these, no fewer than thirty-\\nfive were printed by Franklin in the German language,\\nwhich was the native tongue of a very large portion of\\nthe settlers of Pennsylvania. Of these four hundred pub-\\nlications emanating from Franklin s press, no American\\nlibrary has so many as half, although several are now\\nforming collections of Frankliniana. The Library of Con-\\ngress has many specimens of the typography of Franklin s\\npress, among them Cicero s Cato Major, or Treatise of\\nOld Age, printed in 1744, with the rubricated title-page,\\nwhich he always considered the best specimen of his\\nprinting.\\nThe printing-press on which Franklin worked in Lon-\\ndon may still be seen in the National Museum in Wash-\\nington.\\nOf Poor Richard s Almanack, first issued by Frank-\\nlin in 1733, twenty-six annual numbers were published by\\nFranklin, after which, in 1759, it ceased to be edited by\\nhim, although continued by Hall Sellers and other pub-\\nlishers until 1798. In this publication appeared that re-\\nmarkable series of homely proverbs and pithy counsels\\nwhich, though not all original with Franklin, form a bre-\\nviary of life and conduct, admirable in most respects for\\nthe use of the young. Those who are accustomed to\\nsneer at Franklin s morality as embod^dng onlj^ the\\nmaxims of a low prudence would do wisely to consider\\nwhether they can produce others better adapted, upon the\\nwhole, to improve and elevate mankind.\\nWe may stud} him next as a journalist, a profession\\nwhich he may be said never to have relinquished, although\\nit was not pursued as his chief avocation. Franklin was\\none of the earliest of American periodical writers. From\\nhis first political composition, as a prentice boy of six-\\nteen, to his last contribution to the Philadelphia Federal", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN IX\\nGazette in 1790, three weeks before his death, Franklin\\nwas a frequent and always instructive contributor to the\\npress. The columns of the London Chronicle, pre-\\nserved in the Library of Congress, attest his zeal in the\\ndiscussion of public affairs, and of political and social in-\\nterests, while he was resident in London from 1757 to\\n1775. His journalistic writings were always anonymous;\\nbut it is not difficult to trace him by his style, and by\\ncontemporary allusions in his own writings and those of\\nothers. In this way he discussed questions of science, of\\nadministration, and of popular liberty, in a style that fas-\\ncinated the reading world, and left a marked impression\\non public opinion. Indeed, as a propagandist of liberal\\nthought in politics, on both sides of the sea, Franklin s\\ninfluence can not be overrated.\\nFranklin was a lifelong protestant against human\\nslavery not only against the detestable traffic in slaves,\\nbut against the existence of the institution itself. He was\\nPresident of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting abo-\\nlition, and wrote a plan for improving the condition of the\\nfree negroes. With members of the Society of Friends\\nand others, he memorialized the first Congress, praying\\nthat body to step to the very verge of the power vested\\nin them for discouraging every species of traffic in the\\npersons of our fellow-men. His last public effort was a\\nletter to the Federal Gazette upon the debate in Con-\\ngress in March, 1790, on this petition. In it he exposed,\\nin the guise of an Algerine, the defence of slavery and\\npiracy, the arguments for human bondage, and, with\\ncaustic satire and inimitable wit, showed the fallacy of\\nevery plea for slavery. This article, signed Historicus,\\nevinces the spirit that burned in the breast of the dying\\nFranklin, and the acuteness of his intellectual powers,\\neven when he was racked with pain, at the age of\\neighty-four.\\nA large share of his early papers appeared in the col-\\numns of his own journal, the Pennsylvania Gazette.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "X BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nThis ho ostaMislu\\\\l it\\\\ i7-\\\\x anJ it was continued weekly\\nor semi-wceklv until 17(^5, when Franklin s interest ceased,\\nnlthouiih the Cia:-ette* was published under other names\\nuntil iS.js. when it was nieTi;ed in the Philade^ihia\\n**Noi(h Auiei iean. atter an existence ol one lunuhed and\\nseveuttUMi years.\\nI ranklin also established the tirst American maga/ine.\\nin januai i-.n, under the title \u00c2\u00ab.^t The Cicncnil Maza-\\nrine auvl llistoiical Cluonicle tor all the British Planta-\\ntions in America. But this enterprise tailed of adequate\\nsupport, and attcr six monthly luimbers had appeared it\\nwas vliscontinued. The dav ot popular maga.ines mul-\\ntiplied by the hxmdred thousand had not dawned, and\\nFn\\\\nklin s subscribers, a select tew out ol the sparse\\npopulation ot reiuisvlvania. did Uvn keep alive tlie new\\nenterprise.\\nWe may study him also as a philanthropist, as a bene-\\ntactor ot his species; and here he holds a place among- the\\nhighest. His was no theoixnical benevolence, preaching\\ng\\\\xxi-\\\\vill to man while putting* forth no effort to aid him.\\nThe bent of Franklin s mind, as well as the tenor of his\\nlife, was intensely practical. He was ever studying ways\\naiui means to better the human cv^nditions that surrv undecl\\nhim. To him the American public of a century and a\\nhalf agv yven? indebted for the first sug-gestions ever real-\\nijsed of Siinitarv laws, of the prc\u00c2\u00bbper ventilation of houses,\\nof clean streets, of lighted thoroughfan^s, of pavements in\\nplace of mud. of prv \u00c2\u00bbteotion agi^inst fires, of smv^^ke-con-\\nsuming- thies, and of cv^mfortable homes. The homely,\\npractical wisdom of his benevolence w as evinced in his\\ngift to the town of Fn\\\\nklin. Mass^ichusetts, onranired\\nin i,-*S and adoptin^^ his name. The town causevi the\\nphilosopher, then reprt^sentin^ his country in l ^aris, to be\\ninf\u00c2\u00ab. rmt\\\\l of this honour, adding^ that they would build a\\nsteeple to their church it he would send them a bell for it.\\nFranklin s reply sagraciouslr advised them to s;ive the cv st\\nof a steeple, A new town, he sa\\\\ in a letter to an", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xi\\nAmerican friend, havins: done me the honour of naminc:\\nitself after mc, and proposing to build a steeple to their\\nmeeting-house, if 1 would give them a bell, I have advised\\nthe sparing themselves the expense of a steeple for the\\npresent, and that they would accept of books instead of a\\nbell, sense being preferable to sound.\\nFranklin s native benevolence was manifested in his\\nefforts, in negotiating the Treaty of Peace with Great\\nBritain in 1782, to get privateering and the taking of\\nprivate property on land in time of war condemned and\\nrenounced by all the great powers. He failed to secure\\nthis, but he showed himself none the less (as in his earlier\\nproposal to substitute arbitration for war in the settle-\\nment of national disputes) a full century in advance of his\\ntime. In my opinion, he records, with sententious\\nbrevity, there never was a good war, nor a bad peace.\\nWe may study Franklin as a moralist, and we shall\\nfind the keynote to his creed, as well as to his character,\\nin the one word utility. Franklin firmly believed that\\nthe highest good is to be sought in what is most useful to\\nmankind. He was not an idealist on the one hand, and\\nhe was far from being a materialist on the other. Some\\npersons, struck with the intense utilitarian bent of Frank-\\nlin s mind, have denied him any considerable measure of\\nthe spiritual faculty but his writings evince an ever-\\npresent faith in immortality and in a Supreme Being.\\nIn his Autobiography he sums up a whole system of\\nmorals in a sentence, when he suggests that certain ac-\\ntions are not bad because they are forbidden, but they\\nare forbidden because they are bad. His was a benevo-\\nlent and reverential spirit. Writing to a near friend of\\nthe departure from the world of those he had known, he\\nsays Last year carried off my friends Dr. Pringle, Dr.\\nFothcrgill, and Lord Kames this has begun to take away\\nthe rest. I say to my other remaining old friends, the\\nfewer we become, the more let us love one another. At\\nthe age of seventy-eight he writes I still exist, and still", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "xii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nenjoy some pleasure in that existence, though now in my\\nseventy-ninth year. Yet I feel the infirmities of age come\\non so fast, and the building to need so many repairs, that\\nin a little time the owner will find it cheaper to pull it\\ndown and build a new one.\\nHe always speaks of death as only a passing from one\\nstage of life to another I look upon death to be as neces-\\nsary to our constitution as sleep. We shall rise refreshed\\nin the morning. At the age of fourscore he thus wrote\\nWhen I see nothing annihilated, and not even a drop of\\nwater wasted, I can not suspect the annihilation of souls,\\nor believe that God will suffer the daily waste of millions\\nof minds ready-made that now exist, and put himself to\\nthe continual trouble of making new ones. Thus, finding\\nmyself to exist in the world, I believe I shall, in some shape\\nor other, always exist and with all the inconveniences\\nhuman life is liable to, I shall not object to a new edition\\nof mine hoping, however, that the errata of the last may\\nbe corrected.\\nFranklin was constitutionally, as well as from prin-\\nciple, an optimist. To do good, and to let results take\\ncare of themselves, was his religion. He believed in the\\nbest for this world, and for the world to come. And\\nhere, familiar as it may be to most readers, I can not omit\\nquoting the epitaph composed by Franklin in very early\\nlife for himself it is one of the finest passages in the\\nEnglish language\\nThe Body of Benjamin Franklin, Printer, (like the cover of an old\\nbook, its contents torn out, and stript of its lettering and gilding) lies\\nhere, food for worms. But the work shall not be lost for it will (as he\\nbelieved) appear once more in a new and more elegant edition, revised\\nand corrected by the Author.\\nWe may study Franklin as a humourist, rarely gifted\\nwith powers of wit, sarcasm, and irony, which yet were\\nalways employed without the smallest sting of animosity.\\nHis Autobiography has several touches of this, where", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xiii\\nhe tells of Keimer, the printer, a great glutton, who in-\\nvited two friends and Franklin to dine with him, and or-\\ndered a roast pig But, it being brought too soon upon\\ntable, sa) s Franklin, he could not resist the temptation,\\nand ate the whole before we came. Of his long absti-\\nnence from animal food in his youth, and its abandon-\\nment, he tells us that he once considered the catching and\\neating of fish as unprovoked murder. But, says he\\nI had formerly been a great lover of fish, and when a\\nfine cod came hot out of the frying-pan it smelt admira-\\nbly well. I balanced some time, between principle and\\ninclination, till I recollected that, when the fish were\\nopened, I saw smaller fish taken out of their stomachs\\nthen thought I, If you eat one another, I don t see why\\nwe may not eat you. So I dined upon cod very heart-\\nily, and continued to eat with other people, only return-\\ning now and then occasionally to the vegetable diet.\\nWhen Franklin was soldiering in Pennsylvania during\\nthe French and Indian war, the chaplain complained to\\nhim that the men did not attend his prayers. Franklin\\nhad observed that the militia were prompt to call for\\ntheir allowance of spirits, one gill a day to each man, half\\nin the morning and half at night. So he said to the chap-\\nIain It is perhaps below the dignity of your profession\\nto act as steward of the rum but if you were to deal out\\nthe ration, and only just after prayers, you would have\\nthem all about you. The scheme was adopted, and\\nnever, says Franklin, were prayers more generally or\\nmore punctually attended.\\nTo his friend Mrs. Hewson, an English woman whom\\nhe greatly esteemed, Franklin wrote from Paris, in 1777,\\nat the height of the Revolutionary War I want all of\\nmy friends out of that wicked country (meaning England).\\nI have just seen in the paper seven paragraphs about me,\\nof which six were lies.\\nWhen sent to Canada, in 1776, to aid in detaching the\\nallegiance of its people to the British Crown, Franklin car-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "xiv BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nried a printing-press, and two papers were issued, de-\\nsigned for effect upon the country people, when it was\\ndiscovered that only about one Canadian in five hundred\\ncould read. The Doctor very wisely suggested, that if\\nanother mission were to be sent to Canada, it should con-\\nsist of schoolmasters. His burlesque letter from the\\nCount de Schaumburg, ridiculing, with the sharpest irony,\\nthe British employment of hired Hessian troops in Amer-\\nica, is a masterpiece of humour.\\nWhen American Minister in Paris, Franklin was\\ngreatly pressed by what he called mad requests for\\nrecommendations to military commissions from French-\\nmen of whom he had never heard. To rid himself of\\nthese importunities, he prepared the following form of a\\nletter of introduction:\\nSir The bearer of this, who is going to America, presses me to give\\nhim a letter of recommendation, though I know nothing of him, not even\\nhis name. This may seem extraordinary, but I assure you it is not\\nuncommon here. Sometimes, indeed, one unknown person brings\\nanother equally unknown to recommend him and sometimes they recom-\\nmend one another. As to this gentleman, I must refer you to himself for\\nhis character and merits, with which he is certainly better acquainted than\\nI can possibly be. I recommend him, however, to those civilities which\\nevery stranger of whom one knows no harm has a right to and I request\\nthat you will do him all the good offices, and show him all the favour, that\\non further acquaintance you shall find him to deserve. I have the honour\\nto be, etc.\\nWriting to his daughter, Mrs. Sarah Bache, in 1779,\\nwho had sent to him for some Paris goods, and among\\nthem lace and feathers, he says I send all the articles you\\ndesire, that are useful and necessary, and omit the rest\\nfor as you say you should have great pride in wearing\\nanything I send, and showing it as your father s taste, I\\nmust avoid giving you an opportunity of doing that with\\neither lace or feathers. If you wear your cambric ruffles\\nas I do, and take care not to mend the holes, they will\\ncome in time to be lace and feathers, my dear girl, may\\nbe had in America from every cock s tail.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN XV\\nFranklin was a merciless satirist of that feature in the\\nmilitary Order of the Cincinnati, after the Revolutionary\\nWar, which made their rank hereditary. Honour worthily\\nobtained, as that of our officers, he wrote, is in its\\nnature a personal thing, and incommunicable. But the\\nabsurdity of descending honours is capable of mathematical\\ndemonstration. A man s son, for instance, is but half of\\nhis family, the other half belonging to the family of his\\nwife. His son, too, marrying into another family, his share\\nin the grandson is but a fourth in the great-grandson it\\nis but an eighth. Thus, in nine generations in a descend-\\ning ratio, our present Chevalier of the Order of Cincinnati s\\nshare in the then existing knight will be but a five hundred\\nand twelfth part. This simple process in arithmetic makes\\nit quite plain that, in proportion as the antiquity of the\\nfamily shall augment, the right to the honour of the ances-\\ntor will diminish. He tells a correspondent of a proud\\ngirl in my country, who wished and resolved not to marry\\na parson, nor a Presbyterian, nor an Irishman and at\\nlength found herself married to an Irish Presb3 terian\\nparson.\\nWe may study Franklin as a legislator and a statesman,\\nMember of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and Chairman\\nof the Committee of Safety delegate to the Continental\\nCongress in i775- 76 ^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2nd one of the committee of five who\\nreported the immortal Declaration of Independence,\\nwhich, though mainly Jefferson s, bears many marks of\\nFranklin s pen member of the Convention that formed\\nthe Constitution, now more than one hundred years old,\\nunder which we live; and President of Pennsylvania from\\n1785 to 1788. In all these responsible places Franklin\\nwas a recognised leading spirit. In the Pennsylvania\\nLegislature men used to say of any proposed measure the\\nsuccess of which was desired We must get Franklin to\\ntake it up. In the Constitutional Convention of 1787\\nFranklin was the great conciliator, whose influence harmo-\\nnized opposing views, and more than once brought agree-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "xvi BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nment out of discord. He it was who saved the Union of\\nthe States, by proposing, when the Convention was about\\nto split upon the contention of the small States for equal\\npolitical power with the larger ones, that their claim\\nshould be compromised by allowing equal representation\\nin the Senate to all the States, but in the House represen-\\ntation in proportion to numbers only. This happy solution\\nof the difficulty was hailed almost as an inspiration, and\\nwas at once adopted. Standing always for popular rights,\\nhe insisted on the power of impeaching the President as\\na faithless executive, he said, could not otherwise be got\\nrid of, except by revolution. He opposed, in a vigorous\\nspeech, a proposal to limit the suffrage to freeholders, or\\nthe owners of property, saying that he did not think that\\nthe elected had any right, in any case, to narrow the\\nprivileges of the electors.\\nIt is notable that while Hamilton, a young man of thirty,\\nled the conservatives, Franklin, the patriarch of eighty\\nyears, was the exponent of the democratic ideas of the\\nConvention. He had unlimited faith in the capacity of\\nman for self-government. Jefferson himself was not more\\na republican than was Franklin, and time has amply vin-\\ndicated the wisdom of both.\\nWe may study him next as a diplomatist, taking his\\nfirst lessons in that art in councils and treaties Avith the\\nIndians, then sent to London in 1757 as agent for Pennsyl-\\nvania, where he remained five years then, returning home\\nfor a brief time, he was sent back in 1764 (being soon after-\\nward chosen agent abroad for Massachusetts, New Jersey,\\nand Georgia), to remain until war broke out in 1775. The\\nvery next year, after a brief mission to the people of Can-\\nada in behalf of the colonies, he was commissioned to\\nFrance by the Continental Congress, and continued to\\nreside in Paris, joined with other commissioners, or as\\nMinister Plenipotentiary, during ten years, returning to\\nPhiladelphia in 1785. During his career as representative\\nin Great Britain and France, extending over nearly a", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN XVU\\nquarter of a century, Franklin achieved for his country\\nmore consideration and honour than any man that ever\\nlived. George the Third is said to have warned his min-\\nisters against that crafty American, who is more than a\\nmatch for you all. His memorable examination before\\nthe House of Commons in 1766, which led to the repeal of\\nthe odious Stamp Act, exhibited all the great qualities of\\nhis mind in full lustre. Clear, cool, good-humoured, saga-\\ncious, prudent, determined, it was Benjamin Franklin\\nagainst the British Ministry and the whole power of the\\nBritish Empire, and the sturdy republican triumphed.\\nHis answers to the interrogatories put by members of the\\nadministration and others in Parliament evince a states-\\nmanship as rare as his personal demeanour was admirable.\\nIt won him hosts of friends, who became friends of the\\ncolonies. It roused the doubtful and indifferent to the\\njustice of the principles asserted in behalf of America,\\nwhose people had been denied the birthright of English-\\nmen. Franklin s presence in London during this critical\\nperiod, received continually in the best circles, and assert-\\ning by voice and pen, in his persuasive style, the rights\\nand liberties of his countrymen, influenced British opinion\\nmore powerfully than any other agency.\\nThough it did not prevent the war, which an infatuated\\nKing and ministry waged for the subjugation of America,\\nit raised up hosts of friends in the very camp of the enemy.\\nAnd the same consummate skill in diplomacy was quickly\\ntransferred to the court of France, where Franklin became\\na power which is to this day an enigma to all who have\\nnot arrived at a true estimate of his character. In less\\nthan two years he secured for the struggling colonies a\\ntreaty of recognition so broad and generous that other\\nnations followed France in lending aid to America. He\\nfitted out vessel after vessel with ammunition and supplies.\\nHe met every doubt or distrust with calm assurance of\\nultimate success, based upon his intimate knowledge of the\\nspirit and resources of his countrymen, the blunders of", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "xviii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\nthe enemy, and the divided counsels of the British people.\\nHe borrowed, on the faith of the United States, more than\\neighteen millions of dollars a great sum at a time when\\nEurope was in the midst of war, when the infant colonies\\nwere poor and military reverses frequent. Over and\\nover again, when his colleagues, by their imprudence, were\\nnear wrecking the American cause abroad, he saved the\\nalliance by his consummate skill.\\nWe may study Franklin lastly as a man, and the more\\nwe become familiar with his life, his person, and his writ-\\nings, the higher will our estimate of him rise. Born to\\npoverty, the youngest of seventeen children, with less than\\ntwo years of schooling, this boy, who began life with sell-\\ning ballads in Boston streets, rose by unwearied industry,\\nshrewdness, and capacity to be a leader among men, whom\\ntwo worlds have delighted to honour. He never en-\\njoyed the advantages of a high school, or a university but\\nhe carried a university in his head, and was made doctor\\nof laws by American and European institutions of learn-\\ning. After he was twenty-one, he taught himself to read\\nLatin, French, Italian, Spanish, and German, and gathered\\nthe largest and best private library in America he was a\\nlifelong student and writer, as well as an active man of\\nbusiness, and learned to speak French after he was seventv.\\nThe distinguishing elements of his character were modesty,\\ngood-humour, application, and unfailing tact these, joined\\nwith a large-mindedness which impressed all whom he\\nmet, and his wholesome, cheerful nature, made him that\\ngreat master of the art of living whom Ave all recognise.\\nFranklin s economy had in it no element that was penu-\\nrious or sordid. He lived on bran bread and water as an\\napprentice, but he spent the money he thus saved upon\\nbooks. If his London lodgings in early years cost him\\nbut one shilling sixpence a week, he lent money to needy\\nfriends. All will remember his naive relation of how he\\nwas moved by the eloquence of the Rev. George White-\\nfield, the great Methodist preacher, from a resolve to give", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xix\\nnothing to emptying his pocket of copper, silver, and gold\\nfor the evangelist s great charity school in Georgia.\\nWhile his prudence was great, his generosity was con-\\nspicuous. The errors of his early life, frankly and in-\\ngenuously owned in his Autobiography, were all mended,\\nand no man, perhaps, ever achieved more success in sub-\\nduing passions naturally strong. As a worker among\\nmen, Franklin had the rarest faculty of accomplishing his\\npurpose by enlisting the zeal of others, and placing them\\nin the apparent lead. He never obtruded Dr. Franklin,\\nlet others make speeches and draw eloquent and high-\\nsounding papers, never roused opposition when it could\\nbe avoided without sacrificing principle and thus he\\ncarried measures which men of equal genius but more\\nimperious nature would have lost. He never attempted\\nto drive men always to lead them. In the Constitutional\\nConvention, as in his diplomatic career, Franklin was the\\ngreat conciliator. His wonderful modesty contrasted\\nstrongly with the colossal egotism of John Adams and the\\nirritable vanity of Arthur Lee and Ralph Izard. In Paris\\nFranklin shone not only as a man of genius, but as the\\nmaster of genuine courtesy. Mingling with courtiers,\\nphilosophers, and free-thinkers, with his simple republican\\ngarb and manners, he taught politeness to the politest\\nnation in the world. He enjoyed and still enjoys a fame\\nabroad never accorded to any other American. He was\\non terms of familiar correspondence and intercourse with\\nsuch men as David Hume, Lord Kames, Edmund Burke,\\nLafayette, Dr. Priestley, Lord Chatham, Wilberforce,\\nDiderot, D Alembert, Thomas Paine, Charles James Fox,\\nDr. Richard Price, Sir William Jones, the Abh6 Morellet,\\nBrissot de Warville, Beaumarchais, the Marquis de Chas-\\ntellux, the Abbe Barth^lemy, Voltaire, Condorcet, and\\nTurgot. He was a favourite guest in the salons of Madame\\ndu Deffand, Madame Helvetius, and Madame d Houdetot.\\nSir James Mackintosh called Franklin the American\\nSocrates. Madison wrote of him His native genius", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "XX BENJAMIN P^RANKLIN\\nwas not more an ornament to human nature than his va-\\nrious exertions of it have been precious to science, to free-\\ndom, and to his country. Lord Brougham classes him\\namong the foremost statesmen of George the Third s\\ntime, and says: In this truly great man everything seems\\nto concur that goes toward the constitution of exalted\\nmerit. Says George Bancroft Franklin looked quietly\\nand deeply into the secrets of nature. An exquisite pro-\\npriety, parsimonious of ornament, gave ease of expression\\nand graceful simplicity even to his most careless writ-\\nings. Lord Chatham conferred upon him the splendid\\neulogy, in a speech in the House of Lords, that he was a\\nman who was an honour, not to the English nation only,\\nbut to human nature. The French historian INIignet,\\nwho wrote one of the best of the numerous biographies of\\nFranklin, says of him Poor, he achieved wealth by his\\nindustry ignorant, he raised himself by stud}- to a man of\\nscience unknown, he won by his discoveries and by his\\nservices, by the elevation of his ideas, and by the extent\\nof his benefactions, the admiration of Europe and the\\ngratitude of America. Franklin possessed at once genius\\nand virtue, glory and good fortune. His life, a uniformly\\nhappy one, affords the finest vindication of the laws of\\nProvidence. He was not only great, he was good he was\\nnot only just, he was amiable. John Foster, the essayist,\\nwrote of him He appears to have possessed an almost\\ninvincible self-command, which bore him through all the\\nnegotiations, strifes with ignorance, obstinacy, duplicity,\\nand opposing interests, with sustained firmness, and with\\na prudence of deportment beyond the attainment of the\\nmost disciplined adept in mere political intrigue. Jef-\\nferson wrote of him There appeared to me more re-\\nspect and veneration attached to the character of Frank-\\nlin in France than to that of any other person in the same\\ncountry, foreign or native. The succession to Dr. Frank-\\nlin at the court of France was an excellent school of hu-\\nmility. The commonplace w-as, II est vous, Monsieur,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xxi\\nqui remplacez Ic Docteur Franklin? It is you, sir,\\nwho replace Dr. Franklin? I generally answered, No\\none can replace him, sir: I am only his successor.\\nThe name of Franklin, said President Si^yes to the\\nFrench Assembly, will be immortal in the records of\\nfreedom and philosophy and he lauds the simplicity\\nand sweetness of his manners, the purity of his principles,\\nthe extent of his knowledge, and the charms of his mind.\\nDr. Musschenbroek, a learned German philosopher, ad-\\ndressed Dr. Franklin in the stateliest Latin he could com-\\nmand Franklino nobilissimo amplissimoque. Mirabeau,\\nforemost of French orators, said to the Assembly, when\\nthe news of Franklin s death arrived The sage, whom\\ntwo worlds claim the man, disputed by the history of\\nthe sciences and the history of empires, holds an elevated\\nrank among the human species. He was one of the\\ngreatest men that ever have served the cause of philos-\\nophy and of liberty. Reviewing one of his moral essays,\\nthe French critic Sainte-Beuve says Among the phi-\\nlosophers of the eighteenth century, I find none but Mon-\\ntesquieu who could have thought in this style but\\nFranklin expresses himself in a more touching manner\\nthan Montesquieu could have done. Condorcet, who\\ndelivered his eulogium in the French Academy, of which\\nFranklin was a member, says of Franklin s writings\\nAmong them all we look in vain for a single line which\\ncan be suspected of having been written for his own glory.\\nHis politics were those of a man who believed in the\\npower of reason and the reality of virtue, and who had\\nsought to render himself the instructor of his fellow-\\ncitizens before he became their legislator. George\\nWashington, who always measured his words, wrote to\\nFranklin in 1789 (one year before Franklin s death, and\\nten years before that of Washington himself) If to be\\nvenerated for benevolence, if to be admired for talents, if\\nto be esteemed for patriotism, if to be beloved for philan-\\nthropy, can gratify the human mind, you must have the", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "xxii BENJAMIN FRANKLIN\\npleasing consolation to know that you have not lived in\\nvain.\\nIn France the name of Franklin is still loved and ven-\\nerated, and his picture is found alike in the cottages of\\npeasants and in fashionable salons. There is no man that\\never lived, not even Washington, whose features are more\\nfamiliar to the world. Engraved in every form of illus-\\ntration, and sculptured in busts and statues, in bronze or\\nmarble, from the cheapest woodcut in the primer to\\nHiram Powers s colossal statue in the Capitol, clad in the\\nauthentic costume of his time, we meet everywhere those\\nstrongly moulded, benignant features, impressive and win-\\nning. Sixty-two American towns have been named for\\nFranklin.\\nHis life and his success bear witness to the fact that\\ntrue greatness is always allied to simplicity. Study him\\nhow we may, we find in him no love of power, of office,\\nor of money, and not the smallest ambition for display.\\nWhen thrown into the conduct of large affairs, he was\\neasily great and his courage and capacity seemed to rise\\nwith every crisis or emergency. He had his detractors\\nand calumniators, iust as some of the Athenians de-\\nnounced Aristides, tired of hearing him always called the\\nJust; but time has amply vindicated his fame. His works,\\nof which more than one hundred editions of greater or\\nless fulness have appeared, are his monument. His\\ndiplomatic and unpublished manuscript papers, after Iving\\nin Furopc for eightv vears, were finally rescued from\\noblivion, purchased b} Congress in 1882, and are now de-\\nposited in the Department of State, with those of Wash-\\nington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. His style fresh,\\nidiomatic, and strong was formed upon his early reading\\nof John Bunvan. Plutarch s Lives, Addison s Specta-\\ntor. and the Bible. Read his Autobiography, Essa3-s, and\\nother writings, and vou will find them full of sense and\\nhumour and practical wisdom. His services to American\\neducation can not be overrated. He was one of the great", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN xxiii\\npolitical thinkers of the world. He was deficient in im-\\nagination, but he had a great and powerful understand-\\ning, and reasoning faculties of the highest order. The\\nextraordinary good fortune which produced, in the great\\nexigencies that marked the formative period in our na-\\ntional history, such a galaxy of men eminent for states-\\nmanship, for valour, for broad-mindedness, and for patriot-\\nism, can never be adequately measured. And when we\\ncount up the roll of illustrious Americans, whatever place\\nmay be assigned to others, the name of Benjamin Frank-\\nlin will hold a permanent rank among the great benefac-\\ntors of mankind.\\nAiNSwoRTii R. Spofford.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "FAMOUS AND UNIQUE MANUSCRIPT AND\\nBOOK ILLUSTRATIONS.\\nA series of fac-similes, showing the development of manuscript and\\nbook illustrating during four thousand years.\\nTHE ANNUNCIATION.\\nMiniature from a Book of Hours, written in Flanders\\nin 1442 A. D.\\n:Li I", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "iOMA?\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Ria to h:\\n.itBy[ ba.\\nn-ibnem. ai imm^ jiooa** s moil ^wlBiaiM", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nPAGE\\nAutobiography i\\nSayings of Poor Richard 185\\nEssays and Correspondence 249\\nXXV", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS\\nFACING PAGE\\nBenjamin Franklin Frontispiece\\nPhotogravure from a painting by Joseph S. Duplcssis\\nThe Annunciation xxlv\\nMiniature from a Book of Hours, written in Flanders in 1442\\nA. D.\\nFranklin as a Poet 12\\nPhotogravure from a drawing made for this work\\nOriginal Buildings of the Pennsylvania Academy, now y\\nTHE University of Pennsylvania 126\\nPhotogravure from an old lithograph\\nBenjamin Franklin 248\\nPhotogravure from a painting by John Martin\\nFranklin s Birthplace, which stood on Milk Street,\\nopposite the Old South Church, Boston 382\\nPhotogravure from an old lithograph owned by the Bostonian\\nSociety\\nxxvii", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\nTwvroRD, ai the Bishop of Si. Asaph s,^ 1771.\\nDEAR SON 1 have ever had pleasure in obtaining\\nany little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may\\nremember the inquiries I made among- the re-\\nmains of my relations when you were with me in Eng-^\\nland, and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Im.\\nagining it may be equally agreeable to you to know the\\ncircumstances of my life, many of which you are yet unac-\\nquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week s\\nuninterrupted leisure in my present country retirement, I\\nsit down to write them for you. To which I have besides\\nsome other inducements. Having emerged from the pov-\\nerty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a\\nstate of afillucnce and some degree of reputation in the\\nworld, and having gone so far through life with a consid-\\nerable share of felicity, the conducing means I made use\\nof, which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my\\nposterity may like to know, as they may find some of\\nthem suitable to their own situations, and therefore lit to\\nbe imitated.\\nThat felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me\\nsometimes to say, that were it offered to my choice, I\\nJonathan Shipley, the bishop referred to, was a firm friend of Ameri-\\ncan liberty, and voted with Chatham in 1778 ajjainst the continuance of\\nthe war. Franklin often breathed the sweet air of Twyford, near Win-\\nchester, during his residence in England. A. R. S.\\nI I", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "2 FRANKLIN\\nshould have no objection to a repetition of the same life\\nfrom its beginning, only asking the advantages authors\\nhave in a second edition to correct some faults of the first.\\nSo I might, besides correcting the faults, change some\\nsinister accidents and events of it for others more favor-\\nable. But though this were denied, I should still accept\\nthe offer. Since such a repetition is not to be expected,\\nthe next thing most like living one s life over again seems\\nto be a recollection of that life, and to make that recol-\\nlection as durable as possible by putting it down in\\nwriting.\\nHereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural\\nin old men, to be talking of themselves and their own past\\nactions and I shall indulge it without being tiresome to\\nothers, who, through respect to age, might conceive them-\\nselves obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read\\nor not as any one pleases. And, lastly (I may as well con-\\nfess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody),\\nperhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. In-\\ndeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory words,\\nWithout vanity I may say etc., but some vain thing im-\\nmediately followed. Most people dislike vanity in others,\\nwhatever share they have of it themselves but I give it\\nfair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded that\\nit is often productive of good to the possessor, and to oth-\\ners that are within his sphere of action and therefore, in\\nmany cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man\\nwere to thank God for his vanity among the other com-\\nforts of life.\\nAnd now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all\\nhumility to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned hap-\\npiness of my past life to His kind providence, which lead\\nme to the means I used and gave them success. My be-\\nlief of this induces me to hope, though I must not presume,\\nthat the same goodness will still be exercised toward me,\\nin continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a\\nfatal reverse, which I may experience as others have", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 3\\ndone the complexion of my future fortune being known\\nto Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our\\nafflictions.\\nThe notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind\\nof curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into\\nmy hands, furnished me with several particulars relating\\nto our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the\\nfamily had lived in the same village, Ecton, in Northamp-\\ntonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer\\nhe knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of\\nFranklin, that before was the name of an order of people,\\nwas assumed by them as a surname when others took sur-\\nnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of about thirty\\nacres, aided by the smith s business, which had continued\\nin the family till his time, the eldest son being always bred\\nto that business a custom which he and my father fol-\\nlowed as to their eldest sons. When I searched the reg-\\nisters at Ecton, I found an account of their births, mar-\\nriages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no\\nregisters kept in that parish at any time preceding. By\\nthat register I perceived that I was the youngest son of\\nthe youngest son for five generations back. My grand-\\nfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton till\\nhe grew too old to follow business longer, when he went\\nto live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxford-\\nshire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship.\\nThere my grandfather died and lies buried. We saw\\nhis gravestone in 1758. His eldest son Thomas lived in\\nthe house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his only\\nchild, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher,\\nof Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the\\nmanor there. My grandfather had four sons that grew\\nup, viz. Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give\\nyou what account I can of them, at this distance from my\\npapers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you will\\namong them find many more particulars.\\nThomas was bred a smith under his father but, being", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "4 FRANKLIN\\niii^onious. aiul oiu\\\\nuai;ci.l in learning (as all mv brothers\\nwore) by an Esquire rainier, then the principal gentleman\\nin that parish, he qualified himself for the business of\\nscrivener; became a considerable man in the county was\\na chiei mover ot all public-spirited undertakings for the\\ncounty or town ot Northampton, and his old village, of\\nwhieh m.uw instances were related of him and much\\ntaken notice ot and patronized bv the then Lord Halifax,\\nlie died in 170J, January o, old stvlc, just four years to a\\nday before I was born. The account we received of his\\nlite and character Irom some old people at Kcton. 1 re-\\nmember, struck you as something extraordinary, Irom its\\nsimilarity to what you knew of mine. Had he died on\\nthe same day. you said, one might have supposed a\\ntransmigration.\\nJohn was bred a dyer, 1 believe of woolens. Benja-\\nmin was b; ed a silk dyer, serving an apprenticeship at\\nLondon. He was an ingenious man. I remember him\\nwell, for w hen I was a bov he came over to my father in\\nr oston, and lived in the house with us some yeai*s. He\\nlived to a great age. His grandson, Samuel Franklin, now\\nlives in Boston. He lett behind him two quarto volumes,\\nMS., of his own poetry, consisting of little occasional\\npieces addressed to his friends and relations, of which the\\nfollowing, sent to me. is a specimen. He had formed a\\nshort-hand of his own. which he taught me, but, never\\npractising it. I have now forgot it. 1 was named after\\nthis uncle, there being a particular atTection between him\\nand my tather. He was very pious, a great attcnder of\\nsermons of the best preachers, which he took down in his\\nshort-hand, and had with him many volumes of them. He\\nwas also much of a politician too much, perhaps, for his\\nstation. There fell lately into my hands, in London, a\\ncollection he had made of all the principal pamphlets re-\\nlating to public atTaii-s. from 1641 to 1717: many of the\\nvolumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but\\nthere still remain eii^ht volumes in folio, and twentv-four", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 5\\nin quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met with\\nthem, and knowinc^ mc by my sometimes buying- of him,\\nhe brought them to me. It seems my uncle must have\\nleft them here when he went to America, which was\\nabove fifty years since. There arc many of his notes in\\nthe margins.\\nThis obscure family of ours was early in the Reforma-\\ntion, and continued Protestants through the reign of\\nQueen Mary, when they were sometimes in danger of\\ntrouble on account of their zeal against popery. They\\nhad got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it,\\nit was fastened open with tapes under and within the\\ncover of a joint-stool. When my great-grandfather read\\nit to his family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his\\nknees, turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One\\nof the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw\\nthe apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual\\ncourt. In that case the stool was turned down again upon\\nits feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as\\nbefore. This anecdote I had from my uncle Benjamin.\\nThe familv continued all of the Church of England\\ntill about the end of Charles the Second s reign, when\\nsome of the ministers that had been outed for non-con-\\nformity holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, Ben-\\njamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued all\\ntheir lives the rest of the family remained with the\\nEpiscopal Church.\\nJosiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife\\nwith three children into New England, about 1682. The\\nconventicles having been forbidden by law, and frequently\\ndisturbed, induced some considerable men of his ac-\\nquaintance to remove to that country, and he was prevailed\\nwith to accompany them thither, where they expected to\\nenjoy their mode of religion with freedom. By the same\\nwife he had four children more born there, and by a sec-\\nond wife ten more, in all seventeen of which I remember\\nthirteen sitting at one time at his table, who all grew up", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "6 FRANKLIN\\nto be men and women, and married I was the youngest\\nson, and the youngest child but two, and was born in\\nBoston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was\\nAbiah Folgcr, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first\\nsettlers of New England, of whom honorable mention is\\nmade by Cotton Mather, in his church history of that\\ncountry, entitled Magnalia Christi Americana, as\\ngodly, learned EnglisJnnan^ if I remember the words\\nrightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small occa-\\nsional pieces, but only one of them was printed, which I\\nsaw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the\\nhome-spun verse of that time and people, and addressed\\nto those then concerned in the government there. It was\\nin favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the\\nBaptists, Quakers, and other sectaries that had been under\\npersecution, ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses\\nthat had befallen the country, to that persecution, as so\\nmany judgments of God to punish so heinous an offense,\\nand exhorting a repeal of those uncharitable laws. The\\nwhole appeared to me as written with a good deal of de-\\ncent plainness and manly freedom. The six concluding\\nlines I remember, though I have forgotten the two first\\nof the stanza but the purport of them was, that his cen-\\nsures proceeded from goodwill, and, therefore, he would\\nbe known to be the author.\\nBecause to be a libeller (says he)\\nI hate it with my heart\\nFrom Sherburne town, where now I dwell\\nMy name I do put here\\nWithout offense your real friend,\\nIt is Peter Folgier.\\nM} elder brothers were all put apprentices to difTerent\\ntrades. I was put to the grammar-school at eight years\\nHe was born January 6th, 1706, old style, being Sunday, and the\\nsame as January 17th, new style, which his biographers have usually\\nmentioned as the day of his birth. By the records of the Old South\\nChurch in Boston, to which his father and mother belonged, it appears\\nthat he was baptized the same day. In the old public Register of Births,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 7\\nof age, my father intending to devote nne, as the tithe of\\nhis sons, to the service of the Church. My early readi-\\nness in learning to read (which must have been very early,\\nas I do not remember when I could not read), and the\\nopinion of all his friends, that I should certainly make a\\ngood scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My\\nuncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed to give\\nme all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as a\\nstock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I con-\\ntinued, however, at the grammar-school not quite one\\nyear, though in that time I had risen gradually from the\\nmiddle of the class of that year to be the head of it, and\\nfarther was removed into the next class above it, in order\\nto go with that into the third at the end of the year. But\\nmy father, in the mean time, from a view of the expense\\nof a college education, which having so large a family he\\ncould not well afford, and the mean living many so edu-\\ncated were afterwards able to obtain reasons that he gave\\nto his friends in my hearing altered his first intention,\\ntook me from the grammar-school, and sent me to a\\nschool for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous\\nman, Mr. George Brownell, very successful in his profes-\\nsion generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods.\\nUnder him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I\\nfailed in the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At\\nten years old I was taken home to assist my father in his\\nbusiness, which was that of a tallow-chandler and sope-\\nboiler a business he was not bred to, but had assumed\\non his arrival in New England, and on finding his dying\\ntrade would not maintain his family, being in little re-\\nquest. Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for\\nstill preserved in the Mayor s office in Boston, his birth is recorded under\\nthe date of January 6th, 1706. At this time his father occupied a house\\nin Milk street, opposite to the Old South Church, but he removed shortly\\nafterwards to a house at the corner of Hanover and Union streets, where\\nit is believed he resided the remainder of his life, and where the son\\npassed his early years. Jared Sparks, Works of Benjamin Franklin,\\nvol, i, p. 8. Boston, 1840.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "8 FRANKLIN\\nthe candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for\\ncast candles, attending the shop, going of errands, etc.\\nI disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for\\nthe sea, but my father declared against it however, liv-\\ning near the water, I was much in and about it, learnt\\nearly to swim well, and to manage boats and when in a\\nboat or canoe with other boys, I was commonly allowed\\nto govern, especially in an)^ case of difficulty and upon\\nother occasions I was generally a leader among the\\nboys, and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which I\\nwill mention one instance, as it shows an early projecting\\npublic spirit, tho not then justly conducted.\\nThere was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-\\npond, on the edge of which, at high water, we used to\\nstand to fish for minnows. Bv much trampling, we had\\nmade it a mere quagmire. My proposal was to build a\\nwharff there fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my\\ncomrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for\\na new house near the marsh, and which would very well\\nsuit our purpose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the\\nworkmen were gone, I assembled a number of my play-\\nfellows, and working with them diligently like so many\\nemmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought\\nthem all away and built our little wharff. The next\\nmorning the workmen were surprised at missing the\\nstones, which were found in our wharflf. Inquiry was\\nmade after the removers we were discovered and com-\\nplained of; several of us were corrected by our fathers:\\nand, though I pleaded the usefulness of the work, mine\\nconvinced me that nothing was useful which was not\\nhonest.\\nI think you may like to know something of his person\\nand character. He had an excellent constitution of body,\\nwas of middle stature, but well set, and very strong he\\nwas ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in\\nmusic, and had a clear, pleasing voice, so that when he\\nplayed psalm tunes on his violin and sung withal, as he", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 9\\nsometimes did in an evening after the business of the day\\nwas over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a\\nmechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy\\nin the use of other tradesmen s tools but his great excel-\\nlence lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment\\nin prudential matters, both in private and publick affairs.\\nIn the latter, indeed, he was never employed, the numer-\\nous family he had to educate and the straitness of his cir-\\ncumstances keeping him close to his trade but I remem-\\nber well his being frequently visited by leading people,\\nwho consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the town\\nor of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal\\nof respect for his judgment and advice he was also much\\nconsulted by private persons about their affairs when any\\ndifficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator\\nbetween contending parties. At his table he liked to\\nhave, as often as he could, some sensible friend or neigh,\\nbor to converse with, and always took care to start some\\ningenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend\\nto improve the minds of his children. By this means he\\nturned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent\\nin the conduct of life and little or no notice was ever\\ntaken of what related to the victuals on the table, whether\\nit was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or\\nbad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other\\nthing of the kind, so that I was bro t up in such a perfect\\ninattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what\\nkind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it,\\nthat to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours\\nafter dinner what I dined upon. This has been a conveni-\\nence to me in travelling, where my companions have been\\nsometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratifica-\\ntion of their more delicate, because better instructed,\\ntastes and appetites.\\nMy mother had likewise an excellent constitution\\nshe suckled all her ten children. I never knew either\\nmy father or mother to have any sickness but that of", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "lO FRANKLIN\\nwhich they dy d, he at 89, and she at 85 years of age.\\nThey lie buried together at Boston, where I some years\\nsince placed a marble over their grave, with this inscrip-\\ntion\\nJosiAH Franklin,\\nand\\nAbiah his wife,\\nlie here interred.\\nThoy lived lovingly together in wedlock\\nfift)-five years.\\nWithout an estate, or any gainful employment,\\nl^y constant labor and industry,\\nwith Ciod s blessing,\\nThey maintained a large family\\ncomfortably,\\nand brought up thirteen children\\nand seven grandchildren\\nreputably.\\nFrom this instance, reader.\\nBe encouraged to diligence in thy calling,\\nAnd distrust not Providence.\\nHe was a pious and prudent man\\nShe, a discreet and virtuous woman.\\nTheir youngest son.\\nIn filial regard to their memory,\\nPlaces this stone.\\nJ. F. born 1655, died 1744, yEtat 89.\\nA. F. born 1667, died 1752, 85.\\nBy my rambling digressions I perceive m3 self to be\\ngrown old. I us d to write more methodically. But\\none docs not dress for private company as for a publick\\nball. Tis perhaps only negligence.\\nTo return I continued thus employed in my father s\\nbusiness for two years that is, till I was twelve years\\nold and my brother John, who was bred to that business,\\nhaving left my father, married, and set up for himself at\\nRhode Island, there was all appearance that I was des-\\ntined to supply his place, and become a tallow-chandler.\\nBut my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was\\nunder apprehensions that if he did not find one for me", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY II\\nmore agreeable, I should break away and get to sea, as\\nhis son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. He there-\\nfore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners,\\nbricklayers, turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that he\\nmight observe my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on\\nsome trade or other on land. It has ever since been a\\npleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools\\nand it has been useful to me, having learnt so much by it\\nas to be able to do little jobs myself in my house when a\\nworkman could not readily be got, and to construct little\\nmachines for my experiments, while the intention of mak-\\ning the experiment was fresh and warm in my mind. My\\nfather at last fixed upon the cutler s trade, and my uncle\\nBenjamin s son Samuel, who was bred to that business in\\nLondon, being about that time established in Boston, I\\nwas sent to be with him some time on liking. But his\\nexpectations of a fee with me displeasing my father, I was\\ntaken home again.\\nFrom a child I was fond of reading, and all the little\\nmoney that came into my hands was ever laid out in\\nbooks. Pleased with the Pilgrim s Progress, my first\\ncollection was of John Bunyan s works in separate little\\nvolumes. I afterward sold them to enable me to buy R.\\nBurton s Historical Collections they were small chap-\\nmen s books, and cheap, forty or fifty in all. My father s\\nlittle library consisted chiefly of books in polemic divin-\\nity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted\\nthat, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge,\\nmore proper books had not fallen in my way, since it wa,s\\nnow resolved I should not be a clergyman. Plutarch s\\nLives there was, in which I read abundantly, and I still\\nthink that time spent to great advantage. There was\\nalso a book of De Foe s, called an Essay on Projects,\\nand another of Dr. Mather s, called Essays to do\\nGood, which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that\\nhad an influence on some of the principal future events\\nof my life.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "12\\nFRANKLIN\\nThis bookisli inclination at Icns^th determined my\\nfather to make nic a printer, though he had already one\\nson (James) of that profession. In 17 17 my brother James\\nreturned from l^ngland with a press and letters to set up\\nhis business in Boston. I liked it much better than that\\nof my father, but still had a hankering for the sea. To\\nprevent the apprehended elTect of such an inclination, my\\nlather was iiuj atient to have me bound to my brother. I\\nstood out some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed\\nthe indentures when 1 was yet but twelve years old. I\\nwas to serve as an apjuenticc till I was twenty-one years\\nof age, only I was to be allowed journeyman s wages dur-\\ning the last year. In a little time I made great proficiency\\nin the business, and became a useful hand to my brother.\\nI now had access to better books. An acquaintance with\\nthe apprentices of booksellers enabled me sometimes to\\nborrow a small one, which I was careful to return soon\\nand clean. Often 1 sat up in my room reading the great-\\nest part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the\\nevening and to be returned early in the morning, lest it\\nshould be missed or wanted.\\nAnd after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr.\\nMatthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of books,\\nand who frequented our printing-house, took notice of\\nme, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent me\\nsuch books as I chose to read. I now took a fancy to\\npoetry, anil mailc some little pieces; my brother, thinking\\nit might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me on\\ncomposing occasional ballads. One was called The Li^^ht-\\nhousc Tragt dw and containetl at\\\\ account of the drowning\\nof Captain Worthilake. with his two daughters: the other\\nwas a sailor s song, on the taking of Tt cich (or Blackbeard)\\nthe pirate. They were wretched stutT, in the Grub-street-\\nballad style; and when thev were printed he sent me\\nabout the town to sell them. The first sold wonderfully,\\nthe event being recent, having niaile a great noise. This\\nflattered my vanity; but my father discouraged me by", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "IRANKJJN AS A POlil\\nPhotogravure from a drawing made tor this work.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n13\\nridiculing my performances, and telling me verse-makers\\nwere generally beggars. So I escaped being a poet, most\\nprobably a very bad one but as prose writing has been of\\ngreat use to me in the course of my life, and was a princi-\\npal means of my advancement, I shall tell you how, in such\\na situation, I acquired what little ability I have in that way.\\nThere was another bookish lad in the town, John\\nCollins by name, with whom I was intimately acquainted.\\nWe sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of argu-\\nment, and very desirous of confuting one another, which\\ndisputatious turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad\\nhabit, making people often extremely disagreeable in com-\\npany by the contradiction that is necessary to bring it\\ninto practice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling\\nthe conversation, is productive of disgusts and, perhaps\\nenmities where you may have occasion for friendship. I\\nhad caught it by reading my father s books of dispute\\nabout religion. Persons of good sense, I have since ob-\\nserved, seldom fall into it, except lawyers, university men,\\nand men of all sorts that have been bred at Edinborough.\\nA question was once, somehow or other, started be-\\ntween Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the\\nfemale sex in learning, and their abilities for study. He\\nwas of opinion that it was improper, and that they were\\nnaturally unequal to it. I took the contrary side, perhaps\\na little for dispute s sake. He was naturally more elo-\\nquent, had a ready plenty of words, and sometimes, as I\\nthought, bore me down more by his fluency than by the\\nstrength of his reasons. As we parted without settling\\nthe point, and were not to see one another again for some\\ntime, I sat down to put my arguments in writing, which I\\ncopied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I replied.\\nThree or four letters of a side had passed, when my father\\nhappened to find my papers and read them. Without en-\\ntering into the discussion, he took occasion to talk to me\\nabout the manner of my writing observed that, though I\\nhad the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "l6 FRANKLIN\\nAnd now it was that, being on some occasion made\\nasham d of my ignorance in figures, which I had twice\\nfailed in learning when at school, I took Cocker s book\\nof Arithraetick, and went through the whole by myself\\nwith great ease. I also read Seller s and Shermy s books\\nof Navigation, and became acquainted with the little\\ngeometry they contain; but never proceeded far in that\\nscience. And I read about this time Locke On Human\\nUnderstanding, and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs. du\\nPort Royal.\\nWhile I was intent on improving my language, I met\\nwith an English grammar (I think it was Greenwood s),\\nat the end of which there were two little sketches of the\\narts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing with a speci-\\nmen of a dispute in the Socratic method and soon after\\n1 procur d Xenophon s Memorable Things of Socrates,\\nwherein there are many instances of the same method.\\nI was charm d with it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt con-\\ntradiction and positive argumentation, and put on the\\nhumble inquirer and doubter. And being then, from\\nreading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter\\nin many points of our religious doctrine, I found this\\nmethod safest for myself and very embarassing to those\\nagainst whom I used it therefore I took a delight in it,\\npractis d it continually, and grew very artful and expert\\nin drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into con-\\ncessions, the consequences of which they did not foresee,\\nentangling them in difficulties out of which they could\\nnot extricate themselves, and so obtaining victories that\\nneither myself nor my cause always deserved. I con-\\ntinu d this method some few years, but gradually left it,\\nretaining only the habit of expressing mj^self in terms of\\nmodest diffidence; never using, when I advanced any\\nthing that may possibly be disputed, the words certainly,\\nundoubtedly, or any others that give the air of positiveness\\nto an opinion but rather say, I conceive or apprehend a\\nthing to be sp and so; it appears to me, or should tJiink", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n17\\nit so or so, for such and such reasons or imagine it to be\\nso or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit, I believe,\\nhas been of great advantage to me when I have had occa-\\nsion to inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into\\nmeasures that I have been from time to time engag d in\\npromoting and, as the chief ends of conversation are to\\nifiform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I wish\\nwell-meaning, sensible men would not lessen their power\\nof doing good by a positive, assuming manner, that\\nseldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and\\nto defeat every one of those purposes for which speech\\nwas given to us, to wit, giving or receiving information\\nor pleasure. For, if you would inform, a positive and\\ndogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments may\\nprovoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention.\\nIf you wish information and improvement from the\\nknowledge of others, and yet at the same time express\\nyourself as firmly fix d in your present opinions, modest,\\nsensible men, who do not love disputation, will probably\\nleave you undisturbed in the possession of your error.\\nAnd by such a manner, you can seldom hope to recom-\\nmend yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to persuade\\nthose whose concurrence you desire. Pope says, ju-\\ndiciously\\nMen should be taught as zf you taught them not.\\nAnd things unknown proposed as things forgot\\nfarther recommending to us\\nTo speak, tho sure, with seeming diffidence.\\nAnd he might have coupled with this line that which he\\nhas coupled with another, I think, less properly,\\nFor want of modesty is want of sense,\\nIf you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the lines,\\nImmodest words admit of no defense,\\nFor want of modesty is want of sense.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "l8 FRANKLIN\\nNow, is not %va7it of sense (where a man is so unfortunate\\nas to want it) some apology for his tvant of modesty and\\nwould not the lines stand more justly thus?\\nImmodest words admit bttt this defense,\\nThat want of modesty is want of sense.\\nThis, however, I should submit to better judgments.\\nMy brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a\\nnewspaper. It was the second that appeared in America,\\nand was called the New England Courant. The only\\none before it was the Boston News-Letter. I remem-\\nber his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the\\nundertaking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper be-\\ning, in their judgment, enough for America. At this\\ntime (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty. He\\nwent on, however, with the undertaking, and after having\\nworked in composing the types and printing off the\\nsheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro* the\\nstreets to the customers.\\nHe had some ingenious men among his friends, who\\namus d themselves by writing little pieces for this paper,\\nwhich gain d it credit and made it more in demand, and\\nthese gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conver-\\nsations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers\\nwere received with, I was excited to try my hand among\\nthem but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my\\nbrother would object to printing anything of mine in his\\npaper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise\\nmy hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at\\nnight under the door of the printing-house. It was found\\nin the morning, and communicated to his writing friends\\nwhen they call d in as usual. They read it, commented\\non it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of\\nfinding it met with their approbation, and that, in their\\ndifferent guesses at the author, none were named but men\\nof some character among us for learning and ingenuity.\\nI suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n19\\nthat perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I\\nthen esteem d them.\\nEncourag d, however by this, I wrote and convey d in\\nthe same way to the press several more papers which\\nwere equally approv d and I kept my secret till my\\nsmall fund of sense for such performances was pretty\\nwell exhausted, and then I discovered it, when I began to\\nbe considered a little more by my brother s acquaint-\\nance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as\\nhe thought, probably with reason, that it tended to\\nmake me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one\\noccasion of the differences that we began to have about\\nthis time. Though a brother, he considered himself as\\nmy master, and me as his apprentice, and, accordingly,\\nexpected the same services from me as he would from an-\\nother, while I thought he demean d me too much in some\\nhe requir d of me, who from a brother expected more\\nindulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our\\nfather, and I fancy I was either generally in the right,\\nor else a better pleader, because the judgment was gen-\\nerally in my favor. But my brother was passionate,\\nand had often beaten me, which I took extreamly\\namiss and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious,\\nI was continually wishing for some opportunity of short-\\nening it, which at length offered in a manner unex-\\npected.\\nOne of the pieces in our newspaper on some political\\npoint, which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the\\nAssembly. He was taken up, censur d, and imprison d\\nfor a month, by the speaker s warrant, I suppose, because\\nhe would not discover his author. I too was taken up\\nand examin d before the council but, tho I did not give\\nthem any satisfaction, they content d themselves with ad-\\nmonishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, per-\\nI fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means\\nof impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to\\nme through my whole life.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "l8 FRANKLIN\\nNow, is not zvant of sense (where a man is so unfortunate\\nas to want it) some apology for his zvant of modesty f and\\nwould not the lines stand more justly thus?\\nImmodest words admit btct this defense,\\nThat want of modesty is want of sense.\\nThis, however, I should submit to better judgments.\\nMy brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a\\nnewspaper. It was the second that appeared in America,\\nand was called the New England Courant. The only\\none before it was the Boston News-Letter. I remem-\\nber his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the\\nundertaking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper be-\\ning, in their judgment, enough for America. At this\\ntime (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty. He\\nwent on, however, with the undertaking, and after having\\nworked in composing the types and printing off the\\nsheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro the\\nstreets to the customers.\\nHe had some ingenious men among his friends, who\\namus d themselves by writing little pieces for this paper,\\nwhich gain d it credit and made it more in demand, and\\nthese gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conver-\\nsations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers\\nwere received with, I was excited to try my hand among\\nthem but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my\\nbrother would object to printing anything of mine in his\\npaper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise\\nmy hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at\\nnight under the door of the printing-house. Ic was found\\nin the morning, and communicated to his writing friends\\nwhen they call d in as usual. They read it, commented\\non it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of\\nfinding it met with their approbation, and that, in their\\ndifferent guesses at the author, none were named but men\\nof some character among us for learning and ingenuity.\\nI suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY I9\\nthat perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I\\nthen esteem d them.\\nEncourag d, however by this, I wrote and convey d in\\nthe same way to the press several more papers which\\nwere equally approv d and I kept my secret till my\\nsmall fund of sense for such performances was pretty\\nwell exhausted, and then I discovered it, when I began to\\nbe considered a little more by my brother s acquaint-\\nance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as\\nhe thought, probably with reason, that it tended to\\nmake me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one\\noccasion of the differences that we began to have about\\nthis time. Though a brother, he considered himself as\\nmy master, and me as his apprentice, and, accordingly,\\nexpected the same services from me as he would from an-\\nother, while I thought he demean d me too much in some\\nhe requir d of me, who from a brother expected more\\nindulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our\\nfather, and I fancy I was either generally in the right,\\nor else a better pleader, because the judgment was gen-\\nerally in my favor. But my brother was passionate,\\nand had often beaten me, which I took extreamly\\namiss and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious,\\nI was continually wishing for some opportunity of short-\\nening it, which at length offered in a manner unex-\\npected.\\nOne of the pieces in our newspaper on some political\\npoint, which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the\\nAssembly. He was taken up, censur d, and imprison d\\nfor a month, by the speaker s warrant, I suppose, because\\nhe would not discover his author. I too was taken up\\nand examin d before the council but, tho I did not give\\nthem any satisfaction, they content d themselves with ad-\\nmonishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, per-\\nI fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means\\nof impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to\\nme through my whole life.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "20 FRANKLIN\\nhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his mas-\\nter s secrets.\\nDuring my brother s confinement, which I resented a\\np^ood deal, notwithstanding our private diflerences, I had\\nthe management of the paper and I made bold to give our\\nrulers some rubs in it which my brother took very kindly,\\nwhile others began to consider me in an unfavorable light,\\nas a young genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr.\\nMy brother s discharge was accompany d with an order\\nof the House (a very odd one), that James Franklin should\\nno longer print tJtc paper called the Nezv England Conrant.\\nThere was a consultation held in our printing-house\\namong his friends, what he should do in this case. Some\\nproposed to evade the order by changing the name of the\\npaper but my brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it\\nwas finally concluded on as a better wa}^ to let it be\\nprinted for the future under the name of Benjamin\\nFranklin and to avoid the censure of the Assembly,\\nthat might fall on him as still printing it by his appren-\\ntice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should be\\nreturn d to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, to\\nbe shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of\\nmy service, I was to sign new indentures for the remain-\\nder of the term, which were to be kept private. A very\\nflimsy scheme it was however, it was immediately exe-\\ncuted, and the paper went on accordingly, under my\\nname for several months.\\nAt length, a fresh difference arising between my\\nbrother and me, I took upon me to assert mv freedom,\\npresuming that he would not venture to produce the new\\nindentures. It was not fair in me to take this advantage,\\nand this I therefore reckon one of the first errata of my\\nlife but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when\\nunder the impressions of resentment for the blows his\\npassion too often urged him to bestow upon me, though\\nhe was otherwise not an ill-natur d man perhaps I was\\ntoo sauc} and provoking.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 21\\nWhen he found I would leave him, he took care to\\nprevent my getting employment in any other printing-\\nhouse of the town, by going round and speaking to every\\nmaster, who accordingly refus d to give me work. I\\nthen thought of going to New York, as the nearest place\\nwhere there was a printer and I was rather inclin d to\\nleave Boston when I reflected that I had already made\\nmyself a little obnoxious to the governing party, and,\\nfrom the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my\\nbrother s case, it was likely I might, if I stay d, soon bring\\nmyself into scrapes and farther, that my indiscrete dis-\\nputations about religion began to make me pointed at\\nwith horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. I\\ndetermin d on the point, but my father now siding with\\nmy brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted to go\\nopenly, means would be used to prevent me. My friend\\nCollins, therefore, undertook to manage a little for me.\\nHe agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my\\npassage, under the notion of my being a young acquaint-\\nance of -his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose\\nfriends would compel me to marry her, and therefore I\\ncould not appear or come away publicly. So I sold\\nsome of my books to raise a little money, was taken on\\nboard privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days\\nI found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a\\nboy of but 17, without the least recommendation to, or\\nknowledge of any person in the place, and with very little\\nmoney in my pocket.\\nMy inclinations for the sea were by this time worne\\nout, or I might now have gratify d them. But, having a\\ntrade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I\\noffer d my service to the printer in the place, old Mr.\\nWilliam Bradford, who had been the first printer in\\nPennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel\\nof George Keith. He could give me no employment,\\nhaving little to do, and help enough already but says he,\\nMy son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand,", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "22 FRANKLIN\\nAquila Rose, by death if you go thither, I believe he\\nmay employ you. Philadelphia was a hundred miles\\nfurther I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving\\nmy chest and things to follow me round by sea.\\nIn crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore\\nour rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into\\nthe Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a\\ndrunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell over-\\nboard when he was sinking, I reached through the water\\nto his shock pate, and drew him up, so that we got him\\nin again. His ducking sobered him a little, and he went\\nto sleep, taking first out of his pocket a book, which he\\ndesir d I would dry for him. It proved to be my old\\nfavorite author, Bunyan s Pilgrim s Progress, in Dutch,\\nfinely printed on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress\\nbetter than I had ever seen it wear in its own language.\\nI have since found that it has been translated into most of\\nthe languages of Europe, and suppose it has been more\\ngenerally read than any other book, except perhaps the\\nBible. Honest John was the first that I know of who\\nmix d narration and dialogue a method of writing very\\nengaging to the reader, who in the most interesting parts\\nfinds himself, as it were, brought into the company and\\npresent at the discourse. De Foe in his Cruso, his\\nMoll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family In-\\nstructor, and other pieces, has imitated it with success\\nand Richardson has done the same in his Pamela, etc.\\nWhen we drew near the island, we found it was at a\\nplace where there could be no landing, there being a great\\nsurff on the stony beach. So we dropt anchor, and swung\\nround towards the shore. Some people came down to\\nthe water edge and hallow d to us, as we did to them\\nbut the wind was so high, and the surff so loud, that we\\ncould not hear so as to understand each other. There\\nwere canoes on the shore, and we made signs, and hal-\\nlow d that they should fetch us but they either did not\\nunderstand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n23\\naway, and night coming- on, we had no remedy but to\\nwait till the wind should abate: and, in the mean time,\\nthe boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could and\\nso crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman, who was\\nstill wet, and the spray beating over the head of our boat,\\nleak d thro to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as\\nhe. In this manner we lay all night, with very little rest;\\nbut, the wind abating the next day, we made a shift to\\nreach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on\\nthe water, without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of\\nfilthy rum, the water we sail d on being salt.\\nIn the evening I found myself very feverish, and went\\nin to bed but, having read somewhere that cold water\\ndrank plentifully was good for a fever, I follow d the pre-\\nscription, sweat plentifully most of the night, my fever\\nleft me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I pro-\\nceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles to Bur-\\nlington, where I was told I should find boats that would\\ncarry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia.\\nIt rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughly\\nsoak d, and by noon a good deal tired; so I stopt at a\\npoor inn, where I staid all night, beginning now to wish\\nthat I had never left home. I cut so miserable a figure,\\ntoo, that I found, by the questions ask d me, I was sus-\\npected to be some runaway servant, and in danger of be-\\ning taken up on that suspicion. However, I proceeded\\nthe next day, and got in the evening to an inn, within\\neight or ten miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown.\\nHe entered into conversation with me while I took some\\nrefreshment, and, finding I had read a little, became very\\nsociable and friendly. Our acquaintance continu d as long\\nas he liv d. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor,\\nfor there was no town in England, or countr} in Europe,\\nof which he could not give a very particular account.\\nHe had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of an\\nunbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years after, to\\ntravestie the Bible in doggrel verse, as Cotton had done", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "24 FRANKLIN\\nVirgil. By this means he set many of the facts in a very\\nridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if his\\nwork had been published but it never was.\\nAt his house I lay that night, and the next morning\\nreach d Burlington, but had the mortification to find that\\nthe regular boats were gone a little before my coming,\\nand no other expected to go before Tuesday, this being\\nSaturday wherefore I returned to an old woman in the\\ntown, of whom I had bought gingerbread to eat on the\\nwater, and ask d her advice. She invited me to lodge at\\nher house till a passage by water should offer and being\\ntired with my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation.\\nShe understanding I was a printer, would have had me\\nstay at that town and follow my business, being ignorant\\nof the stock necessary to begin with. She was very hos-\\npitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek with great good\\nwill, accepting only of a pot of ale in return; and I\\nthought myself fixed till Tuesday should come. How-\\never, walking in the evening by the side of the river, a\\nboat came by, which I found was going towards Phila-\\ndelphia, with several people in her. They took me in,\\nand, as there was no wind, we row d all the way and\\nabout midnight, not having yet seen the city, some of the\\ncompany were confident we must have passed it, and\\nwould row no farther; the others knew not where we\\nwere so we put toward the shore, got into a creek,\\nlanded near an old fence, with the rails of which we\\nmade a fire, the night being cold, id October, and there\\nwe remained till daylight. Then one of the company\\nknew the place to be Cooper s Creek, a little above Phila-\\ndelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of the creek,\\nand arriv d there about eight or nine o clock on the Sun-\\nday morning, and landed at the Market-street wharf.\\nI have been the more particular in this description of\\nmy journey, and shall be so of my first entry into that\\ncity, that you may in your mind compare such unlikely\\nbeginnings with the figure I have since made there. I", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n25\\nwas in my working dress, my best cloaths being- to come\\nround by sea. I was dirty from my journey my pockets\\nwere stuff d out with shirts and stockings, and I knew\\nno soul nor where to look for lodging. I was fatigued\\nwith travelling, rowing and want of rest, I was very\\nhungry and my whole stock of cash consisted of a\\nDutch dollar, and about a shilling in copper. The latter\\nI gave the people of the boat for my passage, who at\\nfirst refus d it, on account of my rowing; but I insisted\\non their taking it. A man being sometimes more gen-\\nerous when he has but a little money than when he has\\nplenty, perhaps thro fear of being thought to have but\\nlittle.\\nThen I walked up the street, gazing about till near\\nthe market-house I met a boy with bread. I had made\\nmany a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, I\\nwent immediately to the baker s he directed me to, in\\nSecond-street, and ask d for bisket, intending such as we\\nhad in Boston but they, it seems, were not made in\\nPhiladelphia. Then I asked for a three-penny loaf, and\\nwas told they had none such. So not considering or\\nknowing the difference of money, and the greater cheap-\\nness nor the names of his bread, I bad him give me three-\\npenny worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly,\\nthree great puffy rolls. I was surpriz d at the quantity,\\nbut took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walk d\\noff with a roll under each arm, and eating the other.\\nThus I went up Market-street as far as Fourth-street,\\npassing by the door of Mr. Read, my future wife s father\\nwhen she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought I\\nmade, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous\\nappearance. Then I turned and went down Chesnut-\\nstreet and part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the\\nway, and, coming round, found myself again at Market-\\nstreet wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for\\na draught of the river water and, being filled with one\\nof my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "26 FRANKLIN\\nthat came down the river in the boat with us, and were\\nwaiting to go farther.\\nThus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which\\nby this time had many clean-dressed people in it, who\\nwere all walking the same way. I joined them, and\\nthereby was led into the great meeting-house of the\\nQuakers near the market. I sat down among them, and,\\nafter looking round awhile and hearing nothing said,\\nbeing very drowsy thro labor and want of rest the\\npreceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continu d so till\\nthe meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to\\nrouse me. This was, therefore, the first house I was in,\\nor slept in, in Philadelphia.\\nWalking down again toward the river, and, looking in\\nthe faces of people, I met a young Quaker man, whose\\ncountenance I lik d, and, accosting him, requested he\\nwould tell me where a stranger could get lodging. We\\nwere then near the sign of the Three Mariners. Here,\\nsays he, is one place that entertains strangers, but it is\\nnot a reputable house if thee wilt walk with me, I ll\\nshow thee a better. He brought me to the Crooked\\nBillet in Water-street. Here I got a dinner and, while\\nI was eating it, several sly questions were asked me, as\\nit seemed to be suspected from my youth and appear-\\nance, that I might be some runaway.\\nAfter dinner, my sleepiness return d, and being shown\\nto a bed, I lay down without undressing, and slept till\\nsix in the evening, was call d to supper, went to bed\\nagain very early, and slept soundly till next morning.\\nThen I made myself as tidy as I could, and went to\\nAndrew Bradford the printer s. I found in the shop the\\nold man his father, whom I had seen at New York, and\\nwho, travelling on horseback, had got to Philadelphia\\nbefore me. He introduc d me to his son, who receiv d\\nme civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not\\nat present want a hand, being lately suppli d with one\\nbut there was another printer in town, lately set up, one", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n27\\nKeimer, who, perhaps, might employ me if not, I should\\nbe welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give me\\na little work to do now and then till fuller business should\\noffer.\\nThe old gentleman said he would go with me to the\\nnew printer; and when we found him, Neighbor, says\\nBradford, I have brought to see you a young man of\\nyour business; perhaps you may want such a one. He\\nask d me a few questions, put a composing stick in my\\nhand to see how I work d, and then said he would em-\\nploy me soon, though he had just then nothing for me to\\ndo and, taking old Bradford, whom he had never seen\\nbefore, to be one of the town s people that had a good\\nwill for him, enter d into a conversation on his present\\nundertaking and prospects while Bradford, not discover-\\ning that he was the other printer s father, on Keimer s\\nsaying he expected soon to get the greatest part of the\\nbusiness into his own hands, drew him on by artful ques-\\ntions, and starting little doubts, to explain all his views,\\nwhat interest he reli d on, and in what manner he in-\\ntended to proceed. I, who stood by and heard all, saw\\nimmediately that one of them was a crafty old sophister,\\nand the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with\\nKeimer, who was greatly surpris d when I told him who\\nthe old man was.\\nKeimer s printing-house, I found, consisted of an old\\nshatter d press, and one small, worn-out font of English,\\nwhich he was then using himself, composing an Elegy on\\nAquila Rose, before mentioned, an ingenious young man,\\nof excellent character, much respected in the town, clerk\\nof the Assembly, and a pretty poet. Keimer made verses\\ntoo, but very indifferently. He could not be said to write\\nthem, for his manner was to compose them in the types\\ndirectly out of his head. So there being no copy, but one\\npair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require aj^. the letter,\\nno one could help him. I endeavor d to put his press\\n(which he had not yet us d, and of which he understood", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "28 FRANKLIN\\nnothing) into order fit to be work d with and, promising\\nto come and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have\\ngot it ready, I return d to Bradford s, who gave me a lit-\\ntle job to do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted.\\nA few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off the\\nElegy. And now he had got another pair of cases, and\\na pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work.\\nThese two printers I found poorly qualified for their\\nbusiness. Bradford had not been bred to it, and was very\\nilliterate and Keimer, tho something of a scholar, was a\\nmere compositor, knowing nothing of presswork. He had\\nbeen one of the French prophets, and could act their en-\\nthusiastic agitations. At this time he did not profess any\\nparticular religion, but something of all on occasion was\\nvery ignorant of the world, and had, as I afterward found,\\na good deal of the knave in his composition. He did not\\nlike my lodging at Bradford s while I work d with him.\\nHe had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he could\\nnot lodge me but he got me a lodging at Mr. Read s, be-\\nfore mentioned, who was the owner of his house and, my\\nchest and clothes being come by this time, I made rather\\na more respectable appearance in the eyes of Miss Read\\nthan I had done when she first happen d to see me eating\\nmy roll in the street.\\nI began now to have some acquaintance among the\\nyoung people of the town that were lovers of reading,\\nwith whom I spent my evenings very pleasantly and\\ngaining money by my industry and frugality, I lived very\\nagreeably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not\\ndesiring that any there should know where I resided, ex-\\ncept my friend Collins, who was in my secret, and kept it\\nwhen I wrote to him. At length, an incident happened\\nthat sent me back again much sooner than I had intended.\\nI had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, master of a sloop\\nthat traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at\\nNewcastle, forty miles below Philadelphia, heard there of\\nme, and wrote me a letter mentioning the concern of my", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n29\\nfriends in Boston at my abrupt departure, assuring me of\\ntheir good will to me, and that everything would be ac-\\ncommodated to my mind if I would return, to which he\\nexhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an answer to his let-\\nter, thank d him for his advice, but stated my reasons for\\nquitting Boston fully and in such a light as to convince\\nhim I was not so wrong as he had apprehended.\\nSir William Keith, governor of the province, was then\\nat Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening to be in\\ncompany with him when my letter came to hand, spoke\\nto him of me, and show d him the letter. The governor\\nread it, and seem d surpris d when he was told my age.\\nHe said I appear d a young man of promising parts, and\\ntherefore should be encouraged the printers at Philadel-\\nphia were wretched ones and, if I would set up there, he\\nmade no doubt I should succeed for his part, he would\\nprocure me the public business, and do me every other\\nservice in his power. This my brother-in-law afterwards\\ntold me in Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of it when,\\none day, Keimer and I being at work together near the\\nwindow, we saw the governor and another gentleman\\n(which proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle), finely\\ndress d, come directly across the street to our house, and\\nheard them at the door.\\nKeimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to\\nhim but the governor inquir d for me, came up, and with\\na condescension and politeness I had been quite unus d to,\\nmade me many compliments, desired to be acquainted\\nwith me, blam d me kindly for not having made myself\\nknown to him when I first came to the place, and would\\nhave me away with him to the tavern, where he was go-\\ning with Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excel-\\nlent Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer\\nstar d like a pig poison d. I went, however, with the gov-\\nernor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the corner of\\nThird-street, and over the Madeira he propos d my set-\\nting up my business, laid before me the probabilities of", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "30\\nFRANKLIN\\nsuccess, and both he and Colonel French assur d me I\\nshould have their interest and influence in procuring- the\\npublic business of both governments. On my doubting\\nwhether my father would assist me in it, Sir William said\\nhe would give me a letter to him, in which he would state\\nthe advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with\\nhim. So it was concluded I should return to Boston in\\nthe first vessel, with the governor s letter recommend-\\ning me to my father. In the mean time the intention\\nwas to be kept a secret, and I went on working with\\nKeimer as usual, the governor sending for me now and\\nthen to dine with him, a very great honor I thought it,\\nand conversing with me in the most affable, familiar, and\\nfriendly manner imaginable.\\nAbout the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer d for\\nBoston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see my\\nfriends. The governor gave me an ample letter, saying\\nmany flattering things of me to my father, and strongly\\nrecommending the project of my setting up at Philadel-\\nphia as a thing that must make my fortune. We struck\\non a shoal in going down the bay, and sprung a leak we\\nhad a blustering time at sea, and were oblig d to pump\\nalmost continually, at which I took my turn. We arriv d\\nsafe, however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been\\nabsent seven months, and my friends had heard nothing\\nof me for my br. Holmes was not yet return d, and had\\nnot written about me. My unexpected appearance sur-\\npriz d the family all were, however, very glad to see\\nme, and made me welcome, except my brother. I went\\nto see him at his printing-house. I was better dress d\\nthan ever while in his service, having a genteel new suit\\nfrom head to foot, a watch, and my pockets lin d with\\nnear five pounds sterling in silver. He receiv d me not\\nvery frankly, look d me all over, and turn d to his work\\nagain.\\nThe journeymen were inquisitive where I had been,\\nwhat sort of a country it was, and how I lik d it. I", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n31\\nprais d it much, and the happy life I led in it, expressing\\nstrongly my intention of returning to it and, one of\\nthem asking what kind of money we had there, I pro-\\nduc d a handful of silver, and spread it before them,\\nwhich was a kind of raree-show they had not been us d\\nto, paper being the money of Boston. Then I took an\\nopportunity of letting them see my watch and, lastly\\n(my brother still grum and sullen), I gave them a piece\\nof eight to drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine\\noffended him extreamly for, when my mother some time\\nafter spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of her wishes\\nto see us on good terms together, and that we might\\nlive for the future as brothers, he said I had insulted\\nhim in such a manner before his people that he could\\nnever forget or forgive it. In this, however, he was mis-\\ntaken.\\nMy father received the governor s letter with some\\napparent surprise, but said little of it to me for some\\ndays, when Capt. Holmes returning he show d it to him,\\nask d him if he knew Keith, and what kind of man he\\nwas; adding his opinion that he must be of small discre-\\ntion to think of setting a boy up in business who wanted\\nyet three years of being at man s estate. Holmes said\\nwhat he could in favor of the project, but my father was\\nclear in the impropriety of it, and at last gave a flat\\ndenial to it. Then he wrote a civil letter to Sir William,\\nthanking him for the patronage he had so kindly offered\\nme, but declining to assist me as yet in setting up, I\\nbeing, in his opinion, too young to be trusted with the\\nmanagement of a business so important, and for which\\nthe preparation must be so expensive.\\nMy friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in\\nthe post-office, pleas d with the account I gave him of my\\nnew country, determined to go thither also and, while I\\nwaited for my father s determination, he set out before\\nme by land to Rhode Island, leaving his books, which\\nwere a pretty collection of mathematicks and natural", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "32 FRANKLIN\\nphilosophy, to come with mine and me to New York,\\nwhere he propos d to wait for me.\\nMy father, tho he did not approve Sir William s\\nproposition, was yet pleas d that I had been able to\\nobtain so advantageous a character from a person of\\nsuch note where I had resided, and that I had been so\\nindustrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely\\nin so short a time therefore, seeing no prospect of an\\naccommodation between my brother and me, he gave\\nhis consent to my returning again to Philadelphia, ad-\\nvis d me to behave respectfully to the people there,\\nendeavor to obtain the general esteem, and avoid lam-\\npooning and libeling, to which he thought I had too\\nmuch inclination telling me, that by steady industry\\nand a prudent parsimony I might save enough by the\\ntime I was one-and-twenty to set me up and that, if I\\ncame near the matter, he would help me out with the\\nrest. This was all I could obtain, except some small\\ngifts as tokens of his and my mother s love, when I\\nembark d again for New York, now with their approba-\\ntion and their blessing.\\nThe sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, I\\nvisited my brother John, who had been married and set-\\ntled there some years. He received me very affection-\\nately, for he always lov d me. A friend of his, one Ver-\\nnon, having some money due to him in Pensilvania, about\\nthirty-five pounds currency, desired I would receive it\\nfor him, and keep it till I had his directions what to remit\\nit in. Accordingly, he gave me an order. This after-\\nwards occasion d me a good deal of uneasiness.\\nAt Newport we took in a number of passengers for\\nNew York, among which were two young women, com-\\npanions, and a grave, sensible, matronlike Quaker woman,\\nwith her attendants. I had shown an obliging readiness\\nto do her some little services, which impress d her I sup-\\npose with a degree of good will toward me therefore,\\nwhen she saw a daily growing familiarity between me", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 33\\nand the two young women, which they appear d to en-\\ncourage, she took me aside, and said, Young man, I am\\nconcern d for thee, as thou has no friend with thee, and\\nseems not to know much of the world, or of the snares\\nyouth is expos d to depend upon it, those are very bad\\nwomen I can see it in all their actions and if thee art\\nnot upon thy guard, they will draw thee into some danger\\nthey are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, in a friendly\\nconcern for thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with\\nthem. As I seem d at first not to think so ill of them as\\nshe did, she mentioned some things she had observ d and\\nheard that had escap d my notice, but now convinc d me\\nshe was right. I thank d her for her kind advice, and\\npromis d to follow it. When we arriv d at New York,\\nthey told me where they liv d, and invited me to come\\nand see them but I avoided it, and it was well I did\\nfor the next day the captain miss d a silver spoon and\\nsome other things, that had been taken out of his cabbin,\\nand, knowing that these were a couple of strumpets, he\\ngot a warrant to search their lodgings, found the stolen\\ngoods, and had the thieves punish d. So, tho we had\\nescap d a sunken rock, which we scrap d upon in the\\npassage, I thought this escape of rather more importance\\nto me.\\nAt New York I found my friend Collins, who had\\narriv d there some time before me. We had been intimate\\nfrom children, and had read the same books together\\nbut he had the advantage of more time for reading and\\nstudying, and a wonderful genius for mathematical learn-\\ning, in which he far outstript me. While I liv d in Bos-\\nton, most of my hours of leisure for conversation were\\nspent with him, and he continu d a sober as well as an\\nindustrious lad was much respected for his learning by\\nseveral of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to\\npromise making a good figure in life. But, during my\\nabsence, he had acquir d a habit of sotting with brandy\\nand I found by his own account, and what I heard from", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "34\\nFRANKLIN\\nothers, that he had been drunk every day since his arri-\\nval at New York, and behav d very oddly. He had\\ngam d, too, and lost his money, so that I was oblig d to\\ndischarge his lodgings, and defray his expenses to and at\\nPhiladelphia, which prov d extremely inconvenient to me.\\nThe then governor of New York, Burnet (son of\\nBishop Burnet), hearing from the captain that a young\\nman, one of his passengers, had a great many books, de-\\nsir d he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him\\naccordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but\\nthat he was not sober. The gov r. treated me with great\\ncivility, show d me his library, which was a very large\\none, and we had a good deal of conversation about books\\nand authors. This was the second governor who had\\ndone me the honor to take notice of me which, to a\\npoor boy like me, was very pleasing.\\nWe proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the\\nway Vernon s money, without which we could hardly\\nhave finish d our journey. Collins wished to be employ d\\nin some counting-house but, whether they discover d his\\ndramming by his breath, or by his behaviour, tho he had\\nsome recommendations, he met with no success in any\\napplication, and continu d lodging and boarding at the\\nsame house with me, and at my expense. Knowing I had\\nthat money of Vernon s, he was continually borrowing of\\nme, still promising repayment as soon as he should be in\\nbusiness. At length he had got so much of it that I was\\ndistress d to think what I should do in case of being call d\\non to remit it.\\nHis drinking continu d, about which we sometimes\\nquarrel d for, when a little intoxicated, he was very\\nfractious. Once, in a boat on the Delaware with some\\nother young men, he refused to row in his turn. I will\\nbe row d home, says he. We will not row you, says\\nI. You must, or stay all night on the water, says\\nhe, just as you please. The others said, Let us row\\nwhat signifies it But, my mind being soured with his", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n35\\nother conduct, I continu d to refuse. So he swore he\\nwould make me row, or throw me overboard and com-\\ning along-, stepping on the thwarts, toward me, when he\\ncame up and struck at me, I clapped my hand under his\\ncrutch, and, rising, pitched him head-foremost into the\\nriver. I knew he was a good swimmer, and so was under\\nlittle concern about him but before he could get round\\nto lay hold of the boat, we had with a few strokes puU d\\nher out of his reach and ever when he drew near the\\nboat, we ask d if he would row, striking a few strokes to\\nslide her away from him. He was ready to die with vexa-\\ntion, and obstinately would not promise to row. How-\\never, seeing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him\\nin and brought him home dripping wet in the evening.\\nWe hardly exchang d a civil word afterwards, and a\\nWest India captain, who had a commission to procure a\\ntutor for the sons of a gentleman at Barbadoes, happen-\\ning to meet with him, agreed to carry him thither. He\\nleft me then, promising to remit me the first money he\\nshould receive in order to discharge the debt but I never\\nheard of him after.\\nThe breaking into this money of Vernon s was one of\\nthe first great errata of my life and this affair show d\\nthat my father was not much out in his judgment when\\nhe suppos d me too young to manage business of impor-\\ntance. But Sir William, on reading his letter, said he\\nwas too prudent. There was great difference in persons\\nand discretion did not always accompany years, nor was\\nyouth always without it. And since he will not set you\\nup, says he, I will do it myself. Give me an inventory\\nof the things necessary to be had from England, and I\\nwill send for them. You shall repay me when you are\\nable I am resolv d to have a good printer here, and I\\nam sure you must succeed. This was spoken with such\\nan appearance of cordiality, that I had not the least doubt\\nof his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept the\\nproposition of my setting up, a secret in Philadelphia, and", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "36\\nFRANKLIN\\nI still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on\\nthe governor, probably some friend, that knew him bet-\\nter, would have advis d me not to rely on him, as I after-\\nwards heard it as his known character to be liberal of\\npromises which he never meant to keep. Yet, unsolicited\\nas he was by me, how could I think his generous offers\\ninsincere I believ d him one of the best men in the\\nworld.\\nI presented him an inventory of a little print g-house,\\namounting by my computation to about one hundred\\npounds sterling. He lik d it, but ask d me if my being on\\nthe spot in England to chuse the types, and see that every\\nthing was good of the kind, might not be of some advan-\\ntage. Then, says he, when there, you may make ac-\\nquaintances, and establish correspondences in the book-\\nselling and stationery way. I agreed that this might be\\nadvantageous. Then, says he get yourself ready to\\ngo with Annis which was the annual ship, and the only\\none at that time usually passing between London and\\nPhiladelphia. But it would be some months before An-\\nnis sail d, so I continu d working with Keimer, fretting\\nabout the money Collins had got from me, and in daily\\napprehensions of being call d upon by Vernon, which,\\nhowever, did not happen for some years after.\\nI believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first\\nvoyage from Boston, being becalm d off Block Island, our\\npeople set about catching cod, and hauled up a great\\nmany. Hitherto I had stuck to my resolution of not eat-\\ning animal food, and on this occasion I consider d, with\\nmy master Tryon, the taking every fish as a kind of un-\\nprovoked murder, since none of them had, or ever could\\ndo us any injury that might justify the slaughter. All\\nthis seemed very reasonable. But I had formerly been a\\ngreat lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the fry-\\ning-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc d some time\\nbetween principle and inclination, till I recollected that,\\nwhen the fish were opened, I saw smaller fish taken out", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 37\\nof their stomachs then thought I, If you eat one an-\\nother, I don t see why we mayn t eat you. So 1 din d\\nupon cod very heartily, and continued to eat with other\\npeople, returning only now and then occasionally to a\\nvegetable diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a reason-\\nable creature, since it enables one to find or make a reason\\nfor every thing one has a mind to do.\\nKeimer and I liv d on a pretty good familiar footing,\\nand agreed tolerably well, for he suspected nothing of my\\nsetting up. He retained a great deal of his old enthusi-\\nasms and lov d argumentation. We therefore had many\\ndisputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic\\nmethod, and had trepann d him so often by questions ap-\\nparently so distant from any point we had in hand, and\\nyet by degrees lead to the point, and brought him into dif-\\nficulties and contradictions, that at last he grew ridicu-\\nlously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most\\ncommon question, without asking first, What do you in-\\ntend to infer from that However, it gave him so high\\nan opinion of my abilities in the confuting way, that he\\nseriously proposed my being his colleague in a project he\\nhad of setting up a new sect. He was to preach the doc-\\ntrines, and I was to confound all opponents. When he\\ncame to explain with me upon the doctrines, I found sev-\\neral conundrums which I objected to, unless I might have\\nmy way a little too, and introduce some of mine.\\nKeimer wore his beard at full length, because some-\\nwhere in the Mosaic law it is said, Thou shalt 7wt viar the\\ncorners of thy beardy He likewise kept the Seventh day.\\nSabbath and these two points were essentials with him.\\nI dislik d both but agreed to admit them upon condition\\nof his adopting the doctrine of using no animal food. I\\ndoubt, said he, my constitution will not bear that. I\\nassur d him it would, and that he would be the better for\\nit. He was usually a great glutton, and I promised my-\\nself some diversion in half starving him. He agreed to\\ntry the practice, if I would keep him company. I did so.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "38 FRANKLIN\\nand wc held it for three months. We had our victuals\\ndress d, and brought to us regularly by a woman in the\\nneighborhood, who had from me a list of forty dishes, to\\nbe prepar d for us at different times, in all of which there\\nwas neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the whim suited me\\nthe better at this time from the cheapness of it, not cost-\\ning us above eighteen pence sterling each per week. I\\nhave since kept several Lents most strictly, leaving the\\ncommon diet for that, and that for the common, abruptly,\\nwithout the least inconvenience, so that I think there is\\nlittle in the advice of making those changes by easy gra-\\ndations. I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered\\ngrievously, tired of the project, long d for the flesh-pots\\nof Egypt, and order d a roast pig. He invited me and\\ntwo women friends to dine with him but, it being\\nbrought too soon upon table, he could not resist the\\ntemptation, and ate the whole before we came.\\nI had made some courtship during this time to Miss\\nRead. I had a great respect and affection for her, and\\nhad some reason to believe she had the same for me but,\\nas I was about to take a long voyage, and we were both\\nvery young, only a little above eighteen, it was thought\\nmost prudent by her mother to prevent our going too far\\nat present, as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be\\nmore convenient after my return, when I should be, as\\nI expected, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she\\nthought my expectations not so well founded as I imag-\\nined them to be.\\nMy chief acquaintances at this time were Charles\\nOsborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all lovers\\nof reading. The two first were clerks to an eminent\\nscrivener or conveyancer in the town, Charles Brogden\\nthe other was clerk to a merchant. Watson was a pious,\\nsensible young man, of great integrity the others rather\\nmore lax in their principles of religion, particularly\\nRalph, who, as well as Collins, had been unsettled by\\nme, for which they both made me suffer. Osborne was", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 39\\nsensible, candid, frank sincere and affectionate to his\\nfriends but, in literary matters, too fond of criticising.\\nRalph was ingenious, genteel in his manners, and ex-\\ntremely eloquent I think I never knew a prettier talker.\\nBoth of them great admirers of poetry, and began to try\\ntheir hands in little pieces. Many pleasant walks we four\\nhad together on Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill,\\nwhere we read to one another, and conferr d on what we\\nread.\\nRalph was inclin d to pursue the study of poetry, not\\ndoubting but he might become eminent in it, and make\\nhis fortune by it, alleging that the best poets must, when\\nthey first began to write, make as many faults as he did.\\nOsborne dissuaded him, assur d him he had no genius for\\npoetry, and advis d him to think of nothing beyond the\\nbusiness he was bred to that, in the mercantile way, tho\\nhe had no stock, he might, by his diligence and punctual-\\nity, recommend himself to employment as a factor, and in\\ntime acquire wherewith to trade on his own account. I\\napprov d the amusing one s self with poetry now and\\nthen, so far as to improve one s language, but no farther.\\nOn this it was propos d that we should each of us, at\\nour next meeting, produce a piece of our own composing,\\nin order to improve by our mutual observations, criti-\\ncisms, and corrections. As language and expression were\\nwhat we had in view, we excluded all considerations of\\ninvention by agreeing that the task should be a version\\nof the eighteenth Psalm, which describes the descent of a\\nDeity. When the time of our meeting drew nigh, Ralph\\ncalled on me first, and let me know his piece was ready.\\nI told him I had been busy, and, having little inclination,\\nhad done nothing. He then show d me his piece for my\\nopinion, and I much approv d it, as it appear d to me to\\nhave great merit. Now, says he, Osborne never will\\nallow the least merit in any thing of mine, but makes 1000\\ncriticisms out of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you\\nI wish, therefore, you would take this piece, and produce", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "40 FRANKLIN\\nit as yours I will pretend not to have had time, and so\\nproduce nothing. We shall then see what he will say to\\nit. It was agreed, and I immediately transcrib d it, that\\nit might appear in my own hand.\\nWe met Watson s performance was read there were\\nsome beauties in it, but many defects. Osborne s was\\nread it was much better; Ralph did it justice; remarked\\nsome faults, but applauded the beauties. He himself had\\nnothing to produce. I was backward seemed desirous\\nof being excused had not had sufficient time to correct,\\netc. but no excuse could be admitted produce I must.\\nIt was read and repeated Watson and Osborne gave up\\nthe contest, and join d in applauding it. Ralph only made\\nsome criticisms, and propos d some amendments; but I\\ndefended my text. Osborne was against Ralph, and told\\nhim he was no better a critic than poet, so he dropt the\\nargument. As they two went home together, Osborne\\nexpressed himself still more strongly in favor of what he\\nthrought my production having restrain d himself be-\\nfore, as he said, lest I should think it flattery. But who\\nwould have imagin d, said he, that Franklin had been\\ncapable of such a performance such painting, such force,\\nsuch fire He has even improv d the original. In his\\ncommon conversation he seems to have no choice of\\nwords he hesitates and blunders and yet, good God\\nhow he writes! When we next met, Ralph discovered\\nthe trick we had plaid him, and Osborne was a little\\nlaught at.\\nThis transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of be-\\ncoming a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from it,\\nbut he continued scribbling verses till Pope cured him.\\nHe became, however, a pretty good prose writer. More\\nof him hereafter. But, as I may not have occasion again\\nto mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that\\nWatson died in my arms a few years after, much lamented,\\nbeing the best of our set. Osborne went to the West\\nIndies, where he became an eminent lawyer and made", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 4I\\nmoney, but died young. He and I had made a serious\\nagreement, that the one who happen d first to die should,\\nif possible, make a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint\\nhim how he found things in that separate state. But he\\nnever fulfill d his promise.\\nThe governor, seeming to like my company, had me\\nfrequently to his house, and his setting me up was always\\nmention d as a fixed thing. I was to take with me letters\\nrecommendatory to a number of his friends, besides the\\nletter of credit to furnish me with the necessary money\\nfor purchasing the press and types, paper, etc. For these\\nletters I was appointed to call at different times, when\\nthey were to be ready but a future time was still named.\\nThus he went on till the ship, whose departure too had\\nbeen several times postponed, was on the point of sailing.\\nThen, when I call d to take my leave and receive the let-\\nters, his secretary. Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the\\ngovernor was extremely busy in writing, but would be\\ndown at Newcastle before the ship, and there the letters\\nwould be delivered to me.\\nRalph, though married, and having one child, had de-\\ntermined to accompany me in this voyage. It was thought\\nhe intended to establish a correspondence, and obtain\\ngoods to sell on commission but I found afterwards,\\nthat, thro some discontent with his wife s relations, he\\npurposed to leave her on their hands, and never return\\nagain. Having taken leave of my friends, and interchang d\\nsome promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia in the\\nship, which anchor d at Newcastle. The governor was\\nthere but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came\\nto me from him with the civillest message in the world,\\nthat he could not then see me, being engaged in business\\nof the utmost importance, but should send the letters to\\nme on board, wish d me heartily a good voyage and a\\nspeedy return, etc. I returned on board a little puzzled,\\nbut still not doubting.\\nMr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadel-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "42\\nFRANKLIN\\nphia, had taken passage in the same ship for himself and\\nson, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant, and\\nMessrs. Onion and Russel, masters of an iron work in\\nMaryland, had engag- d the great cabin so that Ralph\\nand I were forced to take up with a berth in the steerage,\\nand none on board knowing us, were considered as ordi-\\nnary persons. But Mr, Hamilton and his son (it was James,\\nsince governor) return d from Newcastle to Philadelphia,\\nthe father being recall d by a great fee to plead for a\\nseized ship and, just before we sail d, Colonel French\\ncoming on board, and showing me great respect, I w^as\\nmore taken notice of, and, with my friend Ralph, invited\\nby the other gentlemen to come into the cabin, there be-\\ning now room. Accordingly, we remov d thither.\\nUnderstanding that Colonel French had brought on\\nboard the governor s despatches, I ask d the captain for\\nthose letters that were to be under my care. He said all\\nwere put into the bag together and he could not then\\ncome at them but, before we landed in England, 1 should\\nhave an opportunity of picking them out so I was satis-\\nfied for the present, and we proceeded on our voyage.\\nWe had a sociable company in the cabin, and lived\\nuncommonly well, having the addition of all Mr. Ham-\\nilton s stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage\\nMr. Denham contracted a friendship for me that con-\\ntinued during his life. The voyage was otherwise not\\na pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad weather.\\nWhen we came into the Channel, the captain kept his\\nword with me, and gave me an opportunit}^ of examining\\nthe bag for the governor s letters. I found none upon\\nwhich my name was put as under my care. I picked out\\nsix or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might\\nbe the promised letters, especially as one of them was\\ndirected to Basket, the king s printer, and another to\\nsome stationer. We arriv d in London the 24th of De-\\ncember, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came\\nfirst in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 43\\nKeith. I don t know such a person, says he but,\\nopening the letter, O this is from Riddlcsden. I have\\nlately found him to be a compleat rascal, and I will have\\nnothing to do with him, nor receive any letters from\\nhim. So, putting the letter into my hand, he turn d on\\nhis heel and left me to serve some customer. I was sur-\\nprized to find these were not the governor s letters; and,\\nafter recollecting and comparing circumstances, I began\\nto doubt his sincerity. I found my friend Denham, and\\nopened the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith s\\ncharacter told me there was not the least probability\\nthat he had written any letters for me; that no one, who\\nknew him, had the smallest dependence on him and he\\nlaught at the notion of the governor s giving me a letter\\nof credit, having, as he said, no credit to give. On my\\nexpressing some concern about what I should do, he ad-\\nvised me to endeavor getting some employment in the\\nway of my business. Among the printers here, said\\nhe, you will improve yourself, and when you return to\\nAmerica, you will set up to greater advantage.\\nWe both of us happen d to know, as well as the sta-\\ntioner, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very knave.\\nHe had half ruin d Miss Read s father by persuading him\\nto be bound for him. By this letter it appear d there was\\na secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of Hamilton\\n(suppos d to be then coming over with us); and that\\nKeith was concerned in it with Riddlesden. Denham,\\nwho was a friend of Hamilton s, thought he ought to be\\nacquainted with it; so, when he arriv d in England, which\\nwas soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith\\nand Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, I waited\\non him, and gave him the letter. He thank d me cordially,\\nthe information being of importance to him and from that\\ntime he became my friend, greatly to my advantage after-\\nwards on many occasions.\\nBut what shall we think of a governor s playing such\\npitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "44\\nFRANKLIN\\nboy It was a habit he had acquired. He wish d to\\nplease everybody; and, having little to give, he gave ex-\\npectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man,\\na pretty good writer, and a good governor for the people,\\ntho not for his constituents, the proprietaries, whose in-\\nstructions he sometimes disregarded. Several of our best\\nlaws were of his planning and passed during his adminis-\\ntration.\\nRalph and I were inseparable companions. We took\\nlodgings together in Little Britain at three shillings and\\nsixpence a week as much as we could then afford. He\\nfound some relations, but they were poor, and unable to\\nassist him. He now let me know his intentions of remain-\\ning in London, and that he never meant to return to Phila-\\ndcl[ hia. He had brought no money with him, the whole\\nhe could muster having been expended in paying his pas-\\nsage. I had fifteen pistoles so he borrowed occasionally\\nof me to subsist, while he was looking out for business.\\nHe first endeavored to get into the playhouse, believing\\nhimself qualify d for an actor but Wilkes, to whom he\\napply d,advis d him candidly not to think of that employ-\\nment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it. Then\\nhe propos d to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row,\\nto write for him a weekly paper like the Spectator,\\non certain conditions, which Roberts did not approve.\\nThen he endeavored to get employment as a hackney\\nwriter, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the\\nTemple, but could find no vacancy.\\n1 immediately got into work at Palmer s, then a famous\\nprinting-house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu d\\nnear a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph\\na good tleal of my earnings in going to plays and other\\nplaces of amusement. We had together consumed all my\\npistoles, and now just rubbed on from hand to mouth.\\nHe seem d quite to forget his wife and child, and I, by\\ndegrees, my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I\\nnever wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 45\\nknow I was not likely soon to return. This was another\\nof the great errata of my life, which I should wish to cor-\\nrect if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our ex-\\npenses, I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage.\\nAt Palmer s I was employed in composing for the sec-\\nond edition of WoUaston s Religion of Nature. Some\\nof his reasonings not appearing to me well founded, I\\nwrote a little metaphysical piece in which I made remarks\\non them. It was entitled A Dissertation on Liberty and\\nNecessity, Pleasure and Pain. I inscribed it to my friend\\nRalph I printed a small number. Itoccasion d my being\\nmore consider d by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some\\ningenuity, tho he seriously expostulated with me upon the\\nprinciples of my pamphlet, which to him appcar d abomi-\\nnable. My printing this pamphlet was another erratum.\\nWhile I lodg d in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance\\nwith one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next\\ndoor. He had an immense collection of second-hand books.\\nCirculating libraries were not then in use but we agreed\\nthat, on certain reasonable terms, which I have now for-\\ngotten, I might take, read, and return any of his books.\\nThis I esteem d a great advantage, and I made as much\\nuse of it as I could.\\nMy pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of\\none Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled The\\nInfallibility of Human Judgment, it occasioned an ac-\\nquaintance between us. He took great notice of me,\\ncalled on me often to converse on those subjects, carried\\nme to the Horns, a pale alehouse in Lane, Cheapside,\\nand introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the Fable\\nof the Bees, who had a club there, of which he was the\\nsoul, being a most facetious, entertaining companion.\\nLyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson s\\nCoffee-house, who promis d to give me an opportunity,\\nNoTB. This anonymous pamphlet of 32 pages appeared at London\\nin 1725. An edition of it was printed in Dublin in 1733. Both are in the\\nLibrary of Congress. A. R. S.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "46 FRANKLIN\\nsome time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which\\nI was extreamely desirous but this never happened.\\nI had brought over a few curiosities, among which the\\nprincipal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies\\nby fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and\\ninvited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he\\nshow d me all his curiosities, and persuaded me to let him\\nadd that to the number, for which he paid me hand-\\nsomely.\\nIn our house there lodg d a young woman, a milliner,\\nwho, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been\\ngenteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleas-\\ning conversation. Ralph read plays to her in the even-\\nings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging, and\\nhe followed her. They liv d together some time but, he\\nbeing still out of busmess, and her income not sufficient to\\nmaintain them with her child, he took a resolution of going\\nfrom London, to try for a country school, which he thought\\nhimself well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excel-\\nlent hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts.\\nThis, however, he deemed a business below him, and con-\\nfident of future better fortune, when he should be unwill-\\ning to have it known that he once was so meanly em-\\nployed, he changed his name, and did me the honor to\\nassume mine for I soon after had a letter from him,\\nacquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in\\nBerkshire, I think it was, where he taught reading and\\nwriting to ten or a dozen boys, at sixpence each per week),\\nrecommending Mrs. T to my care, and desiring me to\\nwrite to him, directing for Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at\\nsuch a place.\\nHe continued to write frequently, sending me large\\nspecimens of an epic poem which he was then composing,\\nand desiring my remarks and corrections. These I gave\\nhim from time to time, but endeavor d rather to discour-\\nage his proceeding. One of Young s Satires was then\\njust published. I copy d and sent him a great part of it,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n47\\nwhich set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the\\nMuses with any hope of advancement by them. All was\\nin vain sheets of the poem continued to come by every\\npost. In the mean time, Mrs. T having on his account\\nlost her friends and business, was often in distresses, and\\nus d to send for mc, and borrow what I could spare to\\nhelp her out of them. I grew fond of her company, and,\\nbeing at that time under no religious restraint, and presum-\\ning upon my importance to her, I attempted familiarities\\n(another erratum) which she repuls d with a proper resent-\\nment, and acquainted him with my behaviour. This made\\na breach between us and, when he returned again to Lon-\\ndon, he let me know he thought I had cancell d all the\\nobligations he had been under to me. So I found I was\\nnever to expect his re[)aying me what I lent to him, or\\nadvanc d for him. This, however, was not then of much\\nconsequence, as he was totally unable and in the loss of\\nhis friendship I found myself relieved from a burthen. I\\nnow began to think of getting a little money beforehand,\\nand, expecting better work, I left Palmer s to work at\\nWatts s, near Lincoln s Inn Fields, a still greater print-\\ning-house. Here I continued all the rest of my stay in\\nLondon.\\nAt my first admission into this printing-house I took\\nto working at press, imagining I felt a want of the b(jdily\\nexercise I had been us d to in America, where presswork\\nis mix d with composing. I drank only water the other\\nworkmen, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers of\\nbeer. On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large\\nform of types in each hand, when others carried but one\\nin both hands. They wondered to see, from this and\\nseveral instances, that the Water- American, as they called\\nme, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong beer\\nWe had an alehouse boy who attended always in the\\nhouse to supply the workmen. My companion at the\\npress drank every day a pint before breakfast, a pint at\\nbreakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "48\\nFRANKLIN\\nbreakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the after-\\nnoon about six o clock, and another when he had done his\\nday s work. I thought it a detestable custom but it was\\nnecessary, he suppos d, to drink strong beer, that he\\nmight be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince him\\nthat the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be\\nin proportion to the grain or flour of the barley dis-\\nsolved in the water of which it was made that there was\\nmore flour in a pennyworth of bread and therefore, if\\nhe would eat that with a pint of water, it would give him\\nmore strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, how-\\never, and had four or five shillings to pay out of his\\nwages every Saturday night for that muddling liquor; an\\nexpense I was free from. And thus these poor devils\\nkeep themselves always under.\\nWatts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the\\ncomposing-room, I left the pressmen; a new bien venu or\\nsum for drink, being five shillings, was demanded of me\\nby the compositors. I thought it an imposition, as I had\\npaid below the master thought so too, and forbad my\\npaying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was accord-\\ningly considered as an excommunicate, and had so many\\nlittle pieces of private mischief done me, by mixing my\\nsorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc.,\\netc., if I were ever so little out of the room, and all as-\\ncribed to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted\\nthose not regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding the\\nmaster s protection, I found myself oblig d to comply and\\npay the money, convinc d of the folly of being on ill\\nterms with those one is to live with continually.\\nI was now on a fair footing with them, and soon ac-\\nquir d considerable influence. I propos d some reason-\\nable alterations in their chappel laws, and carried them\\nagainst all opposition. From my example, a great part\\nof them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread,\\nand cheese, finding they could with me be supply d from\\na neighboring house with a large porringer of hot water-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n49\\ngruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumb d with bread, and a\\nbit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three\\nhalf-pence. This was a more comfortable as well as\\ncheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those\\nwho continued sotting with beer all day, were often, by\\nnot paying, out of credit at the alehouse, and us d to make\\ninterest with me to get beer their light, as they phrased\\nit, being out. 1 watch d the pay-table on Saturday night,\\nand collected what I stood engag d for them, having to\\npay sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their\\naccounts. This, and my being esteem d a pretty good\\nriggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my\\nconsequence in the society. My constant attendance (I\\nnever making a St. Monday) recommended me to the\\nmaster and my uncommon quickness at composing oc-\\ncasioned my being put upon all work of dispatch, which\\nwas generally better paid. So I went on now very\\nagreeably.\\nMy lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I\\nfound another in Duke-street, opposite to the Romish\\nChapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at an Italian\\nwarehouse. A widow lady kept the house she had a\\ndaughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who at-\\ntended the warehouse, but lodg d abroad. After sending\\nto inquire my character at the house where I last lodg d,\\nshe agreed to take me in at the same rate, 3s. 6d. per week\\ncheaper, as she said, from the protection she expected in\\nhaving a man lodge in the house. She was a widow, an\\nelderly woman had been bred a Protestant, being a\\nclergyman s daughter, but was converted to the Catholic\\nreligion by her husband, whose memory she much re-\\nvered had lived much among people of distinction, and\\nknew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back as the\\ntimes of Charles the Second. She was lame in her knees\\nwith the gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her\\nroom, so sometimes wanted company and hers was so\\nhighly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an even-\\n4", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "50\\nFRANKLIN\\ning with her whenever she desired it. Our supper was\\nonly half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread\\nand butter, and half a pint of ale between us but the\\nentertainment was in her conversation. My always keep-\\ning- good hours, and giving little trouble in the family,\\nmade her unwilling to part with me so that, when I\\ntalk d of a lodging I had heard of, nearer my business, for\\ntwo shillings a week, which, intent as I now was on sav-\\ning money, made some difference, she bid me not think\\nof it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for the\\nfuture so I remained with her at one shilling and six-\\npence as long as I staid in London.\\nIn a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of\\nseventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my land-\\nlady gave me this account that she was a Roman Catho-\\nlic, had been sent abroad when young, and lodg d in a\\nnunnery with an intent of becoming a nun but, the\\ncountry not agreeing with her, she returned to England,\\nwhere, there being no nunnery, she had vow d to lead the\\nlife of a nun, as near as might be done in those circum-\\nstances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to\\ncharitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to\\nlive on, and out of this sum she still gave a great deal in\\ncharity, living herself on water-gruel only, and using no\\nfire but to boil it. She had lived many years in that\\ngarret, being permitted to remain there gratis by succes-\\nsive Catholic tenants of the house below, as they deemed\\nit ;a blessing to have her there. A priest visited her to\\nconfess her every day. I have ask d her, says my\\nlandlady, how she, as she liv d, could possibly find so\\nmuch employment for a confessor? Oh, said she,\\nit is impossible to avoid vain tho7ights. I was permitted\\nonce to visit her. She was cheerful and polite, and con-\\nvers d pleasantly. The room was clean, but had no other\\nfurniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and book,\\na stool which she gave me to sit on, and a picture over the\\nchimney of Saint Veronica displa3nng her handkerchief,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 5 1\\nwith the miraculous figure of Christ s bleeding face on\\nit, which she explained to me with great seriousness.\\nShe look d pale, but was never sick and I give it as an-\\nother instance on how small an income life and health\\nmay be supported.\\nAt Watts s printing-house I contracted an acquaint-\\nance with an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who,\\nhaving wealthy relations, had been better educated than\\nmost printers was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French,\\nand lov d reading. I taught him and a friend of his to\\nswim at twice going into the river, and they soon became\\ngood swimmers. They introduc d me to some gentlemen\\nfrom the country, who went to Chelsea by water to see\\nthe College and Don Saltero s curiosities. In our return,\\nat the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate\\nhad excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, and\\nswam from near Chelsea to Blackfryar s, performing on\\nthe way many feats of activity, both upon and under\\nwater, that surpris d and pleas d those to whom they\\nwere novelties.\\nI had from a child been ever delighted with this exer-\\ncise, had studied and practis d all Thevenot s motions and\\npositions, added some of my own, aiming at the graceful\\nand easy as well as the useful. All these I took this occa-\\nsion of exhibiting to the company, and was much flatter d\\nby their admiration and Wygate, who was desirous of\\nbecoming a master, grew more and more attach d to me\\non that account, as well as from the similarity of our\\nstudies. He at length proposed to me travelling all over\\nEurope together, supporting ourselves everywhere by\\nworking at our business. I was once inclined to it but,\\nmentioning it to my good friend Mr. Denham, with\\nwhom I often spent an hour when I had leisure, he dis-\\nsuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning\\nto Pennsilvania, which he was now about to do.\\nI must record one trait of this good man s character.\\nHe had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failed in", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "52\\nFRANKLIN\\ndebt to a number of people, compounded and went to\\nAmerica. There, by a close application to business as a\\nmerchant, he acquir d a plentiful fortune in a few years.\\nReturninj:^ to England in the ship with me, he invited his\\nold creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank d\\nthem for the easy composition they had favored him\\nwith, and, when they expected nothing but the treat,\\nevery man at the first remove found under his plate an\\norder on a banker for the full amount of the unpaid\\nremainder with interest.\\nHe now told me he was about to return to Philadel-\\nphia, and should carry over a great quantity of goods in\\norder to open a store there. He propos d to take me\\nover as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would\\ninstruct me, copy his letters, and attend the store. He\\nadded, that, as soon as 1 should be acquainted with mer-\\ncantile business, he would promote me by sending me\\nwith a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies,\\nand procure me commissions from others which would be\\nprofitable and, if I manag d well, would establish me\\nhandsomely. The thing plcas d me for I was grown\\ntired of London, remembered with pleasure the happy\\nmonths I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish d again to\\nsee it therefore I immediately agreed on the terms of\\nfifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money less, indeed,\\nthan mv present gettings as a compositor, but affording\\na better prospect.\\nI now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever,\\nand was daily cmploy d in ni} new business, going about\\nwith Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to purchase vari-\\nous articles, and seeing them pack d up, doing errands,\\ncalling upon workmen to dispatch, etc.; and, when all\\nwas on board, I had a few days leisure. On one of these\\ndays, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man I\\nknew only by name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I\\nwaited upon him. He had heard by some means or\\nother of my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriar s, and", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "AUTOI5IOGRAPHY 53\\nof my teaching Wygatc and another young- man to swim\\nin a few hours. lie had two sons, about to set out on\\ntheir travels he wish d to have them hrst taught swim-\\nming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely if I would\\nteach them. They were not yet come to town, and my\\nstay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it; but, from\\nthis incident, 1 thought it likely that, if I were to remain\\nin England and open a swimming-school, I might get a\\ngood deal of money and it struck me so strongly, that,\\nhad the overture been sooner made me, probably I should\\nnot so soon have returned to America. After many years,\\nyou and I had something of more importance to do with\\none of these sons of vSir William Wyndham, become Earl\\nof Egremont, which I shall mention in its place.\\nThus I spent about eighteen months in London most\\npart of the time I work d hard at my business, and spent\\nbut little upon myself except in seeing plays and in books.\\nMy friend Ralj)h had kept rnc poor he owed me about\\ntwenty-seven pounds, which I was now never likely to\\nreceive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I lov d\\nhim, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable qualities.\\nI had by no means improv d my fortune; but I had\\npicked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose\\nconversation was of great advantage to me and I had\\nread considerably.\\nWe sail d from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 1726.\\nFor the incidents of the voyage, I refer you to my Jour-\\nnal, where you will find them all minutely related, f^er-\\nhaps the most important part of that journal is \\\\k\\\\c plan to\\nbe found in it, which I formed at sea, for regulating my\\nfuture conduct in life. It is the more remarkable, as being\\nformed when I was so young, and yet being pretty faith-\\nfully adhered to quite thro to old age.\\nWe landed in I^hiladelphia on the nth of October,\\nwhere I found sundry alterations. Keith was no longer\\ngovernor, being superseded by Major Gordon. I met\\nhim walking the streets as a common citizen. He seem d", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "54 FRANKLIN\\na little asham d at seeing me, but pass d without saying\\nany thing. I should have been as much asham d at seeing\\nMiss Read, had not her friends, despairing with reason of\\nmy return after the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to\\nmarry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in\\nmy absence. With him, however, she was never happy\\nand soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him\\nor bear his name, it being now said that he had another\\nwife. He was a worthless fellow, tho an excellent work-\\nman, which was the temptation to her friends. He got\\ninto debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West\\nIndies, and died there. Keimer had got a better house, a\\nshop well supply d with stationery, plenty of new types,\\na number of hands, tho none good, and seem d to have\\na great deal of business.\\nMr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where we\\nopen d our goods I attended the business diligently,\\nstudied accounts, and grew, in a little time, expert at\\nselling. We lodg d and boarded together he counsell d\\nme as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I re-\\nspected and lov d him, and we might have gone on to-\\ngether very happy but, in the beginning of February,\\n172^-, when I had just pass d my twenty-first year, we both\\nwere taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very\\nnearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up\\nthe point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed\\nwhen I found myself recovering, regretting, in some de-\\ngree, that I must now, some time or other, have all that\\ndisagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his\\ndistemper was it held him a long time, and at length\\ncarried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nuncupa-\\ntive will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me\\nonce more to the wide world for the store was taken\\ninto the care of his executors, and my employment under\\nhim ended.\\nMy brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia,\\nadvised my return to my business and Keimer tempted", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 55\\nme, with an offer of large wages by the year, to come and\\ntake the management of his printing-house, that he might\\nbetter attend his stationer s shop. I had heard a bad\\ncharacter of him in London from his wife and her friends,\\nand was not fond of having any more to do with him. I\\ntri d for farther employment as a merchant s clerk but,\\nnot readily meeting with any, I clos d again with Keimer.\\nI found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith, a\\nWelsh Pensilvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country\\nwork honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid obser-\\nvation, was something of a reader, but given to drink.\\nStephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to\\nthe same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and\\nhumor, but a little idle. These he had agreed with at ex-\\ntream low wages per week, to be rais d a shilling every\\nthree months, as they would deserve by improving in\\ntheir business and the expectation of these high wages,\\nto come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in\\nwith. Meredith was to work at press. Potts at book-\\nbinding, which he, by agreement, was to teach them,\\nthough he knew neither one nor t other. John a\\nwild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose service,\\nfor four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain\\nof a ship he, too, was to be made a pressman. George\\nWebb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years he\\nhad likewise bought, intending him for a compositor, of\\nwhom more presently and David Harry, a country boy,\\nwhom he had taken apprentice.\\nI soon perceiv d that the intention of engaging me at\\nwages so much higher than he had been us d to give, was,\\nto have these raw, cheap hands form d thro me and, as\\nsoon as I had instructed them, then they being all articled\\nto him, he should be able to do without me. I went on,\\nhowever, very cheerfuly, put his printing-house in order,\\nwhich had been in great confusion, and brought his hands\\nby degrees to mind their business and to do it better.\\nIt was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "s^\\nIKANKl.lN\\nsitii;itiou ol a hoiij lil ju ivanl. lie was no! nioic (liau\\nrif^ljlccii ycaisol aj;c, and \u00c2\u00ab;av( luc his arc oiiiil l liim-\\nSfll (hat \\\\\\\\c was boiii in Ciloucfslcr duoatcil at a\\njj^tatmnaf school there, had been distiiii iiishM ainonjj^ llic\\nsehnlais loi some appai cnt supeiioiitv in [ici lot I .iiii}^ his\\npail, when they e\\\\liil iled i lavs helonj^M lo the Witty\\nhil) there, and had wiitteu some pieces in prose and\\nveise, \\\\vhi( li weie pi inted in the ili ineestei iiewspajx s\\ntheme he was sent to ()xlord; wlien he continued al)c)ut\\na year, hut not well satisli d, wishini;- ot all \u00e2\u0099\u00a6hinj;s to see\\nI .niidon. and ix come a playei. At len;;(h, receivim; his\\n(jnaileily allowance ol lilleen {Miineas, insleacl ol disi:hari;\\nini his debts he walU d out ot town, hiil his rown in a\\nlui/e bush, and tooted it to London, wheie, haviui; no\\nIriend to advise him, Uc IcW into bad lompany, soon spent\\nl\u00c2\u00bbis ;iiineas, loiu\\\\d no means ol bein;^ intiodnc d am( n!; ihe\\nplayers, s K w nei-essitous, pawn d his cU)alhs, and wanted\\nbiead. allvii\\\\_i; the street very huni;iy,and not knowinj;-\\nwhat to i\\\\o with himsell, a cMinip s bill was jnit into his\\nhand, olT(Mini immediate entertainment and eiuonia:;e-\\nmcnt to such as \\\\vt uld bind th(Mjjselvc s to seiye in Amef-\\nii a. I le went diicctly, si vn d the indentui cs, was put into\\nI lie ship, ami came o\\\\rv, nevei- wiitin*; a liiu* io ai (]uaint\\nhis liiends what was become oi him. lie was liyely,\\nwitty, ivood natui d, ami a pleasant companion, but idle,\\nthou!;htless. antl imptndent to the last di j;i( e.\\nJohn, thi liislunan, soon ran awa\\\\ with the test 1\\nbe;;an to live vei y a^iceably, lor they all fespi eteil me\\nthe more, as tlu^y loimd Keimet incai abU* c l instinctim;-\\nthem, anil that lii m me they learned soniethiniV daily.\\nWe i\\\\eviM- worked on S.itniilay, that bein Kcmuum s Sab-\\nbath, so I hail two days loi readinj;. My acquaintance\\nwith inr,ei\\\\ious people in the town incfe.ised. Ki-imcM him-\\nsell tie.ited me with i;a-eat I iyilitv and appaitMit ic\\\\^aid,\\nand nothing; now made me uneasy but my debt to Wmhou,\\nwhich 1 was yet unable to y.xy, beinj; hitheito but a poor\\nU conomist. lie, howc vei kindly m.uli no dcmani.1 ol it.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "AIJI OI .IOCIMI IIY\\n^7\\n()in riii(iii lioMS(! oflcn wiiiitcd soils, ;in I llicifr was\\nIK) Id Ici lomidci ill Ainciica; I had scctii lypcs cast Jit\\njaiiics s ill London, Uiil vvil.hoiit. iiiiicli aMctilioii to the\\nrnaiiiKU however, I now ccjntiivcd a mould, made use of\\nI he icirers vv( had as |)iiM(;he()iis, si i nek Ihe maliices in\\nhad, and thus snj\u00c2\u00bbi)ly d in a j)r(;Hy toleiahie way all de-\\nlicienci(;s. I also ciif^rav d several lhiii ^s on occasion I\\nmade Ihe ink; I was warehouseman, and evei y I hiii;;, and,\\nin shorl, (|itil(; a laotoliiin.\\nIJul, however serviceahh- I mijdil he, I loiind thai my\\nS(;rvic( S hecaiiM^ every day ol less iiii|)oi I.iik e, as the\\nolliei hands improv d in ihe hnsiness; and, when Keinier\\npaid my second (|iiarlei s wajMS, Ik- I -I hk; know Ihal he\\njell, them loo heavy, and thoiij-hl I should make an ahale-\\nnjcnt. lie jj^rew by dcf^ ices le ivil, |mi1 on more ol\\nthe masler, fre(ju :nlly lonnd lanll, was (aplions, and\\nSCtMii d icady lor an oiil hi eal:iii;;. I w iil on, nevei t he-\\nless, will) a j^ood deal ol palieiice, Ihinkiii} that his en-\\ncninher cJ eircninstances were; partly the eans(^ At\\nlenp^th a trifle snajjt onr conneclions ioi, a \\\\:^vv.\\\\\\\\V noise\\nhappeniiifj^ iKs ir Ihe courthouse, I put my head out of (he\\nwindow to se(; what was llu* mailer. Keimer, heini^ in\\nthe street, look d up and saw hk:, eall d onl lo me in a\\nloud voice and an}.;ry Ioik; to mind my hn .iness, addinjr\\nsome reproachful words, that nellled ww. the more lor\\ntheir puhlicily, all the neifjhhors who weie lookiujj^ out\\non I Ik- same occasion, hein^ witnesses how I was treated,\\nlie came up imfu(;dialely into the pi intiii house, con-\\nlinu d IIk; (piarr rl, hi;^h words [)ass d uw hoih sides, he\\nJ.^lve Jiie the rpiai lei s warning; we had si i|tiilaled, express-\\ning^ a wish thai, he h.ad not been olili}_; (l to so lonj^ a warn-\\ninj2^. I tf)ld him his wish was unnecessary, for I would\\nleave him I hat inst.ant; and so, t.akin;^^ my hat, walk d out\\nof doors, desiriuf.^ Mer ;dilh, whom I saw below, lo lake\\ncare of some things I left, and brin^ them to my lodg-\\nings.\\nMeredith came accordliijdy in the eveninj;, when we", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "58 FRANKLIN\\ntalked my affair over. He had conceiv d a great regard\\nfor me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the\\nhouse while he remain d in it. He dissuaded me from\\nreturning to my native country, which I began to think\\nof he reminded me that Kcimer was in debt for all he\\npossess d that his creditors began to be uneasy that he\\nkept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for\\nready money, and often trusted without keeping ac-\\ncounts that he must therefore fail, which would make\\na vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of\\nmoney. He then let me know that his father had a\\nhigh opinion of me, and, from some discourse that had\\npass d between them, he was sure would advance money\\nto set us up, if I would enter into partnership with\\nhim. My time, sa3 s he, will be out with Keimer in\\nthe spring by that time we may have our press and\\ntypes in from London. I am sensible I am no workman\\nif you like it, your skill in the business shall be set\\nagainst the stock 1 furnish, and we will share the profits\\nequally.\\nThe proposal was agreeable, and I consented his\\nfather was in town and approv d of it the more as he\\nsaw I had great influence with his son, had prevail d on\\nhim to abstain long from dram-drinking, and he hop d\\nmight break him of that wretched habit entirely, when\\nwe came to be so closely connected. I gave an inventory\\nto the father, who carry *d it to a merchant the things\\nwere sent for, the secret was to be kept till they should\\narrive, and in the mean time I was to get work, if I could,\\nat the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy\\nthere, and so remain d idle a few days, when Keimer, on\\na prospect of being employ d to print some paper money\\nin New Jersey, which would require cuts and various\\ntypes that I only could supply, and apprehending Brad-\\nford might engage me and get the jobb from him, sent\\nme a very civil message, that old friends should not part\\nfor a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n59\\nme to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it\\nwould give more opportunity for his improvement under\\nmy daily instructions so I return d, and we went on\\nmore smoothly than for some time before. The New\\nJersey jobb was obtain d, I contriv d a copper-plate\\npress for it, the first that had been seen in the country\\n1 cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. We\\nwent together to Burlington, where I executed the\\nwhole to satisfaction and he received so large a sum for\\nthe work as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much\\nlonger above water.\\nAt Burlington I made an acquaintance with many\\nprincipal people of the province. Several of them had\\nbeen appointed by the Assembly a committee to attend\\nthe press, and take care that no more bills were printed\\nthan the law directed. They were therefore, by turns,\\nconstantly with us, and generally he who attended,\\nbrought with him a friend or two for company. My mind\\nhaving been much more improv d by reading than Kci-\\nmer s, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation\\nseem d to be more valu d. They had me to their houses,\\nintroduced me to their friends, and show d me much\\ncivility while he, tho the master, was a little neglected.\\nIn truth, he was an odd fish ignorant of common life,\\nfond of rudely opposing receiv d opinions, slovenlv to\\nextream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion,\\nand a little knavish withal.\\nWe continu d there near three months; and by that\\ntime I could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge\\nAllen, Samuel BustiU, the secretary of the Province, Isaac\\nPearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the Smiths, mem-\\nbers of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-gen-\\neral. The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who\\ntold me that he began for himself, when young, by wheel-\\ning clay for the brickmakers, learned to write after he was\\nof age, carri d the chain for surveyors, who taught him\\nsurve3 ing, and he had now by his industry, acquir d a", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "6o FRANKLIN\\ngood estate and says he, I foresee that 3-011 will soon\\nwork this man out of his business, and make a fortune in\\nit at Philadelphia. He had not then the least intimation\\nof my intention to set up there or anywhere. These\\nfriends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occa-\\nsionally was to some of them. They all continued their\\nregard for me as long as they lived.\\nBefore I enter upon my public appearance in business,\\nit may be well to let you know the then state of my mind\\nwith regard to my principles and morals, that you may\\nsee how far those influenc d the future events of my life.\\nMy parents had early given me religious impressions, and\\nbrought me through my childhood piously in the Dissent-\\ning way. But 1 was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting\\nby turns of several pcnnts, as I found them disputed in\\nthe different books I read, I began to doubt of Revela-\\ntion itself. Some books against Deism fell into my\\nhands they were said to be the substance of sermons\\npireachcd at Boyle s Lectures. It happened that they\\nwrought an effect on me quite contrary to what was\\nintended by them for the arguments of the Deists, which\\nwere quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger\\nthan the refutations in short, I soon became a thorough\\nDeist. My arguments perverted some others, particularly\\nCollins and Ralph but, each of them having afterwards\\nwrong d me greatly without the least compunction, and\\nrecollecting Keith s conduct towards me (who was another\\nfreethinker), and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read^\\nwhich at times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect\\nthat this doctrine, tho it might be true, was not very\\nuseful. My London pamphlet, which had for its motto\\nthese lines of Dryden\\n\\\\Vhatever is. is rij^ht. Though purblind man\\nSocs but a part o the chain, tiio nearest link\\nHis eyes not carryinj^ to the equal beam,\\nThat poises all above", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 6l\\nand from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, good-\\nness and power, concluded that nothing could possibly\\nbe wrong in the world, and that vice and virtue were\\nempty distinctions, no such things existing, appear d now\\nnot so clever a performance as I once thought it; and I\\ndoubted whether some error had not insinuated itself un-\\nperceiv d into my argument; so as to infect all that fol-\\nlow d, as is common in metaphysical reasonings.\\nI grew convinc d that truth, sincerity and integrity in\\ndealings between man and man were of the utmost im-\\nportance to the felicity of life and I form d written reso-\\nlutions, which still remain in my journal book, to practice\\nthem ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed no\\nweight with me, as such but I entertain d an opinion\\nthat, though certain actions might not be bad because\\nthey were forbidden by it, or good because it commanded\\nthem, yet probably those actions might be forbidden\\nbecause they were bad for us, or commanded because they\\nwere beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circum-\\nstances of things considered. And this persuasion, with\\nthe kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or\\naccidental favorable circumstances and situations, or all\\ntogether, preserved me, thro* this dangerous time of\\nyouth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in\\namong strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my\\nfather, without any willful gross immorality or injustice,\\nthat might have been expected from my want of religion,\\nI say willful, because the instances I have mentioned had\\nsomething of jiecessity in them, from my youth, inexperi-\\nence, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a toler-\\nable character to begin the world with I valued it prop-\\nerly, and detcrmin d to preserve it.\\nWe had not been long return d to Philadelphia before\\nthe new types arriv d from London. We settled with\\nKeimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of it.\\nWe found a house to hire near the market, and took it.\\nTo lessen the rent, which was then but twenty -four", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "62 FRANKLIN\\npounds a year, tho I have since known it to let for\\nseventy, wc took in Thomas Godfrey, a gk\\\\zier, and his\\nfamily, who were to pay a considerable part of it to us,\\nand we to board with them. We had scarce opened our\\nletters and put our press in order, before George House,\\nan acquaintance of mine, brought a countryman to us,\\nwhom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer.\\nAll our cash was now expended in the variety of particu-\\nlars we had been obliged to procure, and this country-\\nman s five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so\\nseasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown I have\\nsince earned and the gratitude I felt toward House has\\nmade me often more ready than perhaps 1 should other-\\nwise have been to assist young beginners.\\nThere are croakers in every country, always boding\\nits ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia a person\\nof note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a very grave\\nmanner of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This\\ngentleman, a stranger to me, stopt one day at my door,\\nand asked me if 1 was the young man who bad lately\\nopened a new printing-house. Being answered in the\\naffirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was\\nan expensive undertaking, and the expense would be lost;\\nfor Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already\\nhalf bankrupts, or near being so all appearances to the\\ncontrary, such as new buildings and the rise of rents, be-\\ning to his certain knowledge fallacious for they were, in\\nfact, among the things that would soon ruin us. And he\\ngave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or that\\nwere soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had\\nI known him before I engaged in this business, probably\\nI never should have done it. This man continued to live\\nin this decaying place, and to declaim in the same strain,\\nrefusing for many years to buy a house there, because all\\nwas going to destruction and at last I had the pleasure\\nof seeing him give five times as much for one as he might\\nhave bought it for when he first began his croaking.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n63\\nI should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of\\nthe preceding year, I had form d most of my ingenious\\nacquaintance into a club of mutual improvement, which\\nwe called the Junto; we met on Friday evenings. The\\nrules that I drew up required that every member, in his\\nturn, should produce one or more queries on any point of\\nMorals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss d\\nby the company and once in three months produce and\\nread an essay of his own writing, on any subject he\\npleased. Our debates were to be under the direction of\\na president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of\\ninquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire\\nof victory and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of\\npositiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were\\nafter some time made contraband, and prohibited under\\nsmall pecuniary penalties.\\nThe first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of\\ndeeds for the scriveners, a good-natur d, friendly, middle-\\nag d man, a great lover of poetry, reading all he could\\nmeet with, and writing some that was tolerable very in-\\ngenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible con-\\nversation.\\nThomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in\\nhis way, and afterward inventor of what is now called\\nHadley s Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way,\\nand was not a pleasing companion as, like most great\\nmathematicians I have met with, he expected universal\\nprecision in every thing said, or was for ever denying or\\ndistinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all con-\\nversation. He soon left us.\\nNicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterward surveyor-gen-\\neral, who lov d books, and sometimes made a few verses.\\nWilliam Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but, loving read-\\ning, had acquir d a considerable share of mathematics,\\nwhich he first studied with a view to astrology, that\\nhe afterwards laught at it. He also became surveyor-\\ngeneral.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "C),y FRANKLIN\\nWilliam Mnn^rid^e, a ji^incr, a nu)st cx(;uisito tnc-\\nchanic, aiul a suliil, siMisihlc man.\\nllui;h Morcditli, SlopluMi Totls, ami (u ()r\u00c2\u00ab;c Webb I\\nl)a\\\\ c iliaiaottMiz d before.\\nRobert (irace, a youn^ j^entleman of some fortune,\\nj^I-eiieroiis, lively, aiul witty; a Kn er of pimniiii;- and of his\\ntrieiuls.\\nAnd William Coleman, then a merchant s clerk, about\\nmy ai;i\\\\ who had the coolest, clearest head, the best heart,\\nand the exaitest morals of almost any man I ever met\\nwith, lie b(Hame allerwards a merchant of ji^reat note,\\nand one of our provincial judges. Our friendship con-\\ntinued without interruption to his death, ujuvai-d of forty\\nyi^us and thei lub c-ontinued almost as loui^, and was the\\nbi st school ol philosophy, morality, ami iiolitics that then\\nexisttnl in tlu- province; for our ipieries, which were reail\\ntlic wi ck prcrcdiiii;- theii discussion, juit us ujuni readinj;-\\nwith attention upon the several subjects, that we mii;ht\\nsjH ak mon^ to the jnirpose; anil hcie. too, we acipiircil\\nbetter habils ot i-ouviMsation,evei\\\\- thin^- beini;- studicil in\\nour rules which mii;ht prevent our ilis^ustins; each other,\\nb rom luMU c the long continuance of the club, which I\\nshall havi^ frci]uiMit cK\\\\Msion to speaU of further hereafter.\\nHut my giviui;- this account of it here is to show some-\\nthing of the interest I hail, every one i^f these exerting\\nthemselves in leiommendiug business to us. Breintnal\\nparticularly procur d us from the Quakers the printing\\nforty sheets of their history, the rest being to be done bv\\nKeimer and upon this we work d exceedingly hard, for\\nthe price was low. It was a folio, pro patria size, in pica,\\nwith long primer notes. 1 compos d )f it a sheet a day,\\nand Meredith worked it ofT at press; it was often eleven\\nat night, and sometimes later, before 1 had finished my\\ndistribution for the next day s work, for the little jobbs\\nsent in bv our other friends now and then put us back.\\nBut so dcfermiuM 1 was to coutiiuic doing a sheet a day\\nof the folio, that one night, when, having impos d my", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 65\\nforms, I tlioiiji^ht my day s work over, one of tliom by\\naccident was broken, and two paj^es reduced to i, I\\nimmediately distributed and compos d it over aj^ain be-\\nfore I went to bed and this influstry, visible to our\\nneighbors, began to give us character and credit; par-\\nticularly, 1 was told, that mention being made of the new\\nprintiiig-ofTicc at the merchants livery-night club, the\\ngeneral opinion was that it must fail, there being already\\ntwo printers in the place, Keimer and iiradford but Dr.\\nBaird (whom you and 1 saw many years after at his native\\nplace, St. Andrew s in Scotland) gave a contrary opinion\\nFor the industry of that Franklin, says he, is supe-\\nrior to any thing I ever saw of the kind I see him still\\nat work when I go home from club, and he is at work\\nagain before his neighbors arc out of bed. This struck\\nthe rest, and we so(jn after had offers frf;m one of tlicm to\\nsupply us with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse\\nto engage in sh(jp business.\\nI mcntif)n this industry the more particularly and the\\nmore freely, tho it seems to be talking in my own praise,\\nthat those of my pfjstcrity, who shall read it, may know\\nthe use of that virtue, wiien they see its effects in my\\nfavour throughout this relation.\\nGeorge Webb, who had found a female friend that\\nlent him wherewith to purchase liis time of Keimer, now\\ncame to offer himself as a journeyman to us. We could\\nnot then imploy him but I foolishly let him know as a\\nsecret that I soon intended to begin a newspaper, and\\nmight then have work for him. My hopes of success, as\\n1 told him, were founded on this, that the then only news-\\npaper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretch-\\nedly manag d, no way entertaining, and yet was prrjlitablc\\nto him 1 therefore thought a good paper would scarcely\\nfail of good encouragement. I recpiested Webb not to\\nmenticjn it; but he toUl it to Keimer, who immediately,\\nto be beforehand with mc, published proposals for print-\\ning one himself, on which Webb was to be employ d. I\\n5", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "e( FRANKLIN\\nresented this and, to counteract them, as I could not yet\\nbegin our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertainment\\nfor Bradford s paper, under the title of the Busy Body,\\nwhich Breintnal continu d some months. By this means\\nthe attention of the publick was fixed on that paper, and\\nKeimer s proposals, which we burlesqu d and ridicul d,\\nwere disregarded. He began his paper, however, and,\\nafter carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at\\nmost only ninety subscribers, he offer d it to me for a\\ntrifle and I, having been ready some time to go on with\\nit, took it in hand directly and it prov d in a few years\\nextremely profitable to me.\\nI perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular num-\\nber, though our partnership still continu d the reason\\nmay be that, in fact, the whole management of the busi-\\nness lay upon me. Meredith was no compositor, a poor\\npressman, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my\\nconnection with him, but I was to make the best of it.\\nOur first papers made a quite different appearance\\nfrom any before in the province a better type, and\\nbetter printed but some spirited remarks of my writing,\\non the dispute then going on between Governor Burnet\\nand the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal\\npeople, occasioned the paper and the manager of it to be\\nmuch talk d of, and in a few weeks brought them all to\\nbe our subscribers.\\nTheir example was follow d by many, and our number\\nwent on growing continually. This was one of the first\\ngood effects of my having learnt a little to scribble an-\\nother was, that the leading men, seeing a newspaper now\\nin the hands of one who could also handle a pen, thought\\nit convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still\\nprinted the votes, and laws, and other publick business.\\nHe had printed an address of the House to the governor,\\nin a coarse, blundering manner; we reprinted it elegantly\\nand correctly, and sent one to every member. They were\\nsensible of the difference it strengthened the hands of", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY ^J\\nour friends in the House, and they voted us their printers\\nfor the year ensuing.\\nAmong my friends in the House I must not forget Mr.\\nHamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from\\nEngland, and had a seat in it. He interested himself for\\nme strongly in that instance, as he did in many others\\nafterward, continuing his patronage till his death.\\nMr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the\\ndebt I ow d him, but did not press me. I wrote him an\\ningenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav d his forbear-\\nance a little longer, which he allow d me, and as soon as I\\nwas able, I paid the principal with interest, and many\\nthanks so that erratum was in some degree corrected.\\nBut now another difficulty came upon me which I had\\nnever the least reason to expect. Mr. Meredith s father,\\nwho was to have paid for our printing-house, according to\\nthe expectations given me, was able to advance only one\\nhundred pounds currency, which had been paid and a\\nhundred more was due to the merchant, who grew impa-\\ntient, and su d us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the\\nmoney could not be rais d in time, the suit must soon come\\nto a judgment and execution, and our hopeful prospects\\nmust, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must be\\nsold for payment, perhaps at half price.\\nIn this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have\\nnever forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I can remem-\\nber any thing, came to me separately, unknown to each\\nother, and, without any application from me, offering each\\nof them to advance me all the money that should be nec-\\nessary to enable me to take the whole business upon my-\\nself, if that should be practicable but they did not like\\nmy continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as\\nthey said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing\\nat low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These\\ntwo friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I\\ntold them I could not propose a separation while any\\nI got his son once ^^500.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "68 FRANKLIN\\nprospect rcmain d of the Merediths fulfilling^ their part\\nof our agreement, because I thought mjself imder great\\nobligations to them for what they had done, and would do\\nif they could but, if they finally fail d in their perform-\\nance, and our partnership must be dissolv d, I should then\\nthink myself at liberty to accept the assistance of my\\nfriends.\\nThus the matter rested for some time, when I said to\\nmy partner, Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the\\npart you have undertaken in this aflair of ours, and is un-\\nwilling to advance for you and me what he would for you\\nalone. If that is the case, tell me, and I will resign the\\nwhole to you, and go about my business. No, said he,\\nmy father has really been disappointed, and is really un-\\nable and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see\\nthis is a business I am nt t fit for. I w\\\\as bred a farmer,\\nand it was a folly in me to come to town, and put myself,\\nat thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade.\\nMany of our Welsh people are going to settle in North\\nCarolina, where land is cheap. I am inclin d to go with\\nthem, and follow my old employment. You may find\\nfriends to assist 3 ou. If you will take the debts of the\\ncompany upon you return to my father the hundred\\npound he has advanced; pay my little personal debts, and\\ngive me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinquish\\nthe partnership, and leave the whole in your hands. I\\nagreed to this proposal it was drawn up in writing,\\nsign d, and seal d immediately. I gave him what he de-\\nmanded, and he w^ent soon after to Carolina, from whence\\nhe sent me next year two long letters, containing the best\\naccount that had been given of that country, the climate,\\nthe soil, husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very\\njudicious. I printed them in the papers, and they gave\\ngreat satisfaction to the publick.\\nAs soon as he was gone, 1 recurr d to my two friends\\nand because I would not give an unkind preference to\\neither, I took half of what each had otiered and I wanted", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 69\\nof one, and half of the other paid off the company s\\ndebts, and went on with the business in my own name,\\nadvertising that the partnersfiij) was dissolved. I think\\nthis was in or about the year 1729.\\nAbout this time there was a cry among the people for\\nmore paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being\\nextant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. The\\nwealthy inhabitants oppos d any addition, being against\\nall paper currency, from an apprehension that it would\\ndepreciate, as it had done in New England, to the preju-\\ndice of all creditors. We had discuss d this point in our\\nJunto, where I was on the side of an addition, being per-\\nsuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done\\nmuch good by increasing the trade, employment and\\nnumber of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw\\nall the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building:\\nwhereas I remembered well, that when I first walk d about\\nthe streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of\\nthe houses in Walnut-street, between Second and Front\\nstreets, with bills on their doors, To be let and many\\nlikewise in Chestnut-street and other streets, which made\\nme then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting\\nit one after another.\\nOur debates possess d me so fully of the subject, that\\nI wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, enti-\\ntled The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency.\\nIt was well receiv d by the common people in general;\\nbut the rich men dislik d it, for it increas d and strcngth-\\nen d the clamor for more money, and they happening to\\nhave no writers among them that were able to answer it,\\ntheir opposition slacken d, and the point was carried by a\\nmajority in the House. My friends there, who conceiv d\\nI had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by\\nemploying me in printing the money a very profitable\\njobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage\\ngain d by my being able to write.\\nThe utility of this currency became by time and expe-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "70\\nFRANKLIN\\nrience so evident as never afterwards to be much disputed\\nso that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, and in\\n1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose dur-\\ning war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand\\npounds, trade, building, and inhabitants all the while\\nincreasing, tho I now think there are limits beyond\\nwhich the quantity may be hurtful.\\nI soon after obtain d, thro* my friend Hamilton, the\\nprinting of the Newcastle paper money, another profit-\\nable jobb as I then thought it; small things appearing\\ngreat to those in small circumstances and these, to me,\\nwere really great advantages, as they were great encour-\\nagements. He procured for me, also, the printing of the\\nlaws and votes of that government, which continu d in my\\nhands as long as I follow d the business.\\nI now open d a little stationer s shop. I had in it\\nblanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appear d\\namong us, being assisted in that by my friend Breintnal.\\nI had also paper, parchment, chapmen s books, etc. One\\nWhitemash, a compositor I had known in London, an ex-\\ncellent workman, now came to me, and work d with me\\nconstantly and diligently and I took an apprentice, the\\nson of Aquila Rose.\\nI began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under\\nfor the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and\\ncharacter as a tradesman, I took care not only to be in\\nrrrtZ/Aj industrious and frugal, but to avoid all appearances\\nto the contrary. I drest plainly I was seen at no places\\nof idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting;\\na book, indeed, sometimes debauch d me from my work,\\nbut that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to\\nshow that I was not above my business, I sometimes\\nbrought home the paper I purchas d at the stores thro\\nthe streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem d an\\nindustrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for\\nwhat I bought, the merchants who imported stationery\\nsolicited my custom others proposed supplying me with", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 7 1\\nbooks, and I went on swimmingly. In the mean time,\\nKeimcr s credit and business declining daily, he was at\\nlast forc d to sell his printing-house to satisfy his cred-\\nitors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years\\nin very poor circumstances.\\nHis apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed\\nwhile I work d with him, set up in his place at Philadel-\\nphia, having bought Iris materials. I was at first appre-\\nhensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends were\\nvery able, and had a good deal of interest. 1 therefore\\npropos d a partnership to him, which he, fortunately for\\nme, rejected with scorn. He was very proud, dress d like\\na gentleman, liv d expensively, took much diversion and\\npleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business;\\nupon which, all business left him and, finding nothing\\nto do, he follow d Kcimer to Barbadoes, taking the\\nprinting-house with him. There this apprentice em-\\nploy d his former master as a journeyman they quarrel d\\noften; Harry went continually behindhand, and at length\\nwas forc d to sell his types and return to his country\\nwork in Pensilvania. The person that bought them\\nemploy d Keimer to use them, but in a few years he\\ndied.\\nThere remained now no competitor with me at Phila-\\ndelphia but the old one, Bradford who was rich and\\neasy, did a little printing now and then by straggling\\nhands, but was not very anxious about the business.\\nHowever, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he\\nhad better opportunities of obtaining news his paper was\\nthought a better distributer of advertisements than mine,\\nand therefore had many more, which was a profitable\\nthing to him, and a disadvantage to me for, tho I did\\nindeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the pub-\\nlick opinion was otherwise, for what I did send was by\\nbribing the riders, who took them privately, Bradford be-\\ning unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion d some\\nresentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "72\\nFRANKLIN\\nfor it, that, when I afterward came into his situation, I\\ntook care never to imitate it.\\nI had hitherto continu d to board with Godfrey, who\\nlived in part of my house with his wife and children, and\\nhad one side of the shop for his glazier s business, tho he\\nworked little, being always absorbed in his mathematics.\\nMrs. Godfrey projected a match for me with a relation s\\ndaughter, took opportunities of bringing us often together,\\ntill a serious courtship on my part ensu d, the girl being\\nin herself very deserving. The old folks encourag d me\\nby continual invitations to supper, and by leaving us to-\\ngether, till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. God-\\nfrey manag d our little treaty. I let her know that I ex-\\npected as much money with their daughter as would pay\\noff my remaining debt for the printing-house, which I\\nbelieve was not then above a hundred pounds. She\\nbrought me word they had no such sum to spare I said\\nthey might mortgage their house in the loan-office. The\\nanswer to this, after some days, was, that they did not\\napprove the match that, on inquiry of Bradford, they\\nhad been inform d the printing business was not a profit-\\nable one the types would soon be worn out, and more\\nwanted that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one\\nafter the other, and I should probably soon follow them\\nand, therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daugh-\\nter shut up.\\nWhether this was a real change of sentiment or only\\nartifice, on a supposition of our being too far engaged in\\naffection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a\\nmarriage, which would leave them at liberty to give or\\nwithhold what they pleas d, I know not but I suspected\\nthe latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey\\nbrought me afterward some more favorable accounts of\\ntheir disposition, and would have drawn me on again\\nbut I declared absolutely my resolution to have nothing\\nmore to do with that family. This was resented by the\\nGodfreys we differ d, and they removed, leaving me", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n73\\nthe whole house, and I resolved to take no more in-\\nmates.\\nBut this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage,\\nI look d round me and made overtures of acquaintance\\nin other places but soon found that, the business of a\\nprinter being generally thought a poor one, I was not to\\nexpect money with a wife, unless with such a one as I\\nshould not otherwise think agreeable. In the mean time,\\nthat hard-to-be-governed passion of youth hurried me fre-\\nquently into intrigues with low women that fell in my\\nway, which were attended with some expense and great\\ninconvenience, besides a continual risque to my health by\\na distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great\\ngood luck I escaped it. A friendly correspondence as\\nneighbors and old acquaintances had continued between\\nme and Mrs. Read s family, who all had a regard for me\\nfrom the time of my first lodging in their house. I was\\noften invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein\\nI sometimes was of service. I piti d poor Miss Read s\\nunfortunate situation, who was generally dejected, sel-\\ndom cheerful, and avoided company. I considered my\\ngiddiness and inconstancy when in London as in a great\\ndegree the cause of her unhappiness, tho the mother was\\ngood enough to think the fault more her own than mine,\\nas she had prevented our marrying before I went thither,\\nand persuaded the other match in my absence. Our mu-\\ntual affection was revived, but there were now great ob-\\njections to our union. The match was indeed looked\\nupon as invalid, a preceding wife being said to be living\\nin England but this could not easily be prov d, because\\nof the distance and, tho there was a report of his death,\\nit was not certain. Then, tho it should be true, he had\\nleft many debts, which his successor might be call d upon\\nto pay. We ventured, however, over all these difficul-\\nties, and I took her to wife, September ist, 1730. None\\nof the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended\\nshe proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "74\\nFRANKLIN\\nmuch by attending the shop we throve together, and\\nhave ever mutually endeavor d to make each other happy.\\nThus I corrected that great erratum as well as I could.\\nAbout this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but\\nin a little room of Mr. Grace s, set apart for that purpose,\\na proposition was made by me, that, since our books were\\noften referr d to in our disquisitions upon the queries, it\\nmight be convenient to us to have them altogether where\\nwe met, that upon occasion they might be consulted\\nand by thus clubbing our books to a common library, we\\nshould, while we lik d to keep them together, have each\\nof us the advantage of using the books of all the other\\nmembers, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each\\nowned the whole. It was lik d and agreed to, and we\\niill d one end of the room with such books as we could\\nbest spare. The number was not so great as we expected\\nand tho they had been of great use, yet some inconven-\\niences occurring for want of due care of them, the collec-\\ntion, after about a year, was separated, and each took his\\nbooks home again.\\nAnd now I set on foot my first project of a public na-\\nture, that for a subscription library. I drew up the pro-\\nposals, got them put into form by our great scrivener,\\nBrockden, and, by the help of my friends in the Junto,\\nprocured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to begin\\nwith, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our\\ncompany was to continue. We afterwards obtain d a\\ncharter, the company being increased to one hundred\\nthis was the mother of all the North American subscrip-\\ntion libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great\\nthing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries\\nhave improved the general conversation of the Ameri-\\ncans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelli-\\ngent as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps\\nhave contributed in some degree to the stand so generally\\nmade throughout the colonies in defence of their privi-\\nleges.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 75\\nMem Thus far was written with the intention ex-\\npress d in the beginning and therefore contains several\\nlittle family anecdotes of no importance to others. What\\nfollows was written many years after in compliance with\\nthe advice contain d in these letters, and accordingly in-\\ntended for the public. The affairs of the Revolution occa-\\nsion d the interruption.\\nLetter from Mr. Abel James, with Notes of my Life\\n{received in Paris).\\nMy Dear and Honored Friend: I have often been\\ndesirous of writing to thee, but could not be reconciled to\\nthe thought, that the letter might fall into the hands of\\nthe British, lest some printer or busy-body should publish\\nsome part of the contents, and give our friend pain, and\\nmyself censure.\\nSome time since there fell into my hands, to my\\ngreat joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own hand-\\nwriting, containing an account of the parentage and life\\nof thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the year 1730,\\nwith which there were notes, likewise in thy writing a\\ncopy of which I inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if\\nthou continued it up to a later period, that the first and\\nlatter part may be put together and if it is not yet con-\\ntinued, I hope thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain,\\nas the preacher tells us; and what will the world say if\\nkind, humane, and benevolent Ben. Franklin should leave\\nhis friends and the world deprived of so pleasing and\\nprofitable a work a work which would be useful and\\nentertaining not only to a few, but to millions? The in-\\nfluence writings under that class have on the minds of\\nyouth is very great, and has nowhere appeared to me so\\nplain, as in our public friend s journals. It almost insen-\\nsibly leads the youth into the resolution of endeavoring\\nto become as good and eminent as the journalist. Should\\nthine, for instance, when published (and I think it could\\nnot fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry and", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "76 FRANKLIN\\ntemperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that\\nclass would such a work be I know of no character\\nliving-, nor many of them put together, who has so much\\nin his power as thyself to promote a greater spirit of in-\\ndustry and early attention to business, frugality, and tem-\\nperance with the American youth. Not that I think the\\nwork would have no other merit and use in the world,\\nfar from it but the first is of such vast importance that I\\nknow nothing that can equal it.\\nThe foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying\\nit being shown to a friend, I received from him the fol-\\nlowing:\\nLetter from Mr. Benjamm Vaughan.\\nParis, /anuary 2^, 1783.\\nMy Dearest Sir When I had read over your\\nsheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your life,\\nrecovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told\\nyou I would send you a letter expressing my reasons\\nwhy I thought it would be useful to complete and pub-\\nlish it as he desired. Various concerns have for some\\ntime past prevented this letter being written, and I do\\nnot know whether it was worth any expectation hap-\\npening to be at leisure, however, at present, I shall by\\nwriting, at least, interest and instruct myself; but as the\\nterms I am inclined to use may tend to offend a person of\\nyour manners, I shall only tell you how I would address\\nany other person, who was as good and as great as your-\\nself, but less diffident. I would say to him. Sir, I solicit\\nthe history of your life from the following motives: Your\\nhistory is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, some-\\nbody else will certainly give it and perhaps so as nearly\\nto do as much harm, as your own management of the\\nthing might do good. It will moreover present a table\\nof the internal circumstances of your country, which will\\nvery much tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n77\\nmanly minds. And considering the eagerness with which\\nsuch information is sought by them, and the extent of your\\nreputation, I do not know of a more efficacious advertise-\\nment than your biography would give. All that has hap-\\npened to you is also connected with the detail of the man-\\nners and situation of a rising people and in this respect\\nI do not think that the writings of Caesar and Tacitus can\\nbe more interesting to a true judge of human nature and\\nsociety. But these, sir, are small reasons, in my opinion,\\ncompared with the chance which your life will give for\\nthe forming of future great men; and in conjunction with\\nyour Art of Virtue (which you design to publish) of im-\\nproving the features of private character, and conse-\\nquently of aiding all happiness, both public and domestic.\\nThe two works I allude to, sir, will in particular give a\\nnoble rule and example of self-education. School and\\nother education constantly proceed upon false principles,\\nand show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a false mark;\\nbut your apparatus is simple, and the mark a true one;\\nand while parents and young persons are left destitute of\\nother just means of estimating and becoming prepared\\nfor a reasonable course in life, your discovery that the\\nthing is in many a man s private power, will be invaluable\\nInfluence upon the private character, late in life, is not\\nonly an influence late in life, but a weak influence. It is\\nin youth that we plant our chief habits and prejudices it\\nis in youth that we take our party as to profession, pur-\\nsuits and matrimony. In youth, therefore, the turn is\\ngiven in youth the education even of the next genera-\\ntion is given in youth the private and public character\\nis determined and the term of life extending but from\\nyouth to age, life ought to begin well from youth, and\\nmore especially before we take our party as to our prin-\\ncipal objects. But your biography will not merel} teach\\nself-education, but the education of a wise man and the\\nwisest man will receive lights and improve his progress,\\nby seeing detailed the conduct of another wise man.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "78 FRANKLIN\\nAnd why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps,\\nwhen we see our race has been blundering on in the\\ndark, almost without a guide in this particular, from the\\nfarthest trace of time Show then, sir, how much is\\nto be done, both to sons and fathers; and invite all\\nwise men to become like yourself, and other men to\\nbecome wise. When we see how cruel statesmen and\\nwarriors can be to the human race, and how absurd dis-\\ntinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be\\ninstructive to observe the instances multiply of pacific,\\nacquiescing manners and to find how compatible it is\\nto be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-hu-\\nmored.\\nThe little private incidents which you will also have\\nto relate will have considerable use, as we want, above all\\nthings, rules of prudence in ordinary affairs and it will\\nbe curious to see how you have acted in these. It will\\nbe so far a sort of key to life, and explain many things\\nthat all men ought to have once explained to them, to\\ngive them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. The\\nnearest thing to having experience of one s own is to have\\nother people s affairs brought before us in a shape that is\\ninteresting this is sure to happen from your pen our\\naffairs and management will have an air of simplicity or\\nimportance that will not fail to strike and I am con-\\nvinced you have conducted them with as much origi-\\nnality as if you had been conducting discussions in politics\\nor philosophv; and what more worthy of experiments\\nand system (its importance and its errors considered) than\\nhuman life?\\nSome men have been virtuous blindly, others have\\nspeculated fantastically, and others have been shrewd to\\nbad purposes but you, sir, I am sure, will give under\\nyour hand nothing but what is at the same moment wise,\\npractical and good. Your account of yourself (for I sup-\\npose the parallel I am drawing for Dr. Franklin will hold\\nnot only in point of character, but of private history) will", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n79\\nshow that you arc ashamed of no ori;,nn a thing the more\\nimportant, as you pnjve how little necessary all orig-in is\\nto happiness, virtue, or greatness. As uo end likewise\\nhappens without a means, so we shall find, sir, that even\\nyou yourself framed a plan by which you became consid-\\nerable but at the same time we may see that though the\\nevent is flattering, the means arc as simple as wisdom\\ncould make them that is, depending up(jn nature, virtue,\\nthought, and habit. Another tiling demonstrated will be\\nthe propriety of every man s waiting for his time for\\nappearing up(m the stage of the world. i)ur sensations\\nbeing very much fixed to the moment, wc are apt to for-\\nget that more moments are to follow the first, and conse-\\nquently that man should arrange his conduct so as to suit\\nthe whole of a life. Your attribution appears to have\\nbeen applied to your life, and the passing moments of it\\nhave been enlivened with content and enjoyment, instead\\nof being tormented with foolish impatience or regrets.\\nSuch a conduct is easy for those who make virtue and\\nthemselves in countenance by examples of other truly\\ngreat men, of whom patience is so often the characteristic.\\nYour Quaker correspondent, sir (for here again I will sup-\\npose the subject of my letter resembling Dr. Franklin),\\npraised your frugality, diligence and temperance, which\\nhe considered as a pattern for all youth but it is singular\\nthat he should have forgotten your modesty and your\\ndisinterestedness, without which you never could have\\nwaited for your advancement, or found your situation in\\nthe mean time comfortable which is a strong lesson to\\nshow the poverty of glory and the importance of regulat-\\ning our minds. If this correspondent had known the na-\\nture of your reputation as well as I do, he would have\\nsaid, Your former writings and measures would secure\\nattention to your Biography, and Art of Virtue; and\\nyour Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would\\nsecure attention to them. This is an advantage attendant\\nupon a various character, and which brings all that be-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "8o FRANKLIN\\nlongs to it into greater play and it is the more useful, as\\nperhaps more persons are at a loss for the means of im-\\nproving their minds and characters, than they are for the\\ntime or the inclination to do it. But there is one conclud-\\ning reflection, sir, that will shew the use of your life as a\\nmere piece of biography. This style of writing seems a\\nlittle gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one\\nand your specimen of it may be particularly serviceable,\\nas it will make a subject of comparison with the lives of\\nvarious public cut-throats and intriguers, and with absurd\\nmonastic self-tormenters or vain literary triflers. If it en-\\ncourages more writings of the same kind with your own,\\nand induces more men to spend lives fit to be written, it\\nwill be worth all Plutarch s Lives put together. But\\nbeing tired of figuring to myself a character of which\\nevery feature suits only one man in the world, without\\ngiving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear\\nDr. Franklin, with a personal application to your proper\\nself. I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you\\nshould let the world into the traits of your genuine char-\\nacter, as civil broils may otherwise tend to disguise or\\ntraduce it. Considering your great age, the caution of\\nyour character, and your peculiar style of thinking, it is\\nnot likely that any one besides yourself can be sufficiently\\nmaster of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your\\nmind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of the\\npresent period, will necessarily turn our attention towards\\nthe author of it, and when virtuous principles have been\\npretended in it, it will be highly important to shew that\\nsuch have really influenced and, as your own character\\nwill be the principal one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper\\n(even for its effects upon your vast and rising country, as\\nwell as upon England and upon Europe) that it should\\nstand respectable and eternal. For the furtherance of\\nhuman happiness, I have always maintained that it is\\nnecessary to prove that man is not even at present a\\nvicious and detestable animal and still more to prove", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 8l\\nthat good management may greatly amend him and it is\\nfor much the same reason, that I am anxious to see the\\nopinion established, that there are fair characters existing\\namong the individuals of the race for the moment that\\nall men, without exception, shall be conceived abandoned,\\ngood people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and\\nperhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of\\nlife, or at least of making it comfortable principally for\\nthemselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most\\nspeedily into hand shew yourself good as you are good\\ntemperate as you are temperate and above all things\\nprove yourself as one, who from your infancy have loved\\njustice, liberty and concord, in a way that has made it\\nnatural and consistent for you to have acted, as we have\\nseen you act in the last seventeen years of your life. Let\\nEnglishmen be made not only to respect, but even to love\\nyou. When they think well of individuals in your native\\ncountry, they will go nearer to thinking well of your\\ncountry and when your countrymen see themselves well\\nthought of by Englishmen, they will go nearer to think-\\ning well of England. Extend your views even further\\ndo not stop at those who speak the English tongue, but\\nafter having settled so many points in nature and politics,\\nthink of bettering the whole race of men. As I have not\\nread any part of the life in question, but know only the\\ncharacter that lived it, I write somewhat at hazard. I am\\nsure, however, that the life and the treatise I allude to (on\\nthe Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil the chief of my\\nexpectations and still more so if you take up the measure\\nof suiting these performances to the several views above\\nstated. Should they even prove unsuccessful in all that a\\nsanguine admirer of yours hopes from them, you will at\\nleast have framed pieces to interest the human mind and\\nwhoever gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to\\nman, has added so much to the fair side of a life other-\\nwise too much darkened by anxiety and too much injured\\nby pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will listen to\\n6", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "82 KKANKI.IN\\ntlu prayer :i(l(lr( ss( (l lo you in Ihis Icltci I hc}^ to siih-\\nS( rilx* HM scll, luy dcaicsl sir, cic, etc.,\\nSi ;iu-(1, Wv.u]. Vauciian.\\nC f//i//u,ifi( n of thf Aiioittit \u00c2\u00bbtr l.i/i txun at Passyy\\ntuiir rans, I /St.\\nis some lime since I iceeiy d (lie above letleis, hul T\\nliaye heeii too l)usy till now lo lliink ol eoinplyiiij;- witli llio\\nre\u00c2\u00abliiest I hey contain. It nui; ht, too, be mnch better (Xowc:\\nii 1 wi ic at home amonj;- my papers, wliiih wonUl aid\\nluy nKMnoiy,anti lielp lo ascertain dales bnt my retnm\\nbeinj^ uncertain, and bavins; just now a Hi tie leisure,\\n1 will endeavor to recollect and write ^vhat I can; il\\nI live to j;( t home, it may there be corrected and im-\\nprovM.\\nNot havin\u00c2\u00ab;- anv copv here of what is already written,\\n1 know not whether an account is {;iven ol the means I\\nused lo establish the rhiladelj^hia public library, which,\\nIrom a small benimiinj;*. is now l^-ctMue so considerable,\\nthouj;h 1 leiuember lo have ct)me down to near the time\\not tliat transaiMion (i7. oV I will therefore bei^^in here\\nwith an aciiumt i l it. which may be struik out it fouuil\\nto have been abe.idy i;iven.\\nAt tiu linn* 1 establishM myselt in remisvlvania, there\\nwas not a mnxl booksellei s slu)p in anv ot the colonies to\\nthe soiithward ol 1 osIimi. In New York and Thilad a the\\nprinters wt*re indeed stationers; they sold only paper,\\netc.. .ilm.\\\\n.us. ballads, and a lew common school-books.\\nThose who lov d readiui; were olili\u00c2\u00abi d to send for their\\nbt)oks Irom luii;lanil llie membiMS ol the Junti) hail each\\na lew. W c had icMt (he alehmise. where we liist mtM. ami\\nhiic d a room ti hoKl our club in. 1 proposed that wc\\nshould all ol us btini;- our boi^ks to that rooni. where they\\nwould ni l only be icadv lo consult in oui I lMiierences,\\nbut beconu a comuu n benctit. e.u h ol us bein^- at liberty", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 83\\nto borrow such as he wish d to read at home. This was\\naccordiiij^Iy done, and for some time contented us.\\nFinding^ the advantaj^e of this little collecti(jn, I pro-\\npos d to render the benefit from books more common,\\nby commencinjj^ a public subscription library. I drew a\\nsketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and\\ngot a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden, to put\\nthe whole in form of articles of agreement to be sub-\\nscribed, by which each subscriber engag d to pay a cer-\\ntain sum flown for the first purchase of books, and an an-\\nnual contribution for increasing them. So few were the\\nreaders at that time in I hiladelphia, and the majority of\\nus so poor, that 1 was not able, with great industry, to\\nfind more than hlty persons, mostly young tradesmen,\\nwilling to pay down for this purpose forty shillings each,\\nand ten shillings per rumum. On this little fund we be-\\ngan. The books were; imported the library was opened\\none day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on\\ntheir promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly\\nreturned. The institution soon manifested its utility, was\\nimitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The\\nlibraries were augmented by donations reading became\\nfashionable and our peo|)le, having no publick amuse-\\nments to divert their attention from study, became better\\nacquainted with books, and in a few years were observ d\\nby strangers to be better instructed and more intelligent\\nthan people of the same rank generally are in other\\ncountries.\\nWhen we were about to sign the above-mentioned\\narticles, which were to be binding on us, our heirs, etc.,\\nfor fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said to us,\\nYou are young men, but it is scarcely probable that\\nany of you will live to see the expiration of the term fix d\\nin the instrument. A number of us, however, are yet\\nliving but the instrument vv^as after a few years rendered\\nnull by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity\\nto the company.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "84 FRANKLIN\\nThe objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting\\nthe subscriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of\\npresenting one s self as the proposer of any useful project,\\nthat might be suppos d to raise one s reputation in the\\nsmallest degree above that of one s neighbors, when one\\nhas need of their assistance to accomplish that project. I\\ntherefore put myself as much as I could out of sight, and\\nstated it as a scheme of a number of frie^ids, who had re-\\nquested me to go about and propose it to such as they\\nthought lovers of reading. In this way my affair went\\non more smoothly, and I ever after practis d it on such\\noccasions and, from my frequent successes, can heartily\\nrecommend it. The present little sacrifice of your vanity\\nwill afterwards be amply repaid. If it remains a while un-\\ncertain to whom the merit belongs, some one more vain\\nthan yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and then even\\nenvy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those\\nassumed feathers, and restoring them to their right\\nowner.\\nThis library afforded me the means of improvement\\nby constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two\\neach day, and thus repair d in some degree the loss of\\nthe learned education my father once intended for me.\\nReading was the only amusement I allow d myself. I\\nspent no time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind\\nand my industry in my business continu d as indefatigable\\nas it was necessary. I was indebted for my printing-\\nhouse I had a young family coming on ^o be educated,\\nand I had to contend with for business two printers, who\\nwere established in the place before me. My circum-\\nstances, however, grew daily easier. My original habits\\nof frugality continuing, and my father having, among his\\ninstructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a\\nproverb of Solomon, Seest thou a man diligent in his call-\\ning, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before\\nmean men, I from thence considered industry as a means\\nof obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag d me,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 85\\ntho I did not think that I should ever literally stand before\\nkings, which, however, has since happened for I have\\nstood before ^t/^, and even had the honor of sitting down\\nwith one, the King of Denmark, to dinner.\\nWe have an English proverb that says, He that would\\nthrive, must ask his wifeT It was lucky for me that I had\\none as much dispos d to industry and frugality as myself.\\nShe assisted me cheerfully in my business, folding and\\nstitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen\\nrags for the paper-makers, etc., etc. We kept no idle\\nservants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture of\\nthe cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time\\nbread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny\\nearthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how\\nluxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite\\nof principle being call d one morning to breakfast, I\\nfound it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver They\\nhad been bought for me without my knowledge by my\\nwife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and-\\ntwenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or\\napology to make, but that she thought her husband de-\\nserv d a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of his\\nneighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and\\nChina in our house, which afterward, in a course of years,\\nas our wealth increas d, augmented gradually to several\\nhundred pounds in value.\\nI had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian\\nand tho some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as\\nthe eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared\\nto me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented\\nmyself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday be-\\ning my studying day, I never was without some religious\\nprinciples. I never doubted, for instance, the existence\\nof the Deity that he made the world, and govern d it by\\nhis Providence that the most acceptable service of God\\nwas the doing good to man that our souls are immortal\\nand that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "86 FRANKLIN\\neither here or hereafter. These I esteem d the essentials\\nof every religion and, being to be found in all religions\\nwe had in our country, I respected them all, tho with\\ndifferent degrees of respect, as I found them more or less\\nmix d with other articles, which, without any tendency to\\ninspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv d principally\\nto divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another. This\\nrespect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some\\ngood effects, induc d me to avoid all discourse that might\\ntend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his\\nown religion and as our province increas d in people,\\nand new places of worship were continually wanted, and\\ngenerally erected by voluntary contribution, my mite for\\nsuch purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never\\nrefused.\\nTho I seldom attended any public worship, I had still\\nan opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly\\nconducted, and I regularly paid my annual subscription\\nfor the support of the only Presbyterian minister or meet-\\ning we had in Philadelphia. He us d to visit me some-\\ntimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his adminis-\\ntrations, and I was now and then prevail d on to do so,\\nonce for five Sundays successively. Had he been in my\\nopinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued,\\nnotwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday s lei-\\nsure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly\\neither polemic arguments, or explications of the peculiar\\ndoctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, unin-\\nteresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral princi-\\nple was inculcated or enforc d, their aim seeming to be\\nrather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens.\\nAt length he took for his text that verse of the fourth\\nchapter of Philippians, Finally, brethren, whatsoever things\\nare true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there\\nbe any virtue, or any praise, think on these things And I\\nimagin d, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of\\nhaving some morality. But he confin d himself to five", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 8/\\npoints only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: i. Keeping\\nholy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the\\nholy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship.\\n4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect\\nto God s ministers. These might be all good things but,\\nas they were not the kind of good things that I expected\\nfrom that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them\\nfrom any other, was disgusted, and attended his preach-\\ning no more. I had some years before compos d a little\\nLiturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz.,\\nin 1728), entitled Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I\\nreturn d to the use of this, and went no more to the pub-\\nHck assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but I\\nleave it, without attempting further to excuse it my\\npresent purpose being to relate facts, and not to make\\napologies for them.\\nIt was about this time I conceiv d the bold and ardu-\\nous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wish d to\\nlive without committing any fault at any time I would\\nconquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or\\ncompany might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I\\nknew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why 1\\nmight not always do the one and avoid the other. But I\\nsoon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty\\nthan I had imagined. While my care was employ d in\\nguarding against one fault, I was often surprised by an-\\nother habit took the advantage of inattention inclina-\\ntion was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded,\\nat length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was\\nour interest to be completely virtuous was not sufficient\\nto prevent our slipping and that the contrary habits\\nmust be broken, and good ones acquired and established,\\nbefore we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform\\nrectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore con-\\ntrived the following method.\\nIn the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had\\nmet with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "88 FRANKLIN\\nless numerous, as different writers included more or fewer\\nideas under the same name. Temperance, for example,\\nwas by some confined to eating and drinking, while by\\nothers it was extended to mean the moderating every\\nother pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or\\nmental, even to our avarice and ambition. I propos d to\\nmyself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names,\\nwith fewer ideas annex d to each, than a few names with\\nmore ideas and I included under thirteen names of vir-\\ntues all that at that time occurr d to me as necessary or\\ndesirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully\\nexpress d the extent I gave to its meaning.\\nThese names of virtues, with their precepts, were\\nI. Temperance.\\nEat not to dullness drink not to elevation.\\n2. Silence.\\nSpeak not but what may benefit others or yourself\\navoid trifling conversation,\\n3. Order.\\nLet all your things have their places let each part of\\nyour business have its time.\\n4. Resolution.\\nResolve to perform what you ought perform without\\nfail what you resolve.\\n5. Frugality.\\nMake no expense but to do good to others or your-\\nself i. e., waste nothing.\\n6. Industry.\\nLose no time be always employ d in something use-\\nful cut off all unnecessary actions.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "autobiography 89\\n7. Sincerity.\\nUse no hurtful deceit think innocently and justly\\nand, if you speak, speak accordingly.\\n8. Justice.\\nWrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the bene-\\nfits that are your duty.\\n9. Moderation.\\nAvoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much\\nas you think they deserve.\\n10. Cleanliness.\\nTolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habita-\\ntion.\\nII. Tranquillity.\\nBe not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common\\nor unavoidable.\\n12. Chastity.\\nRarely use venery but for health or offspring, never\\nto dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or an-\\nother s peace or reputation.\\n13. Humility.\\nImitate Jesus and Socrates.\\nMy intention being to acquire the habitude of all these\\nvirtues, I judg d it would be well not to distract my at-\\ntention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on\\none of them at a time and, when I should be master of\\nthat, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should\\nhave gone thro the thirteen and, as the previous acqui-\\nsition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain\\nothers, I arrang d them with that view, as they stand above.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "90\\nFRANKLIN\\nTemperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and\\nclearness of head, which is so necessary where constant\\nvigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against\\nthe unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force\\nof perpetual temptations. This being acquir d and estab-\\nlish d, Silence would be more easy and my desire being\\nto gain knowledge at the same time that I improv d in\\nvirtue, and considering that in conversation it was ob-\\ntain d rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue,\\nand therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into\\nof prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me\\nacceptable to trifling company, I gave Silence the second\\nplace. This and the next, Order, I expected would allow\\nme more time for attending to my project and my studies.\\nResolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in\\nmy endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues Frii-\\ngality and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt,\\nand producing affluence and independence, would make\\nmore easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc.\\nConceiving then that, agreeably to the advice of Pythag-\\noras in his Golden Verses, daily examination would be\\nnecessary, I contrived the following method for conduct-\\ning that examination.\\nI made a little book, in which I allotted a page for\\neach of the virtues. I rul d each page with red ink, so\\nas to have seven columns, one for each day of the week,\\nmarking each column with a letter for the day. I cross d\\nthese columns with thirteen red lines, marking the begin-\\nning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues,\\non which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by\\na little black spot, every fault I found upon examination\\nto have been committed respecting that virtue upon that\\nday.\\nI determined to give a week s strict attention to each\\nof the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, my\\ngreat guard was to avoid every the least offence against\\nTemperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\nForm of the pages.\\n91\\nTEMPERANCE.\\nEAT NOT TO DULLNESS\\nDRINK NOT TO ELEVATION.\\nS.\\nM.\\nT.\\nW.\\nT.\\nF.\\nS.\\nT.\\nS.\\n0.\\nR.\\nF.\\nI.\\nS.\\nJ.\\nM.\\nC.\\nT.\\nC.\\nH.\\nchance, only marking every evening the faults of the day.\\nThus, if in the first week I could keep my first line,\\nmarked T, clear of spots, I suppos d the habit of that\\nvirtue so much strengthen d, and its opposite weaken d,\\nthat I might venture extending my attention to include\\nthe next, and for the following week keep both lines clear\\nof spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro a\\ncourse compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a\\nyear. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does\\nnot attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which\\nwould exceed his reach and his strength, but works on\\none of the beds at a time, and, having accomplish d the\\nfirst, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the\\nencouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress\\n1 made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "9-^\\nFRANKLIN\\ntheir spots, till in the end. bv a nnniber of courses. I\\nshould he happy in viewing- a clean book, after a thirteen\\nweeks dailv examination.\\nThis my little book had for its motto these lines from\\nAddison s Cato\\nHero will I hold. If there s a power above us\\n(^Aiul that there is. ;U1 nature cries aloud\\nThro all her works). He nuist delight in virtue;\\nAnd that which he deliglits in must be happy.\\nAnother from Cicero:\\nO vitx rhilosophia dux O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque ntio-\\nr\\\\ini I Unus dies, bene et ex pneceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortaluali\\nest antcponendus.\\nAnother from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking- of\\n^visdom or virtue\\nLength of days is in her right hand., and in her left hand riches and\\nhonour. Her ways .u-e ways of pleasantness, and .Ul her paths are\\npeace. iii. 16, i~.\\nAnd conceiving- God to be the fountain of wisdom. I\\nthought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for\\nobtaining it; to this end 1 formed the following- little\\nprayer, which was pretix d to mv tables of examination,\\nlor daily use.\\nO ponvrfml Goodness boHnti/Hl Fatkfr mtrctful Gm d* In-\\ncrfasf h m* tkat wisdom ti kick d/scotsrrs my tru^s/ ift/tr^sf.\\nStrrni^tif-H my r^solM/t\\\\ ns to perform wkat tkat wisi/om //.-/\u00c2\u00bbj*Vj.\\nAiV^/ my JtinJ oj^^vs to thy ct^fr chilJr^H as the ottfy return in my\\nf\\\\*s er for thy contsHUiil J\\\\it\\\\*s4rs to me.\\n1 used also sometimes a little prayer which I took\\nfrom Thomson s rooms. viz.:\\nFather of light and life, thou Gt.Hxl Supreme\\nO leach n\\\\e what is g\\\\xxi teach me Thyself!\\nSa\\\\*e me from folly, \\\\~\\\\nity. and nce.\\nFn,in\\\\ every low pursuit aiid fill my soul\\nWith knowUxlgv. cv^nscious peace, and virtue pure;\\nS^icred, subsi.mii;U. never-fading bliss!", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n93\\nThe precept of Order reqiiiring that every fart of v/y\\nbusiness should Jiavc its allotted ti\u00c2\u00bbie, one pnge in my little\\nbook contain d tiie folUnving sciiemc of employ nicnt for\\nthe twenty-four hours of a natural day.\\nThk Morning.\\nQuest I Oft. What good shall\\n1 do this day\\n8\\n9\\nlo\\nII\\nRise, wash and addirss Pmv-\\ncrfitl Cnhhiuess Contrive day s\\nbusiness, and take the resolution\\nof the day prosecute the present\\nstudy, and breakfast.\\nWork.\\nNoon.\\n12 I Read, or overlook my ac-\\nI counts, and dine.\\nEvening.\\nQuestion. What good have\\nI done to-day\\nNight.\\nWork.\\nPut things in their places.\\nSupper. Music or diversion, or\\nconversation. Examination of\\nthe day.\\nSleep.\\nI enter d upon the execution of this plan for self-\\nexamination, and continu d it with occasional intermis-\\nsions for some time. I was surpris d to find myself so\\nmuch fuller of faults than I had imagined but I had\\nthe satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the\\ntrouble of renewing now and then my little book, which,\\nby scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to\\nmake room for new ones in a new course, became full of", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "g^ FRANKLIN\\nholes, I tmnsferr d my tables and precepts to the ivory\\nleaves of a memorandum book, in which the lines were\\ndrawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on\\nthose lines I mark d my faults with a black-lead pencil,\\nwhich marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge.\\nAfter a while I went thro one course only in a year, and\\nafterward only one in several years, till at length I\\nomitted them entirely, being employ d in voyages and\\nbusiness abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that inter-\\nfered but I always carried my little book with me.\\nMy scheme of Order gave me the most trouble and\\nI found that, tho it might be practicable where a man s\\nbusiness was such as to leave him the disposition of his\\ntime, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was\\nnot possible to be exactly observed by a master, who\\nmust mix with the world, and often receive people of\\nbusiness at their own hours. On/t-r, too, with regard to\\nplaces for things, papers, etc., I found extreamely difficult\\nto acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and,\\nhaving an exceeding good mcmorv, I was not so sensible\\nof the inconvenience attending want of method. This\\narticle, therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and\\nmy faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little\\nprogress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses,\\nthat I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and con-\\ntent myself with a faulty character in that respect, like\\nthe man who, in buving an ax of a smith, mv neighbour,\\ndesired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the\\nedge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him\\nif he would turn the wheel; he turn d. while the\\nsmith press d the broad face of the ax hard and heavily\\non the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing.\\nThe man came every now and then from the wheel to see\\nhow the work went on, and at length would take his ax\\nas it was, without farther grinding, No, said the smith,\\nturn on, turn on we shall have it bright by-and-by as\\nyet, it is only speckled. Yes, says the man, hit I", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n95\\nthink I like a speckled ax best. And I believe this may\\nhave been the case with many, who, having, for want of\\nsome such means as I employ d, found the difficulty of\\nobtaining- good and breaking bad habits in other points\\nof vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and con-\\ncluded that speckled ax was best for something, that\\npretended to be reason, was every now and then suggest-\\ning to me that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself\\nmight be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were\\nknown, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect char-\\nacter might be attended with the inconvenience of being\\nenvied and hated and that a benevolent man should\\nallow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in coun-\\ntenance.\\nIn truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to\\nOrder; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I\\nfeel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, tho\\nI never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious\\nof obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the en-\\ndeavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise\\nshould have been if I had not attempted it as those who\\naim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies,\\ntho they never reach the wish d-for excellence of those\\ncopies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tol-\\nerable while it continues fair and legible.\\nIt may be well my posterity should be informed that\\nto this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ances-\\ntor ow d the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th\\nyear, in which this is written. What reverses may attend\\nthe remainder is in the hand of Providence but, if they\\narrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy d ought to\\nhelp his bearing them with more resignation. To Tem-\\nperance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what\\nis still left to him of a good constitution to Industry and\\nFrugality, the early easiness of his circumstances and ac-\\nquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge that en-\\nabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "C)6 FRANKLIN\\nsome degree of reputation among: the learned to Sin-\\ncerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and the\\nhonorable employs it conferred upon him and to the joint\\ninfluence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the im-\\nperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness\\nof temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, ^vhich\\nmakes his company still sought for, and agreeable even to\\nhis yoimger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that some\\nof my descendants may follow the example and reap the\\nbenefit.\\nIt will be remark d that, tho my scheme \\\\vas not\\nwholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of\\nthe distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had\\npurposely avoided them for, being fully persuaded of\\nthe utility and excellency of m) method, and that it might\\nbe serviceable to people in all religions, and intending\\nsome time or other to publish it, I would not have any\\nthing in it that should prejudice any one, of any sect,\\nagainst it. I purposed writing a little comment on each\\nvirtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of\\npossessing it. and the mischiefs attending its opposite\\nvice and 1 should have called my book The Art of Vir-\\ntue, because it would have shown the means and man-\\nner of obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished\\nit from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not in-\\nstruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle s\\nman of verbal charity, who only without showing to the\\nnaked and hungry how or where they might get clothes\\nor victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed. James\\nii, 15, 16.\\nBut it so happened that my intention of writing and\\npublishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did, in-\\ndeed, from time to time, put down short hints of the sen-\\ntiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of\\nwhich I have still by me but the necessary close atten-\\ntion to private business in the earlier part of my life, and\\nNothing so likely to make a man s fortune as virtue.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 07\\npublic business since, have occasioned my postponing it\\nlor, it being connected in my mind with a great and exten-\\nsive projai, that required the whole man to execute, and\\nwhich an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my\\nattending to, it has hitherto rcmain d unfinish d.\\nIn this piece it was my design to explain and enforce\\nthis doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because\\nthey are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurt-\\nful, the nature of man alone considered that it was, there-\\nfore, every one s interest to be virtuous who wish d to be\\nhappy even in this world and I should, from this circum-\\nstance (there being always in the world a number of rich\\nmerchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of\\nhonest instruments for the management of their affairs,\\nand such being so rare), have endeavored to convince\\nyoung persons that no qualities were so likely to make a\\npoor man s fortune as those of probity and integrity.\\nMy list of virtues contain d at first but twelve but a\\nQuaker friend having kindly informed me that I was\\ngenerally thought proud that my pride show d itself\\nfrequently in conversation that I was not content with\\nbeing in the right when discussing any point, but was\\noverbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinc d\\nme by mentioning several instances I determined endeav-\\nouring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly\\namong the rest, and I added Humility to my list, giving\\nan extensive meaning to the word.\\nI cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality\\nof this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the\\nappearance of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct\\ncontradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive\\nassertion of my own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to\\nthe old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or ex-\\npression in the language that imported a fix d opinion,\\nsuch as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I adopted instead\\nof them, I conceive, I appreliend, or I imagine a thing to be\\nso or so or it so appears to me at present. When another\\n7", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "98\\nFRANKLIN\\nasserted somcthinj^ that I thought an error, T denv d mv-\\nself the pleasure of coutradieting him abruptly, and of\\nshowing iintnediatelv some absuiclitv in his proposition;\\nand in answeiiiig I began bv observing that in certain\\ncases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in\\nthe present case thcvc i2/ j\\\\tir if or serffi to me some dif-\\nference, etc. I soon found the advantage of this change\\nin mv manner; the conversations I cngag d in went on\\nmore pleasantly. The modest way in which 1 propos d\\nnn opinions procur d them a readier reception and less\\ncontradiction: I had less mortification when I was found\\nto be in the wrong, and 1 more easily prcvail d with\\nothers to give up their mistakes and join with me when I\\nhappened to be in the right.\\nAnd this mode, which 1 at first put on with some vio-\\nlence to natural inclination, became at length so easy, and\\nso habitual to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past\\nno one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me.\\nAnd to this habit (after my character of integrity) 1 think\\nit principally owing that I had early so much weight with\\nmv fellow-citizens when 1 proposed new institutions, or\\nalterations in the old, and so much influence in public\\ncouncils when 1 became a member; for I was but a bad\\nspeaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in my\\nchoice of words, hardlv correct in language, and yet I\\ngenerally carried my points.\\nIn reality, there is. periuips. no one of our natural pas-\\nsions so hard to subdue as priJr. Disguise it. struggle with\\nit. beat it down, stifle it. mortifv it as much as one pleases,\\nit is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and\\nshow itself you will see it, perhaps, often in this history\\nfor. even if 1 could conceive that I had compleatlv over-\\ncome it. 1 should probably be proud of my humility.\\nThus far written at Passv. 17S4.]\\nHaving mentioned a i^rat and cwtc-nshc f ny crt which T\\nhad conceiv d, it seems proper that some account should", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n99\\nbe here given of that project and its object. Its first rise\\nin my mind appears in the following little paper, acci-\\ndentally preserv d, viz.\\nObservations on my reading history, in Library, May\\n19th, 1731.\\nThat the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolu-\\ntions, etc., are carried on and effected by parties.\\nThat the view of these parties is their present gen-\\neral interest, or what they take to be such.\\nThat the different views of these different parties\\noccasion all confusion.\\nThat while a party is carrying on a general design,\\neach man has his particular private interest in view.\\nThat as soon as a party has gain d its general point,\\neach member becomes intent upon his particular interest\\nwhich, thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions,\\nand occasions more confusion.\\nThat few in public affairs act from a meer view of\\nthe good of their country, whatever they may pretend\\nand, tho their actings bring real good to their country,\\nyet men primarily considered that their own and their\\ncountry s interest was united, and did not act from a prin-\\nciple of benevolence.\\nThat fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to\\nthe good of mankind.\\nThere seems to me at present to be great occasion\\nfor raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the vir-\\ntuous and good men of all nations into a regular body, to\\nbe govern d by suitable good and wise rules, which good\\nand wise men may probably be more unanimous in their\\nobedience to, than common people are to common laws.\\nI at present think that whoever attempts this aright,\\nand is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of\\nmeeting with success. B. F.\\nRevolving this project in my mind, as to be under-\\ntaken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford\\nme the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time,", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "lOO FRANKLIN\\non pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr d to me re-\\nspecting it. Most of these are lost but I find one pur-\\nporting to be the substance of an intended creed, contain-\\ning, as I thought, the essentials of every known religion,\\nand being free of every thing that might shock the pro-\\nfessors of any religion. It is express d in these words,\\nviz.\\nThat there is one God, who made all things.\\nThat he governs the world by his providence.\\nThat he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer,\\nand thanksgiving.\\nBut that the most acceptable service of God is doing\\ngood to man.\\nThat the soul is immortal,\\nAnd that God will certainly reward virtue and pun-\\nish vice, either here or hereafter.\\nMy ideas at that time were, that the sect should be\\nbegun and spread at first among young and single men\\nonly that each person to be initiated should not only de-\\nclare his assent to such creed, but should have exercised\\nhimself with the thirteen weeks examination and practice\\nof the virtues, as in the before-mention d model that the\\nexistence of such a society should be kept a secret, till it\\nwas become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the\\nadmission of improper persons, but that the members\\nshould each of them search among his acquaintance for\\ningenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent\\ncaution, the scheme should be gradually communicated\\nthat the members should engage to afford their advice,\\nassistance, and support to each other in promoting one\\nanother s interests, business, and advancement in life; that,\\nfor distinction, we should be call d TJic Society of the Free\\nand Easy free, as being, by the general practice and habit\\nof the virtues, free from the dominion of vice and par-\\nticularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free\\nfrom debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a\\nspecies of slavery to his creditors.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY lOl\\nThis is as much as I can now recollect of the project,\\nexcept that I communicated it in part to two young men,\\nwho adopted it with some enthusiasm but my then nar-\\nrow circumstances, and the necessity I was under of stick-\\ning close to my business, occasion d my postponing the\\nfurther prosecution of it at that time and my multifari-\\nous occupations, public and private, induc d me to con-\\ntinue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have\\nno longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an\\nenterprise tho 1 am still of opinion that it was a practi-\\ncable scheme, and might have been very useful, by form-\\ning a great number of good citizens and I was not dis-\\ncourag d by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking,\\nas I have always thought that one man of tolerable abili-\\nties may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs\\namong mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cut-\\nting off all amusements or other employments that would\\ndivert his attention, makes the execution of that same\\nplan his sole study and business.\\nIn 1732 I first publish d my Almanack, under the\\nname of Richard Saunders it was continu d by me about\\ntwenty-five years, commonly call d Poor Richard s Al-\\nmanac. I endeavor d to make it both entertaining and\\nuseful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, that\\nI reap d considerable profit from it, vending annually near\\nten thousand. And observing that it was generally read,\\nscarce any neighborhood in the province being without\\nit, I consider d it as a proper vehicle for conveying in-\\nstruction among the common people, who bought scarce-\\nly any other books I therefore filled all the little spaces\\nthat occurr d between the remarkable days in the calen-\\ndar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated\\nindustry and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth,\\nand thereby securing virtue it being more difficult for a\\nman in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one\\nof those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand\\nupright.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "lOJ FRANKLIN\\nThese proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many\\nages and nations. I assembled and form d into a connected\\ndiscourse prefix d to the Ahiianack of 1757. as the ha-\\nrangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auc-\\ntion. The bringing all these scatter d counsels thus into\\na focus enabled them to make greater impression. The\\npiece, being universallv approved, was copied in all the\\nnewspapers of the Continent reprinted in Britain on a\\nbroad side, to be stuck up in houses two translations were\\nmade of it in French, and great numbers bought bv the\\nclergy and gentrv. to distribute gratis among their poor\\nparishioners and tenants. In rennsvlvania, as it discour-\\naged useless expense in foreign supertluities. some thought\\nit had its share of influence in producing that growing\\nplenty of nionev which was observable for several years\\nalter its publication.\\nI considered mv newspaper, also, as another means of\\ncoi\\\\inuinicating instruction, and in that view frequently\\nreprinted in it extracts from the Spectator. and other\\nmoral writers and sometimes publish d little pieces of\\nmy own. which had been first compos d for reading in our\\njunto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove\\nthat, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious\\nman could not properlv be called a man of sense and a\\ndiscourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not\\nsecure till its practice became a habitude, and was free\\nfrom the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may\\nbe found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.\\nIn the conduct of mv newspaper. I carefully excluded\\nall libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years be-\\ncome so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was\\nsolicited to insert anv thing of that kind, and the writei^s\\npleaded, as they generally did. the liberty of the press,\\nand tiiat a newspaper was like a stage-coach, in which\\nanv one who would pav had a right to a place, mv answer\\nwas. that 1 would print the piece separately it desired,\\nand the author might have as many copies as he pleased", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRArHY\\n103\\nto distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me\\nto spread his detraction and that, having contracted with\\nniv subscribers to furnish them with what might be cither\\nuseful or entertaining. I could not till their papers with\\nprivate altercation, in which thev had no concern, with-\\nout doing them manifest injustice. Now, many of our\\nprinters make no scruple of gratifying the malice of indi-\\nviduals by false accusations of the fairest characters among\\nourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing\\nof duels and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scur-\\nrilous reflections on the government of neighboring states,\\nand even on the conduct of our best national allies, which\\nmay be attended with the most pernicious consequences.\\nThese things 1 mention as a caution to young printers,\\nand that they may be encouraged not to pollute their\\npresses and disgrace their profession by such infamous\\npractices, but refuse steadilv. as they may see by my ex-\\nample that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole,\\nbe injurious to their interests.\\nIn 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston,\\nSouth Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I furnish d\\nhim with a press and letters, on an agreement of partner-\\nship, by which I was to receive one-third of the profits of\\nthe business, paving one-third of the expense. He was a\\nman of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of\\naccount; and. tho he sometimes made me remittances, I\\ncould get no account from him, nor any satisfactory state\\nof our partnership while he lived. On his decease, the\\nbusiness was continued by his widow, who, being born\\nand bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform d,\\nthe knowledge of accounts makes a part of female educa-\\ntion, she not only sent me as clear a state as she could\\nfind of the transactions past, but continued to account\\nwith the greatest regularity and exactness evcrv quar-\\nter afterwards, and managed the business with such suc-\\ncess, that she not only brought up reputably a family of\\nchildren, but, at the expiration of the term, was able to", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "104 FRANKLIN\\npurchase of me the printing-house, and establish her son\\nin it.\\nI mention this affair chi.fly for the sake of recommend-\\ning that branch of education for our young females, as\\nlikely to be of more use to them and their children, in\\ncase of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by pre-\\nserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men, and\\nenabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercan-\\ntile house, with establish d correspondence, till a son is\\ngrown up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting\\nadvantage and enriching of the family.\\nAbout the vear 1734 there arrived among us from Ire-\\nland a young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill,\\nwho delivered with a good voice, and apparently extem-\\npore, most excellent discourses, which drew together con-\\nsiderable numbers of different persuasions, who join d in\\nadmiring them. Among the rest, I became one of his\\nconstant hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as thev had\\nlittle of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the\\npractice of virtue, or what in the religious stile are called\\ngood works. Those, however, of our congregation, who\\nconsidered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disap-\\nprov d his doctrine, and were join d by most of the old\\nclergy, who arraign d him of heterodoxy before the synod,\\nin order to have him silenc d. I became his zealous par-\\ntisan, and contributed all I could to raise a party in his\\nfavour, and we combated for him a while with some hopes\\nof success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon\\nthe occasion; and finding that, tho an elegant preacher,\\nhe was but a poor writer, I lent him mv pen and wrote\\nfor him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the\\nGazette of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is gener-\\nally the case with controversial writings, tho eagerly read\\nat the time, were soon out of vogue, and I question\\nwhether a single copy of them now exists.\\nDuring the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his\\ncause exceedinsjlv. One of our adversaries havinor heard", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY lOj\\nhim preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he\\nhad somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part\\nof it. On search, he found that part quoted at length, in\\none of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Fos-\\nter s. This detection gave many of our party disgust,\\nwho accordinglv abandoned his cause, and occasion d our\\nmore speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck by him,\\nhowever, as I rather approv d his giving us good sermons\\ncompos d by others, than bad ones of his own manufac-\\nture, tho the latter was the practice of our common\\nteachers. He afterward acknowledg d to me that none\\nof those he prcach d were his own adding, that his mem-\\nory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any ser-\\nmon after one reading only. On our defeat, he left us in\\nsearch elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the con-\\ngregation, never joining it after, tho I continu d many\\nyears my subscription for the support of its ministers.\\nI had begun in 1733 to study languages I soon made\\nmyself so much a master of the French as to be able to\\nread the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian.\\nAn acquaintance, who was also learning it, us d often to\\ntempt me to plav chess with him. Finding this took up\\ntoo much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length\\nrefus d to play any more, unless on this condition, that\\nthe victor in every game should have a right to impose a\\ntask, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or\\nin translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish d was to\\nperform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we\\npla3- d pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that\\nlanguage. I afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir d\\nas much of the Spanish as to read their books also.\\nI have already mention d that I had only one year s\\ninstruction in a Latin school, and that when very young,\\nafter which I neglected that language entirely. But,\\nwhen I had attained an acquaintance with the French,\\nItalian, and Spanish, I was surpriz d to find, on looking\\nover a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "K 5 VRANKIIN\\nof that Lmguage than I had imai^ined. which encouraged\\nme to apply myself agfain to the study of it. and I met\\nwith more success, as those preceding languages had\\ngreatly smooth d my way.\\nFrom these circumstances. I have thought that there\\nis some incvmsistency in our comiuon mode of teaching\\nlanguages. We are told that it is proper to begin tirst\\nwith the Latin, and, having acv^uir d that, it will be more\\neasv to attain those modern languages which are deriv d\\nfR m it and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order\\nmore easily to acquire the L;itin. It is true that, if vou\\ncan clamber and get to the top c f a staircase without\\nusing the steps, you will more easily gain them in de-\\nscending but certainly, if you begin with the lowest vou\\nwill with more ease ascend to the top and I would there-\\nfore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend\\nthe education of our youth, whether, since manv of those\\nwho begin with the Latin quit the s^ime after spending\\nsome vears without having made any great prohciencv.\\nand what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that\\ntheir time has been lost, it would not have been better to\\nhave begun with the French, proceeding to the Italian.\\netc: for, tho after spending the s^ime time, they should\\nquit the studv of languages and never arrive at the Latin,\\nthev would, however, have acviuired another tongue or\\ntwo. that, being in modern use. might be serviceable to\\nthem in common life.\\nAfter ten vears* absence fR m Boston, and having be-\\ncome easv in niv circumstances. I made a journey thither\\nto visit mv relations, which I cc uld not sooner well aflPord.\\nIn returning. I call d at Newport to see my brother, then\\nsettled there with his printing-house. Our former dififer-\\neuv^vs were forgo^tten. and our meeting was very corviial\\nand affectionate. He was fast declining in his he.ilth. and\\nirquested of me that, in case of his death, which he ajv\\nprehendevi not far distant. 1 would take home his son.\\nthen but tet; yeai-s of age, and bring hira up to the print-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRArilV\\n107\\ning business. This I accordingly pcrform d, scndino^ him\\na few vcars to school before I took him into the office.\\nHis mother carried on the business till he was :^rown up,\\nwhen I assisted him with an assortment of new types,\\nthose of his father being- in a manner worn out. Thus it\\nwas that I made my brother ample amends for the service\\nI had depriv d him of by leaving him so early.\\nIn 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years\\nold, by the small-pox, taken in the common way. I long\\nregretted bitterly, and still regret that 1 had not given it\\nto him by inoculation. This I mention for the sake of\\nparents who omit that operation, on the supposition that\\nthey should never forgive themselves if a child died\\nunder it; my example showing that the regret ma}-^ be\\nthe same either way, and that, therefore, the safer should\\nbe chOvSen.\\nOur club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded\\nsuch satisfaction to the members, that several were desir-\\nous of introducing their friends, which could not well be\\ndone without exceeding; what we had settled as a con-\\nvenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the begin-\\nning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which\\nwas pretty well obscrv d the intention was to avoid ap-\\nplications of improper persons for admittance, some of\\nwhom, perhaps, we might find it ditTicult to refuse. I\\nwas one of those who were against any addition to our\\nnumber, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal,\\nthat every member separately should endeavor to form a\\nsubordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries,\\netc., and without informing them of the connection with\\nthe Junto. The advantages proposed were, the improve-\\nment of so many more young citizens by the use of our\\ninstitutions our better acquaintance with the general sen-\\ntiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto\\nmember might propose what queries we should desire,\\nand was to report to the Junto what pass d in his separate\\nclub; the promotion of our particular interests in business", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "I08 FRANKLIN\\nby more extensive recommendation, and the increase of\\nour influence in public affairs, and our power of doing\\ngood by spreading thro the several clubs the sentiments\\nof the Junto.\\nThe project was approv d, and every member under-\\ntook to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five\\nor six only were compleated, which were called by differ-\\nent names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They\\nwere useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of\\namusement, information, and instruction, besides answer-\\ning, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing\\nthe public opinion on particular occasions, of which I\\nshall give some instances in course of time as they hap-\\npened.\\nMy first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk\\nof the General Assembly. The choice was made that year\\nwithout opposition but the year following, when I was\\nagain propos d (the choice, like that of the members, being\\nannual), a new member made a long speech against me, in\\norder to favour some other candidate. I was, however,\\nchosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides\\nthe pay for the immediate service as clerk, the place gave\\nme a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among\\nthe members, which secur d to me the business of print-\\ning the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional\\njobbs for the public, that, on the whole, were very profit-\\nable.\\nI therefore did not like the opposition of this new\\nmember, who was a gentleman of fortune and education,\\nwith talents that were likely to give him, in time, great\\ninfluence in the House, which, indeed, afterwards hap-\\npened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favour by\\npaying any servile respect to him, but, after some time,\\ntook this other method. Having heard that he had in his\\nlibrary a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a\\nnote to him, expressing my desire of perusing that book,\\nand requesting he would do me the favour of lending it", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n109\\nto me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I re-\\nturn d it in about a week with another note, expressing\\nstrongly my sense of the favour. When we next met in\\nthe House, he spoke to me (which he had never done be-\\nfore), and with great civility; and he ever after manifested\\na readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became\\ngreat friends, and our friendship continued to his death.\\nThis is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I\\nhad learned, which says, that has once done you a kind-\\nness will be more ready to do you another, tha?t he whom you\\nyourself have obliged. And it shows how much more\\nprofitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, return,\\nand continue inimical proceedings.\\nIn 1737, Colonel Spots wood, late governor of Virginia,\\nand then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the\\nconduct of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some\\nnegligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts,\\ntook from him the commission and offered it to me. I\\naccepted it readily, and found it of great advantage for,\\ntho the salary was small, it facilitated the correspond-\\nence that improv d my newspaper, increas d the number\\ndemanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted,\\nso that it came to afford me a considerable income. My\\nold competitor s newspaper declin d proportionably, and\\nI was satisfy d without retaliating his refusal, while post-\\nmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders.\\nThus he suffer d greatly from his neglect in due account-\\ning and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who\\nmay be employ d in managing affairs for others, that they\\nshould always render accounts, and make remittances,\\nwith great clearness and punctuality. The character of\\nobserving such a conduct is the most powerful of all\\nrecommendations to new employments and increase of\\nbusiness.\\nI began now to turn my thoughts a little to public\\naffairs, beginning, however, with small matters. The city\\nwatch was one of the first things that I conceiv d to want", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "IIQ FR.WKI.IX\\nrei^I^ulation. It was managed by the constables of the\\nrespective wards in turn the constable warned a number\\nof housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who\\nchose never to attend, paid him six shillings a year to be\\nexcused, which was suppos d to be for hiring substitutes,\\nbut was, in reality, nuich more than was necessary for\\nthat purpose, and made the constableship a place of\\nprofit and the constable, for a little drink, often got\\nsuch ragamuthns about him as a watch, that respectable\\nhousekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the\\nrounds, too. was often neglected, and most of the nights\\nspent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper to be read\\nin Junto, representing those irregularities, but insisting\\nmore particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax\\nof the constables, respecting the circumstances of those\\nwho paid it. since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose\\nproperty to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps\\nexceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the\\nwealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds worth\\nof goods in his stores.\\nOn the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch,\\nthe hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that busi-\\nness and as a more equitable way of supporting the\\ncharge, the levying a tax that should be proportion d to\\nthe property. This idea, being approv d by the Junto,\\nwas communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in\\neach of them and though the plan was not immediately\\ncarried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of\\npeople for the change, it paved the way for the law ob-\\ntained a few years after, when the members of our clubs\\nwere grown into more influence.\\nAbout this time 1 wrote a paper i^first to be read in\\nJunto, but it was atterward publish d on the difTerent\\naccidents and carelessnesses bv which houses were set on\\ntire, with cautions against them, and means proposed of\\navoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful\\npiece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "AUTOlUOC.RArilY HI\\nof formins:: company for the more ready extin^iiishiiiyf\\not tires, atui mutual assistance in removing- and securing\\nof goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were\\npresently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of\\nagreement obligd every member to keep always in good\\norder, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets,\\nwith strong bags and baskets (for packing and transport-\\ning of goods), which were to be brought to every tire\\nand we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social\\nevening together, in discoursing and communicating such\\nideas as occurred to us upon the subject of tires, as might\\nbe useful in our conduct on such occasions.\\nThe utility of this institution soon appeared, and many\\nmore desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient\\nfor one company, they were advised to form another,\\nwhich was accordingly done; and this went on. one now\\ncompany being formed after another, till tliev became so\\nnumerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were\\nmen of property; and now. at the time of my writing\\nthis, tho upward of titty years since its establishment,\\nthat which 1 first formed, called the l^ nion Fire Company,\\nstill subsists and flourishes, tho the tirst members are all\\ndeceas d but myself and one, who is older bv a year than\\nI am. The small fines that have been paid by members\\nfor absence at the monthly meetings have been apply d to\\nthe purchase of fire-engines, ladders, tire-hooks, and other\\nuseful implements for each company, so that I question\\nwhether there is a city in the world better provided with\\nthe means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations\\nand. in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost\\nby fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the\\nflames have often been extinguished before the house in\\nwhich they began has been half consumed. p-\\nIn 1/39 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend\\nMr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there\\nas an itinerant preacher. lie was at first permitted to\\npreach in some of our churches but the clergy, taking a", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "112 FRANKLIN\\ndislike to him, soon refus d him their pulpits, and he was\\noblig d to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects\\nand denominations that attended his sermons were enor-\\nmous, and it was matter of speculation to me, who was\\none of the number, to observe the extraordinary influence\\nof his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admir d\\nand respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of\\nthem, by assuring them they were naturally half beasts\\nand half devils. It was wonderful to see the change soon\\nmade in the manners of our inhabitants. From being\\nthoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem d as if all\\nthe world were growing religious, so that one could not\\nwalk thro the town in an evening without hearing psalms\\nsung in different families of every street.\\nAnd it being found inconvenient to assemble in the\\nopen air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of a\\nhouse to meet in was no sooner propos d, and persons ap-\\npointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were\\nsoon receiv d to procure the ground and erect the build-\\ning, which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad,\\nabout the size of Westminster Hall; and the work was\\ncarried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much\\nshorter time than could have been expected. Both house\\nand ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use\\nof any preacher of any religious persuasion who might\\ndesire to say something to the people at Philadelphia\\nthe design in building not being to accommodate any\\nparticular sect, but the inhabitants in general so that\\neven if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a mis-\\nsionary to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find\\na pulpit at his service.\\nMr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the\\nway thro the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of\\nthat province had lately been begun, but, instead of being\\nmade with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed\\nto labor, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it was\\nwith families of broken shop-keepers and other insolvent", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 1 3\\ndebtors, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the\\njails, who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for\\nclearing land, and unable to endure the hardships of a\\nnew settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many help-\\nless children unprovided for. The sight of their misera-\\nble situation inspir d the benevolent heart of Mr. White-\\nfield with the idea of building an Orphan House there, in\\nwhich they might be supported and educated. Return-\\ning northward, he preach d up this charity, and made\\nlarge collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful power\\nover the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself\\nwas an instance.\\nI did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia\\nwas then destitute of materials and workmen, and it was\\nproposed to send them from Philadelphia at a great ex-\\npense, I thought it would have been better to have built\\nthe house here, and brought the children to it. This I\\nadvis d but he was resolute in his first project, rejected\\nmy counsel, and I therefore refus d to contribute. I hap-\\npened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course\\nof which I perceived he intended to finish with a collec-\\ntion, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from\\nme. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money,\\nthree or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As\\nhe proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the\\ncoppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham d\\nof that, and determin d me to give the silver; and he\\nfinish d so admirably, that I empty d my pocket wholly\\ninto the collector s dish, gold and all. At this sermon\\nthere was also one of our club, who, being of my senti-\\nments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting\\na collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emp-\\ntied his pockets before he came from home. Towards\\nthe conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong\\ndesire to give, and apply d to a neighbour, who stood near\\nhim, to borrow some money for the purpose. The appli-\\ncation was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "114\\nFRANKLIN\\nin the company who had the firmness not to be aflfected\\nby the preacher. His answer was, Ai any other thne,\\nFriend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely but not now,\\nfor thee seems to be out of thy right senses!\\nSome of Mr. Whitefield s enemies affected to suppose\\nthat he would apply these collections to his own private\\nemolument but I, who was intimately acquainted with\\nhim (being employed in printing his Sermons and Jour-\\nnals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity,\\nbut am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in\\nall his conduct a perfectly honest man; and methinks my\\ntestimony in his favour ought to have the more weight,\\nas we had no religious connection. He us d, indeed,\\nsometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the\\nsatisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard.\\nOurs was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides,\\nand lasted to his death.\\nThe following instance will show something of the\\nterms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from\\nEngland at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come\\nsoon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge\\nwhen there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr.\\nBenezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was,\\nYou know my house if you can make shift with its\\nscanty accommodations, you will be most heartily wel-\\ncome. He reply d, that if I made that kind offer for\\nChrist s sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I re-\\nturned, Dont let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ s\\nsake, but for your sake. One of our common acquaint-\\nance jocosely remark d, that, knowing it to be the custom\\nof the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the\\nburden of the obligation from off their own shoulders,\\nand place it in heaven, I had contriv d to fix it on earth.\\nThe last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London,\\nwhen he consulted me about his Orphan House concern,\\nand his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment\\nof a college.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY II5\\nHe had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his\\nwords and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard\\nand understood at a great distance, especially as his audi-\\ntories, however numerous, observ d the most exact silence.\\nHe preach d one evening from the top of the Court-house\\nsteps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the\\nwest side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles.\\nBoth streets were fiU d with his hearers to a considerable\\ndistance. Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I\\nhad the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by re-\\ntiring backwards down the street towards the river and\\nI found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street,\\nwhen some noise in that street obscur d it. Imagining then\\na semicircle, of which my distance should be the radius,\\nand that it were fill d with auditors, to each of whom I\\nallow d two square feet, I computed that he might well\\nbe heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil d\\nme to the newspaper accounts of his having preach d to\\ntwenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the\\nantient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of\\nwhich I had sometimes doubted.\\nBy hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily\\nbetween sermons newly compos d, and those which he\\nhad often preach d in the course of his travels. His\\ndelivery of the latter was so improv d by frequent repeti-\\ntions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation\\nof voice, was so perfectly well turn d and well plac d,\\nthat, without being interested in the subject, one could\\nnot help being pleas d with the discourse a pleasure of\\nmuch the same kind with that receiv d from an excellent\\npiece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers\\nhave over those who are stationary, as the latter can not\\nwell improve their delivery of a sermon by so many re-\\nhearsals.\\nHis writing and printing from time to time gave great\\nadvantage to his enemies; unguarded expressions, and\\neven erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "Il6 FRANKLIN\\nhave been afterward explain d or qualifi d by supposing\\nothers that might have accompani d them, or they might\\nhave been deny d but lit era script a manet. Critics attack d\\nhis writings violently, and with so much appearance of\\nreason as to diminish the number of his votaries and pre-\\nvent their encrease so that I am of opinion if he had\\nnever written any thing, he would have left behind him a\\nmuch more numerous and important sect, and his reputa-\\ntion might in that case have been still growing, even after\\nhis death, as there being nothing of his writing on which\\nto found a censure and give him a lower character, his\\nproselytes would be left at liberty to feign for him as\\ngreat a variety of excellences as their enthusiastic admira-\\ntion might wish him to have possessed.\\nMy business was now continually augmenting, and\\nmy circumstances growing daily easier, my newspaper\\nhaving become very profitable, as being for a time almost\\nthe only one in this and the neighbouring provinces. I ex-\\nperienced, too, the truth of the observation, t/iat after\\ngetting the first hundred pound, it is vwre easy to get the\\nsecond, money itself being of a prolific nature.\\nThe partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was\\nencourag d to engage in others, and to promote several\\nof my workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing\\nthem with printing-houses in different colonies, on the\\nsame terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well,\\nbeing enabled at the end of our term, six years, to pur-\\nchase the types of me and go on working for themselves,\\nby which means several families were raised. Partner-\\nships often finish in quarrels but I was happy in this,\\nthat mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing,\\nI think, a good deal to the precaution of having very ex-\\nplicitly settled, in our articles, every thing to be done by\\nor expected from each partner, so that there was nothing\\nto dispute, which precaution I would therefore recom-\\nmend to all who enter into partnerships for, whatever\\nesteem partners may have for, and confidence in each", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n117\\nother at the time of the contract, h ttle jealousies and dis-\\ngusts may arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and\\nburden of the business, etc., which are attended often with\\nbreach of friendship and of the connection perhaps with\\nlawsuits and other disagreeable consequences.\\nI had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied\\nwith my being established in Pennsylvania. There were,\\nhowever, two things that I regretted, there being no pro-\\nvision for defense, nor for a compleat education of youth\\nno militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, drew up\\na proposal for establishing an academy and at that time,\\nthinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of em-\\nploy, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I\\ncommunicated the project to him but he, having more\\nprofitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which\\nsucceeded, declin d the undertaking and, not knowing\\nanother at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the\\nscheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next\\nyear, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical\\nSociety. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be\\nfound among my writings, when collected.\\nWith respect to defense, Spain having been several\\nyears at war against Great Britain, and being at length\\njoin d by France, which brought us into great danger;\\nand the laboured and long-continued endeavour of our\\ngovernor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly\\nto pass a militia law, and make other provisions for the\\nsecurity of the province, having proved abortive, I de-\\ntermined to try what might be done by a voluntary\\nassociation of the people. To promote this, I first wrote\\nand published a pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, in\\nwhich I stated our defenceless situation in strong lights,\\nwith the necessity of union and discipline for our defense,\\nand promis d to propose in a few days an association, to\\nbe generally signed for that purpose. The pamphlet had\\na sudden and surprising effect. I was call d upon for the\\ninstrument of association, and having settled the draft of", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "Il8 FRANKLIN\\nit with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens\\nin the large building before mentioned. The house was\\npretty full I had prepared a number of printed copies,\\nand provided pens and ink dispers d all over the room. I\\nharangued them a little on the subject, read the paper,\\nand explained it, and then distributed the copies, which\\nwere eagerly signed, not the least objection being made.\\nWhen the company separated, and the papers were\\ncollected, we found above twelve hundred hands; and,\\nother copies being dispersed in the country, the subscrib-\\ners amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. These\\nall furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms,\\nformed themselves into companies and regiments, chose\\ntheir own officers, and met every week to be instructed\\nin the manual exercise, and other parts of military dis-\\ncipline. The women, by subscriptions among themselves,\\nprovided silk colors, which they presented to the compa-\\nnies, painted with different devices and mottos, which\\nI supplied.\\nThe officers of the companies composing the Philadel-\\nphia regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel; but,\\nconceiving myself unfit, I declin d that station, and recom-\\nmended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person, and man of influence,\\nwho was accordingly appointed. I then propos d a lot-\\ntery to defray the expense of building a battery below the\\ntown, and furnishing it with cannon. It filled expedi-\\ntiously, and the battery was soon erected, the merlons\\nbeing fram d of logs and fill d with earth. We bought\\nsome old cannon from Boston, but, these not being suffi-\\ncient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting, at the\\nsame time, our proprietaries for some assistance, tho\\nwithout much expectation of obtaining it.\\nMeanwhile Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram\\nTavlor, Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the\\nassociators, commission d to borrow some cannon of Gov-\\nernor Clinton. He at first refus d us peremptorily but\\nat dinner with his council, where there was great drink-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 19\\ningof Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was,\\nhe softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six.\\nAfter a few more bumpers he advanc d to ten and at\\nlength he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They\\nwere fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages,\\nwhich we soon transported and mounted on our battery,\\nwhere the associators kept a nightly guard while the war\\nlasted, and among the rest I regularly took my turn of\\nduty there as a common soldier.\\nMy activity in these operations was agreeable to the\\ngovernor and council they took me into confidence, and\\nI was consulted by them in every measure wherein their\\nconcurrence was thought useful to the association. Call-\\ning in the aid of religion, I propos d to them the proclaim-\\ning a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the bless-\\ning of Heaven on our undertaking. They embrac d the\\nmotion but, as it was the first fast ever thought of in the\\nprovince, the secretary had no precedent from which to\\ndraw the proclamation. My education in New England,\\nwhere a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some\\nadvantage I drew it in the accustomed stile; it was trans-\\nlated into German, printed in both languages, and divulg d\\nthro the province. This gave the clergy of the different\\nsects an opportunity of influencing their congregations to\\njoin in the association, and it would probably have been\\ngeneral among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon\\ninterven d.\\nIt was thought by some of my friends that, by my\\nactivity in these affairs, I should offend that sect, and\\nthereby lose my interest in the Assembly of the province,\\nwhere they formed a great majority. A young gentle-\\nman who had likewise some friends in the House, and\\nwished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that\\nit was decided to displace me at the next election and\\nhe, therefore, in good will, advis d me to resign, as more\\nconsistent with my honour than being turn d out. My\\nanswer to him was, that I had read or heard of some pub", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "I20 FRANKLIN\\nlie man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and\\nnever to refuse one when offer d to him. I approve,\\nsays I, of his rule, and will practice it with a small addi-\\ntion I shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resig^i an\\noffice. If they will have mv office of clerk to dispose of\\nto another, they shall take it from me. I will not, by giv-\\ning it up, lose my right of some time or other making\\nreprisals on my adversaries. I heard, however, no more\\nof this I was chosen again unanimously as usual at the\\nnext election. Possibly, as they dislik d my late intimacy\\nwith the members of council, who had join d the gov-\\nernors in all the disputes about military preparations,\\nwith which the House had long been harass d, they might\\nhave been pleas d if I would voluntarily have left them\\nbut they did not care to displace me on account merely\\nof my zeal for the association, and they could not well\\ngive another reason.\\nIndeed I had some cause to believe that the defense\\nof the country was not disagreeable to any of them, pro-\\nvided they were not requir d to assist in it. And I found\\nthat a much greater number of them than I could have\\nimagined, tho against offensive war, were clearly for the\\ndefensive. Many pamphlets fro and con were publish d\\non the subject, and some bv good Quakers, in favour of\\ndefense, which I believe convinc d most of their younger\\npeople.\\nA transaction in our fire companv gave me some in-\\nsight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been pro-\\npos d that we should encourage the scheme for building\\na battery bv laying out the present stock, then about sixty\\npounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules, no money\\ncould be dispos d of till the next meeting after the pro-\\nposal. The company consisted of thirty members, of\\nwhich twentv-two were Quakers, and eight only of other\\npersuasions. We eight punctually attended the meeting\\nbut, tho we thought that some of the Quakers would join\\nus, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 121\\nQuaker, Mr. James Morris, appear d to oppose the meas-\\nure. He expressed much sorrow that it had ever been\\npropos d, as he said Friends were all against it, and it\\nwould create such discord as might break up the com-\\npany. We told him that we saw no reason for that we\\nwere the minority, and if Friends were against the meas-\\nure, and outvoted us, we must and should, agreeably to\\nthe usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for\\nbusiness arriv d it was mov d to put the vote he allow d\\nwe might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure\\nus that a number of members intended to be present for\\nthe purpose of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow\\na little time for their appearing.\\nWhile we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell\\nme two gentlemen below desir d to speak with me. I\\nwent down, and found they were two of our Quaker mem-\\nbers. They told me there were eight of them assembled\\nat a tavern just by that they were determin d to come\\nand vote with us if there should be occasion, which they\\nhop d would not be the case, and desir d we would not\\ncall for their assistance if we could do without it, as their\\nvoting for such a measure might embroil them with their\\nelders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I\\nwent up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a\\ndelay of another hour. This Mr. Morris allow d to be\\nextreamly fair. Not one of his opposing friends appear d,\\nat which he express d great surprize and, at the expiration\\nof the hour, we carry d the resolution eight to one and\\nas, of the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote\\nwith us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that\\nthey were not inclin d to oppose the measure, I afterward\\nestimated the proportion of Quakers sincerely against de-\\nfense as one to twenty-one only for these were all regu-\\nlar members of that society, and in good reputation among\\nthem, and had due notice of what was propos d at that\\nmeeting.\\nThe honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "122 FRANKLIN\\nbeen of that sect, was one who wrote an address to them,\\ndeclaring his approbation of defensive war, and support-\\ning his opinion by many strong arguments. He put into\\nmy hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets\\nfor the battery, with directions to apply what prizes\\nmight be drawn wholly to that service. He told me the\\nfollowing anecdote of his old master, William Penn, re-\\nspecting defense. He came over from England, when a\\nyoung man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary.\\nIt was war-time, and their ship was chas d by an armed\\nvessel, suppos d to be an enemy. Their captain prepar d\\nfor defense but told William Penn, and his company of\\nQuakers, that he did not expect their assistance, and they\\nmight retire into the cabin, which they did, except James\\nLogan, who chose to stay upon deck, and was quarter d\\nto a gun. The suppos d enemy prov d a friend, so there\\nwas no fighting but when the secretary went down to\\ncommunicate the intelligence, William Penn rebuk d him\\nseverely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist\\nin defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of\\nFriends, especially as it had not been required by the cap-\\ntain. This reproof, being before all the company, piqu d\\nthe secretary, who answer d, I being thy servant, why did\\nthee not order me to come down But thee was willing enough\\nthat I should stay and help to fight the ship when thee thought\\nthere was danger T\\nMy being many years in the Assembly, the majority\\nof which were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent op-\\nportunities of seeing the embarrassment given them by\\ntheir principle against war, whenever application was\\nmade to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for\\nmilitary purposes. They were unwilling to offend gov-\\nernment, on the one hand, by a direct refusal and their\\nfriends, the body of the Quakers, on the other, by a com-\\npliance contrary to their principles hence a variety of\\nevasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the\\ncompliance when it became unavoidable. The common", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 123-\\nmode at last was to grant money under the phrase of its\\nbeing- for the kings use and never to inquire how it was\\napplied.\\nBut, if the demand was not directly from the crown,\\nthat phrase was found not so proper, and some other was\\nto be invented. As, when powder was wanting (I think\\nit was for the garrison at Louisburg), and the government\\nof New England solicited a grant of some from Pennsil-\\nvania, which was much urg d on the House by Governor\\nThomas, they could not grant money to buy powder, be-\\ncause that was an ingredient of war but they voted an\\naid to New England of three thousand pounds, to be put\\ninto the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for\\nthe purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain.\\nSome of the council, desirous of giving the House still\\nfurther embarrassment, advis d the governor not to accept\\nprovision, as not being the thing he had demanded but\\nhe reply d, I shall take the money, for I understand very\\nwell their meaning other grain is gunpowder, which he\\naccordingly bought, and they never objected to it.\\nIt was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire\\ncompany we feared the success of our proposal in favour\\nof the lottery, and I had said to my friend Mr. Syng, one\\nof our members, If we fail, let us move the purchase of\\na fire-engine with the money the Quakers can have no\\nobjection to that and then, if you nominate me and I\\nyou as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great\\ngun, which is certainly a Jire-engine I see, says he,\\nyou have improv d by being so long in the Assembly;\\nyour equivocal project would be just a match for their\\nwheat or other grain.\\nThese embarrassments that the Quakers suffer d from\\nhaving establish d and published it as one of their princi-\\nples that no kind of war was lawful, and which, being\\nonce published, they could not afterwards, however they\\nmight change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me\\nof what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "124\\nFRANKLIN\\namong us, that of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with\\none of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it ap-\\npear d. He complain d to me that they were grievously\\ncalumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and\\ncharg d with abominable principles and practices, to\\nwhich they were utter strangers. I told him this had\\nalways been the case with new sects, and that, to put a\\nstop to such abuse, I imagin d it might be well to pub-\\nlish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their dis-\\ncipline. He said that it had been propos d among them,\\nbut not agreed to, for this reason When we were first\\ndrawn together as a society, says he, it had pleased\\nGod to enlighten our minds so far as to see that some\\ndoctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors\\nand that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real\\ntruths. From time to time He has been pleased to afford\\nus farther light, and our principles have been improving,\\nand our errors diminishing. Now we are not sure that\\nwe are arrived at the end of this progression, and at the\\nperfection of spiritual or theological knowledge and we\\nfear that, if we should once print our confession of faith,\\nwe should feel ourselves as if bound and confin d by it,\\nand perhaps be unwilling to receive farther improvement,\\nand our successors still more so, as conceiving what we\\ntheir elders and founders had done, to be something\\nsacred, never to be departed from.\\nThis modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance\\nin the history of mankind, every other sect supposing\\nitself in possession of all truth, and that those who differ\\nare so far in the wrong like a man traveling in foggy\\nweather, those at some distance before him on the road\\nhe sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind\\nhim, and also the people in the fields on each side, but\\nnear him all appears clear, tho in truth he is as much in\\nthe fog as any of them. To avoid this kind of embarrass-\\nment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually de-\\nclining the public service in the Assembly and in the", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 25\\nmag-istracy, choosing rather to quit their power than their\\nprinciple.\\nIn order of time, I should have mentioned before, that\\nhaving, in 1742, invented an open stove for the better\\nwarming of rooms, and at the same time saving fuel, as\\nthe fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, I made a\\npresent of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my\\nearly friends, who, having an iron-furnace, found the cast-\\ning of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as\\nthey were growing in demand. To promote that demand,\\nI wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled An Account of\\nthe new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces wherein their\\nConstructiott and Manner of Operation is particularly ex-\\nplained their Advantages above every other Method of warm-\\ning Rooms demonstrated and all Objections that have been\\nraised against the Use of them answered and obviated^ etc.\\nThis pamphlet had a good effect. Gov r. Thomas was so\\npleas d with the construction of this stove, as described\\nin it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vend-\\ning of them for a term of years but I declin d it from a\\nprinciple which has ever weighed with me on such occa-\\nsions, viz.. That, as we enjoy great advantages from the in-\\nventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to\\nserve others by any hivention of ours and this voe should do\\nfreely and generously.\\nAn ironmonger in London, however, assuming a good\\ndeal of my pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and\\nmaking some small changes in the machine, which rather\\nhurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made, as\\nI was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the only\\ninstance of patents taken out for my inventions by others,\\ntho not always with the same success, which I never con-\\ntested, as having no desire of profiting by patents myself,\\nand hating disputes. The use of these fireplaces in very\\nmany houses, both of this and the neighboring colonies,\\nhas been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhabit-\\nants.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "126 FRANKLIN\\nPeace being concluded, and the association business\\ntherefore at an end, I turn d my thoughts again to the\\naffair of establishing an academy. The first step I took\\nwas to associate in the design a number of active friends,\\nof whom the Junto furnished a good part the next was\\nto write and publish a pamphlet, entitled Proposals re-\\nlating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania. This\\n1 distributed among the principal inhabitants gratis and\\nas soon as I could suppose their minds a little prepared\\nby the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for open-\\ning and supporting an academy it was to be paid in\\nquotas yearly for five ears by so dividing it, I judg d\\nthe subscription might be larger, and I believe it was so,\\namounting to no less, if I remember right, than five thou-\\nsand pounds.\\nIn the introduction to these proposals. I stated their\\npublication, not as an act of mine, but of some publick-\\nspirittd gcntloncn, avoiding as much as I could, according\\nto my usual rule, the presenting myself to the publick as\\nthe author of any scheme for their benefit.\\nThe subscribers, to carry the project into immediate\\nexecution, chose out of their number twentv-four trustees,\\nand appointed Mr. Francis, then attorney-general, and\\nmyself to draw up constitutions for the government of the\\nacademy which being done and signed, a house was\\nhired, masters engag d, and the schools opened, I think,\\nin the same year, 1749.\\nThe scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found\\ntoo small, and we were looking out for a piece of ground,\\nproperly situated, with intention to build, when Provi-\\ndence threw into our way a large house ready built,\\nwhich, with a few alterations, might well serve our pur-\\npose. This was the building before mentioned, erected\\nby the hearers of Mr. Whitefield, and was obtained for us\\nin the following manner.\\nIt is to be noted that the contributions to this building\\nbeing made by people of different sects, care was taken in", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "ORIGINAL BUILDINGS OP THE PENNSY lA ANIA\\nACADEMY, NOW THE UNIVERSITY\\nPhotogr.u\\n.^!i\\n^i", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "immediate\\nmadti I", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "_\u00c2\u00ab,\\nm\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0*!ri", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n127\\nthe nomination of trustees, in whom the building and\\nground was to be vested, that a predominancy should not\\nbe given to any sect, lest in time that predominancy might\\nbe a means of appropriating the whole to the use of such\\nsect, contrary to the original intention. It was therefore\\nthat one of each sect was appointed, viz., one Church-of-\\nEngland man, one Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Mora-\\nvian, etc., those, in case of vacancy by death, were to fill\\nit by election from among the contributors. The Mora-\\nvian happen d not to please his colleagues, and on his\\ndeath they resolved to have no other of that sect. The\\ndifficulty then was, how to avoid having two of some other\\nsect, by means of the new choice.\\nSeveral persons were named, and for that reason not\\nagreed to. At length one mention d me, with the ob-\\nservation that I was merely an honest man, and of no sect\\nat all, which prevail d with them to chuse me. The en-\\nthusiasm which existed when the house was built had long\\nsince abated, and its trustees had not been able to procure\\nfresh contributions for paying the ground-rent, and dis-\\ncharging some other debts the building had occasion d,\\nwhich embarrass d them greatly. Being now a member of\\nboth setts of trustees, that for the building and that for\\nthe academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating\\nwith both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by\\nwhich the trustees for the building were to cede it to\\nthose of the academy, the latter undertaking to discharge\\nthe debt, to keep for ever open in the building a large\\nhall for occasional preachers, according to the original\\nintention, and maintain a free-school for the instruction of\\npoor children. Writings were accordingly drawn, and\\non paying the debts the trustees of the academy were put\\nin possession of the premises and by dividing the great\\nand lofty hall into stories, and different rooms above and\\nbelow for the several schools, and purchasing some addi-\\ntional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our pur-\\npose, and the scholars remov d into the building. The", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "128 FRANKLIN\\ncare and trouble of agreeing with the workmen, purchas-\\ning materials, and superintending the work, fell upon me\\nand I went thro it the more cheerfully, as it did not then\\ninterfere with my private business, having the year before\\ntaken a very able, industrious, and honest partner, Mr.\\nDavid Hall, with whose character I was well acquainted,\\nas he had work d for me four years. He took off my\\nhands all care of the printing-office, paying me punctually\\nmy share of the profits. This partnership continued\\neighteen years, successfully for us both.\\nThe trustees of the academy, after a while, were in-\\ncorporated by a charter from the governor their funds\\nwere increas d by contributions in Britain and grants of\\nland from the proprietaries, to which the Assembly has\\nsince made considerable addition and thus was estab-\\nlished the present University of Philadelphia. I have\\nbeen continued one of its trustees from the beginning,\\nnow near forty years, and have had the very great plea-\\nsure of seeing a number of the youth who have receiv d\\ntheir education in it distinguish d by their improv d abili-\\nties, serviceable in public stations, and ornaments to their\\ncountry.\\nWhen I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from\\nprivate business, I fiatter d myself that, by the sufficient\\ntho* moderate fortune I had acquir d, I had secured leisure\\nduring the rest of my life for philosophical studies and\\namusements. I purchased all Dr. Spence s apparatus,\\nwho had come from England to lecture here, and I pro-\\nceeded in my electrical experiments with great alacrity\\nbut the publick, now considering me as a man of leisure,\\nlaid hold of me for their purposes, every part of our civil\\ngovernment, and almost at the same time, imposing some\\nduty upon me. The governor put me into the commis-\\nsion of the peace the corporation of the city chose me of\\nthe common council, and soon after an alderman and the\\ncitizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them in\\nAssembly. This latter station was the more agreeable to", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n129\\nme, as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear de-\\nbates, in which, as clerk, I could take no part, and which\\nwere often so unentertaining that I was induc d to amuse\\nmyself with making magic squares or circles, or any thing\\nto avoid weariness and I conceiv d my becoming a mem-\\nber would enlarge my power of doing good. I would\\nnot, however, insinuate that my ambition was not flatter d\\nby all these promotions it certainly was for, consider-\\ning my low beginning, they were great things to me and\\nthey were still more pleasing, as being so man}^ spontane-\\nous testimonies of the public good opinion, and by me\\nentirely unsolicited.\\nThe office of justice of the peace I try d a little, by\\nattending a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear\\ncauses but finding that more knowledge of the common\\nlaw than 1 possess d was necessary to act in that station\\nwith credit, I gradually withdrew from it, excusing myself\\nby my being oblig d to attend the higher duties of a leg-\\nislator in the Assembly. My election to this trust was\\nrepeated every year for ten years, without my ever asking\\nany elector for his vote, or signifying, either directly or\\nindirectly, any desire of being chosen. On taking my\\nseat in the House, my son was appointed their clerk.\\nThe year following, a treaty being to be held with the\\nIndians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the\\nHouse, proposing that they should nominate some of their\\nmembers, to be join d with some members of council, as\\ncommissioners for that purpose. The House named the\\nspeaker (Mr. Norris) and myself and, being commission d,\\nwe went to Carlisle, and met the Indians accordingly.\\nAs those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and,\\nwhen so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly\\nforbad the selling any liquor to them and when they\\ncomplain d of this restriction, we told them that if they\\nwould continue sober during the treaty, we would give\\nthem plenty of rum when business was over. They\\npromis d this, and they kept their promise, because they", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "I30 FRANKLIN\\ncould g-ct no liquor, and the treaty was conducted very\\norderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction. They then\\nclaitn d and receiy d the rum this \\\\yas in the afternoon\\nthey \\\\yere near one hundred men. \\\\yomen, and children,\\nand \\\\yere lodg- d in temporary cabins, built in the form of\\na square, just Nyithout the town. In the eyening. hearing\\na great noise among them, the commissioners walk d out\\nto see what was the matter. We found they had made a\\ngreat bonfire in the middle of the square they were all\\ndrunk, men and women, quarreling and fighting. Their\\ndark-colour d bodies, half naked, seen only by the gloomy\\nlight of the bonfire, running- after and beating one another\\nwith firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yellings.\\nform d a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that\\ncould well be imagin d there was no appeasing the\\ntumult, and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a\\nnumber ot them came thundering at our door, demanding\\nmore rum. of which we took no notice.\\nThe next day. sensible they had misbehay d in giying\\nus that disturbance, they sent three of their old counselors\\nto make their apology. The orator acknowledg d the\\nfault, but laid it upon the rum and then endeayored to\\nexcuse the rum by saying. Tht Great Spirit, :c/io trujifi all\\nthingSs fftiuf^ t^ try thing for sotfw use, ami zvh UcxYr ust he\\ndtsiptd any thing for, that use it should alicays he put to.\\nXoiv, when he nteule rum. he said, Let this be for the Indians\\nto get drunk with* and it must be so. And. indeed, if it be\\nthe design of Proyidence to extirpate these sayages in\\norder to make room for cultiyators of the earth, it seems\\nnot improbable that rum may be the appointed means.\\nIt has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly\\ninhabited the sea-coast.\\nIn 1751. Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine,\\nconceiyed the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadel-\\nphia ^^a yery beneficent design, which has been ascrib d to\\nme. but was originally his\\\\ for the reception and cure of\\npoor sick persons, whether inhabitants of the proyince or", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY I3I\\nstrangers. He was zealous and active in endeavouring-\\nto procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a\\nnovelty in America, and at first not well understood, he\\nmet but with small success.\\nAt length he came to me with the compliment that he\\nfound there was no such thing as carrying a public-\\nspirited project through without my being concern d in\\nit. For, says he, I am often ask d by those to whom\\nI propose subscribing, Have you consulted Franklin upon\\nthis business? And what does he think of it? And when\\nI tell them that I have not (supposing it rather out of\\nyour line), they do not subscribe, but say they will con-\\nsider of it. I enquired into the nature and probable\\nutility of his scheme, and receiving from him a very satis-\\nfactory explanation, I not only subscrib d to it myself,\\nbut engag d heartily in the design of procuring subscrip-\\ntions from others. Previously, however, to the solicitation,\\nI endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people by writ-\\ning on the subject in the newspapers, which was my usual\\ncustom in such cases, but which he had omitted.\\nThe subscriptions afterwards were more free and\\ngenerous but, beginning to flag, I saw they would be\\ninsutlficient without some assistance from the Assembly,\\nand therefore propos d to petition for it, which was done.\\nThe country members did not at first relish the project;\\nthey objected that it could only be serviceable to the city,\\nand therefore the citizens alone should be at the expense\\nof it and they doubted whether the citizens themselves\\ngenerally approv d of it. My allegation on the contrary,\\nthat it met with such approbation as to leave no doubt of\\nour being able to raise two thousand pounds by voluntary\\ndonations, they considered as a most extravagant suppo-\\nsition, and utterly impossible.\\nOn this I form d my plan and, asking leave to bring\\nin a bill for incorporating the contributors according to\\nthe prayer of their petition, and granting them a blank\\nsum of money, which leave was obtained chiefly on the", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "n3\\nFRANKLIN\\nconsideration that the House could throw the bill out if\\nthey did not like it, I drew it so as to make the important\\nclause a conditional one, viz., And be it enacted, by the\\nauthority aforesaid, that when the said contributors shall\\nhave met and chosen their managers and treasurer, and\\nshall have raised by their contributions a capital stock of\\nvalue (the yearly interest of which is to be applied to the\\naccommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital, free\\nof charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines),\\nand shall make the same appear to the satisfaction of the\\nspeaker of the Assembly for the time being, that then it shall\\nand may be lawful for the said speaker, and he is hereby\\nrequired, to sign an order on the provincial treasurer for\\nthe pavment of two thousand pounds, in two vearly pay-\\nments, to the treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied\\nto the founding, building, and finishing of the same.\\nThis condition carried the bill through for the mem-\\nbers, who had oppos d the grant, and now conceiv d they\\nmight have the credit of being charitable without the ex-\\npence, agreed to its passage and then, in soliciting sub-\\nscriptions among the people, we urg d the conditional\\npromise of the law as an additional motive to give, since\\nevery man s donation would be doubled thus the clause\\nwork d both ways. The subscriptions accordingly soon\\nexceeded the requisite sum, and we claim d and receiv d\\nthe public gift, which enabled us to carrv the design into\\nexecution. A convenient and handsome building was soon\\nerected the institution has by constant experience been\\nfound useful, and flourishes to this day and I do not re-\\nmember any of my political manoeuvres, the success of\\nwhich gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein,\\nafter thinking of it, I more easily excus d myself for hav-\\ning made some use of cunning.\\nIt was about this time that another projector, the Rev.\\nGilbert Tennent, came to me with a request that I would\\nassist him in procuring a subscription for erecting a new\\nmeeting-house. It was to be for the use of a congrega-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 33\\ntion he had gathered among the Presbyterians, who were\\noriginally disciples of Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling to make\\nmyself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently\\nsoliciting their contributions, I absolutely refus d. He\\nthen desired I would furnish him with a list of the names\\nof persons 1 knew by experience to be generous and\\npublic-spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming in\\nme, after their kind compliance with my solicitations, to\\nmark them out to be worried by other beggars, and there-\\nfore refus d also to give such a list. He then desir d 1\\nwould at least give him my advice. That I will readily\\ndo, said I and, in the first place, I advise you to apply\\nto all those whom you know will give something; next,\\nto those whom you are uncertain whether they will give\\nany thing or not, and show them the list of those who\\nhave given and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are\\nsure will give nothing, for in some of them you may be\\nmistaken. He laugh d and thank d me, and said he\\nwould take my advice. He did so, for he ask d of every-\\nbody, and he obtain d a much larger sum than he expected,\\nwith which he erected the capacious and very elegant\\nmeeting-house that stands in Arch-street.\\nOur city, tho laid out with a beautiful! regularity, the\\nstreets large, strait, and crossing each other at right an-\\ngles, had the disgrace of suffering those streets to remain\\nlong unpav d, and in wet weather the wheels of heavy\\ncarriages plough d them into a quagmire, so that it was\\ndifiicult to cross them and in dry weather the dust was\\noffensive. I had liv d near what was call d the Jersey\\nMarket, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud\\nwhile purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground\\ndown the middle of that market was at length pav d with\\nbrick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm\\nfooting, but were often over shoes in dirt to get there.\\nBy talking and writing on the subject, I was at length in-\\nstrumental in getting the street pav d with stone between\\nthe market and the brick d foot-pavement that was on", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "4\\nFRANKLIN\\neach side next the houses. This, for some time. g:ave an\\neasv access to the market dry-shod but. the rest ot the\\nstreet not bein^ pav d. whenever a carriage came out ot\\nthe mud upon this pavement, it shook otT and left its dirt\\nupon it. and it was soon cover d with mire, which was not\\nremov d. the city as yet having no scavengers.\\nAfter some inquirv. 1 found a poor, industrious man.\\nwho was willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean,\\nbv sweepings it twice a week, carrying off the dirt from\\nbefore all the neighbours doors, for the sum of sixpence\\nper month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote and\\nprinted a paper setting forth the advantages to the neigh-\\nbourhood that might be obtain d by this small expense\\nthe g^reater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much dirt\\nnot being brought in by people s feet the benefit to the\\nshops bv more custom, etc.. etc.. as buyers could more\\neasily get at them and by hot having, in windy weather,\\nthe dust blown in upon their goods, etc.. etc. I sent one\\nof these papers to each house, and in a day or two went\\nround to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay\\nthese sixpences it wa$ unanimouslvsign d. and for a time\\nwell executed. All the inhabitants of the city were de-\\nlighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that sur-\\nrounded the market, it being a convenience to all. and this\\nrais d a general desire to have all the streets paved, and\\nmade the people more willing to submit to a tax for that\\npurpose.\\nAfter some time 1 drew a bill for paving the city, and\\nbrought it into the Assembly. It was just before 1 went\\nto England, in irST* ^r*^^ ^i^^ P^^^* I gone, and\\nthen with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which\\nI thought not for the better, but with an additional pro-\\nvision for lighting as well as paving the streets, which\\nwas a great improvement. It was bv a private person,\\nthe late Mr. John Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility\\nof lamps, bv placing one at his door, that the people were\\nfirst impress d with the idea of enlighting all the city.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 35\\nThe honour of this public benefit has also been ascrib d\\nto me, but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but\\nfollow his example, and have only some merit to claim\\nrespecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the\\nglobe lamps we were at first supply d with from London.\\nThose we found inconvenient in these respects they ad-\\nmitted no air below the smoke, therefore, did not readily\\ngo out above, but circulated in the globe, lodg d on its\\ninside, and soon obstructed the light they were intended\\nto afford giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping\\nthem clean and an accidental stroke on one of them\\nwould demolish it, and render it totally useless. 1 there-\\nfore suggested the composing them of four flat panes,\\nwith a long funnel above to draw up the smoke, and crev-\\nices admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the\\nsmoke by this means they were kept clean, and did not\\ngrow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but\\ncontinu d bright till morning, and an accidental stroke\\nwould generally break but a single pane, easily repair d.\\nI have sometimes wonder d that the Londoners did\\nnot, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps\\nus d at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn to\\nhave such holes in their street lamps. But, these holes\\nbeing made for another purpose, viz., to communicate\\nflame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax hanging\\ndown thro them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not\\nto have been thought of and therefore, after the lamps\\nhave been lit a few hours, the streets of London arc very\\npoorly illuminated.\\nThe mention of these improvements puts me in mind\\nof one I propos d, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who\\nwas among the best men I have known, and a great pro-\\nmoter of useful projects. I had observ d that the streets,\\nwhen dry, were never swept, and the light dust carried\\naway but it was suffer d to accumulate till wet weather\\nreduc d it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep\\non the pavement that there was no crossing but in paths", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "136 FRANKLIN\\nkept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with great\\nlabour rak d together and thrown up into carts open\\nabove, the sides of which suffer d some of the slush at\\nevery jolt on the pavement to shake out and fall, some-\\ntimes to the annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason\\ngiven for not sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust\\nwould fly into the windows of shops and houses.\\nAn accidental occurrence had instructed me how much\\nsweeping might be done in a little time. I found at my\\ndoor in Craven-street, one morning, a poor woman sweep-\\ning my pavement with a birch broom she appeared very\\npale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness. I\\nask d who employ d her to sweep there she said, No-\\nbody but I am very poor and in distress, and I sweeps\\nbefore gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me\\nsomething. I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and\\nI would give her a shilling this was at nine o clock at\\n12 she came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw at\\nfirst in her working, I could scarce believe that the work\\nwas done so soon, and sent my servant to examine it, who\\nreported that the whole street was swept perfectly clean,\\nand all the dust plac d in the gutter, which was in the\\nmiddle and the next rain wash d it quite away, so that\\nthe pavement and even the kennel were perfectly clean.\\nI then judg d that, if that feeble woman could sweep\\nsuch a street in three hours, a strong, active man might\\nhave done it in half the time. And here let me remark\\nthe convenience of having but one gutter in such a nar-\\nrow street, running down its middle, instead of two, one\\non each side, near the footway for where all the rain that\\nfalls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the mid-\\ndle, it forms there a current strong enough to wash away\\nall the mud it meets with but when divided into two\\nchannels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and only\\nmakes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of\\ncarriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the\\nfoot-pavement, which is thereby rendered foul and slip-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 137\\npery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walk-\\ning. My proposal, communicated to the good doctor,\\nwas as follows\\nFor the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean\\nthe streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that\\nthe several watchmen be contracted with to have the dust\\nswept up in dry seasons, and the mud rak d up at other\\ntimes, each in the several streets and lanes of his round\\nthat they be furnish d with brooms and other proper in-\\nstruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respec-\\ntive stands, ready to furnish the poor people they may\\nemploy in the service.\\nThat in the dry summer months the dust be all swept\\nup into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and\\nwindows of houses are usually opened, when the scaven-\\ngers, with close-covered carts, shall also carry it all away.\\nThat the mud, when rak d up, be not left in heaps to\\nbe spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and\\ntrampling of horses, but that the scavengers be provided\\nwith bodies of carts, not plac d high upon wheels, but low\\nupon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being cover d\\nwith straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and\\npermit the water to drain from it, whereby it will become\\nmuch lighter, water making the greatest part of its weight\\nthese bodies of carts to be plac d at convenient distances,\\nand the mud brought to them in wheel-barrows they re-\\nmaining where plac d till the mud is drain d, and then\\nhorses brought to draw them away.\\nI have since had doubts of the practicability of the lat-\\nter part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of\\nsome streets, and the difficulty of placing the draining-\\nsleds so as not to encumber too much the passage but I\\nam still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to\\nbe swept up and carry d away before the shops are open,\\nis very practicable in the summer, when the days are long\\nfor, in walking thro the Strand and Fleet-street one morn-\\ning at seven o clock, I observ d there was not one shop", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "13S FRANKLIN\\nopen, tho it had been daylight and the sun up above three\\nhours the inhabitants of London chusing vokintarily to\\nlive much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine, and yet\\noften complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on candles,\\nand the high price of tallow.\\nSome may think these trifling matters not worth mind.\\ning or relating but when they consider that tho dust\\nblown into the eyes of a single person, or into a single\\nshop on a windy day, is but of small importance, vet the\\ngreat number of the instances in a populous city, and its\\nfrequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, per-\\nhaps thev will not censure very severelv those who bestow\\nsome attention to affairs of this seeminglv low nature.\\nHuman felicity is produc d not so much by great pieces\\nof good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advan-\\ntages that occur every dav. Thus, if you teach a poor\\nyoung man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order,\\nvou mav contribute more to the happiness of his life than\\nin giving him a thousand guineas. The money may be\\nsoon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly\\nconsumed it but in the other case, he escapes the fre-\\nquent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their some-\\ntimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors he\\nshaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys dailv the\\npleasure of its being done with a good instrument. With\\nthese sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages,\\nhoping thev mav afford hints which some time or other\\nmay be useful to a city I love, having lived many years\\nin it verv happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in\\nAmerica.\\nHaving been for some time employed by the postmas-\\nter-general of America as his comptroller in regulating\\nseveral offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was,\\nupon his death in 1753. appointed, jointlv with Mr. William\\nHunter, to succeed him, bv a commission from the post-\\nmaster-general in England. The American office never\\nhad hitherto paid any thing to that of Britain. We were", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n139\\nto have six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could\\nmake that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this,\\na variety of improvements were necessary some of these\\nwere inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four\\nyears the office became above nine hundred pounds in\\ndebt to us. But it soon after began to repay us and\\nbefore I was displac d by a freak of the ministers, of which\\nI shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield tJiree\\ntimes as much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice\\nof Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, the}^ have\\nreceiv d from it not one farthing\\nThe business of the postoffice occasion d my taking a\\njourney this year to New England, where the College of\\nCambridge, of their own motion, presented me with the\\ndegree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut,\\nhad before made me a similar compliment. Thus, with-\\nout studying in any college, I came to partake of their\\nhonours. They were conferr d in consideration of my\\nimprovements and discoveries in the electric branch of\\nnatural philosophy.\\nIn 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a\\ncongress of commissioners from the different colonies was,\\nby an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at\\nAlbany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations\\nconcerning the means of defending both their country and\\nours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv d this order,\\nacquainted the House with it, requesting they would fur-\\nnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this\\noccasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself\\nto join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as\\ncommissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House ap-\\nprov d the nomination, and provided the goods for the\\npresent, and tho they did not much like treating out of\\nthe provinces and we met the other commissioners at\\nAlbany about the middle of June.\\nIn our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the\\nunion of all the colonies under one government, so far as", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "I40\\nFRANKLIN\\nmight be necessary for defense, and other important gen-\\neral purposes. As we pass d thro New York, I had there\\nshown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Ken-\\nnedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs,\\nand, being fortified by their approbation, I ventur d to lay\\nit before Congress. It then appeared that several of the\\ncommissioners had form d plans of the same kind. A pre-\\nvious question was first taken, whether a union should be\\nestablished, which pass d in the affirmative unanimously.\\nA committee was then appointed, one member from each\\ncolony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine\\nhappen d to be preferr d, and, with a few amendments, was\\naccordingly reported.\\nBy this plan the general government was to be admin-\\nistered by a president-general, appointed and supported\\nby the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by\\nthe representatives of the people of the several colonies,\\nmet in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it\\nin Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian\\nbusiness. Many objections and difficulties were started,\\nbut at length they were all overcome, and the plan was\\nunanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be trans-\\nmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the\\nseveral provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies\\ndid not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much\\nprerogative in it, and in England it was judg d to have too\\nmuch of the democratic. The Board of Trade therefore\\ndid not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approba-\\ntion of his majesty but another scheme was form d, sup-\\nposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the\\ngovernors of the provinces, with some members of their\\nrespective councils, were to meet and order the raising of\\ntroops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury\\nof Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards\\nto be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on\\nAmerica. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is\\nto be found among m} political papers that are printed.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY I4I\\nBeing the winter following in Boston, I had much\\nconversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans.\\nPart of what passed between us on the occasion may also\\nbe seen among those papers. The different and contrary\\nreasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it\\nwas really the true medium and I am still of opinion\\nit would have been happy for both sides the water if\\nit had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have\\nbeen sufficiently strong to have defended themselves\\nthere would then have been no need of troops from Eng-\\nland of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing Amer-\\nica, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have\\nbeen avoided. But such mistakes are not new history is\\nfull of the errors of states and princes.\\nLook round the habitable world, how few\\nKnow their own good, or, knowing it, pursue\\nThose who govern, having much business on their\\nhands, do not generally like to take the trouble of consid-\\nering and carrying into execution new projects. The\\nbest public measures are therefore seldom adopted from\\nprevious zvisdom, but forcd by the occasion.\\nThe Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to\\nthe Assembly, express d his approbation of the plan, as\\nappearing to him to be drawn up with great clearness\\nand strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it\\nas well worthy of their closest and most serious atten-\\ntion. The House, however, by the management of a\\ncertain member, took it up when I happen d to be absent,\\nwhich I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without\\npaying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortifi-\\ncation.\\nIn my journey to Boston this year, I met at New\\nYork with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv d\\nthere from England, with whom I had been before inti-\\nmately acquainted. He brought a commission to super-\\nsede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir d with the disputes his pro-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "14^\\nFRANKLIN\\nprietary instructions subjected him to, had resign d. Mr.\\nMorris ask d me if I thought he must expect as uncom-\\nfortable an administration. 1 said, No; you may, on\\nthe contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will\\nonly take care not to enter into any dispute with the\\nAssembly. My dear friend, says he, pleasantly, how\\ncan vou advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love\\ndisputing it is one of my greatest pleasures however,\\nto show the regard I have for your counsel, I promise\\nyou 1 will, if possible, avoid them. He had some reason\\nfor loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister,\\nand, therefore, generally successful in argumentative con-\\nversation. He had been brought up to it from a bov. his\\nfather, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dis-\\npute with one another for his diversion, while sitting at\\ntable after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise;\\nfor in the course of my observation, these disputing, con-\\ntradicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate\\nin their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they\\nnever sret irood will, which would be of more use to them.\\nWe parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.\\nIn returning. I met at New York with the votes of the\\nAssembly, by which it appear d that, notwithstanding his\\npromise to me, he and the House were already in high\\ncontention and it was a continual battle between them\\nas long as he retain d the government. I had my share\\nof it for, as soon as 1 got back to my seat in the Assem-\\nblv. 1 was put on every committee for answering his\\nspeeches and messages, and by the committees always de-\\nsired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his\\nmessages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently abu-\\nsive and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one\\nmight have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly\\navoid cutting throats but he was so good-natur d a man\\nthat no personal difference between him and me was occa-\\nsion d by the contest, and we often din d together.\\nOne afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n143\\nmet in the street. Franklin, says he, you must go\\nhome with me and spend the evening; I am to have some\\ncompany that you will like; and, taking me by the arm,\\nhe led me to his house. In gay conversation over our\\nwine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much ad-\\nmir d the idea of Sancho Paiiza, who, when it was pro-\\nposed to give him a government, requested it might be a\\ngovernment of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with\\nhis people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who\\nsat next to me, says, Franklin, why do you continue to\\nside with these damn d Quakers? Had not you better\\nsell them The proprietor would give you a good price.\\nThe governor, says I, has not yet blacked them\\nenough. He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the\\nAssembly in all his messages, but they wip d off his color-\\ning as fast as he laid it on, and plac d it, in return, thick\\nupon his own face so that, finding he was likely to be\\nnegrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir d\\nof the contest, and quitted the government.\\nThese public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the\\nproprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any\\nexpense was to be incurred for the defense of their prov-\\nince, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies\\nto pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their\\nvast estates were in the same act expressly excused and\\nthey had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe\\nsuch instructions. The Assemblies for three years held\\nout against this injustice, tho constrained to bend at last.\\nAt length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris s\\nsuccessor, ventured to disobey those instructions: how\\nthat was brought about I shall show hereafter.\\nBut I am got forward too fast with my story there\\nare still some transactions to be mention d that happened\\nduring the administration of Governor Morris.\\nWar being in a manner commenced with France, the\\ngovernment of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack\\nupon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania,", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "U4\\nFRANKLIN\\nand Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New\\nYork, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly,\\nknew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy s countryman, he\\nappli d to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated\\nhis address to them, which was well receiv d. Thev\\nvoted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in\\nprovisions. But the governor refusing his assent to their\\nbill (which included this with other sums granted for the\\nuse of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempt-\\ning the proprietary estate from bearing anv part of the\\ntax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho very de-\\nsirous of making their grant to New England effectual,\\nwere at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Ouincy labored\\nhard with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was\\nobstinate.\\nI then suggested a method of doing the business with-\\nout the governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan\\nOffice, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of\\ndrawing. There was, indeed, little or no monev at that\\ntime in the office, and therefore I propos d that the orders\\nshould be pavable in a year, and to bear an interest of five\\nper cent. With these orders I suppos d the provisions\\nmight easilv be purchas d. The Assembly, with very\\nlittle hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders were\\nimmediatelv printed, and I was one of the committee\\ndirected to sign and dispose of them. The fund for pav-\\ning them was the interest of all the paper currency then\\nextant in the province upon loan, together with the rev-\\nenue arising from the excise, which being known to be\\nmore than sufficient, they obtain d instant credit, and\\nwere not onlv receiv d in payment for the provisions, but\\nmany monev d people, who had cash lying by them, vested\\nit in those orders, which they found advantageous, as\\nthey bore interest while upon hand, and might on anv\\noccasion be used as money so that they were eagerlv all\\nbought up. and in a few weeks none of them were to be\\nseen. Thus this important affair was by ni}- means com-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY I45\\npleated. Mr. Quincy return d thanks to the Assembly in\\na handsome memorial, went home highly pleas d with the\\nsuccess of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the\\nmost cordial and affectionate friendship.\\nThe British government, not chusing to permit the\\nunion of the colonics as propos d at Albany, and to trust\\nthat union with their defense, lest they should thereby\\ngrow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions\\nand jealousies at this time being entertain d of them, sent\\nover General Braddock with two regiments of regular\\nEnglish troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexan-\\ndria, in Virginia, and thence march d to Frederictown,\\nin Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assem-\\nbly apprehending, from some information, that he had\\nconceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to\\nthe service, wish d me to wait upon him, not as from them,\\nbut as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing\\nto settle with him the mode of conducting with most\\ncelerity and certainty the despatches between him and\\nthe governors of the several provinces, with whom he\\nmust necessarily have continual correspondence, and of\\nwhich they propos d to pay the expense. My son accom-\\npanied me on this journey.\\nWe found the general at Frederictown, waiting impa-\\ntiently for the return of those he had sent thro the back\\nparts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I\\nstayed with him several days, din d with him daily, and\\nhad full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by\\nthe information of what the Assembly had before his ar-\\nrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facili-\\ntate his operations. When I was about to depart, the\\nreturns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by\\nwhich it appear d that they amounted only to twenty-five,\\nand not all of those were in serviceable condition. The\\ngeneral and all the officers were surpris d, declar d the\\nexpedition was then at an end, being impossible and ex-\\nclaim d against the ministers for ignorantly landing them\\n10", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "146 FRANKLIN\\nin a country destitute of the means of conveying their\\nstores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty\\nwaggons being necessary.\\nI happen d to say I thought it was pity they had not\\nbeen landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country\\nalmost every farmer had his waggon. The general eager-\\nly laid hold of my words, and said, Then you, sir, who\\nare a man of interest there, can probably procure them\\nfor us; and I beg you will undertake it. I ask d what\\nterms were to be ofler d the owners of the waggons and\\nI was desir d to put on paper the terms that appeared to\\nme necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a\\ncommission and instructions accordingly prepar d imme-\\ndiately. What those terms were will appear in the ad-\\nvertisement I publish d as soon as I arriv d at Lancaster,\\nwhich being, from the great and sudden effect it pro-\\nduc d, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at\\nlength, as follows\\nAdvertisement.\\nLancaster, April 26, lyjS-\\nWhereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four\\nhorses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or\\npack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty s\\nforces now about to rendezvous at Will s Creek, and his\\nexcellency General Braddock having been pleased to em-\\npower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby\\ngive notice that I shall attend for that pu -pose at Lan-\\ncaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at\\nYork from next Thursday morning till Friday evening,\\nwhere I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams,\\nor single horses, on the following terms, viz. i. That there\\nshall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and\\na driver, fifteen shillings per diem and for each able\\nhorse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture,\\ntwo shillings per diem and for each able horse without\\na saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay com-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n147\\nmence from the time of their joining the forces at Will s\\nCreek, which must be on or before the 20th of May en-\\nsuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and\\nabove for the time necessary for their travelling to Will s\\nCreek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each\\nwaggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to\\nbe valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and\\nthe owner and in case of the loss of any waggon, team,\\nor other horse in the service, the price according to such\\nvaluation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days pay\\nis to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner\\nof each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of con-\\ntracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by\\nGeneral Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at\\nthe time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it\\nshall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons\\ntaking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be\\ncalled upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise\\nemployed than in conducting or taking care of their car-\\nriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage\\nthat waggons or horses bring to the camp, more than is\\nnecessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken\\nfor the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for\\nthe same.\\nNote. My son, William Franklin, is empowered to\\nenter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland\\ncounty. B. Franklin.\\nTo the inhabit ajtts of the Counties of Lancaster, York, and\\nCumberland.\\nFriends and Countrymen,\\nBeing occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few\\ndays since, I found the general and officers extremely ex-\\nasperated on account of their not being supplied with\\nhorses and carriages, which had been expected from this\\nprovince, as most able to furnish them but, through the\\ndissensions between our governor and Assembly, money", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "148 FRANKLIN\\nhad not been provided, nor any steps taken for that\\npurpose.\\nIt was proposed to send an armed force immediately\\ninto these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages\\nand horses as should be wanted, and compel as many\\npersons into the service as would be necessary to drive\\nand take care of them.\\nI apprehended that the progress of British soldiers\\nthrough these counties on such an occasion, especially\\nconsidering the temper thcv are in, and their resentment\\nasrainst us, would be attended with many and g-reat incon-\\nveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly\\ntook the trouble of trving first what might be done by\\nfair and equitable means. The people of these back coun-\\nties have lately complained to the Assembly that a suffi-\\ncient currency was wanting you have an opportunity of\\nreceiving and dividing among ou a very considerable\\nsum for, if the service of this expedition should continue,\\nas it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and\\ntwenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will\\namount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will\\nbe paid you in silver and gold of the king s money.\\nThe service will be light and easy, for the army will\\nscarce march above twelve miles per day, and the wag-\\ngons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that\\nare absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must\\nmarch with the army, and no faster and are, for the\\narmy s sake, alwavs placed where they can be most\\nsecure, whether in a march or in a camp.\\nIf you are reallv, as I believe you are, good and loval\\nsubjects to his majesty, you may now do a most accept-\\nable service, and make it easy to yourselves for three or\\nfour of such as can not separately spare from the business\\nof their plantations a waggon and four horses and a\\ndriver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon,\\nanother one or two horses, and another the driver, and\\ndivide the pay proportionably between you but if you", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY I49\\ndo not this service to your king and country voluntarily,\\nwhen such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to\\nyou, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king s\\nbusiness must be done so many brave troops, come so\\nfar for your defense, must not stand idle through your\\nbackwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from\\nyou waggons and horses must be had violent measures\\nwill probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a\\nrecompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps,\\nbe little pitied or regarded.\\nI have no particular interest in this affair, as, except\\nthe satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have\\nonly my labor for my pains. If this method of obtaining\\nthe waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am\\nobliged to send word to the general in fourteen days and\\nI suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of\\nsoldiers, will immediately enter the province for the pur-\\npose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very\\nsincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher,\\nB. Franklin.\\nI received of the general about eight hundred pounds,\\nto be disbursed in advance-money to the waggon owners,\\netc. but that sum being insufficient, I advanc d upward\\nof two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one\\nhundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-\\nnine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp.\\nThe advertisement promised payment according to the\\nvaluation, in case any waggon or horse should be lost.\\nThe owners, however, alleging they did not know General\\nBraddock, or what dependence might be had on his prom-\\nise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I\\naccordingly gave them.\\nWhile I was at the camp, supping one evening with\\nthe officers of Colonel Dunbar s regiment, he represented\\nto me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were\\ngenerally not in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": ",;0 VKANKllN\\ncountrv. to l:iv in the stores that might be necessary in so\\nlong: a march, thu^ a wilderness, where nothing was to be\\npurchas d. 1 cvMiimiserated their case, and resolved to\\nendeavor procuring them some reliei. 1 said nothing, how-\\never, to him of my intention, but wR-^te the next morning\\nto the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition\\nof some public money, warmly recommending the case of\\nthese otVicei^s to their consideration, and proposing that a\\npresent should be sent them of necess;iries and refresh-\\nments. Mv son. who had some experience of a camp life.\\nand of its wants, drew up a list for me. which I enclos d\\nin mv letter. The committee approved, and used such\\ndiligence that, conducted by my son. the stores arrived at\\nthe camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of\\ntwenty parcels, each cv)nt:uning\\n6 lbs. loaf su^r. i Gloucester cheese.\\nt lbs. g\\\\XH.i Muscvnado do. l kegg cv ntaining iX lbs. gvxxi but:er.\\n1 lb. gvxxi green lea. a doi, old Madeira wine.\\nI lb. gvxxi K^hea do. a gtillons Jamaica spirits.\\n6 lbs, gvxxi grv^und coffee, i Kettle flour of mustard.\\n6 lbs, chvxx-\u00c2\u00abIate. t weU-curVi hams,\\n1-3 cwt. best white biscuit. i-3 doaen dry d tongues,\\nl-a lb, pepjxjr. 6 lbs. rice.\\nI quart best white wine vinegar. 6 lbs. raisins.\\nThese twenty parcels, well pack d. were placed on as\\nmany hon?es, each parcel, with the horse, being intended\\nas a present for one officer. They were very thankfully\\nreceived, and the kindness: acknowledg d by letter? to me\\nfrv ra the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful\\nterms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my\\nconduct in prvK uring him the waggv^ns, etc.. and readilv\\npaid mv account of disbursements, thanking me repeat-\\nedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending pro-\\nvisions after him. 1 undertook this also, and was busily\\nemplov d in it till we hearvi of his defeat, advancing for\\nthe service of my own money, upwarvls of one thousand\\npounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "AUTORIOGRAPIIY\\n151\\nto his liaiuls, luckily for 1110, a few days bcfi^ C the bat-\\ntle, and he letiirn d ine iiumediatcly an order on the\\njiavniaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds,\\nleavini:^ tiie remainder to the next account. 1 consider\\nthis payment as :^ood luck, having never been able to\\nobtain that lemainder, of which more hereafter.\\nThis \u00c2\u00ab^eneral was, I think, a brave man, and mi ;ht\\nprobably have made a figure as a good officer in some\\nFuropean war. Hut he had too much self-confidence, too\\nhigh an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too\\nmean a one of both Americans and Indians. George\\nCroghan, our Indian interpreter, join d him on his march\\nwith one hundred of those people, who might have been\\nof great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had\\ntreated them kindly but he slighted and neglected them,\\nand they gradually left him.\\nIn conversation with him one day, he was giving me\\nsome account of his intended progress. After taking\\nFort Duqucsne, says he, I am to proceed to Niagara\\nand, haying taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will\\nallow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly\\ndetain me above three or four da^s and then I see noth-\\ning that can obstruct my march to Niagara. Having\\nbefore revolv d in my mind the long line his army must\\nmake in their march by a very narrt)w road, to be cut for\\nthem thrt) the woods and bushes, and also what I had read\\nof a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded\\nthe Iroquois country, 1 had conceiv d some doubts and\\nsome fears for the event of the campaign. But I vcntur d\\nonly to say, To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before\\nDuqucsne, with these fine troops, so well provided with\\nartillery, that place not yet complcatly fortified, and as we\\nhear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but\\na short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of ob-\\nstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians,\\nwho, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and\\nexecuting them and the slender line, near four miles long,", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "J 53 FRANKLIN\\nwhich your army must make, may expose it to be attack d\\nby surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into\\nseveral pieces, which, from their distance, can not come\\nup in time to support each other.\\nHe smil d at my ignorance, and reply d, These sav-\\nages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw\\nAmerican militia, but upon the king s regular and disci-\\nplin d troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any\\nimpression, I was conscious of an impropriety in my\\ndisputing with a military man in matters of his profession,\\nand said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the\\nadvantage of his army which I apprehended its long line\\nof march expos d it to, but let it advance without inter-\\nruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when\\nmore in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the\\nfront had halted till all were come over), and in a more\\nopen part of the woods than any it had pass d, attack d its\\nadvanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and\\nbushes, which was the first intelligence the general had\\nof an enemy being near him. This guard being disor-\\ndered, the general hurried the troops up to their assist-\\nance, which was done in great confusion, thro* waggons,\\nbaggage, and cattle and presently the fire came upon\\ntheir flank the officers, being on horseback, were more\\neasily distinguish d, pick d out as marks, and fell very\\nfast and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle,\\nhaving or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at\\ntill two-thirds of them were killed and then, being seiz d\\nwith a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.\\nThe waggoners took each a horse out of his team and\\nscamper d their example was immediately followed by\\nothers so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and\\nstores were left to the enemy. The creneral, beinir\\nwounded, was brought off with difficulty his secretary,\\nMr. Shirley, was killed by his side and out of eighty-six\\nofficers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven\\nhundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n153\\nThese eleven hundred had been picked men from the\\nwhole army the rest had been left behind with Colonel\\nDunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the\\nstores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being\\npursu d, arriv d at Dunbar s camp, and the panick they\\nbrought with them instantly seiz d him and all his people\\nand, tho he had now above one thousand men, and the\\nenemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed\\nfour hundred Indians and French together, instead of\\nproceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost\\nhonour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be\\ndestroy d, that he might have more horses to assist his\\nflight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove.\\nHe was there met with requests from the governors of\\nVirginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post\\nhis troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection\\nto the inhabitants; but he continu d his hasty march thro\\nall the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv d at\\nPhiladelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him.\\nThis whole transaction gave us Americans the first sus-\\npicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British\\nregulars had not been well founded. 1\\nIn their first march, too, from their landing till they\\ngot beyond the settlements, they had plundered and\\nstripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor fami-\\nlies, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people\\nif they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of\\nconceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any.\\nHow different was the conduct of our French friends in\\n1781, who, during a march thro the most inhabited part\\nof our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven\\nhundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for\\nthe loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.\\nCaptain Orme, who was one of the general s aids-de-\\ncamp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off\\nwith him, and continu d with him to his death, which\\nhappen d in a few days, told me that he was totally silent", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "154\\nFRANKLIN\\nall the first day, and at night only said, W/io would have\\nthought it That he was silent again the following day,\\nsaying only at last, We shall better know how to deal with\\nthem anotJicr time and dy d in a few minutes after.\\nThe secretary s papers, with all the general s orders,\\ninstructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy s\\nhands, they selected and translated into French a number\\nof the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile\\nintentions of the British court before the declaration of\\nwar. Among these I saw some letters of the general to\\nthe ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had\\nrendered the army, and recommending me to their notice.\\nDavid Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to\\nLord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward\\nto General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he\\nhad seen among the papers in that office, letters from\\nBraddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition\\nhaving been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not\\nthought of much value, for those recommendations were\\nnever of any use to me.\\nAs to rewards from himself, I ask d only one, which\\nwas, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist\\nany more of our bought servants, and that he would dis-\\ncharge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily\\ngranted, and several were accordingly return d to their\\nmasters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command\\ndevolv d on him, was not so generous. He being at Phil-\\nadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply d to him\\nfor the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of\\nLancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of\\nthe late general s orders on that head. He promised me\\nthat, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where\\nhe should be in a few days on his march to New York,\\nhe would there deliver their men to them. They accord-\\ningly were at the expense and trouble of going to Tren-\\nton, and there he refus d to perform his promise, to their\\ngreat loss and disappointment.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 155\\nAs soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was\\ngenerally known, all the owners came upon me for the\\nvaluation which I had given bond to pay. Their de-\\nmands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting\\nthem that the money was ready in the paymaster s hands,\\nbut that orders for paying it must first be obtained from\\nGeneral Shirley, and my assuring them that I had apply d\\nto that general by letter but, he being* at a distance, an\\nanswer could not soon be receiv d, and they must have\\npatience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some\\nbegan to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me\\nfrom this terrible situation by appointing commissioners\\nto examine the claims, and ordering payment. They\\namounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay\\nwould have ruined me.\\nBefore we had the news of this defeat, the two Doc-\\ntors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for rais-\\ning money to defray the expense of a grand firework,\\nwhich it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt\\nof the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked\\ngrave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to\\nprepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have\\noccasion to rejoice. They seem d surpris d that I did not\\nimmediately comply with their proposal. Why the\\nd 1 says one of them, you surely don t suppose\\nthat the fort will not be taken? I don t know that it\\nwill not be taken, but I know that the events of war are\\nsubject to great uncertainty. I gave them the reasons of\\nmy doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the pro-\\njectors thereby missed the mortification they would have\\nundergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond,\\non some, other occasion afterward, said that he did not\\nlike Franklin s forebodings.\\nGovernor Morris, who had continually worried the\\nAssembly with message after message before the defeat\\nof Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise\\nmoney for the defense of the province, without taxing,", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "156\\nFRANKLIN\\namong others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected\\nall their bills for not having such an exempting clause,\\nnow redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the\\ndanger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, how-\\never, continu d firm, believing they had justice on their\\nside, and that it would be giving up an essential right if\\nthey suffered the governor to amend their money-bills.\\nIn one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty\\nthousand pounds, his propos d amendment was only of a\\nsingle word. The bill express d that all estates, real and\\npersonal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not\\nexcepted. His amendment was, for not read only: a\\nsmall, but very material alteration. However, when the\\nnews of this disaster reached England, our friends there,\\nwhom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assem-\\nbly s answers to the governor s messages, rais d a clamor\\nagainst the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice\\nin giving their governor such instructions some going so\\nfar as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their prov-\\nince, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimi-\\ndated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to\\nadd five thousand pounds of their money to whatever sum\\nmight be given by the Assembly for such purpose.\\nThis, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu\\nof their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form d\\nwith an exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By\\nthis act I was appointed one of the commissioners for dis-\\nposing of the money, sixty thousand poundc. I had been\\nactive in modelling the bill and procuring its passage,\\nand had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing\\nand disciplining a voluntary militia, which I carried thro\\nthe House without much difficulty, as care was taken in\\nit to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the\\nassociation necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dia-\\nlogue, stating and answering all the objections I could\\nthink of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as\\nI thought, great effect.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n157\\nWhile the several companies in the city and country-\\nwere forming, and learning their exercise, the governor\\nprevail d with me to take charge of our North-western\\nfrontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide\\nfor the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and\\nbuilding a line of forts. I undertook this military busi-\\nness, tho I did not conceive myself well qualified for it.\\nHe gave me a commission with full powers, and a parcel\\nof blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I\\nthought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men,\\nhaving soon five hundred and sixty under my command.\\nMy son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in\\nthe army rais d against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and\\nof great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut,\\na village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the in-\\nhabitants but the place was thought a good situation\\nfor one of the forts.\\nIn order to march thither, I assembled the companies\\nat Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I\\nwas surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense\\nthe destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend\\ndanger. The principal buildings were defended by a\\nstockade they had purchased a quantity of arms and\\nammunition from New York, and had even plac d quan-\\ntities of small paving stones between the windows of their\\nhigh stone houses, for their women to throw down upon\\nthe heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into\\nthem. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev d\\nas methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation\\nwith the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention d this my sur-\\nprise for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parlia-\\nment exempting them from military duties in the colonies,\\nI had suppos d they were conscientiously scrupulous of\\nbearing arms. He answer d me that it was not one of their\\nestablished principles, but that, at the time of their obtain,\\ning that act, it was thought to be a principle with many\\nof their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "158\\nFRANKLIN\\nsurprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they\\nwere either deceiv d in themselves, or deceiv d the Parlia-\\nment but common sense, aided by present danger, will\\nsometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.\\nIt was the beginning of January when we set out upon\\nthis business of building forts. I sent one detachment\\ntoward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for\\nthe security of that upper part of the country, and an-\\nother to the lower part, with similar instructions and I\\nconcluded to go myself with the rest of my force to\\nGnadenhut, where a fort was tho t more immediately\\nnecessary. The Moravians procur d me five waggons for\\nour tools, stores, baggage, etc.\\nJust before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who\\nhad been driven from their plantations by the Indians,\\ncame to me requesting a supply of firearms, that the}\\nmight go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them\\neach a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not\\nmarch d many miles before it began to rain, and con-\\ntinued raining all day there were no habitations on the\\nroad to shelter us, till we arriv d near night at the house\\nof a German, where, and in his barn, we were all hud-\\ndled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well\\nwe were not attack d in our march, for our arms were of\\nthe most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their\\ngun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances\\nfor that purpose, which we had not. They met that day\\nthe eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten\\nof them. The one who escap d inform d that his and his\\ncompanions guns would not go off, the priming being wet\\nwith the rain.\\nThe next day being fair, we continu d our march, and\\narriv d at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-\\nmill near, round which were left several piles of boards,\\nwith which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the\\nmore necessary at that inclement season, as we had no\\ntents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n159\\ndead we found there, who had been half interr d by the\\ncountry people.\\nThe next morning our fort was plann d and mark d\\nout, the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-\\nfive feet, which would require as many palisades to be\\nmade of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each.\\nOur axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set\\nto work to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous\\nin the use of them, great despatch was made. Seeing the\\ntrees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch\\nwhen two men began to cut at a pine in six minutes they\\nhad it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches\\ndiameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen\\nfeet long, pointed at one end. While these were prepar-\\ning, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet\\ndeep, in which the palisades were to be planted and, our\\nwaggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and\\nhind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united\\nthe two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two\\nhorses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the\\nspot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a\\nstage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for\\nthe men to stand on when to fire thro the loopholes.\\nWe had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the\\nangles, and fir d it as soon as fix d, to let the Indians know,\\nif any were within hearing, that we had such pieces;\\nand thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be\\ngiven to so miserable a stockade, was finish d in a week,\\nthough it rain d so hard every other day that the men\\ncould not work.\\nThis gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are\\nemploy d, they are best content d for on the days they\\nworked they were good-natur d and cheerful, and, with\\nthe consciousness of having done a good day s work,\\nthey spent the evening jollily but on our idle days they\\nwere mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their\\npork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "l6o FRANKLIN\\nmc in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his\\nmen constantly at work; and, when his mate once told\\nhim that they had done every thing, and there was noth-\\ning further to employ them about, Oh, says he, viake\\nthem scour the anchor.\\nThis kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient\\ndefense against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding\\nourselves now posted securely, and having a place to re-\\ntreat to on occasion, we ventur d out in parties to scour\\nthe adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we\\nfound the places on the neighboring hills where they had\\nlain to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their\\ncontrivance of those places that seems worth mention. It\\nbeing winter, a fire was necessary for them but a com-\\nmon fire on the surface of the ground would by its light\\nhave discover d their position at a distance. They had\\ntherefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diame-\\nter, and somewhat deeper we saw where they had with\\ntheir hatchets cut ofl the charcoal from the sides of burnt\\nlogs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made\\nsmall fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ d\\namong the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies,\\nmade by their laying all round, with their legs hanging\\ndown in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with\\nthem, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag d,\\ncould not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks,\\nor even smoke it appear d that their number was not\\ngreat, and it seems they saw we were too many to be\\nattacked by them with prospect of advantage.\\nWe had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minis-\\nter, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did\\nnot generally attend his prayers and exhortations. When\\nthey enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and pro-\\nvisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv d\\nout to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the\\nevening and I observ d they were as punctual in attend-\\ning to receive it upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, It is,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY l6l\\nperhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as\\nsteward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and\\nonly just after prayers, you would have them all about\\nyou. He liked the tho t, undertook the office, and, with\\nthe help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed\\nit to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally\\nand more punctually attended so that I thought this\\nmethod preferable to the punishment inflicted by some\\nmilitary laws for non-attendance on divine service.\\nI had hardly finish d this business, and got my fort\\nwell stor d with provisions, when I receiv d a letter from\\nthe governor, acquainting me that he had call d the As-\\nsembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of\\naffairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there\\nwas no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the As-\\nsembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at\\nthe meeting, and my three intended forts being now\\ncompleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on\\ntheir farms under that protection, 1 resolved to return\\nthe more willingly, as a New England officer. Colonel\\nClapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to\\nour establishment, consented to accept the command. I\\ngave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had\\nit read before them, and introduc d him to them as an\\nofficer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much\\nmore fit to command them than myself; and, giving them\\na little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted as far\\nas Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from\\nthe fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in\\na good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from\\nmy hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt\\nonly in a blanket or two.\\nWhile at Bethlehem, I inquir d a little into the practice\\nof the Moravians some of them had accompanied me,\\nand all were very kind to me. I found they work d for\\na common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in com-\\nmon dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormi-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "l62 FRANKLIN\\ntories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along\\njust under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed\\nfor change of air. I was at their church, where I was en-\\ntertain d with good musick, the organ being accompanied\\nwith violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood\\nthat their sermons were not usually preached to mixed\\ncongregations of men, women, and children, as is our\\ncommon practice, but that they assembled sometimes the\\nmarried men, at other times their wives, then the young\\nmen, the young women, and the little children, each divi-\\nsion by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who\\ncame in and were plac d in rows on benches the boys\\nunder the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the\\ngirls conducted by a young woman. The discourse\\nseem d well adapted to their capacities, and was delivered\\nin a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were,\\nto be good. They behav d very orderly, but looked pale\\nand unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept\\ntoo much within doors, or not allow d sufficient exercise.\\nI inquir d concerning the Moravian marriages, whether\\nthe report was true that they were by lot. I was told\\nthat lots were us d only in particular cases that gener-\\nally, when a young man found himself dispos d to marry,\\nhe inform d the elders of his class, who consulted the elder\\nladies that govern d the young women. As these elders\\nof the different sexes were well acquainted with the tem-\\npers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they could\\nbest judge what matches were suitable, and their judg-\\nments were generally acquicsc d in but if, for example,\\nit should happen that two or three young women were\\nfound to be equally proper for the young man, the lot\\nwas then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not\\nmade by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them\\nmay chance to be very unhappy. And so they may,\\nanswer d my informer, if you let the parties chuse for\\nthemselves which, indeed, I could not deny.\\nBeing returned to Philadelphia, I found the associa-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n163\\ntion went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not\\nQuakers having pretty generally come into it, formed\\nthemselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieu-\\ntenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B.\\nvisited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had\\ntaken to spread a general good liking to the law, and as-\\ncribed much to those endeavors. I had had the vanity\\nto ascribe all to my Dialogue however, not knowing but\\nthat he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion,\\nwhich I take to be generally the best way in such cases.\\nThe officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regi-\\nment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many\\ncompanies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred\\nwell-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had\\nbeen furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had\\nbecome so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a\\nminute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they ac-\\ncompanied me to my house, and would salute me with\\nsome rounds fired before my door, which shook down and\\nbroke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And\\nmy new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our\\ncommissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the\\nlaw in England.\\nDuring this short time of my colonelship, being about\\nto set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my\\nregiment took it into their heads that it would be proper\\nfor them to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower\\nFerry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to\\nmy door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in\\ntheir uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted\\nwith the project, or I should have prevented it, being\\nnaturally averse to the assuming of state on any occasion\\nand I was a good deal chagrin d at their appearance, as I\\ncould not avoid their accompanying me. What made it\\nworse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew\\ntheir swords and rode with them naked all the way.\\nSomebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "164\\nFRANKLIN\\nit g-ave him great offense. No such honor had been paid\\nhim when in the province, nor to any of his governors\\nand he said it was only proper to princes of the blood\\nroyal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and\\nstill am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.\\nThis silly affair, however, greatly increased his ran-\\ncour against me, which was before not a little, on account\\nof my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption\\nof his estate from taxation, which I had always oppos d\\nvery warmly, and not without severe reflections on his\\nmeanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused\\nme to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the\\nking s service, preventing, by my infiuence in the House,\\nthe proper form of the bills for raising money, and he in-\\nstanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my\\nhaving an intention to take the government of the prov-\\nince out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir\\nEverard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive\\nme of my office but it had no other effect than to pro-\\ncure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.\\nNotwithstanding the continual wrangle between the\\ngovernor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so\\nlarge a share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse be-\\ntween that gentleman and myself, and we never had any\\npersonal difference. I have sometimes since thought that\\nhis little or no resentment against me, for the answers it\\nwas known I drew up to his messages, might be the\\neffect of professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer,\\nhe might consider us both as merely advocates for con-\\ntending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for\\nthe Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in a\\nfriendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and\\nsometimes, tho not often, take my advice.\\nWe acted in concert to supply Braddock s army with\\nprovisions and, when the shocking news arrived of his\\ndefeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult with\\nhim on measures for preventing the desertion of the back", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 165\\ncounties. I forget now the advice I gave but I think it\\nwas, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevail d with,\\nif possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their pro-\\ntection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he\\nmight be able to proceed on the expedition. And, after\\nmy return from the frontier, he would have had me\\nundertake the conduct of such an expedition with pro-\\nvincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dun-\\nbar and his men being otherwise employed and he pro-\\nposed to commission me as general. I had not so good\\nan opinion of my military abilities as he profess d to have,\\nand I believe his professions must have exceeded his real\\nsentiments but probably he might think that my popu-\\nlarity would facilitate the raising of the men, and my in-\\nfluence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them,\\nand that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate.\\nFinding me not so forward to engage as he expected, the\\nproject was dropt, and he soon after left the government,\\nbeing superseded by Captain Denny.\\nBefore I proceed in relating the part I had in public\\naffairs under this new governor s administration, it may\\nnot be amiss here to give some account of the rise and\\nprogress of my philosophical reputation. v\\nIn 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr.\\nSpence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and shovv d\\nme some electric experiments. They were imperfectly\\nperform d, as he was not very expert; but, being on a\\nsubject quite new to me, they equally surpris d and\\npleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our\\nlibrary company receiv d from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow\\nof the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube,\\nwith some account of the use of it in making such experi-\\nments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating\\nwhat I had seen at Boston and, by much practice, ac-\\nquir d great readiness in performing those, also, which\\nwe had an account of from England, adding a number of\\nnew ones. I say much practice, for my house was con-", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "l66 FRANKLIN\\ntinually full, for some time, with people who came to see\\nthese new wonders.\\nTo divide a little this incumbrance among my friends,\\nI caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our\\nglass-house, with which they furnished themselves, so\\nthat we had at length several performers. Among these,\\nthe principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor,\\nwho, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake\\nshowing the experiments for money, and drew up for\\nhim two lectures, in which the experiments were rang d\\nin such order, and accompanied with such explanations\\nin such method, as that the foregoing should assist in\\ncomprehending the following. He procur d an elegant\\napparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines\\nthat I had roughly made for myself were nicely form d\\nby instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended,\\nand gave great satisfaction and after some time he went\\nthro the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town,\\nand pick d up some money. In the West India islands,\\nindeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be\\nmade, from the general moisture of the air.\\nOblig d as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of\\nthe tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform d of\\nour success in using it, and wrote him several letters con-\\ntaining accounts of our experiments. He got them read\\nin the Roval Society, where they were not at first thought\\nworth so much notice as to be printed in their Transac-\\ntions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on\\nthe sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr.\\nMitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members\\nalso of that society, who wrote me word that it had been\\nread, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers,\\nhowever, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them\\nof too much value to be stifled, and advis d the printing\\nof them. Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cmr for publi-\\ncation in his Gentleman s Magazine; but he chose to print\\nthem separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 167\\nthe preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit,\\nfor by the additions that arrived afterward, they swell d\\nto a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost\\nhim nothing for copy-money.\\nIt was, however, some time before those papers were\\nmuch taken notice of in England. A copy of them hap-\\npening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a\\nphilosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and,\\nindeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to\\ntranslate them into French, and they were printed at\\nParis. The publication offended the Abb6 NoUet, pre-\\nceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an\\nable experimenter, who had form d and publish d a theory\\nof electricity, which then had the general vogue. He\\ncould not at first believe that such a work came from\\nAmerica, and said it must have been fabricated by his\\nenemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, hav-\\ning been assur d that there really existed such a person\\nas Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he\\nwrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address d\\nto me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of\\nmy experiments, and of the positions deduc d from them.\\nI once purpos d answering the abb^, and actually\\nbegan the answer but, on consideration that my writings\\ncontain d a description of experiments which any one\\nmight repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi d, could\\nnot be defended or of observations offer d as conjectures,\\nand not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me\\nunder any obligation to defend them and reflecting that\\na dispute between two persons, writing in different lan-\\nguages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations,\\nand thence misconceptions of one another s meaning, much\\nof one of the abbe s letters being founded on an error in\\nthe translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for\\nthemselves, believing it was better to spend what time I\\ncould spare from public business in making new experi-\\nments, than in disputing about those already made. 1", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "l68 FRANKLIN\\ntherefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave\\nme no cause to repent my silence for my friend M. le\\nRoy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my\\ncause and refuted him my book was translated into the\\nItalian, German, and Latin languages and the doctrine\\nit contain d was by degrees universally adopted by the\\nphilosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbe\\nso that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except\\nMonsieur B of Paris, his //i^t ^and immediate disciple.\\nWhat gave my book the more sudden and general\\ncelebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experi-\\nments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly,\\nfor drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag d\\nthe public attention every where. M. de Lor, who had\\nan apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur d\\nin that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he\\ncalled the Philadelphia Experiments and, after they were\\nperformed before the king and court, all the curious of\\nParis flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative\\nwith an account of that capital experiment, nor of the\\ninfinite pleasure I receiv d in the success of a similar one\\nI made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are\\nto be found in the histories of electricity.\\nDr. Wright, an English phj sician, when at Paris,\\nwrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an ac-\\ncount of the high esteem my experiments were in among\\nthe learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings\\nhad been so little noticed in England. The society, on\\nthis, resum d the consideration of the letters that had\\nbeen read to them and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew\\nup a summary account of them, and of all I had afterwards\\nsent to England on the subject, which he accompanied\\nwith some praise of the writer. This summary was then\\nprinted in their Transactions; and some members of the\\nsociety in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr.\\nCanton, having verified the experiment of procuring\\nlightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquaint-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n169\\ning them with the success, they soon made me more than\\namends for the slight with which they had before treated\\nme. Without my having made any application for that\\nhonor, they chose me a member, and voted that I should\\nbe excus d the customary payments, which would have\\namounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have\\ngiven me their Transactions gratis. They also presented\\nme with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the\\nyear 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a\\nvery handsome speech of the president. Lord Macclesfield,\\nwherein I was highly honoured.\\nOur new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for\\nme the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society,\\nwhich he presented to me at an entertainment given him\\nby the city. He accompanied it with very polite expres-\\nsions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long\\nacquainted with my character. After dinner, when the\\ncompany, as was customary at that time, were engag d in\\ndrinking, he took me aside into another room, and ac-\\nquainted me that he had been advis d by his friends in Eng-\\nland to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was\\ncapable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing\\nmost effectually to the making his administration easy\\nthat he therefore desired of all things to have a good un-\\nderstanding with me, and he begg d me to be assur d of\\nhis readiness on all occasions to render me every service\\nthat might be in his power. He said much to me, also,\\nof the proprietor s good disposition towards the province,\\nand of the advantage it might be to us all, and to me in\\nparticular, if the opposition that had been so long con-\\ntinu d to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor d\\nbetween him and the people in effecting which, it was\\nthought no one could be more serviceable than myself\\nand I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and\\nrecompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not\\nreturn immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Ma-\\ndeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "i;o FRANKLIN\\nproportion became more profuse of his solicitations and\\npromises.\\nMv answers were to this purpose: that my circum-\\nstances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary\\nfavours unnecessary to me and that, being a member of\\nthe Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any that,\\nhowever, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary,\\nand that, whenever the public measures he propos d\\nshould appear to be for the good of the people, no one\\nshould espouse and forward them more zealously than\\nmyself my past opposition having been founded on this,\\nthat the measures which have been urged were evidently\\nintended to serve the proprietary interest, with great\\nprejudice to that of the people that I was much obliged\\nto him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me,\\nand that he might rely on every thing in my power to\\nmake his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the\\nsame time that he had not brought with him the same\\nunfortunate instruction his predecessor had been ham-\\npcr d with.\\nOn this he did not then explain himself but when he\\nafterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they\\nappear d again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as\\nactive as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first,\\nof the request to have a communication of the instruc-\\ntions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be\\nfound in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Re-\\nview I afterward publish d. But between us personally\\nno enmity arose we were often together he was a man\\nof letters, had seen much of the world, and was very en-\\ntertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the\\nfirst information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still\\nalive that he was esteem d one of the best political\\nwriters in England had been employ d in the dispute\\nbetween Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain d\\na pension of three hundred a year that his reputation\\nwas indeed small as a poet. Pope having damned his", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 171\\npoetry in the Dunciad but his prose was thought as\\ngood as any man s.\\nThe Assembly finally finding the proprietary obsti-\\nnately persisted in manacling their deputies with instruc-\\ntions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the peo-\\nple, but with the service of the crown, resolv d to petition\\nthe king against them, and appointed me their agent to\\ngo over to England, to present and support the petition.\\nThe House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a\\nsum of sixty thousand pounds for the king s use (ten thou-\\nsand pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the\\nthen general, Lord Loudoun), which the governor abso-\\nlutely refus d to pass, in compliance with his instructions.\\nI had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at\\nNew York, for my passage, and my stores were put on\\nboard, when Lord Loudoun arriv d at Philadelphia, ex-\\npressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation\\nbetween the governor and Assembly, that his majesty s\\nservice might not be obstructed by their dissensions.\\nAccordingly, he desir d the governor and myself to meet\\nhim, that he might hear what was to be said on both\\nsides. We met and discuss d the business. In behalf of\\nthe Assembly, I urg d all the various arguments that\\nmay be found in the public papers of that time, which\\nwere of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of\\nthe Assembly and the governor pleaded his instructions\\nthe bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he\\ndisobey d, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if\\nLord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did\\nnot chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly pre-\\nvail d with him to do it but finally he rather chose to\\nurge the compliance of the Assembly and he entreated\\nme to use my endeavours with them for that purpose, de-\\nclaring that he would spare none of the king s troops for\\nthe defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not con-\\ntinue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must re-\\nmain expos d to the enemy.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "172 FRANKLIN\\nI acquainted the House with what had pass d, and, pre-\\nsenting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, de-\\nclaring- our rights, and that we did not relinquish our\\nclaim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of\\nthem on this occasion thro /c?rr^, against which we pro-\\ntested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame\\nanother conformable to the proprietary instructions. This\\nof course the governor pass d, and I was then at libert} to\\nproceed on my voyage. But, in the mean time, the paquet\\nhad sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me,\\nand my only recompense was his lordship s thanks for my\\nservice, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation fall-\\ning to his share.\\nHe set out for New York before me and, as the time\\nfor dispatching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and\\nthere were two then remaining there, one of which, he\\nsaid, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the pre-\\ncise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine.\\nHis answer was, I have given out that she is to sail on\\nSaturday next but I may let you know, entre nous, that if\\n)^ou are there by Monday morning, you will be in time,\\nbut do not delay longer. By some accidental hinderance\\nat a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and 1 was\\nmuch afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair;\\nbut I was soon made easy bv the information that she was\\nstill in the harbor, and would not move till the next day.\\nOne would imagine that I was now on the very point of\\ndeparting for Europe. I thought so but I was not then\\nso well acquainted with his lordship s character, of which\\nindecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give\\nsome instances. It was about the beginning of April that\\nI came to New York, and I think it was near the end of\\nJune before we sail d. There were then two of the paquet-\\nboats, which had been long in port, but were detained for\\nthe general s letters, which were always to be ready to-\\nmorrow. Another paquet arrived she too was detain d\\nand, before we sail d, a fourth was expected. Ours was", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n173\\nthe first to be dispatch d, as having been there longest.\\nPassengers were engag d in all, and some extremely impa-\\ntient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their let-\\nters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being\\nwar time) for fall goods but their anxiety avail d noth-\\ning his lordship s letters were not ready and yet who-\\never waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in\\nhand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly.\\nGoing myself one morning to pay my respects, I found\\nin his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia,\\nwho had come from thence express with a paquet from\\nGovernor Denny for the General. He delivered to me\\nsome letters from my friends there, which occasion d my\\ninquiring when he was to return, and where he lodg d,\\nthat I might send some letters by him. He told me he\\nwas order d to call to-morrow at nine for the general s an-\\nswer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I\\nput my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight\\nafter I met him again in the same place. So, you are\\nsoon return d, Innis? Return d! no, I am v\\\\(jX. gone\\nyet. How so I have called here by order every\\nmorning these two weeks past for his lordship s letter, and\\nit is not yet ready. Is it possible, when he is so great\\na writer for I see him constantly at his escritoire.\\nYes, says Innis, but he is like St. George on the signs,\\nalways on horseback, and never rides on. This observation\\nof the messenger was, it seems, well founded for, when\\nin England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one rea-\\nson for removing this general, and sending Generals Am-\\nherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him,\\nand could not know what he was doing.\\nThis daily expectation of sailing, and all the three\\npaquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there,\\nthe passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a\\nsudden order the ships should sail, and they be left be-\\nhind. There, if I remember right, we were about six\\nweeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig d to procure", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "174\\nFRANKLIN\\nmore. At length the fleet sail d, the General and all his\\narmy on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to be-\\nsiege and take that fortress all the paquet-boats in com-\\npany ordered to attend the General s ship, ready to re-\\nceive his dispatches when they should be ready. We\\nwere out five days before we got a letter with leave to\\npart, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for\\nEngland. The other two paquets he still detained, car-\\nried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time\\nto exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then\\nalter d his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and return d\\nto New York, with all his troops, together with the two\\npaquets above mentioned, and all their passengers Dur-\\ning his absence the French and savages had taken Fort\\nGeorge, on the frontier of that province, and the savages\\nhad massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.\\nI saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who\\ncommanded one of those paquets. He told me that, when\\nhe had been detain d a month, he acquainted his lordship\\nthat his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must neces-\\nsarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a\\npaquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave\\nher down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long\\ntime that would require. He answer d, three days. The\\ngeneral replied, If you can do it in one day, I give\\nleave otherwise not for you must certainly sail the day\\nafter to-morrow. So he never obtain d leave, though\\ndetained afterwards from day to day during full three\\nmonths.\\nI saw also in London one of Bonnell s passengers, who\\nwas so enrag d against his lordship for deceiving and de-\\ntaining him so long at New York, and then carrying him\\nto Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue\\nhim for damages. Whether he did or not, I never\\nheard but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it\\nwas very considerable.\\nOn the whole, I wonder d much how such a man came", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 175\\nto be intrusted with so important a business as the con-\\nduct of a great army but, having since seen more of the\\ngreat world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for\\ngiving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shir-\\nley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon\\nthe death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued\\nin place, have made a much better campaign than that of\\nLoudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and\\ndisgraceful to our nation beyond conception for, tho\\nShirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and saga-\\ncious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others,\\ncapable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active\\nin carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of\\ndefending the colonies with his great army, left them\\ntotally expos d, while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which\\nmeans Fort George was lost, besides, he derang d all our\\nmercantile operations, and distress d our trade, by a long\\nembargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of\\nkeeping supplies from being obtain d by the enemy, but\\nin reality for beating down their price in favor of the\\ncontractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from\\nsuspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the\\nembargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it\\nto Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain d near three\\nmonths longer, whereby their bottoms were so much\\ndamaged by the worm that a great part of them foun-\\ndered in their passage home.\\nShirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved\\nfrom so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army\\nmust be to a man unacquainted with military business. I\\nwas at the entertainment given by the city of New York\\nto Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command.\\nShirley, tho* thereby superseded, was present also.\\nThere was a great company of officers, citizens, and\\nstrangers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the\\nneighborhood, there was one among them very low,\\nwhich fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "lye FRANKLIN\\nsat by him, I said, They have given you, sir, too low a\\nseat. No matter, says he, Mr. Franklin, I find a low\\nscat the easiest.\\nWhile I was, as afore mention d, detain d at New York,\\nI receiv d all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that\\nI had furnish d to Braddock, some of which accounts\\ncould not sooner be obtain d from the different persons I\\nhad employ d to assist in the business. I presented them\\nto Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He\\ncaus d them to be regularly examined by the proper offi-\\ncer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher,\\ncertified them to be right; and the balance due for which\\nhis lordship promis d to give me an order on the paymas-\\nter. This was, however, put off from time to time and,\\ntho I call d often for it by appointment, I did not get it.\\nAt length, just before my departure, he told me he had,\\non better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts\\nwith those of his predecessors. And you, says he,\\nwhen in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at\\nthe treasury, and you will be paid immediately.\\nI mention d, but without effect, the great and unex-\\npected expense I had been put to by being detain d so\\nlong at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be\\npresently paid and on my observing that it was not right\\nI should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtain-\\ning the money I had advanced, as I charged no commis-\\nsion for my service, O, sir, says he, you must not\\nthink of persuading us that you are no gainer we under-\\nstand better those affairs, and know that every one con-\\ncerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it,\\nto fill his own pockets. I assur d him that was not my\\ncase, and that I had not pocketed a farthing but he ap-\\npear d not to believe me and, indeed, I have since learnt\\nthat immense fortunes are often made in such employ-\\nments. As to my ballance, 1 am not paid it to this day,\\nof which more hereafter.\\nOur captain of the paquet had boasted much, before", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n177\\nwe sailed, of the swiftness of his ship unfortunately,\\nwhen we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six\\nsail, to his no small mortification. After many conjec-\\ntures respecting the cause, when we were near another\\nship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain d upon\\nus, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as\\nnear the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers\\nincluded, about forty persons. While we stood there the\\nship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour far\\nbehind, which prov d clearly what our captain suspected,\\nthat she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of\\nwater, it seems, had been all plac d forward these he\\ntherefore order d to be mov d further aft, on which the\\nship recovered her character, and proved the best sailer\\nin the fieet.\\nThe captain said she had once gone at the rate of\\nthirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour.\\nWe had on board, as a passenger. Captain Kennedy, of\\nthe Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that\\nno ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been\\nsome error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake\\nin heaving the log. A wager ensu d between the two\\ncaptains, to be decided when there should be sufficient\\nwind. Kennedy thereupon examin d rigorously the log-\\nline, and, being satisfi d with that, he determin d to throw\\nthe log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the\\nwind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the\\npaquet, Lutwidge, said he believ d she then went at the\\nrate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and\\nown d his wager lost.\\nThe above fact I give for the sake of the following\\nobservation. It has been remark d as an imperfection in\\nthe art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till\\nshe is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good\\nsailer for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been\\nexactly follow d in a new one, which has prov d, on the\\ncontrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "178\\nFRANKLIN\\npartly be occasion d by the different opinions of seamen\\nrespecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a\\nship each has his system and the same vessel, laden by\\nthe judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better\\nor worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it\\nscarce ever happens that a ship is form d, fitted for the\\nsea, and sail d by the same person. One man builds the\\nhull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one\\nof these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and\\nexperience of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just\\nconclusions from a combination of the whole.\\nEven in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, 1\\nhave often observ d different judgments in the officers who\\ncommanded the successive watches, the wind being the\\nsame. One would have the sails trimm d sharper or flatter\\nthan another, so that they seem d to have no certain rule\\nto govern by. Yet I think a set of expieriments might be\\ninstituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the\\nhull for swift sailing next, the best dimensions and prop-\\nerest place for the masts then the form and quantity of\\nsails, and their position, as the wind may be and, lastly,\\nthe disposition of the lading. This is an age of experi-\\nments, and I think a set accurately made and combin d\\nwould be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that\\nere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it,\\nto whom I wish success.\\nWe were several times chas d in our passage, but out-\\nsail d every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We\\nhad a good observation, and the captain judg d himself so\\nnear our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in\\nthe night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the\\nmorning, and by running in the night might escape the\\nnotice of the enemy s privateers, who often cruis d near\\nthe entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was\\nset that we could possibly make, and the wind being very\\nfresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great\\nway. The captain, after his observation, shap d his course,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 79\\nas he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles but\\nit seems there is sometimes a strong- indraught setting up\\nSt. George s Channel, which deceives seamen and caused\\nthe loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel s squadron. This in-\\ndraught was probably the cause of what happened to us.\\nWe had a watchman plac d in the bow, to whom they\\noften called, Look well out before there, and he as often\\nanswered, Ay, ay but perhaps had his eyes shut, and\\nwas half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as\\nis said, mechanically for he did not see a light just before\\nus, which had been hid by the studding-sails from the\\nman at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by\\nan accidental yaw of the ship was discover d, and occa-\\nsion d a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appear-\\ning to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our\\ncaptain fast asleep but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon\\ndeck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear\\nround, all sails standing an operation dangerous to the\\nmasts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck,\\nfor we were running right upon the rocks on which the\\nlight-house was erected. This deliverance impressed me\\nstrongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me re-\\nsolve to encourage the building more of them in America,\\nif I should return to live there.\\nIn the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that\\nwe were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from\\nour sight. About nine o clock the fog began to rise, and\\nseem d to be lifted up from the water like a curtain at a\\nplay-house, discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth,\\nthe vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it.\\nThis was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been\\nso long without any other prospects than the uniform view\\nof a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we\\nwere now free from the anxieties which the state of war\\noccasion d.\\nI set out immediately, with my son, for London, and\\nwe only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "l8o FRANKLIN\\nSalisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke s house and gardens,\\nwith his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived\\nin London the 27th of July, 1757.\\nAs soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had\\nprovided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom\\nI was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respect-\\ning my proceedings I was advis d to obtain. He was\\nagainst an immediate complaint to government, and\\nthought the proprietaries should first be personally ap-\\npli d to, who might possibly be induc d by the interposi-\\ntion and persuasion of some private friends, to accommo-\\ndate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend\\nand correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that\\nJohn Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had request-\\ned to be informed when I should arrive, that he might\\ncarry me to Lord Granville s, who was then President of\\nthe Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I\\nagreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly\\nMr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage\\nto that nobleman s, who receiv d me with great civility\\nand after some questions respecting the present state of\\naffairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to\\nme You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of\\nyour constitution you contend that the king s instruc-\\ntions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves\\nat liberty to regard or disregard them at your own dis-\\ncretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket\\ninstructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulat-\\ning his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. They\\nare first drawn up by judges learned in the laws they\\nare then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in\\nCouncil, after which the} are signed by the king. They\\nare then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land,\\nfor the king is the LEGISLATOR OF THE Colonies. I\\ntold his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had\\nalways understood from our charters that our laws were", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY l8i\\nto be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to\\nthe king for his royal assent, but that being once given\\nthe king could not repeal or alter them. And as the As-\\nsemblies could not make permanent laws without his\\nassent, so neither could he make a law for them without\\ntheirs. He assur d me I was totally mistaken. I did not\\nthink so, however, and his lordship s conversation having\\na little alarm d me as to what might be the sentiments of\\nthe court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I re-\\nturn d to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years\\nbefore, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the\\nministry had propos d to make the king s instructions\\nlaws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by\\nthe Commons, for which we adored them as our friends\\nand friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in\\n1765 it seem d that they had refus d that point of sover-\\neignty to the king only that they might reserve it for\\nthemselves.\\nAfter some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the\\nproprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T.\\nPenn s house in Spring Garden. The conversation at\\nfirst consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to\\nreasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party\\nhad its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable.\\nWe then went into consideration of our several points of\\ncomplaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justi-\\nfy d their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assem-\\nbly s. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each\\nother in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agree-\\nment. However, it was concluded that I should give\\nthem the heads of our complaints in writing, and they\\npromis d then to consider them. I did so soon after, but\\nthey put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdi-\\nnand John Paris, who managed for them all their law\\nbusiness in their great suit with the neighbouring pro-\\nprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had sub-\\nsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "1 82 FRANKLIN\\nmessages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a\\nproud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the an-\\nswers of the Assembly treated his papers with some\\nseverity, they being really weak in point of argument and\\nhaughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity\\nto me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I de-\\nclin d the proprietary s proposal that he and I should dis-\\ncuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and\\nrefus d treating with any one but them. They then by\\nhis advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney\\nand Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel upon\\nit, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days,\\nduring which time I made frequent demands of an answer\\nfrom the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other\\nthan that they had not yet received the opinion of the\\nAttorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they\\ndid receive it I never learnt, for they did not communi-\\ncate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly\\ndrawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, com-\\nplaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my\\npart, and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct,\\nadding that they should be willing to accommodate mat-\\nters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour\\nto treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby\\nthat I was not such.\\nThe want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my\\nnot having address d the paper to them with their assum d\\ntitles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province\\nof Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it neces-\\nsary in a paper, the intention of Avhich was only to reduce\\nto a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had de-\\nlivered viva voce.\\nBut during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed\\nwith Gov r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary\\nestate in common with the estates of the people, which\\nwas the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering\\nthe messagre.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\n183\\nWhen this act however came over, the proprietaries,\\ncounselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving\\nthe royal assent. Accordingly they petition d the king in\\nCouncil, and a hearing was appointed in which two law-\\nyers were employ d by them against the act, and two by\\nme in support of it. They alledg d that the act was in-\\ntended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare\\nthose of the people, and that if it were suffer d to continue\\nin force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with\\nthe people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes,\\nthey would inevitably be ruined. We reply d that the act\\nhad no such intention, and would have no such effect.\\nThat the assessors were honest and discreet men under\\nan oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advan-\\ntage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax\\nby augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to\\ninduce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport\\nof what I remember as urged by both sides, except that\\nwe insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences that\\nmust attend a repeal, for that the money, ^100,000, being\\nprinted and given to the king s use, expended in his serv-\\nice, and now spread among the people, the repeal would\\nstrike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the\\ntotal discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness\\nof the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe,\\nmerely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed\\ntoo highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On\\nthis. Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckon-\\ning me took me into the clerk s chamber, while the law-\\nyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opin-\\nion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate\\nin the execution of the act. I said certainly. Then,\\nsays he, 3^ou can have little objection to enter into an\\nengagement to assure that point. I answer d, None at\\nall. He then call d in Paris, and after some discourse,\\nhis lordship s proposition was accepted on both sides a\\npaper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "l84 FRANKLIN\\nCouncil, which I sign d with Mr. Charles, who was also\\nan Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when\\nLord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where\\nfinally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were\\nhowever recommended and we also engaged they should\\nbe made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not\\nthink them necessary for one year s tax having been\\nlevied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they\\nappointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the\\nassessors, and on this committee they put several particu-\\nlar friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they\\nunanimously sign d a report that they found the tax had\\nbeen assess d with perfect equity.\\nThe Assembly looked into ray entering into the first\\npart of the engagement, as an essential service to the Prov-\\nince, since it secured the credit of the paper money then\\nspread over all the country. They gave me their thanks\\nin form when I return d. But the proprietaries were en-\\nraged at Governor Denny for having pass d the act, and\\nturn d him out with threats of suing him for breach of\\ninstructions which he had given bond to observe. He,\\nhowever, having done it at the instance of the General,\\nand for His Majesty s service, and having some powerful\\ninterest at court, despis d the threats and they were never\\nput in execution.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\nSELECTED FROM DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN S POOR\\nRICHARD S ALMANACK, 1733-1758\\nPreface\\nWho is Poor Richard? People oft enquire.\\nWhere lives What is he never yet the nigher.\\nSomewhat to ease your Curiositie,\\nTake these slight Sketches of my Dame and me.\\nThanks to kind Readers and a careful Wife,\\nWith plenty bless d, I lead an easy Life\\nMy business Writing less to drain the Mead,\\nOr crown the barren Hill with useful Shade\\nIn the smooth Glebe to see the Plowshare worn.\\nAnd fill the Granary with needful Corn.\\nPress nectarous Cyder from my loaded Trees,\\nPrint the sweet Butter, turn the Drying Cheese.\\nSome Books we read, tho few there are that hit\\nThe happy Point where Wisdom joins with Wit\\nThat set fair Virtue naked to our View,\\nAnd teach us what is decent, what is true.\\nThe Friend sincere, and honest Man, with Joy\\nTreating or treated oft our Time employ.\\nOur Table next. Meals temperate and our Door\\nOp ning spontaneous to the bashful Poor.\\nFree from the bitter Rage of Party Zeal,\\nAll those we love who seek the publick Weal.\\nWho is strong He that can conquer his bad Habits.\\nWho is rich He that rejoices in his Portion.\\n185", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "l86 FRANKLIN\\nOur youthful Preacher see, intent on Fame\\nWarm to gain Souls No, tis to gain a Name.\\nBehold his Hands display d, his Body rais d\\nWith what a Zeal he labours to be prais d.\\nTouch d with each Weakness which he does arraign,\\nWith Vanity he talks against the Vain\\nWith Ostentation does to Meekness guide\\nProud of his Periods form d to strike at Pride.\\nHe that has not got a Wife, is not yet a compleat\\nMan.\\nWithout Repentance none to Heav n can go.\\nYet what Repentance is few seem to know\\nTis not to cr)- out Mercy, or to sit\\nAnd droop, or to confess that thou hast fail d\\nTis to bewail the Sins thou didst commit.\\nAnd not commit those Sins thou hast bewaiTd.\\nHe that be^vails, and noi forsakes them too.\\nConfesses rather what he means to do.\\nWhat you would seem to be, be really.\\nIf you d lose a troublesome Visitor, lend him money.\\nTart Words make no Friends spoonful of honey will\\ncatch more flies than Gallon of Vinegar.\\nO. form d Heav n s Dictates nobly to rehearse,\\nPreacher divine accept the grateful erse.\\nThou hast the Power, the harden d Heart to warm,\\nTo grieve, to raise, to terrify, to charm\\nTo fix the Soul on God, to teach the Mind\\nTo know the Dignity of Human Kind\\nBy stricter Rules well-govemM Life to scan,\\nAnd practise o er the Angel in the Man.\\nStill be vour darling Study Nature s Laws\\nAnd to its Fountain trace up even,- Cause.\\nExplore, for such it is, this high Abode,\\nAnd tread the Paths which Boyle and Ne-wion trod.\\nLo, Earth smiles wide, and radiant Heav n looks down.\\nAll fair, all gay, and urgent to be known\\nAttend, and here are sown Delights immense.\\nFor everv Intellect, and everv Sense.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 187\\nThose that have much Business must have much\\nPardon.\\nDiscontented Minds, and Fevers of the Body are not\\nto be cured by changing Beds or Businesses.\\nWhen great Augustus ruled the World and Rome,\\nThe Cloth he wore was spun and wove at Home,\\nHis Empress ply d the Distaff and the Loom.\\nOld England s Laws the proudest Beauty name,\\nWhen single, Spinster, and when married, Dame,\\nFor Housewifery is Woman s noblest Fame.\\nThe Wisest household Cares to Women yield,\\nA large, an useful and a grateful Field.\\nYou may be too cunning for One, but not for All.\\nGenius without Education is like Silver in the Mine.\\nMany would live by their Wits, but break for want of\\nstock.\\nAsk and have, is sometimes dear buying.\\nCut the Wings of your Hens and Hopes, lest they\\nlead you a weary Dance after them.\\nAnger warms the Invention, but overheats the Oven.\\nPRECEPT I\\nIn Things of moment, on thy self depend.\\nNor trust too far thy Servant or thy Friend\\nWith private Views, thy Friend may promise fair.\\nAnd Servants very seldom prove sincere.\\nPRECEPT II\\nWhat can be done, with Care perform to Day,\\nDangers unthought-of will attend Delay\\nYour distant Prospects all precarious are.\\nAnd Fortune is as fickle as she s fair.\\nPRECEPT III\\nNor trivial Loss, nor trivial Gain despise\\nMolehills, if often heap d, to Mountains rise.\\nWeigh every small Expence, and nothing waste.\\nFarthings long sav d, amount to Pounds at last.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "l88 FRANKLIN\\nIt is Ill-manners to silence a Fool, and Cruelty to let\\nhim go on.\\nScarlet, Silk and Velvet have put out the Kitchen\\nFire.\\nHe that would catch Fish, must venture his Bait.\\nMen take more pains to mask than mend.\\nPride and the Gout are seldom cur d throughout.\\nWe are not so sensible of the greatest Health as of the\\nleast Sickness.\\nA good Example is the best Sermon.\\nThe honest Man takes Pains, and then enjoys Pleas-\\nures the knave takes Pleasure, and then suffers Pains.\\nThink of three Things, whence you came, where you\\nare going, and to whom you must account.\\nA change of fortune hurts a wise man no more than a\\nchange of the moon.\\nA Mob s a Monster Heads enough but no Brains.\\nThe Devil sweetens Poison with Honey.\\nOld Age ivill come, Disense may come before,\\nFifteen is full as mortal as Threescore.\\nThy Fortune and thy Charms may soon decay\\nBut grant these Fugitives prolong their Stay,\\nTheir basis totters, their Foundation shakes.\\nLife that supports them, in a Moment breaks\\nThen wrought into the Soul, let Virtue shine,\\nThe Ground eternal, as the work divine.\\nHe that can not bear with other People s Passions,\\ncan not govern his own.\\nHe that by the Plough would thrive, himself must\\neither hold or drive.\\nThe Master s Eye will do more Work than both his\\nHands.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n189\\nObserve old Vellum he praises former times, as if\\nhe d a mind to sell em.\\nKings have long Arms, but misfortune longer: Let\\nnone think themselves out of her Reach.\\nA Man without a Wife, is but half a Man.\\nSpeak little, do much.\\nHe that would travel much, should eat little.\\nLove your Enemies, for they tell you 3^our Faults.\\nThe Wit of Conversation consists more in finding it in\\nothers, than shewing a great deal 3^ourself. He who\\ngoes out of your Company pleased with his own Face-\\ntiousness and Ingenuity, will the sooner come into it\\nagain. Most men had rather please than admire you,\\nand seek less to be instructed and diverted, than approved\\nand applauded, and it is certainly the most delicate Sort\\nof Pleasure, to please anotJier.\\nLaws too gentle are seldom obeyed too severe, sel-\\ndom executed.\\nO sacred Solitude divine Retreat\\nChoice of the Prudent Envy of the Great\\nBy thy pure Stream, or in thy waving Shade,\\nWe court fair Wisdom, that celestial Maid\\nThe genuine Offspring of her lov d Embrace\\n(Strangers on Earth) are Innocence and Peace.\\nThere blest with Health, with Business unperplext,\\nThis Life we relish, and insure the next.\\nDoes Mischief, Misconduct, and Warning displease\\nye Think there s a Providence twill make ye eas3\\\\\\nMine is better than Ours.\\nWhen Prosperity was well mounted, she let go the\\nBridle, and soon came tumbling out of the Saddle.\\nWhere there is Hunger, Law is not regarded and\\nwhere Law is not regarded, there will be Hunger.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "I^o FRANKLIN\\nTwo dry Sticks will burn a green One.\\nA good Wife Health, is a Man s best Wealth.\\nA quarrelsome Man has no good Neighbours.\\nWide will wear, but narrow will tear.\\nSilks and satins put out the kitchen fire.\\nVice knows she s ugly, so puts on her Mask.\\nThere are lazy Minds as well as lazy Bodies.\\nMost People return small Favours, acknowledge mid-\\ndling ones, and repay great ones with Ingratitude.\\nA great Talker may be no Fool, but he is one that re-\\nlies on him.\\nSome Worth it argues, a Friend s Worth to know\\nVirtue to own the Virtue of a Foe.\\nProsperity discovers Vice, Adversity Virtue.\\nMany have quarrel d about Religion, that never prac-\\ntised it.\\nSudden Pow r is apt to be insolent, Sudden Liberty\\nsaucy that behaves best which has grown gradually.\\nDiligence overcomes Difficulties, Sloth makes them.\\nNeglect mending a small Fault, and twill soon be a\\ngreat One.\\nBad Gains are truly Losses.\\nWealth is a Cheat, believe not what it says\\nGreatly it promises, but never pays.\\nMisers may startle, but they shall be told.\\nThat Wealth is Bankrupt, and insolvent Gold.\\nThe most exquisite Folly is made of Wisdom spun too\\nfine.\\nThere was never a good knife made of bad Steel.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n191\\nMany a Man would have been worse, if his Estate had\\nbeen better.\\nBeing ignorant is not so much a Shame, as being un-\\nwiUing to learn.\\nNecessity has no Law Why Because tis not to be\\nhad without Money.\\nThe Wolf sheds his Coat once a Year, his Disposition\\nnever.\\nWhen a Friend deals with a Friend, Let the bargain\\nbe clear and well penn d, That they may continue Friends\\nto the End.\\nHe that never eats too much, will never be lazy.\\nOn him true Happiness shall wait\\nWho shunning noisy Pomp and State\\nThose little Blessings of the Great\\nConsults the Golden Mean.\\nIn prosp rous Gales with Care he steers.\\nNor adverse Winds, dejected, fears.\\nIn ev ry Turn of Fortune bears\\nA Face and Mind serene.\\nAgainst Diseases here, the strongest Fence,\\nIs the defensive Virtue, Abstinence.\\nYou may sometimes be much in the wrong, in owning\\nyour being in the right.\\nWhat more valuable than Gold? Diamond. Than\\nDiamonds? Virtue.\\nTo-day is Yesterday s Pupil.\\nTho Modesty is a Virtue, Bashfulness is a Vice.\\nHide not your Talents, they for Use were made.\\nWhat s a Sun-Dial in the Shade?\\nIn Rivers and bad Governments, the lightest Things\\nswim at top.\\nIt is not Leisure that is not used.", "height": "3348", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "IQ2 FRANKLIN\\nWhen Reason preaches, if you don t hear her she ll\\nbox vour Ears.\\nPillgrarlic was in the Accusative Case, and bespoke a\\nLawyer in the Vocative, who could not understand him\\ntill he made use ot the Dative.\\nTis great confidence in a friend to tell him your\\nfaults, oTeater to tell him his.\\nWhat signifies your Patience, if you can t find it when\\nyou want it\\nI en\\\\T none their Pag^eantn- and Show\\nI en\\\\y none the Gilding of their Woe.\\nGi\\\\ e me. indulgi?nt Heav n. with Mind serene\\nAnd gtiiltless Heart, to range the Sylvan Scene.\\nNo splendid Poverty, no smiling Care,\\nNo well-breii Hate, or servile Grandeur there.\\nThere pleasing Objects useful Thought sug-gest.\\nThe Sense is ravish d and the Soul is blest\\nOn ever\\\\- Thorn delightful Wisdom grow-s.\\nIn e\\\\-er Rill a sweet Instruction flows.\\nTime enough always proves little enough.\\nIt is wise not to seek a Secret and Honest not to re-\\nveal it.\\nslip of the foot t u may soon reco\\\\ er.\\nBut a slip of the tongue \\\\-ou may ne\\\\-er get o\\\\-er.\\nEveiT Man for himsdf etc.\\nA Town fear d a Siege, and held Consultation.\\nWhat was the best Method of Fonitication\\nA gra\\\\ e skiltul Mason declar d his Opinion.\\nThat nothing but Stone could secure the Dominion.\\nA Carpenter said. Tho that was well spoke\\nYet he d rather ad\\\\-ise to defend it with Oak.\\nA Tanner much wiser than both these together.\\nCr\\\\- d. Try wijf urn tTitsf, tut KOiAix^ s li iir L^atker.\\nWhat is serving God Tis doing good to Man.\\n*Tis easier to prevent bad habits than to break them.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n193\\nThe good or ill hap of a good or ill life, is the good or\\nill choice of a good or ill wife.\\nFair Summer s gone, and Nature s Charms decay,\\nSee gloomy Clouds obscure the cheerful Day\\nNow hung with Pearls the dropping Trees appear,\\nTheir faded Honours scattered here and there.\\nBehold the Groves that shine with silver Frost\\nTheir Beauty wither d, and their Verdure lost.\\nSharp Boreas blows, and Nature feels Decay,\\nTime conquers all and we must Time obey.\\nEvery Man has assurance enough to boast of his hon-\\nesty few of their Understanding.\\nInterest which blinds some People, enlightens others.\\nThese Blessings, Reader, may Heav n grant to thee\\nA faithful Friend, equal in Love s degree\\nLand fruitful, never conscious of the Curse,\\nA liberal Heart and never-failing Purse;\\nA smiling Conscience, a contented mind\\nA temp rate knowledge with true Wisdom join d\\nA life as long as fair, and when expir d,\\nA kindly Death, unfear d as undesir d.\\nAn Ounce of wit that is bought Is worth a pound that\\nis taught.\\nHe that resolves to mend hereafter, resolves not to\\nmend now.\\nMany complain of their memory, few of their judg-\\nment.\\nFools make feasts and wise men eat them.\\nOne man ma} be more cunning than another, but not\\nmore cunning than everybody else.\\nThe learned Fool writes his Nonsense in better Lan-\\nguage than the unlearned but still tis Nonsense.\\nA Child thinks 20 Shillings and 20 Years can scarce\\never be spent.\\n13", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "IQ^ FRANKLIN\\nAmbition often spends foolishly what Avarice had\\nwickedly collected.\\nLearning to the Studious; Riches to the Careful;\\nPower to the Bold Heaven to the Virtuous.\\nNow glad the Poor with Christmas Cheer\\nThank God you re able so to end the Year.\\nIf you would reap Praise you must sow the Seeds,\\ngentle Words and useful Deeds.\\nIgnorance leads Men into a party, and Shame keeps\\nthem from getting out again.\\nHaste makes Waste.\\nWhere there s marriage without love, there will be\\nlove without marriage.\\nQuarrels never could last long,\\nIf on one side only lay the wrong.\\nOn a Bee, stifled in honey.\\nFrom flower to flower, with eager pains,\\nSee the poor busy lab rer fly\\nWhen all that from her toil she gains,\\nIs, in the sweets she hoards, to die.\\nTis thus, would man the truth believe.\\nWith life s soft sweets, each fav rite joy\\nIf we taste wisely, they relieve\\nBut if we plunge too deep, destroy.\\nLet no pleasure tempt thee, no profit allure thee, no\\nambition corrupt thee, no example sway thee, no persua-\\nsion move thee, to do anything which thou knowest to\\nbe evil so shalt thou always live jollily for a good con-\\nscience is a continual Christmas.\\nHonours change manners.\\nYou may drive a gift without a gimblet.\\nFriendship cannot live with Ceremony, nor without\\nCivility.\\nPraise little, dispraise less.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD I95\\nHe that spills the Rum loses that only He that drinks\\nit, often loses both that and himself.\\nThat Ignorance makes devout, if right the Notion,\\nTroth, Rufus, thou rt a Man of great Devotion.\\nHe that can bear a Reproof, and mend by it, if he is\\nnot wise, is in a fair way of being so.\\nHow few there are who have courage enough to own\\ntheir Faults, or resolution enough to mend them\\nMen differ daily, about things which are subject to\\nSense, is it likely then they should agree about things\\ninvisible\\nDemocriius, dear Droll, revisit Earth\\nAnd with our Follies glut thy heighten d Mirth\\nSad Heraclittis, serious Wretch, return\\nIn louder Grief, our greater Crimes to mourn.\\nBetween you both, I unconcern d stand by\\nHurt, can I laugh? and honest, need I cry?\\nThere are three Things extreamly hard, Steel, a Dia-\\nmond and to know one s self.\\nHunger is the best Pickle.\\nHe is a Governor that governs his Passions, and he a\\nServant that serves them.\\nWhen the Wine enters, out goes the Truth.\\nIf you would be loved, love and be loveable.\\nIf worldly Goods cannot save me from Death, they\\nousfht not to hinder me of eternal Life.\\nMan only from himself can suffer Wrong\\nHis Reason fails as his Desires grow strong\\nHence, wanting Ballast, and too full of Sail,\\nHe lies expos d to every rising Gale.\\nFrom Youth to Age, for Happiness he s bound\\nHe splits on Rocks, or turns his Bark aground\\nOr, wide of Land, a desart Ocean views.\\nAnd. to the last, the flying Port pursues.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "196 FRANKLIN\\nWhen Knaves fall out, honest Men get their goods\\nWhen Priests dispute, we come at the Truth.\\nA large train makes a light Purse.\\nDeath takes no bribes.\\nMany a Man s own Tongue gives Evidence against his\\nUnderstanding.\\nNothing dries sooner than a Tear.\\nFrom Earth to Heav n when Justice fled\\nThe Laws decided in her Stead\\nFrom Heav n to Earth should she return\\nLawyers might beg, and Law books burn.\\nSuspicion may be no fault, but showing it may be a\\ngreat one.\\nWealth and content are not always bed-fellows.\\nTake Courage, Mortal Death can t banish thee out\\nof the Universe.\\nThe Sting of a Reproach is the Truth of it.\\nWho is wise He that learns from every One.\\nWho is powerful He that governs his Passions.\\nWho is rich He that is content.\\nWho is that Nobody.\\nIt s the easiest Thing in the World for a Man to de-\\nceive Himself.\\nNeither trust nor contend, nor lay wagers nor lend\\nAnd you ll have peace to your life s end.\\nIt s common for Men to give pretended Reasons in-\\nstead of one real one.\\nAll would live long, but none would be old.\\nIf passion drives, let reason hold the reins.\\nDrink does not drown care, but waters it and makes it\\ngrow faster.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD I97\\nSorrow is good for nothing but Sin.\\nMany a Man thinks he is buying Pleasure, when he is\\nreally selling himself a Slave to it.\\nGraft good Fruit all, Or graft not at all.\\nLiberality is not giving much, but giving wisely.\\nNo workman without tools,\\nNor Lawyer without Fools,\\nCan live by their Rules.\\nThe painful Preacher, like a candle bright,\\nConsumes himself in giving others Light.\\nSpeak and speed the close mouth catches no flies.\\nAs honest Hodge the Farmer sow d his Field,\\nChear d with the Hope of future Gain twould yield.\\nTwo upstart Jacks in Office, proud and vain.\\nCome riding by, and thus insult the Swain\\nYou drudge and sweat, and labour here. Old Boy,\\nBut we the Fruit of your hard Toil enjoy.\\nBelike you may, quoth Hodge, and but your Due,\\nFor, Gentlemen, tis Hemp I m sowing now.\\nHalf Wits talk much but say little.\\nIf Jack s in love, he s no judge of Jill s Beauty.\\nMost fools think they are only ignorant.\\nPardoning the Bad, is injuring the Good.\\nHe is not well bred, that cannot bear Ill-Breeding in\\nothers.\\nHarry Smatter has a Mouth for every Matter.\\nWhen you re good to others, you are best to yourself.\\nHe that s secure is not safe.\\nThe Muses love the Morning.\\nContent makes poor men rich Discontent makes rich\\nMen poor.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "198\\nFRANKLIN\\nToo much plenty makes Mouth dainty.\\nTis easier to suppress the first Desire, than to satisfy\\nall that follow it.\\nDon t judge of Men s Wealth or Piety, by their Sun-\\nday Appearances.\\nFriendship increases by visiting Friends, but by visit-\\ning seldom.\\nHe that hath no Ill-Fortune will be troubled with\\ngood.\\nWhere sense is wanting, Everything is wanting.\\nThe Horse thinks one thing, and he that saddles him\\nanother.\\nLove your Neighbour yet don t pull down your\\nHedge.\\nLove and be loved.\\nFear not death for the sooner we die, the longer shall\\nwe be immortal.\\nObserve all men, thyself most.\\nThe monarch of long regal line,\\nWas rais d from dust as frail as mine\\nCan he pour health into his veins.\\nOr cool the fever s restless pains\\nCan he (worn down in nature s course)\\nNew-brace his feeble nerves with force\\nCan he (how vain is mortal pow r\\nStretch life beyond the destin d hour?\\nPromises may get thee friends, but non-performance\\nwill turn them into enemies.\\nThose who in quarrels interpose,\\nMust often wipe a bloody nose.\\nBeware, beware he ll cheat ithout scruple, who can\\nwithout fear.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 199\\nIn other men we faults can spy,\\nAnd blame the mote that dims their eye\\nEach little speck and blemish find\\nTo our own stronger errors blind.\\nThe World is full of fools and faint hearts and yet\\nevery one has courage enough to bear the misfortunes,\\nand wisdom enough to manage the Affairs of his neigh-\\nbour.\\nContent and riches seldom meet together,\\nRiches take thou, contentment I had rather,\\nFor want of a Nail the Shoe is lost for want of a Shoe\\nthe Horse is lost for want of a Horse the Rider is lost.\\nWant of Care does us more damage than Want of\\nKnowledge.\\nHe who buys had need have 100 Eyes, but one s\\nenough for him that sells the Stuff.\\nThere are no fools so troublesome as those that have\\nwit.\\nIdleness is the greatest prodigality.\\nGood sense is a thing all need, few have, and none\\nthink they want.\\nDost thou love life? Then do not squander time for\\nthat s the stuff life is made of.\\nA greater grief no woman sure can know.\\nWho (with ten children) who will have me now\\nWhere yet was ever found the mother,\\nWho d change her booby for another?\\nAt 20 years of age the will reigns at 30 the wit at\\n40 the judgment.\\nChristianity commands us to pass by injuries policy,\\nto let them pass by us.\\nGreat spenders are bad lenders.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "200 FRANKLIN\\nAll blood is alike ancient.\\nVirtue and Happiness are Mother and Daughter.\\nThe generous Mind least regards Money, and yet\\nmost feels the Want of it.\\nThe poor have little, beggars none\\nThe rich too much enough, not one.\\nA carrier every night and morn\\nWould see his horses eat their corn\\nThis sunk the hostler s vails, tis true.\\nBut then his horses had their due.\\nWere we so cautious in all cases,\\nSmall gain would rise from greater places.\\nLet thy discontents be secrets.\\nTricks and treachery are the practice of fools that\\nhave not wit enough to be honest.\\nHow many observe Christ s Birth-day How few his\\nPrecepts O tis easier to keep Holidays than Com-\\nmandments.\\nHear Reason, or she ll make you feel her.\\nGive me yesterday s Bread, this Day s Flesh, and last\\nYear s Cyder.\\nAh simple Man when a boy two precious jewels were\\ngiven thee, Time and good Advice one thou hast lost,\\nand the other thrown away.\\nTis easy to frame a good bold resolution\\nBut hard is the Task that concerns execution.\\nCold cunning come from the north\\nBut cunning sans wisdom is nothing worth.\\nMany a long dispute among Divines may be thus\\nabridg d It is so It is not so, It is so It is not so.\\nAs Pride increases, Fortune declines.\\nKeep thou from the Opportunity, and God will keep\\nthee from the Sin.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 201\\nWhere there s no Law, there s no Bread.\\nIf you d be lov d, make yourself amiable.\\nA true Friend is the best Possession.\\nA Musketo just starv d, in a sorry Condition,\\nPretended to be a most skilful Musician\\nHe comes to a Bee-hive, and there he would stay-\\nTo teach the Bees Children to sing Sol la fa.\\nThe Bees told him plainly the Way of their Nation,\\nWas breeding up Youth in some honest Vocation\\nLest not bearing Labour, they should not be fed,\\nAnd then curse their Parents for being high bred.\\nFear God, and your Enemies will fear you.\\nThe same man cannot be both friend and flatterer.\\nHe who multiplies riches multiplies cares.\\nAn old man in a house is a good sign.\\nTis vain to repine,\\nTho a learned Divine\\nWill die at nine.\\nIf you do what you should not, you must hear what\\nyou would not.\\nDefer not thy well doing be not like St. George, who\\nis always a-horseback, and never rides on.\\nWish not so much to live long, as to live well.\\nThese lines may be read backward or forward.\\nJoy, Mirth, Triumph, I do defie:\\nDestroy me death, fain would I die\\nForlorn am I, love is exil d.\\nScorn smiles thereat hope is beguil d\\nMen banish d bliss, in woe must dwell.\\nThen joy, mirth, triumph, all farewell.\\nAs we must account for every idle word, so we must\\nfor every idle silence.\\nPhilosophy as well as Foppery often changes Fashion.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "202 FRANKLIN\\nI have never seen the Philosopher s stone that turns\\nlead into gold, but I have known the pursuit of it turn a\\nman s gold into lead.\\nIf thou dost ill, the joy fades, not the pains\\nIf well, the pain doth fade, the joy remains.\\nAnger is never without a Reason, but seldom with a\\ngood One.\\nHe that is of Opinion Money will do every Thing may\\nwell be suspected of doing every Thing for Money.\\nAn ill Wound, but not an ill Name, may be healed.\\nWhen out of Favour, none know thee when in, thou\\ndost not know thyself.\\nA lean Award is better than a fat Judgment.\\nGod, Parents, and Instructors can never be requited.\\nSpeak with contempt of none, from slave to king,\\nThe meanest Bee hath, and will use, a sting.\\nHe that builds before he counts the Cost, acts fool-\\nishly and he that counts before he builds, finds that he\\ndid not count wisely.\\nPatience in Market is worth Pounds in a year.\\nDon t think so much of your own Cunning, as to for-\\nget other Men s a Cunning Man is overmatched by a\\ncunning Man and a Half.\\nWillows are weak, but they bind the Faggot.\\nYou may give a Man an Office, but you cannot give\\nhim Discretion.\\nKnaves Nettles are akin stroak em kindly, yet\\nthey ll sting.\\nTo bear other people s afflictions, every one has cour-\\nage and enough to spare.\\nAn empty bag cannot stand upright.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 203\\nPOOR RICHARD FOR 1758\\nCourteous Reader,\\nI have heard that nothing gives an Author so great\\nPleasure, as to find his Works respectfully quoted by\\nother learned Authors. This pleasure I have seldom en-\\njoyed, for tho I have been, if I may say it without Van-\\nity, an eminent Author of Almanacks annually now a full\\nquarter of a Century, my Brother Authors in the same\\nWay, for what Reason I know not, have ever been very\\nsparing in their Applauses and no other Author has\\ntaken the least notice of me, so that did not my Writings\\nproduce me some solid Pudding, the great Deficiency of\\nPraise would have quite discouraged me.\\nI concluded at length, that the People were the best\\nJudges of my Merit for they buy my Works and be-\\nsides, in my Rambles, where I am not personally known,\\nI have frequently heard one or other of my Adages re-\\npeated, with, as Poor Richard says, at the End on t this\\ngave me some Satisfaction, as it showed not only that my\\nInstructions were regarded, but discovered likewise some\\nRespect for my Authority and I own that to encourage\\nthe practice of remembering and repeating those wise\\nSentences, I have sometimes quoted myself with great\\ngravity.\\nJudge then how much I must have been gratified by\\nan Incident I am going to relate to you. I stopt my\\nHorse lately where a great Number of people were col-\\nlected at a Vendue of Merchant Goods. The Hour of\\nSale not being come, they were conversing on the Bad-\\nness of the Times, and one of the Company call d to a\\nplain clean old Man, with white Locks, Pray, Father Abra-\\nham, what think you of the Times Wont these heavy Taxes\\nquite ruin the Country How shall we be ever able to pay\\nthem? What would you advise us to? Ydi\\\\\\\\\\\\Qr Abraham\\nstood up, and reply d. If you d have my Advice, I ll give", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "204\\nFRANKLIN\\nit you in short, /or a Word to the Wise is enough, and ma7iy\\nWords wont fill a Bushel, as Poor Richard says. They join d\\nin desiring him to speak his Mind, and gathering round\\nhim, he proceeded as follows\\nFriends, says he, and Neighbours, the Taxes are in-\\ndeed very heavy, and if those laid on by the Government\\nwere the only Ones we had to pay, we might more easily\\ndischarge them but we have many others, and much\\nmore grievous to some of us. We are taxed twice as\\nmuch by our Idleness, three times as much by our Pride,\\nand four times as much by our Folly, and from these\\nTaxes the Commissioners cannot ease or deliver us by\\nallowing an Abatement. However let us hearken to good\\nAdvice, and something may be done for us God helps\\nthetn that help themselves, as Poor Richard says, in his Alma-\\nnack of 1733.\\nIt would be thought a hard Government that should\\ntax its People one tenth Part of their Time, to be em-\\nployed in its Service. But Idleness taxes many of us\\nmuch more, if we reckon all that is spent in absolute Sloth,\\nor doing of nothing, with that which is spent in idle Em-\\nployments or Amusements, that amount to nothing.\\nSloth, by bringing on Diseases absolutely shortens Life.\\nSloth, like Rust, consumes faster than Labour wears, while the\\nused Key is akvays bright, as Poor Richard says. But dost\\nthou love Life, then do not squander Time, for that s the Stuff\\nLife is made of, as Poor Richard says. How much more\\nthan is necessary do we spend in Sleep forgetting that\\nThe Sleeping Fox catches tio Poultry, and that there zvill be\\nsleeping enough in the Grave, as Poor Richard says. If Time\\nbe of all Things the most precious, wasting of Time must\\nt be, as Poor Richard says, the greatest Prodigality, since, as\\nhe elsewhere tells us. Lost Time is never found agai^i and\\nwhat we call Time-enough, always proves little enough. Let\\nus then up and be doing, and doing to the Purpose so\\nby Diligence shall we do more with less perplexity. Sloth\\nmakes all things difficulty but Industry all Things easy, as Poor", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n205\\nRichard says and He that riseth late, must Jrot all Day, and\\nshall scarce overtake his Business at night. While Laziness\\ntravels so slowly, that Poverty soon overtakes him, as we read\\nin Poor Richard, who adds, Drive thy Business, let not that\\ndrive thee and Early to Bed, and early to rise, makes a Man\\nhealthy, tvealthy, and wise.\\nSo what signifies wishing and hoping for better times.\\nWe may make these Times better if we besfir ourselves.\\nIndustry need not wish, as Poor .Richard says, and He that\\nlives upon Hope will die fasti^ig. There are no Gains, without\\nPains then Help Hands, for I have no Lands, or if I have,\\nthey are smartly taxed. And as Poor Richard likewise\\nobserves, He that hath a Trade hath an. Estate, and He that\\nhath a Calling hath an Office of Profit and Ho?iour but then\\nthe Trade must be worked at, and the Calling well fol-\\nlowed, or neither the Estate, nor the Office, will enable us\\nto pay our Taxes. If we are industrious we shall never\\nstarve; for as Poor Richard says. At the working Mans\\nHouse Hjinger looks in, but dares riot enter. Nor will the\\nBailiff or the Constable enter, for Industry pays Debts while\\nDespair encreaseth them, says Poor Richard. What though\\nyou have found no Treasure, nor has any rich Relation\\nleft you a l^Qg?Lcy, Diligence is the ^Mother of Good-luck, zs\\nPoor Richard says, and God gives all things to Industry. Then\\nplough deep, while Sluggards sleep, and you shall have Corn\\nto sell and to keep, says Poor Dick. Work while it is called\\nTo-day, for you know not how much you may be hin-\\ndered To-morrow,, which makes Poor Richard say. One To-\\nday is worth two To-morrozvs and farther, Have you some-\\nwhat to do To-morrow, do it To-day. If ou were a Servant\\nwould you not be ashamed that a good Master should\\ncatch you idle? Are you then your own Master, be\\nashamed to catch yourself idle, as Poor Dick says. When\\nthere is so much to be done for yourself, your Family,\\nyour Country, and your gracious King, be up by Peep of\\nDay Let not the Sun look down and say. Inglorious here he\\nlies. Handle your Tools without Mittens remember that", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "2o6 FRANKLIN\\nthe Cat in Gloves catches no Mice, as Poor Richard says. Tis\\ntrue there is much to be done, and perhaps you are weak-\\nhanded, but stick to it steadily, and you will see great\\nEffects, for constant Dropping wears away Stones, and by\\nDiligence and Patience, the Mouse ate in two the Cable and\\nlittle Strokes fell great Oaks, as Poor Richard says in his\\nAlmanack, the Year I cannot just now remember.\\nMethinks I hear some of you say, Mnst a Man afford\\nhimself no Leisure? I will tell thee. My Friend, what\\nPoor Richard says. Employ thy Time well if thou meanest to\\ngain Leisure and, since thoti art not sure of a Minute, throw\\nnot azvay an Hour. Leisure is Time for doing something\\nuseful this Leisure the diligent man will obtain, but the\\nlazy man never so that, as Poor Richard says, a Life of\\nLeisure and a Life of Laziness are two Things. Do you\\nimagine that Sloth will afford you more Comfort than\\nLabour? No, for as Poor Richard says, Trouble springs\\nfrom Ldlcncss, and grievous Toil from needless Ease. Many\\nwithout Labour, tvould live by their WITS only, but they break\\nfor want of stock. Whereas Industry gives Comfort, and\\nPlenty and Respect Fly Pleasures and they II folloiv you.\\nThe diligent Spinner has a large Shift and 7iow have a\\nSheep and a Cow, every Body bids me Good morrow, all which\\nis well said by Poor Richard.\\nBut with our Industry, we must likewise be steady, set-\\ntled, and careful, and oversee our own Affairs with our own\\nEyes, and not trust too much to others for, as Poor Rich-\\nard says,\\nnever saw an oft removed Tree,\\nNor yet an oft removed Family^\\nThat throve so well as those that settled be.\\nAnd again. Three Removes is as bad as a Fire and again,\\nL Ceep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee and again. If\\nyou would have yotir Business done, go if not, send. And\\nagain,\\nHe that by the Plough must thrive.\\nHimself must either hold or drive.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n207\\nAnd again, The Eye of a Master will do more Work than\\nboth his Hands and again, Want of Care does us more Dam-\\nage than Want of Knozvledge and again, Not to oversee\\nWorkmen, is to leave them your Purse open. Trusting too\\nmuch to others Care is the Ruin of many for, as the\\nAlmanack says, In the Affairs of this World, Men are saved,\\nnot by Faith, but by the Want of it but a Man s own Care\\nis profitable for, saith Poor Dick, Learning is to the Studi-\\nous, and Riches to the Careful, as well as Power to the Bold,\\nand Heaven to the Virtuous. And farther. If you would\\nhave a faithful Servant, and one that you like, serve yourself.\\nAnd again, he adviseth to Circumspection and Care, even\\nin the smallest Matters, because sometimes a little Neglect\\nmay breed great Mischief, adding, for want of a Nail, the\\nShoe was lost for want of a Shoe the Horse was lost and\\nfor want of a Horse the Rider was lost, being overtaken and\\nslain by the Enemy, all for want of Care about a Horse-\\nshoe Nail.\\nSo much for Industry, my Friends, and Attention to\\none s own Business; but to these we must add Frugality,\\nif we would make our hidustry more certainly successful.\\nA man may, if he knows not how to save as he gets, Keep\\nhis Nose all his Life to the Grindstone, and die not worth a\\nGroat at last. A fat Kitchen makes a lean Will, as Poor\\nRichard says and\\nATany Estates are spent in the Getting,\\nSince Wo7ne7tfor Tea forsook Spinning and Knitting,\\nAnd Men for Punch forsook Hewing and Splitting.\\nIf you would be wealthy, says he, in another Almanack,\\nthink of Saving, as well as of Getting: The Indies have not\\nmade Spain rich, because her Outgoes are greater than her\\nIncomes. Away then with your expensive Follies, you\\nwill not have so much cause to complain of hard Times,\\nheavy Taxes, and chargeable Families for as Poor Dick\\nsays,\\nWomen and Wine, Game and Deceit,\\nMake the Wealth small and the Wants great.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "2o8 FRANKLIN\\nAnd farther, What viaintains one Vice ivonld bring up two\\nChildren. You may think perhaps that a little Tea or a\\nlittle Punch now and then, Diet a little more costly, Clothes\\na little finer, and a little Entertainment now and then, can\\nbe no great Matter but remember what Poor Richard\\nsays, Many a Little makes a Mickle and farther, Beivare\\n^t/ little Expe7ices a small Leak ivill sink a great Ship and\\nagain, Who Dainties love, shall Beggars prove; and more-\\nover, Fools make Feasts, and wise Men eat them.\\nHere you are all got together at this Vendue of Fineries\\nand Knicknacks. You call them Goods, but if you do not\\ntake Care, they will prove Evils to some of you. You\\nexpect they will be sold cheap, and perhaps they may for\\nless than they cost but if you have no Occasion for them,\\nthey must be dear to you. Remember what Poor Richard\\nsays. Buy zvhat thon hast no Need of, and ere long tJiou shalt\\nsell thy Necessaries. And again. At a great Petinyworth pause\\na %v]iile He means, that perhaps the Cheapness is appar-\\nent only, and not real or the Bargain, by straitning thee\\nin thy Business, may do thee more Harm than Good.\\nFor in another Place he says. Many have been ruined by buy-\\ning good Pe?inywort/is. Again Poor Richard says, Tis fool-\\nish to lay out Money in a Purchase of Repentance and yet\\nthis Folly is practised every Day at Vendues, for want of\\nminding the Almanack. Wise Men, as Poor Dick says,\\nlearn by others Harms, Fools scarcely by their ozvn but Felix\\nquem faciunt aliena Pericula cautum. Many a one, for the\\nSake of Finery on the Back, have gone with a hungry\\nbelly, and half starved their Families Silks and Sattins,\\nScarlet and Velvets, as Poor Richard says, put out the Kitchen\\nFire. These are not the Necessaries of Life they can\\nscarcely be called the Conve^iienccs, and yet only because\\nthey look pretty how many want to have them. The arti-\\nficial Wants of Mankind thus become more numerous\\nthan the natural; and as Poor Dick says, For one poor Per-\\nson there are an hundred indigent. By these, and other\\nExtravagancies, the Genteel are reduced to Poverty, and", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n209\\nforced to borrow of those whom they formerly despised,\\nbut who through Indtistry and Frugality have maintained\\ntheir Standing in which case it appears plainly, that a\\nPlotighmati on his Legs is higJier than a Gentleman on his\\nKnees, as Poor Richard says. Perhaps they have had a\\nsmall Estate left them, which they knew not the Getting\\nof they think tis Day and will never be Night that a little\\nto be spent out of so much, is not worth minding {a Child\\nand a Fool, as Poor Richard says, imagine Twenty Shillings\\nand Twenty Years can never be spefit) but, always taking out\\nof the Meal-tub, and never putting in, soon comes to the Bot-\\ntom; then, as Poor Dick says. When the WelVs dry, they know\\nthe Worth of Water. But this they might have known be-\\nfore, if they had taken his Advice If you would know the\\nValue of Money, go and try to borrow some for, he that goes\\na borrowing goes a sorrowing and indeed so does he that\\nlends to such People, when he goes to get it i?i agai?i.\\nPoor Dick farther advises, and says,\\nFond Pride of Dress, zs sure a very Curse\\nE er Yzxvcy yoii consult, consult your Purse.\\nAnd again, Pride is as loud a Beggar as Want, and a great\\ndeal more saucy. When you have bought one fine Thing\\nyou must buy ten more, that your appearance may be all\\nof a Piece but Poor Dick says, Tis easier to suppress the\\nfirst Desire, than to satisfy all that follow it. And tis as\\ntruly Folly for the Poor to ape the Rich, as for the Frog\\nto swell, in order to equal the Ox.\\nGreat Estates may venture more.\\nBut little Boats should keep near Shore.\\nTis however a Folly soon punished for Pride that dines\\non Vanity sups on Contempt, as Poor Richard says. And in\\nanother Place, Pride breakfasted with Plenty, dined with Pov-\\nerty, and supped with Infamy. And, after all, of what Use\\nis t\\\\i\\\\^ Pride of Appearance, for which so much is risked, so\\nmuch is suffered It cannot promote Health, or ease Pain\\n14", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "2IO FRANKLIN\\nit makes no Increase of Merit in the Person, it creates\\nEnvy, it hastens Misfortune.\\nWhat IS a Butterfly? At best\\nHe s but a Cuterptllar drest.\\nThe gaudy Fop s his Picture just,\\nas Poor Richard says.\\nBut what Madness must it be to run in Debt for these\\nSuperfluities We are offered by the Terms of this Ven-\\ndue, Six Months Credit and that perhaps has induced\\nsome of us to attend it, because we cannot spare the ready\\nMoney, and hope now to be tine without it. But, ah,\\nthink what you do when you run in debt; You give to an-\\nother Poiver over your Liberty. If you cannot pay at the\\nTime, you will be ashamed to see your Creditor you will\\nbe in Fear when you speak to him you will make poor\\npitiful sneaking Excuses, and by Degrees come to lose\\nyour Veracity, and sink into base downright lying for as\\nPoor Riehard says, The seeond J7ee is Lying, the first is run-\\nning in Debt. And again, to the same Purpose, Lying rides\\nupon Debfs Baek. Whereas a freeborn Englishman ought\\nnot to be ashamed or afraid to see or speak to any Man liv-\\ning. But Poverty often deprives a Man of all Spirit and\\nVirtue Tis hard for an empty Bag to stand upright, as Poor\\nRiehard truly says. What would you think of that Prince,\\nor that Government, who should issue an Edict forbid-\\nding you to dress like a Gentleman, or a Gentlewoman,\\non Pain of Imprisonment or Servitude! V/ould you not\\nsay, that you are free, have a Right to dress as you please,\\nand that such an Edict wonld be a Breach of your Privi-\\nleges, and such a Government tyrannical And yet you\\nare about to put yourself under that Tyranny when you\\nrun in Debt for such Dress Your Creditor has Author-\\nity at his Pleasure to deprive you of your Liberty, by con-\\nfining you in Goal for Life, or to sell you for a Servant, if\\nyou should not be able to pay him When you have got\\nyour Bargain, you may, perhaps, think little of Payment", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 211\\nbut Creditors, Poor Richard teWs us, have better Memories than\\nDebtors and in another Place says, Creditors are a super-\\nstitious Sect, great observers of set Days and Times. The Day\\ncomes round before you are aware, and the Demand is\\nmade before you are prepared to satisfy it. Or if you bear\\nyour Debt in Mind, the Term which at first seemed so\\nlong, will, as it lessens, appear extreamly short. Time\\nwill seem to have added Wings to his Heels as well as\\nShoulders. Those have a short Lent, saith Poor Richard,\\nwho owe Money to be paid at Easter. Then, since as he says,\\nThe Borrower is a Slave to the Lender, and the Debtor to the\\nCreditor, disdain the Chain, preserve your Freedom and\\nmaintain your Independency; Be industrious z.nd free be\\nfrugal and free. At present, perhaps, you may think\\nyourself in thriving Circumstances, and that you can bear\\na little Extravagance without Injury but.\\nFor Age aftd Want save while yon may\\nNo Morning Sun lasts a whole Day^\\nas Poor Richard says. Gain may be temporary and uncer-\\ntain, but ever while you live Experience is constant and\\ncertain and tis easier to build two Chinmies than to keep\\none in Fuel, as Poor Richard says. So rather go to Bed sup-\\nperless than rise in Debt.\\nGet what you can, and what you get hold\\nTis the stone that will turn all your Lead into Gold,\\nas Poor Richard says. And when you have got the Phi-\\nlosopher s Stone, sure you will no longer complain of the\\nbad Times, or the Difficulty of paying Taxes.\\nThis Doctrine, my Friends, is Reason and Wisdom;\\nbut after all, do not depend too much on your own Indus-\\ntry, and Frugality, and Prudence, though excellent Things,\\nfor they may all be blasted without the Blessing of\\nHeaven and therefore ask that Blessing humbly, and be\\nnot uncharitable to those that at present seem to want it,\\nbut comfort and help them. Remember yi?^ suffered, and\\nwas afterwards prosperous.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "212 FRANKLIN\\nAnd now to conclude, Experience keeps a dear School,\\nbut Fools tvill learn in no other, and scarce in that for it is\\ntrue, we may give Advice, but we catinot give Conduct, as Poor\\nRichard says However, remember this, They that won t be\\ncounselled, cant be helped, 3.s Poor Richard says and farther.\\nThat if you zvill not hear Reason, she II surely rap your\\nKnuckles.\\nThus the old Gentleman ended his Harangue. The\\nPeople heard it, and approved the Doctrine, and imme-\\ndiately practised the contrary, just as if it had been a\\ncommon Sermon for the Vendue opened, and they began\\nto buy extravagantly, notwithstanding all his Cautions,\\nand their own Fear of Taxes. I found the good Man had\\nthoroughly studied my Almanacks, and digested all I had\\ndropt on those Topicks during the Course of Five-and-\\nTwenty Years. The frequent mention he made of me\\nmust have tired any one else, but my Vanity was wonder-\\nfully delighted with it, though I was conscious that not a\\ntenth Part of this Wisdom was my own which he ascribed\\nto me, but rather the Gleanings I had made of the Sense\\nof all Ages and Nations. However, 1 resolved to be the\\nbetter for the Echo of it and though I had at first deter-\\nmined to buy Stuff for a new Coat, I went away resolved\\nto wear my old one a little longer. Reader, if thou wilt do\\nthe same, thy Profit will be as great as mine.\\nam, as ever.\\nThine to serve thee,\\nRichard Saunders.\\nOf all the Charms the Female Sex desire,\\nThat Lovers doat on, and that friends admire,\\nThose most deserve your Wish that longest last.\\nNot like the Bloom of Beauty, quickly past\\nVirtue the Chief: This Men and Angels prize.\\nAbove the finest Shape and brightest Eyes,\\nBy this alone, untainted Joys we find,\\nAs large and as immortal as the Mind.\\nA man in a Passion rides a mad Horse.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n213\\nReader farewel, all Happiness attend thee May each\\nNew-Year, better and richer find thee.\\nHOW TO GET RICHES\\nThe Art of getting Riches consists very much in\\nThrift. All Men are not equally qualified for getting\\nMoney, but it is in the Power of every one alike to prac-\\ntise this Virtue.\\nHe that would be beforehand in the World, must be\\nbeforehand with his Business It is not only ill Manage-\\nment, but discovers a slothful Disposition, to do that in\\nthe Afternoon, which should have been done in the\\nMorning.\\nUseful Attainments in your Minority will procure\\nRiches in Maturity, of which Writing and Accounts are\\nnot the meanest.\\nLearning, whether Speculative or Practical, is, in Pop-\\nular or Mixt Governments, the Natural Source of Wealth\\nand Honour.\\nDeclaiming against Pride, is not always a Sign of\\nHumility.\\nNeglect kills Injuries, Revenge increases them.\\nIn Converse be reserv d, yet not morose.\\nIn Season grave, in Season, too, jocose.\\nShun Party- Wranglings, mix not in Debate\\nWith Bigots in Religion or the State.\\nNo Arms to Scandal or Detraction lend,\\nAbhor to wound, be fervent to defend.\\nAspiring still to know, a Babbler scorn,\\nBut watch where Wisdom opes her golden Horn.\\nNine Men in ten are suicides.\\nDoing an Injury puts you below your Enemy Re-\\nvenging one makes you but even with him Forgiving it\\nsets you above him.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "214 FRANKLIN\\nIn quest of Gain be just A Conscience clear\\nIs Lucre, more than Thousands in a Year\\nTreasure no Moth can touch, no Rust consume\\nSafe from the Knave, the Robber, and the Tomb.\\nUnrighteous Gain is the curs d Seed of Woe,\\nPredestin d to be reap d by them who sow\\nA dreadful Harvest when th avenging Day\\nShall like a Tempest, sweep the Unjust away.\\nMost of the Learning in use, is of no great Use.\\nGreat Good-nature, without Prudence, is a great Mis-\\nfortune.\\nFond Pride of Dress is sure an empty Curse\\nE re Fancy you consult, consult your Purse.\\nYouth is pert and positive, Age modest and doubting\\nSo Ears of Corn when oung and light, stand bold up-\\nright, but hang their Heads when weighty, full, and\\nripe.\\nSome sweet Employ for leisure Minutes chuse.\\nAnd let your very Pleasures have their Use.\\nBut if you read, your Books with Prudence chuse.\\nOr Time mis-spent is worse than what you lose.\\nBe fully ere you speak your Subject known,\\nAnd let e en then some Diffidence be shown.\\nKeep something silent, and we think you wise,\\nBut when we see the Bottom, we despise.\\nServing God is doing good to Man, but praying is\\nthought an easier Service, and therefore more generally\\nchosen.\\nNothing humbler than Ambition, when it is about to\\nclimb.\\nThe discontented Man finds no easy Chair.\\nVirtue and a Trade, are a Child s best Portion.\\nGifts much expected, are paid, not given.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n215\\nMOW TO SECURE HOUSES, C. FROM LIGHTNING\\nIt has pleased God in his Goodness to Mankind, at\\nlength to discover to them the Means of securing their\\nHabitations and other Buildings from Mischief by thun-\\nder and Lightning. The Method is this Provide a small\\nIron Rod (it may be of the Rod-iron used by the Nailors)\\nbut of such a length, that one End being three or four\\nFeet in the moist Ground, the other may be six or eight\\nFeet above the highest Fart of the Building. To the\\nupper end of the Rod fasten about a Foot of Brass Wire,\\nthe size of a common Knitting-needle, sharpened to a fine\\nPoint the Rod may be secured to the House by a few\\nsmall Staples. If the House or Barn, be long, there may\\nbe a Rod and Point at each End, and a middling Wire\\nalong the Ridge from one to the other. A house thus fur-\\nnished will not be damaged by Lightning, it being attract-\\ned by the Points, and passing thro the Metal into the\\nGround without hurting anything. Vessels also, having\\na sharp pointed Rod fix d on the Top of their Masts, with\\na Wire from the F oot of the Rod reaching down, round\\none of the Shrouds, to the Water, will not be hurt by\\nLightning.\\nParsons and Jesuits could coftfute.\\nTalk Infidels and Quakers mute.\\nTo every Here tick a foe\\nWas he an honest man So, so.\\nAmong the Divines there has been much Debate,\\nConcerning the World in its ancient Estate\\nSome say twas once good, but now is grown bad,\\nSome say tis reform d of the Faults it once had\\nI say tis the best World, this that we now live in,\\nEither to lend, or to spend, or to give in\\nBut to borrow, to beg, or to get a Man s own,\\nIt is the worst World that ever was known.\\nHere comes Glib-Tongue who can out-flatter a Dedi-\\ncation and lie, like ten Epitaphs.\\nHope and a Red-Rag, are Baits for Men and Mackerel.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "2i6 FRANKLIN\\nWith the old Almanack and the old Year,\\nLeave thy old Vices, tho ever so dear.\\nHonest Men often go to Law for their Right when\\nWise Men would sit down with the Wrong, supposing the\\nfirst Loss least. In some Countries, the Course of the\\nCourts is so tedious, and the Expence so high, that the\\nKemedy, /ustice, is worse than Injustice, the Disease. In\\nmy Travels I once saw a Sign call d The Two Men at Law\\nOne of them was painted on one Side, in a melancholy-\\nPosture, all in Rags, with this Scroll, I have lost my Cause.\\nThe other was drawn capering for Joy, on the other Side,\\nwith these Words, have gaind my Suit but he was\\nstark naked.\\nRULES OF HEALTH AND LONG LIFE, AND TO PRESERVE\\nFROM MALIGNANT FEVERS, AND SICKNESS IN GENERAL\\nEat and drink such an Exact Quantity as the Consti-\\ntution of thy Body allows of, in reference to the Services\\nof the mind.\\nThey that study much, ought not to eat so much as\\nthose that work hard, their Digestion being not so good.\\nThe exact Quantity and Quality being found out, is to\\nbe kept to constantly.\\nExcess in all other Things whatever, as well as in Meat\\nand Drink, is also to be avoided.\\nYouth, Age, and Sick require a different Quantity.\\nAnd so do those of contrary Complexions for that\\nwhich is too much for a flegmatick Man, is not sufficient\\nfor a Cholerick.\\nThe Measure of Food ought to be (as much as possi-\\nbly may be) exactly proportionate to the Quality and Con-\\ndition of the Stomach, because the Stomach digests it.\\nA greater Quantity of some things may be eaten than\\nof others, some being of lighter Digestion than others.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 217\\nThat Quantity that is sufficient, the Stomach can per-\\nfectly concoct and digest, and it sufficeth the due Nour-\\nishment of the Body.\\nThe Difficulty lies, in finding out an exact Measure\\nbut eat for Necessity, not Pleasure, for Lust knows not\\nwhere Necessity ends.\\nWouldst thou enjoy a long Life, a healthy Body, and\\na vigorous Mind, and be acquainted also with the wonder-\\nful works of God labour in the first place to bring thy\\nAppetite into Subjection to Reason.\\nGood women, sure, are angels on the earth\\nOf those good angels we have had a dearth\\nAnd therefore all you men that have good wives.\\nRespect their virtues equal with your lives.\\nFrom a cross neighbour, and a sullen wife,\\nA pointless needle, and a broken knife\\nFrom suretyship, and from an empty purse,\\nA smoaky chimney, and jolting horse\\nFrom a dull razor, and an aking head\\nFrom a bad conscience, and a buggy bed,\\nA blow upon the elbow and the knee\\nFrom each of these, good L d, deliver me.\\nWithout justice courage is weak.\\nMany dishes, many diseases.\\nMany medicines, few cures.\\nWhere carcasses are, eagles will gather,\\nAnd where good laws are, much people flock thither.\\nWould you live with ease, do what you ought, and not\\nwhat you please.\\nBetter slip with foot than tongue.\\nSaying and Doing have quarrel d and parted.\\nTell me my Faults, and mend your own.\\nWell, my friend, thou art just entering the last Month\\nof another year. If thou art a Man of Business, and of", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "2i8 FRANKLIN\\nprudent Care, belike thou wilt now settle thy accounts, to\\nsatisfy thyself whether thou has gain d or lost in the Year\\npast, and how much of either, the better to regulate thy\\nfuture Industry or thy common Expenses. This is com-\\nmendable But it is not all. Wilt thou not examine also\\nthy moral Accompts, and see what improvements thou\\nhast made in the Conduct of Life, what Vice subdued,\\nwhat Virtue acquired how much better, and how much\\nwiser, as well as how much richer thou art grown What\\nshall it profit a Man, if he gain the whole World, but lose\\nhis own Soul. Without some Care in this Matter, tho\\nthou may st come to count thy thousands, thou wilt pos-\\nsibly still appear poor in the Eyes of the Discerning, even\\nhere, and be really so for ever hereafter.\\nTo-morrow you ll reform, you always cr)-;\\nIn what far country does this morrow lie.\\nThat tis so mighty long ere it arrive\\nBeyond the Itidies does this morrow live\\nTis so far-fetched, this morrow, that I fear\\nTwill be both very old, and very dear.\\nTo-morrow I ll reform, the fool does say;\\nTo-day itself s too late the ivise did yesterday.\\nLet the letter stay for the post, and not the post for\\nthe letter.\\nIf wind blows on you through a hole.\\nMake your will and take care of your soul.\\nThe rotten apple spoils his companion.\\nMankind are very odd Creatures One Half censure\\nwhat they practise, the other half practise what thev cen-\\nsure the rest alwa) s say and do as they ought.\\nSeverit} is often Clemency Clemency Severitv.\\nTo be humble to superiors is duty, to equals courtesv,\\nto inferiors nobleness.\\nHere comes the orator, with his flood of words, and his\\ndrop of reason.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n219\\nSal laughs at everything you say. Why? Because\\nshe has fine teeth.\\nThe lying habit is in some so strong\\nTo truth they know not how to bend their tongue\\nAnd tho sometimes their ends truth best would answer.\\nYet lies come uppermost, do what they can, sir.\\nMendacio delights in telling news.\\nAnd that it may be such, himself doth use\\nTo make it but he now no longer need\\nLet him tell truth, it will be news indeed.\\nA man is never so ridiculous by those qualities that are\\nhis own, as by those that he affects to have.\\nOf the DISEASES this year\\nThis year the stone-blind shall see but very little the\\ndeaf shall hear but poorly and the dumb sha n t speak\\nvery plain. And it s much, if my Dame Bridget talks at\\nall this year. Whole flocks, herds, and droves of sheep,\\nswine and oxen, cocks and hens, ducks and drakes, geese\\nand ganders shall go to pot but the mortality will not be\\naltogether so great among cats, dogs and horses. As to\\nold age twill be incurable this year, because of the years\\npast. And towards the fall some people will be seiz d\\nwith an unaccountable inclination to roast and eat their\\nown ears: Should this be call d madness. Doctors? I\\nthink not. But the worst disease of all will be a certain\\nmost horrid, dreadful, malignant, catching, perverse and\\nodious malady, almost epidemical, insomuch that many\\nshall run mad upon it; I quake for very fear when I\\nthink on t for I assure you very few will escape this dis-\\nease which is called by the learned Albromazar Lacko-\\nmony.\\nBis dat qui cito dat He gives twice that gives soon.\\nPride dines upon Vanity, sups on Contempt.\\nWhat pains our justice takes his faults to hide.\\nWith half that pains sure he might cure em quite.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "220 FRANKLIN\\nDon t go to the doctor with every distemper, nor to\\nthe lawyer with every quarrel, nor to the pot for every\\nthirst.\\nBesides the astronomical Calculations, and other\\nThings usually contain d in Almanacks, which have their\\ndaily Use indeed while the Year continues, but then be-\\ncome of no Value, I have constantly interspers d moral\\nSentences, prudent Maxims, and wise Sayings, many of them\\ncontaining muc/i good Sense in very feiv Words, and there-\\nfore apt to leave strong and lasting Impressions on the\\nMemory of young Persons, whereby they may receive\\nBenefit as long as they live, when both Almanack and Al-\\nmanack-maker have been long thrown by and forgotten.\\nIf I now and then insert a Joke or two, that seem to have\\nlittle in them, my Apology is, that such may have their\\nUse, since perhaps for their Sake light airy Minds peruse\\nthe rest, and so are struck by somewhat of more Weight\\nand Moment. The Verses on the Heads of the Months\\nare also design d to have the same Tendency. I need not\\ntell thee that many of them are of my own Making. If\\nthou hast any Judgment in Poetry, thou wilt easily dis-\\ncern the Workman from the Bungler. I know as well as\\nthee, that I am no Poet born, and it is a Trade I never\\nlearnt, nor indeed could learn. If I make Verses tis in\\nSpight Of Nature and my Stars, I write. Why then\\nshould I give my Readers bad Lines of my own, \u00e2\u0080\u00a2w\\\\\\\\engood\\nOnes of other people are so plenty?\\nBeware of him that is slow to anger. He is angry for\\nsomething, and will not be pleased for nothing.\\nWhat legions of fables and whimsical tales\\nPass current for gospel where priestcraft prevails\\nOur ancestors were thus most strangely deceiv d,\\nWhat stories and nonsense for truth they believ d.\\nBut we their wise sons, who these fables reject,\\nEv n truth now-a-days, are too apt to suspect\\nFrom believing too much, the right faith we let fall\\nSo now we believe, troth, nothing at all.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 221\\nNo longer virtuous, no longer free, is a maxim as true\\nwith regard to a private person as a commonwealth.\\nProclaim not all thou knowest, all thou owest, all thou\\nhast, nor all thou can st.\\nLet our fathers and grandfathers be valued for their\\ngoodness, ourselves for our own.\\nIndustry need not wish.\\nSin is not hurtful because it is forbidden, but it is for-\\nbidden because it is hurtful.\\nThe Wise and Brave dares own that he was wrong.\\nCunning proceeds from Want of Capacity.\\nHINTS TO THOSE THAT WOULD BE RICH\\nThe use of money is all the advantage there is in hav-\\ning money.\\nFor 6\u00c2\u00a3 a year you may have use of ioo\u00c2\u00a3, if you are a\\nman of known prudence and honesty.\\nHe that spends a groat a-day idly, spends idly above\\n6\u00c2\u00a3 a year, which is the price of using loo;^.\\nHe that wastes idly a groat s worth of his time per day,\\none day with another, wastes the privilege of using 100^\\neach day.\\nHe that idly loses 5^. worth of time, loses 5^-., and might\\nas prudently throw 5^-. into the river.\\nHe that loses 5^. not only loses that sum, but all the\\nother advantage that might be made by turning it in deal-\\ning, which, by the time a young man becomes old, amounts\\nto a comfortable bag of money.\\nAgain, He that sells upon credit, asks a price for what\\nhe sells equivalent to the principal and interest of his\\nmoney for the time he is like to be kept out of it there-\\nfore,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "-jj FRANKLIN\\nHe that buvs upon credit pavs interest for what he\\nbuys.\\nAnd he that pavs readv monev, might let that money\\nout to use so that\\nHe that possesses anv thing he has bought, pays inter-\\nest tor the use of it.\\nConsitfeT thtti, when you are tempted to buy any unne-\\ncessary household stuff, or any superfluous thing, whether\\nvou will be willing to pav intcrtst, and interest upon intirtst\\nfor it as long as vou live, and more if it grows worse by\\nusing.\\nYety in bnj ing goods, tis best to fay ready money, hrause\\nHe that sells upon credit, expects to lose 5/cr icnt by\\nbad debts therefore he charges on all he sells upon credit,\\nan advance that shall make up that dehciencv.\\nThose who pav for what they buv upon credit, pav\\ntheir share of this advance.\\nHe that pays ready money, escapes, or ma v escape,\\nthat charge.\\nA cHny sirvt d is tztv /ev/tv c/e or. A pin aniay is a groat\\nay tar. Sav^ and haze.\\nEvery little makes a mickle.\\nEach age of men new fashions doth invent\\nThings which are old. oung men do not esteem v\\nWhat pleas \\\\f our fathers, doth not us content\\nWhat tlourishevi then. \\\\\\\\-e out of fashion deem\\nAnd that s the reason, as I understand.\\nWhy Prodigiis did sell his father s land.\\nIs there anything men take more pains about than to\\nmake themselves unhappy\\nNothing brings more pain than too much pleasure.\\nRead much, but not too many books.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n223\\nHe is no clown that drives the plough, but he that\\ndoth clownish thingrs.\\nfc\\nIf you know how to spend less than you get, you have\\nthe philosopher s-stone.\\nWhymsical Will once fancy d he was ill,\\nThe Doctor call d, who thus exaniin d Will\\nJ low is your appetite? O, as to that\\nI eat quite heartily, you see I m fat;\\nHow is yotir sleep anights? Tis sound and good\\nI eat, drink, sleep, as well as e er I cou d.\\nWill, says the doctor, clapping on his hat.\\nI ll give you something shall remove all that.\\nSome have learn t many tricks of sly evasion,\\nInstead of truth they use equivocation,\\nAnd eke it out with mental reservation,\\nWhich, to good men, is an abomination.\\nOur smith of late most wonderfully swore,\\nThat whilst he breathed he would drink no more,\\nBut since, I know his meaning, for I think,\\nHe meant he would not breathe whilst he did drink.\\nThe good pay-master is lord of another man s purse.\\nIf you d have a servant that you like, serve yourself.\\nHe that pursues two hares at once, does not catch one\\nand lets t other go.\\nHe that would live in peace and at ease\\nMust not speak all he knows nor judge all he sees.\\nFrom bad Health, bad Conscience, Parties dull Strife\\nFrom an insolent Friend, a termagant Wife,\\nFrom the Kindred of such (on one Side or t other)\\nWho most wisely delight in plaguing each other\\nFrom the Wretch who can cant, while he Mischief designs.\\nFrom old rotten Mills, bank d Meadows Mines;\\nFrom Curses like these if kind Heav n defends me,\\nI ll never complain of the Fortune it sends me.\\nIn prosperous fortunes be modest and wise.\\nThe greatest may fall, and the lowest may rise\\nBut insolent People that fall in disgrace.\\nAre wretched and no body pities their Case,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "224 FRANKLIN\\nIf you have time, don t wait for time.\\nThe worst wheel of the cart makes the most noise.\\nThe absent are never without fault, nor the present\\nwithout excuse.\\nThree may keep a secret, if two of them are dead.\\nPoverty wants some things, luxury many things, ava-\\nrice all things.\\nGreat Merit is coy, as well as great Pride.\\nOld Boys have their Playthings as well as young\\nOnes the Difference is only in the Price.\\nBad commentators spoil the best of books,\\nSo God sends meat (they say), the devil cooks.\\nThe noblest question in the world is, W/iai good can\\nI do in it?\\nDistrust and caution are the parents of security.\\nTongue double, brings trouble.\\nDo not do that which you would not have known.\\nWhate er s desired, knowledge, fame, or pelf,\\nNot one will change his neighbour with himself;\\nThe learn d are happy nature to explore.\\nThe fool is happy that he knows no more.\\nThe rich are happy in the plenty given\\nThe poor contents him with the care of heaven.\\nThus does some comfort ev ry state attend,\\nAnd pride s bestowed on all, a common friend.\\nWealth is not his that has it, but his that enjoys it.\\nBy nought is man from beast distinguished,\\nMore than by knowledge in his learned head.\\nThen youth improve thy time, but cautious see\\nThat what thou learnest somehow useful be\\nEach day improving, Solon waxed old\\nFor time he knew was better far than gold\\nFortune might give him gold which would decay.\\nBut fortune cannot give him yesterday.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 225\\nTis easy to see, hard to foresee.\\nNothing so popular as goodness.\\nKeep flax from fire, youth from gaming.\\nBargaining has neither friends nor relations.\\nAdmiration is the daughter of ignorance.\\nThere s more old drunkards, than old doctors.\\nHe that can have patience can have what he will.\\nHe that buys by the penny maintains not only himself,\\nbut other people.\\nA false Friend and a Shadow attend only while the\\nSun shines.\\nTo-morrow every Fault is to be amended but that\\nTo-morrow never comes.\\nIt is observable that God has often called Men to\\nPlaces of Dignity and Honour, when they have been\\nbusy in the honest Employment of their Vocation. Saul\\nwas seeking his Father s Asses, and David keeping his\\nFather s Sheep, when called to the kingdom. The Shep-\\nherds were feeding their Flocks, when they had their\\nglorious Revelation. God called the four Apostles from\\ntheir Fishery, and Matthew from the Receipt of Custom\\nAmos from among the Horsemen of Tekoak, Moses from\\nkeeping yi?//zrt7 j Sheep, Gideon from the Threshing Floor,\\netc. God never encourages Idleness, and despises not\\nPersons in the meanest Employments.\\nMen often mistake themselves, seldom forget them-\\nselves.\\nThe idle Man is the Devil s Hireling, whose Livery is\\nRags, whose Diet and Wages are Famine and Diseases.\\nI never saw an oft-transplanted tree,\\nNor yet an oft-removed family,\\nThat throve so well as those that settled be.\\n15", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "226 FRANKLIN\\nDon t misinform your doctor nor your lawyer.\\nIt is generally agreed to be Folly, to hazard the loss\\nof a Friend, rather than to lose a Jest. But few consider\\nhow easily a Friend may be thus lost. Depending on\\nthe known Regard their Friends have for them. Jesters\\ntake more Freedom with Friends than they would dare\\nto do with others, little thinking how much deeper we\\nare wounded by an Affront from one we love. But the\\nstrictest Intimacy can never warrant Freedoms of this\\nSort and it is indeed preposterous to think they should\\nunless we can suppose Injuries are less Evils when they\\nare done to us by Friends, than when they come from\\nother Hands.\\nGrace thou thy house, and let not that grace thee.\\nThou cans t not joke an enemy into a friend, but thou\\nmay st a friend into an enemy.\\nCan Wealth give Happiness look round and see\\nWhat gay Distress What splendid Misery\\nWhatever Fortune lavishly can pour\\nThe Mind annihilates, and calls for more.\\nA decent Competence we fully taste\\nIt strikes our Seiise, and gives a constant Feast\\nMore, we perceive by Dint of Thought alone\\nThe Rich must labour to possess their own.\\nThe Proud hate Pride\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in others.\\nWho judges best of a Man, his Enemies or himself?\\nDrunkenness, that worst of Evils, makes some men\\nFools, some Beasts, some Devils.\\nTis not a Holiday that s not kept holy.\\nLife with fools consists in drinking\\nWith the wise man, living s thinking.\\nBe not niggardly of what costs thee nothing, as cour-\\ntesy, counsel, and countenance.\\nThirst after desert\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not reward.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 22/\\nOf the CONDITION of some countries\\nI FORESEE an universal drought this year thro all the\\nnorthern colonies. Hence there will be dry rice in Caro-\\nlina, dry tobacco in Virginia and Maryland, dry bread in\\nPennsylvania and New York and in New England dry fish\\nand dry doctrine. Dry throats will be every where but\\nthen how pleasant it will be to drink cool cyder tho\\nsome will tell you nothing is more contrary to thirst.\\nI believe it, and indeed, contraria contrariis curantur.\\nMake haste slowly.\\nBesides the usual things expected in an almanack, I\\nhope the profess d teachers of mankind will excuse my\\nscattering here and there some instructive hints in matters\\nof morality and religion. And be not thou disturbed, O\\ngrave and sober reader, if among the many serious sen-\\ntences of my book, thou findest me trifling now and then\\nand talking idly. In all the dishes I have hitherto cooked\\nfor thee, there is solid meat enough for thy money. There\\nare scraps from the table of wisdom, that will if well\\ndigested yield strong nourishment to thy mind. But\\nsqueamish stomachs cannot eat without pickles which\\ntis true are good for nothing else, but they provoke an\\nappetite. The vain youth that reads my almanack for the\\nsake of an idle joke, will perhaps meet with a serious re-\\nflection, that he may ever after be the better for.\\nHonour thy father and mother i. e.. Live so as to be\\nan honour to them, though they are dead.\\nIf thou injurest conscience, it will have its revenge on\\nthee.\\nHear no ill of a friend, nor speak any of an enemy.\\nIf what most men admire, they would despise,\\nTwould look as if mankind were growing wise.\\nThe sun never repents of the good he does, nor does\\nhe ever demand a recompence.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "228 FRANKLIN\\nAn old young man will be a young old man.\\nAre you angry that others disappoint you remember\\nyou cannot depend upon yourself.\\nTis not the face with a delightful air,\\nA rosy cheek, and lovely flowing hair\\nNor sparkling eyes to best advantage set,\\nNor all the members rang d in alphabet,\\nSweet in proportion as the lovely dies.\\nWhich brings th etherial bow before our eyes.\\nThat can with wisdom approbation find.\\nLike pious morals and an honest mind.\\nBy virtue s living laws from every vice refin d.\\nOne mend-fault is worth two find-faults, but one find-\\nfault is better than two make-faults.\\nReader, I wish thee health, wealth, happiness, and may\\nkind heaven thy year s industry bless.\\nYou may be more happy than princes, if you will be\\nmore virtuous.\\nIf you would not be forgotten, as soon as you are dead\\nand rotten, either write things worth reading, or do things\\nworth the writing.\\nSell not virtue to purchase wealth, nor liberty to pur-\\nchase power.\\nThe way to be safe, is never to be secure.\\nWork as if you were to live lOO years. Pray as if you\\nwere to die To-morrow.\\nNature expects mankind should share\\nThe duties of the publick care.\\nSarcastical Jests on a Man s Person or his Manners,\\ntho hard to bear, are perhaps more easily borne than\\nthose that touch his Religion. Men are generally warm in\\nwhat regards their religious Tenets, either from a Tender-\\nness of Conscience, or a high Sense of their own Judge-\\nments. People of plain Parts and honest Dispositions,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n229\\nlook on Salvation as too serious a Thing to be jested with\\nand Men of speculative Religion, who profess from the\\nConviction rather of their Heads than Hearts, are not a\\nbit less vehement than the real Devotees. He who says\\na slight or a severe Thing of their Faith, seems to them to\\nhave thereby undervalued their Understanding, and will\\nconsequently incur their Aversion, which no Man of com-\\nmon Sense would hazard, for a lively Expression much\\nless a person of good Breeding, who should make it his\\nchief Aim to be well with all.\\nGreat Alms giving, lessen no Man s living.\\nON THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS\\nWhile free from Force the Press remains.\\nVirtue and Freedom chear our Plains,\\nAnd Learning Largesses bestows,\\nAnd keeps unlicens d open House.\\nWe to the Nation s publick Mart\\nOur Works of Wit, and Schemes of Art,\\nAnd philosophic Goods, this Way,\\nLike Water carriage, cheap convey.\\nThis Tree which Knowledge so affords,\\nInquisitors with flaming Swords\\nFrom Lay-Approach with Zeal defend.\\nLest their own Paradise should end.\\nA long Life may not be good enough, but a good Life\\nis long enough.\\nBe at War with your Vices, at Peace with your Neigh-\\nbours, and let every New- Year find you a better Man.\\nDon t after foreign Food and Clothing roam.\\nBut learn to eat and wear what s rais d at Home.\\nKind Nature suits each Clime with what it wants.\\nSufficient to subsist th Inhabitants.\\nHe that won t be counselled can t be helped.\\nTis a Shame that your Family is an Honour to you\\nYou ought to be an Honour to your Family.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "230 FRANKLIN\\nWrite injuries in dust, benefits in marble.\\nGlass, China, and Reputation, are easily crack d, and\\nnever well mended.\\nThat nothing is from ruin free,\\nThe gayest things must disappear.\\nThink of your beauties in their bloom,\\nThe spring of sprightly youth improve\\nFor cruel age, alas, will come.\\nAnd then twill be too late to love.\\nHe that falls in love with himself, will have no rivals.\\nLet thy child s first lesson be obedience, and the sec-\\nond will be what thou wilt.\\nBlessed is he that expects nothing, for he shall never\\nbe disappointed.\\nRather go to bed supperless than run in debt for a\\nbreakfast.\\nWhen you are sick, what you like best is to be chosen\\nfor a medicine in the first place what experience tells you\\nis best, to be chosen in the second place what reason (i. e.\\nTheory,) says is best, is to be chosen in the last place.\\nBut if you can get Dr. Inclination, Dr. Experience, and Dr.\\nReason to hold a consultation together, they will give you\\nthe best advice that can be taken.\\nGod heals and the doctor takes the fee.\\nIf you desire many things, many things will seem but\\na few.\\nForewarned, forearmed.\\nI saw few die of hunger, of eating 100,000.\\nWith bounteous cheer\\nConclude the Year.\\nIf thou would st live long, live well for folly and wick-\\nedness shorten life.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 23 1\\nTrust thyself, and another shall not betray thee.\\nHistorians relate, not so much what is done, as what\\nthey would have believed.\\nNo resolution of repenting hereafter can be sincere.\\nPollio, who values nothing that s within,\\nBuys books as men hunt beavers for their skin.\\nBriscap, thou st little judgement in thy head\\nMore than to dress thee, drink and go to bed\\nYet thou shalt have the wall and the way lead,\\nSince logick wills that simple things preceed.\\nWalking and meeting one not long ago,\\nI ask d who twas, he said, he did not know,\\nI said, I know thee so said he, I you\\nBut he that knows himself I never knew.\\nNone preaches better than the ant, and she says\\nnothing.\\nHe that speaks much, is much mistaken.\\nGreat beauty, great strength, and great riches are\\nreally and truly of no great use a right heart exceeds all.\\nA Man has no more Goods than he gets Good by.\\nWelcome, Mischief, if thou comest alone.\\nDifferent Sects like different clocks, may be all near\\nthe matter, tho they don t quite agree.\\nHonour the softer Sex with courteous Style,\\nAnd Gentleness of Manners, win their Smile\\nNor shun their virtuous Converse but when Age\\nAnd Circumstance consent, thy Faith engage\\nTo some discreet, well-natur d, cheerful Fair,\\nOne not too stately for the Household Care,\\nOne form d in Person and in Mind to please.\\nTo season Life, and all its Labours ease.\\nIf your head is wax, don t walk in the Sun.\\nPretty and Witty will wound if they hit ye.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "232\\nFRANKLIN\\nHaving been poor is no shame, but being ashamed of\\nit, is.\\nGaming, the Vice of Knaves and Fools, detest,\\nMiner of Time, of Substance and of Rest\\nWhich, in the Winning or the Losing Part,\\nUndoing or undone, will wring the Heart\\nUndone, self-curs d, thy Madness thou wilt rue\\nUndoing, Curse of others will pursue\\nThy hated Head. A Parent s, Household s Tear,\\nA Neighbour s Groan, and Heavns displeasure fear.\\nTis a laudable Ambition, that aims at being better\\nthan his Neighbours.\\nThe wise Man draws more Advantage from his Ene-\\nmies, than the Fool from his Friends.\\nProportion your Charity to the strength of your Estate,\\nor God will Proportion your Estate to the Weakness of\\nyour Charity.\\nSome antient Philosophers have said, that Happiness\\ndepends more on the inward Disposition of Mind than\\non outward Circumstances and that he who can.iot be\\nhappy in any State, can be so in no State. To be happy,\\nthey tell us we must be content. Right. But they do\\nnot teach us how we may become content. Poor Richard\\nshall give you a short good Rule for that. To be content\\nlook backward on those who possess less than yourself,\\nnot forward on those who possess more. If this does not\\nmake j^ou content, you don t deserve to be happy.\\nIn Christmas feasting pray take care\\nLet not your table be a Snare\\nBut with the Poor God s Bounty share.\\nAdieu, my Friends, till the next year.\\nAll would live long, but none would be old.\\nIll Customs bad Advice are seldom forgotten.\\nHe that sows thorns, should not go barefoot.\\nEat few suppers and you ll need few medicines.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n233\\nRULES TO FIND OUT A FIT MEASURE OF MEAT AND\\nDRINK\\nIf thou eatest so much as makes thee imfit for Study,\\nor other Business, thou exceedest the due Measure.\\nIf thou art dull and heavy after Meat, it s a sign thou\\nhast exceeded the due Measure for Meat and Drink\\nought to refresh the Body, and make it chearful, and\\nnot to dull and oppress it.\\nIf thou findest these ill Symptoms, consider whether\\ntoo much Meat, or too much Drink occasions it, or both,\\nand abate by little and little, till thou findest the incon-\\nveniency removed.\\nKeep out of the Sight of Feasts and Banquets as much\\nas may be for t is more difficult to refrain good Cheer,\\nwhen it s present, than from the Desire of it when it is\\naway the like you may observe in the Objects of all the\\nother Senses.\\nIf a Man casually exceeds, let him fast the next Meal,\\nand all may be well again, provided it be not too often\\ndone as if he exceed at Dinner, let him refrain a Sup-\\nper, c.\\nA temperate Diet frees from Diseases such are sel-\\ndom ill, but if they are surprised with Sickness, they bear\\nit better, and recover sooner for most Distempers have\\ntheir Original from Repletion.\\nUse now and then a little Exercise a quarter of an\\nHour before Meals, as to swing a Weight, or swing your\\nArms about with a small Weight in each Hand to leap,\\nor the like, for that stirs the Muscles of the Breast.\\nA temperate Diet arms the Body against all external\\nAccidents so that they are not so easily [hurt] by Heat,\\nCold or Labour if they at any time should be preju-\\ndiced, they are more easily cured, either of Wounds, Dis-\\nlocations or Bruises.\\nBut when malignant Fevers are rife in the Country or\\nCity where thou dwelst, tis adviseable to eat and drink", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "234\\nFRANKLIN\\nmore freely, by Way of Prevention for those are Dis-\\neases that are not caused by Repletion, and seldom at-\\ntack Full-feeders.\\nA sober Diet makes a Man die without Pain it main-\\ntains the Senses in Vigour; it mitigates the Violence of\\nthe Passions and Affections.\\nIt preserves the Memory, it helps the Understanding,\\nit allays the heat of Lust it brings a Man to a Considera-\\ntion of his latter End it makes the Body a fit Tabernacle\\nfor the Lord to dwell in which makes us happy in this\\nWorld, and eternally happy in the World to come, through\\nJesus Christ our Lord and Saviour.\\nEmpty Freebooters, cover d with scorn,\\nThey went out for Health, came ragged and torn,\\nAs the Ram went for Wool, and was sent back shorn.\\nHe that speaks ill of the mare will buy her.\\nWouldst thou confound thine Enemy, be good thy self.\\nPride is as loud a Beggar as Want, and a great deal\\nmore saucy.\\nPay what you owe, and what you re worth you ll\\nknow.\\nAct uprightly, and despise calumny dirt may stick\\nto a mud wall, but not to polished marble.\\nThe busy Man has few idle Visitors to the boiling\\nPot the Flies come not.\\nCalamity and Prosperity are the Touchstones of In-\\ntegrity.\\nWhat signifies knowing the Names, if you know not\\nthe Natures of Things.\\nThe Golden Age never was the present Age.\\nThe Good-will of the Govern d will be starved, if not\\nfed by the good Deeds of the Governors.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 235\\nPaintings and Fightings are best seen at a distance.\\nHe that doth what he should not, shall feel what he\\nwould not.\\nTo be intimate with a foolish Friend, is like going to\\nBed to a Razor.\\nTo serve the Publick faithfully, and at the same time\\nplease it entirely is impracticable.\\nProud Modern Learning despises the antient: School-\\nmen are now laught at by school-boys.\\nAn open foe may prove a curse\\nBut a pretended friend is worse.\\nA Wolf eats sheep but now and then,\\nTen Thousands are devour d by men.\\nProdigality of Time produces Poverty of Mind as well\\nas of Estate.\\nThey who have nothing to trouble them, will be\\ntroubled at nothing.\\nThat sort of IVtf, which employs itself insolently in\\nCriticizing and Censuring the Words and Sentiments of\\nothers in Conversation, is absolute Folly for it answers\\nnone of the Ends of Conversation. He who uses it neither\\nimproves others, is unproved himself, or pleases any one.\\nBe civil to all sociable to many familiar with few\\nfriend to one enemy to none.\\nVain-glory flowereth, but beareth no Fruit.\\nHOW TO MAKE MONEY PLENTY\\nAs I spent some Weeks last Winter, in visiting my old\\nAcquaintance in \\\\\\\\vq Jerseys, great Complaints I heard for\\nWant of money, and that leave to make more Paper Bills\\ncould not be obtained. Friends and Countrymen, my Ad-\\nvice on this Head shall cost you nothing, and if you will", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "236 FRANKLIN\\nnot be angry with me for giving it, I promise you not to\\nbe offended if you do not take it.\\nYou spend yearly at least two hundred thousand pounds,\\nit is said, in European, East-Indian and West-Indian com-\\nmodities. Supposing one half of this expense to be in\\nthings absolutely necessary, the other half may be called\\nsuperfluities, or, at best, conveniences, which, however,\\nyou might live without for one little year, and not suffer\\nexceedingly. Now to save this half, observe these few\\ndirections\\n1. When you incline to have new clothes, look first\\nwell over the old ones, and see if you cannot shift with\\nthem another year, either by scouring, mending, or even\\npatching if necessary. Remember, a patch on your coat,\\nand money in your pocket, is better and more creditable,\\nthan a writ on your back, and no money to take it off.\\n2. When you incline to buy China ware, Chinees, India\\nsilks, or any other of their flimsy, slight manufactures, I\\nwould not be so hard with you, as to insist on your abso-\\nlutely resolving against it all I advise is, to put it off (as\\nyou do your repentance) till another year, and this, in some\\nrespects, may prevent an occasion for repentance.\\n3. If you are now a drinker of punch, wine or tea,\\ntwice a day, for the ensuing year drink them but once a\\nday. If you now drink them but once a day, do it but\\nevery other day. If ,you now do it but once a week, re-\\nduce the practice to once a fortnight. And, if you do\\nnot exceed in quantity as you lessen the times, half your\\nexpense in these articles will be saved.\\n4. When you incline to drink rum, fill the glass half\\nwith water.\\nThus at the year s end, there will be a hindred thou-\\nsand pounds more money in your country.\\nIf paper money in ever so great a quantity could be\\nmade, no man could get any of it without giving some-\\nthing for it. But all he saves in this way, will be his own\\nfor nothing, and his country actually so much richer.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n237\\nThen the merchant s old and doubtful debts may be hon-\\nestly paid off, and trading become surer thereafter, if not\\nso extensive.\\nObserve the daily circle of the sun,\\nAnd the short year of each revolving moon\\nBy them thou shall foresee the following day,\\nNor shall a starry night thy hopes betray.\\nWhen first the moon appears, if then she shrouds\\nHer silver crescent, tip d with sable clouds,\\nConclude she bodes a tempest on the main,\\nAnd brews for fields impetuous Hoods of rain.\\nLet thy vices die before thee.\\nThe ancients tell us what is best but we must learn\\nof the moderns what is fittest.\\nHere lies the only difference now.\\nSome shot off late, some soon\\nYour sires i th morning left the plough,\\nAnd ours i th afternoon.\\nCassar did not merit the triumphal car more than he\\nthat conquers himself.\\nHast thou virtue acquire also the graces and beau-\\nties of virtue.\\nIf thou hast wit and learning, add to it wisdom and\\nmodesty.\\nThe favour of the great is no inheritance.\\nEmploy thy time well, if thou meanest to gain leisure\\nCan grave and formal pass for wise\\nWhen men the solemn owl despise\\nSome are justly laught at for keeping their money\\nfoolishly, others for spending it idly He is the greatest\\nfool that lays it out in a purchase of repentance.\\nLet thy discontents be thy secrets if the world knows\\nthem t will despise thee and increase them.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "238 FRANKLIN\\nE er you remark another s sin,\\nBid your own conscience look within.\\nAnger and folly walk cheek by jole repentance treads\\non both their heels.\\nThey who have nothing to be troubled at will be\\ntroubled at nothing.\\nIf evils come not, then our fears are vain,\\nAnd if they do, fear but augments the pain.\\nStudious of Ease, and fond of humble Things,\\nBelow the Smiles, below the Frowns of Kings\\nThanks to my Stars, I prize the Sweets of Life,\\nNo sleepless Nights I count, no Days of Strife.\\nI rest, I wake, I drink, I sometimes love,\\nI read, I write, I settle, or I rove\\nContent to live, content to die unknown,\\nLord of myself, accountable to none.\\nYou will be careful, if you are wise How you touch\\nmen s Religion, or Credit, or Eyes.\\nThe master-piece of man, is to live to the purpose.\\nNor is a duty beneficial because it is commanded, but\\nit is commanded because it is beneficial.\\nA they say has wit for what\\nFor writing No, for writing not.\\nIn travel, pilgrims oft do ask to know\\nWhat miles they ve gone, and what they have to go\\nThe way is tedious, and their limbs opprest.\\nAnd their desire is to be at rest.\\nIn life s more tedious journey, man delays\\nT enquire out the number of his days\\nHe cares, not he, how slow his hours spend,\\nThe journey s better than the journey s end.\\nO Lazy bones Dost thou think God would have given\\nthee arms and legs, if he had not design d thou should st\\nuse them 1\\nThe Honey is sweet, but the Bee has a Sting.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 239\\nThe nearest way to come at glory, is to do that for\\nconscience which we do for glory.\\nThe family of fools is ancient.\\nNecessity never made a good bargain.\\nON THE LAW\\nNigh neighbour to the squire, poor Sam complain d\\nOf frequent wrongs, but no amends he gain d.\\nEach day his gates thrown down his fences broke,\\nAnd injur d still the more, the more he spol e\\nAt last, resolv d his potent foe to awe,\\nA suit against him he began in law\\nNine happy terms thro all the forms he run,\\nObtain d his cause had costs and was undo7te.\\nIf pride leads the van, beggary brings up the rear.\\nWeighty questions ask for deliberate answers.\\nWell done is better than well said.\\nHe that can travel well a-foot, keeps a good horse.\\nNo better relation than a prudent and faithful friend.\\nCOURTS\\nTwo trav ling Beggars, (I ve forgot their name)\\nAn Oister found to which they both laid Claim.\\nWarm the Dispute At length to Law they d go,\\nAs richer Fools for Trifles often do.\\nThe Cause two Petty foggers undertake,\\nResolving right or wrong some Gain to make.\\nThey jangle till the Court this Judgment gave.\\nDetermining what every one should have.\\nBlind Plaintiff latne Defendant, share\\nThe friendly Law s impartial Care\\nA Shell for him, a Shell for thee\\nThe Middle s Bench and Lawyer s Fee.\\nOf learned fools I have seen ten times ten of unlearned\\nwise men, I have seen a hundred.\\nPain wastes the body, pleasures the understanding.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "240\\nFRANKLIN\\nThe thrifty maxim of the wary Dutch, is to save all the\\nmoney they can touch.\\nIt is better to take many injuries than to give one.\\nHe that waits upon fortune, is never sure of a dinner.\\nThe excellency of hogs is fatness, of men virtue.\\nGood wives and good plantations are made by good\\nhusbands.\\nHe that sells upon trust, loses many friends, and always\\nwants money.\\nHe that scatters thorns, let him not go barefoot.\\nThere s none deceived but he that trusts.\\nCreditors have better memories than debtors.\\nA little house well fill d, a little field well till d, and a\\nlittle wife well will d, are great riches.\\nSome are weatherwise, some are otherwise.\\nIndustry, Perseverance, Frugality, make Fortune\\nyield.\\nIrus tho wanting Gold and Lands,\\nLives chearful, easy, and content\\nCorons, unbless d, with twenty Hands\\nEmploy d to count his yearly Rent.\\nSages in Wisdonr\\\\ tell me which\\nOf these you think possesses more\\nOne with his Poverty is rich.\\nAnd one with all his Wealth is poor.\\nI ll warrant ye, goes before Rashness; VVho d-a-tho t\\ncomes sneaking after.\\nPrayers and Provender hinder no Journey.\\nDon t throw stones at your neighbors if your own\\nwindows are glass.\\nMeanness is the Parent of Insolence.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 24I\\nTis more noble to forgive, and more manly to despise,\\nthan to revenge an Injury.\\nA Brother may not be a Friend, but a Friend will\\nalways be a Brother.\\nNecessity has no law I know some attorneys of the\\nsame.\\nAs sore places meet most rubs, proud folks meet most\\naffronts.\\nThis World s an Inn, all Travellers are we\\nAnd this World s Goods th Accommodations be.\\nOur Life is nothing but a Winter s Day\\nSome only break their Fast, and so away.\\nOthers stay Dinner, and depart full fed.\\nThe deepest Age but sups and goes to bed.\\nHe s most in Debt that lingers out the Day\\nWho dies betimes has less and less to pay.\\nEpitaph on a Scolding Wife by her Husband. Here\\nmy poor Bridget s Corpse doth lie, she is at rest, and so\\nam I.\\nIf you would have guests merry with cheer, be so\\nyourself, or so at least appear.\\nApprove not of him who commends all you say.\\nLook before, or you ll find yourself behind.\\nTo whom thy secret thou dost tell.\\nTo him thy freedom thou dost sell.\\nHe that can compose himself, is wiser than he that\\ncomposes books.\\nAfter crosses and losses, men grow humbler and wiser.\\nLove, cough, and a smoke can t well be hid.\\nWink at small faults remember thou hast great ones.\\nEat to please thyself, but dress to please others.\\nSearch others for their virtues, thyself for thy vices.\\n16", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "242 FRANKLIN\\nTime is an herb that cures all diseases.\\nReading makes a full man, meditation a profound man,\\ndiscourse a clear man.\\nEach year one vicious habit rooted out,\\nIn time might make the worst man good throughout.\\nNone but the well-bred man knows how to confess a\\nfault, or acknowledge himself in an error.\\nVisits should be short, like a winter s day.\\nLest you re too troublesome, hasten away.\\nA house without woman and firelight, is like a body\\nwithout soul or sprite.\\nMen and melons are hard to know.\\nHe s the best physician that knows the worthlessness\\nof the most medicines.\\nWho has deceived thee so oft as thyself?\\nGod works wonders now and then\\nBehold a lawyer, an honest man.\\nInnocence is its own defence.\\nSince I cannot govern my own tongue tho within my\\nown teeth, how can I hope to govern the tongues of\\nothers\\nThere have been as great souls unknown to fame as\\nan}^ of the most famous.\\nHe that is rich need not live sparingly, and he that can\\nlive sparingly need not be rich.\\nThe poor have little, beggars none the rich too much,\\nenough, not one.\\nEat to live, and not live to eat.\\nHappy s the wooing that s not long a doing.\\nJack Little sow d little, and little he ll reap.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD 243\\nThe too obliging Temper is evermore disobliging\\nitself.\\nTo lengthen thy life, lessen thy meals.\\nGreat talkers, little doers.\\nSnowy winter, a plentiful harvest.\\nNothing more like a fool, than a drunken man.\\nHe is ill clothed that is bare of virtue.\\nShe that will eat her breakfast in her bed,\\nAnd spend the morn in dressing of her head,\\nAnd sit at dinner like a maiden bride,\\nAnd talk of nothing all day but of pride\\nGod in his mercy may do much to save her.\\nBut what a case is he in that shall have her.\\nCheese and salt meat\\nShould be sparingly eat.\\nAvarice and happiness never saw each other, how then\\nshould they become acquainted.\\nBy Mrs. Bridget Saunders, my Duchess, in answer to the December verses of\\nlast year\\nHe that for the sake of drink neglects his trade,\\nAnd spends each night in taverns till tis late.\\nAnd rises when the sun is four hours high.\\nAnd ne er regards his starving family,\\nGod in his mercy may do much to save him,\\nBut, woe to the poor wife, whose lot it is to have him.\\nNothing but money\\nIs sweeter than honey.\\nThe Brave and the Wise can both pity and excuse\\nwhen Cowards and Fools show no mercy.\\nCeremony is not Civility nor Civility Ceremony.\\nIf man could have half his Wishes, he would double\\nhis Troubles.\\nIn success be moderate.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "244 FRANKLIN\\nWhat one relishes, nourishes.\\nNo man e er was glorious, who was not laborious.\\nBlame all and praise all are two blockheads.\\nA good man is seldom uneasy, an ill one never easie.\\nTake this remark from Richard, poor and lame,\\nWhate er s begun in anger, ends in shame.\\nTeach your child to hold his tongue, he ll learn fast\\nenough to speak.\\nDon t value a man for the quality he is of, but for the\\nqualities he possesses.\\nAll things are easy to industry.\\nAll things difficult to sloth.\\nA new truth is a truth, an old error is an error,\\nTho Clodpate won t allow either.\\nDon t think to hunt two hares with one dog.\\nFools multiply folly.\\nBeauty and folly are old companions.\\nHope of gain lessens pain.\\nAn innocent ploughman is more worthy than a vicious\\nprince.\\nSome (taug-ht by industn impart\\nWith hands and feet the works of art\\nWhile some, of genius more refined.\\nWith heads and tongues assist mankind\\nEach aiming at one common end\\nProves to the whole a needful friend.\\nThus, born each other s useful aid.\\nBy turns are obligations paid.\\nUp, sluggard, and waste not life in the grave will be\\nsleeping enough.\\nWell done, is twice done.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n245\\nStrive to be the greatest Man in your Country, and\\nyou may be disappointed Strive to be the best and you\\nmay succeed He may well win the race that runs by\\nhimself.\\nThe first Mistake in public Business, is the going\\ninto it.\\nHalf the Truth is often a great Lie.\\nThe Way to see by Faith is to shut the Eye of Reason.\\nThe Morning Daylight appears plainer when you put\\nout your Candle.\\nThe Prodigal generally does more Injustice than the\\nCovetous.\\nGenerous Minds are all of kin.\\nAn honest Man will receive neither Money nor Praise\\nthat is not his due.\\nSpare and have is better than spend and crave.\\nGood-Will, like the Wind, fioweth where it listeth.\\nA Person threatning to go to Law, was dissuaded\\nfrom it by his Friend, who desired him to consider, for the\\nLaw was chargeable. I don t care, reply d the other, I\\nwill not consider, Fll go to Law. Right, said his Friend,\\nfor if you go to law, I am sure you don t consider.\\nWhat s beauty? Call ye that your own,\\nA flow r that fades as soon as blown\\nThose eyes of so divine a ray,\\nWhat are they? Mould ring, mortal clay,\\nThose features cast in heav nly mould,\\nShall, like my coarser earth, grow old\\nLike common grass, the fairest flow r\\nMust feel the hoary season s power.\\nFear to do ill, and you need fear nought else.\\nMany Foxes grow grey, but few grow good.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "246 FRANKLIN\\nIf you would keep your secret from an enemy, tell it\\nnot to a friend.\\nAll Mankind are beholden to him that is kind to the\\nGood.\\nSeek virtue, and of that possessed,\\nTo Providence resign the rest.\\nPresumption first blinds a Man, then sets him a run-\\nning.\\nThe end of Passion is the beginning of Repentance.\\nWords may show a man s Wit, but Actions his\\nMeaning.\\nEnjoy the present hour, be mindful of the past\\nAnd neither fear nor wish the approaches of the last.\\nLearn of the skilful He that teaches himself, hath a\\nfool for his master.\\nFair decency, celestial maid.\\nDescend from Heav n to beauty s aid\\nTho beauty may beget desire,\\nTis thou must fan the lover s fire\\nFor beauty, like supreme dominion.\\nIs but supported by opinion\\nIf decency bring no supplies.\\nOpinion falls and beauty dies.\\nDon t overload gratitude if you do, she ll kick.\\nBe always ashamed to catch thyself idle.\\nYou may talk too much on the best of subjects.\\nA Man without ceremony has need of great merit in\\nits place.\\nNo gains without pains.\\nA Father s a Treasure a Brother s a Comfort a Friend\\nis both.\\nDespair ruins some, Presumption many.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "SAYINGS OF POOR RICHARD\\n247\\nNone know the unfortunate, and the fortunate do not\\nknow themselves.\\nWhen the well s dry, we know the worth of water.\\nThere is no Man so bad but he secretly respects the\\nGood.\\nA quiet Conscience sleeps in Thunder,\\nBut Rest and Guilt live far asunder.\\nTis a strange Forest that has no rotten Wood in t.\\nAnd a strange Kindred that are all good in t.\\nContent is the Philosopher s Stone, that turns all it\\ntouches into Gold.\\nHe that s content hath enouerh.\\nHe that complains hath too much.\\nPride gets into the Coach, and Shame mounts behind.\\nWho knows a fool, must know his brother\\nFor one will recommend another.\\nAvoid dishonest gain no price\\nCan recompense the pangs of vice.\\nWhen befriended, remember it:\\nWhen you befriend, forget it.\\nGreat souls with generous pity melt\\nWhich coward tyrants never felt.\\nSilence is not always a Sign of Wisdom, but Babbling\\nis ever a Folly.\\nGreat Modesty often hides great Merit.\\nYou may delay, but Time will not.\\nAdieu, my Task s ended.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.\\niPhotogravure from a paintmg by John Martin.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": ".nh-wM ^ii uahq s xnofi 3ii/vfii\u00c2\u00a7oJorf*I", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\nEXTRACTS FROM FRANKLIN S EARLY JOURNAL OF\\nOCCURRENCES IN A VOYAGE FROM\\nLONDON TO PHILADELPHIA*\\nFriday, July 22d, 1726.\\nYESTERDAY in the afternoon we left London, and\\ncame to an anchor off Gravesend about 1 1 at night.\\nI lay ashore all night, and this morning took a walk\\nup to Wind Mill Hill, whence I had an agreeable pros-\\npect of the country for about twenty miles round, and two\\nor three reaches of the river with ships and boats sailing\\nboth up and down, and Tilbury Fort on the other side,\\nwhich commands the river and passage to London. This\\nGravesend is a cursed biting place the chief dependence of\\nthe people being the advantage they make of imposing\\nupon strangers. If you buy anything of them, and give\\nhalf what they ask, you pay twice as much as the thing is\\nworth. Thank God we leave it to-morrow,\\nSunday, July 24.\\nThis morning we weighed anchor, and, coming to the\\nDowns, we set our pilot ashore at Deal and passed through.\\nAnd now, whilst I write this, sitting up on the quarter-\\nThe following letters and articles from the pen of Franklin speak so\\nwell for themselves as to require little introduction or explanation. The\\nconnecting notes are in part the Editor s, while the biographical mate-\\nrial is taken from William Temple Franklin s edition of his grandfather s\\nworks, published in 1S18. A. R. S.\\n249", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "250 FRANKLIN\\ndeck, I have, methinks, one of the pleasantest scenes in\\nthe world before me. Tis a fine clear day, and we are\\ngoing away before the wind with an easy pleasant gale.\\nWe have near fifteen sail of ships in sight, and I may say\\nin company. On the left hand appears the coast of France\\nat a distance, and on the right is the town and castle of\\nDover, with the green hills and the chalky cliffs of Eng-\\nland, to which we must now bid farewell. Albion, fare-\\nwell\\nThursday, August 25th.\\nMan is a sociable being, and it is for aught I know one\\nof the worst of punishments to be excluded from society.\\nI have read abundance of fine things on the subject of\\nsolitude, and I know tis a common boast in the mouths\\nof those that affect to be thought wise, tJiat they arc never\\nless alone than when alone. I acknowledge solitude an\\nagreeable refreshment to a busy mind; but were these\\nthinking people obliged to be always alone, I am apt to\\nthink they would quickly find their very being unsupport-\\nable to them. I have heard of a gentleman who under-\\nwent seven years close confinement in the Bastile at\\nParis. He was a man of sense, he was a thinking man\\nbut being deprived of all conversation, to what purpose\\nshould he think for he was denied even the instruments\\nof expressing his thoughts in writing. There is no bur-\\nden so grievous to man as time that he knows not how to\\ndispose of. He was forced at last to have recourse to this\\ninvention he daily scattered pieces of paper about the\\nfioor of his little room, and then employed himself in pick-\\ning them up and sticking them in rows and figures on the\\narm of his elbow-chair and he used to tell his friends,\\nafter his release, that he verily believed if he had not\\ntaken this method, he should have lost his senses. One\\nof the philosophers. I think it was Plato, used to sa} that\\nhe had rather be the veriest stupid block in nature, than\\nthe possessor of all knowledge, without some intelligent\\nbeing to communicate it to.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n2^1\\nWhat I have said may in a measure account for some\\nparticulars in my present way of living here on board.\\nOur company is in general very unsuitably mixed, to keep\\nup the pleasure and spirit of conversation and if there\\nare one or two pair of us that can sometimes entertain one\\nanother for half an hour agreeably, yet perhaps we are\\nseldom in the humor for it together, I rise in the morn-\\ning and read for an hour or two perhaps, and then read-\\ning grows tiresome. Want of exercise occasions want of\\nappetite, so that eating and drinking affords but little\\npleasure. I tire myself with playing at drafts, then I go to\\ncards nay, there is no play so trifling or childish, but we\\nfly to it for entertainment. A contrary wind, I know not\\nhow, puts us all out of good humor we grow sullen,\\nsilent and reserved, and fret at each other upon every\\nlittle occasion. Tis a common opinion among the ladies,\\nthat if a man is ill-natured, he infallibly discovers it when\\nhe is in liquor. But I, who have known many instances\\nto the contrary, will teach them a more effectual method\\nto discover the natural temper and disposition of their\\nhumble servants. Let the ladies make one long sea voy-\\nage with them, and if they have the least spark of ill nature\\nin them, and conceal it to the end of the voyage, I will\\nforfeit all my pretensions to their favor.\\nFriday, Sept. 2.\\nThis morning the wind changed a little fair. We\\ncaught a couple of dolphins, and fried them for dinner.\\nThey tasted tolerably well. These fish make a glorious\\nappearance in the water their bodies are of a bright\\ngreen, mixed with a silver color, and their tails of a shin-\\ning golden yellow but all this vanishes presently after\\nthey are taken out of their element, and they change all\\nover to a light grey. I observed that cutting off pieces\\nof a just-caught living dolphin for baits, those pieces did\\nnot lose their lustre and fine colors, when the dolphin\\ndied, but retained them perfectly. Every one takes notice\\nof that vulgar error of the painters, who always represent", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "^-j FKANKUX\\nthis fish monstrousily crookcvl and deformed, when it is in\\nrefill V as bcaulitul and well-shxijHxl a tish as any that\\nswims, I cannot think what could be the oris:final ot this\\nchimei-a vM theirs ^^since thert is not a creature in natun?\\nthat in the least i ^sembles their dolphin) unless it pro-\\nce \\\\ievl at fij^l tiv m a false imitation ot a fish in the pos-\\nturf ot leapiui::, which they have since improvevi into a\\ncrvv^kxxi mvMister with a head and eye^s like a bull, a hog s\\nsnv\u00c2\u00bbut, and a tail like a blown tulip.\\nFriday, Sept, ^^jsl\\nThis raomiui: wespievi a sail to windward of us about\\ntwo leajiues. We shewxxl v ur jack uix n the ensigiv^taff,\\nand shonenovi sail tor them liii aK ut noon, when she\\ncame up with us. She was the Sm w, from Dublin, bound\\ntv New Yv rk. having upwards of fifty servants on boarvi.\\no: bv th sexT^s they all appearxvi upon deck, and seeiiied\\nvery much pleased at the sight of us. There is really\\nsomething strai^gely cheering to the spirits in the meeting\\nof a ship at sea. oontaining a society of crxraturt;^ of the\\nsame siNvies .\\\\nvi in the same circumstances with ourselves;\\natter we had been loiig sc ^^rated and exoommvmicated as\\nit wure frvMii the rest ot mankiuvi. My heart dutieri^d in my\\nbreast with jv\\\\v when 1 ^xw so niany human cv untenancess\\nanvi I could sc-arce retrain trom that kind of laughter\\n\\\\vh^\\\\-h prvve \\\\is frv \u00c2\u00bbm some viegree of inward pleasure,\\n\\\\V ,,oa we havx:* been fvvr a consivierable time tossi:^g on the\\nvast waters, far from the sight of any latni or ships, or any\\nmortal crrature but ourselves v^ ^pt a few fish anvi sea\\nbirvisV the who^le worlvl. for aught we kiv w. may be under\\na Sv\\\\\\\\ nvi deluge, aini wte \\\\^like Xvvah and his cvvnpany in\\nthe ark the only surviving rciunant of the human race,\\nT\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abs\u00c2\u00bbi ir. October\\nThis mv n\\\\i:\\\\g we xreighexJ anchor with a gentle breeac;\\naind patssevi by Newcastle, wha\u00c2\u00bbce thej haikd us and baMie\\nus welconvt, Tis exire\u00c2\u00abnc fine xreaitlvHr^ The sun en.\\nlivens our stiff Umlys with his glorious njs of waurmth u\u00c2\u00bbd", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORKESrONDENCE 253\\nbrig-htness. The sky looks gav, with here and there a\\nsilver cloud. The tresh breezes from the woods refresh\\nus; the immediate prospect of liberty after so long- and\\nirksome confinenuMit ravishes us. In siiort all things con-\\nspire to make this the most joyful day I ever knew. As\\nwe passed by Chester some of the company went on shore,\\nimpatient once more to tread on ftrra Jir/fuz, :\\\\nd design-\\ning for Philadelphia by land. Four of us remained on\\nboard, not caring for the fatigue of travel when we knew\\nthe vovage had much weakened us. About eight at night,\\nthe wind failing us, we cast anchor at Red Bank, six miles\\nfrom Philadelphia, and thought we must be obliged to lie\\non board that night but some young Philadelphians hap-\\npening to be out upon their pleasure in a boat, they came\\non board, and otiered to take us up with them we ac-\\ncepted of their kind proposal, and about ten o clock land-\\ned at Philadelphia, heartily congratulating each other\\nupon our having happily completed so tedious and dan-\\ngerous a voyage. Thank God\\nFranklin s liberal and talented spirit was early evinced in his corre-\\nspondence with friends and relatives, and to the end of his life was a\\nmarked characteristic of the man. The foUowing^. amont;^ his earliest let-\\nters bearing; upon the subject of religion, was written to his father, Frank-\\nlin being at its date thirty-two years of age\\nTO JOSIAH FRANKLIN\\nPhiladelphia, 13 April, 173S.\\nHonored Father: I have your favors of the 21st of\\nMarch, in which you both seem concerned lest I have\\nimbibed some erroneous opinions. Doubtless I have my\\nshare and when the natural weakness and imperfection\\nof human understanding is considered, the unavoidable\\ninfluence of education, custom, books, and coiupany upon\\nour ways of thinking, I imagine a man must have a good\\ndeal of vanity who believes, and a good deal of boldness\\nwho affirms, that all the doctrines he holds are true, and\\nall he rejects are false. And perhaps the same may be", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "254\\nFRANKLIN\\njustly said of every sect, church, and society of men,\\nwhen they assume to themselves that infallibility which\\nthey deny to the Pope and councils.\\nI think opinions should be judged of by their influences\\nand effects and, if a man holds none that tend to make\\nhim less virtuous or more vicious, it ma) be concluded\\nthat he holds none that are dangerous which I hope is\\nthe case with me.\\nI am sorry you should have any uneasiness on my\\naccount and if it were a thing possible for one to alter\\nhis opinions in order to please another, I know none whom\\nI ought more willingly to oblige in that respect than\\nyourselves.\\nBut, since it is no more in a man s power to think than\\nto look like another, methinks all that should be expected\\nfrom me is, to keep my mind open to conviction, to hear\\npatiently, and to examine attentively, whatever is offered\\nme for that end and, if after all I continue in the same\\nerrors, I believe Our usual charity will induce you to\\nrather pity and excuse, than blame me. In the meantime\\nyour care and concern for me is what I am very thankful\\nfor.\\nMy mother grieves, that one of her sons is an Arian,\\nanother an Arminian. What an Arminian or an Arian is\\nI cannot say that I very well know. The truth is, I make\\nsuch distinctions very little my study. I think vital reli-\\ngion has always suffered, when orthodoxy is more regarded\\nthan virtue and the Scriptures assure me, that at the last\\nday we shall not be examined what we tJwugJit, but what\\nwe did, and our recommendation will not be, that we said\\nLord Lord but that we did good to our fellow creatures.\\nSee Matt. xxv.\\nAs to the freemasons, I know no way of giving my\\nmother a better account of them than she seems to have\\nat present, since it is not allowed that women should be\\nadmitted into that secret society. She has, I must confess,\\non that account, some reason to be displeased with it but,", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n255\\nfor anything else, I must entreat her to suspend her judg-\\nment till she is better informed, unless she will believe\\nme, when I assure her, that they are in general a very\\nharmless sort of people, and have no principles or practices\\nthat are inconsistent with religion or good manners.\\nI am your dutiful son,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO MRS. JANE MECOM\\nPhiladelphia, 28 July, 1743.\\nDearest Sister Jenny: I took your admonition\\nvery kindly, and was far from being offended at you for\\nit. If I say anything about it to you, it is only to rectify\\nsome wrong opinions you seem to have entertained of\\nme and this I do only because they give you some\\nuneasiness, which I am unwilling to be the occasion of.\\nYou express yourself, as if you thought I was against the\\nworshipping of God, and doubt that good works would\\nmerit heaven which are both fancies of your own, I\\nthink, without foundation. I am so far from thinking that\\nGod is not to be worshipped, that I have composed and\\nwrote a whole book of devotions for my own use and I\\nimagine there are few, if any, in the world so weak as to\\nimagine, that the little good we can do here can merit so\\nvast a reward hereafter.\\nThere are some things in your New England doctrine\\nand worship, which I do not agree with but I do not\\ntherefore condemn them, or desire to shake your belief\\nor practice of them. We may dislike things that are\\nnevertheless right in themselves. I would only have you\\nmake me the same allowance, and have a better opinion\\nboth of morality and your brother. Read the pages of\\nMr. Edwards s late book, entitled Some Thoughts con-\\ncerning the present Revival of Religion in New England,\\nfrom 367 to 375, and when you judge of others, if you can\\nperceive the fruit to be good, don t terrify yourself that\\nthe tree may be evil but be assured it is not so, for you", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "256\\nFRANKLIN\\nknow who has said, Men do not gather grapes of thorns\\nand figs of thistles. I have no time to add, but that I\\nshall always be your affectionate brother,\\nB. Franklin.\\nFranklin s earliest political pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, was\\noccasioned by the utter want in the city of Philadelphia of any means of\\ndefence against invasion. In 1744, Great Briiain being at war with Spain,\\na Spanish privateer sailed up Delaware Bay, and approached as near to\\nthat flourishing city as Newcastle, Delaware about thirty-four miles\\nbelow it, lying also on the Delaware river. A great panic spread through\\nthe peaceful city the more high-spirited and patriotic citizens were for\\norganizing and arming for defence but the larger number of Quakers,\\nwho owned perhaps the greater share of wealth, were strongly opposed to\\nthis course. Franklin, seeing the grave nature of the situation, wrote and\\nprinted anonymously an appeal to the good sense of his fellow-citizens,\\nmarked by great skill in statement, and persuasive force. It resulted,\\nafter passing through several editions, in so moulding public opinion that\\nit was the moving power which led to the formation of military associa-\\ntions for the defence of the country, and which became so important an\\narm in the French and Indian wars which followed a few years later in\\nPennsylvania and other States. There is room here for a few extracts\\nonly from Plain Truth or serious considerations on the present state of\\nthe city of Philadelphia and province of Pennsylvania.\\nThe enemy, no doubt, have been told that the people\\nof Pennsylvania are Quakers, and against all defence,\\nfrom a principle of conscience. This, though true of a\\npart, and that a small part only of the inhabitants, is\\ncommonly said of the whole and what may make it\\nlook probable to strangers is, that, in fact, nothing is done\\nby any part of the people toward their defence. But to\\nrefuse defending one s self, or one s country, is so unusual\\na thing among mankind, that possibly they may not believe\\nit, till, by experience, they find they can come higher and\\nhigher up our river, seize our vessels, land and plunder\\nour villages, and retire with their booty unmolested.\\nWill not this confirm the report, and give them the great-\\nest encouragement to strike one bold stroke for the city,\\nand for the whole plunder of the river?", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 257\\nIt is said by some, that the expense of a vessel to guard\\nour trade, would be very heavy, greater perhaps than all\\nthe enemy can be supposed to take from us at sea would\\namount to and that it would be cheaper for the govern-\\nment to open an insurance office, and pay all losses. But\\nis this right reasoning I think not for what the enemy\\ntakes is clear loss to us, and gain to him increasing his\\nmeans and strength, as much as it diminishes ours, so\\nmaking the difference double whereas the money paid\\nour own tradesmen for building and fitting out a vessel of\\ndefence, remains in the country, and circulates among us;\\nwhat is paid to the officers and seamen, that navigate her,\\nis also spent ashore, and soon gets into other hands the\\nfarmer receives the money for her provisions, and, on the\\nwhole, nothing is clearly lost to the country, but her wear\\nand tear, or so much as she sells for at the end of the war\\nless than her first cost. This loss, and a trifling one it is,\\nis all the inconvenience but how many and how great\\nare the conveniences and advantages And, should the\\nenemy, through our supineness and neglect to provide for\\nthe defence both of our trade and country, be encouraged\\nto attempt this city, and, after plundering us of our goods,\\neither burn it, or put it to ransom, how great would that\\nloss be beside the confusion, terror, and distress, so many\\nhundreds of families would be involved in\\nAnd is our prospect better, if we turn our eyes to the\\nstrength of the opposite party, those great and rich men,\\nmerchants and others, who are ever railing at Quakers\\nfor doing what their principles seem to require, and what\\nin charity we ought to believe we think their duty, but\\ntake no one step themselves for the public safety?\\nWhat, say they, shall we lay out our money\\nto protect the trade of Quakers? Shall we fight to defend\\nQuakers No let the trade perish, and the city burn\\nlet what will happen, we shall never lift a finger to pre-\\nvent it. Yet the Quakers have conscience to plead for\\ntheir resolution not to fight, which those gentlemen have\\n17", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a05S\\nFRANKLIN\\nnot. Conscience with vou, p^cntlomcn, is on the other side\\nof the question conscience enjoins it as a duty on you\\n(and indeed I tliink it such on every man) to defend your\\ncountry, your friends, your aged parents, your wives, and\\nhelpless children and yet you resolve not to perform this\\nduty, but act contrary to your own consciences, because\\nthe Quakers act according to theirs. Till of late, I could\\nscarcely believe the story of him, who refused to pump\\nin a sinking- ship, because one on board, whom he hated,\\nwould be saved by it as well as himself. But such, it\\nsooms, is the unhappiness of human nature, that our pas-\\nsions, when violent, often are too hard for the united force\\nof reason, dutv. and religion.\\nIf this new, Nourishing city, and greatly improving\\ncolony, is destrovcd and ruined, it will not be for want of\\nnumbers of inhabitants able to bear arms in its detence.\\nIt is computed, that we have at least (exclusive of the\\nQuakers) sixty thousand fighting men acquainted with\\ntire-arms, many of them hunters and marksmen, hardy and\\nbold. All we want is order, discipline, and a few cannon.\\nGreat numbers of our people are of British race;\\nand, though the fierce fighting animals of those unhappy\\nIslands are said to abate their native fire and intrepiditv,\\nwhen removed to a foreign clime, yet with the people it\\nis not so our neighbors of New England afford the world\\na convincing proof, that Britons, though a hundred vears\\ntransplanted, and to the remotest part of the earth, may\\nvet retain, even to the third and fourth descent, that zeal\\nfor the public good, that militarv prowess, and that\\nundaunted spirit, which has in every age distinguished\\ntheir nation.\\nTO JOHN FRANKLIN. AT BOSTON\\nHumorous Remarks on the Expedition against Cape Breton\\nPhiladelphia, 1745.\\nOur people are extremelv impatient to hear of vour\\nsuccess at Cape Breton. Mv shop is filled with thirty", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n259\\ninquiries at the coming in of every post. Some wonder\\nthe place is not yet taken. I tell them I shall be glad to\\nhear that news three months hence. Fortified towns are\\nhard nuts to crack and your teeth have not been accus-\\ntomed to it. Taking strong places is a particular trade,\\nwhich you have taken up without serving an apprentice-\\nship to it. Armies and veterans need skilful engineers\\nto direct them in their attack. Have you any? But\\nsome think that forts are as easy taken as snuff. Father\\nMoody s prayers look tolerably modest. You have a fast\\nand prayer day for that purpose, in which I compute five\\nhundred thousand petitions were offered up to the same\\neffect in New England, which added to the petitions of\\nevery family morning and evening, multiplied by the\\nnumber of days since January 25, make forty-five millions\\nof prayers which, set against the prayers of a few priests\\nin the garrison to the Virgin Mary, give a vast balance in\\nyour favor.\\nIf you do not succeed, I fear I shall have but an indif-\\nferent opinion of Presbyterian prayers in such cases, as\\nlong as I live. Indeed in attacking strong towns, I should\\nhave more dependence on works than on faith for, like\\nthe kingdom of heaven, they are to be taken by force and\\nviolence and in a French garrison I suppose there are\\ndevils of that kind, that they are not to be cast out by\\nprayers and fasting, unless it be by their own fasting for\\nwant of provisions. I believe there is a scripture in what\\nI have wrote, but I cannot adorn the margin with quota-\\ntions, having a bad memory and no Concordance at hand\\nbesides no more time than to subscribe myself, etc.\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO CADWALLADER COLDEN\\nPhiladelphia, 29 Sept., 1748.\\nSir I congratulate you upon your return to your\\nbeloved retirement. I, too, am taking the proper mea-\\nsures for obtaining leisure to enjoy life and my friends,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "26o FRANKLIN\\nmore tlian heretofore, having put my printing-house\\nunder the care of my partner, David Hall, absolutely left\\nof! book-selling, and removed to a more quiet part of the\\ntown, where I am settling my old accounts, and hope\\nsoon to be quite master of my own time, and no longer,\\nas the song has it, at every one s call but my own. If health\\ncontinue, 1 hope to be able in another year to visit the\\nmost distant friend I have without inconvenience.\\nThus you see I am in a fair way of having no other tasks,\\nthan such as I shall like to give mvself, and of enjoying\\nwhat 1 look upon as a great happiness, leisure to read,\\nstudy, make experiments, and converse at large with such\\ningenious and worthy men as are pleased to honor me\\nwith their friendship or acquaintance, on such points as\\nmay produce something for the common benefit of man-\\nkind, uninterrupted by the little cares and fatigues of\\nbusiness. Among other pleasures I promise mvself, that\\nof corresponding more frequently and fullv with Dr. Col-\\nden, is not of the least.\\nI am, with great esteem and respect, dear sir, etc.\\nB. Franklin.\\nI^erc is a letter to a young^ ladv friend of Dr. Franklin, which shows\\nthe philosopher s mind ever on the alert to trace out the connection be-\\ntween causes antl effects.\\n20 September, 1761.\\nMv Dear Friend It is, as you observed in our late\\nconversation, a very general opinion, that all rivers run\\ninto the sea, or deposit their waters there. It is a kind of\\naudacitv to call such general opinions in question, and\\nmav subject one to censure. But we must hazard some-\\nthing in what w^e think the cause of truth and if we pro-\\npose our objections modestlv, we shall, though mistaken,\\ndeserve a censure less severe, than when we are both mis-\\ntaken and insolent.\\nThat some rivers run into the sea is bevond a doubt\\nsuch for instance are the Amazons and, I think, the\\nOronoko and the Mississippi. The proof is, that their", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 261\\nwaters arc fresh quite to the sea, and out to some distance\\nfrom the land. Our question is, whether the fresh waters\\nof those rivers whose beds are filled with salt water to a\\nconsiderable distance up from the sea (as the Thames, the\\nDelaware, and the rivers that communicate with Chesa-\\npeake Bay in Virginia) do ever arrive at the sea. And as\\nI suspect they do not, I am now to acquaint you with my\\nreasons or, if they are not allowed to be reasons, my\\nconceptions, at least, of this matter.\\nThe commrm supply of rivers is from springs, which\\ndraw their origin from rain that has soaked into the\\nearth. The union of a number of springs forms a river.\\nThe waters, as they run, expfjsed to the sun, air, and\\nwind, arc continually evaprjrating. Hence in travelling\\none may often see where a river runs, by a long bluish\\nmist over it, though we are at such a distance as not to\\nsee the river itself. The quantity of this evaporation is\\ngreater or less, in proportion to the surface exposed by\\nthe same quantity of water to those causes of evaporation.\\nWhile the river runs in a narrow, confined channel in the\\nupper hilly country, only a small surface is exposed a\\ngreater, as the river widens. Now, if a river ends in a\\nlake, as some do, whereby its waters are spread so wide\\nas that the evaporation is equal to the sum of all its\\nsprings, that lake will never overflow. And if, instead of\\nending in a lake, it was drawn into greater length as a\\nriver, so as to expose a surface equal in the whole to that\\nlake, the evaporation would be equal, and such river\\nwould end as a canal when the ignorant might suppose,\\nas they actually do in such cases, that the river loses itself\\nby running underground, whereas in truth it has run up\\ninto the air.\\nAs to our other subject the different degrees of heat\\nimbibed from the sun s rays by cloths of different colors\\nsince I cannot find the notes of my experiments to send\\nyou, I must give it as well as I can from memory.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "262 FRANKLIN\\nBut, first, let me mention an experiment you may easily\\nmake yourself. Walk but a quarter of an hour in your\\ngarden when the sun shines, with a part of your dress\\nwhite, and a part black then apply your hand to them\\nalternately, and you will find a very great difference in\\ntheir warmth. The black will be quite hot to the touch,\\nthe white still cool.\\nAnother. Try to fire the paper with a burning glass.\\nIf it is white, you will not easily burn it but if you bring\\nthe focus to a black spot, or upon letters, written or printed,\\nthepaper will immediately be on fire under the letters.\\nMy experiment was this. I took a number of little\\nsquare pieces of broadcloth from a tailor s pattern card,\\nof various colors. There were black, deep-blue, lighter\\nblue, green, purple, red, yellow, white, and other colors,\\nor shades of colors. I laid them all out upon the snow in\\na bright sunshiny morning. In a few hours (I cannot\\nnow be exact as to the time), the black, being warmed\\nmost by the sun, was sunk so low as to be below the\\nstroke of the sun s rays the dark blue almost as low, the\\nlighter blue not quite so much as the dark, the other colors\\nless as they were lighter and the quite white remained\\non the surface of the snow, not having entered it at all.\\nWhat signifies philosophy that does not apply to some\\nuse May we not learn from hence that black clothes are\\nnot so fit to wear in a hot, sunny climate or season, as\\nwhite ones because in such clothes the body is more\\nheated by the sun when we walk abroad, and are at the\\nsame time heated by the exercise, which double heat is\\napt to bring on putrid, dangerous fevers That soldiers\\nand seamen, who must march and labor in the sun, should\\nin the East or West Indies have an uniform of white\\nThat summer hats, for men or women, should be white, as\\nrepelling that heat which gives headaches to many, and\\nto some the fatal stroke that the French call the coup de\\nsoleil f Yours affectionately,\\nB. Franklin.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 263\\nTO DAVID HUME\\nLondon, 19 May, 1762.\\nIt is no small pleasure to me to hear from you that my\\npaper on the means of preserving buildings from damage\\nby lightning, was acceptable to the Philosophical Society.\\nMr. Russel s proposals of improvement are very sensible\\nand just. A leaden spout or pipe is undoubtedly a good\\nconductor, so far as it goes. If the conductor enters the\\nground just at the foundation, and from thence is carried\\nhorizontally to some v/ell, or to a distant rod driven\\ndownright into the earth, I would then propose, that the\\npart under the ground should be lead, as less liable to\\nconsume with rust than iron. Because, if the conductor\\nnear the foot of the wall should be wasted, the lightning\\nmight act on the moisture of the earth, and by suddenly\\nrarefying it occasion an explosion, that may damage the\\nfoundation. In the experiment of discharging my large\\ncase of electrical bottles through a piece of small glass\\ntube filled with water, the suddenly rarefied water has ex-\\nploded with a force equal, I think, to that of so much gun-\\npowder bursting the tube into many pieces, and driving\\nthem with violence in all directions and to all parts of the\\nroom. The shivering of trees into small splinters, like a\\nbroom, is probably owing to this rarefaction of the sap in\\nthe longitudinal pores, or capillary pipes, in the substance\\nof the wood. And the blowing up of bricks or stones in\\na hearth, rending stones out of a foundation, and splitting\\nof walls, are also probably effects sometimes of rarefied\\nmoisture in the earth, under the hearth, or in the walls.\\nWe should therefore have a durable conductor under\\nground, or convey the lightning to the earth at some dis-\\ntance.\\nIt must afford Lord Marischal a good deal of diversion\\nto preside in a dispute so ridiculous as that you mention.\\nJudges in their decisions often use precedents. I have\\nsomewhere met with one, that is what the lawyers call a", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "264\\nFRANKLIN\\ncase in point. The Church people and the Puritans in a\\ncountry town had once a bitter contention concerning the\\nerecting of a Maypole, which the former desired and the\\nlatter opposed. Each party endeavoured to strengthen\\nitself by obtaining the authority of the mayor, directing or\\nforbidding a Maypole. He heard their altercation with\\ngreat patience, and then gravely determined thus You,\\nthat are for having no Maypole, shall have no Maypole\\nand you, that are for having a Maypole, shall have a May-\\npole. Get about your business, and let me hear no more\\nof this quarrel.\\nYour compliment of ^(7^/ and ww^/6 W is very obliging\\nto me, but a little injurious to your country. The various\\nvalue of every thing in every part of this world arises, you\\nknow, from the various proportions of the quantity to the\\ndemand. We are told, that gold and silver in Solomon s\\ntime were so plenty, as to be of no more value in his\\ncountry than the stones in the street. You have here at\\npresent just such a plenty of wisdom. Your people are,\\ntherefore, not to be censured for desiring no more among\\nthem than they have and if I have any, I should certainlv\\ncarry it where, from its scarcity, it may probably come\\nto a better market. Yours most affectionately,\\nB. Franklin.\\nWhile Benjamin Franklin was engaged at the court of Great Britain,\\nhe had opportunities of becoming acquainted with many persons of the\\nfirst consequence in the state, who, on their side, were not wanting in\\nobserving his extraordinary sagacity and comprehensive understanding.\\nAbout this time Mr. Franklin made a journey to Scotland, whither\\nhis reputation as a philosopher had preceded him. He was greeted by\\nthe learned of that countr\\\\ and the University of St. Andrews conferred\\nupon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. Its example was followed by the\\nUniversities of Edinburgh and Oxford.\\nIn the summer of 1762 Dr. Franklin returned to Philadelphia, and\\nshortly after received the thanks of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, as\\nwell for the faithful discharge of his duty to that province in particu-\\nlar, as for the many and important services done to America in general,\\nduring his residence in Great Britain.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 265\\nDr. Franklin was a warm opponent of the proprietary government of\\nPennsylvania, which taxed the people heavily for the benefit of the heirs\\nof William Penn. The influence of the friends of the proprietors raised\\nmuch opposition to Franklin on occasion of his renomination to Great\\nBritain as the agent of Pennsylvania in 1764, although he was chosen by\\na handsome majority.\\nThe opposition made to his reappointment seems greatly to have\\naffected his feelings, as it came from men with whom he had long been\\nconnected, both in public and private life the very ashes of whose for-\\nmer friendship, he declared, he revered. His pathetic farewell to Penn-\\nsylvania, the day before his departure, is a strong proof of the agitation of\\nhis mind on this occasion.\\nI am now, says he, to take leave perhaps a last leave of the\\ncountry I love, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my life.\\nEsto perpetua I wish every kind of prosperity to my friends, and I\\nforgive my enemies.\\nFranklin s second embassy to England came at a most critical period\\nfor the interests and liberties of his country. The odious Stamp Act,\\nwhich taxed all business transactions in America, by act of Parliament, in\\nwhich the colonies taxed had no representation whatever, was passed soon\\nafter his arrival in London. It created great excitement and opposition\\nin America.\\nDr. Franklin strenuously exerted himself to free America from this\\nodious tax, the principal objection to which was that it was imposed by a\\nBritish Parliament, which, the Americans asserted, had no right to tax\\nthem.\\nIt began to appear expedient to the administration, then under the\\nMarquis of Rockingham, to endeavour to calm the minds of the colonists,\\nand the repeal of the Stamp Tax was contemplated. Among other means\\nof collecting information on the disposition of the people to submit to it,\\nDr. Franklin was (February 3, 1766) ordered to attend the committee\\nof the whole House of Commons, to whom it was referred to consider\\nfurther the several papers relative to America, which were presented to\\nthe House by Mr. Secretary Conway, etc.\\nThe resolutions of the committee were reported by the chairman,\\nMr. Fuller, their seventh and last resolution setting forth that it was\\ntheir opinion that the House be moved that leave be given to bring in a\\nbill to repeal the Stamp Act. A proposal for recommitting this resolu-\\ntion was negatived by 240 votes to 133 and the act, after some opposi-\\ntion, was repealed about a year after it was enacted and before it had\\never been carried into execution. Dr. Franklin, about this period, in addi-\\ntion to his agency for Pennsylvania, received the separate appointments\\nof agent for the respective colonies of New Jersey, Georgia, and Massa-", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "266 FRANKLIN\\nchusetts, all of which he continued to fill with equal credit to himself and\\nadvantage to his constituents during his stay in England.\\nIn the course of this year (1766) he visited Holland and Germany,\\nand received the greatest marks of attention and respect from men of sci-\\nence in those countries.\\nIn the following year, as also in 1769, he visited Paris, where he was\\nno less favourably received than he had been in Germany. He was intro-\\nduced to the king (Louis XV) and his sisters, Mesdames de France, and\\nparticularly distinguished by them, as he was also by the Academy of\\nSciences (of which he was afterward elected a foreign associate) and\\nmany other scientific and literaiy characters.\\nIn a London paper of ISIay 20, 1765, appeared the following satirical\\npiece written by Dr. Franklin under the name of A Traveller\\nSir: In your paper of Wednesday last, an ingenious\\ncorrespondent who calls himself The Spectator, and\\ndates from Piinlico, under the guise of good will to the\\nnews-writers, whom he calls a useful body of men in this\\ngreat city, has, in my opinion, artfully attempted to turn\\nthem and their works into ridicule, wherein, if he could\\nsucceed, great injury might be done to the public as well\\nas to these good people.\\nSupposing, Sir, that the ii c hears they give us of\\nthis or the other intended tour or voyage of this and\\nthe other great personage were mere inventions, yet they\\nat least offer us an innocent amusement while we read,\\nand useful matter for conversation when we are disposed\\nto converse.\\nEnglishmen, Sir, are too apt to be silent when they\\nhave nothing to say, and too apt to be sullen when they\\nare silent and, when they are sullen, to hang themselves.\\nBut, by these wc hears, we are supplied with abundant\\nfunds for discourse. We discuss the motives for such\\nvoyages, the probability of their being undertaken, and\\nthe practicability of their execution. Here we display\\nour judgment in politics, our knowledge of the interests\\nof princes, and our skill in geography, and (if we have it)\\nshow our dexterity in argumentation. In the mean time,\\nthe tedious hour is killed, we go home pleased with the", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 267\\napplauses we have received from others, or at least with\\nthose we give to ourselves; we sleep soundly, and live on,\\nto the comfort of our families. But, Sir, I beg leave to\\nsay, that all the articles of news that seem improbable are\\nnot mere inventions. Some of them, I can assure you on\\nthe faith of a traveller, are serious truths. And here,\\nquitting Mr. Spectator of Pimlico, give me leave to in-\\nstance the various accounts the news-writers have given\\nus, with so much honest zeal for the welfare of Poor Old\\nEngland, of the establishing manufactures in the colonies\\nto the prejudice of those of the kingdom. It is objected\\nby superficial readers, who yet pretend to some knowl-\\nedge of those countries, that such establishments are not\\nonly improbable, but impossible, for that their sheep have\\nbut little wool, not in the whole sufficient for a pair of\\nstockings a year to each inhabitant that, from the uni-\\nversal dearness of labor among them, the working of iron\\nand other materials, except in a few coarse instances, is\\nimpracticable to any advantage.\\nDear Sir, do not let us suffer ourselves to be amused\\nwith such groundless objections. The very tails of the\\nAmerican sheep are so laden with wool, that each has a\\nlittle car or wagon on four little wheels, to support and\\nkeep it from trailing on the ground. Would they caulk\\ntheir ships, would they even litter their horses with wool,\\nif it were not both plenty and cheap And what signi-\\nfies the dearness of labor, when an English shilling passes\\nfor five and twenty Their engaging three hundred silk\\nthrowsters here in one week for New York was treated\\nas a fable, because, forsooth, they have no silk there to\\nthrow. Those, who make this objection, perhaps do not\\nknow, that, at the same time the agents from the King of\\nSpain were at Quebec to contract for one thousand pieces\\nof cannon to be made there for the fortification of Mexico,\\nand at New York engaging the usual supply of woollen\\nfloor-carpets for their West India houses, other agents\\nfrom the emperor of China were at Boston treating about", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "268 FRANKLIN\\nan exchange of raw silk for wool, to be carried in Chinese\\njunks through the Straits of Magellan.\\nAnd yet all this is as certainly true, as the account\\nsaid to be from Quebec, in all the papers of last week,\\nthat the inhabitants of Canada are making preparations\\nfor a cod and whale fishery this summer in the upper\\nLakes. Ignorant people may object, that the upper\\nLakes are fresh, and that cod and whales are salt water\\nfish but let them know, Sir, that cod, like other fish\\nwhen attacked by their enemies, fly into any water where\\nthey can be safest that whales, when they have a mind\\nto eat cod, pursue them wherever they fly and that the\\ngrand leap of the whale in the chase up the Falls of\\nNiagara is esteemed, by all who have seen it, as one of the\\nfinest spectacles in nature. Really, Sir, the world is\\ngrown too incredulous. It is like the pendulum ever\\nswinging from one extreme to another. Formerly every\\nthing printed was believed, because it was in print. Now\\nthings seem to be disbelieved for just the very same rea-\\nson. Wise men wonder at the present growth of infi-\\ndelity. They should have considered, when they taught\\nthe people to doubt the authority of newspapers and the\\ntruth of predictions in the almanacs, that the next step\\nmiofht be a disbelief of the well vouched accounts of ghosts\\nand witches, and doubts even of the truths of the Creed.\\nThus much I thought it necessar} to say in favor of\\nan honest set of writers, whose comfortable living de-\\npends on collecting and supplying the printers with news\\nat the small price of sixpence an article, and who always\\nshow their regard to truth, by contradicting in a subse-\\nquent article such as are wrong, for another sixpence, to\\nthe great satisfaction and improvement of us coffee-house\\nstudents in history and politics, and all future Livys,\\nRapins, Robertsons, Humes, and Macaulays, who may be\\nsincerely inclined to furnish the world with that rara avis,\\na true history. I am. Sir, your humble servant,\\nA Traveller.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n269\\nDR. FRANKLIN S EXAMINATION BEFORE THE HOUSE\\nOF COMMONS\\nFebruary 13, 1766.\\n1. Q. What is your name, and place of abode?\\nA. Franklin, of Philadelphia.\\n2. Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes\\namong themselves?\\nA. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes.\\n3. Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania,\\nlaid by the laws of the colony\\nA. There are taxes on all estates real and personal;\\na poll tax a tax on all offices, professions, trades, and\\nbusinesses, according to their profits an excise on all\\nwine, rum, and other spirits and a duty of ten pounds\\nper head on all negroes imported, with some other duties.\\n4. Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid?\\nA. For the support of the civil and military estab-\\nlishments of the country, and to discharge the heavy\\ndebt contracted in the last war.\\n5. Q. How long are those taxes to continue?\\nA. Those for discharging the debt are to continue till\\n1772, and longer, if the debt should not be then all dis-\\ncharged. The others must always continue.\\n6. Q. Was it not expected that the debt would have\\nbeen sooner discharged\\nA. It was, when the peace was made with France and\\nSpain. But, a fresh war breaking out with the Indians, a\\nfresh load of debt was incurred and the taxes, of course,\\ncontinued longer by a new law.\\n7. Q. Are not all the people very able to pay those\\ntaxes\\nA. No. The frontier counties, all along the continent,\\nhaving been frequently ravaged by the enemy and greatly\\nimpoverished, are able to pay very little tax. And there-\\nfore, in consideration of their distresses, our late tax laws\\ndo expressly favor those counties, excusing the sufferers\\nand I suppose the same is done in other governments.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "2 jQ FRANKLIN\\n8. Q. Are not you concerned in the management of\\nthe post-office in America?\\nA. Yes. I am deputy-postmaster-general of North\\nAmerica.\\n9. Q. Don t you think the distribution of stamps by\\npost to all the inhabitants very practicable, if there was\\nno opposition\\nA. The posts only go along the seacoasts; they do not,\\nexcept in a few instances, go back into the country and,\\nif they did, sending for stamps by post would occasion\\nan expense of postage amounting in many cases to much\\nmore than that of the stamps themselves.\\n10. Q. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland?\\nA. I never was there.\\n11. Q. Do you know whether there are any post-\\nroads on that island\\nA. I have heard that there are no roads at all, but\\nthat the communication between one settlement and an-\\nother is by sea only.\\n12. Q. Can you disperse the stamps by post in\\nCanada\\nA. There is only a post between Montreal and Que-\\nbec. The inhabitants live so scattered and remote from\\neach other in that vast country, that posts cannot be sup-\\nported among them, and therefore they cannot get stamps\\nper post. The English colonies, too, along the frontiers\\nare very thinly settled.\\n13. Q. From the thinness of the back settlements,\\nwould not the Stamp Act be extremely inconvenient to\\nthe inhabitants, if executed\\nA. To be sure it would; as many of the inhabitants\\ncould not get stamps when they had occasion for them\\nwithout taking long journeys, and spending perhaps\\nthree or four pounds, that the crown might get six-\\npence.\\n14. Q. Are not the colonies, from their circumstances,\\nvery able to pay the stamp duty?", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n271\\nA. In my opinion there is not gold and silver enough\\nin the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year.\\n15. Q. Don t you know that the money arising from\\nthe stamps was all to be laid out in America\\nA. I know it is appropriated by the act to the Ameri-\\ncan service but it will be spent in the conquered colo-\\nnies, where the soldiers are not in the colonies that\\npay it.\\n16. Q. Is there not a balance of trade due from the\\ncolonies where the troops are posted, that will bring back\\nthe money to the old colonies\\nA. I think not. I believe very little would come back.\\nI know of no trade likely to bring it back. I think it\\nwould come, from the colonies where it was spent, directly\\nto England for I have always observed, that in every\\ncolony the more plenty the means of remittance to Eng-\\nland, the more goods are sent for, and the more trade with\\nEngland carried on.\\n17. Q. What number of white inhabitants do you think\\nthere are in Pennsylvania\\nA. I suppose there may be about one hundred and\\nsixty thousand.\\n18. Q. What number of them are Quakers\\nA. Perhaps a third.\\n19. Q. What number of Germans?\\nA. Perhaps another third but I cannot speak with\\ncertainty.\\nThe Stamp Act said that the Americans shall have no commerce,\\nmake no exchange of property with each other, neither purchase, nor\\ngrant, nor recover debts they shall neither marry nor make their wills,\\nunless they pay such and such sums in specie for the stamps which must\\ngive validity to the proceedings. The operation of such a tax, had it ob-\\ntained the consent of the people, appeared inevitable and its annual pro-\\nductiveness, on its introduction, was estimated, by its proposer in the\\nHouse of Commons at the committee for supplies, at one hundred thou-\\nsand pounds sterling. The colonies being already reduced to the neces-\\nsity of hcLving paper money, by sending to Britain the specie they collected\\nin foreign trade, in order to make up for the deficiency of their other re-\\nturns for British manufactures, there were doubts whether there could\\nremain specie sufficient to answer the tax.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "2/2 FRANKLIN\\n20. Q, Have any number of the Germans seen service,\\nas soldiers, in Europe\\nA. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and America.\\n21. Q. Are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp\\nduty as the English\\nA. Yes, and more and with reason, as their stamps\\nare, in many cases, to be double.\\n22. Q. How many white men do you suppose there\\nare in North America?\\nA. About three hundred thousand, from sixteen to\\nsixty years of age.\\n23. Q. What may be the amount of one year s imports\\ninto Pennsylvania from Britain\\nA. I have been informed that our merchants compute\\nthe imports from Britain to be above five hundred thou-\\nsand pounds.\\n24. Q. What may be the amount of the produqe of\\nyour province exported to Britain?\\nA. It must be small, as we produce little that is wanted\\nin Britain. I suppose it cannot exceed forty thousand\\npounds.\\n25. Q. How then do you pay the balance?\\nA. The balance is paid by our produce carried to the\\nWest Indies, and sold in our own islands, or to the French,\\nSpaniards, Danes, and Dutch by the same produce car-\\nried to other colonies in North America, as to New Eng-\\nland, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia;\\nby the same, carried to different parts of Europe, as Spain,\\nPortugal, and Italy. In all which places we receive either\\nmoney, bills of exchange, or commodities that suit for\\nremittance to Britain which, together with all the\\nprofits on the industry of our merchants and mariners,\\narising in those circuitous voyages, and the freights made\\nby their ships, centre finally in Britain to discharge the\\nbalance, and pay for British manufactures continually\\nused in the provinces, or sold to foreigners by our\\ntraders.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 273\\n26. Q. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid\\non the Spanish trade?\\nA. Yes; I have heard, that it has been greatly ob-\\n.structed by some new regulations, and by the English\\nmen-of-war and cutters stationed all along the coast in\\nAmerica.\\n27. Q. Do you think it right that America should be\\nprotected by this country and pay no part of the expense\\nA. That is not the case. The colonies raised, clothed,\\nand paid, during the last war, near twenty -five thousand\\nmen, and spent many millions.\\n28. Q. Were you not reimbursed by Parliament?\\nA. We were only reimbursed what, in your opinion,\\nwe had advanced beyond our proportion, or beyond what\\nmight reasonably be expected from us and it was a very\\nsmall part of what we spent. Pennsylvania, in particular,\\ndisbursed about five hundred thousand pounds, and the\\nreimbursements, in the whole, did not exceed sixty thou-\\nsand pounds.\\n29. Q. You have said that you pay heavy taxes in\\nPennsylvania what do they amount to in the pound\\nA. The tax on all estates, real and personal, is eighteen\\npence in the pound, fully rated and the tax on the profits\\nof trades and professions, with other taxes, do, I suppose,\\nmake full half a crown in the pound.\\n30. Q. Do you know anything of the rate of exchange\\nin Pennsylvania, and whether it has fallen lately?\\nA. It is commonly from one hundred and seventy to\\none hundred and seventy-five. I have heard that it has\\nfallen lately from one hundred and seventy-five to one\\nhundred and sixty-two and a half owing, I suppose, to\\ntheir lessening their orders for goods and, when their\\ndebts to this country are paid, I think the exchange will\\nprobably be at par.\\n31. Q. Do you not think the people of America would\\nsubmit to pay the stamp duty, if it was moderated\\nA. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms.\\n18", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "274\\nFRANKLIN\\n32. C- ^re not the taxes in Tennsylvania laid on iin-\\ncquallv. in i nier to biiicien tlic English trade; particularly\\nthe tax on protessitMis ami business?\\nIt is not more buidensonie in proportion than the\\ntax on lands, it is intt nded and supposed to take an equal\\nproportion of protits.\\n33. O. llow is the assembly composed? Oi what\\nkinds of people are the members landholders or traders?\\n.1. It is composed of landholders, merchants, and artifi-\\ncers.\\n34. 0- majority landholders?\\nA. 1 believe they are.\\n35. (J. Do not they, as much as possible, shift the tax\\noff from the land, to ease that, and lay the burden heavier\\non trade\\nA. I have never understood it so. I never heard such\\na thing suggested. And indeed an attempt of that kind\\ncould answer no purpose. The merchant or trader is\\nalways skilled in figures, and ready with his pen and ink.\\nIf unequal burdens are laid on his trade, he puts an addi-\\ntional price on his goods and the consumers, \\\\vho are\\nchiefly landholders, finally pay the greatest part, if not\\nthe whole.\\n36. (J. What was the temper of America towards\\nGreat Britain before the year 1763?\\nA. The best in the world. They submitted willingly\\nto the government of the crown, and paid, in their courts,\\nobedience to the acts of rarliament. Numerous as the\\npeople are in the several old provinces, they cost you\\nnothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep\\nthem in subjection. They were governed by this country\\nat the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper; they\\nwere led by a thread. They had not only a respect, but\\nan affection for Great Britain for its laws, its customs\\nand manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that\\ngreatly increased the commerce. Natives of Britain were\\nalwaNS treated with particular regard; to be an 0/e/-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 27$\\nEngland man was, of itself, a character of some respect,\\nand {:(ave a kind of rank among us.\\n37. Q. And what is their temper now\\nA. O, try much altered.\\n38. Q. I^id you ever hear the authority of Parliament\\nto make laws for America questioned till lately\\nA. The authority of Parliament was allowed to be\\nvalid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes.\\nIt was never disputed in laying duties to regulate com-\\nmerce.\\n39. Q. In what proportion hath population increased\\nin America?\\nA. I think the inhabitants of all the provinces together,\\ntaken at a medium, double in about twenty-five years.\\nBut their demand for British manufactures increases much\\nfaster; as the consumption is not merely in proportion to\\ntheir numbers, but grows with the growing abilities of\\nthe same numbers to pay for them. In 1723, the whole\\nimportation from Britain to Pennsylvania was about fifteen\\nthousand pounds sterling; it is now near half a million.\\n40. Q. In what light did the people of America use\\nto consider the Parliament of Great Britain\\nA. They considered the Parliament as the great bul-\\nwark and security of their liberties and privileges, and\\nalways spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration.\\nArbitrary ministers, they thought, might possibly, at\\ntimes, attempt to oppress them but they relied on it,\\nthat the Parliament, on application, would always give\\nredress. They remembered, with gratitude, a strong\\ninstance of this, when a bill was brought into Parliament,\\nwith a clause to make royal instructions laws in the colo-\\nnies, which the House of Commons would not pass, and\\nit was thrown out.\\n41. Q. And have they not still the same respect for\\nParliament?\\nA. No, it is greatly lessened.\\n42. Q. To what cause is that owing?", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "2/6 FRANKLIN\\nA. To a concurrence of causes the restraints lately\\nlaid on their trade, by which the bringing of foreign gold\\nand silver into the colonies was prevented the prohibi-\\ntion of making paper money among themselves, and then\\ndemanding a new and heavy tax by stamps, taking awav,\\nat the same time, trials by juries, and refusing to receive\\nand hear their humble petitions.\\n43. (J. Don t you think they would submit to the\\nStamp Act. if it was modified, the obnoxious parts taken\\nout. and the duty reduced to some particulars of small\\nmoment\\nA. No, they will never submit to it.\\n44. O. What do vou think is the reason that the people\\nin America increase faster than in England?\\nA. Because they marry younger, and more generally.\\n45. (J. Why so?\\nA. Because any young couple, that are industrious,\\nniav easily obtain land of their own, on which they can\\nraise a familv.\\n46. (J. Are not the lower ranks of people more at their\\nease in America than in England\\nA. They may be so, if they are sober and diligent, as\\nthev are better paid for their labor.\\n47. O. What is your opinion of a future tax. imposed\\non the same principle with that of the Stamp Act How\\nwould the Americans receive it\\nA. Just as thev do this. Thev would not pay it.\\n4S. (J. Have not vou heard of the resolutions of this\\nI louse, and of the House of Lords, asserting the right of\\nParliament relating to America, including a power to tax\\nthe people there\\nA. Yes, 1 have heard of such resolutions.\\n49. (J. What will be the opinion of the Americans on\\nthose resolutions?\\nA. Thev will think them unconstitutional and unjust.\\n50. (J- Was it an opinion in America before 1763, that\\nthe Parliament had no riiiht to lav taxes and duties there?", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 277\\nA. I never heard any objection to the right of laying\\nduties to regulate commerce but a right to lay internal\\ntaxes was never supposed to be in Parliament, as we are\\nnot represented there.\\n51. Q. On what do you found your opinion, that the\\npeople in America made any such distinction\\nA. I know that whenever the subject has occurred in\\nconversation where I have been present, it has appeared\\nto be the opinion of every one, that we could not be taxed\\nby a Parliament wherein we were not represented. But\\nthe payment of duties laid by an act of Parliament, as\\nregulations of commerce, was never disputed.\\n52. Q. But can you name any act of assembly, or\\npublic act of any of your governments, that made such\\ndistinction\\nA. I do not know that there was any; I think there\\nwas never an occasion to make any such act, till now that\\nyou have attempted to tax us that has occasioned reso-\\nlutions of assembly, declaring the distinction, in which I\\nthink every assembly on the continent, and ever} member\\nin every assembly, have been unanimous.\\n53. Q. What, then, could occasion conversations on\\nthat subject before that time?\\nA. There was in 1754 a proposition made, (I think it\\ncame from hence,) that in case of a war, which was then\\napprehended, the governors of the colonies should meet,\\nand order the levying of troops, building of forts, and\\ntaking every other necessary measure for the general de-\\nfence and should draw on the treasury here for the sums\\nexpended, which were afterwards to be raised in the colo-\\nnies by a general tax, to be laid on them by act of Parlia-\\nment. This occasioned a good deal of conversation on\\nthe subject and the general opinion was, that the Parlia-\\nment neither would nor could lay any tax on us, till we\\nwere duly represented in Parliament because it was not\\njust, nor agreeable to the nature of an English constitution.\\n54. Q. Don t you know there was a time in New", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "278 FRANKLIN\\nYork, when it was under consideration to make an appli-\\ncation to Parliament to lay taxes on that colony, upon a\\ndeficiency arising from the assembly s refusing or neglect-\\ning to raise the necessary supplies for the support of the\\ncivil government?\\nA. I never heard of it.\\n55. Q. There was such an application under con-\\nsideration in New York and do you apprehend they\\ncould suppose the right of Parliament to lay a tax in\\nAmerica was only local, and confined to the case of a de-\\nficiency in a particular colony, by a refusal of its assembly\\nto raise the necessary supplies\\nA. They could not suppose such a case, as that the\\nassembly would not raise the necessary supplies to sup-\\nport its own government. An assembly that would re-\\nfuse it must want common sense which cannot be sup-\\nposed. I think there was never any such case at New\\nYork, and that it must be a misrepresentation, or the fact\\nmust be misunderstood. I know there have been some\\nattempts, by ministerial instructions from hence, to oblige\\nthe assemblies to settle permanent salaries on governors,\\nwhich they wisely refused to do but I believe no assem-\\nbly of New York, or any other colony, ever refused duly\\nto support government by proper allowances, from time\\nto time, to public officers.\\n56. Q. But, in case a governor, acting by instruction,\\nshould call on an assembly to raise the necessary supplies,\\nand the assembly should refuse to do it, do you not think\\nit would then be for the good of the people of the colony,\\nas well as necessary to government, that the Parliament\\nshould tax them\\nA. I do not think it would be necessary. If an assem-\\nbly could possibly be so absurd, as to refuse raising the\\nsupplies requisite for the maintenance of government\\namong them, they could not long remain in such a situa-\\ntion the disorders and confusion occasioned by it must\\nsoon brinof them to reason.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 279\\n57. Q. If it should not, ought not the right to be in\\nGreat Britain of applying a remedy\\nA. A right, only to be used in such a case, I should\\nhave no objection to supposing it to be used merely for\\nthe good of the people of the colony.\\n58. Q. But who is to judge of that, Britain or the\\ncolony\\nA. Those that feel can best judge.\\n59. Q. You say the colonies have always submitted\\nto external taxes, and object to the right of Parliament\\nonly in laying internal taxes now can you show that\\nthere is any kind of difference between the two taxes to\\nthe colony on which they may be laid\\nA. I think the difference is very great. An external\\ntax is a duty laid on commodities imported that duty is\\nadded to the first cost and other charges on the commod-\\nity, and, when it is offered to sale, makes a part of the\\nprice. If the people do not like it at that price, they\\nrefuse it they are not obliged to pay it. But an internal\\ntax is forced from the people without their consent, if not\\nlaid by their own representatives. The Stamp Act says,\\nwe shall have no commerce, make no exchange of prop-\\nerty with each other, neither purchase, nor grant, nor\\nrecover debts we shall neither marry nor make our\\nwills, unless we pay such and such sums and thus it is\\nintended to extort our money from us, or ruin us by the\\nconsequences of refusing to pay it.\\n60. Q. But supposing the external tax or duty to be\\nlaid on the necessaries of life, imported into your colony,\\nwill not that be the same thing in its effects as an internal\\ntax?\\nA. I do not know a single article imported into the\\nnorthern colonies, but what they can either do without,\\nor make themselves.\\n61. Q. Don t you think cloth from England abso-\\nlutely necessary to them.\\nA. No, by no means absolutely necessary with indus-", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "rSo FRANKLIN\\ntry and good management, thev may ycry \\\\yoll supply\\nthemsehes with all they \\\\vant.\\n62, O. Will it not take a long; time to establish that\\nmanufacture among them and must they not in the mean\\nwhile sutler greatly\\nA. 1 think not. They haye made a surprising prog-\\nress already. And 1 am of opinion, that before their old\\nclothes are worn out. they will haye new ones of their\\nown making.\\n03. 0. Can they possibly hnd wool enough in North\\nAmerica\\nA. They haye taken steps to increase the wool. They\\nentered into general combinations to eat no more lamb\\nand yery tew lambs were killed last year. This course,\\npersisted in. will soon make a prodigious difference in the\\nquantity of wool. And the establishing of great manu-\\nfactories, like those in the clothing towns here, is not\\nnecessary, as it is where the business is to be carried on\\nfor the purposes of trade. The people will all spin, and\\nvork for theniselyes, in their own houses.\\n64. 0- Can there be wool and manufacture enough in\\none or two years.\\nA. In three years, I think there may.\\n65. O. Does not the seyerity of the winter, in the\\nnorthern colonies, occasion the wool to be of bad quality\\nA. No: the wool is yery fine and good.\\n66. C. In the more southern colonies, as in Virginia,\\ndon t you know, that the wool is coarse, and only a kind\\nof hair?\\nA. I don t know it. I never heard it. Yet I haye\\nbeen sometimes in Virginia. I cannot say 1 eyer took\\nparticular notice of the wool there, but I belieye it is\\ngood, though I cannot speak positively of it but Virginia\\nand the colonies south of it have less occasion for wool\\ntheir winters are short, and not very seyere and they can\\nvery well clothe themselves with linen and cotton of their\\nown raisina: for the rest of the year.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 28I\\n6^. Q. Are not the people in the more northern\\ncolonies obliged to fodder their sheep all the winter?\\nA. In some of the most northern colonies they may be\\nobliged to do it, some part of the winter.\\n68. Q. Considering the resolutions of Parliament, as\\nto the right, do you think, if the Stamp Act is repealed,\\nthat the North Americans will be satisfied\\nA. I believe they will.\\n69. Q. Why do you think so?\\nA. I think the resolutions of right will give them very\\nlittle concern, if they are never attempted to be carried\\ninto practice. The colonies will probably consider them-\\nselves in the same situation, in that respect, with Ireland\\nthey know you claim the same right with regard to Ire-\\nland, but you never exercise it, and they may believe you\\nnever will exercise it in the colonies, any more than in\\nIreland, unless on some very extraordinary occasion.\\n70. Q. But who arc to be the judges of that extraor-\\ndinary occasion Is not the Parliament\\nA. Though the Parliament may judge of the occasion,\\nthe people will think it can never exercise such right, till\\nrepresentatives from the colonies are admitted into Parlia-\\nment and that, whenever the occasion arises, representa-\\ntives ivill be ordered.\\n71. Q. Did you never hear that Marvland, during the\\nlast war, had refused to furnish a quota towards the com-\\nmon defence?\\nA. Marvland has been much misrepresented in that\\nmatter. Maryland, to my knowledge, never refused to\\ncontribute or grant aids to the crown. The assemblies,\\nevery year during the war, voted considerable sums, and\\nformed bills to raise them. The bills were, according to\\nthe constitution of that province, sent up to the Council,\\nor Upper House, for concurrence, that they might be\\npresented to the governor, in order to be enacted into\\nlaws. Unhappy disputes between the two Houses, aris-\\ning from the defects of that constitution principally,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "2Sj franklin\\nrendered all the bills but one or two. abortive. The\\nproprietary s council rejected them. It is true, Maryland\\ndid not then contribute its proportion but it was, in my\\nopinion, the fault ol the government, not of the people.\\n~2. (J. Was it not talked of in the other provinces, as\\na proper measure, to applv to Parliament to compel them?\\nA. I have heard such discourse; but. as it was well\\nknown that the people were not to blame, no such applica-\\ntion was ever made, nor anv step taken towards it.\\n7S- Was it not proposed at a public meeting?\\nA. Not that 1 know of.\\n74. O. Do vou remember the abolishing of the paper\\ncurrencv in New England, by act of assembly?\\nA. I do remember its being abolished in the Massa-\\nchusetts Bay.\\n75. (J. Was not Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson\\nprincipally concerned in that transaction\\nA. I have heard so.\\n76. Cj. Was it not at that time a verv unpopular law\\nA. I believe it might, though I can say little about it,\\nas I lived at a distance from that province.\\n77- C- Was not the scarcitv of gold and silver an\\nargument used against abolishing the paper\\nA. I suppose it was.\\n7S. (J. What is the present opinion there of that law?\\nIs it as unpopular as it was at tirst\\nA. I think it is not.\\n79. 0. Have not instructions from hence been some-\\ntimes sent over to governors, highly oppressive and unpo-\\nlitical\\nA. Yes.\\n80. cJ. Have not some governors dispensed with them\\nfor that reason\\nA. Yes, I have heard so.\\n81. Q- Did the Americans ever dispute the control-\\nling power of Parliament to regulate the commerce\\nA. No.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 2S3\\n82. ij. Can any thing less than a military force carry\\nthe Stamp Act into execution\\nI do not see how a military force can be applied to\\nthat purpose.\\n83. (J. Why may it not?\\nA. Suppose a military force sent into America, thev\\nwill find nobody in arms; what are they then to do?\\nThey cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to\\ndo without them. They will not find a rebellion they\\nmav indeed make one.\\n84. 0. If the act is not repealed, what do you think\\nwill be the consequences\\nA. A total loss of the respect and affection the people\\nof America bear to this country, and of all the commerce\\nthat depends on that respect and affection,\\n85. Q. How can the commerce be affected\\nA. You will find, that if the act is not repealed, they\\nwill take a very little of your manufactures in a short\\ntime.\\n86. Q. Is it in their power to do without them\\nA. I think thev may very well do without them.\\nSy. (J. Is it their interest not to take them\\nA. The goods they take from Britain are either neces-\\nsaries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as\\ncloth, etc.. with a little industrv they can make at home;\\nthe second they can do without, till they are able to\\nprovide them among themselves and the last, which are\\nmuch the greatest part, thev will strike off immediately.\\nThey are mere articles of fashion, purchased and con-\\nsumed because the fashion in a respected country but\\nwill now be detested and rejected. The people have al-\\nready struck off, by general agreement, the use of all\\ngoods fashionable in mournings, and many thousand\\npounds worth are sent back as unsalable.\\n88. Q. Is it their interest to make cloth at home?\\nA. I think they may at present get it cheaper from\\nBritain I mean, of the same fineness and workmanship", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "4\\nFRANKLIN\\nbut. when one considers other circumstances, the restraints\\non their trade, and the ditficulty of making remittances, it\\nis their interest to make every thing.\\n89. (J. Suppose an act of internal regulations con-\\nnected with a tax how would they receive it\\nA. 1 think it would be objected to.\\n90. Q. Then no regulation with a tax would be sub-\\nmitted to?\\nA. Their opinion is. that, when aids to the crown are\\nwanted, thev are to be asked of the several assemblies,\\naccording to the old established usage who will, as they\\nahvavs have done, grant them freely. And that their\\nnionev ought not to bo given away, without their consent,\\nbv persons at a distance, unacquainted with their circum-\\nstances and abilities. The granting aids to the crown is\\nthe onlv means they have of recommending themselves to\\ntheir sovereign and they think it extremely hard and un-\\njust, that a bodv of men. in which they have no represen-\\ntatives. should make a merit to itself of giving and grant-\\ning what is not its own. but theirs and deprive them of a\\nright thev esteem of the utmost value and importance, as\\nit is the security of all their other rights.\\n91. But is not the pc\u00c2\u00bbst-office. which they have long\\nreceived, a tax as well as a regulation\\nA. No; the money paid for the postag^e of a letter is\\nnot of the nature of a tax it is merely a q-uaKtum m^nii\\nfor a service done no person is compellable to pay the\\nmoney if he does not choose to receive the service. A\\nman mav still, as before the act. send his letter by a ser-\\n\\\\*ant, a special messenger, or a friend, if he thinks it\\ncheaper and safer.\\noj. (J. But do they not consider the regulations of\\nthe post-otfice. by the act of last year, as a tax\\nA, Bv the regulations of last year the rate of postage\\nwas generallv abated near thirty per cent through all\\nAmerica thev certainly cannot consider such abatement\\n\u00c2\u00abjr a tax.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 285\\n93. Q. If an excise was laid by Parliament, which they\\nmight likewise avoid paying-, by not consuming the arti-\\ncles excised, would they then not object to it?\\nA. They would certainly object to it, as an excise is\\nunconnected with any service done, and is merely an aid,\\nwhich they think ought to be asked of them, and granted\\nby them, if they are to pay it and can be granted for\\nthem by no others whatsoever, whom they have not em-\\npowered for that purpose.\\n94. Q. You say they do not object to the right of Par-\\nliament, in laying duties on goods to be paid on their im-\\nportation now, is there any kind of difference between a\\nduty on the importation of goods, and an excise on their\\nconsumption\\nA. Yes, a very material one an excise, for the reasons\\nI have just mentioned, they think you can have no right\\nto lay within their country. But the sea is yours you\\nmaintain, by your fleets, the safety of navigation in it, and\\nkeep it clear of pirates you may have, therefore, a natu-\\nral and equitable right to some toll or duty on merchan-\\ndises carried through that part of your dominions, towards\\ndefraying the expense you are at in ships to maintain the\\nsafety of that carriage.\\n95. Q. Does this reasoning hold in the case of a duty\\nlaid on the produce of their lands exported And would\\nthey not then object to such a duty\\nA. If it tended to make the produce so much dearer\\nabroad, as to lessen the demand for it, to be sure they\\nwould object to such a duty; not to your right of laying\\nit, but they would complain of it as a burden, and petition\\nyou to lighten it.\\n96. Q. Is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported,\\na duty of that kind\\nA. That, I think, is only on tobacco carried coast-\\nwise, from one colony to another, and appropriated as a\\nfund for supporting the college at Williamsburg in Vir-\\nginia.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "2S6 FRANKLIN\\n97. O. Have not the assemblies in the West Indies the\\nsame natural rights with those in North America?\\nA. Undoubtedly.\\n9S. O. And is there not a tax laid there on their sug^ars\\nexported\\nA. I am not much acquainted with the West Indies\\nbut the dutv of four and a half per cent on sugars exported\\nwas. I believe, granted by their own assemblies.\\n09. O. How much is the poll-tax in your province\\nlaid on unmarried men\\nA. It is. I think, hfteen shillings, to be paid by every\\nsingle freeman, upwards of twenty-one years old.\\nICO. C What is the annual amount oi all the taxes in\\nPennsvlvania\\nA. I suppose about twenty thousand pounds sterling.\\nID I. (J. Supposing the Stamp Act continued and en-\\nforced, do you imagine that ill humor will induce the\\nAmericans to give as much for worse manufactures of\\ntheir own. and use them, preferable to better of ours?\\nA. Yes. I think so. People will pay as freely to grat-\\nify one passion as another, their resentment as their\\npride.\\n10:!. 0. Would the people at Boston discontinue their\\ntrade?\\nA. The merchants are a verv small number compared\\nwith the body of the people, and must discontinue their\\ntrade, if nobody will buy their goods.\\n103. O. What are the body of the people in the colo-\\nnies\\n--1. They are farmers, husbandmen, orplanters-\\n104. (J. Would they suffer the produce of their lands\\nto rot\\nA. Xo but they would not raise so much. Thev\\nwould manufacture more, and plough less.\\n105. (J. Would they live without the administration\\nof justice in civil matters, and suffer all the inconveniences\\nof such a situation for anv considerable time, rather than", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 287\\ntake the stamps, supposing the stamps were protected by\\na sufficient force, where every one might have them\\nA. I think the supposition impracticable, that the\\nstamps should be so protected as that every one might\\nhave them. The act requires sub-distributors to be ap-\\npointed in every county town, district, and village, and\\nthey would be necessary. But the principal distributors,\\nwho were to have had a considerable profit on the whole,\\nhave not thought it worth while to continue in the office\\nand I think it impossible to find sub-distributors fit to\\nbe trusted, who, for the trifling profit that must come to\\ntheir share, would incur the odium, and run the hazard,\\nthat would attend it; and, if they could be found, I think\\nit impracticable to protect the stamps in so many distant\\nand remote places.\\n106. O. But in places where they could be protected,\\nwould not the people use them, rather than remain in such\\na situation, unable to obtain any right, or recover by law\\nany debt?\\nA. It is hard to say what they would do. I can only\\njudge what other people will think, and how they will\\nact, by what I feel within myself. I have a great many\\ndebts due to me in America, and I had rather they should\\nremain unrecoverable by any law, than submit to the\\nStamp Act. They will be debts of honor. It is my\\nopinion the people will either continue in that situation.\\nor find some way to extricate themselves perhaps by\\ngenerally agreeing to proceed in the courts without\\nstamps.\\n107. Q. What do you think a sufficient military force\\nto protect the distribution of the stamps in every part of\\nAmerica?\\nA. A very great force, I can t say what, if the disposi-\\ntion of America is for a general resistance.\\n108. Q. What is the number of men in America able\\nto bear arms, or of disciplined militia?\\nA. There are, I suppose, at least", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "288 FRANKLIN\\n{Question objected to. He withdrew. Called in again?^\\n109. Q. Is the American Stamp Act an equal tax on\\nthe country\\nA. I think not.\\n1 10. Q. Why so\\nA. The greatest part of the money must arise from\\nlawsuits for the recovery of debts, and be paid by the\\nlower sort of people, who were too poor easily to pay\\ntheir debts. It is, therefore, a heavy tax on the poor, and\\na tax upon them for being poor.\\n111. Q. But will not this increase of expense be a\\nmeans of lessening the number of lawsuits?\\nA. I think not for as the costs all fall upon the debtor,\\nand are to be paid by him, they would be no discourage-\\nment to the creditor to bring his action.\\n112. Q. Would it not have the effect of excessive\\nusury\\nA. Yes as an oppression of the debtor.\\n113. Q. How many ships are there laden annually in\\nNorth America with flax-seed for Ireland\\nA. I cannot speak to the number of ships; but I know,\\nthat, in 1752, ten thousand hogsheads of flax-seed, each\\ncontaining seven bushels, were exported from Philadelphia\\nto Ireland. I suppose the quantity is greatly increased\\nsince that time, and it is understood, that the exportation\\nfrom New York is equal to that from Philadelphia.\\n114. Q. What becomes of the flax that grows with\\nthat flax-seed\\nA. They manufacture some into coarse, and some into\\na middling kind of linen.\\n115. Q. Are there any slitting-mills in America?\\nA. I think there are three, but I believe only one at\\npresent employed. I suppose they will all be set to work,\\nif the interruption of the trade continues.\\n116. Q. Are there any fulling-mills there?\\nA. A great many.\\n117. Q. Did you never hear, that a great quantity of", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 289\\nstockings were contracted for, for the army, during the\\nwar, and manufactured in Philadelphia?\\nA. I have heard so.\\n118. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, would\\nnot the Americans think they could oblige the Parliament\\nto repeal every external tax law now in force\\nA. It is hard to answer questions of what people at\\nsuch a distance will think.\\n119. Q. But what do you imagine they will think\\nwere the motives of repealing the act\\nA. I suppose they will think, that it was repealed from\\na conviction of its inexpediency and they will rely upon\\nit, that, while the same inexpediency subsists, you will\\nnever attempt to make such another.\\n120. Q. What do you mean by its inexpediency?\\nA. I mean its inexpediency on several accounts; the\\npoverty and inability of those who were to pay the tax,\\nthe general discontent it has occasioned, and the impracti-\\ncability of enforcing it.\\n121. Q. If the act should be repealed, and the legisla-\\nture should show its resentment to the opposers of the\\nStamp Act, would the colonies acquiesce in the authority\\nof the legislature What is your opinion they would do\\nA. I don t doubt at all, that if the legislature repeal the\\nStamp Act, the colonies will acquiesce in the authority.\\n122. Q. But if the legislature should think fit to ascer-\\ntain its right to lay taxes, by any act laying a small tax,\\ncontrary to their opinion, would they submit to pay the\\ntax?\\nA. The proceedings of the people in America have\\nbeen considered too much together. The proceedings of\\nthe assemblies have been very different from those of the\\nmobs, and should be distinguished, as having no connexion\\nwith each other. The assemblies have only peaceably\\nresolved what they take to be their rights they have\\ntaken no measures for opposition by force, they have not\\nbuilt a fort, raised a man, or provided a grain of ammuni-\\n19", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "290\\nFRANKLIN\\ntion, in order to such opposition. The ringleaders of\\nriots, they think ought to be punished they would punish\\nthem themselves, if they could. Every sober, sensible\\nman, would wish to see rioters punished, as, otherwise,\\npeaceable people have no security of person or estate\\nbut as to an internal tax, how small soever, laid by the\\nlegislature here on the people there, while they have no\\nrepresentatives in this legislature, I think it will never be\\nsubmitted to they will oppose it to the last they do not\\nconsider it as at all necessary for you to raise money on\\nthem by your taxes because they are, and always have\\nbeen, ready to raise money by taxes among themselves,\\nand to grant large sums, equal to their abilities, upon\\nrequisition from the crown.\\nThey have not only granted equal to their abilities,\\nbut, during all the last war, they granted far beyond their\\nabilities, and beyond their proportion with this country\\n(you yourselves being judges), to the amount of many\\nhundred thousand pounds and this they did freely and\\nreadily, only on a sort of promise, from the Secretary of\\nState, that it should be recommended to Parliament to\\nmake them compensation. It was accordingly recom-\\nmended to Parliament, in the most honorable manner for\\nthem. America has been greatly misrepresented and\\nabused here, in papers, and pamphlets, and speeches, as\\nungrateful, and unreasonable, and unjust; in having put\\nthis nation to an immense expense for their defence, and\\nrefusing to bear any part of that expense. The colonies\\nraised, paid, and clothed near twenty-five thousand men\\nduring the last war; a number equal to those sent from\\nBritain, and far beyond their proportion they went\\ndeeply into debt in doing this, and all their taxes and\\nestates are mortgaged for many years to come, for dis-\\ncharging that debt.\\nGovernment here was at that time very sensible of\\nthis. The colonies were recommended to Parliament.\\nEvery year the King sent down to the House a written", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n291\\nmessage to this purpose that his Majesty, being highly\\nsensible of the zeal and vigor with which his faithful sub-\\njects in North America had exerted themselves, in defence\\nof his Majesty s just rights and possessions, recommended\\nit to the House to take the same into consideration, and\\nenable him to give them a proper compensation. You\\nwill find those messages on your own journals every year\\nof the war to the very last and you did accordingly give\\ntwo hundred thousand pounds annually to the crown, to\\nbe distributed in such compensation to the colonies.\\nThis is the strongest of all proofs, that the colonies, far\\nfrom being unwilling to bear a share of the burden, did\\nexceed their proportion for if they had done less, or had\\nonly equalled their proportion, there would have been no\\nroom or reason for compensation. Indeed, the sums, re-\\nimbursed them, were by no means adequate to the expense\\nthey incurred beyond their proportion but they never\\nmurmured at that they esteemed their sovereign s appro-\\nbation of their zeal and fidelity, and the approbation of\\nthis House, far beyond any other kind of compensation\\ntherefore there was no occasion for this act, to force money\\nfrom a willing people. They had not refused giving\\nmoney for the purposes of the act no requisition had\\nbeen made they were always willing and ready to do\\nwhat could reasonably be expected from them, and in this\\nlight they wish to be considered.\\n123. Q. But suppose Great Britain should be engaged\\nin a war in Europe, would North America contribute to\\nthe support of it?\\nA. I do think they would as far as their circumstances\\nwould permit. They consider themselves as a part of the\\nBritish empire, and as having one common interest with\\nit they may be looked on here as foreigners, but they do\\nnot consider themselves as such. They are zealous for\\nthe honor and prosperity of this nation and, while they\\nare well used, will always be ready to support it, as far as\\ntheir little power goes. In 1739 they were called upon", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "292\\nFRANKLIN\\nto assist in the expedition against Carthagena, and they\\nsent three thousand men to join your army. It is true,\\nCarthagena is in America, but as remote from the north-\\nern colonies, as if it had been in Europe. They make no\\ndistinction of wars, as to their duty of assisting in them.\\nI know the last war is commonly spoken of here, as en-\\ntered into for the defence, or for the sake, of the people\\nin America. I think it is quite misunderstood. It began\\nabout the limits between Canada and Nova Scotia about\\nterritories to which the crown indeed laid claim, but which\\nwere not claimed by any British colony; none of the lands\\nhad been granted to any colonist we had therefore no\\nparticular concern or interest in that dispute. As to the\\nOhio, the contest there began about your right of trading\\nin the Indian countr}-, a right you had by the treaty of\\nUtrecht, which the French infringed they seized the\\ntraders and their goods, which were your manufactures\\nthey took a fort which a company of your merchants, and\\ntheir factors, and correspondents, had erected there to\\nsecure that trade. Braddock was sent with an army to\\nretake that fort, (which was looked on here as another en-\\ncroachment on the King s territory,) and to protect your\\ntrade. It was not till after his defeat that the colonies\\nwere attacked. They were before in perfect peace with\\nboth French and Indians; the troops were not, therefore,\\nsent for their defence.\\nThe trade with the Indians, though carried on in Amer-\\nica, is not an x\\\\merican interest. The people of America\\nare chiefly farmers and planters scarce any thing that\\nthev raise or produce is an article of commerce with the\\nIndians. The Indian trade is a British interest it is car-\\nried on with British manufactures, for the profit of British\\nmerchants and manufacturers therefore the war, as it\\ncommenced for the defence of territories of the crown\\n(the propert} of no American), and for the defence of a\\ntrade purel} British, was really a British war, and yet the\\npeople of America made no scruple of contributing their", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 293\\nutmost towards carrying it on, and bringing it to a happy\\nconclusion.\\n124. Q. Do you think, then, that the taking possession\\nof the King s territorial rights, and strengthening the fron-\\ntiers, is not an American interest?\\nA. Not particularly, but conjointly a British and an\\nAmerican interest.\\n125. Q. You will not deny that the preceding war,\\nthe war with Spain, was entered into for the sake of\\nAmerica was it not occasioned by captures made in the\\nAmerican seas\\nA. Yes; captures of ships carrying on the British trade\\nthere with British manufactures.\\n126. Q. Was not the late war with the Indians, since\\nthe peace with France, a war for America only?\\nA. Yes it was more particularly for America than the\\nformer but was rather a consequence or remains of the\\nformer war, the Indians not having been thoroughly paci-\\nfied and the Americans bore by much the greatest share\\nof the expense. It was put an end to by the army under\\nGeneral Bouquet there were not above three hundred\\nregulars in that army, and above one thousand Pennsyl-\\nvanians.\\n127. Q. Is it not necessary to send troops to America,\\nto defend the Americans against the Indians?\\nA. No, by no means; it never was necessary. They\\ndefended themselves when they were but a handful, and\\nthe Indians much more numerous. They continually\\ngained ground, and have driven the Indians over the\\nmountains, without any troops sent to their assistance\\nfrom this country. And can it be thought necessary now\\nto send troops for their defence from those diminished In-\\ndian tribes, when the colonies have become so populous\\nand so strong There is not the least occasion for it\\nthey are very able to defend themselves.\\n128. Q. Do you say there were not more than three\\nhundred regular troops employed in the late Indian war?", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "294\\nFRANKLIN\\nA. NeH on the Ohio, or the frontiers of Pennsylvania,\\nwhich was the chief part of the war that affected the\\ncolonies. There were garrisons at Niagara. Fort Detroit,\\nand those remote posts kept for the sake of your trade I\\ndid not reckon thcin; but I believe, that on the whole the\\nnumber of Americans or provincial troops, employed in\\nthe war, was greater than that of the regulars. I am not\\ncertain, but I think so.\\n129. Q. Do vou think the assemblies have a right to\\nlevy monev on the subject there, to grant to the crown?\\nA. I certainlv think so; thev have always done it.\\n130. (J. Arc thev acquainted with the Declaration of\\nRights? And do they know that, by that statute, money\\nis not to be raised on the subject but by consent of Parlia-\\nment?\\nA. They are verv well acquainted with it.\\n131. (J. How then can they think they have a right\\nto levy money for the crown, or for any other than local\\npurposes\\nA. They understand that clause to relate to subjects\\nonly within the realm that no money can be levied on\\nthem for the crown, but by consent of Parliament. The\\ncolonies are not supposed to be within the realm they\\nhave assemblies of their own, which are their parliaments,\\nand thev are, in that respect, in the same situation with\\nIreland. When money is to be raised for the crown upon\\nthe subject in Ireland, or in the colonics, the consent is\\ncriven in the Parliament of Ireland, or in tiie assemblies of\\nthe colonies. Thev think the Parliament of Great Britain\\ncannot properlv give that consent, till it has representa-\\ntives from America for the Petition of Right expresslv\\nsavs. it is to be bv common consent in Parliament and\\nthe people of America have no representatives in Parlia-\\nment, to make a part of that common consent.\\n132. (J. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, and an\\nact should pass, ordering the assemblies of the colonies to\\nindemnifv the sufferers by the riots, would they obev it?", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n295\\nA. That is a question I cannot answer.\\n133- Q- Suppose the King should require the colonies\\nto grant a revenue, and the Parliament should be against\\ntheir doing it, do they think they can grant a revenue to\\nthe King, without the consent of the Parliament of Great\\nBritain\\nA. That is a deep question. As to my own opinion, I\\nshould think myself at liberty to do it, and should do it,\\nif I liked the occasion.\\n134. Q. When money has been raised in the colonies,\\nupon requisitions, has it not been granted to the King?\\nA. Yes, always; but the requisitions have generally\\nbeen for some service expressed, as to raise, clothe, and\\npay troops, and not for money only.\\n135- Q- If the act should pass requiring the American\\nassemblies to make compensation to the sufferers, and\\nthey should disobey it, and then the Parliament should, by\\nanother act, lay an internal tax, would they then obey it?\\nA. The people will pay no internal tax; and, I think,\\nan act to oblige the assemblies to make compensation is\\nunnecessary for I am of opinion, that, as soon as the\\npresent heats are abated, they will take the matter into\\nconsideration, and if it is right to be done, they will do it\\nof themselves.\\n136. Q. Do not letters often come into the post-offices\\nin America, directed to some inland town where no post\\ngoes?\\nA. Yes.\\n137- Q- Can any private person take up those letters\\nand carry them as directed\\nA. Yes; any friend of the person may do it, paying\\nthe postage that has accrued.\\n138. Q. But must not he pay an additional postage\\nfor the distance to such inland town\\nA. No.\\n139- Q- Can the postmaster answer delivering the\\nletter, without being paid such additional postage", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "296\\nFRANKLIN\\nA. Certainly he can demand nothing, where he does\\nno service.\\n140. Q. Suppose a person, being far from home, finds\\na letter in a post-office directed to him, and he lives in a\\nplace to which the post generally goes, and the letter is\\ndirected to that place will the postmaster deliver him the\\nletter, without his paying the postage receivable at the\\nplace to which the letter is directed\\nA. Yes; the office cannot demand postage for a letter\\nthat it does not carry, or farther than it does carry it.\\n141. Q. Are not ferry-men in America obliged, by act\\nof Parliament, to carry over the posts without pay\\nA. Yes.\\n142. Q. Is not this a tax on the ferry-men\\nA. They do not consider it as such, as they have an\\nadvantage from persons travelling with the post.\\n143. Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, and the\\ncrown should make a requisition to the colonies for a sum\\nof money, would they grant it?\\nA. I believe they would.\\n144. Q. Why do you think so?\\nA. I can speak for the colony I live in; I had it in\\nijistruction from the assembly to assure the ministry, that,\\nas they always had done, so they should always think it\\ntheir duty, to grant such aids to the crown as were suit-\\nable to their circumstances and abilities, whenever called\\nupon for that purpose, in the usual constitutional manner;\\nand I had the honor of communicating this instruction to\\nthat honorable gentleman then minister.\\n145. Q. Would they do this for a British concern, as\\nsuppose a war in some part of Europe, that did not affect\\nthem\\nA. Yes, for any thing that concerned the general\\ninterest. They consider themselves a part of the whole.\\n146. Q. What is the usual constitutional manner of\\ncalling on the colonies for aids\\nA. A letter from the Secretary of State.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n297\\n147. Q. Is this all you mean a letter from the Secre-\\ntary of State\\nA. I mean the usual way of requisition, in a circular\\nletter from the Secretary of State, by his Majesty s com-\\nmand, reciting the occasion, and recommending it to the\\ncolonies to grant such aids as became their loyalty, and\\nwere suitable to their abilities.\\n148. Q. Did the Secretary of State ever write for\\nmoney for the crown\\nA. The requisitions have been to raise, clothe, and pay\\nmen, which cannot be done without money.\\n149. Q. Would they grant money alone, if called on\\nA. In my opinion they would, money as well as men,\\nwhen they have money, or can make it.\\n150. Q. If the Parliament should repeal the Stamp\\nAct, will the assembly of Pennsylvania rescind their reso-\\nlutions?\\nA. I think not.\\n151. Q. Before there was any thought of the Stamp\\nAct, did they wish for a representation in Parliament\\nA. No.\\n152. Q. Don t you know, that there is, in the Penn-\\nsylvania charter, an express reservation of the right of\\nParliament to lay taxes there\\nA. I know there is a clause in the charter, by which\\nthe King grants, that he will levy no taxes on the inhabit-\\nants, unless it be with the consent of the assembly, or by\\nact of Parliament.\\n153. Q. How, then, could the assembly of Pennsylva-\\nnia assert, that laying a tax on them by the Stamp Act was\\nan infringement of their rights?\\nA. They understand it thus by the same charter, and\\notherwise, they are entitled to all the privileges and liber-\\nties of Englishmen they find in the Great Charters, and\\nthe Petition and Declaration of Rights, that one of the\\nprivileges of English subjects is, that they are not to be\\ntaxed but by their common consent they have therefore", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "29S\\nFRANKLIN\\nrelied upon it, from the first settlement of the province,\\nthat the Parliament never would, nor could, by color of\\nthat clause in the charter, assume a right of taxing them,\\ntill it had qualified itself to exercise such right, by admit-\\nting representatives from the people to be taxed, who\\nought to make a part of that common consent.\\n154. O. Are there any words in the charter that jus-\\ntif} that construction\\nA. The common rights of Englishmen, as declared\\nby ]\\\\Tagna Charta, and the Petition of Right, all justify it.\\n155. Q. Does the distinction between internal and ex-\\nternal taxes exist in the words of the charter?\\nA. No, I believe not.\\n156. Q. Then, may they not, by the same interpreta-\\ntion, object to the Parliament s right of external taxa-\\ntion\\nA. Thev never have hitherto. Manv arguments have\\nbeen latelv used here to show them, that there is no differ-\\nence, and that, if you have no right to tax them internally,\\nyou have none to tax them externally, or make any other\\nlaw to bind them. At present they do not reason so but\\nin time the} may possibly be convinced by these argu-\\nments.\\n157. 0. Do not the resolutions of the Pennsylvania\\nassemblv sav, all taxes\\nA. If thev do, they mean only internal taxes the same\\nwords have not alwavs the same meaning here and in the\\ncolonies. Bv taxes, thev mean internal taxes by duties,\\nthey mean customs these are their ideas of the lan-\\nguage.\\n158. 0. Have you not seen the resolutions of the Mas-\\nsachusetts Bay assembly\\nA. I have.\\n159. Q. Do thev not sav, that neither external nor in-\\nternal taxes can be laid on them by Parliament?\\nA. I don t know that they do I believe not.\\n160. Q. If the same colony should say, neither tax nor", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENXE\\n299\\nimposition could be laid, docs not that province hold the\\npower of Parliament can lay neither?\\nA. I suppose, that, by the word imposition, they do not\\nintend to express duties to be laid on goods imported, as\\nregulations of commerce.\\n161. Q. What can the colonies mean then by imposi-\\ntion, as distinct from taxes?\\nA. They may mean many things, as impressing of men\\nor of carriages, quartering troops on private houses, and\\nthe like there may be great impositions that are not\\nproperly taxes.\\n162. Q. Is not the post-office rate an internal tax laid\\nby act of Parliament?\\nA. I have answered that.\\n163. Q. Are all parts of the colonies equally able to\\npay taxes?\\nA. No certainly the frontier parts, which have been\\nravaged by the enemy, are greatly disabled by that means\\nand therefore, in such cases, are usually favored in our tax\\nlaws.\\n164. Q. Can we, at this distance, be competent judges\\nof what favors are necessary?\\nA. The Parliament have supposed it, by claiming a\\nright to make tax laws for America; I think it impos-\\nsible.\\n165. Q. Would the repeal of the Stamp Act h e any\\ndiscouragement of your manufactures Will the people\\nthat have begun to manufacture decline it?\\nA. Yes, I think they will especially if, at the same\\ntime, the trade is opened again, so that remittances can be\\neasily made. I have known several instances that make it\\nprobable. In the war before last, tobacco being low, and\\nmaking little remittance, the people of Virginia went gen-\\nerally into family manufactures. Afterwards, when to-\\nbacco bore a better price, they returned to the use of\\nBritish manufactures. So fulling-mills were very much\\ndisused in the last war in Pennsylvania, because bills were", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "300 FRANKLIN\\nthen plenty, and remittances could easily be made to\\nBritain for English cloth and other goods.\\ni66, Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, would\\nit induce the assemblies of America to acknowledge the\\nrights of Parliament to tax them, and would they erase\\ntheir resolutions\\nA. No, never.\\n167. Q. Are there no means of obliging them to erase\\nthose resolutions?\\nA. None that 1 know of they will never do it, unless\\ncompelled by force of arms.\\n168. Q. Is there a power on earth that can force them\\nto erase them\\nA. No power, how great soever, can force men to\\nchange their opinions.\\n169. Q. Do they consider the post-office as a tax, or\\nas a regulation\\nA. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conveniency\\nevery assembly encouraged it, and supported it in its in-\\nfancy, by grants of monev, which they would not other-\\nwise have done and the people have always paid the\\npostage.\\n170. O. When did you receive the instructions you\\nmentioned\\nA. I brought them with me, when I came to England,\\nabout fifteen months since.\\n171. O. When did you commimicate that instruction\\nto the minister\\nA. Soon after mv arrival, while the stamping of Amer-\\nica was under consideration, and before the bill was\\nbrought in.\\n172. (J. Would it be most for the interest of Great\\nBritain, to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in\\nmanufactures\\nA. In tobacco, to be sure.\\n173. Q. What used to be the pride of the Ameri-\\ncans", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 301\\nA. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of\\nGreat Britain.\\n174. Q. What is now their pride?\\nA. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can\\nmake new ones.\\nThe repeal of the Stamp Act became a law March 18, 1766.\\nTO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN\\nLondon, 6 April, 1766.\\nAs the Stamp Act is at length repealed, I am willing\\nyou should have a new gown, which you may suppose I\\ndid not send sooner, as 1 knew you would not like to be\\nfiner than your neighbours, unless in a gown of your own\\nspinning. Had the trade between the two countries\\ntotally ceased, it was a comfort to me to recollect, that\\nI had once been clothed from head to foot in woollen and\\nlinen of my wife s manufacture, that I never was prouder\\nof any dress in my life, and that she and her daughter\\nmight do it again if it was necessary. I told the Parlia-\\nment, that it was my opinion, before the old clothes of the\\nAmericans were worn out, they might have new ones of\\ntheir own making. I have sent you a fine piece of Pom-\\npadour satin, fourteen yards, cost eleven shillings a yard\\na silk negligee and petticoat of brocaded lutestring for my\\ndear Sally, with two dozen gloves, four bottles of laven-\\nder water, and two little reels. The reels are to screw on\\nthe edge of the table, when she would wind silk or thread.\\nThe skein is to be put over them, and winds better than\\nif held in two hands. There is also a gimcrack corkscrew^\\nwhich you must get some brother gimcrack to show you\\nthe use of. In the chest is a parcel of books for my friend\\nMr. Coleman, and another for cousin Colbert. Pray did\\nhe receive those I sent him before? I send you also a\\nbox with three fine cheeses. Perhaps a bit of them may\\nbe left when I come home. Mrs. Stevenson has been very", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "302\\nFRANKLIN\\nililigcnt niui serviceable in getting these things together\\nior vou. and picscnts her best respects, as does her daugh-\\nter, to both vou and Sally. There are two boxes included\\nin vour bill of lading for Billy.\\n1 ani. niv dear Dcbby, vour atlcctionate husband,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO JOHN ALLEVNE\\nCraven St., 9 August, 1768.\\nYou desire, vou say, my impartial thoughts on the\\nsubject of an early marriage, by way of answer to the\\nnumberless objections that have been made by numerous\\npersons to your own. You may remember, when you\\nconsulted me on the occasion, that I thought youth on\\nboth sides to be no objection. Indeed, from the marriages\\nthat have fallen under my observation, I am rather in-\\nclined to think, that early ones stand the best chance of\\nhappiness. The temper and habits of the young are not\\nbecome so stiflf and uncomplving, as when more advanced\\nin life thev form more easily to each other, and hence\\nmanv occasions of disgust are removed. And, if youth\\nhas less of that prudence, which is necessary to manage a\\nfamily, yet the parents and elder friends of young married\\npersons are gcnorallv at hand to afford their advice, which\\namplv supplies that defect and. by early marriage, youth\\nis sooner formed to regular and useful life and possibly\\nsome of those accidents or connexions, that might have\\ninjured the constitution, or reputation, or both, are there-\\nby happilv prevented.\\nParticular circumstances of particular persons may\\npossibly sometimes make it prudent to delay entering\\ninto that state but in general, when nature has rendered\\nour bodies tit for it. the presumption is in nature s favor,\\nthat she has not judged amiss in making us desire it. Late\\nmarriages are often attended, too, with this further incon-\\nvenience, that there is not the same chance that the par-\\nents will live to see their offspring educated, Late chil-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n303\\ndren^ says the Spanish proverb, are early orphans^ A\\nmelancholy reflection to those, whose case it may be!\\nWith us in America, marriages are generally in the morn-\\ning of life; our children are therefore educated and set-\\ntled in the world by noon and thus, our business being\\ndone, we have an afternoon and evening of cheerful leisure\\nto ourselves such as our friend at present enjoys. By\\nthese early marriages we are blessed with more children\\nand from the mode among us, founded by nature, every\\nmother suckling and nursing her own child, more of them\\nare raised. Thence the swift progress of population among\\nus, unparalleled in Europe.\\nIn fine, I am glad you are married, and congratulate\\nyou most cordially upon it. You are now in the way of\\nbecoming a useful citizen and you have escaped the un-\\nnatural state of celibacy for life, the fate of many here,\\nwho never intended it, but who, having too long post-\\nponed the change of their condition, find at length, that it\\nis too late to think of it, and so live all their lives in a\\nsituation that greatly lessens a man s value. An odd vol-\\nume of a set of books bears not the value of its propor-\\ntion to the set. What think you of the odd half of a pair\\nof scissors? It cannot well cut any thing; it may pos-\\nsibly serve to scrape a trencher.\\nPray make my compliments and best wishes accept-\\nable to your bride. I am old and heavy, or I should ere\\nthis have presented them in person. I shall make but\\nsmall use of the old man s privilege, that of giving advice\\nto younger friends. Treat your wife always with respect\\nit will procure respect to you, not only from her, but from\\nall that observe it. Never use a slighting expression to\\nher, even in jest, for slights in jest, after frequent bandy-\\nings, are apt to end in angry earnest. Be studious in\\nyour profession, and you will be learned. Be industrious\\nand frugal, and you will be rich. Be sober and temper-\\nate, and you will be healthy. Be in general virtuous, and\\nyou will be happy. At least, you will, by such conduct,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "3^4\\nFRANKLIN\\nStand the best chance for such consequences. I pray God\\nto bless vou both being- ever your affectionate friend,\\nB. Franklin.\\nThe following piece from Dr. Franklin s pen appeared anonymously\\nin the London rublic Advertiser in 1773. 1^ reprinted in several\\npapers, and in the Gentleman s Mag vizine for September, 1773.\\nRULES BY WHICH A GREAT EMTIRE MAY BE REDUCED\\nTO A S^L\\\\LL ONE\\nAn ancient sage valued himself upon this, that, though\\nhe could not tiddle, he knew how to make a great cit} of\\na little one. The science that I, a modern simpleton, am\\nabout to communicate, is the very reverse.\\nI address myself to all ministers who have the manage-\\nment of extensive dominions, which from their very great-\\nness have become troublesome to govern, because the mul-\\ntiplicitv of their affairs leaves no time tor fiddling.\\n1. In the first place. Gentlemen, you are to consider,\\nthat a great empire, like a great cake, is most easily\\ndiminished at the edges. Turn vour attention, therefore,\\nfirst to vour re-n.\\\\^tc-st provinces that, as vou get rid of\\nthem, the next may follow in order.\\n2. That the possibility of this separation mav alwavs\\nexist, take special care the provinces are f/f-:vr incorperatcJ\\nzvith the mot/ic^r ccuntrv that thev do not enjoy the same\\ncommon rights, the same privileges in commerce and\\nthat thev are governed by severer laws, all of your enact-\\ning, without allowing them anv share in the choice of the\\nlegislators. Bv carefully making and preserving such\\ndistinctions, vou will i^to keep to my simile of the cake i\\nact like a wise gingerbread-baker, who. to facilitate a\\ndivision, cuts his dough half through in those places\\nwhere, when baked, he would have it broken to pieces.\\n3. Those remote provinces have perhaps been acquired,\\npurchased, or conquered, at the sole expense of the set-\\ntlers, or their ancestors: without the aid of the mother", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 305\\ncountry. If this should happen to increase her strength,\\nby their growing numbers, ready to join in her wars her\\ncommerce, by their growing demand for her manufac-\\ntures or her naval power, by greater employment for\\nher ships and seamen, they may probably suppose some\\nmerit in this, and that it entitles them to some favor you\\nare therefore to forget it all, or resent it, as if they had\\ndone you injury. If they happen to be zealous whigs,\\nfriends of liberty, nurtured in revolution principles, re-\\nmember all that to their prejudice, and contrive to punish\\nit for such principles, after a revolution is thoroughly\\nestablished, are of no more use they are even odious and\\nabominable.\\n4. However peaceably your colonies have submitted\\nto your government, shown their affection to your inter-\\nests, and patiently borne their grievances you are to\\nsuppose them always inclined to revolt, and treat them ac-\\ncordingly. Quarter troops among them, who by their\\ninsolence may provoke the rising of mobs, and by their\\nbullets and bayonets suppress them. By this means, like\\nthe husband who uses his wife ill from suspicion, you may\\nin time convert your suspicions into realities.\\n5. Remote provinces must have governors and judges,\\nto represent the royal person, and execute everywhere the\\ndelegated parts of his office and authority. You ministers\\nknow, that much of the strength of government depends\\non the opinion of the people and much of that opinion\\non the choice of rulers \\\\^ced immediately over them. If\\nyou send them wise and good men for governors, who\\nstudy the interest of the colonists, and advance their pros-\\nperity they will think their King wise and good, and\\nthat he wishes the welfare of his subjects. If you send\\nthem learned and upright men for judges, they will think\\nhim a lover of justice. This may attach your provinces\\nmore to his government. You are therefore to be care-\\nful whom you recommend to those offices. If you can\\nfind prodigals, who have ruined their fortunes, broken\\n20", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "3o6 FRANKLIN\\ngamesters or stockjobbers, these may do well as gover-\\nnors for they will probably be rapacious, and provoke\\nthe people by their extortions. Wrangling proctors and\\npettifogging lawyers, too, are not amiss for they will be\\nfor ever disputing and quarrelling with their little Parlia-\\nments. If withal they should be ignorant, wrongheaded,\\nand insolent, so much the better. Attorneys clerks and\\nNewgate solicitors will do for chief justices, especially if\\nthey hold their places during your pleasure and all will\\ncontribute to impress those ideas of your government,\\nthat are proper for a people you would wish to re-\\nnounce it.\\n6. To confirm these impressions, and strike them\\ndeeper, whenever the injured come to the capital with\\ncomplaints of mal-administration, oppression, or injustice,\\nptinish sjich suitors with long delay, enormous expense, and\\na final judgment in favor of the oppressor. This will\\nhave an admirable effect every way. The trouble of\\nfuture complaints will be prevented, and governors and\\njudges will be encouraged to farther acts of oppression\\nand injustice; and thence the people may become more\\ndisaffected, and at length desperate.\\n7. When such governors have crammed their cofifers,\\nand made themselves so odious to the people that they\\ncan no longer remain among them, with safety to their\\npersons, recall and reward them with pensions. You may\\nmake them baronets too, if that respectable order should\\nnot think fit to resent it. All will contribute to encourage\\nnew governors in the same practice, and make the supreme\\ngovernment detestable.\\n8. If, when you are engaged in war, your colonies\\nshould vie in liberal aids of men and money against the\\ncommon enemy, upon your simple requisition, and give\\nfar beyond their abilities, reflect that a penny taken from\\nthem by your power is more honorable to you, than a\\npound presented by their benevolence despise therefore\\ntheir voluntary grants, and resolve to harass them with", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n307\\nnovel taxes. They will probably complain to your Parlia-\\nment, that they are taxed by a body in which they have\\nno representative, and that this is contrary to common\\nright. They will petition for redress. Let the Parlia-\\nment flout their claims, reject their petitions, refuse even\\nto suffer the reading of them, and treat the petitioners\\nwith the utmost contempt. Nothing can have a better\\neffect in producing the alienation proposed for, though\\nmany can forgive injuries, none ever forgave contempt.\\n9. In laying these taxes, never regard the heavy burdens\\nthose remote people already undergo, in defending their\\nown frontiers, supporting their own provincial govern-\\nment, making new roads, building bridges, churches, and\\nother public edifices which in old countries have been\\ndone to your hands by 3 our ancestors, but which occasion\\nconstant calls and demands on the purses of a new people.\\nForget the restraint you lay on their trade for your own\\nbenefit, and the advantage a monopoly of this trade gives\\nyour exacting merchants. Think nothing of the wealth\\nthose merchants and your manufacturers acquire by the\\ncolony commerce their increased ability thereby to pay\\ntaxes at home their accumulating, in the price of their\\ncommodities, most of those taxes, and so levying them\\nfrom their consuming customers all this, and the employ-\\nment and support of thousands of your poor by the colo-\\nnists, you are entirely to forget. But remember to make\\nyour arbitrary tax more grievous to your provinces, by\\npublic declarations importing that your power of taxing\\nthem has no limits so that, when you take from them\\nwithout their consent a shilling in the pound, you have a\\nclear right to the other nineteen. This will probably\\nweaken every idea of security in their property, and con-\\nvince them, that under such a government they have\\nnothing they can call their own which can scarce fail of\\nproducing the happiest consequences\\n10. Possibly, indeed, some of them might still comfort\\nthemselves, and say, Though we have no property, we", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "3oS FRANKLIN\\nhave yet somethings left that is valuable we have consti-\\ntutional liberty, both of person and of conscience. This King-,\\nthese Lords, and these Commons, who it seems are too\\nremote from us to know us, and feel for us, cannot take\\nfrom us our Habeas Corpus right, or our right of trial by\\na jury of our neighbours they cannot deprive us of the\\nexercise of our religion, alter our ecclesiastical constitu-\\ntion, and compel us to be Papists, if they please, or Mahom-\\netans, To annihilate this comfort, begin by laws to per-\\nplex their commerce with infinite regulations, impossible\\nto be remembered and observed ordain seizures of their\\nproperty for every failure take away the trial of such\\nproperty by jury, and give it to arbitrary judges of your\\nown appointing, and of the lowest characters in the coun-\\ntry, whose salaries and emoluments are to arise out of the\\nduties or condemnations, and whose appointments are\\nduring pleasure. Then let there be a formal declaration\\nof both Houses, that opposition to your edicts is treason,\\nand that persons suspected of treason in the provinces\\nmay, according to some obsolete law, be seized and sent\\nto the metropolis of the empire for trial and pass an act,\\nthat those there charged with certain other offences, shall\\nbe sent away in chains from their friends and country to\\nbe tried in the same manner for felony. Then erect a\\nnew court of Inquisition among them, accompanied by an\\narmed force, with instructions to transport all such sus-\\npected persons to be ruined by the expense, if they bring\\nover evidences to prove their innocence, or be found\\nguilty and hanged, if they cannot afford it. And, lest the\\npeople should think you cannot possibly go any farther,\\npass another solemn declaratory act, that King, Lords,\\nCommons had, have, and of right ought to have, full\\npower and authority to make statutes of sufficient force\\nand validity to bind the unrepresented provinces in all\\ncases ivhatsoevcry This will include spiritual with tem-\\nporal, and, taken together, must operate wonderfully to\\nyour purpose by convincing them, that they are at pres-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 309\\nent under a power something like that spoken of in the\\nScriptures, which can not only kill their bodies, but damn\\ntheir souls to all eternity, by compelling them, if it pleases,\\nto worship the Devil.\\n11. To make your taxes more odious, and more likely\\nto procure resistance, send from the capital a board of\\nofficers to superintend the collection, composed of the most\\nindiscreet, ill-bred, and insolent you can find. Let these\\nhave large salaries out of the extorted revenue, and live\\nin open, grating luxury upon the sweat and blood of the\\nindustrious whom they are to worry continually with\\ngroundless and expensive prosecutions before the above-\\nmentioned arbitrary revenue judges all at the cost of the\\nparty prosecuted, though acquitted, because the King is\\nto pay no costs. Let these men, by your order, be exempted\\nfrom all the common taxes and burdens of the province,\\nthough they and their property are protected by its laws.\\nIf any revenue officers are suspected of the least tender-\\nness for the people, discard them. If others are justly\\ncomplained of, protect and reward them. If any of the\\nunder officers behave so as to provoke the people to drub\\nthem, promote those to better offices this will encourage\\nothers to procure for themselves such profitable drub-\\nbings, by multiplying and enlarging such provocations,\\nand all will work towards the end you aim at.\\n12. Another way to make your tax odious, is to mis-\\napply the produce of it. If it was originally appropriated\\nfor the defence of the provinces, and the better support of\\ngovernment, and the administration of justice, where it\\nmay be necessary then apply none of it to that defence\\nbut bestow it where it is not necessary, in augmenting\\nsalaries or pensions to every governor, who has distin-\\nguished himself by his enmity to the people, and by\\ncalumniating them to their sovereign. This will make\\nthem pay it more unwillingly, and be more apt to quarrel\\nwith those that collect it and those that impose it who\\nwill quarrel again with them and all shall contribute to", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "3IO\\nFRANKLIN\\nyour own purpose, of making them weary of your govern-\\nment.\\n13. If the people of any province have been accus-\\ntomed to support their own governors and jiidges to satisfac-\\ntion, you are to apprehend that such governors and judges\\nmay be thereby influenced to treat the people kindly, and\\nto do them justice. This is another reason for applying\\npart of that revenue in larger salaries to such governors\\nand judges, given, as their commissions are, during your\\npleasure only forbidding them to take any salaries from\\ntheir provinces; that thus the people may no longer hope\\nany kindness from their governors, or (in crown cases) any\\njustice from their judges. And, as the money thus mis-\\napplied in one province is extorted from all, probably all\\nwill resent the misapplication.\\n14. If the Parliaments of your provinces should dare\\nto claim rights, or complain of your administration, order\\nthem to be harassed with repeated dissolutions. If the same\\nmen are continually returned by new elections, adjourn\\ntheir meetings to some country village, where they can-\\nnot be accommodated, and there keep them during pleas-\\nure for this, you know, is your prerogative and an\\nexcellent one it is, as you may manage it to promote dis-\\ncontents among the people, diminish their respect, and in-\\ncrease their disaffection.\\n15. Convert the brave, honest ofificers of your navy into\\npimping tide-waiters and colony officers of the ctistoms.\\nLet those, who in time of war fought gallantly in defence\\nof the commerce of their countrymen, in peace be taught\\nto prey upon it. Let them learn to be corrupted by great\\nand real smugglers; but (to show their diligence) scour\\nwith armed boats every bay, harbour, river, creek, cove,\\nor nook throughout the coast of your colonies stop and\\ndetain every coaster, every wood-boat, every fisherman\\ntumble their cargoes and even their ballast inside out and\\nupside down and, if a pennyworth of pins is found un-\\nentered, let the whole be seized and confiscated. Thus", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 311\\nshall the trade of your colonists suffer more from their\\nfriends in time of peace, than it did from their enemies in\\nwar. Then let these boats crews land upon every farm\\nin their way, rob their orchards, steal their pigs and poul-\\ntry, and insult the inhabitants. If the injured and exas-\\nperated farmers, unable to procure other justice, should\\nattack the aggressors, drub them, and burn their boats\\nyou are to call this high treason and rebellion, order fleets\\nand armies into their country, and threaten to carry all\\nthe offenders three thousand miles to be hanged, drawn,\\nand quartered. O this will work admirably\\n16. If you are told of discontents in your colonies, never\\nbelieve that they are general, or that you have given occa-\\nsion for them therefore do not think of applying any\\nremedy, or of changing any offensive measure. Redress\\nno grievance, lest they should be encouraged to demand\\nthe redress of some other grievance. Grant no request\\nthat is just and reasonable, lest they should make another\\nthat is unreasonable. Take all your informations of the\\nstate of the colonies from your governors and officers in\\nenmity with them. Encourage and reward these leasing-\\nmakers; secrete their lying accusations, lest they should\\nbe confuted; but act upon them as the clearest evidence;\\nand believe nothing you hear from the friends of the peo-\\nple. Suppose all their complaints to be invented and pro-\\nmoted by a few factious demagogues, whom if you could\\ncatch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and hang a\\nfew of them accordingly and the blood of the martyrs\\nshall work miracles in favor of your purpose.\\n17. If you see rival nations rejoicing at the prospect of\\nyour disunion with your provinces, and endeavouring to\\npromote it; if they translate, publish, and applaud all the\\ncomplaints of your discontented colonists, at the same\\ntime privately stimulating you to severer measures, let\\nnot that offend you. Why should it, since you all mean\\nthe same thing\\n18. If any colony should at their own charge erect a", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "212 FRANKLIN\\nfortress to secure their port against the fleets of a foreign\\nenemy, get your governor to betray that fortress into your\\nhands. Never think of paying what it cost the country,\\nfor that would look, at least, like some regard for justice\\nbut turn it into a citadel to awe the inhabitants and curb\\ntheir commerce. If they should have lodged in such for-\\ntress the very arms they bought and used to aid you in\\nyour conquests, seize them all it will provoke, like in-\\ngratitude added to robbery. One admirable effect of these\\noperations will be, to discourage every other colony from\\nerecting such defences, and so their and your enemies\\nmay more easily invade them to the great disgrace of\\nyour government, and of course the furtherance of your\\nproject.\\n19. Send armies into their country under pretence of\\nprotecting the inhabitants but, instead of garrisoning\\nthe forts on their frontiers with those troops, to pre-\\nvent incursions, demolish those forts, and order the\\ntroops into the heart of the country, that the savages\\nmay be encouraged to attack the frontiers, and that the\\ntroops may be protected by the inhabitants. This will\\nseem to proceed from your zvill or your ignorajice,\\nand contribute farther to produce and strengthen an\\nopinion among them, that you are no longer fit to govern\\nthem.\\n20. Lastly, invest the general of your army in the prov-\\nmces, with great and unconstitutional powers, and free\\nhim from the control of even your own civil governors.\\nLet him have troops enough under his command, with all\\nthe fortresses in his possession and who knows but (like\\nsome provincial generals in the Roman empire, and en-\\ncouraged by the universal discontent you have produced)\\nhe may take it into his head to set up for himself? If he\\nshould, and you have carefully practised the few excellent\\nrules of mine, take my word for it, all the provinces will\\nimmediately join him and you will that day (if you have\\nnot done it sooner) get rid of the trouble of governing", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n313\\nthem, and all the plagues attending their commerce and\\nconnexion from thenceforth and forever.\\nQ. E. D.\\nON A PROPOSED ACT OF PARLIAMENT FOR\\nPREVENTING EMIGRATION\\nTo the Printer of the Public Advertiser\\nSir: You give us in your paper of Tuesday, the i6th\\nof November, what is called The Plan of an Act to be\\nproposed at the next Meeting of Parliament, to prevent\\nthe Emigration of our People. I know not from what\\nauthority it comes but, as it is very circumstantial, I sup-\\npose some such plan may be really under consideration,\\nand that this is thrown out to feel the pulse of the public.\\nI shall therefore, with your leave, give my sentiments of\\nit in your paper.\\nDuring a century and a half that Englishmen have\\nbeen at liberty to remove if they pleased to America, we\\nhave heard of no law to restrain that liberty, and confine\\nthem as prisoners in this Island. Nor do we perceive any\\nill effects produced by their emigration. Our estates, far\\nfrom diminishing in value through a want of tenants, have\\nbeen in that period more than doubled the lands in gen-\\neral are better cultivated their increased produce finds a\\nready sale at an advanced price and the complaint has\\nbeen for some time not that we want mouths to consume\\nour meat, but that we want meat for our number of\\nmouths.\\nWhy then is such a restraining law w^zc; thought neces-\\nsary A paragraph in the same paper from the Edin-\\nburgh Courant, may perhaps throw some light upon this\\nquestion. We are there told, that one thousand five\\nhundred people have emigrated to the shores of America\\nfrom the shire of Sutherland within these two years, and\\ncarried with them seven thousand five hundred pounds\\nsterling, which exceeds a year s rent of the whole coun-\\nty that the single consideration of the misery which most", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "314\\nFRANKLIN\\nof these people must suffers America, independent of the\\nloss of men and money to the mother country, should en-\\ngage the attention, not only of the landed interest, but of\\nadministration^ The humane writer of this paragraph\\nmay, I fancy, console himself with the reflection, that per-\\nhaps the apprehended future sufferings of those emigrants\\nwill never exist for that it was probably the authentic\\naccounts they had received from friends already settled\\nthere, of the felicity to be enjoyed in that country, with a\\nthorough knowlege of their own misery at home, which\\ninduced their removal. And, as a politician, he may be\\ncomforted by assuring himself, that, if they really meet\\nwith greater misery in America, their future letters la-\\nmenting it, will be more credited than the Edinburgh\\nCourant, and effectually, without a law, put a stop to the\\nemigration. It seems some of the Scottish chiefs, who\\ndelight no longer to live upon their estates in the honor-\\nable independence they were born to, among their respect-\\ning tenants, but choose rather a life of luxury, though\\namong the dependents of a court, have lately raised their\\nrents most grievously, to support the expense. The con-\\nsuming of those rents in London, though equally prejudi-\\ncial to the poor county of Sutherland, no Edinburgh\\nnewspaper complains of; but now, that the oppressed\\ntenants take flight, and carry with them what might have\\nsupported the London landlord s magnificence, he begins\\nX.O feci for the Mother Country, and its enormous loss of\\nseven thousand five hundred pounds carried to her colo-\\nnies Administration is called upon to remedy the evil,\\nby another abridgment of English Liberty. And surely\\nadministration should do something for these gentry, as\\nthey do anything for administration.\\nBut is there not an easier remedy Let them return\\nto their family seats, live among their people, and, instead\\nof fleecing and skinning, patronize and cherish them pro-\\nmote their interest, encourage their industry, and make\\ntheir situation comfortable. If the poor folks are happier", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 315\\nat home than they can be abroad, they will not lightly be\\nprevailed with to cross the ocean. But can their lord\\nblame them for leaving home in search of better living,\\nwhen he first set them the example?\\nI would consider the proposed law,\\n1st. As to the NECESSITY of it\\nIf any country has more people than can be comfort-\\nably subsisted in it, some of those who are incommoded\\nmay be induced to emigrate. As long as the new situa-\\ntion shall he far preferable to the old, the emigration may\\npossibly continue. But when many of those who at home\\ninterfered with others of the same rank (in the competition\\nfor farms, shops, business, offices, and other means of sub-\\nsistence) are gradually withdrawn, the inconvenience of\\nthat competition ceases the number remaining no longer\\nhalf starve each other; they find they can now subsist\\ncomfortably, and though perhaps not quite so well as\\nthose who have left them, yet, the inbred attachment to\\na native country is sufficient to overbalance a moderate\\ndifference and thus the emigration ceases naturally. The\\nwaters of the ocean may move in currents from one quar-\\nter of the globe to another, as they happen in some cases\\nto be accumulated, and in others diminished but no law,\\nbeyond the law of gravity, is necessary to prevent their\\nabandoning any coast entirely. Thus the different de-\\ngrees of happiness of different countries and situations\\nfind, or rather make, their level by the flowing of people\\nfrom one to another and where that level is once found,\\nthe removals cease. Add to this, that even a real defi-\\nciency of people in any country, occasioned by a wasting\\nwar or pestilence, is speedily supplied by earlier and more\\nprolific marriages, encouraged by the greater facility of\\nobtaining the means of subsistence. So that a country\\nhalf depopulated would soon be re-peopled, till the means\\nof subsistence were equalled by the population. All in-\\ncrease beyond that point must perish, or flow off into", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "3i6 FRANKLIN\\nmore favorable situations. Such overflowings there have\\nbeen of mankind in all ages, or we should not now have\\nhad so many nations. But to apprehend absolute depopu-\\nlation from that cause, and call for a law to prevent it, is\\ncalling for a law to stop the Thames, lest its waters, by\\nwhat leave it daily at Gravesend, should be quite ex-\\nhausted. Such a law, therefore, I do not conceive to\\nbe Necessary.\\n2dly. As to the PRACTICABILITY\\nWhen I consider the attempts of this kind that have\\nbeen made, first in the time of Archbishop Laud, by orders\\nof Council, to stop the Puritans who were flying from his\\npersecutions into New England, and next by Louis the\\nFourteenth, to retain in his kingdom the persecuted Hu-\\nguenots and how ineffectual all the power of our crown,\\nwith which the Archbishop armed himself, and all the\\nmore absolute power of that great French monarch, were\\nto obtain the end for which they were exerted and when\\nI consider, too, the extent of coast to be guarded, and the\\nmultitude of cruisers necessary effectually to make a prison\\nof the Island for this confinement of free Englishmen, who\\nnaturally love liberty, and would probably by the very\\nrestraint be more stimulated to break through it I can-\\nnot but think such a law impracticable. The offices\\nwould not be applied to for licenses, the ports would\\nnot be used for embarkation. And yet the people dis-\\nposed to leave us, would, as the Puritans did, get away\\nby shipfuls.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^dly. As to the POLICY of the Law\\nSince I have shown there is no danger of depopulating\\nBritain but that the place of those that depart will soon\\nbe filled up equal to the means of obtaining a livelihood,\\nlet us see whether there are not some general advantages\\nto be expected from the present emigration. The new\\nsettlers in America finding plenty of subsistence, and land", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n317\\neasily acquired whereon to seat their children, seldom\\npostpone marriage through fear of poverty. Their\\nnatural increase is therefore in proportion far beyond\\nwhat it would have been, if they had remained here. New\\nfarms are daily everywhere forming in those immense\\nforests new towns and villages rising hence a growing\\ndemand for our merchandise, to the greater employment\\nof our manufacturers, and the enriching of our merchants.\\nBy this natural increase of the people, the strength of the\\nempire is increased men are multiplied, out of whom\\nnew armies may be formed on occasion, or the old\\nrecruited. The long extended sea coast, too, of that vast\\ncountry, the great maritime commerce of its ports with\\neach other, its many navigable rivers and lakes, and its\\nplentiful fisheries, breed multitudes of seamen, besides\\nthose created and supported by its voyages to Europe a\\nthriving nursery this, for the manning of our fleets in time\\nof war, and maintaining our importance among foreign\\nnations by that navy, which is also our best security\\nagainst invasions from our enemies. An extension of\\nempire by conquest of inhabited countries is not so easily\\nobtained, it is not so easily secured it alarms more the\\nneighboring states it is more subject to revolts, and more\\napt to occasion new wars.\\nThe increase of dominion by colonies proceeding from\\nyourselves, and by the natural growth of your own people,\\ncannot be complained of by your neighbors as an injury\\nnone have a right to be offended with it. Your new\\npossessions are therefore more secure, they are more\\ncheaply gained, they are attached to your nation by\\nnatural alliance and affection and thus they afford an\\nadditional strength more certainly to be depended on,\\nthan any that can be acquired by a conquering power,\\nthough at an immense expense of blood and treasure.\\nThese, methinks, are national advantages, that more than\\nequiponderate with the inconvenience suffered by a few\\nScotch or Irish landlords, who perhaps may find it neces-", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "3i8\\nFRANKLIN\\nsary to abate a little of their present luxury, or of those\\nadvanced rents they now so unfeelingly demand. From\\nthese considerations, I think I may conclude, that the re-\\nstraining law proposed would, if practicable, be IMPOLITIC.\\nA,thly. As to the JUSTICE of it\\nI apprehend that every Briton, who is made unhappy\\nat home, has a right to remove from any part of his King s\\ndominions into those of any other prince, where he can be\\nhappier. If this should be denied me, at least it will be\\nallowed that he has a right to remove into any other part\\nof the same dominions. For by this right so many Scotch-\\nmen remove into England, easing their own country of\\nits supernumeraries, and benefiting ours by their industry.\\nAnd this is the case with those who go to America. Will\\nnot these Scottish lairds be satisfied unless a law passes\\nto pin down all tenants to the estate they are born on,\\n{adscript glebes), to be bought and sold with it God has\\ngiven to the beasts of the forest, and the birds of the air,\\na right, when their subsistence fails in one country, to\\nmigrate to another, where they can get a more comfort-\\nable living; and shall man be denied a privilege enjoyed\\nby brutes, merely to gratify a few avaricious landlords\\nMust misery be made permanent and suffered by niajiy for\\nthe emolument of one while the increase of human beings\\nis prevented, and thousands of their offspring stifled as it\\nwere, in their birth, that this petty Pharaoh may enjoy an\\nexcess of opulence? God commands to increase and\\nreplenish the earth the proposed law would forbid\\nincreasing, and confine Britons to their present number,\\nkeeping half that number too in wretchedness. The\\ncommon people of Britain and of Ireland contributed by\\nthe taxes they paid, and by the blood they lost, to the\\nsuccess of that war, which brought into our hands the\\nvast unpeopled territories of North America a country\\nfavored by Heaven with all the advantages of climate and\\nsoil. Germans are now pouring into it, to take possession", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 319\\nof it, and fill it with their posterity and shall Britons\\nand Irelanders, who have a much better right to it,\\nbe forbidden a share of it, and, instead of enjoying-\\nthere the happiness and plenty that might reward their\\nindustry, be compelled to remain here in poverty and\\nmisery Considerations such as these persuade me,\\nthat the proposed law would be both UNJUST and inhu-\\nman.\\nIf then it is tuinecessary, impracticable, impolitic, and\\nunjust, I hope our Parliament will never receive the bill,\\nbut leave landlords to their own remedy, an abatement of\\nrents, and frugality of living and leave the liberties of\\nBritons and Irishmen at least as extensive as it found\\nthem. I am. Sir, yours, c.\\nA Friend to the Poor.\\nDR. franklin on METHODS OF SWIMMING\\nTo Monsieur Dubourg, 1763\\nWhen I was a boy, I made two oval palettes, each\\nabout ten inches long, and six broad, with a hole for the\\nthumb, in order to retain it fast in the palm of my hand.\\nThey much resembled a painter s palettes. In swimming\\nI pushed the edges of these forward, and I struck the\\nwater with their flat surfaces, as I drew them back. I\\nremember I swam faster by means of these palettes, but\\nthey fatigued my wrists. I also fitted to the soles of my\\nfeet a kind of sandals but I was not satisfied with them,\\nbecause I observed that the stroke is partly given by the\\ninside of the feet and the ancles, and not entirely with\\nthe soles of the feet.\\nI know by experience, that it is a great comfort to a\\nswimmer, who has a considerable distance to go, to turn\\nhimself sometimes on his back, and to vary in other re-\\nspects the means of procuring a progressive motion.\\nWhen he is seized with the cramp in the leg, the\\nmethod of driving it away is, to give the parts affected a", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "320\\nFRANKLIN\\nsudden, vigorous, and violent shock which he may do in\\nthe air as he swims on his back.\\nDuring the great heats of summer there is no danger\\nin bathing, however warm we may be, in rivers which\\nhave been thoroughly warmed by the sun. But to throw\\none s self into cold spring-water, when the body has been\\nheated by exercise in the sun, is an imprudence which\\nmay prove fatal. I once knew an instance of four young\\nmen who, having worked at harvest in the heat of the\\nday, with a view of refreshing themselves plunged into a\\nstream of cold water; two died upon the spot, a third the\\nnext morning, and the fourth recovered with great dif-\\nficulty. A copious draught of cold water, in similar cir-\\ncumstances, is frequently attended with the same effect\\nin North America.\\nThe exercise of swimming is one of the most healthy\\nand agreeable in the world. After having swam for an\\nhour or two in the evening, one sleeps coolly the whole\\nnight, even during the most ardent heat of summer. Per-\\nhaps, the pores being cleansed, the insensible perspiration\\nincreases and occasions this coolness. It is certain that\\nmuch swimming is the means of stopping a diarrhoea, and\\neven of producing a constipation.\\nYou will not be displeased if I conclude these hasty\\nremarks by informing you, that as the ordinary method\\nof swimming is reduced to the act of rowing with the\\narms and legs, and is consequently a laborious and fatigu-\\ning operation when the space of water to be crossed is\\nconsiderable there is a method in which a swimmer may\\npass to great distances with much facility, by means of\\na sail. This discovery I fortunately made by accident,\\nand in the following manner. When I was a boy I\\namused myself one day with flying a paper kite and ap-\\nproaching the bank of a pond, which was near a mile\\nbroad, I tied the string to a stake, and the kite ascended\\nto a very considerable height above the pond, while I\\nwas swimming. In a little time, being desirous of amus-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n321\\ning myself with my kite, and enjoying at the same time\\nthe pleasure of swimming, I returned and loosing from\\nthe stake the string with the little stick which was fast-\\nened to it, went again into the water, where I found, that,\\nlying on my back and holding the stick in my hands, I\\nwas drawn along the surface of the water in a very agree-\\nable manner. Having then engaged another boy to carry\\nmy clothes around the pond, to a place which I pointed\\nout to him on the other side, I began to cross the pond\\nwith my kite, which carried me quite over without the\\nleast fatigue, and with the greatest pleasure imaginable.\\nI was only obliged occasionally to halt a little in my\\ncourse, and resist its progress, when it appeared that, by\\nfollowing too quick, I lowered the kite too much by\\ndoing which occasionally I made it rise again. I have\\nnever since that time practiced this singular mode of\\nswimming, though I think it not impossible to cross in\\nthis manner from Dover to Calais. The packet-boat,\\nhowever, is still preferable. B. Franklin.\\nImmediately after the proceeding s before the privy council, Dr.\\nFranklin was dismissed from the office of deputy postmaster-general,\\nwhich he had held under the crown. It was not only by the transmis-\\nsion of the letters of Governor Bernard and Lieutenant-Governor Hutch-\\ninson that he had given offence to the British ministry, but by his popular\\nwritings in favor of America.\\nDr. Franklin, at this momentous period, was unceasing in his en-\\ndeavors to induce the British Government to change its measures with\\nrespect to the colonies. In private conversations, in letters to persons\\nconnected with government, and in writings in the public prints, he con-\\ntinually expatiated upon the impolicy and injustice of its conduct toward\\nAmerica and stated in the most energetic manner, that notwithstanding\\nthe sincere attachment of the colonists to the mother country, a continu-\\nance of ill-treatment must ultimately alienate their affections. The min-\\nisters listened not to his advice and solemn warnings they blindly perse-\\nvered in their own schemes, and left to the Americans no alternative but\\nopposition or unconditional submission.\\nDr. Franklin, thus finding all his efforts to .estore harmony between\\nGreat Britain and her colonies ineffectual, and being looked upon by Gov-\\nernment with a jealous eye, who, it was said, entertained some thoughts\\nai", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "322 FRANKLIN\\nof arresting him. under the pretense of his having fomented a rebellion in\\nthe colonies (of which he received private intimation), determined on im-\\nmediately returning to America, and to this effect embarked from Eng-\\nland in March, 1775.\\nDuring his homeward voyage he drew up a clear statement of such\\ninterviews ar.d negotiations as he had had with members of the Govern-\\nment, as well as with friends of America in public life. From this paper\\nthe following extract is taken\\nI had promised Lord Chatham to communicate to him\\nthe first important news I should receive from America.\\nI therefore sent him the proceedings of the Congress as\\nsoon as I received them.\\nOn Mondav the 26th, I got out, and was there about\\none o clock he received me with an affectionate kind of\\nrespect, that from so great a man was extremely engag-\\ning but the opinion he expressed of the Congress was\\nstill more so. They had acted, he said, with so much\\ntemper, moderation, and wisdom, that he thought it the\\nmost honorable assembly of statesmen since those of the\\nancient Greeks and Romans, in the most virtuous times.\\nHe thought the petition decent, manly, and properly ex-\\npressed. He inquired much, and particularlv concerning\\nthe state of America, the probabilit)^ of their persever-\\nance, the difficulties they must meet with in adhering\\nfor any long time to their resolutions, the resources they\\nmight have to supply the deficiencies of commerce to\\nall which I gave him answers with which he seemed well\\nsatisfied.\\nHe expressed a great regard and warm affection for\\nthat country, with hearty wishes for their prosperitv\\nand that government here might soon come to see its\\nmistakes, and rectifv them and intimated that he might,\\nif his health permitted, prepare something for its con-\\nsideration when the Parliament should meet after the\\nholidavs on which he should wish to have previously my\\nsentiments. I mentioned to him the very hazardous state\\nI conceived we were in. bv the continuance of the army", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n323\\nin Boston that the army could not possibly answer any\\ngood purpose there, and might be infinitely mischievous\\nthat no accommodation could properly be proposed and\\nentered into by the Americans, while the bayonet was at\\ntheir breasts that to have any agreement binding, all force\\nshould be withdrawn. His lordship seemed to think that\\nthese sentiments had something in them that was reason-\\nable.\\nUpon another occasion, in an interview with Dr. Fothergill, a sin-\\ncere friend to Anierici, Dr. Franklin tlms records a part of the conversation\\nWe had not at this time a great deal of conversation\\nupon these points for I shortened it by observing, that\\nwhile the Parliament claimed and exercised a power of\\naltering our constitutions at pleasure, there could be no\\nagreement for we were rendered unsafe in every privi-\\nlege we had a right to, and were secure in nothing. And\\nit being hinted how necessary an agreement was for\\nAmerica, since it was so easy for Britain to burn all our\\nseaport towns, I grew warm, said that the chief part of\\nmy little property consisted of houses in those towns\\nthat they might make bonfires of them whenever they\\npleased that the fear of losing them would never alter\\nmy resolution to resist to the last that claim of Parliament\\nand that it behoved this country to take care what mis-\\nchief it did us for that sooner or later it would certainly\\nbe obliged to make good all damages with interest.\\nRETURN TO PHILADELPHIA, MAY. 1775\\nAfter a very pleasant passage of about six weeks, Dr. Franklin arrived\\nat the Capes of Delaware, was landed at Chester, and thence proceeded by\\nland to Philadelpliia. where every mark of respect, attachment, and ven-\\neration was shown hini by his fellow-citizens and the very day after his\\narrival he was elected by the Legislature of Pennsylvania a delegate to\\nCongress. In short, his public services met with the most flattering re-\\nwards that a patriot could possibly desire.\\nShortly after his arrival, he thus notices the then existing state of the\\ncolonies, in a letter of May i6th, 1775, to a friend in London", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "324\\nFRANKLIN\\nYou will have heard before this reaches you, of a\\nmarch stolen by the British troops into the country at\\nnight, and of their expedition back again. They retreated\\ntwenty miles in six hours.\\nThe Governor of Massachusetts had called the Assem-\\nbly to propose Lord North s pacific plan but before the\\ntime of their meeting, began cutting of throats you know\\nit was said he carried the sword in one hand, and the olive\\nbraneh in the other and it seems he chose to gfive them a\\ntaste of the sivord first. He is doubling his fortifications\\nat Boston, and hopes to secure his troops till succor\\narrives. The place, indeed, is naturally so defensible,\\nthat I think them in no danger.\\nAll America is exasperated by his conduct, and more\\nfirmly united than ever. The breach between the two\\ncountries is grown wider, and in danger of becoming\\nirreparable.\\nThe following letter was written soon after the first blood of the\\nRevolution had been shed at Lexington aiid Bunker Hill\\nPhiladelphia, 5 July, 1775.\\nMr. Straiian You are a Member of Parliament, and\\none of that majority which has doomed my country to\\ndestruction. You have begun to burn our towns, and\\nmurder our people. Look upon your hands, they are\\nstained with the blood of vour relations You and I were\\nlong friends you are now my enemy, and I am,\\nYours,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY\\nPhiladelphia, 7 July, 1775.\\nThe Congress met at a time when all minds were so\\nexasperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his\\nattack on the countrv people, that propositions for attempt-\\ning an accommodation were not much relished and it\\nThis was the Lexington skirmish, April 19th, 1775. A. R. S.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 325\\nhas been with difficulty that we have carried in that\\nassembly another humble petition to the crown, to give\\nBritain one more chance, one opportunity more, of recov-\\nering the friendship of the colonies which, however, I\\nthink she has not sense enough to embrace, and so I con-\\nelude she has lost them for ever.\\nShe has begun to burn our seaport towns secure, I\\nsuppose, that we shall never be able to return the outrage\\nin kind. She may doubtless destroy them all but, if she\\nwishes to recover our commerce, are these the probable\\nmeans? She must certainly be distracted for no trades-\\nman out of Bedlam ever thought of increasing the number\\nof his customers, by knocking them on the head or of\\nenabling them to pay their debts, by burning their houses.\\nIf she wishes to have us subjects, and that we should sub-\\nmit to her as our compound sovereign, she is now giving\\nus such miserable specimens of her government, that we\\nshall ever detest and avoid it, as a complication of robbery,\\nmurder, famine, fire, and pestilence.\\nYou will have heard before this reaches you, of the\\ntreacherous conduct of General Gage to the remaining\\npeople in Boston, in detaining their goods, after stipulating\\nto let them go out with their effects, on pretence that\\nmerchants goods were not effects the defeat of a great\\nbody of his troops by the country people at Lexington\\nsome other small advantages gained in skirmishes with\\ntheir troops; and the action at Bunker s Hill, in which\\nthey were twice repulsed, and the third time gained a dear\\nvictory. Enough has happened, one would think, to con-\\nvince your ministers, that the Americans will fight, and\\nthat this is a harder nut to crack than they imagined.\\nWe have not yet applied to any foreign power for\\nassistance, nor offered our commerce for their friendship.\\nPerhaps we never may yet it is natural to think of it, if\\nwe are pressed. We have now an army on the establish-\\nment, which still holds yours besieged. My time was\\nnever more fully employed. In the morning at six, I am", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "326 FRANKLIN\\nat the Committee of Safety, appointed by the Assembly to\\nput the province in a state of defence which committee\\nholds till near nine, when I am at the Congress, and that\\nsits till after four in the afternoon. Both these bodies pro-\\nceed with the greatest unanimity, and their meetings are\\nwell attended. It will scarce be credited in Britain, that\\nmen can be as diligent with us from zeal for the public\\ngood, as with you for thousands per annum. Such is the\\ndifference between uncorrupted new states, and corrupted\\nold ones.\\nGreat frugality and great industry are now become\\nfashionable here. Gentlemen, who used to entertain with\\ntwo or three courses, pride themselves now in treating\\nwith simple beef and pudding. By these means, and the\\nstoppage of our consumptive trade with Britain, we shall\\nbe better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support\\nof our troops. Our savings in the article of trade amount\\nto near five million sterling per annum. Believe me\\never, c. B. Franklin.\\nIn October, 1775, Franklin was appointed by Cong-ress, jointly\\nwith his colleagues. Colonel Harrison and Mr. Lynch, a committee to\\nvisit the American camp at Cambridge, and, in conjunction with the com-\\nmander-in-chief (General Washington), to endeavour to convince the\\ntroops, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, of the necessity of\\ntheir continuing in the field and persevering in the cause of their coun-\\ntry. He was afterward sent on a mission to Canada, to endeavour to\\nunite that country to the common cause of liberty. But the Canadians\\ncould not be prevailed upon to oppose the measures of the British Gov-\\nernment.\\nIt was on the fourth day of July, 1776, that the thirteen English colo-\\nnies in America declared themselves free and independent states, and by\\nan act of Congress abjured all allegiance to the British crown, and re-\\nnounced all political connection with Great Britain. In the beginning of\\n1776, an act of the British Parliament passed, to prohibit and restrain, on\\nthe one hand, the trade and intercourse of the refractory colonies, respec-\\ntively, during their revolt and, on the other hand, to enable persons ap-\\npointed by the British king to grant pardons, and declare any particular\\ndistrict in the king s peace, etc. Lord Howe (who had been previously\\nappointed commander of the British fleet in North America) was on", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n327\\nMay 3 AtcXsirtdijomt commissioner W\\\\\\\\.\\\\\\\\ his brother. General Howe, for\\nthe latter purposes of the act. Lord Howe took occasion to publish\\neverywhere that he had proposals to make on the part of Great Britain\\ntending io peace and reconciliation, and that he was ready to communi-\\ncate them. The Congress were of opinion that the admiral could have\\nno terms to offer but such as the act of Parliament empowered him to\\noffer, which were pardon upon submission yet, as the people might\\nimagine more, and be uneasy if he were not heard, they appointed three\\nof their body Messrs. Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge to meet him.\\nHe seemed to have flattered himself that the Congress, humbled by their\\nlate losses, would have been submissive and compliant. He found him-\\nself mistaken. The committee told him firmly that if he had nothing else\\nto propose he was come too late the humble petitions of Congress had\\nbeen rejected with contempt, independence was now declared, and the\\nnew government formed. And when, in cajoling them, he expressed his\\naffection for America, his concern in viewing her dangerous situation,\\nand said that to see her fall would give him the same pain as to see a\\nbrother fall, they answered that it was kind, but America would en-\\ndeavour to spare him that pain. They returned and reported the confer-\\nence to Congress, who published it, and the people were satisfied that\\nthey had no safety to expect but in arms.\\nDr. Franklin, who had known Lord Howe in London, received from\\nhis lordship, on occasion of this embassy, a conciliatory letter, assuring\\nhim of his personal regard, to which Franklin replied as follows\\nTO LORD HOWE\\nPhiladelphia, July 20, 1776.\\nMy Lord I received safe the letters your lordship\\nso kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my\\nthanks. The official dispatches to which you refer me\\ncontain nothing more than what we had seen in the act\\nof Parliament, viz. offers of pardon upon submission\\nwhich I am sorry to find, as it must give your lordship\\npain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business. Direct-\\ning pardons to be offered to the colonies, who are the\\nvery parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our\\nignorance, baseness, and insensibility, which your unin.\\nformed and proud nation has long been pleased to enter-\\ntain of us but it can have no other effect than that of\\nincreasing our resentment. It is impossible we should", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "S FRANKLIN\\nthink of submission to a government that has with a most\\nwanton barbarity and cruelty burnt our defenceless\\ntowns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to mas-\\nsacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters,\\naiul is even now bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge\\nour settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries\\nhave extinguished everv remaining spark of atTection for\\nthat parent country we once held so dear but were it\\npossible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not pos-\\nsible for you mean the British nation^ to forgive the\\npeople vou haye so hoayilv injured vou can never con-\\nhde again in those as tellow subjects, and permit them to\\nenjoy equal freedom, to whom vou know you have given\\nsuch just cause of lasting enmity. And this must compel\\nvou. were we again under your government, to endeavor\\nthe breaking our spirit by the severest tyranny, and ob-\\nstructing by every means in your power, our growing\\nstrength and prosperity.\\nBut vour lordship mentions the king s paternal solici-\\ntude for promoting the establishment of lasting /^iw^ and\\nunion with the colonies, If by peace is here meant a\\npeace to be entered into between Britain and America, as\\ndistinct states now at war. and his majesty has given vour\\nlordship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may\\nventure to sav. though without authority, that I think a\\ntreatv for that purpose not quite impracticable, before we\\nenter into foreign alliances. But 1 am persuaded vou have\\nno such powers. Your nation, though bv punishing those\\nAmerican governors who have created and fomented the\\ndiscord, rebuilding our burnt towns and repairing as far as\\npossible the mischiefs done us. might vet recover a great\\nshare of our regard, and the greatest part of our growing\\ncommerce, with all the advantage of that additional\\nstrength to be derived from a friendship with us but I\\nknow too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom,\\nto believe she will ever take such salutary measures.\\nHer fondness for conquest as a warlike nation, her lust", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESrONDENCE\\n329\\nfor dominion as an ambitious one, and her thirst for a gain-\\nful monopoly as a commercial one (none of them legiti-\\nmate causes of war) will all join to hide from her eyes\\nevery view of her true interests, and continually goad her\\non in those ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive\\nboth of lives and treasure, that must prove as pernicious\\nto her in the end as the croisades formerly were to most\\nof the nations of Europe.\\n1 have not the vanity, my lord, to think of intimidat-\\ning by thus predicting the elTects of this war; for I know\\nit will in England have the fate of all mv former predic-\\ntions, not to be believed till the event shall verify it.\\nLong did 1 endeavor, with unfeigned and unwearied\\nzeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble China\\nvase, the British empire for I knew that being once\\nbroken, the separate parts could not retain even their\\nshare of the strength or value that existed in the whole.\\nand that a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce\\never be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remem-\\nber the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, at your\\ngood sister s in London, you once gave me expectations\\nthat a reconciliation might soon take place. I had the\\nmisfortune to find those expectations disappointed, and\\nto be treated as the cause of the mischief I was laborins:\\nto prevent, Mv consolation under that groundless and\\nmalevolent treatment was. that I retained the friendship\\nof many wise and good men in that countrv. and among\\nthe rest, some share in the regard of Lord Howe.\\nThe well-tounded esteem, and permit me to say. affec-\\ntion, which 1 shall alwavs have for vour lordship, makes\\nit painful to me to see you engaged in conducting a war,\\nthe great ground of which, as expressed in your letter, is\\nthe necessity of preventing the American trade from\\npassing into foreign channels. To me it seems that\\nneither the obtaining or retaining of anv trade, how valu-\\nable soever, is an object for which men mav justly spill\\neach other s blood that the true and sure means of ex-", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "330\\nFRANKLIN\\ntending and securing commerce, is the goodness and\\ncheapness of commodities and that the profit of no trade\\ncan ever be equal to the expense of compelling it, and of\\nholding it by fieets and armies.\\nI consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust\\nand unwise and I am persuaded that cool dispassionate\\nposterity, will condemn to infamy those who advised it\\nand that even success will not save from some degree of\\ndishonor, those who voluntarily engaged to conduct it.\\nI know your great motive of coming hither was the\\nhope of being instrumental in a reconciliation and I be-\\nlieve when you find that impossible on any terms given\\nyou to propose, you will relinquish so odious a command,\\nand return to a more honorable private station.\\nWith the greatest and most sincere respect, I have\\nthe honor to be, my Lord, your lordship s most obedient\\nhumble servant, B. Franklin.\\nA convention was assembled at Philadelphia, in July, 1776, for the\\npurpose of settling a new form of government for the then State of Penn-\\nsylvania. Dr. Franklin was chosen president of this convention. The\\nconstitution formed at that period for Pennsylvania was the result of the\\ndeliberations of that assembly, and may be considered as a digest of Dr.\\nFranklin s principles of government. The single legislature and the\\nplural executive appear to have been his favorite tenets.\\nAmerican paper money beginning about this time to fall into dis-\\nrepute, and immediate supplies of arms arid ammunition for the use of\\nthe army being absolutely necessary. Congress turned their attention\\ntoward Europe, and to France in particular, for the purpose of obtain-\\ning aids in money and military stores, as the only means of resist-\\ning the power of Great Britain and preserving their newly acquired\\nindependence.\\nIn the latter end of 1776 a commission was appointed for this object,\\nand Dr. Franklin, though then in his seventy-first year, was considered,\\nfrom his talents as a statesman and reputation as a philosopher, the\\nmost suitable person to effect the desired end, and was consequently\\nnominated Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the court of France, in con-\\njunction with Silas Deane and Arthur Lee, Esquires the former had\\nalready been sent to Europe for the purpose of secretly obtaining and\\nforwarding warlike stores, etc., and the other had been employed by", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n331\\nCongress as a private and confidential agent in England. Dr. Franklin\\nset off on this important mission from Philadelphia, October 26, 1776, ac-\\ncompanied by his two grandchildren, William Temple Franklin and\\nBenjamin Franklin Bache they embarked in the United States sloop of\\nwar Reprisal, mounting sixteen guns, and commanded by Captain\\nWickes. During the passage Dr. Franklin made daily experiments, by\\nmeans of the thermometer, of the temperature of the sea-water, as he had\\ndone on similar occasions, and with the same view, of ascertaining the\\nship s being in or otit of the Gulf Stream, and more or less within sound-\\nings. The sloop was frequently chased during the voyage by British\\ncruisers, and several times prepared for action but being a good sailer,\\nand the captain having received orders, not unnecessarily to risk an en-\\ngagement, she as oflen escaped her pursuers. On the 29th (November)\\nshe ran into Quiberon Bay, where she continued till December 3d, where,\\nfinding the contrary winds likely to continue, which prevented her enter-\\ning the Loire, the captain procured a fishing-boat to put Dr. Franklin and\\nhis grandsons on shore at Auray, about six leagues distant, where they\\nwere landed in the evening.\\nArriving at Nantes on the 7th of December, a grand dinner was pre-\\npared on the occasion by some friends of America, at which Dr. Franklin\\nwas present, and in the afternoon went to meet a large party at the\\ncountry seat of M. Gruel, a short distance from town, where crowds of\\nvisitors came to compliment him on his safe arrival, expressing great\\nsatisfaction, as they were warm friends to America, and hoped his being\\nin France would be an advantage to the American cause, etc. A mag-\\nnificent supper closed the evening.\\nBeing much fatigued and weakened by the voyage and journey, Dr.\\nFranklin was persuaded to remain at M. Gruel s country house, where he\\nwas elegantly and commodiously lodged his strength, indeed, was not\\nequal to an immediate journey to Paris. During his stay at M. Gruel s\\nhe was in hopes of living retired, but the house was almost always full of\\nvisitors, from whom, however, much useful information was obtained\\nrespecting the state of affairs at court and the character of the persons\\nin power, etc. Dr. Franklin also learnt, with great satisfaction, that a\\nsupply had been obtained from the French Government of two hundred\\nbrass field-pieces, thirty thousand fire-locks, and some other military\\nstores, which were then shipping for America, and would be convoyed by\\na ship of war.\\nOn the 1 5th of December Dr. Franklin left Nantes, and shortly after\\narrived safely at Paris, where he continued to reside till the 7th of January\\nfollowing, when he removed with his family to Passy (a village beauti-\\nfully situated about a league from the capital) and took up his abode in a\\nlarge and handsome house, with extensive gardens, belonging to M. Le", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "FRANKLIN\\nK.w de Chaumont. a great and useful friend to the American cause.\\nHere Dr. Franklin continuevi during the whole of his residence in France\\nbeing about eight years and a half.\\nDr. Franklin was prh\\\\xteiy received wth eN er demonstration of\\nregard and respect by the Minister for Foreign .Affairs, M. le Comte ue\\nVcrgennes. who assured him and the other American commissioners that\\nthey should personally enjoy in France toute la surete e: tous les agre-\\nments que nous y tlxisons epa^uver aux etrangers,\\nA conviction of the adv;uuages to be derived fn m a commercial inter-\\ncourse with America, and a desire of we.\\\\kening the British empire by\\ndisniembering it. induced the French court secretly to gi\\\\-e assistance ia\\nmilitary stores to the Americans, and to listen to propcvs^ds of an alliance.\\nBut they at first showed rather a reluctance to the latter nieasure. which.\\nho\\\\N e\\\\ er. by Dr. Franklin s address, aided by a subsequent imponant\\nsuccess attending the Americm ..iniis, was e -entually overcome.\\nEariv in January. 1777. Dr. Franklin went to er5..ulles with his col-\\nleagues and. acconiing to their instructions from Congress, communicated\\nto the Count de X erg^nnes, Minister for Foreign .Affairs^ certain proposals\\nin writing, to induce the Government of France to take a decided part in\\nfeivor of the I nitcd States, and send a cert^iin number of ships of the\\nline and frigates to act against the British on the ovist of America.\\nBut no answer was then obtained to these proposals, that Govern-\\nment not being then prepared to interfere ff^fith in regard to the existing\\ndispute. France had, indeed, suffered so much in the preceding war\\nwith Great Britain that there was prv. bably no Frenchman who did not\\nwish for a diminution of the power and resounres of this nation, and\\nthere were but few who did not perceix e that this reviuction wxmld in a\\nconsiderable degree be effected by a /ri.\\\\V\u00c2\u00abif .i/j wMt of the subsisting coi\u00c2\u00bb-\\ntest with America, in whate\\\\-er way it might ultimately tenninate and\\ntherefore, though the French Go\\\\-emment did not think it prudent to\\nrisk the cv nse juences of a N\\\\-ar with Great Britain until the colonies, or\\nUnited States of Anwrica. should ha\\\\-e sufficiently manitested both their\\nmhciitr and J ftfrmin,.tts\\\\ n to p^frsin-ffrf in contending (rtncaciously for\\ntheir independence, it was convinced of the impolicy of exposing the latter\\nto the necessity of sudrnzttii^ to Great Britain by any want of arms. et x,\\nto defend then sel\\\\-es. and protect their resistance. It had. therefore,\\npreWous to Dr. Franklin s arri\\\\-al. at the solicitatic\u00c2\u00ab of Mr. Deane. deter-\\nminevi jcrt-: .-*t *V to afforvi a considerable supply of artillery, amts, and miB-\\ntary stores to the American Congress, and for this purpose the celebrated\\nCaron de Beaumarchais was employed as an i^sttrmsi^ltr agent in this busi-\\nness and. the better to conceal the origin and nature of this trsxnsaction.\\nhe established a coraraereial house at Paris tinder the firm of Rod\u00c2\u00abTgue\\nHortale^ Ca And though he ^^^is in fact supplied with such arti-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 333\\nclos as could be spared from the arsenals of France, and with money\\nto purchase the others by the French Ciovernnient, he recjuired and ob-\\ntained from Mr. Deane a stipulation that Congress should deliver to his\\nagents tobacco and other American productions to the amount of the\\narticles supplied, after which these articles were shipped for America at\\nditTerent times and in ditVerent vessels. One of these was the Aniphiirite,\\na large ship, from which were landed in New Hampshire the artiller)\\namis, etc.. which were employed in the capture of General Burgoyne s\\nannv. But previously to that event the British troops had obtained im-\\nportant advantages in other parts of America, and in consequence thereof\\nLortl Stormont had complained to the French court in such energetic\\nand menacing terms of the assistance atTorded by Fratice to the Ameri-\\ncan Congress that an immediate rupture with Great Britain was appre-\\nhended.\\nThe American commissioners began privately to grant letters of\\nmarque to a number of French-American privateers, which harassed the\\nEnglish coasting trade, intercepted a great number of British merchant\\nvessels, and took many prisoners. Lord Stormont, his Britannic Majesty s\\nambassador at Versailles, when applied to by the American commis-\\nsioners relative to an exchange of those prisoners, haughtily and unfeel-\\ningly gave them tor answer that he received no letters from rebels,\\nunless they were to petition his Majesty s pardon or words to that\\neffect. His lordship presented several memorials to the French minister,\\ncomplaining of the equipment of American vessels in the ports of France,\\nbringing in of their prices, etc., and of the assistance France was under-\\nhandedly aft ording the insurgents, demanding at the same time a cate-\\ngorical answer respecting such conduct. On this occasion Count de\\nVergennes affected to remonstrate with the American commissioners, and\\non the i6th of Julv. 1777, wrote to them that they had exceeded the\\nbounds limited at their first interview with him.\\nIn the midst of this supposed gloomy state of affairs in America, the\\nnews of the surrender of the British army commanded by General Bur-\\ngoyne to that of the Americans under General Gates, at Saratoga, on the\\n17th of October, 1777, arrived in France, and at the verj- moment when the\\nFrench cabinet was undecided as yet in regard to the steps to be adopted\\nby the United States. This memorable event immediately turned the\\nscale, and tixed the French nation in their attachment to the infant re-\\npublic.\\nThe news of the defeat and capture of this British general and his\\nwhole army was received in France Nvith as great demonstrations of joy\\nas if it had been a \\\\ictor) gained by their own arms. Dr. Franklin took\\nadvantage of this circumstance, and suggested to the French ministry\\nthat there was not a moment to be lost if they wished to secure the", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "334 FRANKLIN\\nfriendship of America, and detach her entirely from the mother country\\nUrged by these considerations, and fearful lest an accommodation might\\ntake place between Great Britain and her colonies, the court of France\\ninstantly determined to declare its intentions, and accordingly, on the 6th\\nof December, 1777, M. Gerard, Secretary to the Council of State, repaired\\nto the hotel of the American commissioners and informed them, by order\\nof the King, that after long and mature deliberation upon their propo-\\nsitions, his JNIajesty had resolved to recognize the independence of, and\\nto enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of\\nAmerica and that he would not only acknowledge their independence,\\nbut actually support it with all the means in his power that perhaps he\\nwas about to engage himself in an expensive war upon their account, but\\nthat he did not expect to be reimbursed by them in tine, the Americans\\nwere not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a\\nview of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to\\nthem and their cause, it was evidently the interest of France to diminish\\nthe power of England by severing her colonies from her.\\nIn consequence of this amicable and frank declaration treaties were\\nsoon after entered upon with M. Gerard, who on the 30th of January,\\n1778, had received two distinct commissions from the King for that pur-\\npose. And on the 6th day of February- following a treaty of amity and\\ncommerce, and another of alliance eventual and defensive, between his\\nmost Christian Majesty and the thirteen United States of North America,\\nwere concluded and signed at Paris by the respective plenipotentiaries.\\nThis forms a memorable epoch in the political life of Dr. Franklin, as\\nwell as in the annals of the United States, because it was in a great\\nmeasure owing to the aid derived from this powerful alliance that the\\nAmerican colonies were enabled to resist the mother country, and even-\\ntually to establish their independence.\\nHostilities now commenced between Great Britain and France, and\\nthe American commissioners plenipotentiary were immediately presented\\nat court in their public character with the accustomed forms, and were\\nvery graciously received by the King and all the royal family.\\nA French historian, M. Hilliard d Auberteuil, thus notices Dr. Frank-\\nlin s first appearance at the court of Versailles\\nHis age, his venerable appearance, the simplicity of\\nhis dress on such an occasion, everything that was either\\nsingular or respectable in the life of this American, con-\\ntributed to augment the public attention. Clapping of\\nhands and a variety of other demonstrations of joy\\nannounced that warmth of affection of which the French", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 335\\nare more susceptible than any other people, and of which\\ntheir politeness and civility augments the charm to him\\nwho is the object of it.\\nDr. Franklin was undoubtedly the fittest person that could have been\\nfound for rendering essential services to the United Slates at the court of\\nFrance. He was well known as a philosopher throughout all Europe, and\\nhis character was held in the highest estimation. In France he was\\nreceived with the greatest marks of respect by all the literary characters,\\nand this was extended among all classes of men, and particularly at the\\ncourt. His personal influence was hence very considerable. To the\\neffects of this were added those of various writings which he published,\\ntending to establish the credit and character of the United States and to\\nhis exertions in this way may in no small degree be ascribed not only the\\nfree gifts obtained from the French Government, but also the loans\\nnegotiated in Holland, which greatly contributed to bring the war to a\\nfavorable conclusion and the establishment of American independence.\\nTO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY\\nParis, 27 January, 1777.\\nI rejoice to hear of your continual progress in those\\nuseful discoveries I find that you have set all the phi-\\nlosophers of Europe at work upon fixed air and it is with\\ngreat pleasure I observe how high you stand in their\\nopinion for I enjoy my friends fame as my own.\\nThe hint you gave me jocularly, that you did not quite\\ndespair of th^ philosopher s stone, draws from me a request,\\nthat, when you have found it, you will take care to lose it\\nagain for I believe in my conscience, that mankind are\\nwicked enough to continue slaughtering one another as\\nlong as they can find money to pay the butchers. But, of\\nall the wars in my time, this on the part of England appears\\nto me the wickedest; having no cause but malice against\\nliberty, and the jealousy of commerce. And I think the\\ncrime seems likely to meet with its proper punishment a\\ntotal loss of her own liberty, and the destruction of her\\nown commerce.\\nI suppose you would like to know something of the\\nstate of affairs in America. In all probability we shall be", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "3:56 FRANKLIN\\nmuch stronger the next campaign than we were the last;\\nbetter armed, better disciplined, and with more ammu-\\nnition. When I was at the camp before Boston, the army\\nhad not five rounds of powder a man. This was kept a\\nsecret even from our people. The world wondered that\\nwe so seldom hred a cannon we could not afford it but\\nwe now make powder in plenty.\\nTo me it seems, as it has always done, that this war\\nmust end in our favor, and in the ruin of Britain, if she\\ndoes not speedily put an end to it. An English gentle-\\nman here the other day, in company with some French,\\nremarked, that it was folly in France not to make war\\nimmediately And in England, replied one of them, not to\\nmake peace.\\nDo not believe the reports you hear of our internal\\ndivisions. We are, I believe, as much united as any people\\never were, and as firmly.\\nTO MRS. THOMPSON. AT LISLE\\nParis, S Feb., 1777.\\nYou are too early, hussy, as well as too saucy, in call-\\ning me rebel you should wait for the event, which will\\ndetermine whether it is a rebellion or otily a revolution.\\nHere the ladies are more civil they call us les insurgens,\\na character that iisuallv pleases them and methinks all\\nother women who smart, or have smarted, under the\\ntyranny of a bad husband, ought to be fixed in revolution\\nprinciples, and act accordingly.\\nIn my way to Canada last spring. I saw dear Mrs. Bar-\\nrow at New York. Mr. Barrow had been from her two\\nor three months to keep Governor Tryon and other Tories\\ncompany on board the Asia, one of the King s ships which\\nlay in the harbour; and in all that time that naughty man\\nhad not ventured once on shore to see her. Our troops\\nwere then pouring into the town, and she was packing up\\nto leave it, fearing, as she had a large house, they would\\nincommode her by quartering officers in it. As she", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 337\\nappeared in great perplexity, scarce knowing where to go,\\nI persuaded her to stay and I went to the general officers\\nthen commanding there, and recommended her to their\\nprotection which they promised and performed. On my\\nreturn from Canada, where I was a piece of a governor\\n(and I think a very good one) for a fortnight, and might\\nhave been so till this time if your wicked army, enemies\\nto all good government, had not come and driven me out, I\\nfound her still in quiet possession of her house. I inquired\\nhow our people had behaved to her. She spoke in high\\nterms of the respectful attention they had paid her, and\\nthe quiet and security they had procured her. I said I\\nwas glad of it and that, if they had used her ill, I would\\nhave turned Tory. Then said she, with that pleasing\\ngayety so natural to her, I wish they had. For you must\\nknow she is a Toryess as well as you, and can as flippantly\\ncall rebel. I drank tea with her we talked affectionately\\nof you and our other friends the Wilkeses, of whom she\\nhad received no late intelligence. What became of her\\nsince, I have not heard. The street she lived in was some\\nmonths after chiefly burnt down but, as the town was\\nthen, and ever since has been, in possession of the King s\\ntroops, I have had no opportunity of knowing whether\\nshe suffered any loss in the conflagration. I hope she did\\nnot, as, if she did, I should wish I had not persuaded her\\nto stay there.\\nI am glad to learn from you, that that unhappy, though\\ndeserving family, the W s, are getting into some busi-\\nness, that may afford them subsistence. I pray, that God\\nwill bless them, and that they may see happier days. Mr.\\nCheap s and Dr. H s good fortunes please me. Pray\\nlearn, if you have not already learnt, like me, to be pleased\\nwith other people s pleasures, and happy with their happi-\\nness, when none occur of your own and then perhaps you\\nwill not so soon be weary of the place you chance to be in,\\nand so fond of rambling to get rid of your ennui. I fancy\\nyou have hit upon the right reason of your being weary", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "338 FRANKLIN\\nof St. Omer s, viz. that you are out of temper, which is the\\neffect of full living and idleness. A month in Bridewell,\\nbeating hemp, upon bread and water, would give you health\\nand spirits, and subsequent cheerfulness and contentment\\nwith every other situation. I prescribe that regimen for\\nyou, my dear, in pure good will, without a fee. And let\\nme tell you, if you do not get into temper, neither Brussels\\nnor Lisle will suit you. I know nothing of the price of\\nliving in either of those places but I am sure a single\\nwoman, as you are, might with economy upon two hun-\\ndred pounds a year maintain herself comfortably anywhere,\\nand me into the bargain. Do not invite me in earnest,\\nhowever, to come and live with you for, being posted\\nhere, I ought not to comply, and I am not sure I should\\nbe able to refuse.\\nPresent my respects to Mrs. Payne and Mrs. Heathcot\\nfor, though I have not the honor of knowing them, yet, as\\nyou say they are friends to the American cause, I am sure\\nthey must be women of good understanding. 1 know you\\nwish you could see me but, as you cannot, I will describe\\nmyself to you. Figure me in your mind as jolly as for-\\nmerly, and as strong and hearty, only a few years older;\\nvery plainly dressed, wearing my thin gray straight hair,\\nthat peeps out under my only coiffure, a fine fur cap, which\\ncomes down my forehead almost to my spectacles. Think\\nhow this must appear among the powdered heads of Paris\\nI wish every lady and gentleman in France would only be\\nso obliging as to follow my fashion, comb their own heads\\nas I do mine, dismiss their friseurs, and pay me half the\\nmoney they paid to them. You see, the gentry might\\nwell afford this, and I could then enlist these friseurs, who\\nare at least one hundred thousand, and with the money I\\nwould maintain them, make a visit with them to England,\\nand dress the heads of your ministers and privy counsel-\\nlors which I conceive at present to be tm pen de rangees.\\nAdieu.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 339\\nTO THOMAS GUSHING\\nParis, I May, 1777.\\nThe general news here is, that all Europe is arming\\nand preparing for war, as if it were soon expected. Many\\nof the powers, however, have their reasons for endeavour-\\ning to postpone it, at least a few months longer.\\nOur enemies will not be able to send against us all the\\nstrength they intended; they can procure but few Ger-\\nmans and their recruiting and impressing at home goes\\non but heavily. They threaten, however, and give out,\\nthat Lord Howe is to bombard Boston this summer, and\\nBurgoyne, with the troops from Canada, to destroy Provi-\\ndence, and lay waste Connecticut while Howe marches\\nagainst Philadelphia. They will do us undoubtedly as\\nmuch mischief as they can but the virtue and bravery of\\nour countrymen will, with the blessing of God, prevent\\npart of what they intend, and nobly bear the rest. This\\ncampaign is entered upon with a mixture of rage and de-\\nspair, as their whole scheme of reducing us depends upon\\nits success the wisest of the nation being clear, that, if\\nthis fails, administration will not be able to support an-\\nother.\\nTO A FRIEND\\nPassy, [177-].\\nYou know, my dear friend, that I am not capable of\\nrefusing you any thing in my power, which would be a\\nreal kindness to you, or any friend of yours but, when I\\nam certain that what you request would be directly the\\ncontrary, I ought to refuse it. I know that officers going\\nto America for employment will probably be disappointed\\nthat our armies are full that there are a number of ex-\\npectants unemployed, and starving for want of subsist-\\nence that my recommendation will not make vacancies,\\nnor can it fill them, to the prejudice of those who have a\\nbetter claim that some of those officers I have been pre-\\nvailed on to recommend have, by their conduct, given no", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "340 FRANKLIN\\nfavorable impression of my judgment in military merit\\nand then the voyage is long, the passage very expensive,\\nand the hazard of being taken and imprisoned by the Eng-\\nlish very considerable, if. after all, no place can be found\\naffording a livelihood for the gentleman in question, he\\nwill perhaps be distressed in a strange country, and ready\\nto blaspheme his friends, who, by their solicitations, pro-\\ncured for him so unhappy a situation.\\nPermit me to mention to you, that, in my opinion, the\\nnatural complaisance of this country often carries people\\ntoo far in the article of recovivicndations. You give them\\nwith too much facility to persons of whose real characters\\nvou know nothing, and sometimes at the request of others\\nof whom you know as little. Frequently, if a man has no\\nuseful talents, is good for nothing and burdensome to his\\nrelations, or is indiscreet, profligate, or extravagant, they\\nare glad to get rid of him bv sending him to the other end\\nof the world and for that purpose scruple not to recom-\\nmend him to those they wish should recommend him to\\nothers, as un bon sujet, plcin dc vu riti-, 8ic. c. In con-\\nsequence of my crediting such recommendations, my own\\nare out of credit, and I cannot advise anybody to have the\\nleast dependence on them. If, after knowing this, you\\npersist in desiring my recommendation for this person,\\nwho is known neither to ic nor to you, I will give it,\\nthough, as I said before, I ought to refuse it.\\nThese applications are my perpetual torment. People\\nwill believe, notwithstanding mv repeated declarations to\\nthe contrary, that I am sent hither to engage officers. In\\ntruth, I never had any such orders. It was never so much\\nas intimated to me, that it would be agreeable to my con-\\nstituents. I have even received for what I have done of\\nthe kind, not indeed an absolute rebuke, but some pretty\\nstrong hints of disapprobation. Not a day passes in which\\nI have not a number of soliciting visits, besides letters. If\\nI could gratifv all, or any of them, it would be a pleasure.\\nI might, indeed, give them the recommendation and the", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 341\\npromises they desire, and thereby please them for the\\npresent; but, when the certain disappointment of the ex-\\npectations with which they will so obstinately flatter\\nthemselves shall arrive, they must curse me for comply-\\ning with their mad requests, and not undeceiving them\\nand will become so many enemies to our cause and\\ncountry.\\nYou can have no conception how I am harassed. All\\nmy friends are sought out and teazed to teaze me. Great\\nofficers of all ranks, in all departments ladies, great and\\nsmall, besides professed solicitors, worry me from morn-\\ning to night. The noise of every coach now that enters\\nmy court terrifies me. I am afraid to accept an invitation\\nto dine abroad, being almost sure of meeting with some\\nofficer or officer s friend, who, as soon as I am put in good\\nhumor by a glass or two of champaigne, begins his attack\\nupon me. Luckily I do not often in my sleep dream of\\nthese vexatious situations, or I should be afraid of what\\nare now my only hours of comfort. If, therefore, you\\nhave the least remaining kindness for me, if you would\\nnot help to drive me out of France, for God s sake, my\\ndear friend, let this your twenty-third application be\\nyour last.\\nTO JOHN PAUL JONES\\nProposal to take command of a Ship\\nPassy, I June, 1778.\\nDear Sir: I have the pleasure of informing you, that\\nit is proposed to give you the command of the great ship\\nwe have built at Amsterdam. By what you wrote to us\\nformerly, I have ventured to say in your behalf, that this\\nproposition would be agreeable to you. You will im-\\nmediately let me know your resolution which, that you\\nmay be more clear in taking, I must inform you of some\\ncircumstances. She is at present the property of the\\nKing; but, as there is no war yet declared, you will have\\nthe commission and flag of the United States, and act", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "342 FRANKLIN\\nunder their orders and laws. The Prince de Nassau will\\nmake the cruise with you. She is to be brought here\\nunder cover as a French merchantman, to be equipped\\nand manned in France. We hope to exchange your\\nprisoners for as many American sailors but, if that fails,\\nyou have your present crew to be made up here with the\\nother nations and French.\\nIn consequence of the high opinion the minister of the\\nmarine has of your conduct and bravery, it is now settled\\n(observe, that this is to be a secret between us, I being\\nexpressly enjoined not to communicate it to any other\\nperson, not even to the other gentlemen) that you are to\\nhave the frigate from Holland, which actually belongs to\\ngovernment, and will be furnished with as many good\\nFrench seamen as you shall require. But you are to act\\nunder Congress commission. As you may like to have\\na number of Americans, and your own are homesick, it is\\nproposed to give you as many as you can engage out of\\ntwo hundred prisoners, which the ministry of Britain\\nhave at length agreed to give us in exchange for those\\nyou have in your hands. They propose to make the\\nexchange at Calais, where they are to bring the Ameri-\\ncans.\\nIt seems to be desired, that you should step up to\\nVersailles (where one will meet you) in order to such a\\nsettlement of matters and plans with those who have the\\ndirection, as cannot well be done by letter. I wish it\\nmay be convenient to you to do it directly. The project\\nof giving you the command of this ship pleases me the\\nmore, as it is a probable opening to the higher prefer-\\nment you so justly merit. I have the honor to be, c.\\nB. Franklin.\\nLetter to an emissary of the British Court, in answer to his letter\\naddressed to Dr. Franklin in Paris", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 343\\nTO CHARLES DE WEISSENTEIN\\nPassy, July i, 1778.\\nI have received your letter, dated Brussels, the i6th\\npast. My vanity might possibly be flattered by your ex-\\npressions of compliment to my understanding, if your\\nproposals did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion\\nof it.\\nYou conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and\\njust God, before whom I must appear, and by my hopes\\nof future fame, to consider if some expedient cannot be\\nfound to put a stop to the desolation of America, and\\nprevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious\\nof having taken every step in my power to prevent the\\nbreach, and no one to widen it, I can appear cheerfully\\nbefore that God, fearing nothing from his justice in this\\nparticular, though I have much occasion for his mercy\\nin many others. As to my future fame, I am content to\\nrest it on my past and present conduct, without seeking\\nan addition to it in the crooked, dark paths, you propose\\nto me, where I should most certainly lose it. This your\\nsolemn address would therefore have been more properly\\nmade to your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He\\nand they, who wickedly began, and madly continue, a\\nwar for the desolation of America, are alone accountable\\nfor the consequences.\\nYou endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of\\nFrench faith but the instances of their friendly endeav-\\nours to serve a race of weak princes, who, by their own\\nimprudence, defeated every attempt to promote their\\ninterest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the\\nsteady friendship of France to the Thirteen United States\\nof Switzerland, which has now continued inviolate two\\nhundred years. You tell me, that she will certainly cheat\\nus, and that she despises us already. I do not believe\\nthat she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she de-\\nspises us but I see clearly that you are endeavouring to", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "344\\nFRANKLIN\\ncheat us by your conciliatory bill; that you actually de-\\nspised our uudorstauditii^s, when you tlattered yourselves\\nthose artifices would succeed and that not only France,\\nbut all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and\\nfor ever would despise us, if we were weak enough to ac-\\ncept your insidious propositions.\\nOur expectations of the future grandeur of America\\nare not so magniticent. and therefore not so vain or vis-\\nionary, as you represent them to be. The body of our\\npeople arc not merchants, but humble husbandmen, who\\ndelight in the cultivation of their lands, which, from their\\nfertility and the variety of our climates, are capable of\\nfurnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life\\nwithout external commerce and we have too much land\\nto have the least temptation to extend our territory by\\nconquest from peaceable neighbours, as well as too much\\njustice to think of it. Our militia, you tind by experience,\\nare sufficient to defend our lands from invasion and the\\ncommerce with us will be defended by all the nations\\nwho tind an advantage in it. We, therefore, have not the\\noccasion von imagine, of tleets or standing armies, but\\nmay leave those expensive machines to be maintained for\\nthe pomp of princes, and the wealth of ancient states.\\nWe propose, if possible, to live in peace with all mankind\\nand after you have been convinced, to your cost, that\\nthere is nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason\\nto hope, that no other power will judge it prudent to\\nquarrel with us. lest they divert us from our own quiet\\nindustry, and turn us into corsairs preying upon theirs.\\nThe weight therefore of an independent empire, which\\nyou seem certain of our inability to bear, will not be so\\ngreat as you imagine. The expense of our civil govern-\\nment we have always borne, and can easily bear, because\\nit is small. A virtuous and laborious people may be\\ncheaply governed. Determining, as we do, to have no\\noffices of profit, nor any sinecures or useless appointments,\\nso common in ancient or corrupted states, we can govern", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n345\\nourselves a year, for the sum you pay in a single depart-\\nment, or for what one jobbing contractor, by the favor of\\na minister, can cheat you out of in a single article.\\nYou think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into\\nan opinion that England must acknowledge our inde-\\npendency. We, on the other hand, think you flatter\\nyourselves in imagining such an acknowledgment a vast\\nboon, which we strongly desire, and which you may gain\\nsome great advantage by granting or withholding. We\\nhave never asked it of you we only tell you, that you\\ncan have no treaty with us but as an independent state\\nand you may please yourselves and your children with\\nthe rattle of your right to govern us, as long as you have\\ndone with that of your King s being King of France,\\nwithout giving us the least concern, if you do not attempt\\nto exercise it. That this pretended right is indisputable,\\nas you say, we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had\\na right to govern us, and your King has forfeited it by\\nhis bloody tyranny. But I thank you for letting me\\nknow a little of your mind, that, even if the Parliament\\nshould acknowledge our independency, the act would not\\nbe binding to posterity, and that your nation would re-\\nsume and prosecute the claim as soon as they found it\\nconvenient from the influence of your passions, and your\\npresent malice against us. We suspected before, that you\\nwould not be actually bound by your conciliatory acts,\\nlonger than till they had served their purpose of inducing\\nus to disband our forces but we were not certain, that\\nyou were knaves by principle, and that we ought not to\\nhave the least confidence in your offers, promises, or\\ntreaties, though confirmed by Parliament.\\nI now indeed recollect my being informed, long since,\\nwhen in England, that a certain very great personage,\\nthen young, studied much a certain book, called Arcana\\nImperii. I had the curiosity to procure the book and\\nread it. There are sensible and good things in it, but\\nsome bad ones for, if I remember rightly, a particular", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "346 FRANKLIN\\nKiiii;- is api laiKlod for his politically exciting a rebellion\\namong his subjects, at a time when they had not strength\\nto support it. that ho might, in subduing them, take away\\ntheir privileges, which were tnniblesomc to him and a\\nquestion is formally stated and discussed, Wlicilur a prince,\\nzcho, to apptuxsc a revolt, viakcs protnisis of imionniiy to the\\nrci oltcrs, is oHii^-iui to fulfil those promises. Honest and\\ngood men would say. Ay but this politician says, as you\\nsay, No. And he giyes this pretty reason, that, though\\nit was right to make the promises, because otherwise the\\nrevolt would not be suppressed, yet it would be wrong to\\nkeep them, because revolters ought to be punished to\\ndeter from future rcyolts.\\nIf these are the principles of your nation, no confidence\\ncan be placed in you it is in yain to treat with you and\\nthe wars can only end in being reduced to an utter inabil-\\nity of continuing them.\\nOne main drift of your letter seems to be, to impress\\nme with an idea of your own impartiality, by just cen-\\nsures of your ministers and measuies, and to draw from\\nme propositions of peace, or approbations of those you\\nhaye enclosed to me. which you intimate may by 3*our\\nmeans be conyeyed to the King diiectly, without the in-\\ntervention of those ministers. You would have me give\\nthem to. or drop them for. a stranger, whom T may find\\nnext Monday in the church of Notre Dame, to be known\\nby a rose in his hat. You ytnirself. Sir. are quite un-\\nknown to me you have not trusted me wiMi your true\\nname. Our taking the least step towards a treaty with\\nEngland through you. might, if vou are an enemy, be\\nmade use of to ruin us with our new and good friends.\\nI may be indiscreet enough in many things but cer-\\ntainly, if I were disposed to make propositions (which I\\ncannot do, having none committed to me to make), I\\nshould never think of delivering them to the Lord knows\\nwho. to be carried to the Lord knows where, to serve no\\none knows what purposes. Being at this time one of the", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 34^\\nmost remarkable figures in Taris, even my apfx-arance in\\nthe church of Notre Dame, where I cannot have any con-\\nceivable business, and especially being seen to leave or\\ndrop any letter to any person there, would be a matter\\nof some speculation, and might, from the suspicions it\\nmust naturally give, have very mischievous consequences\\nto our credit here.\\nThe very proposing of a correspondence so to be man-\\naged, in a manner not necessary where fair dealing is in-\\ntended, gives just reason to suppose you intend the con-\\ntrary. I3esides, as your court has sent Commissioners to\\ntreat with the Congress, with all the powers that could\\nbe given them by the crown under the act of Parliament,\\nwhat good purpose can be served by privately obtaining\\npropositions from us Before those Commissioners went,\\nwe might have treated in virtue of our general powers,\\n(with the knowledge, advice, and approbatifjn of our\\nfriends), upon any propositions made to us. But, under\\nthe present circumstances, for us to make propcjsitions,\\nwhile a treaty is supposed to be actually on foot with the\\nCongress, would be extremely improper, highly pre-\\nsumptuous with regard to our constituents, and answer\\nno good end whatever.\\nI write this letter to you, notwithstanding (which I\\nthink I can convey in a less mysterious manner, and guess\\nit may come to your hands I write it because I would\\nlet you know our sense of your procedure, which appears\\nas insidious as that of your conciliatory bills. Your true\\nway to obtain peace, if your ministers desire it, is, to pro-\\npose openly to the Congress fair and equal terms, and\\nyou may possibly come sooner to such a resolution, when\\nyou find, that personal flatteries, general cajolings, and\\npanegyrics on our virtue and %visdom are not likely to have\\nthe effect you seem to expect the persuading us to act\\nbasely and foolishly, in betraying our country and pos-\\nterity into the hands of our most bitter enemies, giving\\nup or selling our arms and warlike stores, dismissing our", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "348 FRANKLIN\\nships of war and troops, and putting those enemies in\\npossession of our forts and ports.\\nThis proposition of delivering ourselves, bound and\\ngagged, ready for hanging, without even a right to com-\\nplain, and without a friend to be found afterwards among\\nall mankind, you would have us embrace upon the faith\\nof an act of Parliament Good God an act of your\\nParliament! This demonstrates that you do not yet\\nknow us. and that vou fancy we do not know vou but it\\nis not merely this flimsy faith, that we are to act upon\\nyou offer us hope, the hope of places, PENSIONS, and peer-\\nages. These, judging from yourselves, vou think are\\nmotives irresistible. This offer to corrupt us. Sir, is with\\nme your credential, and convinces me that you are not a\\nprivate volunteer in your application. It bears the stamp\\nof British court character. It is even the signature of\\nvour King. But think for a moment in what light it must\\nbe viewed in America. Bv places, you mean places\\namong us, for you take care by a special article to secure\\nyour own to yourselves. We must then pay the salaries\\nin order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you\\nwill give us pensions, probably to be paid too out of\\nyour expected American revenue, and which none of us\\ncan accept without deserving, and perhaps obtaining, a\\nSVS Penswn. PEERAGES alas Sir, our long observation\\nof the vast servile majority of your peers, voting con-\\nstantly for every measure proposed by a minister, how-\\never weak or wicked, leaves us small respect for that title.\\nWe consider it as a sort of tar-atui-ftatJur honor, or a mix-\\nture of foulness and folly, which every man among us,\\nwho should accept it from your King, would be obliged\\nto renounce, or exchange for that conferred by the mobs\\nof their own country, or wear it with everlasting infamy.\\nI am, Sir, your humble servant.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 349\\nTO MRS. MARGARET STEVENSON\\nPassy, 25 January, 1779.\\nIt is always with ^rcat pleasure, when I think of our\\nlong continued friendship, which had not the least inter-\\nruption in the course of twenty years some of the happi-\\nest of nny life;, that I spent under your roof, and in your\\ncompany. If I do not write to you as often as I used to\\ndo when I happen to be absent from you, it is owin^\\npartly to the present difficulty of sure communication, and\\npartly to an apprehension of some inconvenience, that my\\ncorrespondence mij^ht possibly occasion you.\\nI thought 1 had mentioned to you before, (and I be-\\nlieve I did, though my letter may have miscarried) that\\nI had received the white cloth suit, the sword, and the\\nsaddle for Temple, all in good order. I mention them\\nnow again, because Polly tells me you had not heard of\\ntheir arrival. I wore the clothes a good deal last sum-\\nmer. There is one thing more, that I wish to have, if you\\nshould meet with an opportunity of sending it. I mean\\nthe copper pot, lined with silver, to roast fowls in by\\nmeans of a heater. I should also be glad of the piece of\\nelephant s tooth. It is old ivory, perhaps of the time be-\\nfore the flood, and would be a rarity to some friends\\nhere.\\nYou wish to know how I live. It is in a fine house,\\nsituated in a neat village, on high ground, half a mile\\nfrom Paris, with a large garden to walk in. I have abun-\\ndance of acquaintance, dine abroad six days in seven.\\nSundays I reserve to dine at home, with such Americans\\nas pass this way and I then have my grandson Ben,\\nwith some other American children from the school.\\nIf being treated with all the politeness of France, and\\nthe apparent respect and esteem of all ranks, from the\\nhighest to the lowest, can make a man happy, I ought to\\nbe so. Indeed, I have nothing to complain of, but a little\\ntoo much business, and the want of that order and ccon-", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "350 FRANKLIN\\nomj in my family, which reigned in it when under your\\nprudent direction. My paper gives me only room to add,\\nthat I am ever yours most affectionately,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO JOSIAH QUINCY\\nPassy, 22 April, 1779.\\nDear Sir It is with great sincerity I join you in\\nacknowledging and admiring the dispensations of Provi-\\ndence in our favor. America has only to be thankful,\\nand to persevere. God will finish his work, and estab-\\nlish their freedom and the lovers of liberty will flock\\nfrom all parts of Europe with their fortunes to participate\\nwith us of that freedom, as soon as peace is restored,\\nI am exceedingly pleased with your account of the\\nFrench politeness and civility, as it appeared among the\\nofficers and their fleet. They have certainly advanced in\\nthose respects many degrees beyond the English. I find\\nthem here a most amiable nation to live with. The Span-\\niards are by common opinion supposed to be cruel, the\\nEnglish proud, the Scotch insolent, the Dutch avaricious,\\nc., but I think the French have no national vice ascribed\\nto them. They have some frivolities, but they are harm-\\nless. To dress their head so that a hat cannot be put on\\nthem, and then wear their hats under their arms, and to\\nfill their noses with tobacco, may be called follies, per-\\nhaps, but they are not vices. They are only the effects\\nof the tyranny of custom. In short, there is nothing\\nW anting in the character of a Frenchman, that belongs to\\nthat of an agreeable and worthy man. There are only\\nsome trifles surplus, or which might be spared.\\nI have the honor to be, dear Sir, c.,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO MAJOR-GENERAL HORATIO GATES\\nPassy, 2 June, 1779.\\nDear Sir The pride of England was never so hum-\\nbled by anything as by your capitulation of Saratoga.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 351\\nThey have not yet got over it, though a little elevated\\nthis spring by their success against the French commerce.\\nBut the growing apprehension of having Spain too upon\\ntheir hands has lately brought them down to an humble\\nseriousness, that begins to appear even in ministerial dis-\\ncourses, and the papers of ministerial writers. All the\\nhappy effects of that transaction for America are not gen-\\nerally known. I may some time or other acquaint the\\nworld with some of them. When shall we meet again in\\ncheerful converse, talk over our adventures, and finish\\nwith a quiet game of chess?\\nThe little dissensions between particular states in\\nAmerica are much magnified in England, and they once\\nhad great hopes from them. I consider them, with you,\\nas the effects of apparent security which do not affect\\nthe grand points of independence, and adherence to treat-\\nies and which will vanish at a renewed appearance of\\ndanger. This court continues heartily our friend, and\\nthe whole nation are warm in our favor except only a\\nfew West Indians, and merchants in that trade, whose\\nlosses make them a little uneasy.\\nWith sincere and great esteem and affection, I am\\never, dear Sir, c., B. Franklin.\\nTO MRS. SARAH BACHE\\nPassy, 3 June, 1779.\\nThe clay medallion of me you say you gave to Mr.\\nHopkinson was the first of the kind made in France. A\\nvariety of others have been made since of different sizes\\nsome to be set in the lids of snuffboxes, and some so\\nsmall as to be worn in rings and the numbers sold are\\nincredible. These, with the pictures, busts, and prints,\\n(of which copies upon copies are spread everywhere,)\\nhave made your father s face as well known as that of the\\nmoon, so that he durst not do anything that would oblige\\nhim to run away, as his phiz would discover him where-", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "352\\nFRANKLIN\\never he should venture to show it. It is said by learned\\netymologists, that the name doll, for the images children\\nplay with, is derived from the word Idol. From the\\nnumber of dolls now made of him, he may be truly said,\\nin that sense, to be i-doll-izcd in this country.\\nI think you did right to stay out of town till the sum-\\nmer was over, for the sake of your child s health. I hope\\nyou will get out again this summer, during the hot\\nmonths for I begin to love the dear little creature from\\nyour description of her.\\nI was charmed with the account you gave me of your\\nindustry, the tablecloths of your own spinning, c. but\\nthe latter part of the paragraph, that you had sent for\\nlinen from France because weaving and flax were grown\\ndear, alas, that dissolved the charm and your sending\\nfor long black pins, and lace, and /fathers I disgusted me\\nas much as if you had put salt in my strawberries. The\\nspinning, I see, is laid aside, and you are to be dressed\\nfor the ball You seem not to know, my dear daughter,\\nthat, of all the dear things in this world, idleness is the\\ndearest, except mischief.\\nThe project you mention, of removing Temple from\\nme, was an unkind one. To deprive an old man, sent to\\nserve his country in a foreign one, of the comfort of a\\nchild to attend him, to assist him in health and take care\\nof him in sickness, would be cruel, if it was practicable.\\nIn this case it could not be done for, as the pretended\\nsuspicions of him are groundless, and his behaviour in\\never} respect unexceptionable, I should not part with the\\nchild, but with the employment. But I am confident,\\nthat, whatever may be proposed by weak or malicious\\npeople, the Congress is too wise and too good to think of\\ntreating me in that manner.\\nBen, if I should live long enough to want it, is like to\\nbe another comfort to me. As I intend him for a Presby-\\nterian as well as a republican, I have sent him to finish\\nhis education at Geneva. He is much grown, in very", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 353\\ngood health, draws a little, as you will see by the enclosed,\\nlearns Latin, writing, arithmetic, and dancing, and speaks\\nFrench better than English. He made a translation of\\nyour last letter to him, so that some of your works may\\nnow appear in a foreign language. He has not been long\\nfrom me. I send the accounts I have of him, and I shall\\nput him in mind of writing to you. I cannot propose to\\nyou to part with your own dear Will. I must one of\\nthese days go back to see him happy to be once more\\nall together but futurities are uncertain. Teach him,\\nhowever, in the mean time, to direct his worship more\\nproperly, for the deity of Hercules is now quite out of\\nfashion.\\nThe present you mention as sent by me was rather\\nthat of a merchant at Bordeaux for he would never give\\nme any account of it, and neither Temple non I know any\\nthing of the particulars.\\nWhen I began to read your account of the high prices\\nof goods, a pair of gloves seven dollars, a yard of com-\\nmon gauze twenty-four dollars, and that it now required\\na fortune to maintain a family in a very plain way, I ex-\\npected you would conclude with telling me, that every-\\nbody as well as yourself was grown frugal and indus-\\ntrious and I could scarcely believe my eyes in reading\\nforward, that there never was so much pleasure and\\ndressing going on and that you yourself wanted black\\npins and feathers from France to appear, I suppose, in the\\nmode This leads me to imagine, that perhaps it is not\\nso much that the goods are grown dear, as that the money\\nis grown cheap, as every thing else will do when exces-\\nsively plenty and that people are still as easy nearly in\\ntheir circumstances, as when a pair of gloves might be\\nhad for half a crown. The war indeed may in some de-\\ngree raise the prices of goods, and the high taxes which\\nare necessary to support the war may make our frugality\\nnecessary and, as I am always preaching that doctrine,\\nI cannot in conscience or in decency encourage the con-\\nas", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "354\\nFRANKLIN\\ntrary, by my example, in furnishing my children with\\nfoolish modes and luxuries. I therefore send all the ar-\\nticles vou desire, that are useful and necessary, and omit\\nthe rest for, as you say you should have great pride in\\nwearing any thing I send, and showing it as your father s\\ntaste, I must avoid giving you an opportunitv of doing\\nthat with either lace or feathers. It you wear your cam-\\nbric rutBes as I do, and take care not to mend the holes,\\nthey will come in time to be lace and feathers, my dear\\ngirl, may be had in America from every cock s tail.\\nIf you happen again to see General Washington,\\nassure him of my very great and sincere respect, and tell\\nhim. that all the old Generals here amuse themselves in\\nstudving the accounts of his operations, ai)d approve\\nhighlv of his conduct.\\nPresent mv affectionate regards to all friends that in-\\nquire after me, particularly Mr. Duffield and family, and\\nwrite oftener, my dear child, to your loving father.\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE\\nPassy, 19 August, 1779.\\nYou ask mv opinion, what conduct the English will\\nprobablv hold on this occasion, and whether they will not\\nrather propose a negotiation for a peace. I have but one\\nrule to go bv in judging of those people, which is, that\\nwhatever is prudent for them to do they will omit and\\nwhat is most imprudent to be done, they will do it. This,\\nlike other general rules, may sometimes have its excep-\\ntions but I think it will hold good for the most part, at\\nleast while the present ministry continues, or. rather,\\nwhile the present madman has the choice of ministers.\\nYou desire to know whether I am satisfied with the\\nministers here? It is impossible for anybody to be more\\nso. I see they exert themselves greatly in the common\\ncause, and do every thing for us they can. \\\\Ve can wish", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 355\\nfor nothing more, unless our great want of money should\\nmake us wish for a subsidy, to enable us to act more vig-\\norously in expelling the enemy from their remaining\\nposts, and reducing Canada. But their own expenses are\\nso great, that I cannot press such an addition to it. I\\nhope, however, that we shall get some supplies of arms\\nand ammunition, and perhaps, when they can be spared,\\nsome ships to aid in reducing New York and Rhode\\nIsland. With the sincerest esteem and respect, I am\\never, c. B. Franklin.\\nTO GEORGE WASHINGTON\\nPassy, 5 March, 1780.\\nI have received but lately the letter your Excellency\\ndid me the honor of writing to me in recommendation of\\nthe Marquis de Lafayette. His modesty detained it long\\nin his own hands. We became acquainted, however,\\nfrom the time of his arrival at Paris and his zeal for the\\nhonor of our country, his activity in our affairs here, and\\nhis firm attachment to our cause and to you, impressed\\nme with the same regard and esteem for him that your\\nExcellency s letter would have done, had it been immedi-\\nately delivered to me.\\nShould peace arrive after another campaign or two,\\nand afford us a little leisure, I should be happy to see\\nyour Excellency in Europe, and to accompany you, if my\\nage and strength would permit, in visiting some of its\\nancient and most famous kingdoms. You would, on this\\nside of the sea, enjoy the great reputation you have ac-\\nquired, pure and free from those little shades that the\\njealousy and envy of a man s countrymen and contem-\\nporaries are ever endeavouring to cast over living merit.\\nHere you would know, and enjoy, what posterity will\\nsay of Washington. For a thousand leagues have nearly\\nthe same effect with a thousand vears. The feeble voice\\nof those grovelling passions cannot extend so far either", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "-,6 FRANKLIN\\nin time or distvince. At present I enjcty that pleasnre for\\nvou as I frequently hear the old generals of this martial\\ncountry, who study the maps of America, and mark upon\\nthem all vour operations, speak with sincere approbation\\nand great applause of vour conduct and join in giving\\nvou the character of one of the greatest captams of the\\nage.\\nI must soon quit this scene, but you may live to see\\nour countrv flourish, as it will amazingly and rapidly\\nafter the war is over like a field of young Indian corn,\\nwhich long fair weather and sunshine had enfeebled and\\ndiscolored, and which in that weak state, by a thunder gust\\nof violent wind. hail, and rain, seemed to be threatened\\nwith absolute destruction yet the storm being past, it\\njrecovers fresh verdure, shoots up with double vigor, and\\ndeliii hts the eve. not of its owner only, but of every ob-\\nserving traveller.\\nThe best wishes that can be formed for your health,\\nhonor, and happiness, ever attend you from yours, ^^c.\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO THOMAS BOND\\nPassv. i6 March. irSo.\\nDear Sir I received your kind letter of September\\nthe 2-Mid. and I thank you for the pleasing account you\\ngive me of the health and welfare of my old friends.\\nHugh Roberts. Luke Morris, Philip Syng. Samuel\\nRhoads. ..*^c.. with the same of yourself and family.\\nShake the old ones by the hand for me. and give the\\nvounc: ones mv blessing. For my own part. I do not\\nfind that I grow any older. Being arrived at seventy,\\nand considering that bv travelling further in the same\\nroad 1 should probably be led to the grave. I stopped\\nshort, turned about, and walked back again which, hav-\\ning done these four vears. you may now call me sixty-six.\\nAdvise those old friends of ours to follow my example\\nkeep up your spirits, and that will keep up your bodies", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n357\\nyou will no more stoop under the weight of age, than if\\nyou had swallowed a hand-spike. 1 am, ever, c.,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO MISS GEORGIANA SHIPLEY\\nPassy, 8 October, 17S0.\\nYour translations from Horace, as far as I can judge\\nof poetry and translations, are very good. That of the\\nQuo, quo scelcstt ruitis f is so suitable to the times that the\\nconclusion (in your version) seems to threaten like a proph-\\necy and methinks there is at least some appearance of\\ndanger that it may be fulfilled. I am unhappily an enemy,\\nyet I think there has been enough of blood spilt, and I\\nwish what is left in the veins of that once loved people,\\nma} be spared by a peace solid and everlasting.\\nIndolent as I have confessed myself to be, I could not,\\nyou see, miss this good and safe opportunitv of sending\\nyou a few lines, with my best wishes for your happiness,\\nand that of the whole dear and amiable family in whose\\nsweet society I have spent so many happy hours. Mr.\\nJones tells me he shall have a pleasure in being the bearer\\nof my letter, of which I make no doubt. I learn from\\nhim, that to your drawing, and music, and painting, and\\npoetry, and Latin, you have added a proficiency in chess\\nso that you are, as the French say, revtplie dc talcns. May\\nthey and vou fall to the lot of one, that shall duly value\\nthem, and love you as much as I do. Adieu.\\nB. Franklin.\\nThe following:: letter is from Dr. Franklin to the Marquis de Lafayettte,\\nthen serving in the American army\\nTO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE\\nPassy. May 14, 1781.\\nDear Sir You are a very good correspondent, which\\nI do not deserve, as I am a bad one. The truth is I have", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": ",5S FRANKLIN\\ntoo much business upon mv hands, a great deal of it for-\\neisrn to mv function as a minister, which interferes with\\nmv writing regularly to my friends. But I am neverthe-\\nless extremelv sensible of your kindness in sending me\\nsuch frequent and full intelligence of the state of affairs\\non vour side of the water, and in letting me see by your\\nletters, that vour health continues, as well as your zeal,\\ntor our cause and country.\\nI hope that by this time the ship which has the honor\\nof bearing your name, is safely arrived. She carries cloth-\\ning for nearlv 20.000 men, with arms, ammunition, etc.,\\nwhich will supply some of your wants and Colonel\\nLaurens will bring a considerable addition, if Providence\\nfavors his passage. You will receive from him the par-\\nticulars, which makes my writing by him more fully un-\\nnecessarv. Your friends have heard of your being gone\\nagainst the traitor Arnold, and are anxious to hear of\\nvour success, and that you have brought him to punish-\\nment. Enclosed is a copy of a letter from his agent in\\nEngland, captured by one of our cruisers, and by which\\nthe price or reward he received for his treachery mav be\\nguessed at. Judas sold only one man. Arnold, three mil-\\nlions. Judas got for his one man thirty pieces of silver;\\nArnold not a half-penny a head. A miserable bargain I\\nespeciallv when one considers the quantity of infamy he\\nhas acquired to himself, and entailed on his familv.\\nThe English are in a fair way of gaining still more\\nenemies they play a desperate game. Fortune mav favor\\nthem as it sometimes does a drunken dicer. But by their\\ntvrannv in the East they have at length roused the powers\\nthere against them and I do not know that thev have in\\nthe West a single friend. If they lose their India com-\\nmerce, (which is one of their present great supports and\\none battle at sea, their credit is gone, and their power fol-\\nThis captured letter to Benedict Arnold advised him of the invest-\\nment in his name of five thousand pounds in British 4-per-cent. consols,\\nat 7ii. producing 7,000 of stock. A. R. S.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESrONDENCE\\n359\\nlows. Thus empires by pride, folly, and extravagance,\\nruin themselves like individuals.\\nThis court continues steady and firm in its friendship,\\nand does everything it can for us. Can we not do a little\\nmore for ourselves My successor (for I have desired the\\nCongress to send me one) will find it in the best disposi-\\ntion towards us, and I hope he will take care to cultivate\\nthat disposition. You, who know the leading people of\\nboth countries, can perhaps judge better than any mem-\\nber of the Congress of a person suitable for this station.\\nI wish you may be in the way to give your advice when\\nthe matter is agitated in that assembly. 1 have been long\\ntired of the trade of minister, and wished for a little re-\\npose before 1 went to sleep for good and all. I thought\\n1 might have held out till the peace but as that seems at\\na greater distance than the end of my days, I grow impa-\\ntient. I would not, however, quit the service of the pub-\\nlic, if I did not sincerely think that it would be easy for\\nthe Congress, with your counsel, to find a fitter man.\\nGod bless you, and crown all 3 our labors with success.\\nWith the highest regard, and most sincere affection, I am,\\ndear Sir, etc. B. Franklin.\\nThe followiiif^f article is T^jeu d csprit of a payer turn, originatinj^ from\\na memorial of the British ambassador, Sir Joseph Yorke, reclaiminjj the\\nking s ships Serapis and Countess of Scarborough, prizes carried into\\nHolland by the American squadron under Commodore Jones, whom Sir\\nJoseph in his memorial desijjnated the Pirate Paul Jones of Scotland\\na rebel subject, and a criminal of the state\\nTO SIR J. Y c., c.\\nIpswich, New England, March 7, 1781.\\nSir: I have lately seen a memorial said to have been\\npresented by your excellency to their high mightinesses\\nthe States General, in which you are pleased to qualify\\nme with the title oi pirate.\\nA pirate is defined to bp /testis humani generis {sm enemy", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "360 FRANKLIN\\nto all mankind). It happens, sir, that I am an enemy to\\nno part of mankind, except your nation, the English\\nwhich nation at the same time comes much more within\\nthe definition, being actually an enemy to, and at war with,\\none whole quarter of the world America, considerable\\npart of Asia and Africa, a great part of Europe, and in a\\nfair way of being at war with the rest.\\nA pirate makes war for the sake of rapine. This is not\\nthe kind of war I am engaged in against England. Ours\\nis a war in defence of liberty the most just of all wars\\nand of our properties, which your nation would have\\ntaken from us, without our consent, in violation of our\\nrights, and by an armed force. Yours, therefore, is a war\\nof rapine of course, a piratical war: and those who ap-\\nprove of it, and are engaged in it, more justly deserve the\\nname oi pirates, which you bestow upon me. It is indeed\\na war that coincides with the general spirit of your nation.\\nYour common people in their ale-houses sing the twenty-\\nfour songs of Robin Hood, and applaud his deer-stealing\\nand his robberies on the highway those who have just\\nlearning enough to read, are delighted with your histories\\nof the pirates and of the buccaneers and even your\\nscholars in the universities, study Quintus Curtius, and are\\ntaught to admire Alexander, for what they call his con-\\nquests in the Indies. Severe laws and the hangman keep\\ndown the effects of this spirit somewhat among your-\\nselves (though in your little island you have, nevertheless,\\nmore highway robberies than there are in all the rest of\\nEurope put together): but a foreign war gives it full\\nscope. It is then that, with infinite pleasure, it lets itself\\nloose to strip of their property honest merchants em-\\nployed in the innocent and useful occupation of supplying\\nthe mutual wants of mankind. Hence, having lateh* no\\nwar with your ancient enemies, rather than be without a\\nwar, you chose to make one upon your friends. In this\\nyour piratical war with America, the mariners of your\\nfleets and the owners of your privateers were animated", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 361\\nagainst us by the act of your parliament, which repealed\\nthe law of God Thou shalt not steal, by declaring it\\nlawful for them to rob us of all our property that they\\ncould meet with on the ocean. This act too had a retro-\\nspect, and, going beyond bulls of pardon, declared that\\nall the robberies you had committed, previous to the act\\nshould be deemed just and lawful. Your soldiers too were\\npromised the plunder of our cities and your officers were\\nflattered with the division of our lands. You had even\\nthe baseness to corrupt our servants, the sailors employed\\nby us, and encourage them to rob their masters, and bring\\nto you the ships and goods they were intrusted with. Is\\nthere any society of pirates on the sea or land, who, in\\ndeclaring wrong to be right, and right wrong, have less\\nauthority than your parliament? Do any of them more\\njustly than your parliament deserve the title you bestow\\non me?\\nYou will tell me that we forfeited all our estates by\\nour refusal to pay the taxes your nation would have im-\\nposed on us without the consent of our colony parliaments.\\nHave you then forgotten the incontestable principle,\\nwhich was the foundation of Hampden s glorious law-suit\\nwith Charles the First, that what an English king has\\nno right to demand, an English subject has a right to re-\\nfuse But you cannot so soon have forgotten the in-\\nstructions of your late honorable father, who, being himself\\na sound whig, taught you certainly the principles of the\\nrevolution, and that, if subjects might in some cases\\nforfeit their property, kings might also forfeit their\\ntitle, and all claim to the allegiance of their subjects.\\nI must then suppose you well acquainted with those whig\\nprinciples on which permit me, sir, to ask a few ques-\\ntions.\\nIs not protection as justly due from a king to his peo-\\nple, as obedience from the people to their king?\\nIf then a king declares his people to be out of his pro-\\ntection", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "362 FRANKLIN\\nIf he violates and deprives them of their constitutional\\nrights\\nIf he wages war against them\\nIf he plunders their merchants, ravages their coasts,\\nburns their towns, and destroys their lives:\\nIf he hires foreign mercenaries to help him in their\\ndestruction\\nIf he engages savages to murder their defenseless\\nfarmers, women, and children\\nIf he cruelly forces such of his subjects as fall into his\\nhands, to bear arms against their country, and become\\nexecutioners of their friends and brethren\\nIf he sells others of them into bondage, in Africa and\\nthe East Indies\\nIf he excites domestic insurrections among their serv-\\nants, and encourages servants to murder their masters\\nDoes not so atrocious a conduct towards his subjects\\ndissolve their allegiance?\\nIf not, please to say how or by what means it can\\npossibly be dissolved\\nAll this horrible wickedness and barbarity has been\\nand daily is practised by the King your master (as you\\ncall him in your memorial) upon the Americans, whom\\nhe is still pleased to claim as his subjects.\\nDuring these six years past, he has destroyed not less\\nthan forty thousand of those subjects, by battles on land\\nor sea, or by starving them, or poisoning them to death,\\nin the unwholesome air, with the unwholesome food of\\nhis prisons. And he has wasted the lives of at least an\\nequal number of his own soldiers and sailors; many of\\nwhom have been /(?r^r^ into this odious service, and dragged\\nfrom their families and friends, by the outrageous violence\\nof his illegal press-gangs. You are a gentleman of letters,\\nand have read history do you recollect any instance of\\nany tyrant, since the beginning of the world, who, in the\\ncourse of so few years, had done so much mischief? Let\\nus view one of the worst and blackest of them, Nero. He", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 363\\nput to death a few of his courtiers, placemen, and pension-\\ners, and among the rest his tutor. Had done the\\nsame and no more, his crime, though detestable, as an act\\nof lawless power, might have been as useful to his nation^\\nas that of Nero was hurtful to Rome considering the\\ndifferent characters and merits of the sufferers. Nero\\nindeed wished that the people of Rome had but one neck,\\nthat he might behead them all by one stroke; but this\\nwas a simple wish. is carrying the wish as fast as\\nhe can into execution and, by continuing his present\\ncourse a few years longer, will have destroyed more of\\nthe people than Nero could have found inhabitants\\nin Rome. Hence the expression of Milton, in speaking of\\nCharles the First, that he was Nerone Neronior, is still\\nmore applicable to Like Nero, and all other\\ntyrants, while they lived, he indeed has his flatterers, his\\naddressers, his applauders. Pensions, places, and hopes\\nof preferment, can bribe even bishops to approve his con-\\nduct but, when those fulsome purchased addresses and\\npanegyrics are sunk and lost in oblivion or contempt,\\nimpartial history will step forth, speak honest truth, and\\nrank him among public calamities. The only difference\\nwill be, that plagues, pestilences, and famines are of this\\nworld, and arise from the nature of things but voluntary\\nmalice, mischief, and murder, are from hell; and this\\nwill, therefore, stand foremost in the list of diaboli-\\ncal, bloody, and execrable tyrants. His base-bought\\nparliaments too, who sell him their souls, and extort from\\nthe people the money with which they aid his destructive\\npurposes, as they share his guilt, will share his infamy,\\nparliaments, who, to please him, have repeatedly, by\\ndifferent votes year after year, dipped their hands in\\nhuman blood, insomuch that methinks I see it dried and\\ncaked so thick upon them, that if they could wash it off in\\nthe Thames, which flows under their windows, the whole\\nriver would run red to the ocean.\\nGeorge the Third. George. British. George the Third. King.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "364 FRANKLIN\\nOne is provoked by enormous wickedness but one is\\nashamed and humiliated at the view of human baseness.\\nIt afflicts me, therefore, to see a gentleman of Sir J. Y s\\neducation and talents, for the sake of a red ribbon, and a\\npaltry stipend, mean enough to style such a his\\nmaster, wear his livery, hold himself ready at his command\\neven to cut the throats of fellow subjects. This makes\\nit impossible for me to end my letter with the civility of\\na compliment, and obliges me to subscribe myself simply,\\nJohn Paul Jones,\\nwhom you are pleased to style 3. pirate.\\nTO JOHN ADAMS\\nPassy, 12 October, 1781.\\nSir I received the letter your Excellency did me the\\nhonor to write me the 4th instant. I have never known a\\npeace made, even the most advantageous, that was not\\ncensured as inadequate, and the makers condemned as\\ninjudicious or corrupt. Blessed are the peace-makers is, I\\nsuppose, to be understood in the other world for in this\\nthey are frequently cursed. Being as yet rather too much\\nattached to this world, I had therefore no ambition to be\\nconcerned in fabricating this peace, and know not how I\\ncame to be put into the commission. I esteem it, however,\\nas an honor to be joined with you in so important a business\\nand, if the execution of it shall happen in my time, which\\nI hardly expect, I shall endeavor to assist in discharging\\nthe duty according to the best of my judgment. With\\nthe greatest respect, I have the honor to be, c.,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO JOHN ADAMS\\nPassy, 26 November, 1781.\\nSir I sent forward last Saturday some packets and\\nletters for you which I hope got to hand in time. Most\\nMonarch.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 365\\nheartily do I congratulate you on the glorious news.\\nThe infant Hercules in his cradle has now strangled his\\nsecond serpent, and gives hopes that his future history will\\nbe answerable.\\nI enclose a packet, which I have just received from\\nGeneral Washington, and which I suppose contains the\\narticles of capitulation. It is a rare circumstance, and\\nscarce to be met with in history, that in one war two\\narmies should be taken prisoners completely, not a man in\\neither escaping. It is another singular circumstance, that\\nan expedition so complex, formed of armies of different\\nnations, and of land and sea forces, should with such per.\\nfeet concord be assembled from different places by land\\nand water, form their junction punctually, without the\\nleast retard by cross accidents of wind or weather, or\\ninterruption from the enemy and that the army, which\\nwas their object, should in the meantime have the good-\\nness to quit a situation from whence it might have escaped,\\nand place itself in another whence an escape was impossible.\\nI have the honor to be, c.\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO DAVID HARTLEY\\nPassy, 15 Jan., 1782.\\nI received a few days since your favor of the 2d\\ninstant, in which you tell me, that Mr. Alexander had\\ninformed you, America was disposed to enter into a\\nseparate treaty with Great Britain. I am persuaded,\\nthat your strong desire for peace has misled you, and\\noccasioned your greatly misunderstanding Mr. Alexander\\nas I think it scarce possible, he should have asserted a\\nthing so utterly void of foundation. I remember that you\\nhave, as you say, often urged this on former occasions,\\nand that it always gave me more disgust than my friend-\\nship for you permitted me to express. But, since you\\nhave now gone so far as to carry such a proposition to\\nLord North, as arising from us, it is necessary that I", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "366 FRANKLIN\\nshould be explicit with you, and tell you plainly, that I\\nnever had such an idea; and I believe there is not a man\\nin America, a few English Tories excepted, that would not\\nspurn at the thought of deserting a noble and generous\\nfriend, for the sake of a truce with an unjust and cruel\\nenemy.\\nI have again read over your Conciliatory Bill, with the\\nmanuscript propositions that accompany it, and am con-\\ncerned to find, that one cannot give vent to a simple wish\\nfor peace, a mere sentiment of humanity, without having\\nit interpreted as a dispositio7i to submit to any base conditions\\nthat may be offered us, rather than continue the war for\\non no other supposition could you propose to us a truce\\nof ten years, during which we are to engage not to assist\\nFrance, while you continue the war with her. A truce,\\ntoo, wherein nothing is to be mentioned that may weaken\\nyour pretensions to dominion over us, which you may\\ntherefore resume at the end of the term, or at pleasure\\nwhen we should have so covered ourselves with infamy^\\nby our treachery to our first friend, as that no other na-\\ntion can ever after be disposed to assist us, however cruelly\\nyou might think fit to treat us. Believe me, my dear\\nfriend, America has too much understanding, and is too\\nsensible of the value of the world s good opinion, to for-\\nfeit it all by such perfidy. The Congress will never in-\\nstruct their Commissioners to obtain a peace on such\\nignominious terms and though there can be but few\\nthings in which I should venture to disobey their orders,\\nyet, if it were possible for them to give me such an order\\nas this, I should certainly refuse to act I should instantly\\nrenounce their commission, and banish myself for ever\\nfrom so infamous a country.\\nWe are a little ambitious too of your esteem and, as\\nI think we have acquired some share of it by our manner\\nof making war with you, I trust we shall not hazard the\\nloss of it by consenting meanly to a dishonorable peace.\\nLord North was wise in demanding of you some author-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 367\\nized acknowledgment of the proposition from authorized\\npersons. He justly thought it too improbable to be relied\\non, so as to lay it before the Privy Council. You can now\\ninform him, that the whole has been a mistake, and that\\nno such proposition as that of a separate peace has been,\\nis, or is ever likely to be made by me and I believe by\\nno other authorized person whatever in behalf of Amer-\\nica. You may further, if you please, inform his Lordship,\\nthat Mr. Adams, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay, and myself, have\\nlong since been empowered, by a special commission, to\\ntreat of peace whenever a negotiation shall be opened for\\nthat purpose but it must always be understood, that this\\nis to be in conjunction with our allies, comformably to the\\nsolemn treaties made with them.\\nYou have, my dear friend, a strong desire to promote\\npeace, and it is a most laudable and virtuous desire.\\nPermit me then to wish, that you would, in order to suc-\\nceed as a mediator, avoid such invidious expressions as\\nmay have an effect in preventing 3 our purpose. You tell\\nme, that no stipulation for our independence must be in\\nthe treaty, because you verily believe, so deep is the\\njealousy between England and France, that England\\nwould fight for a straw, to the last man and the last shil-\\nling, rather than be dictated to by France. And again,\\nthat the nation would proceed to every extremity, rather\\nthan be brought to a formal recognition of independence\\nat the haughty comniajid of France. My dear Sir, if every\\nproposition of terms for peace, that may be made by one\\nof the parties at war, is to be called and considered by\\nthe other as dictating, and a haughty covtmatid, and for that\\nreason rejected, with a resolution of fighting to the last\\nman rather than agrc^ to it, you see that in such case no\\ntreaty of peace is possible.\\nIn fact, we began the war for independence on your\\ngovernment, which we found tyrannical, and this before\\nFrance had any thing to do with our affairs the article\\nin our treaty, whereb} the two parties engage, that", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "368\\nFRANKLIN\\nneither of them shall conclude either truce or peace with\\nGreat Britain, without the formal consent of the other\\nfirst obtained and mutually engage, not to lay down\\ntheir arms until the independence of the United States\\nshall have been formally or tacitly assured, by the treaty\\nor treaties, that shall terminate the war, was an article\\ninserted at our instance, being in our favor. And you\\nsee, by the article itself, that your great difficulty may be\\neasily got over, as a formal acknowledgment of our inde-\\npendence is not made necessary. But we hope by God s\\nhelp to enjoy it and I suppose we shall fight for it as\\nlong as we are able.\\nI do not make any remarks upon the other proposi-\\ntions, because I think, that, unless they were made by\\nauthority, the discussion of them is unnecessary, and may\\nbe inconvenient. The supposition of our being disposed\\nto make a separate peace I could not be silent upon, as it\\nmaterially affected our reputation and its essential in-\\nterests. If I have been a little warm on that offensive\\npoint, reflect on your repeatedly urging it and endeavour\\nto excuse me. Whatever may be the fate of our poor\\ncountries, let you and me die as we have lived, in peace\\nwith each other.\\nAssuredly I continue, with great and sincere esteem,\\nmy dear friend, yours most affectionately,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO GEORGE WASHINGTON\\nPassy, 8 April, 1782.\\nSir I did myself the honor of writing to you a few\\ndays since by the Count de Segur. This line is chiefly\\nto present the Prince de Broglie to your Excellency, who\\ngoes over to join the army of M. de Roochambeau. He\\nbears an excellent character here, is a hearty friend to\\nour cause, and I am persuaded you will have a pleasure\\nin his conversation. I take leave, therefore, to recom-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 369\\nmend him to those civilities, which you are always happy\\nin showing to strangers of merit and distinction.\\n1 have heretofore congratulated your Excellency on\\nyour victories over our enemy s generals I can now do\\nthe same on your having overthrown their politicians.\\nYour late successes have so strengthened the hands of\\nopposition in Parliament, that they are become the ma-\\njority, and have compelled the king to dismiss all his old\\nministers and their adherents. The unclean spirits he\\nwas possessed with are now cast out of him but it is\\nimagined that, as soon as he has obtained a peace, they\\nwill return with others worse than themselves, and the\\nlast state of that man, as the Scripture says, shall be worse\\nthan the first.\\nWith the greatest esteem and respect, I am. Sir, your\\nExcellency s, c., B. Franklin.\\nTO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY\\nPassy, 7 June, 1782.\\nDear Sir I have always great pleasure in hearing\\nfrom you, in learning that you are well, and that you con-\\ntinue your experiments. I should rejoice much, if I\\ncould once more recover the leisure to search with you\\ninto the works of nature.\\nIn what light we are viewed by superior beings, may\\nbe gathered from a piece of late West India news, which\\npossibly has not yet reached you. A young angel of dis-\\ntinction being sent down to this world on some business,\\nfor the first time, had an old courier-spirit assigned him\\nas a guide. They arrived over the seas of Martinico, in\\nthe middle of the long day of obstinate fight between the\\nfleets of Rodney and De Grasse. When, through the\\nclouds of smoke, he saw the fire of the guns, the decks\\ncovered with mangled limbs, and bodies dead or dying\\nthe ships sinking, burning, or blown into the air and the\\nquantity of pain, misery, and destruction, the crews yet\\n24", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "370\\nFRANKLIN\\nalive were thus with so much eagerness dealing round to\\none another; he turned angrily to his guide, and said You\\nblundering blockhead, you are ignorant of your business\\nyou undertook to conduct me to the earth, and you have\\nbrought me into hell No, sir, says the guide, I\\nhave made no mistake this is really the earth, and these\\nare men. Devils never treat one another in this cruel\\nmanner they have more sense, and more of what men\\n(vainly) call humanity.\\nBut to be serious, my dear old friend, I love you as\\nmuch as ever, and I love all the honest souls that meet at\\nthe London coffee-house. I only wonder how it happened,\\nthat they and my other friends in England came to be\\nsuch good creatures in the midst of so perverse a genera-\\ntion. I long to see them and you once more, and I labor\\nfor peace with more earnestness, that I may again be\\nhappy in your sweet society. Adieu, believe me ever\\nyours most affectionately, B. Franklin.\\nTO RICHARD PRICE\\nPassy, 13 June, 1782.\\nDear Sir The ancient Roman and Greek orators\\ncould only speak to the number of citizens capable of\\nbeing assembled within the reach of their voice. Their\\nwritings had little effect, because the bulk of the people\\ncould not read. Now by the press we can speak to na-\\ntions and good books and well written pamphlets have\\ngreat and general influence. The facility, with which the\\nsame truths may be repeatedly enforced by placing them\\ndaily in different lights in newspapers, which are every-\\nwhere read, gives a great chance of establishing them.\\nAnd we now find, that it is not only right to strike while\\nthe iron is hot, but that it may be very practicable to\\nheat it by continually striking. With the greatest and\\nmost sincere esteem and affection, I am, my dear friend,\\nyours ever, B. Franklin.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 371\\nTO FRANCIS HOPKINSON\\nPassy, 24 December, 1782.\\nDear Sir: You do well to avoid being concerned in\\nthe pieces of personal abuse, so scandalously common in\\nour newspapers, that I am afraid to lend any of them\\nhere, until I have examined and laid aside such as would\\ndisgrace us, and subject us among strangers to a reflec-\\ntion like that used by a gentleman in a coffee-house to\\ntwo quarrellers, who, after a mutual free use of the words,\\nrogue, villain, rascal, scou7idrel, c., seemed as if they would\\nrefer their dispute to him I know nothing of you or\\nyour affairs, said he, I only perceive that you know one\\nanother.\\nThe conductor of a newspaper should, methinks, con-\\nsider himself as in some degree the guardian of his coun-\\ntry s reputation, and refuse to insert such writings as may\\nhurt it. If people will print their abuses of one another,\\nlet them do it in little pamphlets, and distribute them\\nwhere they think proper. It is absurd to trouble all the\\nworld with them and unjust to subscribers in different\\nplaces, to stuff their paper with matter so unprofitable\\nand so disagreeable. With sincere esteem and affection,\\nI am, c., B. Franklin.\\nThe negotiations for peace with America had been going on at Passy,\\neither directly or indirectly, ever since the change of ministry in England.\\nIn this portion of the memoirs of Dr. Franklin will be seen the very con-\\nsiderable influence which that able statesman and negotiator exercised in\\nbringing about the peace of America, and the final acknowledgment of\\nher independence by Great Britain.\\nTO THE HON. ROBERT LIVINGSTON, ESQ.\\nPassy, Dec. 5, 1782.\\nYou desire to be very particularly acquainted with\\nevery step which tends to a negotiation. I am therefore\\nencouraged to send you the first part of the journal,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "372 FRANKLIN\\nwhich accidents and a long- severe illness, interrupted\\nbut which, from notes I have by me, may be continued if\\nthought proper. In its present state, it is hardly fit for\\nthe inspection of Congress, certainly not for public view.\\nI confide it therefore to your prudence.\\nThe arrival of Mr. Jay, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Laurens,\\nrelieved me from much anxiety, which must have con-\\ntinued if I had been left to finish the treaty alone and\\nit has given me the more satisfaction, as I am sure the\\nbusiness has profited by their assistance.\\nMuch of the summer was taken up in objecting to the\\npowers given by Great Britain, and in removing those\\nobjections. The using any expressions that might imply\\nan acknowledgment of our independence, seemed at first,\\nindustriously to be avoided. But our refusing otherwise\\nto treat, at length induced them to get over that diffi-\\nculty and then we came to the point of making proposi-\\ntions. Those made by Mr. Jay and me, before the arrival\\nof the other gentlemen, you will find in the paper No. i,\\nwhich was sent by the British plenipotentiary to Lon-\\ndon for the king s consideration. After some weeks, an\\nunder-secretary of state, Mr. Strachey, arrived, with\\nwhom we had much contestation about the boundaries\\nand other articles which he proposed we settled some,\\nwhich he carried to London, and returned with the propo-\\nsitions some adopted, others omitted or altered, and\\nnew ones added which you will see in paper No. 2.\\nWe spent many days in discussing and disputing, and\\nat length agreed on and signed the preliminaries, which\\nyou will receive by this conveyance. The British minis-\\nters struggled hard for three points that the favors\\ngranted to the royalists should be extended, and our fish-\\nery contracted. We silenced them on the first, by threat-\\nening to produce an account of the mischief done by\\nthose people; and as to the second, when they told us\\nthey could not possibly agree to it as we required it,\\nand must refer it to the ministry in London, we pro-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 373\\nduced a new article to be referred at the same time,\\nwith a note of facts in support of it, which you have\\nNo. 3. Apparently it seemed that, to avoid the discussion\\nof this, they suddenly changed their minds, dropped the\\ndesign of recurring to London, and agreed to allow the\\nfishery as demanded. You will find in the preliminaries\\nsome inaccurate and ambiguous expressions that want\\nexplanation, and which may be explained in the definitive\\ntreaty. And as the British ministry excluded our propo-\\nsition relating to commerce, and the American prohibi-\\ntion of that with England may not be understood to cease\\nmerely by our concluding a treaty of peace, perhaps we\\nmay then, if the Congress shall think fit to direct it, obtain\\nsome compensation for the injuries done us, as a condi-\\ntion of our opening again the trade. Every one of the\\npresent British ministry has, while in the minority, de-\\nclared the war against us luijust and nothing is clearer\\nin reason than that those who injure others by unjust war,\\nshould make full reparation. They have stipulated, too,\\nin these preliminaries, that in evacuating our towns they\\nshall carry off no plunder, which is a kind of acknowledg-\\nment that they ought not to have done it before.\\nThe reason given us for dropping the article relating\\nto commerce, was, that some statutes were in the way,\\nwhich must be repealed before a treaty of that kind could\\nwell be formed and that this was a matter to be consid-\\nered in Parliament.\\nThey wanted to bring their boundary down to the\\nOhio, and to settle their loyalists in the Illinois country.\\nWe did not choose such neighbors.\\nWe communicated all the articles, as soon as they were\\nsigned, to Mons. le Comte de Vergennes, (except the sepa-\\nrate one) who thinks we have managed well, and told me,\\nthat we had settled what was most apprehended as a dif-\\nficulty in the work of a general peace, by obtaining the\\ndeclaration of our independence.\\nI am now near entering my seventy-fifth year. Public", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "374\\nFRANKLIN\\nbusiness has engrossed fifty of them. I wish, for the little\\ntime I have left, to be my own master. If I live to see\\nthis peace concluded, I shall beg leave to remind the Con-\\ngress of their promise then to dismiss me. I shall be\\nhappy to sing with old Simeon, Now lettest thou thy serv-\\nant depart in peace, for 7nine eyes have seen thy salvation^\\nWith great esteem, c.,\\nB. Franklin.\\nThis business being accomplished, and Dr. Franlclin not receiving any\\nanswer whatever from Congress to his repeated oilcial applications to be\\nrecalled, and his anxiety to return home increasing with his age and in-\\nfirmities, he addressed a private request to the same effect to his friend\\nGeneral Mifflin, then President of Congress, in order, through his interpo-\\nsition and influence, to obtain the wished-for object.\\nBALLOON ASCENSION IN PARIS\\nJuly 15. The Duke de Chartres s balloon went off this\\nmorning from the St. Cloud, himself and three others in\\nthe gallery. It was foggy, and they were soon out of\\nsight. But the machine being disordered, so that the\\ntrap or valve could not be opened to let out the expand-\\ning air, and fearing that the balloon would burst, they\\ncut a hole in it, which ripped larger, and they fell rapidly,\\nbut received no harm. They had been a vast height, met\\nwith a cloud of snow, and a tornado, which frightened\\nthem.\\nSunday 18. A good abb6 brings me a large manu-\\nscript containing a scheme of reformation of all churches\\nand states, religion, commerce, laws, c., which he has\\nplanned in his closet, without much knowledge of the\\nworld. I have promised to look it over, and he is to\\ncall next Thursday. It is amazing the number of legislat-\\nors that kindly bring me new plans for governing the\\nUnited States.\\nIn the year 1784, when animal magnetism made considerable noise\\nin the world, particularly at Paris, it was thought a matter of such im-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n375\\nportance that the king appointed commissioners to examine into the\\nfoundation of this pretended science. Dr. Franklin, at the particular re-\\nquest of his Majesty, signified to him by a letter from the minister, con-\\nsented to be one of the number. After a fair and diligent examination,\\nin the course of which Dr. Delon, a pupil and partner of Mcsmer, repeated\\na number of experiments in the presence of the commissioners, some of\\nwhich were tried upon themselves, they determined that it was a mere\\ntrick, intended to impose on the ignorant and credulous, and gave in their\\nreport accordingly to his Majesty, which was afterward published for the\\ninformation of the public. Mesmer and his associate Delon were thus\\ninterrupted in their career to wealth and fame, and a most insolent attempt\\nto impose upon the human understanding baffled.\\nSome time after. Dr. Franklin, in a letter to his friend Dr. Ingenhausz,\\nthus notices the subject\\nMesmer continues here, and has still some adherents,\\nand some practice. It is surprising how much credulity\\nstill subsists in the world. I suppose all the physicians\\nin France put together have not made so much money,\\nduring the time he has been here, as he alone has done\\nAnd we have now a fresh folly. A magnetiser pretends\\nthat he can, by establishing what is called a rapport be-\\ntween any person and a somnambule^ put it in the power\\nof that person to direct the actions of the somnatnbule\\nby a simple strong volition only, without speaking or\\nmaking any signs and many people daily liock to see\\nthis strange operation.\\nThe important ends of Dr. Franklin s mission to Europe being attained\\nby the establishment and acknowledgment of American independence,\\nand the infirmities of age and disease increasing upon him, he became\\nmore and more desirous of being relieved from his public situation, and\\nof returning to his native country. Upon a renewed application to Con-\\ngress to be recalled, he at length obtained his request, and Mr. Jefferson\\nwas appointed to succeed him. A more able and suitable successor in\\nevery respect could not have been found,\\nTO DAVID HARTLEY\\nPassy, 6th September, 1783.\\nMy dear Friend We are more thoroughly an en-\\nlightened people, with respect to our political interests,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "276 FRANKLIN\\nthan perhaps any other under heaven. Every man among\\nus reads, and is so easy in his circumstances as to have\\nleisure for conversation of improvement, and for acquir-\\ning information. Our domestic misunderstandings, when\\nwe have them, are of small extent, though monstrously\\nmao-nified by your microscopic newspapers. He who\\njudges from them that we are on the point of falling into\\nanarchy, or returning to the obedience of Britain, is like\\none, who being shown some spots in the sun, should fancy\\nthat the whole disk would soon be overspread with them,\\nand that there would be an end of daylight. The great\\nbody of intelligence among our people surrounds and\\noverpowers our petty dissensions, as the sun s great mass\\nof fire diminishes and destroys his spots.\\nYours affectionately, B. Franklin.\\nTO MRS. SARAH BACHE\\nPassy, 26th January, 1784.\\nMy dear Child For my own part, I wish the bald\\neagle had not been chosen as the representative of our\\ncountry; he is a bird of bad moral character he does not\\nget his living honestly you may have seen him perched\\nupon some dead tree, where, too lazy to fish for himself,\\nhe watches the labor of the fishing-hawk and when that\\ndiligent bird has at length taken a fish, and is bearing it\\nto his nest for the support of his mate and young ones, the\\nbald eagle pursues him, and takes it from him. With all\\nthis injustice he is never in good case but like those\\namong men, who live by sharping and robbing, he is gen-\\nerally poor, and often very lousy. Besides, he is a rank\\ncoward the little king-bird, not bigger than a sparrow,\\nattacks him boldly and drives him out of the district. He\\nis therefore by no means a proper emblem for the brave\\nand honest Cincinnati of America, who have driven all\\nthe king-birds from our country though exactly fit for\\nthat order of knights, which the French call Chevaliers\\nd Industrie.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 377\\nI am, on this account, not displeased that the figure is\\nnot known as a bald eagle, but looks more like a turkey.\\nFor in truth, the turkey is in comparison a much more\\nrespectable bird, and withal, a true original native of\\nAmerica. Eagles have been found in all countries, but\\nthe turkey was peculiar to ours and the first of the spe-\\ncies seen in Europe, being brought to France by the Jesuits\\nfrom Canada, and served up at the wedding table of\\nCharles the Ninth. He is besides (though a little vain and\\nsilly, it is true, but not the worse emblem for that,) a bird\\nof courage, and would not hesitate to attack a grenadier\\nof the British guards, who should presume to invade his\\nfarm-yard, with a red coat on.\\nTO SAMUEL MATHER\\nPassy, 12 May, 1784.\\nReverend Sir It is now more than sixty years since\\nI left Boston, but 1 remember well both your father and\\nyour grandfather, having heard them both in the pulpit\\nand seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your\\nfather was in the beginning of 1724, when I visited him\\nafter my first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in\\nhis library, and on my taking leave showed me a shorter\\nway out of the house through a narrow passage, which\\nwas crossed by a beam overhead. We were still talking\\nas I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turning\\npartly towards him, when he said hastily Stoop, stoop\\nI did not understand him, till I felt my head hit against a\\nbeam. He was a man that never missed any occasion of\\ngiving instruction, and upon this he said to me, Vou are\\nyoung, and have the world before you STOOP as you go\\nthrough it, and you will viiss many hard thumps This ad-\\nvice, thus beat into my head, has frequently been of use\\nto me and I often think of it, when I see pride mortified,\\nand misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying\\ntheir heads too high. With great and sincere esteem, I\\nhave the honor to be, c., B. FRANKLIN.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "378\\nFRANKLIN\\nTO MESSRS. WEEMS AND GANT. CITIZENS OF THE\\nUNITED STATES IN LONDON\\nPassy, i8 July, 1784.\\nGentlemen On receipt of your letter, acquainting\\nme that the Archbishop of Canterbury would not permit\\nyou to be ordained, unless you took the oath of allegiance,\\nI applied to a clergyman of my acquaintance for informa-\\ntion on the subject of your obtaining ordination here.\\nHis opinion was, that it could not be done and that, if it\\nwere done, you would be required to vow obedience to the\\nArchbishop of Paris. I next inquired of the Pope s Nun-\\ncio, whether you might not be ordained by their bishop\\nin America, powers being sent to him for that purpose, if\\nhe has them not already. The answer was, the thing is\\nimpossible, unless the gentlemen become Catholics.\\nIf the British islands were sunk in the sea (and the\\nsurface of this globe has suffered greater changes), you\\nwould probably take some such method as this and, if\\nthey persist in denying you ordination, it is the same\\nthing. A hundred years hence, when people are more\\nenlightened, it will be wondered at that men in America,\\nqualified by their learning and piety to pray for and in-\\nstruct their neighbors, should not be permitted to do it,\\ntill they had made a voyage of six thousand miles out and\\nhome, to ask leave of a cross old gentleman at Canterbury\\nwho seems, by your account, to have as little regard for\\nthe souls of the people of Maryland, as King William s\\nAttorney General, Seymour, had for those of Virginia.\\nThe Reverend Commissary Blair, who projected the Col-\\nlege of that Province, and was in England to solicit bene-\\nfactions and a charter, relates, that the Queen, in the\\nKing s absence, having ordered Seymour to draw up the\\ncharter, which was to be given, with two thousand pounds\\nin money, he opposed the grant saying that the nation\\nwas engaged in an expensive war, that the money was\\nwanted for better purposes, and he did not see the least", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 379\\noccasion for a college in Virginia. Blair represented to\\nhim, that its intention was to educate and qualify young\\nmen to be ministers of the gospel, much wanted there\\nand begged Mr. Attorney would consider, that the people\\nof Virginia had souls to be saved, as well as the people of\\nEngland. Sou/s said \\\\\\\\q, damn your sonls. Make to-\\nbacco. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, c.\\nB. Franklin.\\nOne of the last public acts of Dr. Franklin in Europe, as plenipoten-\\ntiary from Congress, took place on the 9th of July, 1785, when he con-\\ncluded and signed (jointly with other American commissioners; a treaty\\nof amity and commerce between the United States of America and the\\nKing of Prussia. This treaty is remarkable as containing a strong and\\nlasting testimony of Dr. Franklin s wonted philanthropy. In it was in-\\ntroduced for the first time (and, to the disgrace of governments, perhaps\\nfor the last) that benevolent article against the molestation of the persons\\nand property of unarmed citizens in time of war, and against privateer-\\ning. The establishing of this principle as the future law of nations was a\\nfavorite object of Dr. Franklin.\\nThe infirmity under which Dr. Franklin labored was such that he\\ncould not support the motion of a carriage. In consequence, the queen s\\nlitter, borne by Spanish mules, was kindly offered and gratefully accepted\\nto convey him from Passy to Havre-de-Grace, where he proposed embarking.\\nIn this easy vehicle he made that journey, followed by his family and\\nsome friends in carriages. On the road he experienced ever) mark of\\nrespect, attention, and kindness from several of the nobility and gentry\\nwhose chateaux lay adjoining, and particularly from the Cardinal de la\\nRochefoucauld at Gaillon, where he passed a night with his accompany-\\ning friends and attendants. He arrived safe at Havre without having\\nexperienced any material inconvenience from the journey, and there em-\\nbarked in a small packet, crossed the British Channel, and landed at\\nSouthampton. Here he remained a few days, and had the satisfaction of\\nseeing his son, the former Governor of New Jersey, and receiving the\\nvisits of several of his English friends. Among these were the Bishop of\\nSt. Asaph (Dr. Shipley), Mr. Alexander, Mr. Benjamin Vaughan, c.\\nHe embarked on board a Philadelphia ship, called the London Packet,\\nCapt. Thos. Truxtun, on July 27, and after a prosperous voyage arrived\\nin Philadelphia the 14th of September, But his own account of his jour-\\nney from Passy to Havre, and his subsequent voyage to Southampton,\\nand thence to America, as taken from his pocket journal, may not per-\\nhaps be entirely void of interest. It is as follows", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "38o\\nFRANKLIN\\nPRIVATE JOURNAL\\nHaving staid in France about eight and one half\\nyears, I took leave of the court and my friends, and set\\nout on my return home, July 12, 1785, leaving Passy w^ith\\nmy two grandsons, at 4 P. M. arrived about 8 at SL Ger-\\nmains. M. de Chaumont, with his daughter Sophia, ac-\\ncompanied us to Ncmterre. M. Le Veillard will continue\\nwith us to Havre. We met at St. Gcrmains the Miss\\nAlexanders with Mrs. Williams our cousin, who had pro-\\nvided a lodging for me at M. Benoit s. I found that the\\nmotion of the litter, lent me by the Duke de Coigny, did\\nnot much incommode me. It was one of the queen s,\\ncarried by two very large mules, the muleteer riding an.\\nother M. le V. and my children in a carriage. We\\ndrank tea at M. Benoit s and went early to bed.\\nWednesday, July 13. Breakfast with our friends, take\\nleave and continue our journey, dine at a good inn at\\nMeiilayi, and get to Mantes in the evening. A messenger\\nfrom the Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld meets us there\\nwith an invitation to stop at his house at Gaillon the next\\nday, acquainting us at the same time that he would take\\nno excuse; for, being all powerful in his archbishopric, he\\nwould stop us nolens volens at his habitation, and not per-\\nmit us to lodge anywhere else. We consented. Lodged\\nat Ma7ites. Found myself very little fatigued with the\\nday s journey, the mules going only foot pace.\\nThursday, July 14. Proceed early, and breakfast at\\nVernon. Received a visit there from Vicomte de Tilly\\nand his Comtesse. Arrive at the cardinal s without\\ndining, about six in the afternoon. It is a superb ancient\\nchateau, built about 350 years since, but in line preserva-\\ntion, on an elevated situation, with an extensive and beau-\\ntiful view over a well-cultivated country. The cardinal\\nis archbishop of Rouen. A long gallery contains the pic-\\ntures of all his predecessors. The chapel is elegant in the\\nold style, with well-painted glass windows. The terrace", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 381\\nmagnificent. We supped early. The entertainment was\\nkind and cheerful. We were allowed to go early to bed,\\non account of our intention to depart early in the morn-\\ning. The cardinal pressed us to pass another day with\\nhim, offering to amuse us with hunting in his park: but\\nthe necessity we are under of being in time at Havre,\\nwould not permit.\\nWednesday, July 20. The packet-boat arrives, and\\nthe captain (Jennings) calling at our lodging, we agree\\nwith him to carry us and the baggage we have here for\\nten guineas, to land us at Cowes. We are to depart to-\\nmorrow evening.\\nMonday, July 25th. [Southampton.] The bishop and\\nfamily lodging in the same inn, the Star, we all breakfast\\nand dine together. I went at noon to bathe in Martin s\\nsalt water hot-bath, and floating on my back fell asleep,\\nand slept near an hour by my watch, without sinking or\\nturning, a thing I never did before, and should hardly\\nhave thought possible. Water is the easiest bed that can\\nbe. Read over the writings of conveyance, etc., of my\\nson s lands in New Jersey and New York to my grand-\\nson.\\nThursday, July 28. When I waked in the morning,\\nfound the company gone, and the ship under sail.\\nNothing material occurred during the passage. Dr. Franklin occupied\\nhimself as in former voyages, in ascertaining daily the temperature of the\\nsea-water by the thermometer and he wrote a very interesting and use-\\nful paper on Improvements in Navigation.\\nTuesday, Sept. 13. The wind springing fair last even-\\ning after a calm, we found ourselves this morning at\\nsun-rising, abreast of the light-house, and between Capes\\nMay and Henlopcn. We sail into the bay very pleasantly\\nwater smooth, air cool, day fair and fine.\\nWednesday, Sept. 14. With a flood in the morning\\ncame a light breeze, which brought us above Gloucester\\nPoint, in full view of dear Philadelphia I when we again", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "382 FRANKLIN\\ncast anchor to wait for the health officer, who, having\\nmade his visit, and finding no sickness, gave us leave to\\nland. My son-in-law came with a boat for us we landed\\nat Market street wharf, where we were received by a\\ncrowd of people with huzzas, and accompanied with ac-\\nclamations quite to my door. Found my family well.\\nGod be praised and thanked for all his mercies\\nThe arrival of Dr. Franklin in Philadelphia is thus accurately related\\nby one of his historians He was received amidst the acclamations of\\nan immense number of the inhabitants, who flocked from all parts in\\norder to see him, and conducted him in triumph to his own house. In\\nthe meantime the cannon and the bells of the city announced the glad\\ntidings to the neighboring country and he was waited upon by the Con-\\ngress, the university, and all the principal citizens, who were eager to\\ntestify their esteem and veneration for his character. Another writer\\nthus enthusiastically notices his return\\nHis entry into Philadelphia resembled a triumph\\nand he traversed the streets of that capital amidst the\\nbenedictions of a free and grateful people, who had not\\nforgotten his services.\\nSoon after Dr. Franklin s arrival in Philadelphia he was chosen a\\nmember of the supreme executive council of that city, and shortly after\\nwas elected president of the State of Pennsylvania, which honorable situa-\\ntion he filled the whole time allowed by the constitution, viz., three suc-\\ncessive years. When a general convention of the States was summoned\\nto meet in Philadelphia, in 1787, for the purpose of giving more energy to\\nthe Government of the Union, by revising and amending the articles of\\nconfederation, Dr. Franklin was appointed a delegate from the State of\\nPennsylvania to that convention as such he signed the new constitution\\nagreed on for the United States, and gave it the most unequivocal marks\\nof his approbation.\\nTO GEORGE WASHINGTON\\nPhiladelphia, 20 Sept., 1785.\\nI am just arrived from a country, where the reputa-\\ntion of General Washington runs very high, and where\\neverybody wishes to see him in person but, being told", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "FRANKLIN S BIRTHPLACE,\\nWhich stood on Milk Street, opposite the Old South Church,\\nBoston.\\nPhotogravure from an oM lithograph owned by the\\nBostonian Society.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "for the he\\niding\\nv.e wilii\\n^VY^V\\nGO II..\\nr ano am articles of\\njUSt\\nA Gene\\ncry body wishes to 5cc", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENXE 3S3\\nthat it is not likely he ever will favor them with a visit,\\nthey hope at least for a sight of his perfect resemblance by\\nmeans of their principal statuary, M. Houdon, whom Mr.\\nJefferson and myself agreed with to come over for the\\npurpose of taking a bust, in order to make the intended\\nstatue for the State of Virginia. He is here, but, the mate-\\nrials and instruments he sent down the Seine from Paris\\nnot being arrived at Havre when we sailed, he was\\nobliged to leave them, and is now busied in supplving\\nhimself here. As soon as that is done, he proposes to\\nwait on you in Virginia, as he understands there is no\\nprospect of your coming hither, which would indeed make\\nme very happy as it would give me an opportunity of\\ncongratulating with you personally on the tinal success of\\nyour long and painful labors, in the service of our coun-\\ntry, which have laid us all under eternal obligations.\\nWith the greatest and most sincere esteem and respect, I\\nam, dear Sir c. B. Franklin.\\nTO JON.\\\\THAN SHIPLEY\\nPhiladelphia. 24 Feb., 17S6.\\nDear Friend You will kindly expect a word or\\ntwo concerning myself. My health and spirits con-\\ntinue, thanks to God, as when you saw me. The only\\ncomplaint I then had, does not grow worse, and is toler-\\nable. I still have enjoyment in the company of my\\nfriends and. being easy in my circumstances, have many\\nreasons to like living. But the course of nature mv.Zy.\\nsoon put a period to my present mode of existence. This\\nI shall submit to with the less regret, as. having seen dur-\\ning a long life, a good deal of this world, I feel a growing\\ncuriosity to be acquainted with some other and can\\ncheerfuUv. with filial confidence, resign my spirit to the\\nconduct of that great and good Parent of mankind, who\\ncreated it. and who has so graciously protected and pros-\\npered me from my birth to the present hour. Wherever", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "384 FRANKLIN\\nI am, I hope always to retain the pleasing remembrance\\nof your friendship, being with sincere and great esteem,\\nmy dear friend, yours most affectionately,\\nB. Franklin.\\nTO MRS. MARY HEWSON\\nPhiladelphia, 6 May, 1786.\\nMy dear Friend I have found my family here in\\nhealth, good circumstances, and well respected by their\\nfellow citizens. The companions of my youth are indeed\\nall departed, but I find an agreeable society among their\\nchildren and grand-children. I have public business\\nenough to preserve me from ennui, and private amuse-\\nment besides in conversation, books, my garden, and crib-\\nbage. Considering our well-furnished plentiful market as\\nthe best of gardens, I am turning mine, in the midst of\\nwhich my house stands, into grass-plots and gravel walks,\\nwith trees and flowering shrubs. Cards we sometimes\\nplay here, in long winter evenings but it is as they play\\nat chess, not for money, but for honor, or the pleasure of\\nbeating one another. This will not be quite a novelty to\\nyou, as you remember we played together in that manner\\nduring the winter at Passy. I have indeed now and then\\na little compunction in reflecting that I spend time so\\nidly but another reflection comes to relieve me, whis-\\npering, You know that the soul is immortal why then\\nshould you be such a niggard of a little time, when you have a\\nwhole eternity before you. So, being easily convinced, and,\\nlike other reasonable creatures, satisfied with a small rea-\\nson when it is in favor of doing what I have a mind to, I\\nshuffle the cards again, and begin another game.\\nAs to public amusements, we have neither plays nor\\noperas, but we had yesterday a kind of oratorio, as you\\nwill see by the enclosed paper and we have assemblies,\\nballs, and concerts, besides little parties at one another s\\nhouses, in which there is sometimes dancing, and fre-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 385\\nquently good music so that we jog on in life as pleas-\\nantly as you do in England anywhere but in London,\\nfor there you have plays performed by good actors.\\nThat, however, is, I think, the only advantage London\\nhas over Philadelphia.\\nWith sincere and great esteem, I am ever, my dear\\nfriend, yours most affectionately, B. Franklin.\\nTO THE ABBE MORELLET\\nPhiladelphia, 22 April, 1787.\\nMy very DEAR Friend Whatever may be reported\\nby the English in Europe, you may be assured that our\\npeople are almost unanimous in being satisfied with the\\nRevolution. Their unbounded respect for all who were\\nprincipally concerned in it, whether as warriors or states-\\nmen, and the enthusiastic joy with which the day of the\\ndeclaration of independence is everywhere annually cele-\\nbrated, are indubitable proofs of this truth.\\nTO THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD\\nPhiladelphia, 15 April, 1787.\\nYour friendly congratulations on my arrival and re-\\nception here were very obliging. The latter was, as you\\nhave heard, extremely flattering. The two parties in the\\nAssembly and Council, the constitutionists and anti-con-\\nstitutionists, joined in requesting my service as counsellor,\\nand afterwards in electing me as President. Of seventy-\\nfour members in Council and Assembly, who voted by\\nballot, there was in my first election but one negative, be-\\nsides my own and in the second, after a year s service,\\nonly my own. And I experience, from all the principal\\npeople in the government, every attention and assistance\\nthat can be desired towards making the task as little\\nburdensome to me as possible. So I am going on very\\ncomfortably hitherto with my second year, and I do not\\n25", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "386\\nFRANKLIN\\nat present see any likelihood of a change; but future\\nevents are always uncertain, being governed by Provi-\\ndence or subject to chances and popular favor is very\\nprecarious, being sometimes lost as well as gained by good\\nactions; so I do not depend on a continuance of my\\npresent happiness, and therefore shall not be surprised,\\nif, before my time of service expires, something should\\nhappen to diminish it.\\nThese States in general enjoy peace and plenty.\\nThere have been some disorders in the Massachusetts\\nand Rhode Island governments those in the former are\\nquelled for the present; those of the latter, being con-\\ntentions for and against paper money, will probably con-\\ntinue some time. Maryland too is divided on the same\\nsubject, the Assembly being for it, and the Senate against\\nit. Each is now employed in endeavouring to gain the\\npeople to its party against the next elections, and it is\\nprobable the Assembly may prevail. Paper money in\\nmoderate quantities has been found beneficial when\\nmore than the occasions of commerce require, it depre-\\nciated and was mischievous and the populace are apt to\\ndemand more than is necessary. In this State we have\\nsome, and it is useful, and I do not hear any clamor for\\nmore.\\nThere seems to be but little thought at present in the\\nparticular States, of mending their particular constitu-\\ntions but the grand Federal Constitution is generally\\nblamed as not having given sufficient powers to Congress,\\nthe federal head. A convention is therefore appointed to\\nrevise that constitution, and propose a better. You will\\nsee by the enclosed paper, that your friend is to be one\\nin that business, though he doubts his malady may not\\npermit his giving constant attendance. I am glad to see,\\nthat you are named as one of a General Assembly to be\\nconvened in France. I flatter myself, that great good\\nmay accrue to that dear nation from the deliberations of\\nsuch an assembly. I pray God to give it his blessing.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 387\\nThe bearer of this is Mr. Paine, the author of a famous\\npiece, entitled Common Sense, published here with\\ngreat effect on the minds of the people at the beginning\\nof the Revolution. He is an ingenious, honest man and\\nas such I beg leave to recommend him to your civilities.\\nHe carries with him the model of a bridge of a new con-\\nstruction, his own invention, concerning which I intended\\nto have recommended him to M. Peyronnet, but I hear he\\nis no more. You can easily procure Mr. Paine a sight of\\nthe models and drawings of the collection appertaining to\\nthe Fonts et Chausse es they must afford him useful lights\\non the subject. We want a bridge over our river Schuyl-\\nkill, and have no artist here regularly bred to that kind of\\narchitecture.\\nMy grandsons are very sensible of the honor of your\\nremembrance, and desire me to present their respects.\\nWith the most sincere and perfect esteem and attachment,\\nI am ever, my dear friend, c. B. Franklin.\\nTO THOMAS JORDAN, LONDON\\nPhiladelphia, 18 May, 1787.\\nI received your very kind letter of February 27th, to-\\ngether with the cask of porter you have been so good as\\nto send me. We have here at present what the French\\ncall une assemble des notables^ a convention composed of\\nsome of the principal people from the several States of\\nour confederation. They did me the honor of dining with\\nme last Wednesday, when the cask was broached, and its\\ncontents met with the most cordial reception and uni-\\nversal approbation. In short, the company agreed unani-\\nmously, that it was the best porter they had ever tasted.\\nAccept my thanks, a poor return, but all I can make at\\npresent.\\nYour letter reminds me of many happy days we have\\npassed together, and the dear friends with whom we\\npassed them some of whom, alas have left us, and we", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "388\\nFRANKLIN\\nmust regret their loss, although our Hawkesworth is\\nbecome an Adventurer in more happy regions and our\\nStanley gone where only his own harmony can be ex-\\nceeded. You give me joy in telling me, that you are\\non the pinnacle of contenty Without it no situation can\\nbe happy with it, any. One means of becoming content\\nwith one s situation is the comparing it with a worse.\\nThus, when I consider how many terrible diseases the hu-\\nman body is liable to, I comfort myself, that only three\\nincurable ones have fallen to my share, viz. the gout, the\\nstone, and old age and that these have not yet deprived\\nme of my natural cheerfulness, my delight in books, and\\nenjoyment of social conversation.\\nI am glad to hear, that Mr. Fitzmaurice is married,\\nand has an amiable lady and children. It is a better plan\\nthan that he once proposed, of getting Mrs. Wright to\\nmake him a wax-work wife to sit at the head of his table.\\nFor after all, wedlock is the natural state of man. A\\nbachelor is not a complete human being. He is like the\\nodd half of a pair of scissors, which has not yet found its\\nfellow, and therefore is not even half so useful as they\\nmight be together.\\nI hardly know which to admire most; the wonderful\\ndiscoveries made by Herschel, or the indefatigable inge-\\nnuity by which he has been enabled to make them. Let\\nus hope, my friend, that, when free from these bodily\\nembarrassments, we may roam together through some of\\nthe systems he has explored, conducted by some of our\\nold companions already acquainted with them. Hawkes-\\nworth will enliven our progress with his cheerful, sen-\\nsible converse, and Stanley accompany the music of the\\nspheres.\\nMr. Watmaugh tells me, for I immediately inquired\\nafter her, that your daughter is alive and well. I remem-\\nber her a most promising and beautiful child, and there-\\nfore do not wonder, that she is grown, as he says, a fine\\nwoman. God bless her and you, my dear friend, and", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 389\\nevery thing that pertains to you, is the sincere prayer\\nof yours most affectionately, B. Franklin,\\nin his eighty-second year.\\nTO GEORGE WHATLEY\\nPhiladelphia, 18 May, 1787.\\nYou are now seventy-eight, and I am eighty-two you\\ntread fast upon my heels but, though you have more\\nstrength and spirit, you cannot come up with me till I\\nstop, which must now be soon for I am grown so old as\\nto have buried most of the friends of my youth, and I\\nnow often hear persons whom I knew when children,\\ncalled old Mr. such-a-one, to distinguish them from their\\nsons now men grown and in business so that, by living\\ntwelve years beyond David s period, I seem to have in-\\ntruded myself into the company of posterity, when I\\nought to have been abed and asleep. Yet, had I gone at\\nseventy, it would have cut off twelve of the most active\\nyears of my life, employed too in matters of the greatest\\nimportance but whether I have been doing good or\\nmischief is for time to discover. I only know that I in-\\ntended well, and I hope all will end well.\\nBe so good as to present my affectionate respects to\\nDr. Riley. I am under great obligations to him, and\\nshall write to him shortly. It will be a pleasure to him\\nto know, that my malady does not grow sensibly worse,\\nand that is a great point for it has always been so toler-\\nable, as not to prevent my enjoying the pleasures of\\nsociety, and being cheerful in conversation. I owe this\\nin a great measure to his good counsels.\\nAdieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours\\nmost affectionately, B. Franklin.\\nDR. FRANKLIN S SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION AT THE\\nCONCLUSION OF ITS DELIBERATIONS\\nMr. President: I confess that I do not entirely ap-\\nprove of this constitution at present but, sir, I am not", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "390\\nFRANKLIN\\nsure I shall never approve it; for having lived long, I\\nhave experienced many instances of being obliged, by\\nbetter information or fuller consideration, to change opin-\\nions even on important subjects which I once thought\\nrio:ht, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that the\\nolder I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judg-\\nment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects\\nin religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and\\nthat wherever others differ from them it is so far error.\\nSteele, a Protestant, in a dedication, tells the Pope, that\\nthe only difference between our two churches in their\\nopinions of the certainty of their doctrines is, the Romish\\nChurch is infallible, and the Church of England is Jicvcr\\nin the wrong. But though many private persons think\\nalmost as highly of their own infallibility as of their sect,\\nfew express it so naturally as a certain French lady, who\\nin a little dispute with her sister, said, but I meet with\\nnobody but myself that is ahvays in the right. i^ Je tie\\nirouve que moi qui aie toujours raiso7t\\nIn these sentiments, sir, I agree to this constitution,\\nwith all its faults if they are such because I think a\\ngeneral government necessary for us, and there is no\\nform of government but what may be a blessing to the\\npeople, if well administered for a course of years, and can\\nonly end in despotism, as other forms have done before\\nit, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need\\ndespotic government, being incapable of an}- other. I\\ndoubt too whether any other convention we can obtain,\\nmay be able to make a better constitution for, when you\\nassemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their\\njoint wisdom, you inevitablv assemble with those men all\\ntheir prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion,\\ntheir local interests, and their selfish views. From such\\nan assembl} can a perfect production be expected It\\ntherefore astonishes me, sir, to find this system approach-\\ning so near to perfection as it does and I think it will\\nastonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n391\\nhear that our councils are confounded like those of the\\nbuilders of Babel, and that our states are on the point of\\nseparation only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cut-\\nting one another s throats. Thus, I consent sir, to this\\nconstitution, because I expect no better, and because I\\nam not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have\\nhad of its errors I sacrifice to the public good. I have\\nnever whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these\\nwalls they were born, and here they shall die. If every\\none of us in returning to our constituents were to report\\nthe objections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain\\npartizans in support of them, we might prevent its being\\ngenerally received, and thereby lose all the salutary\\neffects and great advantages resulting naturally in our\\nfavor among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves,\\nfrom our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the\\nstrength and efficiency of any government in procuring\\nand securing happiness to the people depends on opinion,\\non the general opinion of the goodness of that govern-\\nment, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its gov-\\nernors. I hope therefore, for your own sakes, as a part\\nof the people, and for the sake of our posterity, that we\\nshall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this\\nconstitution, wherever our influence may extend, and turn\\nour future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having\\nit ivell administered.\\nOn the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that\\nevery member of the convention who may still have ob-\\njections to it, would with me on this occasion doubt a\\nlittle of his own infallibility, and to make vianifest our\\nutianimity put his name to this instrument.\\nTO M. DE VEILLARD, AT PASSY\\nPhiladelphia, June 8, 1788.\\nMy dear Friend I received a few days ago your\\nkind letter of the 3d January.", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "392\\nFRANKLIN\\nThe arret in favor of the non-catkoliques gives pleasure\\nhere, not only from its present advantages, but as it is a\\ngood step towards general toleration and to the abolish-\\ning in time all party spirit among Christians, and the mis-\\nchiefs that have so long attended it. Thank God, the\\nworld is growing wiser and wiser and as by degrees\\nmen are convinced of the folly of wars for religion, for\\ndominion, or for commerce, they will be happier and hap-\\npier. Eight States have now agreed to the proposed new\\nconstitution there remain five who have not yet discussed\\nit, their appointed times of meeting not being yet arrived.\\nTwo are to meet this month, the rest later. One more\\nagreeing, it will be carried into execution. Probably\\nsome will not agree at present, but time may bring them\\nin so that we have little doubt of its becoming general,\\nperhaps with some corrections. As to your friend s tak-\\ning a share in the management of it, his age and infirmi-\\nties render him unfit for the business, as the business\\nwould be for him. After the expiration of his president-\\nship, which will now be in a few months, he is detert)iined\\nto engage no more in public affairs, even if required but\\nhis countrymen will be too reasonable to require it. You\\nare not so considerate you are an hard task-master. You\\ninsist on his writing his life, already a long work, and at\\nthe same time would have him continuallv emploved in\\naugmenting the subject, while the time shortens in which\\nthe work is to be executed. General Washington is the\\nman that all our eyes are fixed on for President, and what\\nlittle influence I may have is devoted to him.\\nFranklin.\\nto madame lavoisier\\nPhiladelphia, 23 October, 17S8.\\nIt is true, as you observe, that I enjov here evervthing\\nthat a reasonable mind can desire, a sufficiency of income,\\na comfortable habitation of mv own building:, having: all\\nthe conveniences I could imagine a dutiful and aflfec-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 393\\ntionate daughter to nurse and take care of me, a number\\nof promising grand-children, some old friends still remain-\\ning to converse with, and more respect, distinction, and\\npublic honors than I can possibly merit. These are the\\nblessings of God, and depend on his continual goodness\\nyet all do not make me forget Paris, and the nine years\\nof happiness I enjoyed there, in the sweet society of\\na people whose conversation is instructive, whose man-\\nners are highly pleasing, and who, above all the nations\\nof the world have in the greatest perfection, the art of\\nmaking themselves beloved by strangers. And now,\\neven in mv sleep, I find that the scenes of all my pleas-\\nant dreams are laid in that city, or in its neighborhood.\\nWith great regard and affection, I have the honor to be,\\nmy dear friend, c., B. Franklin.\\nTO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN\\nPhiladelphia, 24 October, 1788.\\nRemember me affectionately to the good Dr. Price,\\nand to the honest heretic, Dr. Priestley. I do not call him\\nhottest by way of distinction for I think all the heretics I\\nhave known have been virtuous men. They have the\\nvirtue of fortitude, or they would not venture to own\\ntheir heresy and they cannot afford to be deficient in\\nany of the other virtues, as that would give advantage to\\ntheir many enemies and they have not, like orthodox\\nsinners, such a number of friends to excuse or justify\\nthem. Do not, however, mistake me. It is not to my\\ngood friend s heresy that I impute his honesty. On the\\ncontrary, it is his honesty that has brought upon him the\\ncharacter of heretic. I am ever, my dear friend, yours\\nsincerely, B. Franklin.\\nTO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN\\nPhiladelphia, 2 November, 17S9.\\nMy dearest Friend We have now had one session\\nof Congress under our new Constitution, which was con-\\ns*\\n26", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "394\\nFRANKLIN\\nducted with, I think, a greater degree of temper, pru-\\ndence, and unanimity than could well have been expected,\\nand our future prospects seem very favorable. The har-\\nvests of the last summer have been uncommonly plenti-\\nful and good yet the produce bears a high price, from\\nthe great foreign demand. At the same time, great\\nquantities of foreign goods are crowded upon us, so as to\\noverstock the market and supply us with what we want\\nat very low prices. A spirit of industry and frugality is\\nalso very generally prevailing, which, being the most\\npromising sign of future national felicity, gives me infinite\\nsatisfaction. Yours most sincerely, B. Franklin.\\nTO EZRA STILES\\nPhiladelphia, 9 March, 1790.\\nReverend and dear Sir You desire to know some-\\nthing of my religion. It is the first time I have been\\nquestioned upon it. But I cannot take your curiosity\\namiss, and shall endeavor in a few words to gratify it.\\nHere is my creed. I believe in one God, the creator of\\nthe universe. That he governs it by his Providence.\\nThat he ought to be worshipped. That the most accept-\\nable service we can render to him is doing good to his\\nother children. That the soul of man is immortal, and\\nwill be treated with justice in another life respecting its\\nconduct in this. These I take to be the fundamental\\npoints in all sound religion, and I regard them is you do\\nin whatever sect I meet with them.\\nAs to Jesus of Nazareth, my opinion of whom you\\nparticularly desire, I think his system of morals and his\\nreligion as he left them to us, the best the world ever saw\\nor is like to see but I apprehend it has received various\\ncorrupting changes, and I have, with most of the present\\nDissenters in England, some doubts as to his Divinity\\nthough it is a question I do not dogmatize upon, having\\nnever studied it, and think it needless to busy myself", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n395\\nwith it now, when I expect soon an opportunity of know-\\ning the truth with less trouble. I see no harm, however,\\nin its being- believed, if that belief has the good conse-\\nquence, as probably it has, of making his doctrines more\\nrespected and more observed especially as I do not per-\\nceive that the Supreme takes it amiss, by distinguishing\\nthe unbelievers in his government of the world with any\\npeculiar marks of his displeasure.\\nI shall only add, respecting myself, that, having expe-\\nrienced the goodness of that Being in conducting me\\nprosperously through a long life, I have no doubt of its\\ncontinuance in the next, though without the smallest con-\\nceit of meriting such goodness.\\nWith great and sincere esteem and afifection, I am, etc.,\\nB. Franklin.\\nAbout three weeks before his death, Dr. Franklin wrote from his sick\\nbed, the masterly ironical letter that follows. It was his last contribution\\nto the public press.\\nON THE SLAVE TRADE\\nTo the Editor of the Federal Gazette.\\nMarch 23, 1790.\\nSir,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Reading last night in your excellent paper the\\nspeech of Mr. Jackson in Congress against their meddling\\nwith the affairs of slavery, or attempting to mend the\\ncondition of the slaves, it put me in mind of a similar one\\nmade about one hundred years since by Sidi Mehemet\\nIbrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers, which may\\nbe seen in Martin s account of his consulship, anno 1687.\\nIt was against granting the petition of the sect called Erika,\\nor Purists, who prayed for the abolition of piracy and\\nslavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it\\nperhaps he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its\\nreasonings are to be found in his eloquent speech, it may\\nonly show that men s interests and intellects operate and\\nare operated on with surprising similarity in all countries", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "396\\nFRANKLIN\\nand climates, whenever they are under similar circum-\\nstances. The African s speech, as translated, is as fol-\\nlows\\nAllah Bismillah, etc. God is great, and Mahomet is\\nhis Prophet.\\nHave these Erika considered the consequences of\\ngranting their petition If we cease our cruises against\\nthe Christians, how shall we be furnished with the com-\\nmodities their countries produce, and which are so neces-\\nsary for us If we forbear to make slaves of their people,\\nwho in this hot climate are to cultivate our lands Who\\nare to perform the common labors of our city, and in our\\nfamilies? Must we not then be our own slaves? And is\\nthere not more compassion and more favor due to us as\\nMussulmen than to these Christian dogs We have now\\nabove fifty thousand slaves in and near Algiers. This\\nnumber, if not kept up by fresh supplies, will soon diminish,\\nand be gradually annihilated. If we then cease taking\\nand plundering the infidel ships, and making slaves of the\\nseamen and passengers, our lands will become of no value\\nfor want of cultivation the rents of houses in the city\\nwill sink one half and the revenue of government arising\\nfrom its share of prizes be totally destroyed And for\\nwhat? To gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who\\nwould have us not only forbear making more slaves, but\\neven manumit those we have.\\nBut who is to indemnify their masters for the loss\\nWill the state do it Is our treasury sufficient? Will the\\nErika do it? Can they do it? Or would they, to do\\nwhat they think justice to the slaves, do a greater injustice\\nto the owners And if we set our slaves free, what is to\\nbe done with them Few of them will return to their\\ncountries they know too well the greater hardships they\\nmust there be subject to they will not embrace our holy\\nreligion they will not adopt our manners our people\\nwill not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them.\\nMust we maintain them as beggars in our streets or suffer", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n397\\nour properties to be the prey of their pillage For men\\naccustomed to slavery will not work for a livelihood when\\nnot compelled. And what is there so pitiable in their\\npresent condition? Were they not slaves in their own\\ncountries? Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the\\nItalian states governed by despots, who hold all their sub-\\njects in slavery, without exception? Even England treats\\nits sailors as slaves for they are, whenever the govern-\\nment pleases, seized and confined in ships of war, con-\\ndemned not only to work, but to fight, for small wages,\\nor a mere subsistence, not better than our slaves are\\nallowed by us. Is their condition then made worse by\\ntheir falling into our hands No they have only ex-\\nchanged one slavery for another, and I may say a better\\nfor here they are brought into a land where the sun of\\nIslamism gives forth its light, and shines in full splendor,\\nand they have an opportunity of making themselves\\nacquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving\\ntheir immortal souls. Those who remain at home have\\nnot that happiness. Sending the slaves home then would\\nbe sending them out of light into darkness. I repeat the\\nquestion, What is to be done with them I have heard it\\nsuggested that they may be planted in the wilderness,\\nwhere there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and\\nwhere they may flourish as a free state but they are, I\\ndoubt, too little disposed to labor without compulsion, as\\nwell as too ignorant to establish a good government, and\\nthe wild Arabs would soon molest and destroy or again\\nenslave them. While serving us, we take care to provide\\nthem with everything, and they are treated with human-\\nity. The laborers in their own country are, as I am well\\ninformed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. Here their\\nlives are in safety. They are not liable to be impressed\\nfor soldiers, and forced to cut one another s Christian\\nthroats, as in the wars of their own countries. If some of\\nthe religious mad bigots, who now tease us with their\\nsilly petitions, have in a fit of blind zeal freed their slaves,", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "398\\nFRANKLIN\\nit was not generosity, it was not humanity, that moved\\nthem to the action it was the conscious burthen of a load\\nof sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits of so good\\na work, to be excused from damnation. How grossly are\\nthey mistaken to suppose slavery to be disallowed by\\nthe Alcoran\\nAre not the two precepts, to quote no more, Master,\\ntreat your slaves with kindness Slaves, serve your masters\\nwith cheerfulness and fidelity, clear proofs to the con-\\ntrary Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that\\nsacred book forbidden, since it is well known from it, that\\nGod has given the world, and all that it contains, to his\\nfaithful Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of right as fast as\\nthey conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this detest-\\nable proposition, the manumission of Christian slaves, the\\nadoption of which would, by depreciating our lands and\\nhouses, and thereby depriving so many good citizens of\\ntheir properties, create universal discontent, and provoke\\ninsurrections, to the endangering of government and pro-\\nducing general confusion. I have therefore no doubt but\\nthis wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of\\na whole nation of true believers to the whim of a few\\nErika, and dismiss their petition.\\nThe result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came\\nto this resolution The doctrine that plundering and en-\\nslaving the Christians is unjust, is at best problematical;\\nbut that it is the interest of this state to continue the prac-\\ntice, is clear; therefore let the petition be rejected. And\\nit was rejected accordingly. And since like motives are\\napt to produce in the minds of men like opinions and\\nresolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to predict,\\nfrom this account, that the petitions to the Parliament of\\nEngland for abolishing the slave trade, to say nothing of\\nother legislatures, and the debates upon them will have a\\nsimilar conclusion I am, sir, your constant reader and\\nhumble servant Historicus.", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE 399\\nDuring the greatest part of his life, Dr. Franklin had enjoyed an\\nalmost uninterrupted state of good health, and this he entirely attributed\\nto his exemplary temperance. In the year 1735, indeed, he had been\\nseized with a pleurisy, which ended in a suppuration of the left lobe of\\nthe lungs, so that he was almost suffocated by the quantity of matter\\nthrown up. But from this, as well as from another attack of the same\\nkind, he recovered so completely that his breath was not in the least\\naffected.\\nAs he advanced in years, however, he became subject to fits of the\\ngout, to which, in 1782, a nephritic cholic was superadded. From this\\ntime he was also affected with the stone, as well as the gout and for the\\nlast twelve months of his life these complaints almost entirely confined\\nhim to his bed.\\nNotwithstanding his distressed situation, neither his mental faculties\\nnor his natural cheerfulness ever forsook him. His memory was tena-\\ncious to the very last and he seemed to be an exception to the general\\nrule that, at a certain period of life, the organs which are subservient to\\nthis faculty become callous a remarkable instance of which is, that he\\nlearnt to speak French after he had attained the age of seventy\\nIn the beginning of April, 1790, he was attacked with a fever and\\ncomplaint of his breast, which terminated his existence. The following\\naccount of his last illness was written by his friend and physician, Dr.\\nJones\\nThe stone, with which he was afflicted for several years, had for\\nthe last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed and during the\\nextremely painful paroxysms, he was obliged to take large doses of lau-\\ndanum to mitigate his tortures still, in the inter^-als of pain, he not only\\namused himself with reading and conversing cheerfully with his family,\\nand a few friends who visited him, but was often employed in doing busi-\\nness of a public as well as private nature, with various persons who\\nwaited on him for that purpose; and in every instance displayed, not\\nonly that readiness and disposition of doing good, which was the distin-\\nguished characteristic of his life, but the fullest and clearest possession of\\nhis uncommon mental abilities and not unfrequently indulged himself in\\nthose y^\u00c2\u00ab;tr d esprit and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of\\nall who heard him.\\nAbout sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish\\nindisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till the third\\nor fourth day, when he complained of a pain in the left breast, which in-\\ncreased until it became extremely acute, attended with a cough and labo-\\nrious breathing. During this state, when the severity of his pains some-\\ntimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would observe that he was\\nafraid he did not bear them as he ought, acknowledged his grateful sense", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "400\\nFRANKLIN\\nof the many blessings he had received from that Supreme Being who had\\nraised him from small and low beginnings to such high rank and consid-\\neration among men, and made no doubt but his present afflictions were\\nkindly intended to wean him from a world in which he was no longer fit\\nto act the part assigned him. In this frame of body and mind he con-\\ntinued till five days before his death, when his pain and difficulty of\\nbreathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with\\nthe hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed\\nitself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great quantity of\\nmatter, which he continued to throw up while he had sufficient strength\\nto do it but as that failed, the organs of respiration became gradually\\noppressed; a calm lethargic state succeeded, and, on the 17th of April,\\n1790, about eleven o clock at night, he quietly expired, closing a long and\\nuseful life of eighty-four years and three months.\\nThe following account of his funeral and the honours paid to his\\nmemory, is derived from an anonymous source, but is correct\\nAll that was mortal of this great man was interred on the 21st of\\nApril, in the cemetery of Christ s Church, Philadelphia, in that part ad-\\njoining to Arch-street, in order that, if a monument should be erected\\nover his grave, it might be seen to more advantage.\\nNever was funeral so numerously and so respectably attended in\\nany part of the States of America. The concourse of people assembled\\nupon this occasion was immense. All the bells in the city were muffled,\\nand the very newspapers were published with black borders. The body\\nwas interred amidst peals of artillery, and nothing was omitted that could\\ndisplay the veneration of the citizens for such an illustrious character.\\nThe Congress ordered a general mourning for one month through-\\nout America.\\nSOME ANECDOTES RELATIVE TO DR. FRANKLIN\\nDr. Franklin, when a child, found the long graces used by his father\\nbefore and after meals very tedious. One day, after the winter s provi-\\nsions had been salted, I think. Father, said Benjamin, if you were to\\nS2iy grace over the whole cask, once for all, it would be a vast saving of\\ntime.\\nIn his travels through New England, Franklin had observed that\\nwhen he went into an inn, every individual of the family had a question\\nor two to propose to him, relative to his history, and that, till each was\\nsatisfied, and they had conferred and compared together their informa-\\ntion, there was no possibility of procuring any refreshment. Therefore,\\nthe moment he went into any of these places, he inquired for the master,\\nthe mistress, the sons, the daughters, men-servants, and the maid-", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "ESSAYS AND CORRESPONDENCE\\n401\\nservants and having assembled them all together, he began in this\\nmanner\\nGood people, I am Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia by trade a\\nprinter, and a bachelor I have some relations at Boston, to whom I am\\ngoing to make a visit my stay will be short, and I shall then return and\\nfollow my business, as a prudent man ought to do. This is all I know\\nof myself, and all I can possibly inform you of; I beg, therefore, that\\nyou will have pity upon me and my horse and give us both some refresh-\\nment.\\nWhen Franklin came to England previous to the breaking out of the\\nAmerican war, he went to Mr. Hett s printing office in Wild Court, Wild\\nStreet, Lincoln s Inn Fields, and entering the press room, he went up to\\na particular press and thus addressed the two men who were working\\nCome, my friends, we will drink together it is now forty years since I\\nworked like you at this press as journeyman printer. On this he sent\\nfor a gallon of porter, and they drank Success to printing.\\nIn one of the assemblies in America, wherein there was a majority of\\nPresbyterians, a law was proposed to forbid the praying for the king by\\nthe Episcopalians, who, however, could not conveniently omit that prayer,\\nit being prescribed in their liturgy. Dr. Franklin, one of the members,\\nseeing that such a law would occasion more disturbance than it was\\nworth, said that he thought it quite unnecessary, for, added he, those\\npeople have, to my certain knowledge, been praying constantly, these\\ntwenty years past, that God would give to the King and his counsel\\nwisdom, and we all know that not the least notice has ever been taken\\nof that prayer so that it is plain they have no interest in the court ol\\nHeaven. The house smiled, and the motion was dropt.\\nTHE END", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "-V\\nf\\nA\\n-v:.\\nj.\\\\\\nA-^\\n.V\\nA", "height": "3358", "width": "2054", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J-\\n:j- v\\nOO\\ny\\nr\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a00-\\nr^.\\n10,,\\nv^^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^C/.\\no,\\n-bo^\\ncP-\\n-J\\n.v\\ncV^^\\no 0^\\n:\u00c2\u00bb.f\\ni^ V^\\n-^i\\n,\\\\V\\n5\\n-5 t", "height": "3358", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3368", "width": "2084", "jp2-path": "autobiographypoo00fran_0462.jp2"}}