{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "H -Kl\\nA/. so\\nV\\nO- 7 *2*\\nc**\\no\\nv\\nA\\\\ V\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fi\\no\\n,0o.\\nv^\\nV^ v\\n\u00c2\u00abxv\\nA\\nV\\n4\\n8\\nX \\\\V\\nO0 v", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "Digitized by the Internet Archive\\nin 2010 with funding from\\nThe Library of Congress\\nhttp://www.archive.org/details/alexandergreatmeOOwhee", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "Ibeu vS of tbe IRations\\nEDITED BY\\nEvelyn Kbbott, !fo.l\\\\.\\nRLLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD\\nFACTA DUCIS VIVENT OPEROSAQUE\\nGLORIA RERUM. OVID, IN LIVIAM 265.\\nTHE HERO S DEEDS AND HARD-WON\\nFAME SHALL LIVE.\\n(HI\\n8\\nALEXANDER", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "i", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "HEAD OF ALEXANDER.\\nOBVERSE OF ONE OF THE GOLD MEDALLIONS OF TARSUS.\\nREVERSE OF ABOVE MEDALLIOC", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER\\ni THE GREAT\\nTHE MERGING OF EAST AND WEST\\nIN UNIVERSAL HISTORY\\nBENJAMIN IDE WHEELER\\nPRESIDENT OP THE UNIVERSITY OK CALIFORNIA\\nG. P. PUTNAM S SONS\\nNEW YORK\\nT TWENTY-THIRD STREET\\nLONDON\\n24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND\\nbz |\\\\niciurbochcr frees\\n1900", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "TWO COPIES RECEIVED,\\nL it) racy of Congress;,\\nOffice of the\\nFt* 3 i 1900\\nsUr of Copyright*\\n54435\\nCopyright, 1900\\nBY\\nBENJAMIN IDE WHEELER\\nSECOND COF*.\\n\\\\S~-b\\nvI^VAAa V^li\\nV\u00c2\u00abS\\ni 5.\\nr press, Iftew l^orl;", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "TO THE MEMORY OF\\nMY TEACHER\\nJEREMIAH LEWIS DIMAN", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "1", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nPAGE\\nPARENTS AND HOME, SS9S5^ B -C I\\nCHAPTER II.\\nBOYHOOD AND ELEMENTARY EDUCATION, 356-\\n340 B.C 19\\nCHAPTER III.\\nTHE HIGHER EDUCATION 48\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nTHE APPRENTICESHIP, 340-336 B.C. .64\\nCHAPTER V.\\nTHE OLD GREECE, $$6 B.C 8l\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nOLD GREECE ITS POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS,\\nZZ 6 b.c 98\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nTHE POLITICAL IDEAS OF THE FOURTH CENTURY,\\n404-338 B.C. 122\\nv", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "Contents.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nPAGE\\nLAST DAYS OF THE OLD GREEK POLITICAL SYS-\\nTEM, 404-355 B -C i3 8\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nALEXANDER IN THRACE AND ILLYRIA, 336-335 B.C. 149\\nCHAPTER X.\\nALEXANDER IN CENTRAL GREECE, 335 B.C. l66\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nORIENT VS. OCCIDENT l8o\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nTHE PERSIAN EMPIRE 187\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nCARRYING THE WAR INTO ASIA, 334 B.C. 208\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nIN LYDIA AND CARIA, 334 B.C. 227\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nLYCIA, PAMPHYLIA, PISIDIA, 334~333 B C 2 4 8\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nFROM PHRYGIA TO CILICIA, 2 33 B -C 266\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\nBATTLE OF ISSUS, ^33 B C 2\\nCHAPTER XVIII.\\nFROM CILICIA TO SYRIA, 333~332 B.C. 294", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "Contents.\\nvn\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\nPAGE\\nTHE SIEGE OF TYRE, 332 B.C 3II\\nCHAPTER XX.\\nALEXANDER IN EGYPT, 332-33 1 B.C. 328\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\nVISIT TO THE TEMPLE OF AMMON, 332-331 B.C. 344\\nCHAPTER XXII.\\nTHE BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA, 331 B.C. 356\\nCHAPTER XXIII.\\nTHE FRUITS OF VICTORY: OCCUPATION OF PERSIA\\nDEATH OF DARIUS, 331-330 B.C. 369\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\\nIN AFGHANISTAN, 330-329 B.C 382\\nCHAPTER XXV.\\nIN BOKHARA AND TURKESTAN, 329-327 B.C. 398\\nCHAPTER XXVI.\\nTHE INVASION OF INDIA, 327-326 B.C. 415\\nCHAPTER XXVII.\\nTHE BATTLE OF THE HYDASPES, 326 B.C. 433\\nCHAPTER XXVIII.\\nCOMPLETED CONQUEST OF THE PENJAB, 326-325\\nB -C -447\\nCHAPTER XXIX.\\nRETURN TO PERSIA, 325-324 B.C. 463", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "viii Contents.\\nCHAPTER XXX.\\nPAGE\\nAT SUSA AND OPIS, 324 B.C. 473\\nCHAPTER XXXI.\\nTHE DEATH OF ALEXANDER, 323 B.C.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS\\nPAGE\\nhead of Alexander Frontispiece\\n[From one of the gold medallions of Tarsus.]\\nMAP OF ANCIENT GREECE AND ASIA MINOR 12\\nREVERSE OF HEAVY EUBCEAN OR SOLONIAN DEKA-\\nDRACHM, SHOWING THE ATHENIAN OWL 22\\nSILVER COIN OF PHILIP II. OF MACEDON (FATHER\\nOF ALEXANDER) .22\\n[Head of the Olympian Zeus. Coin probably\\nstruck, as the horse of reverse indicates, in com-\\nmemoration of victory in the Olympian games.]\\nTETRADRACHM OF ALEXANDER, BEARING THE HEAD\\nOF HERCULES 2 2\\nARISTOTLE 3 6\\n[After the statue in the Spada Palace, Rome.]\\nMAP SHOWING ALEXANDRIA A CENTURY BEFORE\\n46\\n70\\n[Obverse of one of the gold medallions of Tarsus.]\\nSee note on p.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "Illustrations.\\nGOLD STATER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT, THE\\nHEAD BEING THAT OF ATHENE 78\\n[From the original in the British Museum.]\\nSILVER TETRADRACHM OF LYSIMACHUS (KING OF\\nTHRACE, B.C. 323-281) 78\\n[From the original in the British Museum.]\\nSILVER COIN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 78\\n[Supposed to have been struck during his lifetime.\\nObverse, head of Hercules. Reverse, Zeus hold-\\ning the eagle, seated. From the original in the\\nBritish Museum.]\\nPHILIP II., FATHER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 82\\n[One of the gold medallions of Tarsus. Obverse,\\nthe head of Philip II. Reverse, Victory in a\\nquadriga.]\\nTETRADRACHM WITH HEAD OF ALEXANDER THE\\nGREAT WEARING THE LION-SKIN OF HERCULES. 88\\n[Obverse and reverse. This extraordinarily per-\\nfect coin is the property of Hon. Eben Alexan-\\nder, formerly U. S. Minister to Greece.]\\nMAP OF THE WORLD ACCORDING TO ERATOSTHENES. $8\\nDEMOSTHENES 120\\n[From the statue in. the Vatican, Rome.]\\njESCHINES 146\\n[From the marble statue in the Boston Museum.]\\nPART OF THORWALDSEN S TRIUMPH OF ALEX-\\nV\\nander 180\\n[From a frieze in the Villa Carlotta, Lake Como,\\nItaly.]\\nTHE PERSIAN EMPIRE ABOUT 500 B.C., AND THE EM-\\nPIRE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT, 323 B.C. 192\\nSee note on p. xiv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "Illustrations. xi\\nACROPOLIS OF SARDIS 196\\nPLAN OF THE BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS AS AR-\\nRANGED BY THE AUTHOR 220\\nALEXANDER AT THE BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS* 224\\n[From a statuette now in the National Museum,\\nNaples.]\\nHEAD OF ALEXANDER RONDANINI IN THE GLYPTO-\\nTHEK AT MUNICH f 228\\nFrom Koepp s Ueber das Bildnes Alexanders des\\nGrosseni\\\\\\nMOSAIC OF THE BATTLE OF ISSUS (FROM POMPEIl) 230\\nHEAD OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT f 232\\n[From a tetradrachm of Lysimachus.]\\nFACE OF ALEXANDER f 238\\n[From the Pompeian mosaic representing the Bat-\\ntle of Issus. From Koepp s Ueber das Bildnes\\nAlexanders des Grossen.]\\nSCENE ON THE COAST OF ASIA MINOR, NEAR AN-\\nAMOUR 242\\nTHE GYGEAN LAKE AND THE PLACE OF THE THOU-\\nSAND TOMBS, ASIA MINOR 246\\nPLAIN OF ISSUS (PRESENT CONDITION) 288\\n[The ancient course of the Pinarus followed the\\nriver channel next to the north.]\\nPLAN OF THE BATTLE OF ISSUS, AS ARRANGED BY\\nTHE AUTHOR 290\\nALEXANDER THE GREAT f 322\\n[From the bust in the Louvre.]\\nSee note on p. xiv.\\nf See note on p. xv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "xii Illustrations\\nPAGE\\nBUST OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT 350\\n[From the British Museum.]\\nbattle of arbela 380\\nAlexander s crossing of the hydaspes and\\nbattle with porus 440", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS.\\nHead of Alexander. (One of the gold medallions of Tarsus.)\\nReverse of medallion Alexander and the Lion, after the statuary\\ngroup by Lysippus, called Alexander s Hunt, in commemoration\\nof a fact in Alexander s life. Alexander followed the example of\\nOriental monarchs in cultivating this exercise, and Lysippus that of\\nOriental artists in depicting it.\\nMap showing Alexandria a century before and after\\nChrist.\\nThis map, based on the map in Brockhaus s Conversations-\\nLexicon, showing Alexandria a century before and after Christ,\\nwhich follows the plan of Mahmud Bey, shows also by the cross-\\nand-dash lines the present wide extension, now thickly built upon,\\nof the Heptastadium, which originally connected the mainland with\\nPharos Island. At the east end of the island is shown the site of\\nthe famous Pharos, or lighthouse, one of the seven wonders of the\\nworld. The site of the ancient Pharos, after its destruction, was\\noccupied by a fort. The breakwater extending on the right hand\\nfrom the mainland to complete the Great Harbour no longer\\nexists.\\nAlexander the Great. (One of the gold medallions of Tarsus.)\\nThe reverse is the same as the medallion on frontispiece, which\\nsee. The obverse shows Alexander as a descendant of Hercules,\\nwearing the lion s scalp. The Hercules figuring on the silver coins\\nof Alexander as his ancestor is of the same type as this Tarsus\\nMedallion and the Tyrian Hercules. In many specimens the resem-\\nxiii", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "xiv Notes to Illustrations.\\nblance to Alexander is marked and the Alexandre d argent so\\nto speak, of Ptolemy, on which Alexander s head wears an elephant s\\nscalp, is good evidence, in default of trustworthy literary traditions,\\nthat Alexander s contemporaries regarded the lion s-scalp profile of\\nhis own coins as the king s profile in fact, the Sidon sarcophagus\\nconfirms the ancient tradition that Macedonian kings wore the lion s\\nscalp as a badge of their house and office. The lion s-scalp profile\\nof the gold medallion of Tarsus would seem to confirm the portrait\\ntheory in regard to the silver coins.\\nMagical virtues were ascribed to Alexander s portrait in the days\\nof the Roman emperors. The presence of the medallion of Alex-\\nander Severus, with the Philip and Alexander medallions, would\\nseem to indicate that the Roman emperor had given them, in reward\\nfor services, to the person in whose grave they were found at\\nTarsus. These invaluable medallions would appear to be older\\nthan the reign of Severus, but the script shows them to be later than\\nAlexander himself.\\nSilver Tetradrachm of Lysimachus (King of Thrace, b.c.\\n323-281).\\nObverse Head of Alexander the Great with Horns of Ammon, as\\nthe deified son of the god. The profile is supposed to be taken from\\nthe statue-portrait by Lysippus, or the gem-portrait by Pyrgoteles.\\nReverse Pallas holding Victory.\\nAlexander at the Battle of the Granicus.\\nThis bronze statuette was found in the middle of the eighteenth\\ncentury at Herculaneum, and is now in the National Museum,\\nNaples. A few ornaments of the bridle and collar are of silver in-\\ncrusted upon the dark bronze. This antique is almost certainly a\\ncopy after the life-size principal figure of an equestrian encounter,\\npresumably ordered of Lysippus by Alexander himself in commem-\\noration of his own narrow escape in this battle. This group, set up\\nat Dium, Macedonia, contained fifteen portraits of Macedonian\\nchampions. It was copied by Euthycrates of Sicyon, a son and\\npupil of Lysippus, and was afterward taken to Rome by Metellus\\nMacedonicus. A badly mutilated bronze horse in the Museum of\\nthe Conservatori, Rome, has been conjecturally pronounced a rem-\\nnant of the original group. The vigorous action of the present figure\\nis repeated in a Smyrniot terra-cotta described by M. Reinach in the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "Notes to Illustrations. xv\\nMelanges Graux. In the encounter at the ford of the Granicus,\\nAlexander s helmet was slashed by a Persian scimitar, and he was\\nforced to borrow a lance, his own being shattered.\\nHead of Alexander Rondanini.\\nThe bust represents a youth from eighteen to twenty years of age,\\nand may well be regarded as an authentic portrait of the Prince\\nAlexander as he appeared at about the period of the battle of\\nChseronea (338 B.C.). It has, indeed, been argued with considerable\\nprobability that we have in this statue a copy of the gold-ivory\\nstatue which Leochares, after the battle of Chaeronea, was commis-\\nsioned to make for the Philippeion at Olympia, as part of a group in\\nwhich Philip was the central figure.\\nHead of Alexander the Great.\\nLysimachus, King of Thrace (323-281 B.C.), was one of the suc-\\ncessors of Alexander. As usual on these coins, Alexander is repre-\\nsented with the Ammon horns, in his character as son of Jupiter\\nAmmon and universal king. The coins of Lysimachus are of\\nwidely various artistic excellence, but they offer beyond a question\\nthe most accurate profile-portraits of Alexander, and the one here\\npresented, published in Imhoof-Blumer s Portratkopfe, Taf. I,\\nis one of the noblest products of the Greek mints.\\nFace of Alexander.\\nThough the face is elongated, as compared, for instance, with the\\ncoin portraits, the characteristic features of the leonine hair, the\\nforehead, the full eye, and particularly the lips and chin are faith-\\nfully preserved.\\nAlexander the Great. (From the bust in the Louvre.)\\nThis marble, called the Herjnes Bust of Alexander, was dis-\\ncovered in 1795 on the Tiburtine estate of the Cavaliere d Azara,\\nafterward Spanish ambassador to France, and by him presented to\\nNapoleon I. This bust, inscribed Alexander, son of Philip (King\\nof the Macedonians), in Greek characters of the Augustan age, was\\nlong the only means of identifying any other portrait of the con-\\nqueror. It has been mutilated by long immersion in the wet soil,\\nand has been subjected to modern restoration in places.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER THE GREAT.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nPARENTS AND HOME.\\n359-356 B.C.\\nNO single personality, excepting the carpenter s\\nson of Nazareth, has done so much to make\\nthe world of civilisation we live in what it is\\nas Alexander of Macedon. He levelled the terrace\\nupon which European history built. Whatever lay\\nwithin the range of his conquests contributed its\\npart to form that Mediterranean civilisation which,\\nunder Rome s administration, became the basis of\\nEuropean life. What lay beyond was as if on\\nanother planet. Alexander checked his eastward\\nmarch at the Sutlej, and India and China were left\\nin a world of their own, with their own mechanisms\\nfor man and society, their own theories of God and\\nthe world. Alexander s world, to which we all be-\\nlong, went on its own separate way until, in these\\nlatter days, a new greed of conquest, begotten of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "2 Alexander the Great. [359 B.C.-\\ncommercial ambition, promises at last to level the\\nbarriers which through the centuries have stood as\\nmonuments to the outmost stations of the Macedon-\\nian phalanx, and have divided the world of men in\\ntwain.\\nThe story of the great Macedonian s life, insepar-\\nable as it is from history in its widest range, stands\\nnone the less in stubborn protest against that view\\nof history which makes it a thing of thermometers\\nand the rain-gauge, of rivers and mountains, weights\\nand values, materials, tools, and machines. It is a\\nhistory warm with the life-blood of a man. It is\\ninstinct with personality, and speaks in terms of the\\nhuman will and the soul. History and biography\\nblend. Events unfold in an order that conforms to\\nthe opening intelligence and forming will of per-\\nsonality, and matter is the obedient tool of spirit.\\nThe story of the times must therefore be told, if\\ntruly told, in terms of a personal experience. When\\nand where the personal Alexander was absent from\\nthe scene, history in those days either tarried or\\nmoved in eddies; the current was where he was.\\nThis will be excuse enough for making this narrative\\nof a great historic period peculiarly the story of a\\nman, and not merely of a conqueror.\\nPlutarch says that King Philip of Macedonia,\\nshortly after the capture of Potidaea, received three\\ndifferent pieces of good news. He learned that\\nParmenion, his general, had overthrown the Illyr-\\nians in a great battle, that his race-horse had won\\nthe course at the Olympian games, and that his wife\\nhad given birth to Alexander. Another story tells", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.] Parents and Home. 3\\nhow on the very night of the birth an ominous\\ncalamity fell upon Asia: the temple of the great\\nDiana of the Ephesians went up in flames. So\\nevents tend to swarm together in history at least,\\nin the telling of history. The year was undoubtedly\\n356 B.C., and the best combination of all the indi-\\ncations we have makes the month October, though\\nPlutarch, in deference to the horse-race, says it was\\nJuly.\\nPhilip had been three years on the throne of\\nMacedon. The year before he had occupied Amphi-\\npolis, and so opened for his little state a breathing-\\nplace on the ^Egean at the same time he introduced\\nit to the long struggle with Athens. Athens herself,\\ntwo hundred miles off to the south, was in the midst\\nof a war that was to cost her the most of her island\\nempire in the ^Egean. This or the following year\\nmarked, too, the publication of Xenophon s pam-\\nphlet On the Revenues, and of Isocrates s essay\\nOn the Peace. Demosthenes, twenty-eight years\\nold, was just entering on his career as statesman and\\npublic orator. ^Eschines was thirty-four. Aris-\\ntotle, the future tutor of Alexander, was twenty-\\neight. Plato, seventy-one years old, had nine years\\nmore to live Xenophon had one, Isocrates eighteen.\\nAn old order for which Athens and Sparta had made\\nthe history was just dying out, and a new order,\\nwith new men and new motives, was coming in.\\nThe child whose destiny it was to give this new\\nworld its shape was born outside the pale of the\\nolder world, and in his blood joined the blood of\\ntwo lines of ancient Northern kings. Alexander s", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "4 Alexander the Great. [359 B.c.-\\nmother was Olympias, the daughter of Neoptole-\\nmus, King of Epirus, who traced his lineage back\\nthrough a distinguished line to Neoptolemus, the\\nson of the hero Achilles. So it was said, or, as\\nPlutarch puts it, confidently believed, that Alex-\\nander was descended on his father s side from\\nHercules, through Caranus, and on his mother s\\nfrom yEacus, through Neoptolemus. Plutarch does\\nnot even withhold from us a story of Philip s falling\\nin love that constitutes a fair parallel to what we\\nknow of his prompitude and directness of action in\\nother fields. Philip is said to have fallen in love\\nwith Olympias at Samothrace, where they happened\\nto be initiated together into a religious circle, he\\nbeing a mere stripling, and she an orphan. And\\nhaving obtained the consent of her brother Arym-\\nbas, he. shortly married her. Refreshing as it is\\nto read of a marriage for love in these old Greek\\ntimes, it must be reported that the match was never\\na happy one.\\nThey were both persons of decided individuality,\\nand in both the instinct of self-preservation was\\nstrongly developed. Both were preeminently am-\\nbitious, aggressive, and energetic; but while Philip s\\nambition was guided by a cool, crafty sagacity, that\\nof his Queen manifested itself rather in impetuous\\noutbursts of almost barbaric emotion. In her joined\\na marvellous compound of the mother, the queen,\\nthe shrew, and the witch. The passionate ardour\\nof her nature found its fullest expression in the wild\\necstasies and crude superstitions of her native re-\\nligious rites.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.] Parents and Home. 5\\nAnother account is, says Plutarch, that all the\\nwomen of this country, having always been addicted to\\nthe Orphic and the Dionysiac mystery-rites, imicated\\nlargely the practices of the Edonian and Thracian wo-\\nmen about Mount Haemus, and that Olympias, in her\\nabnormal zeal to surround these states of trance and in-\\nspiration with more barbaric dread, was wont in the\\nsacred dances to have about her great tame serpents,\\nwhich, sometimes creeping out of the ivy and the mystic\\nfans, and sometimes winding themselves about the staffs\\nand the chaplets which the women bore, presented a\\nsight of horror to the men who beheld.\\nWhile it was from his father that Alexander in-\\nherited his sagacious insight into men and things,\\nand his brilliant capacity for timely and determined\\naction, it was to his mother that he undoubtedly\\nowed that passionate warmth of nature which be-\\ntrayed itself not only in the furious outbursts of\\ntemper occasionally characteristic of him, but quite\\nas much in a romantic fervour of attachment and\\nlove for friends, a delicate tenderness of sympathy\\nfor the weak, and a princely largeness and generos-\\nity of soul toward all, that made him so deeply be-\\nloved of men and so enthusiastically followed. His\\ndeep religious sentiment, which, wherever he was,\\ncarried him beyond the limits of mere respect for\\nthe proprieties of form and mere regard for political\\nexpediencies, and held him at temple and oracle\\nin awe before the mysteries of the great unseen,\\nstamped him, too, as the son of Olympias.\\nIn Philip there predominated the characteristics\\nwhich mark in modern times the practical politician.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "6 Alexander the Great. [359 B.C.\\nHe was sagacious and alert of mind. His eye fol-\\nlowed sharply and unceasingly every turn of events\\nthat might yield him an advantage. The weakness,\\nthe embarrassment, the preoccupation, of his oppon-\\nent, he always made his opportunity. He was a\\nkeen judge of character, and adapted himself readily\\nto those with whom he came in contact. He knew\\nhow to gratify the weaknesses, ambitions, lusts, and\\nideals of men, and chain them to his service. Few\\nwho came in contact with him failed to be captivated\\nby him. He was perfectly unscrupulous as to the\\nmethods to be employed in attaining an end.\\nNothing of the sort ordinarily known as principles\\never impeded his movement. He was an opportun-\\nist of the deepest dye. Flattery, promises, bene-\\nficence, cruelty, deceit, and gold he used when and\\nwhere each would avail; but bribery was his most\\nfamiliar tool. He allowed no one to reckon with\\nhim as a constant quantity. His ultimate plans and\\npurposes were concealed from friends and foes alike.\\nIn announcing his decisions and proclaiming his\\nviews, he followed the ordinary politician s watch-\\nword We will not cross the bridge till we come\\nto it. As success was to him the only right, and\\navailability the only justice, radical changes of atti-\\ntude and plan in the very face of action involved no\\ndifficulty. They rather served his purpose, and were\\nhis wont. He remained, as he wished to remain, a\\npuzzle to his foes, and a mystery to his friends.\\nHis character was full of apparent contradictions.\\nPerhaps, after all, it was only his extraordinary\\nversatility that was responsible for them. At one", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.] Parents and Home.\\ntime he appears as a creature of passion enraged by\\nanger or lust, again he is cool, deliberate, calculat-\\ning, when others are carried away with excitement\\nor prejudice; now he is a half-savage, again he is a\\nsmooth, subtle, temperate Greek now he is pitilessly\\nbrutal, again he is generous and large-hearted now\\nhe gives himself, body and soul, to some petty aim\\nof lust or envy, again he is the prophet and preacher\\nof a national ideal. In everything he was, however,\\na strong individuality. His personality dominated\\nevery enterprise in which he was concerned. He\\nwas a natural leader of men. He could organise as\\nwell as lead. He not only made himself absolute\\nmaster of Macedon, but he so organised its force\\nthat it became of permanent value and could be\\ntransmitted to his successor. His organising talent\\nwas, however, military rather than political. He\\nlacked that fine sense for the civic and religious in-\\nstincts of other peoples which developed in his son\\nthe capacity for founding empire as well as leading\\narmies. And yet without him Alexander s achieve-\\nments would have been impossible.\\nPhilip s great permanent achievements are two:\\nthe first is the organisation of a power which Alex-\\nander was able, after him, to use for the founding of\\nan empire the second is the formulation and practi-\\ncal initiation of the idea of uniting Greece through\\na great national undertaking. These two are enough\\nto set upon him the stamp of greatness. He was\\ncertainly great great in personal force, in practical\\nalertness, in organising talent, and in sagacious in-\\ntelligence. Theopompus says well: Taking all", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "8 Alexander the Great. [359 b.c-\\nin all, Europe has never seen such a man as the\\nson of Amyntas.\\nSo much for the parents of Alexander. How\\ntruly he was their son the story of his life will tell.\\nThe improvement which he made upon their record,\\nparticularly in point of greater self-restraint, of\\nhigher and more ideal interests, and of nobler ideas\\nof life and duty, this is to be traced, at least to\\nsome degree, to his excellent training and education.\\nAlexander was born at Pella, the city which his\\nfather, in place of ancient ^Egae, had made the cap-\\nital of Macedonia. Hard by a vast swamp lake, and\\non the banks of the sluggish Ludias, it stood near\\nthe centre of the plain which formed the nucleus of\\nthe little kingdom. The sea, the modern Gulf of\\nSaloniki, was twenty miles away. Twenty miles to\\nthe east or west or north brought one to the foot-\\nhills of the highlands that raised their amphitheatre\\nabout the plain. One great river, the Axius, modern\\nVardar, came down through the northern hills and\\ntrav-ersed the plain. The Ludias was a lesser stream\\na little to the west. From the west, draining the\\nmountain-locked plain of Elimea, came the Haliac-\\nmon. Philip s ancestors from their old citadel at\\n^Egae, near the modern Vodena, had long ruled the\\nplain, and various tribes in the highlands behind\\nhad recognised a more or less stable allegiance to\\ntheir power. Such were the Elimiotae of the Haliac-\\nmon valley, the Lyncestae of the Erigon valley, and\\nthe Paeonians on the upper courses of the Axius.\\nThe congeries of tribes which made up this loosely\\njointed Macedonian state covered a territory, ex-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.] Parents and Home. g\\neluding Paeonia, about the size and shape of Con-\\nnecticut and Rhode Island. The sea-coast in\\nPhilip s early days was occupied by a fringe of\\nGreek settlements, and the early history of Mace-\\ndonia is that of an inland state. Not until it\\nacquired a sea-coast did it figure as an international\\nquantity.\\nThe people themselves were a plain, hardy, peas-\\nant population, preserving the older conditions of\\nlife and the older institutions of the kingship and the\\ntribal organisation much, indeed, as they appear\\nin the society of Homer s times. Only among the\\nSpartans, the Molossians, and the Macedonians,\\nsays Aristotle, had the form of the ancient kingship\\nsurvived, and only among the Macedonians the full\\nexercise of its prerogatives. The consolidation of\\nthe classes into a strong opposition, which in the\\nother states had first, in the form of an aristocratic\\nopposition, throttled the kingship, and later, in the\\nform of a democratic opposition, throttled the aris-\\ntocracy, was in Macedonia prevented by the pre-\\ndominance of peasant life and the persistence of\\ntribal unity. The state consisted of tribes and\\nclans, not divided into orders and classes. The\\nkingship belonged always in one and the same\\nfamily, but definite rules for the succession within\\nthe family seem not to have been fully established.\\nSeniority alone was not enough to determine a se-\\nlection among the princes. In the turmoils that\\nalmost certainly followed the death of a king, force,\\ndaring, and leadership often asserted, by a species\\nof natural right, their superior claim.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "io Alexander the Great. [359 B.c-\\nThe larger landed proprietors owed to the king a\\nmilitary allegiance as vassals and companions-at-\\narms, and constituted a body known as the hetairoi\\n(companions), not unlike the comitatus of the early\\nGermans. The army consisted entirely of the free\\nlandholding peasantry. Mercenaries were unknown.\\nIt was this force that the stern discipline and careful\\norganisation of Philip raised into the most terrible\\nwar-machine that ancient Greece had ever yet\\nknown, in firmness and energy the equal of the\\nSpartan, in size, organisation, and suppleness im-\\nmeasurably its superior. That the Macedonians\\nwere Greek by race there can be no longer any\\ndoubt. They were the northernmost fragments of\\nthe race left stranded behind the barriers of Olym-\\npus. They had not shared the historical experience\\nof their kinsmen to the south, and had not been\\nkneaded with the mass. If isolation from the\\n^Egean had withheld them from progress in the arts\\nof civilisation, still they had kept the freshness and\\npurity of the Northern blood better than those who\\nhad mixed with the primitive populations of Greece\\nand were sinking the old fair-haired, blue-eyed type of\\nthe Northmen in the dark-haired type of the South.\\nIt is the experience of history that force and will\\nmust be continually replenished from the North,\\nand the Macedonians were only waiting for their\\nturn.\\nTheir language, mere patois as it was, and never\\nused, so far as we know, in written form, has left\\nevidences of its Greek character in stray words that\\nhave crept into the glossaries, and from soldiers", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.] Parents and Home, 1 1\\nlips into the common speech.* There exist, besides\\nproper names, a large number of glosses in the\\nlexicon of Hesychius and a considerable number of\\nwords that became incorporated into the common\\nGreek of the Macedonian period. Thus, Berenice\\nis known to be the Macedonian form corresponding\\nto an Attic Pherenice, as Bilippos was the Mace-\\ndonian name of Philip. Correspondingly the Attic\\nword ophrns (eyebrows) had its counterpart abrntes\\nin Macedonian. It is evident that the dialect was\\nregarded as so base a patois that even when Mace-\\ndon rose to world-power no attempt was made to\\nelevate it into use as a literary language. The\\nhigher classes, presumably, all learned Attic Greek,\\nmuch as the children in the Tyrol to-day are taught\\nHochdeutsch, which is to them a half-foreign tongue.\\nPlutarch reports that Attic Greek was the medium\\nof intercourse at Philip s court. It is a significant\\nfact that while as late as 214 B.C., a Macedonian\\nking, Philip V., is known to have issued a proclama-\\ntion to a Thessalian community in bilingual form,\\ni. e., in Thessalian Greek and common Greek, there\\nis no likelihood that any such use of the Macedonian\\ndialect was ever attempted. Macedonian was, how-\\never, the common spoken language of the Mace-\\ndonian soldiery. Thus Plutarch f reports a scene\\nin the camp before Eumenes s tent: And when\\nthey saw him, they saluted him in the Macedonian\\ndialect, and took up their shields, and, striking them\\nwith their pikes, gave a great shout. That Alex-\\nSee A. Fick, Kuhri s Zeitschrift, xxii., i^ff.\\nPlutarch, Eumenes, ch. xiv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "12 Alexander the Great. [359 B.C.-\\nander himself usually spoke Attic Greek may be in-\\nferred from the statement of Plutarch that when\\nhe did speak in Macedonian it was interpreted by\\nhis attendants as indicating unusual excitement or\\nperturbation.\\nThat the Macedonians were a rude, half-civilised\\npeople is sufficiently attested. Alexander in a\\nspeech attributed to him by Arrian f says to his\\narmy:\\nMy father, Philip, found you a roving people, without\\nfixed habitations and without resources, most of you clad\\nin the skins of animals, pasturing a few sheep among the\\nmountains, and to defend these, waging a luckless war-\\nfare with the Illyrians, the Triballans, and the Thracians\\non your borders. But he gave you the soldier s cloak to\\nreplace the skins and led you down from the mountains\\ninto the plain, making you a worthy match in war against\\nthe barbarians on your frontier, so that you no longer\\ntrusted to the security of your strongholds so much as to\\nyour own personal valour for safety. He made you to\\ndwell in cities and provided you with wholesome laws\\nand institutions. Over those same barbarians, who be-\\nfore had plundered you and carried off as booty both\\nyourselves and your substance, he made you instead of\\nslaves and underlings to be masters and lords.\\nThe warlike character also of the people is attested\\nby Aristotle s remark that it was once the usage\\namong the Macedonians that a man who had not\\nPlutarch, Alexande?-, ch. li.\\nArrian, Exped. Alex., vii., 9.\\nAristotle, Politics, vii., 2, 6 (1324.3).", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "te", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.l Parents and Home. 13\\nyet slain a foe should wear a cord about his body.\\nThey were passionately fond of the chase and given\\nto the most barbarous excesses in strong drink, in\\nwhich latter particular at least Philip, and, as some\\nthink, Alexander, too, proved themselves true sons\\nof Macedonia.\\nBut none of these characteristics affords the least\\nwarrant for excluding them from the list of Greek\\ntribes. Like the inhabitants of Epirus, who were\\nalso often classed as barbarians, they represented\\nthe outer rim of the Greek race, while the Illyrians\\nto the west of them were of another race, probably\\nthe same as the modern Albanians, and their lan-\\nguage, as we know from an incident related by Poly-\\nbius,*was totally unintelligible to the Macedonians.\\nRude people as the Macedonians were, we have\\nno reason to think that the Greeks generally classed\\nthem as barbarians. When Demosthenes seeks\\nto arouse political antipathy against Philip by call-\\ning him and his people barbarians, we shall interpret\\nhis words as we do ante-election editorials, and not\\nas a sober contribution to ethnology. Bitterest is\\nhis expression in a passage of the Third Philippic:\\nPhilip a man who not only is no Greek, and no\\nway akin to the Greeks, but is not even a barbarian\\nfrom a respectable country no, a pestilent fellow\\nof Macedon, a country from which we never get\\neven a decent slave. If this tirade contains any\\nbasis of fact, it is that the Macedonians were rarely\\nfound in slavery, a testimony, on the one hand, to\\ntheir own manliness, and, on the other, to their\\nPolybius, xxviii., 8, 9.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "14 Alexander the Great, [359 B.c.~\\ngeneral recognition as Greeks. There is no evidence\\nthat Demosthenes s detestation of the Macedonians\\nwas commonly shared by his Athenian countrymen,\\nthough the two peoples surely had very little in\\ncommon. In institutions, customs, and culture,\\nthey represented the extreme contrast afforded\\nwithin the limits of the Greek race.\\nWhatever may have been the current opinions in\\nGreece concerning the Macedonian people, there\\ncan be no doubt that their royal family had been\\nfor generations regarded with great respect. They\\nclaimed to be descended from the ancient royal\\nfamily of Argos, a branch of which, tradition said,\\nhad in the early days of Grecian history taken refuge\\nin the north. Though it is impossible for us to test\\nthe reliability of this tradition, or to determine\\nwhether the name borne by the family, the Argeadae,\\nis to be regarded as evidence to the truth of the\\ntradition, or merely as the deceptive cause of its\\norigin, certain it is that it was generally accepted\\namong the Greeks, and had received the most de-\\ncisive official verification from the highest Greek\\ntribunal. When Alexander, a Macedonian king of\\nthe earlier part of the fifth century (498-454 B.C.),\\npresented himself as a competitor at the Olympian\\ngames, Herodotus says that the other competitors\\nundertook to exclude him, saying that barbarians\\nhad no right to enter the competition, but only\\nGreeks. But when Alexander proved that he was\\nan Argive, he was formally adjudged a Greek, and\\non participating in the race, he came off with the\\nfirst prize.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.I Parents arid Home. 1 5\\nIt was this same king who, during the invasion of\\nXerxes, showed himself so firm a friend of the Greek\\ncause as to win the title Philhellene. The mem-\\nory of his action on this occasion became an heir-\\nloom in his family. The espousal of Hellenic\\ninterests as against the power of Persia remained\\nthe policy and the ideal of his successors. It was\\nleft to his namesake, a century and a quarter after\\nhim, to realise the ideal in its fullest sense. How-\\never the other Greek states might vacillate in alter-\\nnately opposing Persia or paying court to her,\\naccording to the momentary advantage, the Mace-\\ndonian kings always remained firm in their hereditary\\naversion to the effeminate empire and civilisation of\\nthe East and in this we may find one of the strong-\\nest grounds of their popularity with the Greeks at\\nlarge, as it surely also gave a certain moral basis for\\nthe claims of their ambition to lead the united force\\nof Hellenism against the East.\\nAnother family tradition that took its rise with\\nAlexander the Philhellene, or perhaps even with his\\nfather, Amyntas (540-499), associated itself with the\\ncultivation and patronage of the higher elements of\\nGreek civilisation. It was a natural tribute which\\nthe lesser pays the greater, but it was none the less\\na credit to have discerned the greater. Alexander s\\neagerness to participate in the Olympian games was\\npart of a general desire to be recognised by the\\nGreeks. He showed himself highly sensitive to\\ntheir opinions about him. He sought the acquaint-\\nance and society of their eminent men, and brought\\nit about that Pindar, then the first literary name of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "1 6 Alexander the Great. [359 B.C.-\\nGreece, should celebrate his Olympian victories in\\nverse.\\nThe efforts to introduce Greek culture into Mace-\\ndonian society, which began with Alexander the\\nPhilhellene, were continued under his successors.\\nHistory gives us no connected account only stray\\nhints, but they are broad enough to follow. Greek\\nsettlers were welcomed. Men eminent in letters\\nand in art were induced to visit the country and re-\\nside at court. Thus Alexander s immediate succes-\\nsor, Perdiccas II. (454-413 B.C.), entertained at his\\ncourt Melanippides, the dithyrambic poet of Melos,\\nwho was regarded as one of the foremost lyric com-\\nposers of his day; and tradition, which was ever\\nbusy with the half-mythical career of Hippocrates,\\ndid not fail to report that the great physician had\\nonce been called to practise his art at the palace of\\nthe same king.\\nIn the reign of the next king, Archelaus (41 3-399),\\nthe Philhellenist tendency, which had become almost\\na craze of imitation, reached its climax, and by de-\\nveloping a nationalist party drew after it a reaction.\\nArchelaus sought to make his court a Weimar.\\nThough Sophocles and Socrates declined his invita-\\ntions, Euripides spent the last years of his life in\\nMacedonia, dying there in 406. The tragedian\\nAgathon, the epic poet Chcerilus, the musician and\\npoet Timotheus, and the artist Zeuxis all resided\\nthere for longer or shorter periods, finding under the\\nhospitable roof of the king a welcome refuge from\\nthe turmoils that the long course of the Pelopon-\\nnesian war was bringing to the Greek states. Great", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "356 B.C.] Parents and Home. 1 7\\nprogress was made in all the arts and practices of\\npeaceful civilised life. Thucydides says of Arche-\\nlaus: He built the fortresses now existing in the\\ncountry, and built direct roads, and, among other\\nthings, regulated the military system with provision\\nof horses, equipment, and the like, doing more\\nthan all the eight kings before him put together.\\nThough the progress of the country toward civil-\\nisation was seriously retarded by the ten years of\\nanarchy that followed this reign, and the various\\nwars that intervened to disturb the succeeding\\nreigns of Amyntas (389-369 B.C.), Alexander II.\\n(369-368), Ptolemaeus (368-365), and Perdiccas III.\\n(365-359), the trend of events was ever toward\\nbringing the country into closer, though often\\nhostile, contact with central Greece.\\nIt was an occurrence of no slight significance for\\nthe history of the land which he was afterward to\\nrule when Philip, the son of Amyntas, was held\\nthree years (368-365) a hostage at Thebes at a\\ntime, too, when Thebes, at the height of its politi-\\ncal importance, was the leading military power of\\nthe day, and the home of Epaminondas, the greatest\\nleader and military strategist that Greece had yet\\nproduced. The tendency of Macedonian politics\\nfor a century and a half before Philip had followed,\\nas we have seen, the twofold inclination of the\\nkings, first, to raise Macedonia to the rank of a\\nGreek state and secure it participation in Hellenic\\naffairs and Hellenic culture, and, second, to antago-\\nnise orientalism as expressed in the power of Persia.\\nWith Philip the course of events brought it about", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "1 8 Alexander the Great. [359-356 3. c.\\nthat these two inclinations naturally blended into\\none. After a peculiar combination of occurrences\\nin the year 352 had given him a foothold in Thessaly\\nand made him a party to the controversies of central\\nGreece, he saw his way to a larger ambition, which\\ncombined all the ambitions of his predecessors, and\\nmore than fulfilled them. He and his people should\\nbecome Greek in leading Greece, and in leading it\\nagainst the East.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nBOYHOOD AND ELEMENTARY EDUCATION.\\n356-340 B.C.\\nPHILIP ascended the throne in 359 B.C. Three\\nyears later Alexander was born prince and\\nheir. We have seen the soil and the root\\nfrom which he sprang. All his life is true to its\\nsource. In fresh, wild vigour he is a son of Mace-\\ndon, in impulsive idealism the son of Olympias, in\\nsagacity and organising talent the son of Philip.\\nBut he was born to a throne, and, in his father s\\nforesight, to a greater throne than that of little\\nlandlocked Macedonia, with its shepherds and peas-\\nants and country squires. Philip doubtless prided\\nhimself on being a self-made man; but his boy\\nwas to have an education that no Greek could\\ndespise.\\nWhile it would be evidently amiss in estimating\\nthe influence of Alexander s education upon his\\ncharacter to compare inherited traits as subtrahend\\nagainst the finished product as a minuend, the data\\nwhich we fortunately possess concerning his early\\n19", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "20 Alexander the Great. [356 B.c-\\ntraining, and our knowledge of the ideas and system\\nof his later teacher Aristotle, afford, when combined\\nwith the clear picture history has left us of our\\nhero s personality, an opportunity unparalleled in\\nall the story of olden time of seeing what education\\ncan do for a man. Let the plain story of his boy-\\nhood yield its own lesson.\\nAs was usual in all well-to-do Greek families,\\nAlexander was first committed to the care of a\\nnurse. Her name was Lanice, probably the familiar\\nform of Hellanice. The first six years of his life\\nwere spent under her care, and a feeling of attach-\\nment developed toward her that lasted throughout\\nhis life. He loved her as a mother, says an\\nancient writer. One of her children, Proteas, whom\\nshe nursed and brought up in company with the\\nyoung prince, remained in after life one of his most\\nintimate associates. All her sons afterward gave\\ntheir lives in battle for him, and her one brother,\\nClitus, who was also a faithful friend, and at\\nGranicus rescued him from death, was killed by his\\nhand in a pitiful quarrel at a drinking-bout, a deed\\nwhich brought him instant regret and fearful re-\\nmorse. As he lay in his tears on the bed of repent-\\nance, the graphic account of Arrian tells how\\nhe kept calling the name of Clitus, and the name of\\nLanice, Clitus s sister, who nursed and reared him\\nLanice, the daughter of Dropides. Fair return I have\\nmade in manhood s years for thy nurture and care\\nthou who hast seen thy sons die fighting in my behalf\\nand now I have slain thy brother with mine own hand", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 2 1\\nDuring these first six years we have no reason to\\nsuppose that our young hero s education differed\\nessentially from that of other Greeks. The methods\\nof the nursery are usually those of plain tradition,\\nand are the last strongholds to be reached by the\\ninnovations of any newfangled systems of education.\\nHe grew up in the retirement of the women s\\nquarters, in the company of other children, and\\nwith the customary solace of top and hoop, puppet\\nand riding-horse, cradle-songs and nurse s tales. Of\\nmen he saw little, least of all during those militant\\nyears of his father, Philip. He was, through and\\nthrough, a mother s boy. To her he had the\\nstrongest attachment, and from her he inherited\\nthe predominating traits of his spiritual character.\\nWith the beginning of his seventh year a Greek\\nboy of the better class was usually intrusted to the\\ncare of a special male servant, called the paidagogos,\\nor pedagogue. He was usually a slave, not neces-\\nsarily one of much education, but a trustworthy,\\nrespectable, and generally elderly person, capable\\nof teaching boys their manners and keeping\\nthem out of mischief. He accompanied the boy\\nwherever he went, attended him to school, carrying\\nhis cither, or little harp, his books, tablets, etc., and\\nremained there in waiting until the schoolmaster,\\nthe didaskalos, was through with him. In Alexan-\\nder s case more than this was done. The general\\noversight of his education was intrusted to a man of\\ndistinction ,and royal birth, one Leonidas, a relative\\nof Alexander s mother, who, though he did not\\nspurn the title pedagogue in so good a cause,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "22 Alexander the Great. [356 B.c-\\nwas properly known as educator or professor.\\nHe was, in reality, what we should call the prince s\\ntutor. The position of pedagogue proper was held\\nby an Acharnanian named Lysimachus, a man whose\\nwitless mediocrity has been rescued from total ob-\\nlivion by one happy classical allusion. Be-\\ncause, says Plutarch, he named himself Phcenix,\\nand Alexander Achilles, and Philip Peleus, he was\\nesteemed and held the second rank [i. e. among the\\neducators of Alexander].\\nLeonidas was essentially a harsh, stern disciplin-\\narian. Alexander received under his tutelage an\\nexcellent physical education, and was trained to\\nendure hardships and privations, and to abhor\\nluxury. A passage in Plutarch s life of Alexander\\nis in point here:\\nHe was extremely temperate in eating and drinking,\\nas is particularly well illustrated by what he said to Ada\\nthe one whom he dignified with the title mother, and\\nestablished as Queen of Caria. She, as a friendly atten-\\ntion, used, it seems, to send him daily not only all sorts\\nof meats and cakes, but went so far, finally, as to send\\nhim the cleverest cooks and bakers she could find.\\nThese, however, Alexander said he had no use for. Bet-\\nter cooks he had already those which his pedagogue\\nLeonidas had given him namely,. as breakfast-cook one\\nnamed All-night-tramp, and as a dinner-cook one Light-\\nweight-breakfast. Why, sir, said he, that man Leon-\\nidas would go and unlock my chests where I kept my\\nblankets and clothes, and look in them to see that my\\nmother had not given me anything that I did not really\\nneed, or that conduced to luxury and indulgence.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "REVERSE OF HEAVY EUBOEAN OR\\nSOLONIAN DEKADRACHM, SHOW-\\nING THE ATHENIAN OWL.\\nSILVER COIN OF PHILIP II. OF MACEDON (FATHER OF ALEXANDER).\\nHEAD OF THE OLYMPIAN ZEUS. COIN PROBABLY STRUCK, AS THE HORSE ON REVERSE\\nINDICATES, IN COMMEMORATION OF VICTORY IN THE OLYMPIAN GAMES.\\nTETRADRACHM OF ALEXANDER, BEARING THE HEAD OF HERCULES.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 23\\nAnother reference to Leonidas (Plutarch, chap,\\nxxv.) harmonises reasonably with the foregoing.\\nIt again represents the tutor as a rigid inspector of\\ndetails, and gives to his sternness a complementary\\nshade of the petty economical. This is the story\\nAs he [Alexander] was sending off to Olympias and\\nCleopatra and his friends great quantities of the booty\\nhe had taken [from the sack of Gaza], he sent along with\\nit, for his pedagogue Leonidas, five hundred talents of\\nfrankincense and a hundred talents of myrrh, in memory\\nof a boyish dream of his youth. For it so happened once\\nat a sacrifice that, as Alexander seized both hands full of\\nthe incense and threw it upon the fire, Leonidas called\\nto him, and said Sometime, if you get to be master of\\nthe land of spices, you can throw incense on lavishly\\nlike this, but for the present be economical in the use of\\nwhat you have. So now Alexander took the occasion\\nto write him We send you frankincense and myrrh\\nin abundance, so that you may make an end of econo-\\nmising with the gods.\\nWe may do the old tutor an injustice in attribut-\\ning to him, on the basis of this incident alone, any-\\nthing like smallness or meanness in character. The\\ntendency of Alexander was naturally toward lavish-\\nness and recklessness. Leonidas sought, doubtless,\\nto check this, and was remembered most distinctly\\nby his former pupil in his favourite role of brakeman.\\nAnd yet Leonidas cannot escape wholly the charge,\\nwhich later opinion laid at his doors, of having car-\\nried his severity and martinetism too far, and of\\nbeing thus in some measure responsible for certain\\nfaults, particularly of harshness, imperiousness, and", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "24 Alexander the Great. [356 b.c\\narbitrariness, which showed themselves later in the\\nbearing and temper of his pupil. Philip early recog-\\nnised that a character of such strength as Alexander s\\nwas not to be controlled and trained in the school\\nof arbitrary authority. He needed guidance, and\\nnot authority. He must be convinced and led, not\\ndriven. Thus Plutarch says:\\nPhilip recognised that while his was a nature hard to\\nmove when once he had set himself to resist, he could\\nyet be led by reason to do what was right. So he always\\nhimself tried to influence him by argument rather than\\nby command, and as he was unwilling to intrust the di-\\nrection and training of his son to the teachers of music\\nand the culture-studies, considering this to be a task of\\nextraordinary importance and difficulty, or, as Sophocles\\nhas it, a job at once for many a bit and many a helm,\\nhe sent for Aristotle, the most famous and learned of the\\nphilosophers, to come to him.\\nIt does not by any means necessarily follow from\\nwhat Plutarch says, that Leonidas was dispossessed\\nof his position as supervisor of the prince s educa-\\ntion by the coming of Aristotle. He probably re-\\nmained in at least nominal control, but it is certainly\\nto be inferred from all that we hear about the later\\ncourse of training that the all-important personal\\nfactor in it was Aristotle. The pedagogue proper,\\ni. e., Lysimachus, undoubtedly continued to act in\\nthe function of personal attendant, and we hear of\\nhim as still in the company of Alexander during the\\ncampaign in Syria, and when the latter was over\\ntwenty-three years old. The story which Plutarch", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 25\\ntells about him in the Vita illustrates not only his\\namiable eccentricity of temper, but also, at the same\\ntime, the tenderness, generosity, and unselfish loy-\\nalty to friendship which were such marked features\\nin Alexander s character.\\nDuring the progress of the siege of Tyre, on a foray-\\nexpedition which he made against the Arabs dwelling by\\nAntilibanon, he came into great danger through his\\npedagogue Lysimachus. Lysimachus, namely, had in-\\nsisted on following him everywhere, claiming that he was\\nno less fit and no older than Homer s Phoenix. When\\nnow, on entering the mountain regions, they were obliged\\nto leave their horses and go afoot, Lysimachus became\\nexhausted and was unable to advance. The rest of the\\ncompany was far in advance, but Alexander could not\\nbring himself to leave his old friend there alone, with\\nthe night coming down and the enemy close at hand.\\nSo he stayed by him, and kept cheering him on and try-\\ning to help him forward, until, without its being noticed,\\nhe, with a few attendants, became separated from the\\narmy, and found himself obliged to bivouac there in the\\ndarkness and the bitter cold, and that, too, in a grimly\\ndisagreeable and dangerous position. After a while he\\ndescried at some distance from him various scattered\\ncamp-fires of the enemy. Relying upon his fleetness of\\nfoot, and with his usual fondness for encouraging his\\npeople by personal participation in toil and peril, he\\nmade a dash against the company at the nearest watch-\\nfire. Two barbarians who who were sitting there by the\\nfire he despatched with his knife, and then, seizing a fire-\\nbrand, made off with it to his own people. Then they\\nbuilt a great fire, so that some of the enemy were fright-\\nened and fled. Others who essayed to attack them they", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "26 Alexander the Great. [356 B.C.-\\nrepulsed. Thus they spent the night in safety. This is\\nthe story as Chares tells it.\\nTo return now to the boy Alexander. We have\\ngood reason to justify the opinion of his father,\\nPhilip, that the training of such a fellow demanded\\nthe best cooperative steering endeavours of many\\na bit and many a helm. He was not at all what\\nis ordinarily called the bad boy rather the con-\\ntrary. But he was restless, energetic, fearless, head-\\nstrong, and self-willed, though his self-will was that\\nof an intelligent, inventive independence, rather\\nthan pure stubbornness. The famous story of the\\ntaming of Bucephalus contains a full body of doc-\\ntrine on this subject, and, as its accord with later\\ndevelopments in the character of Alexander is too\\nunmistakable to admit of any doubt as to its au-\\nthenticity, we give it in full as Plutarch tells it.\\nFrom the context in which the narrative appears,\\nwe infer with reasonable certainty that Alexander\\nat the time was about twelve years old.\\nPhilonicus of Thessaly had offered to sell Philip his\\nhorse Bucephalus for thirteen talents. So they all went\\ndown into the plain to try the animal. He proved,\\nhowever, to be balky and utterly useless. He would let\\nno one mount him, and none of the attendants of Philip\\ncould make him hear to him, but he violently resisted\\nthem all. Philip, in his disgust, ordered the horse led\\naway as being utterly wild and untrained. Whereat,\\nAlexander, who was present, said That is too good a\\nhorse for those men to spoil that way, simply because", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 27\\nthey have n t the skill or the grit to handle him right.\\nAt first Philip paid no attention to him, but as he kept\\ninsisting on being heard, and seemed greatly disturbed\\nabout the matter, his father said to him What do you\\nmean by criticising your elders, as if you were wiser than\\nthey, or knew so much more about handling a horse than\\nthey do? Well, this horse, anyway, I would handle\\nbetter than anyone else, if they would give me a chance.\\nIn case you don t succeed, rejoined his father, what\\npenalty are you willing to pay for your freshness I 11\\npay, by Jove, the price of the horse Laughter greeted\\nthis answer, but after some bantering with his father\\nabout the money arrangements, he went straight to the\\nhorse, took him by the bridle, and turned him around\\ntoward the sun. This he did on the theory that the\\nhorse s fright was due to seeing his own shadow dance\\nup and down on the ground before him. He then ran\\nalong by his side a while, patting and coaxing him,\\nuntil, after a while, seeing he was full of fire and spirit,\\nand impatient to go, he quietly threw off his coat, and\\nswinging himself up, sat securely astride the horse.\\nThen he guided him about for a while with the reins,\\nwithout striking him or jerking at the bit. When now\\nhe saw that the horse was getting over his nervousness\\nand was eager to gallop ahead, he let him go, driving\\nhim on with a sterner voice and with kicks of his foot.\\nIn the group of onlookers about Philip there prevailed,\\nfrom the first, the silence of intensely anxious concern.\\nBut when the boy turned the horse and came galloping\\nup to them with pride and joy in his face, they all burst\\nout into a cheer. His father, they say, shed tears for\\nvery joy, and, as he dismounted, kissed him on the head,\\nand said My son, seek thee a kingdom suited to thy\\npowers Macedonia is too strait for thee.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "28 Alexander the Great. [356 B.C.-\\nBucephalus became from this time the property\\nand the inseparable companion of Alexander. He\\naccompanied him on his campaigns, sharing many\\ntoils and dangers with him, and was generally the\\nhorse ridden by him in battle. No one else was\\never allowed to mount him, as Arrian says, be-\\ncause he deemed all other riders unworthy. He\\nis reported to have been a magnificent black charger\\nof extraordinary size, and to have been marked\\nwith a white spot on the forehead.\\nSome thought his name ox-head to have been\\ngiven him on account of this resemblance of his\\nhead to that of an ox. Others said it was because\\nhe was branded with the mark of an ox-head. This\\nreminds us of the name Koppatias applied to the\\nfamous Corinthian horses, which are said to have\\nbeen branded with the letter koppa probably in\\nallusion to the koppa as initial of the word Korinthos\\n(Qorinthos) which always stood upon the Corinthian\\ncoins under the device of the horse Pegasus.\\nAlexander s affection for the animal is illustrated\\nby two stories, one told by Arrian (v., 19, 6), the\\nother by Plutarch {Vita, ch. lxi.) as well as by Ar-\\nrian. Arrian s story is this:\\nThis horse once disappeared from Alexander s hands\\nin the country of the Uxians (a tribe of robbers east of\\nMesopotamia), whereupon he sent out a proclamation\\nthroughout the country, to the effect that if they did\\nnot bring him back his horse, all the Uxians would be\\nput to death. In response to this proclamation the\\nhorse was brought back immediately. This shows how\\ngreat was Alexander s interest in the horse, and also in-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 29\\ncidentally how great was the barbarians dread of\\nAlexander.\\nPlutarch s story is as follows:\\nShortly after the battle with Poros [the battle of the\\nHydaspes] Bucephalus died, as the vulgate report has it,\\nwhile being treated for wounds he had received, but as\\nOnesiscratus, however, says, worn out with old age. For\\nhe says he was thirty years old when he died. Alexan-\\nder was overwhelmed with grief at his loss. It was for\\nhim as if he had lost an old companion and friend. So\\nhe founded a city on the Hydaspes, and named it in his\\nhonor Bucephala.\\nFrom boyhood on, nothing is more characteristic\\nof Alexander than his restless passion for reshaping\\nand subduing. We shall very greatly misunderstand\\nhim if we attribute this to an empty desire for fame\\nand glory. It was not the desire for fame, but the\\ndesire to act. It arose from the promptings of an\\nactive, ready will, that shrank from no responsi-\\nbility, and never shunned the pains of decision.\\nHe bore no marks of indolence of will. Action was\\nalmost a mania with him. A naive remark of his\\nboyhood shows how the child was father to the man.\\nWhenever news was brought of Philip s victories, the\\ncapture of a city or the winning of some great battle, he\\nnever seemed greatly rejoiced to hear it on the con-\\ntrary, he used to say to his play-fellows Father will\\nget everything in advance, boys he won t leave any\\ngreat task for me to share with you. He delib-\\nerately preferred as his inheritance, not treasures, not\\nluxury and pleasures, but toils, wars, and ambitions.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "30 Alexander the Great. [356 b.c-\\nBy nature he was fervently passionate and im-\\npulsive. His attachments to his friends were strong.\\nHe loved warmly and loyally. He was often swept\\nby storms of anger, though hatred was foreign to\\nhim. It was only a magnificent force of will that\\nenabled him to hold rein upon his passions. The\\nstruggle for self-control began in his boyhood.\\nEven in boyhood, the ancient biographer says,\\nhe showed a tendency to moderation and self-\\ncontrol, in that, though naturally violent and easily\\nswayed by passion, he was not readily inflamed in\\nthe enjoyment of bodily pleasures, and handled\\nthem mildly. Self-subduing was only a mani-\\nfestation of the supreme passion for bringing his\\nenvironment under the control of his personality he\\nmerely treated self as part of his environment.\\nAppetites fared with him much as Bucephalus did.\\nThis greed of achieving early showed, however,\\nits bent toward things political.\\nHe had not, Plutarch says, like his father, Philip,\\nan undiscriminating fondness for all kinds of fame.\\nThus Philip, for instance, used to plume himself on his\\ncleverness in oratory, as much as if he had been a pro-\\nfessional rhetorician, and his chariot-race victories he\\ncommemorated on his coins. Alexander, however, when\\nhis companions were trying to find out whether he would\\nbe willing to compete in the foot-race at Olympia, for he\\nwas swift of foot, said Yes, certainly, if I can have\\nkings as antagonists.\\nWe should do Alexander great injustice if we\\ninterpreted this remark as monarchical snobbish^", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.I Elementary Education. 3 1\\nness. Alexander, our author implies, was no lover\\nof fame in itself and for its own sake. The winning\\nof a foot-race, for instance, would have little value\\nfor him, except he could win it from a prince, i. e.,\\nexcept as the victory could take on a political\\ncolour and assume a political meaning. Not that\\nhe felt it unbecoming to his station or beneath his\\ndignity to contend with common men, but that a\\nmere athletic victory would be to him only a sham\\nvictory, a meaningless achievement. This interpret-\\nation of our passage is supported not only by the\\ncontext, but by all that we know else of the boy s\\ncharacter.\\nIt is in harmony with this earnestness of purpose,\\nand the tendency of his ambition to concentrate\\nitself upon a single aim, that we find him, while yet\\na stripling, profoundly interested, with a naively\\nboyish seriousness, in everything which concerned\\nthe imperial dreams and plans of his house. Once\\nwhen, in his father s absence, a body of special am-\\nbassadors from the Persian Shah came to the capital,\\nhe is said to have attracted much remark by the\\nskill with which he entertained them, and by the\\nsober craft with which he exploited the opportunity\\nof their presence. He showed them such distin-\\nguished attention and kindness that he directly\\nplaced himself upon a confidential footing with\\nthem. The questions he asked them were, to their\\nsurprise, not about trifling topics such as a boy\\nwould be expected to be interested in, but\\nabout the length of the roads, and the methods of in-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "32 Alexander the Great. [356 B.c-\\nland travel about the Shah, and what sort of a man he\\nwas in a military way how strong the Persian army was,\\nand what constituted the strength of their empire. With\\nsuch queries, as well as such demeanour, he so aroused\\ntheir admiration that they came to think that, after all,\\nthe cleverness of Philip, about which they had heard so\\nmuch, counted but little in comparison with the energy\\nand the nobility of purpose they discovered in his son.\\nThe life of Alexander affords an unusually satis-\\nfactory opportunity of measuring the influence of\\neducation upon character. Ancient history scarcely\\noffers another such. Alexander s natural endow-\\nments of character, as we have already seen from\\nthe story of his boyhood, and shall further see in\\nthe unfolding of his later life, include certain traits\\nso pronounced and well defined that there can be\\nno mistake concerning them. The character of the\\nnatural man Alexander is well in evidence. On the\\nother hand, we are afforded an unusually accurate\\nmeans of gauging the method and spirit of his edu-\\ncation through the circumstance that, from his thir-\\nteenth year on, Aristotle was his tutor, and Aristotle s\\nideas about how to teach and why to teach and what\\nto teach are better known than those of any one of\\nthe ancients who ever practised pedagogy.\\nAlexander, especially in some of the tendencies\\nof his later career, unquestionably offended seriously\\nagainst the doctrine of his master, and many of his\\nideas, particularly regarding politics, were at vari-\\nance therewith. A superficial judgment might,\\ntherefore, pronounce that all evidence of Aristotle s", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 33\\ninfluence was lacking in Alexander s career. Such\\na judgment fails, on the one hand, to take into\\nsufficient account the abnormal conditions consti-\\ntuted by Alexander s sudden and enormous success,\\nand on the other to take in complete review the in-\\ncidents of his life in the light of his natural instincts\\nand of his power and opportunity. Wherever we\\nsee in him a high, imperious, fitful temper and a\\nrestless, energetic, selfish will curbing themselves to\\nthe rein of reason, reflection, and large humane con-\\nsiderations, there the influence of the teacher is to\\nbe discerned.\\nAlexander was between twelve and thirteen years\\nof age when Aristotle, then a man of forty or one-\\nand-forty, took him in hand. Aristotle s birth-\\nplace, Stagira, was in Thrace, very near Macedonian\\nsoil, and his father, Nicomachus, had been the\\ncourt physician of Amyntas, Alexander s grand-\\nfather. He was certainly, therefore, well enough\\nknown to Philip. There is a letter reported to us\\nby Aulus Gellius {Noct. Attic, ix.) which purports\\nto be Philip s announcement to Aristotle of the\\nbirth of his son\\nPhilip to Aristotle, greeting. Be it known that to\\nme a son is born. I am thankful therefore to the gods,\\nbut not so much at the birth of the child as that he is\\nborn in thy time. For I hope that, trained and educated\\nby thee, he will prove himself worthy of us and of the\\nsuccession to the throne.\\nIt is altogether improbable that Aristotle in the\\nyear 356, when but twenty-eight years old, and nine", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "34 Alexander the Great. [356 B.c-\\nyears before the death of his master, Plato, had at-\\ntained a repute such as to justify an address like\\nthis. The letter rather belongs to the rhetorico-\\nsophistic compositions of a later date, but testifies\\nto the classical importance which the union of the\\ntwo great names, Aristotle and Alexander, had as-\\nsumed in the mind of antiquity. It was indeed a\\nmost significant fate that brought the two in this\\nrelation together. In the words of Zell The one\\nhad the power and the call to master and rule the\\nworld. The other had discovered and subjugated a\\nnew world for the human mind and for science.\\nIn recognition of Aristotle s services and as a\\nspecies of higher remuneration therefor, Philip, to\\nquote Plutarch s word s, caused the city of the\\nStagirites, where Aristotle had been born, and\\nwhich he [Philip] had laid waste (348-347 B.C.) to\\nbe rebuilt, and he recalled to their homes the citi-\\nzens of the same who were living in banishment and\\nslavery.\\nAs a seat for Aristotle s school the city of Mieza,\\nin the Macedonian province of Emathia, southwest\\nof the capital city Pella, near the boundaries of\\nThessaly, was selected, and there in the Grove of\\nthe Nymphs, hard by the town, the place where he\\ntaught, with its great chair of stone on which the\\nmaster sat, and the shady paths in which he was\\nwont, as in later years in the peripatoi of the Lyceum\\nat Athens, to walk with his pupils, was shown as a\\nchief attraction to visitors even in the days of\\nPlutarch, five centuries later.\\nAristotle remained here in all about eight years,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 35\\ni. e., from 344~43 to 335 B.C. Shortly after Alexan-\\nder ascended the throne (336 B.C.) Aristotle removed\\nto Athens, and there, more or less aided by the\\nfavouring current of Macedonianism, established\\nhis famous school in the Lyceum in the eastern\\nsuburbs of Athens. Of his eight years in Macedonia\\nnot more than four could have been given to the\\nimmediate personal instruction of the prince. From\\nhis seventeenth year on, Alexander became too\\nmuch absorbed in military and political interests to\\nadmit of further exclusive attention to study, but\\nno particular date, prior to 336, marked an abrupt\\ncessation of his relations to his tutor, whom he con-\\ntinued to respect and heed, and whose instruction\\nhe doubtless from time to time still enjoyed. To\\nhis father, he said, he owed his life, to Aristotle the\\nknowledge of how to live worthily.\\nIn Aristotle s school at Mieza, Alexander was by\\nno means the sole pupil. Such an arrangement\\nwould have been inconsistent with one of the funda-\\nmental principles of the master s pedagogic system,\\nfor he held that education, and particularly moral\\neducation was largely to be attained through per-\\nsonal association, and that the cultivation of noble\\nfriendships among the young was a most potent\\nmeans of forming in them cleanliness and healthi-\\nness of character. A considerable group of young\\nmen, composed in part, if not entirely, of noble-\\nmen s sons and princes, made up the school. We\\nhave no means of judging of the number further\\nthan that the language of those writers who allude\\nto it certainly contains the implication that the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "36 Alexander the Great. [356 B.C.-\\nnumber was not small. Among other allusions of\\nthe kind an anecdote preserved in Pseudo-Callis-\\nthenes shows that Alexander was taught in company\\nwith others, and rather unconsciously illustrates the\\nadvantage of class instruction over private coaching\\nin the incidental sharpening of wits by rivalry. The\\nstory runs as follows:\\nAs Aristotle had with him once in his school a lot\\nof boys, several of whom were sons of kings, he said to\\none of them When, some day, you become king in\\nyour father s stead, what favor do you think you will\\nshow me, your teacher The boy replied, You shall dine\\nat my table, and I will make everyone show you honour\\nand respect. Then turning to another the teacher asked\\nthe same question, and this one answered, I will make\\nyou my chief treasurer, and will consult you as adviser\\nin all that is brought me for decision. Then he turned\\nto Alexander with the question, And now, my son,\\nwhat do you propose to do with me, your old teacher,\\nwhen you come to sit upon the throne of your father,\\nPhilip And Alexander answered, What right have\\nyou to ask me such questions about that which the\\nfuture has yet to bring As I have no assurance of\\nthe morrow, I can only say that, when the day and hour\\nis come, then I will give you answer. Well said, ex-\\nclaimed the master well said, Alexander, world-mon-\\narch for thou wilt one day be the greatest king of all.\\nAlexander s personal relations to his teacher in\\nafter life are unfortunately rendered somewhat ob-\\nscure by the contradictory and to some extent evid-\\nently unauthentic statements of our authorities.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "ARISTOTLE.\\nAFTER THE STATUE IN THE SPADA PALACE, ROME.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 37\\nWhen the invasion of Asia was begun, Aristotle\\nevidently preferred the quiet of philosophic teach-\\ning at Athens to the turmoil of the camp, and\\ndeclined his pupil s solicitations that he should ac-\\ncompany him. For a time at least they remained\\nin constant communication with each other, and a\\nseries of letters of doubtful authenticity constituting\\na supposed correspondence between them during\\nthe earlier years of the campaigns in Asia were\\nknown and much read in antiquity. Two of Aris-\\ntotle s existing tractates, viz., that On Colonisation t\\nand that On the Monarchy were written as advice\\nto Alexander during his campaigns in Asia, and\\nwere evidently influential in directing the policy of\\nthe conqueror. We have it on good authority,\\ntoo, that he in various ways and at different times\\ngave aid to Aristotle in the prosecution of his scien-\\ntific work, having at one time given him no less\\na sum than eight hundred talents for the purchase\\nof books and for defraying the expenses of his in-\\nvestigations connected with the preparation of his\\nwork on zoology. At another time he placed at his\\ndisposal the services of a thousand men throughout\\nAsia and Greece with instructions to follow out the\\ndirections of Aristotle in collecting and reporting\\ndetails concerning the life-conditions and habits of\\nfishes, birds, beasts, and insects.\\nThese outlays, gigantic as they seem, were in\\nreality not disproportionate to the difficulty of the\\nwork, and the vastness of Aristotle s undertaking,\\nespecially when we consider the absence of prior\\ninvestigations, the vast stretches of country in-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "38 Alexander the Great. [356 B.C.-\\nvolved, and the difficulties of communication.\\nAristotle s work stands to-day as a monument and\\na voucher to the money and means afforded through\\nthe thankfulness of the pupil. In course of time,\\nit appears that the two became in some way and to\\nsome extent estranged from each other. In the\\nlong separation, under radically different conditions,\\nthey naturally grew apart. The later tendencies of\\nAlexander s life, especially his inclination to oriental\\nmanners, and his supposed assumption of divine\\nhonours, could not fail to be distasteful to his\\nmaster, and on Alexander s part it became notice-\\nable, as Plutarch puts it, that his kindly disposi-\\ntion toward Aristotle lost with time somewhat of its\\nearlier heartiness and of its warmly affectionate\\ncharacter.\\nAlexander s unfortunate experience with Callis-\\nthenes, the nephew of Aristotle, undoubtedly helped\\nto raise a barrier between them during the last few\\nyears of Alexander s life. This man, distinguished\\nabove all things for his tactless effrontery of speech\\nand general lack of good sense, had accompanied\\nAlexander on his campaigns in the character of\\nchronicler. After having fallen from favour through\\nhis exquisite obnoxiousness, he was discovered in\\ncomplicity with a treasonable plot and died in im-\\nprisonment, 327 B.C. It is impossible that Aristotle\\nshould have been greatly surprised at his fate, for\\nhe had himself warned him earlier that his tongue\\nwould some day be the ruin of him, but some of the\\nhistorians would have us believe that Alexander ex-\\ntended his suspicion of Callisthenes to his uncle.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 39\\nThis is however highly improbable. We have no\\nreason to believe that Alexander ever entertained\\nany positive suspicion or even dislike of his old\\nteacher, but the fact that Alexander had taken up\\nwith Callisthenes on Aristotle s recommendation un-\\navoidably threw some of the responsibility for his\\nconduct upon his uncle.\\nThat Aristotle avvays stood in some sense under\\nthe protection of royal favour, even though in the\\nlast years it came to him mostly through the per-\\nsonal friendship of Antipater, is shown by the fact\\nthat after the death of Alexander he was forced to\\nquit Athens on the distinct ground that he was a\\nMacedonian favourite.\\nHaving thus reviewed the history of Alexander s\\nrelations to the great philosopher, it remains for us\\nnow to gain some impression of the nature of the\\ninstruction which he received from him. In the\\nabsence of connected statements on the subject in\\nthe biographers and historians, we are left to recon-\\nstruct a picture of it out of occasional allusions, out\\nof our knowledge of Alexander s literary and scien-\\ntific interests in his later life, and, best of all, out of\\nthe well-known pedagogical as well as scientific\\nideas of the master himself.\\nBefore coming under Aristotle s influence, the\\nyoung prince had evidently learned what by that\\nage a boy had usually learned from the ordinary\\ngrammatist and paidotribe, i. e., he could read and\\nwrite, could draw a little, had some knowledge of\\nthe flute and harp, and had been trained in the\\nusual physical exercises. In regard to all these", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "4 d Alexander the Great. [356 B.c-\\nbranches, however, the influence of Aristotle upon\\nthe later views of his pupil can be more or less dis-\\ntinctly traced, and we cannot afford to pass them\\nby without at least a cursory glance.\\nFirst of all, in the department of athletics and\\ngymnastics we know that Alexander had, as a\\nyouth, attained no ordinary proficiency. He was,\\nas Plutarch tells us in connection with the story of\\nhis being urged to compete at the Olympic games,\\neminently swift of foot. He knew also that he\\nwas praised as an extraordinarily skilful ball-player,\\nand was herein the peer of the famous Aristonicus,\\nof Carystus, whose prowess as ball-player won him\\nthe Athenian citizenship and the honor of a statue\\nat Athens.\\nDuring his campaigns in Asia he lost no oppor-\\ntunity to indulge in healthful exercise, as Plutarch\\ntells us in the Vita (ch. xxiii.):\\nIf he was on a march which did not require haste, he\\nwould exercise himself on the way, either in shooting or\\nin mounting and alighting from a chariot at full speed.\\nHe often diverted himself, too, with fox-hunting and\\nfowling, as we learn from his journals.\\nThe incident, finally, of the breaking of Buceph-\\nalus, already alluded to, joins with other things to\\nshow how thoroughly ready and robust he was in\\nall that pertains to the sports of outdoor life. In\\nspite of all this, his aversion to athletics for its own\\nsake, as proved by his dislike of the professional\\nathlete, and as shown, for instance, in his ironical\\nremark when, at Miletus, the statues of the Olym-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 41\\npian victors were pointed out to him Where were\\nall these famous physiques at the time when the\\nbarbarians besieged your city identifies him as\\nthe consistent pupil of the great philosopher. No\\none of the great Greek writers raises so persistent\\nand emphatic protest as Aristotle against that mis-\\nuse of physical culture which attempts more than to\\nmake the body the ready and efficient tool of the\\nindividual s spiritual and intellectual activity.\\nAlexander s attainments in the arts of drawing\\nand painting seem at the least not to have exceeded\\nthe standard laid down in the pedagogical system of\\nhis master, who held that this discipline served in\\nthe ordinary liberal education no further purpose\\nthan to teach the pupil to discriminate in the\\nworks of professional artists the more beautiful from\\nthe less. That he had, as might be expected of a\\nliberally educated man, a decided interest in art is\\nproven by a number of cases in which he showed\\nespecial favour to distinguished artists, as well as by\\nthe attention he always appears to have bestowed\\nupon works of art and that he also had some\\nsound sense of discrimination may be perhaps in-\\nferred from Horace s report that he forbade any\\nother than Apelles to portraiture him in colour or\\nany other than Lysippus in bronze. With a weak-\\nness, however, not uncommon in potentates, he\\nloved to indulge himself in art criticism, sometimes\\nforgetting, it appears, that this class of judgments\\nfalls within the range of a different gratia dei to that\\nwhich setteth up kings. It is a lasting honour to\\nthe profession that Apelles did not hesitate on occa-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "42 Alexander the Great. [356 B.C.-\\nsions to call the imperial sciolist to order, as well as\\na credit to Alexander himself that he tolerated it.\\n^Elian tells the following story\\nAlexander, on seeing the picture which Apelles\\npainted of him at Ephesus, failed properly to recognise\\nits excellence. His horse, however, when driven up\\nbefore it, whinnied at the horse in the picture, as if it\\nwere a real one. Whereupon Apelles said, Your horse,\\nO King, seems to be considerably more artistic than\\nyourself\\nPliny s story f is also a familiar one. He says\\nthat Alexander, who\\nused frequently to visit the atelier of Apelles, and while\\nthere was apt to discuss things freely and in a manner\\ncalculated to display his own ignorance, was politely ad-\\nvised by the artist to keep silent, because he was making\\nhimself a laughing-stock for the apprentices who were\\nscraping colours there.\\nAlexander s literary training we should not expect\\nwould be neglected in the hands of the author of the\\nPoetics. It evidently was not, as his later interest\\nin literature, and particularly his enthusiasm for\\nHomer shows.\\nHe was also naturally fond of learning and an ex-\\ntensive reader of books. The Iliad he thought, and\\nindeed called, the vade-mecum of soldierly spirit, and he\\ntook with him a copy of it, the copy corrected by Aris-\\ntotle, which is called the casket-edition. Onesicritus\\n/Elian, Varia Historia, ii., cli. iii.\\nf Pliny, Nat, Hist,, xxxv., 10, 85,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "340 B.c.J Elementally Education. 43\\ntells us he used to lay it always under his pillow with his\\nsword. And not only that, but when he wished for other\\nbooks, and found them hard to procure in the upper\\nprovinces of Asia, he wrote to Harpalus for a supply.\\nThe latter sent him the works of Philistus and many of\\nthe tragedies of Euripides, Sophocles, and ^Eschylus, as\\nwell as the dithyrambs of Telestes and Philoxenus\\n(Plutarch, Vit. ch. viii.).\\nThe mention of Euripides s name as first among\\nthe three tragedians, in contradiction of the chrono-\\nlogical order, can scarcely be an accident. Harpalus\\nundoubtedly consulted carefully the tastes of the\\nking in making the selection, and if that taste gave\\npreference to Euripides, it would be only a natural\\necho of Aristotle s opinion that Euripides, with all\\nhis faults in the disposition of his material, is after\\nall found to be the most tragic of poets. So the\\nmention of ^Eschylus in the last place seems to\\ncorrespond to Aristotle s neglect of him in the\\nPoetics. Philoxenus is used by Aristotle, e. g., in\\nthe Politics as a typical illustration of a dithyram-\\nbic poet. Philistus was the historian of Sicily and\\nthe two tyrants, Dionysius the elder and Dionysius\\nthe younger, and was called by Cicero a weak\\nThucydides. His subject-matter, dealing with\\nstrong personal government, as well as his political\\nattitude favourable to such government (Dionysius\\ncalls him a flatterer of princes) probably determined\\nAlexander s interest.\\nHomer, however, was Alexander s chief delight.\\nPolitics, viii., 7.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "44 Alexander the Great. [356 B.C.-\\nDion Chrysostomus who, in the second essay On the\\nKingship, has collected the traditional stories con-\\ncerning Alexander s attitude toward Homer s works\\nand made them the basis of a more or less imaginary\\nconversation between Philip and Alexander, puts\\nupon the latter s lips the expression*: The\\nHomeric poetry alone I find to be truly noble,\\ngrand, kingly; and to this, I think, one who is to\\nbear rule over men should devote his attention.\\nArrian s account of Alexander s visit to the tomb\\nof Achilles contains the matter-of-fact statement f\\nThere is indeed a report that Alexander pro-\\nnounced Achilles fortunate in obtaining Homer as\\nthe herald of his fame to posterity, or, as Plutarch\\nhas it, J deemed him happy, that in life he had\\nfound a faithful friend [Patroclus] and in death a\\nmighty herald. Achilles was, among Homer s\\ncharacters, the one whom Alexander chose as his\\nideal, and he loved to claim him as a prototype.\\nIn his youthfulness, his elan, his impulsive moodi-\\nness, and in his mission as champion of Greekdom,\\nhe certainly was. The first suggestion of the simile\\ncame perhaps from Lysimachus, the old pedagogue,\\nbut it was a natural one, and however it came about,\\nthe mystical power of the parallelism merely exer-\\ncised a strong influence upon the shaping of our\\nhero s earlier life, and upon his plans and ideals\\nthroughout.\\nThe Iliad was to Alexander the vade-mecum of\\nDion Chrysostomus, De Regno, ii., p. 74 R.\\nf Arrian, Anab., i., 12.\\nPlut., Vita Alex., chap.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 45\\nsoldierly spirit, or the soldier s Bible, not only in\\nthe sense that its action and its types breathed the\\ntrue spirit of the nobleman, the chieftain, and the\\nwarrior, but in the further sense, it appears, that he\\nfound in it a solace and guide among the perplexi-\\nties and uncertainties of a soldier s life.\\nAnd if what the Alexandrians say upon the authority\\nof Heraclides be true, Homer proved no idler nor bad\\ncounsellor when he made the campaign with him. For\\nthey tell us that when Alexander had conquered Egypt,\\nand was minded to build there a great Greek city called\\nafter his own na.ne, he had, on the advice of his en-\\ngineers, selected a site, and was preparing to lay the\\nfoundations, when in the sleep of the night he saw a\\nmarvellous vision. It seemed to him that a man with\\ngrey hair and of venerable appearance came up to him\\nand repeated the verses\\nHigh o er a gulfy sea the Pharian Isle\\nFronts the deep roar of disemboguing Nile.\\n(Trsl. Pope.)\\nAlexander, upon this, straightway arose and went to\\nPharos, which at that time was an island lying a little\\nabove the Canobic mouth of the Nile, though now joined\\nby a spit to the mainland. The moment he saw the\\nextraordinary commodiousness of the situation, he gave\\norders to lay out there the plan of a city adapted to the\\nterrain, adding, as he did so, Homer, along with his\\nother remarkable qualities, is a wonderfully clever en-\\ngineer.\\nAlexander lost no occasion of testifying in season\\nand out of season his admiration for the great epics,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "46 Alexander the Great. [356 B.c-\\nand sometimes his enthusiasm smacks a little of\\nyouthful excess. Indeed, he might be accused of\\nfaddism, were not the unique position of Homer in\\nantiquity, and the natural idealism of our hero\\namply taken into the account. On one occasion,\\nwhen among the spoils of battle an elegantly\\nfashioned jewel-case of Darius was brought to the\\nking s tent, and the question had arisen what was\\nto be done with it, Alexander proposed to use it as\\na receptacle for the manuscript of the Iliad, for no\\ntreasure he knew of was so worthy of it. Another\\nincident is not to be interpreted straightway without\\nrecognising that Alexander possessed some sense\\nof humour. We are told that once a messenger\\ncame galloping up to him, apparently the bearer of\\ngood tidings, for his face and his manner betrayed\\nsuch an exuberance of joy, that the king exclaimed\\nWhat good news is there, pray, for you to bring,\\nworthy of such demonstrations as this It must be\\nHomer has arisen from the dead!\\nAristotle cannot be denied at least some of the\\ncredit for his pupil s interest. He taught him\\nHomer, that we know, and probably we have in the\\nPoetics a fair sample of some of the lectures that\\nAlexander was likely to have heard in connection\\nwith his study of Homer and the tragedians. It\\nappears from this that it was the aesthetic or artistic\\nside rather than the moral or ethical which he em-\\nphasised, and grammar we know he taught not as\\nan end in itself but as a means to the interpretation\\nsolely. Neither emotional warmth nor a high de-\\ngree of personal attractiveness or magnetism was to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "340 B.C.] Elementary Education. 47\\nbe expected of the matter-of-fact and rather cold-\\nblooded savant-philosopher. He never had the\\nreputation of being a very agreeable man. But he\\nwas in his best years he was far in advance of the\\nbest learning of his days; he was thinking and con-\\nstructing for himself, and he could not well help\\nconveying to his pupils, however chilling his man-\\nner, an impression of that most genuine of all en-\\nthusiasms, that which attends the formation of\\nnew ideas and the uncovering of new truths. We\\ncannot be sure how far Dion Chrysostomus may\\nhave relied on his imagination for his facts, but he\\ncannot have been far out of the way when, in the\\nessay alluded to just above, he represents Philip at\\nthe conclusion of his conversation with his son as\\nexclaiming in admiration at what he had heard\\nVerily not in vain have we honoured Aristotle and\\nhave allowed him to rebuild his native town for a man\\nis deserving of highest reward who has given thee such\\ndoctrine concerning the duties and functions of kings,\\nbe it that he gave this through the interpretation of\\nHomer or in any other way.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III.\\nTHE HIGHER EDUCATION.\\nTHERE is no indication that Aristotle devoted\\nany time to instructing his pupil in mathe-\\nmatics. In the list of Alexander s tutors\\nwhich the Pseudo-Callisthenes gives, one Menecles\\nthe Peloponnesian is accredited with having taught\\nhim geometry. It is not improbable that all he\\nacquired of mathematics he learned from this teacher,\\nor from his first elementary teachers. There is also\\nnothing in the facts which requires us to believe that\\nhe was instructed in the applications of mathematics\\nfor instance, in mechanics. His supervision of the\\nsiege-engines at Tyre and Gaza was the work of a\\nleader and a man of common sense and inventive\\nresources; it bears none of the traces of being the\\nwork, as has sometimes been held, of a trained\\nmathematician and engineer. Professional engin-\\neers were there to carry out his ideas, and there is\\nnothing in any of the accounts requiring us to sup-\\npose that Alexander himself supplied any of the\\ntechnical knowledge necessary to the construction\\nor operation of the machinery.\\n48", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "The Higher Education. 49\\nWhile we have no direct warrant in tradition for\\na belief that natural history was included among the\\nstudies of Alexander, we can hardly escape the con-\\nclusion that such must have been the case. With\\nAristotle himself it was hardly second to any other\\ninterest. How strong Alexander s interest was in\\nthe same studies may in the first place be seen from\\nthe opportunity and encouragement he gave the\\nscientific men attached to his service in Asia. Thus,\\nfor instance, Aristobulus and Nearchus made ex-\\ntensive collections of observations concerning the\\nplant and animal life, the habits and customs and\\ndress of the inhabitants, and the climate and geo-\\ngraphy of the countries far to the east, especially\\nIndia; and their writings, though no longer extant,\\nwere amply cited by Arrian and Strabo. Aristobulus\\nin fact served as Arrian s chief reliance, if not his\\nmost important source.\\nFurther proof of Alexander s interest in these\\nstudies we have in the ample subsidy which he gave\\nto Aristotle s work on Animal History, and the as-\\nsistance afforded him in collecting his data. As\\nthis was unquestionably done in recognition of serv-\\nices rendered him by his teacher, it seems natural\\nto suppose that these services were especially re-\\nmembered in connection with these particular\\nstudies.\\nAmong other varied accomplishments Alexander\\nhad repute it appears as a medicine-man. The pos-\\nsession of some medical and therapeutic knowledge\\nwas an almost inevitable consequence of Aristotle s\\ninstruction in the physiology and botany of the day,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "50 Alexander the Great.\\nand the distinction of having studied under him en-\\ndowed one, like an old-fashioned college diploma,\\nwith universal learned right-of-way. Plutarch is\\nright enough in suspecting Aristotle to be responsi-\\nble for it all. He says\\nAristotle, I am inclined to think, implanted in Alex-\\nander a fondness above all else for the practice of medi-\\ncine. For we find that he was interested not only in the\\ntheoretical side of the science, but that he used also to\\ngive practical service to his friends when they were ill,\\nin that he would prescribe for them a particular diet as\\nwell as specific remedies. This you can learn from his\\nletters.\\nForm in thinking, or logic, and form in speaking,\\nor rhetoric, are inseparably connected in Aristotle s\\nsystem. Rhetoric is the art of putting things, or, to\\ngive his own definition more accurately, it is the\\nfaculty of finding out all the persuasive aspects\\nwhich a subject naturally possesses. As such it is a\\nmere phase of dialectics on the one hand and of\\nethics, a branch of politics, on the other. For its\\nsuccessful exercise it demands, first, the power of\\nargumentative reasoning, and, second, a knowledge\\nof human character and conditions, as well as of the\\nnature and qualities of human emotion. f It was,\\nin Aristotle s teaching of it, solely and wholly a\\npractical art. Except in its applications to political\\nor forensic use he displayed no interest in it, and\\nvirtually declined to discuss it.\\nPlutarch, Vita Alex., ch. viii.\\nf Aristotle, Rhet., i., ch. ii.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "The Higher Education. 5 1\\nBetween him and Isocrates, to whom it became\\nmore and more a self-contained branch of aesthetics,\\nthere was a deep gulf fixed. Aristotle followed also\\nin his pedagogical method altogether the practical\\ncourse, and taught argumentation and expression\\nonly in connection with the discussion of concrete\\nquestions.\\nThus, says Cicero in the De Oratore* he joined\\nstudy of the subject-matter with the practice of expres-\\ntion. And this did not escape King Philip s attention;\\nhe appointed him his son s instructor, so that Alexander\\nmight learn from one and the same man the doctrine\\nalike of acting and of speaking.\\nThe identification of the effects of such studies as\\nthese upon the manners and character of a man is\\nnot to be readily accomplished by the crude and\\nordinary tests. In Alexander s case it is peculiarly\\ndifficult and in view of his natural talents peculiarly\\nuncertain. But certainly this much can be said\\nthe records of his words, even if they do not posi-\\ntively identify him as a pupil of Aristotle, still offer\\nnothing that does in any wise discredit to his\\nteacher s instruction. His speeches as we have\\nthem in Arrian s accounts are always brief, forcible,\\nand to the point. They are distinguished by their\\npower in making a convincing case out of the plain\\nfacts. He never prided himself on being an orator,\\nand we never hear him spoken of as such by his con-\\ntemporaries. His dislike of all tricks and false\\nornamentation of speech is amply attested. In-\\nCicero, De Orat., iii., 35.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "52 Alexander the Great,\\ndeed, Plutarch,* in speaking of his singleness of\\npurpose and the nobility of his ambition, contrasts\\nhim with Philip, his father, who among other things\\nplumed himself upon his eloquence as much as\\nany sophist.\\nThough Alexander was evidently averse to the\\nformal arts of oratory, he was marked as an edu-\\ncated man by that which seemed more than anything\\nelse to characterise in classical times the educated\\nGreek gentleman, namely, ability to converse well.\\nCleverness in questioning and answering, adroitness\\nin repartee, readiness in discussion, all these we find\\nabundantly vouched for as among his virtues. Par-\\nticularly did his soul delight in the long talks by the\\nafter-dinner wine.\\nHe was not so much addicted to wine, says Plutarch,\\nas he got the credit of being. This notion that he was\\na hard drinker arose from the length of time he spent at\\nthe table, but this he protracted not in drinking so much\\nas in conversing, for with each cup he used to start some\\nspecial topic for prolonged conversation and discussion\\nthis of course, however, only when there was no busi-\\nness on hand.\\nFineness of touch in the use of expression and a\\nrefined consciousness of the value of words admit of\\nample illustration in his recorded sayings; thus\\nwhen he distinguishes between his two strongly\\nattached friends Hephaestion and Craterus, saying\\nthat the former is philalexandros (fond of Alexander)\\nand the latter philobasileus (fond of the king) or\\nPlutarch, Vita Alex,, ch. lxiv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "The Higher Education. 53\\nwhen, after his colloquy with Diogenes, he rebukes\\nhis companions sneers at the philosopher by the\\nassertion: If I were not Alexander, I should be\\nDiogenes, meaning thereby that an Alexander reft\\nof fortune and power would by virtue of his inde-\\npendence and of his abhorrence for conventionalities,\\nbe a Diogenes.\\nHis acquaintance with the methods and forms of\\ndialectics, and a practised readiness which he showed\\nin the current Greek sophistical banter stood him in\\ngood stead, for instance, on the occasion of his\\nmeeting with the Hindoo Gymnosophists (Brah-\\nmans). His questions were cleverly adapted to put\\nthe men to their trumps, and though smacking\\nstrongly of the sophistical, served, as such things\\nalways did with the King, a practical purpose in\\ngiving him a knowledge of their craft. Ten of\\nthese distinguished for their neatness and address\\nin answering or rather parrying questions were led\\nbefore him, and he made it worth their while to\\nshow the best of their art by promising that the first\\nwho answered badly should lose his life. As judge\\nin the matter he appointed the eldest of them. The\\nquestions and answers according to Plutarch s ac-\\ncount were the following:\\nAlexander. Which, think you, are the more numer-\\nous, the living or the dead\\nFirst Gymnosophist. The living, for the dead no\\nlonger exist.\\nAlex. Which produces the greater monsters, the\\nearth or the sea\\nPlutarch, Vita Alex., ch !xiv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "54 Alexander the Great.\\nSecond Gymnos. The earth, for the sea is only a part\\nof the earth.\\nAlex. What is the most intelligent of living beings\\nThird Gymnos. Man has not yet found out.\\nAlex. Why did you stir up the tribe of the Sabbas\\nto revolt\\nFourth Gymnos. Because I thought it better to live\\nwith honour than to die with honour.\\nAlex. Which was created first, the night or the day\\nFifth Gymnos. The day by one day.\\nAlex. How can one win the highest affection\\nSixth Gymnos. When he is the mightiest without\\ninspiring fear.\\nAlex. How can a man become a god\\nSeventh Gymnos. By doing what it is impossible for\\na man to do.\\nAlex. Which is mightier, life or death\\nEighth Gymnos. Life, which brings so much disaster\\nin its train.\\nAlex. How long ought a man to live\\nNinth Gymnos. So long as he does not believe that\\ndying is better than living.\\nTurning now to the umpire he called for his de-\\ncision, and received the response that each had\\nanswered worse than the other. Well, then, re-\\njoined the king, you shall be the first to die, so\\nbad is your answer. No, my King, answered\\nthe judge, unless you will falsify your promise,\\nfor you said you would put to death the first one\\nwho answered badly. So the King dismissed them\\nwith presents.\\nEven if we had not the definite assurances of an-\\ncient writers on the subject, we should on a priori", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "The Higher Education, 55\\ngrounds have little doubt that philosophical studies\\nwere included in the, prince s curriculum. Philo-\\nsophy was in the current view the very capstone of a\\nliberal education. It represented, too, the dominant\\ninterest in the mind of Aristotle, to whom sooner or\\nlater all subjects became philosophy. Ethics, poli-\\ntics, metaphysics, as organised sciences, were vir-\\ntually his creation. There never was a greedier\\ncollector of facts, but there never was one to whom\\ntheir value was more directly associated with their\\nplace in a scheme of the whole of things. In all his\\nteaching as in all his writing he was certainly first\\nand foremost a philosopher.\\nEthics and politics were for him but two sides of\\nthe same science. They both sought to determine\\nand teach the highest good in life, the one in the\\nlife of the individual, the other in the collective life\\nof organised society, wherein the activity of the in-\\ndividual finds its completest exercise and fullest\\nsatisfaction. The highest good is found in that\\nhappiness of life which arises from an activity of\\nbeing that is true to the principles of virtue, or in\\naccord with the nature of things. There exists be-\\ntween intellectual excellence and moral excellence\\nthe essential difference that the former is called into\\nbeing and developed mainly by instruction, the lat-\\nter by practice.*\\nThe moral virtues we go on acquiring by first per-\\nforming acts which involve them, just as is the case with\\nthe other arts. Men come to be builders, for in-\\nAristotle, Nicom, Ethics ii., ch. i.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "56 Alexander the Great.\\nstance, by building, and harp-players by playing the\\nharp. Precisely so we become just in performing just\\nactions, through acts of self-control we become self-\\ncontrolled, through courageous acts, courageous.\\nAgain, every type of excellence is formed or destroyed,\\nas the case may be, from the same causes and by the\\nsame means, art, too, in like manner with the rest. I\\nmean it is by playing the harp that the good and the\\nbad harp-players alike are formed so with builders, and\\nall the rest. By building well men will become good\\nbuilders, by building badly, bad ones.\\nIt is evident that a teacher holding such views as\\nthese would not have pinned extraordinary faith to\\ninstruction in the mere theory of ethics, though such\\ninstruction would doubtless serve to direct the\\nactivity and spur on the noble purposes of one\\nwhose life was already prepared by good training\\nfor the appreciation of moral distinctions. This he\\nsays emphatically in more than one connection;\\nthus\\nIn respect to moral action, not theories and views\\nbut action constitutes the real end. If doctrine\\nwere of itself sufficient to make men good, many and\\ngreat would have been its rewards, as Theognis says,\\nbut in point of fact, while it clearly has the power\\nto guide and stimulate young men of noble character,\\nand to bring under the restraining influence of virtue any\\nfine and really high-minded temperament, it is as clearly\\nunable to lead the mass of men into upright and noble\\nliving. Then as for reasoning and instruction, they,\\nit is to be feared, will not avail at all, but it would seem\\nAristotle, Nicom, Ethics, x., ch. ix.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "The Higher Education, 57\\nthat the mind of the pupil, like the soil in which seed is\\nto thrive, must have been prepared in advance, by the\\ntillage of habitual practice, for receiving and rejecting\\nas it should.\\nAristotle therefore recommends private training\\nas more likely to respect the individuality of the\\npupil. Lessons in the concrete addressed to the\\nparticular needs and circumstances of the individual\\ncharacterised preeminently the ethical training re-\\ncommended by the master. He also esteemed it\\ndesirable for the teacher to be acquainted with the\\ngeneral principles of ethics as representing what is\\napplicable to all men and as affording a background\\nagainst which the better to judge the special case.\\nForemost among these general principles stands the\\nrecognition that the genius of virtuous conduct con-\\nsists in the observance of the true mean between the\\ntoo much and the too little. This may be said to\\nbe Aristotle s most reliable test for the quality of an\\nact.*\\nFirst of all, we must observe that in all these matters\\nof human action, the too little and the too much are\\nalike ruinous, as we can see (to illustrate the spiritual by\\nthe natural) in the case of strength and health. Too\\nmuch and too little exercise alike impair the strength,\\nand too much meat and drink and too little, both alike\\ndestroy the health, but the fitting amount produces and\\npreserves them. So, too, the man who takes his fill\\nof every pleasure and abstains from none becomes a\\nprofligate while he who shuns all, becomes a stolid\\nand insusceptible hayseed.\\nAristotle, Nicom. Ethics, ii. ch. ii.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "58 Alexander the Great,\\nAnother test of the virtuousness of acts is their\\nrationality or conformity to good sense. Thus\\nvirtue {arete is defined*: Virtue is a habit or\\npermanent state of mind involving deliberate choices,\\nconforming to the relative mean and determined by\\nreason, i. e., as a man of practical good sense would\\ndetermine it. What the young prince learned\\nfrom his teacher concerning virtue was that it was\\nfreedom, that it was temperance, that it was sanity.\\nWe cannot expect his conduct to show that his edu-\\ncation eradicated or abolished his natural impulses.\\nThere was nothing in Aristotle s system that looked\\ntoward a crushing out or overpowering of individu-\\nality quite the contrary it was based upon the\\nsupremest regard for individuality, but sought to\\nguide individual strength into the ways of sanity\\nand self-control.\\nAlexander was unquestionably a strong personal-\\nity. Passions, impulses, ambitions, will, were all in\\nhim at the highest tension. All the more distinctly\\nin the record of his actions does the philosophic\\nAlexander stand out in relief against the natural\\nAlexander. Plutarch in his first essay on Luck vs.\\nWorth in the Career of Alexander devotes a series of\\nchapters to the influence of Aristotle s philosophic\\nteachings upon the bent of his pupil s mind as illus-\\ntrated in his acts. Though, he says, the visible\\nmeans with which he undertook his expedition\\nagainst Asia seem small, in reality no one ever had\\nat his disposal a better equipment than he. For\\nPhilosophy had equipped him for the expedition\\nAristotle, Nicom, Ethics, ii., ch. vi,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "The Higher Education. 59\\nwith loftiness of aspiration and largeness of view,\\nkeenness of mind, self-control, manliness; verily a\\nfuller outfit was that he had of his teacher, Aristotle,\\nthan of his father, Philip. That he had published\\nno works on logic or on the principles of philosophy,\\nthat he never strolled in the paths of the Lyceum\\nor the Academy, these things do not, continues our\\nauthor, deny him the epithet and character of a\\nphilosopher. This were possible only under the\\nnarrow definition which makes philosophy mere\\ndoctrine and not deed, for Alexander s deeds stamp\\nhim in the highest sense as a philosopher. Such\\nare his endeavours toward educating in civilisation\\nthe barbarous peoples he conquered\\nhe taught the Hyrcanians to live in wedlock, and the\\nArachosians to till the fields; the Sogdianians he induced\\nto support their fathers instead of killing them, the Per-\\nsians to honour their mothers instead of wedding them;\\nyea, the marvel of a philosophy, at whose hands the\\nHindoo bows down to the gods of Greece, and the\\nScythian buries his dead instead of eating them\\nPlato wrote a book about the State, but could get no\\none to apply the doctrine of it. Alexander founded\\namong barbarous peoples over seventy cities, spreading\\nthe seeds of Greek institutions throughout Asia, and\\novermastering its rude and beastlike life. Few read the\\nlaws of Plato thousands use those of Alexander.\\nSo, as he continues in substance, the Stoic Zeno\\ntaught the much-admired doctrine that mankind\\nshould not live in the separateness of cities and\\nnations with their separate standards of justice, but\\nthat we should recognise all men as our clansmen", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "6o Alexander the Great.\\nand fellow-citizens united in a common life under a\\ncommon system of order. This Zeno wrote out as\\nthe dream or the theory of a philosopher; it was,\\nhowever, in the achievements of Alexander an actu-\\nality. He did not see fit to select one class of men\\nas the sole recipients of his favours, and to treat\\nothers as beasts or plants, thus making his rule a\\nsuccession of banishments and insurrections, but,\\nconceiving his mission to be that of a god-sent medi-\\nator and harmoniser of all, he led whom he could,\\nthe rest by force he constrained, to join in coopera-\\ntion toward a common end, and,\\nmixing as it were in one great loving-cup the various\\nlives and standards of life and wedlocks and habits of\\nlife of all the peoples, taught them to regard the world\\nas their fatherland and his camp as their refuge and cita-\\ndel, to esteem all good men as their kinsmen, and only\\nthe evil as strangers.\\nThe rhetorical ecstasies of Plutarch doubtless\\ncarry him and us somewhat far afield, but a very\\nreal basis they have after all. A strand of the phi-\\nlosophic runs through all the life of Alexander.\\nMarks of its presence we see in the breadth of his\\nsympathies, in the wider scope and higher purpose\\nof his plans, as well as in his noble aversion to every\\nform of pettiness and meanness, his efforts toward\\nmoderation and self-control, and his quickened moral\\nsensitiveness. Alexander has been viewed by mod-\\nern historians far too much as conqueror, too little\\nas a man. His acts have been interpreted as the\\nacts of a ruthlessly ambitious conqueror. The bur-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "The Higher Education. 61\\nden of doubt has therefore been against him. Men\\nin estimating him, have seemed to forget his youth,\\nthe conditions, moral and political, and the times in\\nwhich he lived, his sudden and unprecedented suc-\\ncess, his turbulent life, and have judged his action\\nin the light of the one thing supposed to be certainly\\nknown of him, viz., his greed of conquest. Eager\\nto conquer he was indeed, because he was, above all\\nthings, eager to act and eager to achieve. Conquest\\nin itself, however, was not his supreme aim. What\\nhe did must be judged as are the deeds of other\\nmen. He was singularly frank and transparent of\\ncharacter. Concerning his motives we need never\\nbe in doubt, provided we have a reliable tradition\\nof his own account of an action. In his openness\\nof soul, as in many other things, he stands in strong\\ncontrast with his father. He was not underhanded,\\nnor given to ways that are dark.\\nWe cannot undertake to review here in anticipa-\\ntion of their chronological order the many incidents\\nof his career which afford us an opportunity of form-\\ning an estimate concerning his moral ideals. Some\\nof them have been very differently interpreted by\\ndifferent historians, and each would have to be care-\\nfully discussed by itself. Those who hold the most\\nunfavourable view arrive at it apparently through a\\ndistrust of our hero s frankness. Thus Niebuhr,\\nwho can find in Alexander no good thing, even goes\\nso far as to accuse him of posing for effect, when he\\ngave the wife and daughters of the conquered Darius\\nhis protection, instead of treating them as booty to\\nhis lusts, We have from independent sources ac-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "62 Alexander the Great.\\ncounts from different periods of his life showing the\\ncleanliness of his relations to women. In youth he\\nwas, as we have already seen, a model of chastity.\\nAs he came to young manhood, we have it on the\\nauthority of Hieronymus that his parents tried in\\nvain to interest him in a beautiful courtesan. Plu-\\ntarch, in the Apophthegms, says it was certain young\\ncolleagues of his who sought to bring him into a liai-\\nson with a married woman. This form of the story\\ncertainly relieves his parents of an odious charge,\\nyet neither version is out of accord with the possi-\\nbilities of the times and the place. Plutarch s re-\\nflections on his behaviour toward Darius s wife are\\nin place here\\nThey say Darius s was one of the fairest of queens, as\\nwas indeed Darius himself one of the tallest and hand-\\nsomest of men. Their daughters, too, much resembled\\nthem. But Alexander doubtless thought it more kingly\\nto conquer himself than to subdue his enemies, and\\ntherefore never approached one of them, nor did he\\nhave relations to any other woman prior to his marriage,\\nexcept Barsine. As for the other female captives, Alex-\\nander, when he saw them, tall and beautiful as they\\nwere, took no further notice of them than to say by way\\nof jest, What eyesores these Persian women are\\nHolding up before himself as a countercharm to their\\nbeauty the beauty of self-restraint and sobriety, he passed\\nthem by as so many statues.\\nConduct so at variance with the corrupt usages of\\nthe society in which he was reared, and so at vari-\\nPlutarch, Vita Alex., ch. xxi,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "The Higher Educatzoti. 6\\no\\nance with what we should expect of his own passion-\\nate, impulsive nature, must seek its explanation in\\nhis education.\\nAs the Prince left Aristotle s regular tutelage in\\nhis seventeenth year, it is hardly to be expected\\nthat the other branches of philosophical study\\nshould have been studied more than in general out-\\nline. Still we have from Plutarch an explicit state-\\nment, that seems to assure metaphysics and perhaps\\ntheology a place in his thought.\\nMan s knowledge of God he esteemed to be dimly\\nderived from observation of the movements of the soul\\nwhen best freed, in enthusiasm or in sleep, from bondage\\nto the body, and from observation of the firmament\\nabove us. His attitude toward the current faiths was\\nnot that of scepticism, for these were his data. They\\nmight be mere gropings, but they were not totally false.\\nHe showed no inclination to deny the validity in this\\nsense of any human faiths, or to limit the possession of\\nthe oracles of God to any chosen tribe of people.\\nAlexander s religious attitude will be found through-\\nout to be a consistent application of, or deduction\\nfrom, the doctrine of his teacher. His reverence\\nfor the religious beliefs and usages of all the varied\\npeoples among whom he came befits well the pupil\\nof one whose precept was Never is higher reverence\\ndue than in matters which concern the gods, or,\\nto quote it in the words of Seneca: Egregie\\nAristoteles, nunquam nos verecundiores esse debere\\nquam cum de diis agitur.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nTHE APPRENTICESHIP.\\n340-336 B.C.\\nALEXANDER had his first experience in pub-\\nlic affairs in the year 340 B. c. In the summer\\nof that year Philip set out on a famous enter-\\nprise, the attack on Byzantium, and left his sixteen-\\nyear-old son, as Plutarch puts it, in charge of\\naffairs and of the seal. The son, it appears, made\\na better summer of it than his father; for while\\nPhilip utterly failed of his purpose, and, what is\\nmore, drew a war with Athens down upon his head,\\nAlexander, not wrapping his seal in a napkin, tried\\nhis hand at disciplining the insubordination of a\\nrestless mountain tribe on the upper Strymon. He\\ndid it thoroughly. He took their chief town by\\nstorm, drove out the inhabitants, replaced them by\\nloyalists, and named the place, after himself, Alex-\\nandropolis.\\nThe year of our hero s initiation into practical\\naffairs was a most critical one in international poli-\\ntics. In order to start fairly with him, we must re-\\n64", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "340-336 B.C.] The Apprenticeship. 65\\nview the political situation as it was when he first\\nbecame a factor in it. The peace of Philocrates, con-\\ncluded in June, 346 B.C., ended for the time Philip s\\nstruggle with Athens, and removed an important\\nand long-standing check upon his activity. In July\\nhe passed Thermopylae, ended the Sacred War, and\\noccupied Phocis. In August he was made a mem-\\nber of the Amphictyonic Council. In September\\nhe presided over the Pythian games. His claim to\\nrecognition as a Greek was no longer slight, seeing\\nthat he was now master of Delphi, the national\\nsanctuary, held a seat in the most important state\\ncouncil, and had been arbiter at the national games.\\nHis influence steadily grew, and the sphere of his\\nactivity rapidly widened. Up in the north, where\\nnow are Bulgaria, Montenegro, and Herzegovina,\\nthe force of his arms was felt. Thessaly, to the\\nsouth, became his political ally. The issue of\\nMacedon and anti-Macedon crept into the politics\\nof all the Greek cities. In Athens it had been,\\nsince the peace of 346 B.C., the issue on which the\\nparty lines were drawn. The old conservative party,\\nwhich during the Peloponnesian war had opposed\\nthe imperial or war policy of Pericles and Cleon,\\nand, in consequence, had borne the odium of pro-\\nSpartan tendencies, still held to its old platform of\\ndomesticity, a city government for city interests,\\nand preferred a friendly acceptance of Philip s leader-\\nship in the military and imperial affairs of Greece to\\na policy of imperial self-assertion or aggression, for\\nwhich, it reasonably argued, the institutions of its\\ncity-state were not suited or intended. Though", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "66 Alexander the Great. [340 b.C-\\nrepresenting in general the more settled and respect-\\nable elements of die population, the conservative\\nparty had again to bear the odium of non-patriotism\\nand even of treason, and was called the Macedonian\\nparty. The liberal party, with Demosthenes at its\\nhead, succeeding to the traditions of Pericles, was\\nthe party according to the point of view of patri-\\notism or of Jingoism. From 342 B.C. on it was in\\nfull control of the state.\\nSteadily the Macedonian influence spread among\\nthe Greek cities, not by outward aggression, but by\\nsilent methods such as mark the onward flow of\\nRussia s influence to-day in central Asia. In 345\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n344 B.C. Argos and Messene turned to Philip as an\\noffset against Sparta s political aggressions. Demos-\\nthenes s Second Philippic is an echo of the conflict.\\nThe next year Epirus was absorbed. In Elis the\\nMacedonian party gained the day. In Megara it\\nbarely failed. In 342 B.C. two of the leading cities of\\nEubcea, Oreus and Eretria, came under the control\\nof political leaders, or bosses, friendly to Philip.\\nIn the summer of 342 B.C. Philip pushed his arms\\nto the east through Thrace, and in the following year\\ncarried his conquests to the shores of the Black Sea\\nand as far north as the modern Varna. Nothing\\nseparated him now from his goal, the Bosporus,\\ngoal of conquerors ever since, except Byzantium\\nand the colonies that lined the Sea of Marmora and\\nthe Dardanelles. If he succeeded here, two supreme\\nresults were achieved: his route to Asia would be\\nopened Athens would be cut off from her food-\\nsupply in southern Russia, and robbed of one of her", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "336 B.c.i The Apprenticeship. 67\\nchief grounds for political importance, the control\\nof the Chersonese. In 340 B.C. laid siege to Per-\\ninthus and Byzantium, and war with Athens was\\nbegun. It was the war that ended two years later\\nat Chaeronea.\\nIn Athens ever since the peace of 346 B.C. the anti-\\nMacedonian party with Demosthenes as its leader\\nhad been steadily gaining in strength. In 344 B.C. it\\nwas able to send into the Peloponnesus the commis-\\nsion which sought, though in vain, to check Philip s\\ndiplomatic advances in Argos and Messene. In\\n343 B.C., though unable to secure the conviction of\\n/Eschines, it was able to check the pro-Macedon\\nmovement on Megara, and to prevent Philip s ad-\\nvance into Acarnania. In 342 B.C. it was able to\\nbring about the rejection of Philip s friendly advances\\nlooking toward a settlement of difficulties on the\\nbasis of arbitration and mutual concessions, etc. It\\ncaused new Athenian settlers under Diopeithes to\\nbe sent to strengthen the Athenian position in the\\nChersonese and a league was formed with Chalcis,\\ncalculated to check Philip s advance in Eubcea.\\nIn the next year the issue between the two\\nparties at Athens became still more sharply defined,\\nand the relative strength of the anti-Macedonians\\nwas decidedly greater. Philip s reasonable com-\\nplaints concerning Diopeithes s aggressions in the\\nnorth were answered by Demosthenes in his two\\nbrilliant addresses, On the Chersonese and the Third\\nPhilippic, which voiced the ardour of the anti-\\nMacedonian feeling at the time. They were a call\\nfor vigorous action and were heard. As far as", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "68 Alexander the Great. [340 B.C.-\\nAthens was concerned, the anti-Macedonian party,\\nwith Demosthenes at its head, was now in full con-\\ntrol. It had managed to fasten upon the leaders of\\nthe pro-Macedonians, at least in the minds of the\\nmasses, the stigma of treason, and they were politi-\\ncally disabled thereby.\\nThe party divisions of Athens were now extended\\nto all Greece. Corinth, Leucas, Corcyra, Acarna-\\nnia, Achaia, Megara, and Eubcea declared against\\nPhilip and joined Athens and Byzantium in a league\\nto resist his advances.\\nThe cooperation of Persia in the league was so-\\nlicited, and not in vain, so far at least as contribu-\\ntions of money are concerned. Persia s money\\nusually played a part when the Greeks quarrelled\\nwith each other, and the money went with certainty\\nto that side whose action would tend to cripple\\nthe effectiveness of Greece as a whole. The issue\\ncame soon enough. Philip s attack on Byzantium\\na few months later was the signal for war.\\nPhilip would gladly have avoided war with\\nAthens. His aim was the leadership of consolid-\\nated Greece against Persia. He wanted the co-\\noperation of Athens as well as others, and he would\\nhave welcomed her as an ally. The concessions he\\noffered to make to Athens in the affair of the\\nHalonnesus show clearly his desire, even though\\nwe hear of his proposals only through the medium\\nof Hegesippus s speech, delivered in the interest of\\nrejecting them. Philip sought in and for itself no\\ninfringement upon the liberties of the Greek towns\\nin things pertaining to their internal affairs but his", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.I The Apprenticeship. 69\\npolicy did mean that he was to be dominant in all\\nmatters pertaining to the relation of the towns to\\nthe outside world.\\nThis the party of Demosthenes, and in conse-\\nquence Athens, would not tolerate. It meant the\\nmerging of Athens in a governmental trust, and\\nthat, Demosthenes was determined, should not be\\npeacefully conceded. He was bent on war, for\\npeace meant the ultimate success of Philip s plan.\\nBut so did unsuccessful war. Yet it is well that\\nAthens fought. We know that the cause i. e. y\\nGreek particularism, as well as the war in its behalf\\nwas from the start hopeless, but we rejoice that\\nthe fight was fought, and that Athens did not suffer\\nGreece to relinquish without a struggle that which\\nhad made her to be Greece.\\nDuring the year 339, as well as 340 B.C., Alexander\\nprobably remained at home, in charge of the govern-\\nment. His father was occupied before Byzantium\\nand in the Chersonese the greater part of the year.\\nHistory, at any rate, has nothing to tell of Alexan-\\nder until his appearance in the battle of Chaeronea\\n(338 B.C.). Here he made himself a name for his\\nbravery, and won from Philip the highest approval.\\nPlutarch says that this bravery made Philip so\\ndelighted with him that he even took pleasure in\\nhearing the Macedonians say, Alexander is the king,\\nPhilip the general, a thing they were very apt\\nto say, seeing that for the two previous years Philip\\nhad been almost constantly away from home, and\\nAlexander had been the regent. Four or five cen-\\nturies after the battle, travellers were still shown, as", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "jo Alexander the Great. [340 B.c-\\na reminiscence of Alexander s participation in it, an\\nold oak standing out in the plain north of the battle-\\nfield, under which, tradition said, his tent had been\\npitched.\\nThe battle had resulted in a most decisive victory\\nfor Philip. Thebes and Athens, with their Corin-\\nthian and Achaean allies, who had been arrayed\\nagainst him, were the only states in Greece remain-\\ning hostile to him that had been able to express\\ntheir opposition in terms of armies. These armies\\nwere now utterly crushed. Thebes made no further\\nattempt at defense, but gave herself over to the\\nmercy of the King. And scant mercy it was!\\nThebes had played him false and betrayed him.\\nTherefore his feeling toward her was radically differ-\\nent from that toward Athens, which had cordially\\nand consistently hated him. Thebes he proceeded\\nto chastise thoroughly. He took from her the con-\\ntrol of other Boeotian towns, set a garrison in the\\ncitadel, called back the Macedonian sympathisers\\nwho had been banished, made them the govern-\\nment, and condemned to death leaders who had\\nbeen responsible for the city s action in forming the\\nalliance with Athens.\\nToward Athens, on the other hand, he showed a\\nmildness of temper that seems to have been to the\\nAthenians as great a surprise as it was agreeable.\\nThe first dismay at the tidings of the battle had\\nbeen followed by a resolute determination to defend\\nthe city to the utmost. It was the resolution of\\ndesperation. The women and children were brought\\nfrom the country districts within the shelter of the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER THE GREAT.\\nOBVERSE OF ONE OF THE GOLD MEDALLIONS OF TARSUS.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Apprenticeship, 71\\nwalls. Frontier guards were posted. An army of\\nhome defense was organised. Money was raised.\\nDemosthenes was sent abroad to secure supplies of\\ncorn, in prospect of a siege. The proposition a\\nmost extreme and dangerous one was made to arm\\nthe slaves of the silver-mines, as well as the free\\nalien residents, thus securing an additional force of\\none hundred and fifty thousand men. Many gave\\nof their substance as a free-will offering to the state.\\nStringent laws forbade any one to flee the city; to\\ndo so was treason. All capable of bearing arms\\nwere enrolled in the army all others became labour-\\ners on the public works, according as the authorities\\nmight direct. The walls were repaired, and new\\nfortifications constructed. The energy of the work\\nis echoed in the words of Lycurgus\\nIn those hours no age held itself aloof from the serv-\\nice of the state. It was a time when the earth con-\\ntributed its trees, the dead their tombs, the temples their\\nstores of dedicated armour. Some toiled in restoring the\\nwalls some dug in the trenches some were building\\npalisades. There was no one idle in the city.\\nThe Athenians were, however, entirely astray\\nregarding Philip s purposes. He did not purpose\\nto spend months and years in besieging a city whose\\ncordial cooperation, and not whose destruction, he\\nultimately sought. Through the orator Demades,\\nwho happened to be among the captives, he found\\na convenient way of intimating to the Athenians\\ntheir mistake. The result was an embassy to Philip,\\nOration against Leocrates, sec. 44.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "72 Alexander the Great. [340B.C-\\ncomposed of Demades, Phocion, and ^Eschines, all\\nrepresentatives of the Tory-Macedonian party.\\nThis Demades was the one who had rebuked the\\nKing as, in his drunken revel of triumph on the night\\nof the battle, he lowered himself to jeer his captives.\\nKing, fate hath assigned thee the role of Agamem-\\nnon, but thou doest the deeds of Thersites.\\nPhilip received the ambassadors graciously. He\\nagreed to release the Athenian captives without\\nransom, and to send to Athens the bodies of the\\ndead, to be buried in their native soil. The terms\\nof peace were proposed by a commission which he\\nsent later to Athens, consisting of no less important\\npersons than the son Alexander and the favourite\\ngeneral and counsellor Antipater. This commission\\narranged with the Athenians the following terms:\\nAthens was to remain, so far as its internal affairs\\nwere concerned, entirely autonomous and free. No\\nMacedonian army was to enter its territory, no\\nMacedonian ship to enter its harbours. It was to\\nbe an ally of Philip. The parish of Oropus, on the\\nnorth-eastern boundary of Attica, which it had always\\nclaimed, but which of late had belonged to Thebes,\\nwas to be added to its territory. On the other\\nhand, it relinquished its monopoly of protecting\\ncommerce in the ^Egean, and retained of its island\\npossessions only Samos and Delos, Lemnos and\\nImbros. Its naval hegemony and ALgean empire\\nwere thus at an end. Furthermore, the clause\\nwhich stated, in diplomatic phraseology, that if\\nthe Athenians wish, it shall be permitted them to\\nparticipate in the general peace and in the National", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Apprenticeship. 73\\nCouncil which the King proposes to create, thinly\\nveiled the plain fact that the state was to be hence-\\nforth a member of a confederacy led and governed\\nby Philip.\\nThese terms were accepted by the Athenians, in\\nthe reaction from their first fright, with little short\\nof enthusiasm. The treaty was also most satis-\\nfactory from the Macedonian point of view. It\\nmust, indeed, be regarded as fair to both parties,\\nfor it expressed reasonably the actual facts of the\\nsituation.\\nAlexander s first diplomatic work had been an\\neminent success. It gave a presage of the success\\nwhich was, throughout his career, to attend his\\nefforts in procuring accord and cooperation between\\ndiverse nationalities. But it was more than a pre-\\nsage its success was based upon a principle which\\nreappears as conditioning his later dealings with\\nconquered peoples. By generosity in little and\\nrelatively unessential things, he made willing sub-\\njects and achieved his great essential purposes. We\\nare not informed precisely what part Alexander bore\\nin framing the terms of the peace, but we are in-\\nclined, from their character, to infer that it was no\\nunimportant part. In the events of this period we\\nseem to mark a transition from the canny cleverness\\nof Philip to the imperial generosity of Alexander.\\nToward the end of the year (338 B.C.) the Hellenic\\nCongress, assembled at Corinth, gave shape and\\nformal organisation to the new empire. Interstate\\npeace and freedom of commerce constituted its\\nbasis. Each state was freely to conduct its own", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "74 Alexander the Great. [340 B.C.\\nlocal government, and to pay no tribute. Existing\\nforms of government in the several states were to\\nremain undisturbed. No Greek, even as a mer-\\ncenary, was to bear arms against Philip. For exe-\\ncuting the purposes of the compact was created a\\nnational council (synedrion), to be held at Corinth.\\nThe Amphictyonic Council was appointed to serve\\nas the supreme judicial tribunal of the league. The\\nquota of troops and ships to be furnished by each\\nstate for the army and navy of the league was de-\\nfinitely fixed, and Philip was made commander-in-\\nchief of the whole, with the special and immediate\\npurpose of conducting against the Persians a war of\\nreprisal for the desecrated sanctuaries of Hellenic\\ngods.\\nMacedonian garrisons occupied the two great\\nstrategic points, Chalcis and the citadel of Corinth,\\nbesides Ambracia and Thebes. All the states of\\nGreece proper, except Sparta, participated in the\\ncompact. Sparta s refusal was mere helpless stub-\\nbornness. Girt about by strong states controlling\\nall the passes into the Eurotas valley, and robbed\\nof all her strength, she no longer weighed in inter-\\nstate affairs. Philip s work, so far as international\\nhistory is concerned, was now virtually complete.\\nHe had, with a political sagacity such as the world\\nhas rarely seen, combined the perversely individual-\\nistic elements of Old Greece into a new cooperative\\nbody, and thereby created the pou sto from which\\nAlexander was to move the world.\\nIn the year following the battle there arose a bit-\\nter family quarrel, which seriously disturbed the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Apprenticeship. 75\\nhitherto kindly relations of Philip and his son, and\\nfor a time threatened the peace of the kingdom. It\\noriginated in jealousies consequent upon Philip s\\nnew ventures in wedlock as well as love. The\\ndistemper of the harem, as Plutarch puts it,\\ncommunicated itself to the kingdom. We\\nhardly require Plutarch s explanation that Olympias,\\nAlexander s mother, was a jealous, high-strung\\nwoman to account for what followed; but it really\\nwould appear, from the account of Philip s attach-\\nments which we have in the extant fragments of\\nSatyrus s Life of Philip, that Olympias tolerated it\\nall until it came to his proposed marriage with Cleo-\\npatra, of whom he was passionately enamoured.\\nIt may be suspected that it was something more\\nthan the dynamics of Philip s ardour toward his\\nnew acquisition that stirred Olympias s wrath.\\nCleopatra was a Macedonian princess, niece of the\\ninfluential Attalus, and there was a chauvinistic\\nspirit abroad that threatened to unsettle Alexan-\\nder s claim to the succession in the interest of a\\npossible heir of pure Macedonian blood. Here was\\nexplosive material in abundance only a spark was\\nneeded.\\nAt the wedding-banquet, Attalus, heated with\\nwine, had in his toast to the new pair called on all\\ngood Macedonians to pray that the union might be\\nblessed with the birth of a genuine successor to the\\nthrone this in allusion to the Macedonian origin\\nof Cleopatra, in contrast to Olympias s Molottan\\nbirth. That was more than Alexander could be\\nasked to tolerate. Hurling his beaker at Attalus s", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "j 6 Alexander the Great. [340 B.C.\\nhead, You scoundrel! he cried, what do you\\nthink am Am I a bastard Philip rose from\\nhis couch to interpose, and sprang against his son\\nwith drawn sword. But his cups and his fury were\\ntoo much for him. He slipped and fell. Then\\ncame Alexander s fearful taunt: Here, gentle-\\nmen, is a man who has been preparing to cross from\\nEurope into Asia; but he has upset in crossing from\\none couch to another.\\nImmediately after this occurrence, Olympias, ac-\\ncompanied by her son, left the country, and with-\\ndrew to her brother, the King of Epirus. From\\nthere Alexander went into Illyria, with the probable\\npurpose of securing support against Philip, should\\nhe need it. Sympathy with Alexander was wide-\\nspread also in Macedon, especially among the\\nyounger men of the court and the army. While\\nthings were in this sorry state, Demaratus, the\\nCorinthian statesman, came to visit Philip at Pella,\\nand to the King s first inquiry, whether the Greeks\\nwere living in amity and accord, answered as a\\nfriend and straightforwardly: It ill becomes thee,\\nPhilip, to have solicitude about the Greeks, when\\nthou hast involved thine own house in this great\\ndissension, and filled it with evils.\\nPhilip profited by the rebuke. Demaratus was\\ncommissioned to act the part of mediator. A re-\\nconciliation was effected, and Alexander returned to\\nPella. The causes of trouble had not, however,\\nbeen removed. Olympias remained still in Epirus,\\nimplacable in her resentment of Philip s indignities,\\nand hating with a hatred worthy of a woman both", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Apprenticeship. 77\\nhigh-strung and strong-minded. She sought to\\nmove her brother to take up arms and avenge her\\ninsults. She kept her son s suspicions alert. He\\nmust not tamely submit to being displaced in the\\nsuccession by the son of one of the new favourites.\\nIt was a woman s jealousy.\\nWe have no indication that Philip had any real\\nintention of displacing Alexander. It is hardly\\nthinkable that he had. We have, however, abund-\\nant evidence that he was suspected, not alone by\\nOlympias, but generally among Alexander s friends.\\nPhilip was now ready to advance into Asia, but\\nhe was unwilling to leave the soil of Europe before\\nhe had allayed the discontent of the Epirotes con-\\nsequent upon his treatment of Olympias. This he\\nundertook to do by arranging a marriage between\\nhis daughter, Alexander s own sister, and her uncle,\\nthe King of Epirus. The wedding was appointed\\nfor August of the same year (336 B.C.). It was to be\\nheld at ^Egse, the earlier capital of Macedonia, and\\nthe ancestral home of its kings. It was made the\\noccasion of a gorgeous popular fete. Feasts, sports,\\nand dramatic exhibitions were added to the more\\nformal observances of receiving the guests and\\nglorifying the King. Family feuds were ostensibly\\nburied. Olympias returned from Epirus. Invita-\\ntions were sent everywhere throughout Greece to\\nthe partisans and personal friends of the King. A\\nvast concourse assembled. Not only came princes\\nand statesmen, but many cities, among them Athens,\\nwere present by their representatives, and sent\\ncrowns of gold and series of resolutions to express", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "78 Alexander the Great. [340 B.C.-\\ntheir loyalty, and to do the King appropriate honour.\\nIt became a truly imperial fete, the festal ratification\\nof the newly founded empire, the hailing of the\\nEmperor; but in the midst of it all Philip was foully\\nmurdered.\\nThe perpetrator of the deed was one Pausanias, a\\nMacedonian, member of the King s body-guard the\\nmotive, private revenge. Pausanias had suffered a\\nmost degrading insult at the hands of Attalus, Cleo-\\npatra s uncle. He besought the King to give him\\nrevenge. This the King persistently declined to do,\\nbeing influenced by Cleopatra, and by the consider-\\nation of Attalus s importance to him as a general.\\nPausanias s hatred turned itself now against the\\nKing. Vanity and envy were his consuming pas-\\nsions. In the murder of the King he found satis-\\nfaction for both. How may one become most\\nfamous he asked, one day, in the course of a dis-\\ncussion with the sophist Hermocrates, whose lectures\\nhe was attending. By making away with one who\\nhas done greatest deeds, answered the professor.\\nAttalus, Cleopatra, Philip, had now become one in\\nthe eye of his wrath. To kill Philip was to over-\\nthrow Attalus, and put his niece at the mercy of\\nOlympias.\\nThe second day of the festival was to be signalised\\nby gala performances in the theatre. Clad in a\\nwhite robe, and attended by a stately procession,\\nPhilip advanced toward the gate. The place was\\nalready full. Long before daylight people had been\\ncrowding in to claim their seats. As an indication\\nof the security felt in the good will of the people, the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "GOLD STATER OF ALEXANDER THE\\nGREAT, THE HEAD BEING\\nTHAT OF ATHENE.\\nFROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.\\nOBVERSE. REVERSE.\\nSILVER TETRADRACHM OF LYSIMACHUS (KING\\nOF THRACE, B.C. 306-281).\\nOBVERSE, HEAD OF ALEXANDER. FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE BRfTISH MUSEUA\\nOBVERSE. REVERSE.\\nSILVER COIN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.\\nSUPPOSED TO HAVE BEEN STRUCK DURING HIS LIFETIME. OB-\\nVERSE, HEAD OF HERCULES. REVERSE, ZEUS HOLDING\\nTHE EAGLE, SEATED. FROM THE ORIGINAL IN\\nTHE BRITISH MUSEUM.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Apprenticeship. 79\\nKing walked in the procession entirely unattended,\\nand with a considerable space intervening between\\nhim and his body-guard. Right at the entrance to\\nthe theatre the assassin lay in wait for him. A\\nsingle thrust of the sword laid the King dead at his\\nfeet. He sprang to his horse, and was off. The\\nKing s guards rushed in pursuit. But for an accident\\nhe would have escaped. As he galloped away, a\\ntangling vine caught his foot he was thrown from\\nhis horse, and, before he could rise, Perdiccas and\\nthe guards who were in pursuit had made way with\\nhim. But Philip the Great was dead in the forty-\\nseventh year of his age, the twenty-fourth of his\\nreign.\\nThe murder was purely an act of private and per-\\nsonal revenge, but the most various rumours and\\nsubtle surmises were current, connecting with the\\ndeed now the rival Lyncestian line; now Olympias\\nand even Alexander; now the poor Shah of Persia\\nhimself. That Olympias should have been suspected\\nwas perfectly natural. Philip s death was undoubt-\\nedly quite acceptable to her. She was entirely\\ncapable of having abetted it. Her hatred of Cleo-\\npatra and Attalus seemed, furthermore, to form a\\nbond of common interest between the assassin and\\nherself. All these things serve, however, rather to\\nexplain how the suspicion arose than to prove its\\ncorrectness. The strained political situation un-\\ndoubtedly stimulated the murderous instinct of the\\ndoer of the deed, as was the case with the assassin\\nof President Garfield but more than this we have\\nno right to infer from the evidence. The suspicions", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "So Alexander the Great. T340-336 B.C.\\naffecting Alexander were most certainly baseless, as\\nall his actions then and thereafter would amply\\nprove, if there were need of proof.\\nBe it as it may, Philip was gone, and, to all ap-\\npearances, his empire with him. His heir was a\\nstripling of twenty years.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nTHE OLD GREECE.\\n336 B.C.\\nTHE life of Alexander was destined to become\\nthe efficient cause of changing an Old Greece\\ninto a New and Greater Greece. But before\\nwe can understand the meaning of the new Greece,\\nor rightly appreciate the potency of the forces which\\nbrought it into being, we must have a clear concep-\\ntion of all that which in history, condition, thought,\\nand life combined to form the essential character-\\nistics of the Old Greece, or, the Greece of class-\\nical times. With this subject the next four\\nchapters will be occupied.\\nMany histories of Greece, and, in fact, the inter-\\nest of most students of things Grecian, end with the\\ndownfall of Greek freedom at the battle of Chaeronea.\\nIt is not unreasonable, but, on the contrary, in the\\nhighest degree reasonable, that the historian should\\nfind here a convenient stopping-place. The history\\nof Old Greece reaches here, at least in the outward\\nform of the facts, a sudden and summary conclusion,\\n81", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "82 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\nthough it is a conclusion for which the inner facts\\nhave long been making their relentless preparation.\\nWith this event there begins the history of a New\\nGreece, and he who undertakes to tell Uo story must\\nthoroughly revise his standards of judgment and re-\\nadjust his point of view. An entirely new class of\\nhistorical factors and of political motives will claim\\nhis consideration, and radically different tests of\\nnational success must be applied. Except as the\\nNew Greece might serve to represent the practical\\napplication of the theory of Old Greek life to the\\nbroader life of the world, or as a transfer of the old\\nlife to a new and larger field, there is no sufficient\\nreason why the historian should hesitate to choose\\nas the end or the beginning of his task this plain\\nboundary line which Philip s triumphs in Greece\\nlocated, and Alexander s subjugation of the East\\nmade indelible.\\nThe Old Greece was essentially a thing of small\\nareas and dimensions. This is true alike of its ter-\\nritory, its states, its horizon, its scale of living, and\\nits products. Its development was intensive rather\\nthan extensive. To obtain high figures we must\\nreplace our material units of measurement with\\nspiritual ones. If the Greek states were merely\\ngreat states in miniature we would not lay such\\nstress upon this feature as to mention it in the first\\nplace. Greek communities were not merely dimin-\\nutive. They were not dwarfs. Smallness was an\\nessential characteristic of them, as it is of a keyhole.\\nSo of their life and their institutions, they lost\\ntheir character with enlargement.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "REVERSE.\\nPHILIP II., FATHER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.\\nONE OF THE GOLD MEDALLIONS OF TARSUS. OBVERSE, THE HEAD\\nOF PHILIP II. REVERSE, VICTORY IN A QUADRIGA.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Old Greece. 83\\nThe total area of Greece proper, including Thes-\\nsaly and Epirus, is only half that of the State of\\nNew York, and considerably less than that of Scot-\\nland. Its greatest length, from Mt. Olympus on\\nthe north to Cape Taenarum on the south, is two\\nhundred and fifty miles, or about the distance from\\nthe Adirondacks to New York. Its greatest breadth,\\nfrom Acarnania at the mouth of the Gulf of Corinth\\non the west to Marathon on the east is one hundred\\nand eighty miles, or about the breadth of Ireland.\\nThe State of Rhode Island has the better of Attica\\nin land-area by some eighty square miles. The Gulf\\nof Corinth, that divides Greece in two, taken in its\\nentire length from the western sea to the harbour of\\nCorinth, approximates the dimensions of Long\\nIsland Sound.\\nSparta and Athens were relatively remote from\\neach other in position as in character. For a cent-\\nury and a half in the intensest period of Grecian\\nhistory they represented the boldest contrast in life,\\nin political ideas, and in civilising tendencies, and\\nwere the nuclei of contrasted and belligerent inter-\\nests. And yet in terms of almost any geography\\nbut that of Greece they were neighbours. Herod-\\notus tells us that the courier Pheidippides just\\nbefore the battle of Marathon carried the news of\\nthe Persian approach in something less than f forty-\\nSEvrepaioS eh rov ABrfvaioov o.6teq$ ev 27rdpr%. Herod.,\\nvi., 106.\\nf Antistius and Philonides, two couriers of Alexander the Great,\\nare said by Pliny to have covered on one occasion 1200 stades or\\n135 miles in twenty-four hours.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "84 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\neight hours from Athens to Sparta. It was un-\\ndoubtedly a great feat, and as such it was famed in\\nafter years, hut the achievements in the go-as-you-\\nplease races of modern times prove that Herodotus\\nmay well have reported faithfully, for though the\\ndistance by the winding modern carriage-roads is\\ntwo hundred and thirty miles or more, the foot-\\npaths through the hills where Pan met him might\\nwell have offered the runner a much shorter course.\\nAs the crow flies, the places are less than a hundred\\nmiles apart.\\nAthens and her other ancient rival Thebes are,\\neven by the modern carriage-road, nearer each other\\nthan Boston and Providence, and in a straight line\\nthey are only thirty-five miles apart. ^Egina, which\\nwas for generations the commercial superior of\\nAthens and her bitterest political foe, is a meagre\\nisland seven or eight miles long and wide, facing the\\nentrances to the Attic plain, in plainest view from\\nevery part of it, and only thirteen miles away. The\\nAcropolis of Athens looks out over the straits in\\nwhich the battle of Salamis was fought, but three\\nmiles outside the harbour of the city. Corinth and\\nArgos are connected by a modern railway of thirty-\\nthree miles length. From Athens to Eleusis and\\nback is an easy morning s drive.\\nThe very fashion of the landscape protests against\\nthe vast and huge, and suggests on every hand fine-\\nness rather than grandeur, and elaboration rather\\nthan extension. The coast-line of this Mediter-\\nranean Norway represents a perpetual struggle of\\nearth and sea. Narrow gulfs penetrate the land, or", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Old Greece. 85\\nminiature bays lead up to pleasant beaches fringing\\namphitheatred plains. Ragged headlands jut out\\naudaciously into the sea, and lofty peaks descend\\nabruptly to the shore.\\nThe face of the country, too, is like a piece of\\ncrumpled paper. It seems as if it had been sought\\nto comprehend the widest superficial area within the\\nleast extent. Fertile plains appear in rapid alterna-\\ntion with rugged mountain chains. The plain of\\nAthens stretches back fourteen miles from the sea,\\nbut scarcely at any point exceeds five miles in width.\\nThe plain of Sparta is a narrow strip of fertile land\\nenclosed by the mountain wall of Parnon on the\\neast, and of Taygetus, reaching to an elevation of\\nnearly eight thousand feet, on the west. So the\\nplain of Argos, and of Tegea, and many another.\\nSome are larger, some smaller, but they all have\\ntheir history. Wherever in Greece you find a\\nmountain-locked plain, most especially if it open to\\nthe sea, there you find the strong flavour of local\\nhistory. Each has its story to tell, a story of pe-\\nculiar institutions, peculiar traditions, and a peculiar\\nlife.\\nIslands, too, of every size and shape skirt the coast\\nand are scattered in easy proximity to one another\\nover all the face of the sea. From Attica to the\\nsouthern coast of Asia Minor they form almost a\\nnatural bridge of stepping-stones.\\nBoth plains and islands formed what was to early\\nsociety a fortunate combination of isolation and\\nintercourse. Some measure of isolation is an es-\\nsential condition of the development of primitive", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "86 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\ninstitutions, that they may have opportunity to\\ncrystallise into individuality. Reasonable inter-\\ncourse secures the means of growth, which assures\\ntheir vitality.\\nThis leads us naturally to our second point in the\\ncharacterisation of Old Greece, the particularism\\nof its communities. The civilisation which we call\\nGreek is the resultant of various self-consistent de-\\nvelopments about a large number of strongly local-\\nised centres. Within a radius of scarcely less than\\nfifteen miles existed three strong and populous\\ncommunities that differed most widely from each\\nother in character, usages, dress, language, govern-\\nment, and even in blood. Megara was Dorian,\\nAthens Ionian, and at least the prevailing element\\nin Theban blood was y\u00c2\u00a3olian. The people of each\\ncity had its own strongly marked and universally\\nrecognised characteristics. The Megarians were a\\nplain, practical folk, but rude in the arts of life.\\nThe Athenians were alert, sociable, versatile, hos-\\npitable to men and ideas. The Thebans excelled\\nthe others in a command and use of the luxuries and\\nrefinements of civilised life, but their virtue went to\\nbrawn rather than to brain, and they enjoyed in\\ncontemporary opinion the unquestioned repute of a\\nmany-sided carnal-mindedness.\\nNothing that characterises the mutual isolation of\\nthese petty cantons is more striking than the divers-\\nity of their languages. It was Greek indeed that\\nthey all three spoke, and they could undoubtedly\\nmake themselves readily understood by one another,\\nbut the dialects sounded as different as those of a", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Old Greece. 87\\nNew England farmer and a southern negro. These\\ndialects were not merely the vulgar idiom of the\\ncommon people they were the recognised standards\\nof speech for the respective communities, employed\\nas the language of public documents and laws, and\\ninscribed upon public monuments.\\nHundreds of inscriptions upon stone, which mod-\\nern explorations and excavations have brought to\\nlight, testify to this marvellous diversity of speech,\\nwhich is. the finest and surest testimonial to the es-\\nsential particularism of the Greek communities.\\nAlmost every little plain has left us, thus, traces of\\nits particular speech. And not only do these idioms\\ndiffer in their substance of vocabulary and sounds,\\nbut almost every one is marked by some peculiarity\\nof writing, and some differ very widely in this re-\\ngard, though all these forms of writing have their\\ncommon origin in the Phoenician alphabet. It is in\\nsuch a diversity of usage between two Greek dis-\\ntricts, Chalcis in Eubcea and the Ionians of the\\nAsiatic coast, that the difference between the two\\nprevailing modern types of the Phoenician alphabet\\ntakes its rise, the Roman, which we use in common\\nwith Western Europe, and the Greek, which has\\nmerged its interests with the Eastern Church. In\\nChalcis the symbol X meant ks t in Ionia ch in\\nChalcis H was h, in Ionia e in Chalcis the letter\\nhad the form L, in Ionia A. This modern difference\\nbetween the Roman and the Greek alphabets is an\\nimpressive monument to the vigour of the old Greek\\nparticularism.\\nOne by one during the course of the fourth cent-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "88 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\nury the states gave up their local types of writing,\\nbut still they clung tenaciously to the local patois as\\ntheir only recognised standard of speech. They\\nsimply wrote it out phonetically with the newly re-\\nceived Ionic alphabet, just as if York, in England,\\nand New Orleans, in America, while both accepting\\nDr. Sweet s phonetic alphabet, should insist upon\\nprinting their daily papers in a transcript of their\\ndaily, common speech. It was but slowly, and after\\ncenturies of resistance to the rising tide of cosmopol-\\nitanism, that these local dialects grudgingly yielded\\nplace to a common standard of speech. At first\\nthere came a dualism of standard. The community\\nof feeling and interest, which the Achaean and Mto-\\nlian leagues represented, created for Western Greece\\na common standard, which till nearly the beginning\\nof the Christian era maintained itself distinct from\\nthat Attic standard which the conquests of Alexan-\\nder made the lingua franca of the Orient, and\\neventually the exclusive basis of the mediaeval and\\nmodern Greek idiom. It has seemed best to speak\\nof these facts of language history thus fully, because\\nthe sensitiveness of the Greek to his language has\\nmade them the exactest gauge of the transition of\\nGreek life from particularism to comopolitanism.\\nBesides the diversities of speech various peculiari-\\nties of dress, manner, usages, and character im-\\npressed with a strong and universally recognised\\nindividuality the popular types of the different dis-\\ntricts. The lavish and opulent cuisine of the The-\\nbans made the Boeotian appetite as proverbial\\nthroughout the Grecian lands as the ill-famed", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "OBVERSE.\\nTETRADRACHM WITH HEAD OF ALEXANDER\\nTHE GREAT WEARING THE LION-SKIN\\nOF HERCULES.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Old Greece. 89\\nblack soup of Sparta, the Athenian beans, and\\nthe malodorous onions of Megara. Such local\\npeculiarities afforded welcome material for the comic\\npoets, as when in the Acliarnians, Aristophanes\\nimitates, with an exactness which is surprisingly-\\nverified by the modern discoveries of inscriptions,\\nthe brogue of the Megarian and Boeotian peasants\\nwhom he introduces as traders in the Athenian\\nmarket-place, and represents the Boeotian in par-\\nticular with a sack full of local culinary olla podrida.\\nThus lines 872 ff.\\nDicceopolis. Ah good day to ye, my nice little\\nBoeotian, my little johnny-cake eater. What have you\\nbrought to market to-day\\nBoeotian. A full line of Boeotian goods and goodies.\\nHere s marjoram and pennyroyal, mats and lamp-wicks,\\nducks and daws, coots and teal, sandpeeps and partridge.\\nD. Why, you ve come to market like a regular spell\\nof ?ze//-weather (1. e. f bringing the birds of passage from\\nthe north).\\nB. Yes, and I ve brought geese, hare, foxes, moles,\\nhedgehogs, weasels, pieties, meadow icties, and eels from\\nLake Copais.\\nIn striking contrast hereto stands the classic fru-\\ngality of the Spartan appetite, which is amply illus-\\ntrated by Plutarch s anecdote of that man of Laconia\\nwho once in a wayside inn, having bought a little\\nfish, gave it to the host to have cooked, and on being\\nasked for the cheese and the vinegar and the oil re-\\nplied, Why, if I had those I would n t have bought\\nthe fish!", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "90 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\nThe widely differing standards of dress may be\\nforcibly illustrated by the fact that in the fifth cent-\\nury, long after the Athenian women had adopted\\ninto general use the linen chemise-like under-gar-\\nment called the chiton, the Dorian women still wore\\nthe old-fashioned woollen peplos as their only gar-\\nment. The dress as well as the armour and equip-\\nments of the Spartan men were also radically\\ndifferent from those in use at Athens.\\nThe difference in educational standards is quite\\nas marked. In an age when every Athenian boy of\\ncitizen parentage was taught to read and write as\\nwell as to have some acquaintance with the ancient\\npoets, the most of the Spartans were absolutely un-\\nlettered, and the density of Boeotian ignorance was\\nso great that some esteemed the Sphinx, who made\\nsuch havoc among the Thebans, to have been no\\nmore nor less than an impersonation of illiteracy.\\nIn the earlier history of the Greek cantons a great\\ndiversity in standards of weights and measures ap-\\npears; thus among the standards of long measure\\nthe Attic stadion was approximately 582 feet, the\\nOlympic stadion 631 feet, the Ionic stadion 689 feet.\\nIn the matter of weight the necessities of inter-\\ncantonal trade early developed a tendency to adopt\\none of the three common standards, the ^Eginetan,\\nthe Olympian, or the Eubcean, but the variety in\\nweight and fineness of the different coinages which\\nthe caprice, the dishonesty, or the particularism of\\nscores of petty states put into circulation created\\na condition of things that was well-nigh hopeless to\\nall except the easy honour of the money-changers.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Old Greece. 91\\nOnly the turtles of ^Egina, the owls of\\nAthens, and the horses of Corinth secured at\\ndifferent times anything like a general currency in\\nthe markets of the Eastern Mediterranean.\\nThe isolation of Sparta from all interstate trade\\nis emphasised by the ancient law of Lycurgus, for-\\nbidding the use of gold or silver money in trade.\\nEven after Sparta came into the exercise of imperial\\npower and levied tribute upon dependent cities, the\\npossession of the precious metals was restricted by\\nlaw to the state. Inevitable as was the ultimate\\nfailure of such a law under the freer intercourse of\\nthe fourth century, its failure implied and involved\\nthe collapse of the peculiar Spartan community sys-\\ntem. The law in its integrity purported nothing\\nless than the principle that Spartans as individuals\\nshould have no dealings except with Spartans.\\nThe arrangements of the calendar show a like\\ndiversity among the different districts. Some began\\nthe year at July, as Athens, some at January, as\\nThebes, some at October, as the Achaeans. There\\nwas the greatest disagreement as to the names of\\nthe month. Thus the month of March (approx.)\\nwas called Artemisius by the Spartans, Theoxenius\\nby the Delphians, Prostaterius by the Boeotians,\\nGalaxion by the Delians, and Elaphebolion by the\\nAthenians, while the Achaeans, and perhaps others,\\nnamed their months by their numerical order as\\nfirst (Protos), second, etc.\\nThe very existence of a calendar among the primi-\\ntive Greek peoples was due to the necessity felt for\\npaying to the gods the reverence due them at the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "92 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\nproper season, and its diversities only reflect the\\ndiversity of religious usages and interests in the\\ndifferent cantons. To one who has learned of the\\nGreek religion solely from the pages of Hesiod and\\nHomer with their perfectly organised Olympian\\nfamily of gods and definitely determined character-\\nisation of individual divinities, the actual conditions\\nof religious faith in the communities of European\\nGreece will seem strangely confused and imperfect.\\nHomer knows only a united Greece. Diversities of\\ntongue and race, of usage and institution, sink out\\nof sight. A unifying potency resides in the genius\\nof the poet inspired by the contrasts of oriental\\nbarbarism. His gods are pan-Hellenic. One might\\nsuppose that every good Greek worshipped them\\nall, and that the territories of their power were\\nmutually well-defined and sternly recognised. This\\nis in no wise the case. The theogony was an\\nafter-thought. It represented a consolidation and\\nharmonisation of the favourite cults of various com-\\nmunities. As such it was a movement toward\\nnationalism, and when in later centuries the poems\\nof Homer had come to be recognised as a sort of\\npan-Hellenic Bible, their influence was very great,\\nnot only in shaping the popular theology, but also\\nin quickening the national sentiment. As con-\\ntrasted with their bland assumption of theological\\nuniformity, the actual condition of religious practices\\nin the Greek states of the historical period might\\nwell appear, though deceptively, to represent de-\\ncadence and disruption.\\nEach village community had its own favourite", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.]\\nThe Old Greece. 93\\ndivinities. It is plainly impossible that in every\\ncommunity the whole corona of Olympian gods\\nshould be honoured with the peculiar service due to\\neach. But what is more, the types of the different\\ndivinities differed greatly as understood and wor-\\nshipped in different localities, very like the rival\\nMadonnas of Spanish villages. Special titles signi-\\nfied the special attributes of the particular divinities\\nwhich were emphasised in each locality, and these\\noften gave rise to what were essentially distinct\\npersonalities. Thus Apollo was Carneus at Sparta,\\nPythius at Delphi. Artemis was known as Iphigenia\\nin Hermione, as Orthia in Sparta. In Argos and\\n^Egina chief honours were bestowed upon Hera,\\nwhose cult was but little observed, for instance, at\\nAthens. Apollo and Artemis received most atten-\\ntion at Sparta. The Aphrodite and Poseidon fest-\\nivals were the most celebrated at Corinth. So\\nHercules was the object of distinguished honour at\\nThebes, Demeter at Eleusis, the Graces at Orcho-\\nmenos, Asclepius at Epidaurus.\\nThe spirit of particularism identified itself most\\nstrongly with the peculiar features of these local\\ncults. The largeness of hospitality toward many\\ndifferent worships which it was the peculiar pride of\\nAthens to show, and which converted, as we hear,\\nwell-nigh every sixth day into a festival, indicates to\\nus not so much the superior religiosity or pietism of\\nthe Athenian people as their broader spirit of\\ntoleration, their larger Hellenic interest, and their\\nearlier grasp of those principles which proved the\\nforerunners of cosmopolitanism.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "94 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\nIt is evidently of importance for our present in-\\nquiry to estimate with some exactness the extent\\nand freedom of intercourse between the Greek can-\\ntons. This certainly differed greatly with different\\nstates. Sparta looked with suspicious eye upon all\\nintercourse. Spartan citizens were not allowed\\nwithout special permission of the Ephors to travel\\noutside the country, lest they should become\\nenamoured of foreign usages and the visits of\\nforeigners, to say nothing of attempts at settlement,\\nwere discouraged in various ways, sometimes by\\nactual expulsion, lest they might be teachers of\\nevil, f Similar statements are made concerning\\nthe policy of other states, thus of the cities of Crete\\nand of Apollonia in Illyria; and Plato proposed in\\nhis ideal state to forbid all citizens under forty years\\nof age to travel. Athens among all the Greek cities\\nenjoyed the highest reputation for its hospitality\\nand liberality toward strangers, but even here the\\nconditions bear no comparison to the freedom of\\nmodern cities.\\nf The chief highway of trade in the historical age\\nwas the sea, for Greece had practically no navigable\\nrivers, and its roads were few and difficult.. Land\\njourneys were made either on mule-back or on foot.\\nVigorous as was the trade by sea, it suffered con-\\nstant restriction by the risks of war which made\\nno distinction between private and public property.\\nDuring a war between any maritime states, the coast\\ntrade must have been sadly disrupted thus in the\\nIlarpocration, p. 159.\\nI Plutarch, Instit, Lacon, 19,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Old Greece. 95\\nPeloponnesian war the Athenians maintained at\\nNaupactus a blockade of the entire Corinthian gulf.\\nOf still greater moment, however, was the multiform\\nstate interference with the natural course of trade.\\nAthens forbade Athenian ships to bring grain to\\nany other port, and compelled all grain-ships touch-\\ning at the Peiraeus to sell at least two-thirds of their\\ncargo there.* Various states undertook also to regu-\\nlate or even to prevent the exportation of certain\\ncommodities which they needed at home or wished\\nto withhold from their rivals. In the Bosporus toll\\nwas frequently levied upon the grain-ships passing\\nthrough, and at one time under Athenian control of\\nByzantium, we know it was as high as ten per cent.\\nDuties for the purpose of revenue, though not of\\nprotection, were levied upon imports, and so uni-\\nversal was this practice that the inhabitants of\\nCyme, who not until three hundred years after the\\nfounding of their city began to levy harbour dues,\\nwere taunted with stupidity at not having learned\\nbefore that their city lay by the sea.f Despite all\\nsuch restrictions enforced by scores of petty states,\\na reasonably active trade existed between the coast\\ntowns and certainly such trade centres as Corinth\\nand Athens were meeting-places for the most vari-\\nous sorts and conditions of men. The great religious\\nfairs at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, etc., gave also\\nabundant opportunity for intercourse under the pro-\\ntection of a general armistice, and brought together\\nBiichsenschiitz, Besitz und Erwerb im griechischen Alterthume,\\nPP- 549 ff-\\nf Strabo, xiii., 3, 3.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "g6 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\nnot only motley throngs of hucksters and sutlers,\\nbut representatives of the Greek cities and of all\\nclasses of society.\\nExcept, however, for the purposes of trade, of\\nattending the festivals, and of diplomatic missions,\\ntravel in the period of which we are dealing was\\npractically unknown. The tourist pure and simple\\nwas a development of the Roman period, when it\\nseems to have been, as Pliny says, a recognised part\\nof the education of every Roman gentleman to have\\nvisited the historic soil of Greece at least, if not also\\nof Egypt and Asia Minor.\\nThe musicians, artists, playwrights, and rhetorical\\nteachers, as well as those few, like Solon, Lycurgus,\\nPythagoras, and Herodotus, who undertook jour-\\nneys for ethnological and sociological purposes, con-\\nstituted brilliant exceptions to the general rule.\\nSocrates had notably never been away from home\\nexcept on military service. Why the Greek should\\nhave regarded the sentence of banishment as so\\nsevere a punishment as he did we can ably appreci-\\nate when we consider how utterly forlorn and un-\\nnatural was the condition of aliens in most Greek\\ntowns.\\nThe history of Old Greece is evidently the history\\nof small communities, and it is the self-consistent\\ndevelopment of the community-life that constitutes\\nits most prominent characteristic. Intercourse there\\nwas; some degree of mixture was not excluded, but\\nthese never exceeded the immediate capacity for\\nassimilation. Herein it is that all the products of\\nthe classical age, whether of thought or form, acquire", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] The Old Greece. gj\\ntheir identity, and separate themselves unmistak-\\nably not only from the creations of modern civilisa-\\ntions, but from those of the Hellenistic and the\\nRoman age in Greece. It is not a question of their\\nsuperiority, but of their greater truth. The com-\\nmunity-life, being homogeneous and self-dependent,\\nyielded natural products. Their form is fresh\\nmoulded from life. Even the categories of literary\\nform the drama, the lyric poem, the oration, the\\nphilosophic dialogue correspond directly to real\\nactivities, and whatever product of the times we\\nstudy, the literature, the sculpture, the architec-\\nture, the religion, the philosophy, it opens a\\nwindow that looks straight in upon the life.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nOLD GREECE ITS POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS.\\n336 B.C.\\nNOTHING more definitely characterises the\\norganisation of life in Old Greece than the\\nnotion it entertained of the state and the re-\\nlation of the individual thereto. An exposition and\\nanalysis of this notion cannot be evaded here, with-\\nout overlooking the supreme issue in the political\\nsignificance of Alexander s career. When he ap-\\npeared upon the scene, he found Greek society still\\norganised upon the basis of the old theory. The\\nthirteen years of his rule relegated that theory to\\nthe antiquities. The very existence of it, indeed,\\nand its strenuous hold on life long past the period\\nof its natural efficiency made the brilliant career of\\nAlexander possible. The firm persistency of the\\nold made the transition to the new more rapid, for\\nwhen Alexander appeared, the times were ripe for\\nhim, and more than ripe.\\nWith our strongly rooted modern prejudices con-\\ncerning the place and function of the state, it is no", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "MAP OF THE WORLD\\nACCORDING TO ERATOSTHENES.", "height": "2442", "width": "3333", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] Old Greece. 99\\neasy matter to reproduce and re-think the ancient\\nidea of the same. Yet it is something precise and\\nunmistakable. The Greek states were essentially\\ncity states; modern states are essentially national\\nstates. So Bluntschli aptly expresses the plainest\\nand most universally accepted distinction. The\\nstate was not territorial, nor was its individuality in\\nany way identified with extent of land. Citizenship\\nwas not determined by residence within any particu-\\nlar territorial limits. There were inhabitants of\\nAttica, but no citizens of Attica. So far as any of\\nthese had a political existence, they were known as\\nAthenians. The exercise of political functions\\nsuch as voting was, for instance, possible only in\\nthe city. The idea of citizenship and the idea of\\nthe state associated themselves entirely with the\\ncity. The territory of the state was viewed as a\\nbody of land surrounding the city, dependent upon\\nits control, and subserving its uses, while, in sharp\\ncontrast thereto, the modern conception regards\\ncities as denser aggregations of population here and\\nthere in the territory of the state.\\nThe Roman theory of the relation of the city to\\nthe state was in this regard not unlike the Greek,\\nand even in its greatest extension the Roman em-\\npire was administered under the forms at least of a\\ncity government. Roman citizenship was citizen-\\nship of the city, Rome, and not of the empire.\\nThe state was not to be identified with its territory,\\nand still less with its population. The citizen is\\nnot made a citizen by dwelling anywhere in particu-\\nlar, says Aristotle. The aliens or metics, who in", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "ioo Alexander the Great. [336 B. a\\nthe latter part of the fifth century and in the fourth\\ncentury were attracted in such numbers by the\\ntrading opportunities at Athens as to number by\\nthe census of 309 B.C. not less than forty thousand\\nsouls, were no part of the state. Except as one\\nhad chosen a patron ox prostates among the citizens\\nto represent him, and had become his ward in all\\npolitical relations, he had no existence in the eyes\\nof the state. The state was neither territory nor\\npopulation. It was an ancient and sacred bond, or\\ncovenant relation, in which the participants were\\nboth gods and men, and in which the basis of affilia-\\ntion was neither contiguity of residence nor con-\\nsideration of mutual interest, but a community of\\nworship that had its ultimate ground in a real or\\npresumed community of blood.\\nThe state in its idea, in its constitution, in its in-\\nstitutions, and in its source of authority was an out-\\ngrowth or enlargement of the family. The priestly\\nand authoritative functions of the ancient head of\\nthe state were the counterpart of those of the father.\\nThe authority of the family preceded that of the\\nstate and was its type and its source, not the re.\\nverse. Citizenship is a projection of the family re-\\nlations upon the broader background of the civic\\ncommunity. The individual approaches the state\\nthrough the family. The child is shortly after birth\\ncarried in the simple rites of the amphidromia around\\nthe hearth of the home and introduced thereby into\\nthe society of the family and the family gods. A\\nlittle later it is received with solemn rites and under\\nthe form of election into the larger circle of the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.]\\nOld Greece. 101\\nphratry, and by virtue of this membership in the\\nphratry is at maturity (in Athens when seventeen\\nyears of age) enrolled as a member of the deme or\\nparish, and so as a citizen of the state and a client\\nof those loftier divine personages who guarantee its\\norganisation and receive its honours and worship.\\nThe state, therefore, was wholly religious in its\\ncharacter, but not in the sense of those modern\\nstates which maintain a church, for religion was not\\nmerely a department of the state; nor yet in the\\nsense of Christian Rome, which, following the\\nanalogy of the spiritual and material constitution\\nof the human individual, devised the theory of a\\ndualistic state and made the chair of the Bishop of\\nRome the counterpart to the throne of the Caesars.\\nThis was not so, for in Greece religion was never\\nconceived as a phase of the state. Nor yet again\\nwas religion ever debased, as in pagan Rome, to be\\na mere tool or agency of the state, nor elevated, as\\nin Israel, to be the all-containing aim and end thereof.\\nReligion simply was the state, and the state was re-\\nligion. Impiety was treason, and all treason in-\\nvolved impiety. The modern political conception\\nof a profane state was absolutely inconceivable\\nto an ancient Greek. Equally foreign to his con-\\nceptions was that distinction between legality and\\nmorality, to which the Romans were the first to give\\ndefinite form through their determination of the\\npurely legal character of the state. Modern civil\\nlaw, following the lead of the Roman, has regard to\\nthe existing relations of human society and follow-\\ning the line of least resistance, seeks by the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "102 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.\\ncleverest available compromises and by practical ex-\\npedients to alleviate as far as possible conflicts of\\ninterest, and make the conditions of living together\\nas tolerable and convenient as possible. In the\\nmodern state the standard of law does not match\\nthe higher standard of duty and conscience. Tn the\\nprimitive Greek state such a divorcement of stand-\\nards was not recognised. The situation may be\\nfairly summarised by saying that religion and ethics\\nhad not yet been differentiated out of the notion of\\npolitics.\\nUtterly at variance with our modern notion of the\\nrelation of the individual to the state was that which\\nhad currency in Old Greece. We hold that the state\\nexists for the individual, for the protection of his\\ninterests and to render his powers effective. The\\nindividual has an existence, a meaning, and a pur-\\npose independent of the state. Bluntschli in his\\nTheory of the State thus describes the Teuton s\\nconception of his individual right: He claims for\\nhimself an inborn right which the state must protect\\nbut which it does not create, and for which he is\\nready to fight against the whole world, even against\\nthe authority of his own government. He rejects\\nstrenuously the old idea that the state is all in all.\\nWith the ancient Greek the state is prior to the in-\\ndividual. It is not an aggregation of individuals,\\nand its prerogatives are not the result of concessions\\nmade to it by individuals. The individual is an\\nagency or tool of the state, not the state a conven-\\nience of the individual. Man is a civic animal,\\nItdklTlKOV OV.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] Old Greece. 103\\nsays Aristotle in his Politics. He was created for\\nthe state. He is meaningless apart from it. The\\nstate or the family, continues Aristotle, is by\\nnature prior to [i. c, the condition of existence for]\\neach one of us, for the whole must needs be prior\\nto the part. Take away the whole, and the foot or\\nthe hand has no existence. One who is so con-\\nstituted as through self-sufficiency to have no need\\nof the state is no man, but must be either a beast\\nor a god. Over the life of the individual, his\\nproperty, his talents, his service, the state possessed,\\nas in modern democratic societies only public\\nopinion can possess, eminent domain. There is\\nmuch talk about the freedom of the individual in\\nancient Athens, but it meant no more, as Friedrich\\nputs it well, than the consciousness of being no\\nmore subject to force than each and every one of his\\nfellow-citizens to the power of the law. Un-\\ndoubtedly the exercise of individuality was given\\nfreer scope at Athens than in any other Greek town,\\nnotably, for instance, in the much-boasted freedom\\nof speech, but in reality anything that may from our\\nmodern point of view be called individual liberty\\nsimply did not exist.\\nNo one was at liberty, for instance, to choose his\\nreligious faith, to select the gods he would worship,\\nor to determine the manner in which he should wor-\\nship them. He must follow the usage of the com-\\nmunity into which he was born. We say this is not\\nfair play. The individual was not consulted as to\\nwhich community he should be born into. Hence\\nFriedrich-Thalheim, Griechische Rechtsaltertkumer, p. 28.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "104 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.-\\nhe was under no obligation to worship its gods until\\nhis free choice had dictated it. But herein lies the\\nvery difference between the ancient and the modern\\npoint of view. Ancient society did not consult the\\nindividual. He had no rights whatsoever, as against\\nthe state. The laws protected the individual against\\nthe individual, but not the individual against the\\nstate. This, and no more than this, it is that De-\\nmosthenes in a famous passage claims to be the\\nmission and purpose of the laws (vd/W), not the de-\\nfining or guaranteeing, but the equalising of rights:\\nThe life of men in its entirety, whether they inhabit\\na great city or a small, is regulated by nature and by\\nlaws. Of these two, nature is unconventional, incon-\\nsistent, and dependent upon the personality of the in-\\ndividual in question, whilst the laws are something that\\nis universal, definite, and the same to all. Now, nature,\\nif it be base, is often minded unto the evil, but the laws\\ndesire what is just, what is noble, what is profitable, and\\nthis they search after, and when it has been found, it is\\nestablished as an ordinance of universal validity, equal\\nand like unto all men, etc.\\nThe life of the citizen was under perpetual mort-\\ngage to the state for military service, as his property\\nwas for the needs of the state in times of stress.\\nThe fundamental purpose of education was con-\\nceived to be the moulding of the individual into\\nconformity with his environment, and adaptability\\nto the uses of society and the state. Plato s opin-\\nion that the child belongs more to the state than to\\nDemosthenes, Against Aristogeiton, i., sec. 15/*.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "336 B-C] Old Greece. 105\\nits parents was but a very slight exaggeration of the\\npopular conception. Submission to authority, and\\nrespect for the powers that be, was the first thing a\\nyoung Athenian had to learn. Menander s maxim,\\nUnflogged, uneducated, enjoyed thereby a large\\nadherence.\\nThe state intruded itself on every side and with-\\nout compunction into the domain of private right,\\nas private right is understood in Anglo-Saxon com-\\nmunities to-day. The so-called laws of Solon, in\\ndealing with the minutiae of private life, in giving\\ndirections concerning dress, occupation, funerals,\\netc., were not annexing new territory to the domain\\nof the law, but kept doubtless in general to the\\nsphere as well as the course of earlier legislation.\\nComparison with the scant reports we have of early\\nlaw codes of other Greek states shows that special\\nand sumptuary regulations were especially character-\\nistic of them all. Plutarch reports concerning Solon s\\nlaws\\nRegarding the appearance of women upon the street,\\nand their participation in funerals and festivals, he made\\nregulations suited to prevent everything, loud and im-\\nmodest. Thus, when they went upon the street they\\nwere to wear not more than three articles of dress, they\\nwere to carry with them of food or drink not more than\\nan obol s worth, and to bear no basket more than eighteen\\ninches deep. They were not to go about at night except\\nin a carriage with a torch before them. The bearing\\nand disfiguring of the body in lament, the wailing of pro-\\nPlutarch, Solon, ch. xxi.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "106 Alexander the Great. [336 b.c-\\nfessional mourners, and mourning for anyone at an-\\nother s funeral he prohibited. He forbade the offer-\\ning of an ox at the grave, also the burial of more than\\nthree pieces of raiment with the body, and made it an\\noffence to visit the graves of other than one s own family\\nexcept at the very funeral, the most of which things\\nare forbidden by our laws also. He imposed upon\\nthe council of the Areopagus the obligation of investi-\\ngating how each man earned his livelihood and of\\nchastening the idle.\\nConcerning the Locrians we hear\\nAmong the Epizephyrian Locrians, if anyone drank\\nhis wine straight, except as a remedy, and upon the pre-\\nscription of a physician, the punishment was death.\\nAgain, concerning the Corinthians f\\nThis excellent law exists among the Corinthians if\\nwe see anyone dining every day in sumptuous style, we\\nexamine into his occupation and source of livelihood.\\nAnd if he prove to have property with income sufficient\\nto meet the expenditures, he is allowed to continue in\\nthis style of living, but if he prove to be living beyond\\nhis means, he is forbidden to continue it.\\nA similar tendency is shown by the law of Solon\\nforbidding a citizen on pain of disfranchisement to\\nabstain from voting in times of political excitement,\\nas well as by the institution of ostracism existing in\\nvarious towns, whereby without hearing or trial a\\nAthenaeus, x., p. 429 a.\\nAthenaeus, vi., p. 227/. (quoted from Diphilos).", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] Old Greece. 107\\ncitizen could be compelled to leave the town for the\\nsupposed good of the state. Sparta affords in its\\nwell-known communistic institutions only a fuller\\nexemplification of this common and universal theory\\nof the Greek constitutions. Plutarch summarises it\\nwell\\nTo conclude, he bred up his citizens so that they\\nneither wished nor knew how to live by themselves, but\\nlike the bees, merging their identity always in that of the\\ncommonwealth, and clustering together around their\\nleader, to become in their enthusiasm and public spirit\\nall but lifted out of themselves, and for their whole\\nbeing to be their country s.\\nThe legal relation corresponding to this state of\\nthe facts may be summarised as follows. The indi-\\nvidual as such was not a subject of equity only\\nthe state and its parts received such cognisance, and\\nit was only as a factor of the state that an individual\\nwas a subject of rights. That is to say, private law\\nhad not yet been differentiated from public law, just\\nas ethics had not been differentiated from politics.\\nThis entire attitude of mind concerning the relation\\nof the individual to the social and political body was\\na necessary corollary to the prevailing understanding\\nof the nature of that body as an enlargement of the\\nfamily relation. With the shifting of view which\\nfollowed upon the disruptions of Alexander s age\\nand the consequent rise of the new spirit of cosmo-\\npolitanism, came of necessity a readjustment in the\\nstatus of the individual, not directly or suddenly, to\\nPlutarch, Lycurgus, ch. xxv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "108 Alexander the Great. [336 b.c-\\nbe sure, but as a gradual, though unmistakable,\\ntransition toward that fuller enunciation of the doc-\\ntrine of rights which it was the mission of Teutonic\\npeoples to infuse into the political thought of mod-\\nern Europe.\\nMuch is said, and indeed we have already said\\nmuch, about the smallness of the Greek states, and\\ntheir persistent tendency to remain so. We shall\\nerr greatly, however, if we seek the ultimate causes\\nof this in circumstances such as the geographical\\nsituation, the character of the people, and the\\ndiversity of tribes. These were the occasions under\\nwhich the cause was operative, and persistently\\noperative, but they were not themselves the cause.*\\nThe Greek states were small, because smallness was\\na principle of their being. They could not have\\nbecome large without a total change of character\\nand constitution. Their institutions could not\\ntolerate a citizen-list too large for assemblage in one\\ntown-meeting, or for common participation in the\\nfestivals of the gods of the state. The range of the\\nherald s, the orator s, or the actor s voice fixed in a\\ncertain sense the limits of the state. The relation\\nof the individual citizen to the state was immediate\\nand personal. No complicated political mechanism\\nDoubtless physical nature has some influence upon the history\\nof a people, but the beliefs of men have a much more powerful one.\\nIn ancient times there was something more impassable than mount-\\nains between two neighbouring cities there were the series of\\nsacred bounds, the difference of worship, and the hatred of the gods\\ntoward the foreigner. For this reason the ancients were never able\\nto establish, or even to conceive of, any other social organisation\\nthan that of the city. Coulanges, The Ancient City, p. 270.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] Old Greece. 109\\nintervened between him and the questions at issue.\\nThe statesmen of the day were personally known to\\nhim; he saw their daily life; he heard them present\\ntheir proposals and make their defences. Political\\ninformation and political doctrine nowhere assumed\\nthe impersonal garb. The living voice of the orator\\nrepresented the editorial pages of the Times and the\\nTribune the comic actor was Puck and Puncli the\\nsophists were the current reviews. Dangers menac-\\ning the state menaced the individual citizen directly.\\nThe phenomena of the state were seen and felt.\\nAristotle s discussion of the nature of the state in\\nhis Politics is not so much theoretical as a generalis-\\nation upon the facts\\nMany people seem to think a state must be large in\\norder to be prosperous. But in so doing they ignore the\\ntrue nature of a great city and a small one, for they\\nidentify the great city by the mere number of its inhabit-\\nants, whereas it were meet the rather to regard not\\nmass but energy, f for a city has a definite mission, so\\nthat the one best able to accomplish that must be re-\\ngarded greatest, just as you would say that Hippocrates\\nwas a greater, not man, but physician, than one who\\nexceeded him in bodily size. No, a great city and a\\npopulous city are two very different things. Indeed, the\\nfacts of history show how hard, yes, how impossible, it is\\nfor a populous state to be well governed. For what\\ngeneral can exercise authority over an army of abnormal\\nsize, or what herald can make himself heard, if not a\\nregular son of Stentor For the proper administra-\\nAristotle, Politics, iv., chap, iv., sec. 3-8 1326 a).\\nf SvvajuiS.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "no Alexander the Great. [336 B.c-\\ntion of justice, and for the distribution of authority, it is\\nnecessary that the citizens be acquainted with each\\nother s characters, so that, where this cannot be, much\\nmischief ensues both in the use of authority and in the\\nadministration of justice for it is not just to decide\\narbitrarily, as must be the case with excessive population.\\nSo, holding himself strictly within the limitations\\nof Greek political thought that utterly ignored the\\npossibilities of representative or of federative govern-\\nment and of all like forms of political mechanism,\\nAristotle comes to the conclusion that the natural\\nlimit to the size of the state must be found in the\\ncapability of being easily taken in at a glance.\\nIt must be clear from the foregoing how unsuited\\nwas the organisation of the Greek states to the con-\\nstruction of an Hellenic empire, and what insuperable\\nobstacles, indeed, their very existence offered to the\\nestablishment of any form of central power. So\\nlong as the old religious theory of the purpose of\\nthe state maintained itself as a real factor of the\\npublic consciousness, maintenance of sovereignty\\nand maintenance of worship were but two phases\\nof the same thing. The merging of two states in\\none was entirely foreign to all the profoundest in-\\nstincts of ancient political thought. It might be\\neasy to conquer a state, to ravage its fields, lay\\nwaste its towns, and reduce its population to slavery,\\nbut to annex it a thing that never entered into\\nthe mind of an ancient Greek to conceive would\\ninvolve for the one party an abandonment of cults\\nEvdvvoitroS.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.I\\nOld Greece. 1 1 1\\nit was the most sacred duty to maintain, which was\\napostasy and for the other an admission of strangers\\nto divine fellowship where they had no right and no\\nplace, which was sacrilege. The only device known\\nto the ancient for effecting such a union, the synoi-\\nkismos, involved a union of communities through a\\nuniting of their cults. In such a union as this we\\nknow that the Spartan state had its origin,* and so,\\ntoo, around the central rock of the Attic plain, the\\nAcropolis had been once in early times brought to-\\ngether the sanctuaries and the worships of the differ-\\nent communities that united to form the Athenian\\nstate. What had, however, in the case of these\\nclosely related petty parishes been accomplished\\nonly through a herculean effort of statemanship and\\nprobably of armed force that had left its recollection\\nas the greatest event of early history to be perpetu-\\nally celebrated in the most brilliant of all the Athe-\\nnian festivals, the Panathenaea, was too difficult\\na measure to be often repeated, especially when it\\nconcerned the communities and the more compli-\\ncated mechanisms of later days.\\nIt is not to be supposed, however, that these\\nlittle sovereign communities were never conscious\\nof their weakness and isolation, and never sought\\nprotection and guarantee in any form of union with\\nother communities. Treaties were often made be-\\ntween states with common political interests or\\nthreatened by common dangers. These treaties\\nsometimes, though not commonly, extended to offen-\\nsive as well as defensive cooperation, but they were\\nGilbert, Studien zur altspartanischen Geschichte, pp. 128 ff.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "112 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.-\\ngenerally framed in view of a specific emergency,\\nwhether a menace of external force or a danger of\\ninternal disorder, and, rarely surviving the occasion\\nof their formation, never involved any complete\\nsurrender of autonomy.\\nA more permanent and certainly very ancient\\nform of league peculiar to the Greek states is illus-\\ntrated by the Amphictyonies, of which the earliest\\nhistory reports a considerable number. They ap-\\npear as combinations of a few neighbouring towns\\nor tribes for the one distinctive purpose of maintain-\\ning the worship of some temple and the observances\\nof its cult, including generally the games and festiv-\\nals. Thus seven states, Epidaurus, ^Egina, Her-\\nmione, and others in their neighbourhood united in\\nthe maintenance of the Poseidon cult on the island\\nof Calauria in the Saronic gulf. Similarly the wor-\\nship of Apollo at Delphi, of Poseidon at Onchestus\\nin Bceotia, of Apollo and Artemis at Delos, and\\nothers, was guaranteed by such combinations of\\nstates. These bound themselves to support the\\ntemple and its festivals, to enforce the truce at the\\ntime of the festivals, to protect the temple from\\nmolestation, and to unite in punishing any sacrilege\\ncommitted against it. The opportunity of this\\ncombination might occasionally lead incidentally to\\nthe assumption of other functions, as in the case of\\nthe Delphic Amphictyony, but nothing like a con-\\nfederation of states resulted from it. Each state\\nwas entirely free to levy war upon its colleague, so\\nlong as the festival truce was respected, and, at\\nleast in the case of the Delphic Amphictyony, the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.I Old Greece. 1 1 3\\nsimple oath was kept: We will not destroy any\\nAmphictyonic towns; we will not cut off any Am-\\nphictyonic town from running water.\\nThe Delian Confederacy, which came into being in\\nthe middle of the fifth century and for a time pro-\\nmised to be the nucleus of a great Hellenic empire,\\nwas probably the outgrowth of one of these ancient\\nleagues; it certainly was constructed after their\\ngeneral pattern, and to this we may attribute the\\nfact that it came quietly and naturally into being\\nwithout attracting odium as embodying anything\\nforeign to the spirit of Greek institutions. Its real\\npolitical purpose, mutual protection against Persian\\npower, was expressed in a religious form as the pro-\\ntection of Greek shrines, and preeminently that of\\nApollo at Delos, from the sacrilege of barbarians.\\nAthens was originally regarded merely as the admin-\\nistrative head of the organisation. Administration,\\nhowever, passed rapidly, though naturally, into dom-\\nination. It was found to be simpler for the lesser\\nstates to make their contributions in money instead of\\nships. The collection of money often required force,\\nand the contribution became a tribute. The treasury\\nwas removed to Athens and used as Athenian. The\\ninfluence of Athens came to be felt in the political\\ninstitutions of the several states. Its courts, which\\nfrom the first had dealt with questions relating to\\nthe league, came to be recognised and utilised by\\nmost of the states as courts of higher or last resort,\\nand finally, as if to confirm the league in its position\\nas a consolidated state under religious guarantee,\\nthe allies were encouraged or even required to par-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "114 Alexander the Great. [336B.C-\\nticipate in the Panathenaic festivals and bring offer-\\nings to the temple of Athena.\\nAnd so, in spite of the Greek political traditions,\\nand yet by means of them and in harmony with\\nthem, it seemed as if the way were opened for the\\ncreation of an imperial state. For this, however,\\nthe conditions were entirely lacking. Greek politi-\\ncal thought could not rise above the city. It could\\nnot conceive of a city-state so enlarged as to include\\nmany cities, because it could not conceive of the\\nmechanism necessary to the administration of such\\na state. A Greek city could not relinquish its free\\nright on the one hand to withdraw from any con-\\nfederacy it might enter, nor, on the other, to cancel\\nor revise any action which its delegates at any coun-\\ncil might take, without abandoning its autonomy,\\nand between autonomy and servile dependence\\nGreek thought knew no mean.\\nFor the other alternative of empire, the subjection\\nof the states to its permanent leadership and rule,\\nAthens, as, in fact, all the other Greek cities, was in-\\ncapacitated by the nature of its institutions. At\\ndifferent times in Greek history the preeminence\\nnow of Sparta, less frequently of Athens, had been\\nso far recognised by the other states as to admit of\\ntheir assuming a hegemony or leadership in com-\\nbined movements. This was no more than a title\\nof precedence. Such a precedence was conceded\\nby all the states to Sparta during the Persian wars,\\nand was recognised again after the Peloponnesian\\nwar not only by the states of European Greece, but\\nby the Asiatic Greek cities and the court of Persia.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "336 B.c.l Old Greece. 115\\nThe stronger military and monarchical organisation\\nof Sparta gave it in this regard always an advantage\\nover Athens, but the selfish narrowness of its policy,\\nthe provincialism of its population, and its essential\\nisolation from the newer thought and larger life that\\nwas dawning upon Greece in the fourth century\\nmade it as a permanent leader, to say nothing of\\nimperial mastery, an impossibility. Toward empire\\nin any larger sense, indeed, Sparta seems never to\\nhave aspired. When it had levelled the way for\\nsuch a career, it seems to have been satisfied to use\\nit only in assuring within the separate cities, chiefly\\nby garrisoning their citadels with its troops, a gov-\\nernment, or at least a form of government, in sym-\\npathy with its own. A helpless and hopeless\\nconservatism and lack of adaptability held it and its\\nschemes unalterably fixed within the barriers of the\\nold Greek particularism. Versatile Athens would\\nreadily have outgrown these, had the nature of its\\npolitical institutions admitted of any consistency or\\nsecurity in its foreign policy. Herein lies the real\\ncause of its failure to create a Hellenic empire, and\\nas this failure proved the chief occasion for the sub-\\nsequent career of Macedonia, it is reasonable that in\\nclosing this chapter we should briefly summarise\\nthose characteristics of the Athenian governmental\\nmachinery which affect its capacity for establishing\\nand maintaining imperial power.\\nThe Athenian state possessed no executive de-\\npartment. It had neither king, premier, nor presi-\\ndent. The functions of the executive were variously\\nfulfilled by three different factors of the government", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "n6 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.-\\nthe town-meeting (ekklesia), the council (boiili), and\\nthe board of generals (strategoi). The sovereign\\npower was in the completest sense lodged in the\\ntown-meeting. Almost every form of public ques-\\ntion was settled directly by its vote. It passed\\ngeneral laws and special bills, elected public officials,\\nadmitted to citizenship, determined war and peace,\\nvoted on the size of armies and on the equipment\\nof fleets, appointed the leaders of expeditions and\\nheard their reports, voted money and determined\\nmethods of raising it, received the reports of the\\nfinancial officials, concluded treaties, appointed em-\\nbassies and listened to their reports, received and\\nlistened to the ambassadors of foreign states, and\\ntransacted a mass of miscellaneous business for\\nwhich the forty regular meetings a year, as was the\\nusage in the fourth century, seldom sufficed.\\nThe device of representative government was un-\\nknown. The town-meeting was composed of the\\nentire citizen body. As the great majority of the\\ncitizens lived, however, in the country districts,\\nseldom more than five thousand, as Thucydides\\ntells us,* ever met at one time. So the burden of\\npolitical participation fell naturally upon the citizen\\npopulation of Athens, and its harbour town, the\\nPeiraeus and they were mostly well-seasoned po-\\nlitical characters, many of whom made it a livelihood\\nto gather in the various fees that accrued for service\\non juries, and in the council, and for attendance at\\nthe town-meetings. f Except as we take into ac-\\nThucydides, viii., 72.\\nf This last only in the fourth century.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] Old Greece. 1 1 7\\ncount this Athenian habit of political dissipation,\\nthe practicability of these peculiar institutions is to\\nus, in an age of specialised activities, totally incon-\\nceivable. Much as a modern New Yorker or Chica-\\ngoan cultivates an interest in all the details and\\nfinesse of the game of base-ball, and the standing\\nof rival teams, so the ancient urban Athenian was a\\ncrank and enthusiast in the details of current politics\\nand law, the pending bills, the latest speech, the\\nmanners and style of the orators, the strange dress\\nand demeanour of foreign ambassadors, the marvel-\\nlous stories of returned commissioners, the reports\\nof victorious generals, new plans for a fleet and for\\nthe building of docks at the Peiraeus, the programmes\\nof parties, the policies of statesmen, and the tricks\\nof politicians.\\nYet in spite of this, the town-meeting was not a\\nbody from which legislation in accordance with a\\npermanent and consistent policy was to be expected.\\nOpportunism was the prevailing policy. The ap-\\npeal, as in the courts, was to the plain judgment, or\\ntoo often the sentiment, of the meeting, rather than\\nto precedent or constitutional standards. A consti-\\ntution existed only in the form of the loosely codi-\\nfied body of general laws (noinoi), which were open\\nto proposals for amendment at the first meeting of\\neach year. The proposal of any measure conflicting\\nwith these laws exposed the mover to punishment.\\nThey formed, however, but a very insignificant\\ncheck upon the inconsistencies of special legislation\\nand the opportunism of the popular impulse. The\\ntown-meeting was evidently too cumbrous a body", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "1 1 8 Alexander the Great. [336 B.c.-\\nfor the initiation of legislation, and it was therefore\\nnot only a wise but a necessary provision that a\\nmeasure which was to be discussed and voted upon\\nin the meeting must be brought before it as a part\\nof the order of business regularly prepared for it by\\nthe council (boule). The council was essentially a\\ncommittee for the transaction of the current busi-\\nness of the state, such as in well-governed modern\\nstates is left to the care of permanent officials. The\\nmost of its work was done by an executive com-\\nmittee of fifty members representing a single tribe,\\nand holding office for thirty-five or thirty-six\\ndays.\\nIt possessed a certain political significance, but\\nthis it was the tendency to restrict rather than en-\\nlarge, as is shown by an innovation of the fourth\\ncentury, removing from the executive committee\\n(prytany) the right of supplying the presiding\\nofficer for the town-meeting. Had the office of\\ncouncillor been elective and of more permanent\\ntenure, it is conceivable that the council might have\\nbecome the executive department of the state, but,\\nas it was, it formulated no foreign policy and con-\\ntributed little to the much-needed coordination of\\nthe governmental activities.\\nThere was evidently no hope of arriving at a con-\\nsistent state policy through the medium of either of\\nthese bodies, the town-meeting or the council.\\nWhat opportunity was there of giving the power of\\nthe state expression through the voice and arm of a\\nsingle man The kingship was long since abolished,\\nand the memory of it a popular bugbear. The", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] Old Greece. 119\\narchonship which succeeded it, divided into nine\\noffices filled by lot, had sunk into an effete and\\nornamental respectability. The constitution pro-\\nvided for no dictatorship like the Roman to repre-\\nsent the state in times of emergency. The democracy\\nsuspected the prominence of individuals, and had\\nprovided the institution of ostracism, which, during\\nthe fifth century B.C., while the ghost of monarchism\\nstill haunted the troubled dreams of the masses,\\nserved as a quasi safety-valve.\\nIn this condition of things the only avenue open\\nfor the development of personal leadership was the\\ngeneralship. This was in its original purpose a\\npurely military office, but in the course of time the\\nnecessities of practical administration had given it\\na large sphere of influence in the arena of politics.\\nThe ten generals (strategoi) were elected annually\\nby popular vote, and as this was the only prominent\\noffice so filled, its personnel was naturally the strong-\\nest and most efficient of all. The exigencies of milit-\\nary and naval affairs excused in the eyes of the people\\nthe personal prominence of the incumbents, and\\nthey were conceded the important privileges of con-\\nsultation with the council, of precedence in address-\\ning the town-meeting, and of convoking at pleasure\\nspecial sessions of this meeting. The large range of\\ntheir responsibilities, including proposals for the rais-\\ning and equipment of troops, the building and man-\\nning of ships, the provision of ways and means,\\nthe inspection of the financial situation, propo-\\nsitions regarding war and peace, continual watch-\\nfulness concerning the plans and movements of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "120 Alexander the Great. [336 B.c-\\nforeign powers, and conference with foreign lega-\\ntions, gave to the political position of this board in\\nthe fifth century B.C., the nearest approach to the\\nsignificance of a government cabinet under the\\nheadship of a premier that Athenian institutions\\nwere ever capable of developing.\\nIt was as the leading figures in this board that in\\ntheir turn men like Themistocles, Cimon, Pericles,\\nCleon, Alcibiades, Thrasybulus, rose to leadership\\nin the state. The specialisation, however, of the\\nmilitary function, or, as we should call it, the de-\\nvelopment of the military profession, differentiated\\nin the following century between the political and\\nmilitary activities, and, throwing the generalship into\\nthe hands of men like Chabrias, destroyed the politi-\\ncal promise of the office. From that time it was\\neither the orators as semi-professional politicians,\\nor the incumbents of the newly developed office of\\nLord of the Treasury, who exercised the most\\nprominent personal influence in politics. It was\\nthrough this latter office that Eubulus, Demos-\\nthenes, and Lycurgus became in their time leaders\\nof public policy, but Eubulus was never a premier\\nin the sense nor to the extent that Pericles was.\\nWith the decay of the political prominence of the\\ngeneralship, the last hope of the emergence of a\\ncabinet and premier out of the jumble of Athenian\\nofficial institutions disappeared forever. The days\\nof the leadership of Pericles were the only days\\nwhen Athens was the possessor of a consistent and\\ncontinuous public policy, and Pericles attained his\\npower not through the exercise of the functions of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "DEMOSTHENES.\\nFROM THE STATUE IN THE VATICAN. ROME.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "336 B.C.] Old Greece. 1 2 1\\nany recognised public office, but through extra-\\nconstitutional organisation. He was a boss.\\nThe incapacity of the Athenian state for the per-\\nmanent exercise of imperial functions must now be\\ntolerably clear. There was no premier, no cabinet.\\nThere was no chance for a government to gain\\na firm existence. Incessant responsibility to the\\nfluctuating moods of a town-meeting was infinitely\\nworse than even the parliamentary responsibility of\\nthe ministry in modern France. The executive\\nfunctions were nowhere classified out of the mass of\\ngeneral governmental functions. Each of the bodies\\nin its way took a hand in foreign affairs. No office\\nor board existed that could serve to coordinate their\\nactivities. There was no opportunity for any con-\\nsistent and permanent public or foreign policy to\\ndevelop itself, which either allies and foreign courts\\ncould trust, or enemies could fear.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nTHE POLITICAL IDEAS OF THE FOURTH CENTURY.\\n404-338 B.C.\\nIT remains for us now, before continuing the story\\nof Alexander s life, briefly to summarise the\\npolitical history of the last days of that older\\nand most typical form of Greek life, whose salient\\ncharacteristics we endeavoured in the two preceding\\nchapters to present.\\nA review of the events of this period, while detain-\\ning us still outside the limits of Alexander s life, is\\nyet all-essential to an understanding on the one hand\\nof the conditions which made his career possible, and\\non the other of the way in which the Macedonian\\nEmpire yielded, for the difficulties inherent in the\\nold system of political organisation, a natural and\\nnot a violent solution.\\nThe turmoils of the Peloponnesian war (431-404\\nB.C.) closed the record of the fifth century B.C. Its\\nstorm and stress had brought the tendencies of that\\nperiod to a rapid solution. The century of\\npoetry passd directly into the century of\\n122", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] Political Ideas of Fourth Century,\\nprose. The literary ideals of the fifth century B.C.\\nexpressed themselves through the great tragedians,\\nof the fourth through Plato and Demosthenes. The\\nexuberant naivete of the olden time was checked.\\nThe understanding gained upon the imagination.\\nLife and thought seemed to be sobered. Greece\\nhad come to its years of discretion. Men were\\nsettling down to plain dealing with the plain facts\\nof life.\\nThe political atmosphere was cleared. We hear\\nno more of the old conflict between the aristocrats\\nand the democrats. Popular sovereignty was estab-\\nlished as an unquestioned principle. The orderly\\nmechanism of the civil government and of the courts\\nhad asserted itself, and the romantic days of mob-\\nrule and violence were over. War, too, had lost its\\nromance. Military service, except in garrison duty\\nand home defence, passed gradually into the hands of\\nthe professional soldiery, the mercenaries. After the\\nyear 424 B.C., no native Athenian army, unsupported\\nby mercenaries or troops of other states, ever vent-\\nured into the field. The arts and practices of peace-\\nful life occupied more and more the attention of the\\ncities. Athens was developing into a busy manu-\\nfacturing town. Trade and intercourse by land as\\nwell as sea increased.\\nIn continental Greece, Corinth and Athens were\\nthe great centres of internationalism. Not only did\\nmerchants, diplomats, and travellers frequently visit\\nthem, but immigrants from the other states and even\\nfrom non-Greek lands seeking a livelihood and at-\\ntracted by the allurements of urban life, came thither", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "1 24 Alexander the Great. [404 B.C.-\\nin great numbers to make their home. In Athens\\nthe retail trade passed largely into the hands of\\nthese aliens, who by the end of the fourth century B.C.\\nconstituted nearly one third of the free population.\\nThe intermixture of population and the predomin-\\nance of material interests availed seriously to modify\\nthe ambition of the Athenian state, and what took\\nplace at Athens was coming also to pass, even if\\nmore slowly, throughout all the Greek communities.\\nThe tendency of public interest in the various com-\\nmunities was to make things snug and comfortable\\nabout them at home, and as the fourth century B.C.\\nprogressed it became apparent that sober-minded\\npeople were wearying of the old imperial question, at\\nleast as stated in its old form. So often and at such\\nsacrifices had it been brought near to a solution, and\\nso often had men been disappointed, that now the\\nconviction of its utter hopelessness began almost\\nunconsciously to shape itself in the public mind, and\\nthe efforts of statesmanship came more and more to\\nconcern themselves with adjustments of the balance\\nof power upon the basis of the status quo.\\nAt Athens the radical democracy, composed of\\nthe lower orders of the citizen population, continued\\nto represent the strongest adherence to the old policy\\nof acquiring or asserting Athenian leadership in\\nGreek affairs by force of arms. War against Sparta,\\nas the old-time enemy of democratic government,\\nwas always popular with them, and war in general\\nwas more likely to meet with their approval, seeing\\nthat, as a rule, they had nothing to pay and little to\\nlose. Another reason for this state of things is also", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] Political Ideas of Fourth Century, 125\\nto be found in the selfish interest of the popular\\nleaders, whose political purposes were often best\\nadvanced under cover of the excitement of a war.\\nCertain it is that the various wars of the earlier part\\nof the fourth century B.C. owed their chief political\\nsupport to this party of the extreme Left, and that\\nwhen their fruitlessness or ill-success finally made\\nthem unpopular, they always received their quietus\\nunder a conservative reaction in politics.\\nThe one important key to a correct understanding\\nof the political situation which preceded the estab-\\nlishment of the Macedonian supremacy, and of the\\nconditions under which a Macedonian and an anti-\\nMacedonian party could divide the political arena\\nduring the eventful years between the peace of Phi-\\nlokrates (346 B.C.) and the battle of Ch?eronea (338\\nB.C.), is to be found in the essential continuation of\\nthe same political dualism of which we are treating.\\nDemosthenes and his associates, Hegesippus, Lycur-\\ngus, Hypereides, as leaders of the popular party, in\\nopposition to the party of the Moderates, repre-\\nsented by Eubulus, Phocion, and ^schines, were\\nthe direct political heirs of the great democratic\\nleaders of the preceding seventy-five years, of Cleon,\\nAlcibiades, Cephalas, Agyrrhius, and Callistratus.\\nThe sequence of political history was unbroken\\nhowever much the issues might seem changed in\\nform, they remained in substance the same.\\nAlthough, in the absence of anything like party\\norganisation, it is impossible to speak of Athenian\\nparties with the definiteness which attaches to the\\nword party in modern political history, still it may", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "126 Alexander the Great. [404 B.c-\\nin a general way be said that what came toward the\\nmiddle of the century to be regarded as the Mace-\\ndonian party was essentially the old Moderate or\\nTory party adapted to the particular issues presented\\nby the times. The underlying principle of its polit-\\nical policy and the point of view which condition its\\nattitude toward all public questions embodied an\\nassertion of the ancient particularism in the form of\\npersistent opposition to all warlike schemes of im-\\nperial aggrandisement.\\nIt may reasonably be called the peace party,\\nbecause at all crises when public opinion was divided\\nit was found to favour peace, not peace, however,\\nfor its own sake so much as that a policy of war in\\nthe interest of foreign influence or imperial power\\nconflicted with the very fundamental idea of the\\nstate and of its mission and possibilities which the\\ncitizens of this adherence, the more cautious and\\nconservative elements of the population, entertained.\\nIt was in this sense that during the whole period\\nfrom Liberal Pericles and Tory Nicias to\\nLiberal Demosthenes and Tory Eubulus the\\npeace party was essentially a conservative party.\\nHistorical accounts of this period, which, following\\nthe naive style of the chroniclers in classifying all\\nkings as good kings or bad kings, boldly\\nrepresent to us ^Eschines and Eubulus as traitors to\\ntheir fatherland and Demosthenes as the ideal\\npatriot, make indeed easy work of the matter, and\\nadapt it finely for mnemonic purposes, but commit\\nthe twofold historical sin of interpreting ancient\\nconditions in the light of modern ideas, and of at-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "338 B ,CJ Political Ideas of Foil rth Century. 1 2 7\\ntributing to the partisan utterances of a single faction\\nduring a bitter partisan contest the serious value of\\nhistorical documents.\\nIt will assist us in appreciating the conservative\\npoint of view of this period with regard to the mis-\\nsion and functions of the state, if we take some\\naccount among other things of a remarkable mono-\\ngraph on the finances of the Athenian state written\\nabout this time by a representative of the Tory\\nparty, apparently by the historian Xenophon. It is\\na little tract that can be printed upon fifteen duo-\\ndecimo pages. Its propositions are naively crude,\\nas belongs to its place in the very infancy of system-\\natic national finance. We have no reason to believe\\nthat any of its specific suggestions were carried into\\neffect, but it is with a theory of the state, which\\nthey plainly presuppose, that we are concerned.\\nThe work issues from the discouraging times of\\nthe secession of the allies, Byzantium, Rhodes, Cos,\\nand Chios (357-355 B.C.), and opens substantially\\nwith this question Is the imperial system of collect-\\ning tribute from our allies, which has earned us so\\nmuch odium, really the only resource for the main-\\ntenance of our citizens Cannot a scheme be de-\\nvised by which they shall acquire their living from\\ntheir own state The author begins his discus-\\nsion of the question with a review of the unique\\nadvantages connected with the geographical position\\nof Attica: its climate, its variety of agricultural pro-\\nXenophon, On the Revenues {De Vectigalibus), written about\\n35 0- 355 B .c. Cf. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung der Athener, p. 8 6g8\\n8 778), Anna. d.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "128 Alexander the Great. [404 B.C.-\\nduct, the fish supplies off its coast, its stores of\\nmarble and mineral, its immunity from invasions,\\nits convenience to trade.\\nNot without reason, he says, might one conject-\\nure that the city is placed at the very centre of Greece,\\nindeed of the habitable world, for the farther one goes\\nfrom it, the severer the cold or the heat one finds, and\\nall who essay to travel from one extreme of Greece to the\\nother, must needs whether in ship or on land pass by\\nAthens as the centre of a circle.\\nIts harbours, as well as if it were an island, can be\\nentered or quitted with every wind, and its position\\non the mainland renders it also accessible to overland\\ntrade.\\nIf now, our author argues, shrewd advantage were\\ntaken of these natural endowments, the state might\\nbe made the means of earning a support for all its\\ncitizens. In the first place, it could do much by en-\\ncouraging foreigners {luetics) to settle in the city,\\nfor these people, while supporting themselves and\\nbringing to the city much advantage, exact no hire,\\nbut on the contrary yield an income through the tax\\nthey pay (referring to the special tax levied upon\\nresident aliens). But he carries his state-socialism\\nfarther, and proceeds to develop a scheme for utilis-\\ning the state as a species of investment company,\\nand especially recommends the investment in slaves\\nto work the mines, in merchant vessels, in store-\\nhouses and exchanges for importers and exporters,\\nin shops and booths for retailers, and in inns for the\\nentertainment of travellers. He is not as definite", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] Political Ideas of Fourth Century. 129\\nas we might wish regarding the financial details of\\nhis plan, but from the three illustrations of its work-\\nings he offers us, we infer that, while the investments,\\nlike the ancient special levies (leitourgiai) and modern\\ndoctor s bills, were to vary according to individual\\nfortunes, yet the profits were to be the same to all.\\nThese latter were, however, planned for so gener-\\nously, that even the larger investors were likely to\\nbe perfectly satisfied. We give his own words:\\n11 Nothing would bring them so good returns as the\\nmoney advanced to this fund. For whoever contributes\\nten minas,* receives, reckoning three obols a day, nearly\\none-fifth profit (3 obols X 360 1080 obols if minas)\\nwhoever contributes five minas, more than one-third\\ne., on 5 minas invested minas income). But the\\nmajority of the citizens will receive in a year more than\\nthey contribute, for those who advance one mina will\\nhave nearly two minas income; and that, too, with the\\nstate, which is of all human things the most secure and\\nabiding.\\nIn each of these illustrations it will be seen that a\\nnormal daily income of three obols (eight cents) is\\nprovided for, whatever the investment. This norm-\\nal sum is doubtless chosen in reference to the\\ncustomary three-obol fee for attendance at the courts\\nand the town-meeting. This brings Xenophon s\\nIt is of little help to be informed that the comparative intrinsic\\nvalue of ten minas is about $162 (or ^33 6s. 8d.). Some suggestion\\nof the multiple to be employed in estimating its real equivalence\\nmay be obtained from the fact that the wages of skilled labour at\\nthis time seldom exceeded 25 cents u.) a day, and it was possible\\nfor a person to subsist on 6-8 cents 3-4^.) a day.\\n9", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "130 Alexander the Great. [404 B.c-\\nscheme into an evident relation with the current\\npolicy of the conservative party as represented at\\nthat time by Eubulus. It is further to be noticed\\nthat the sum of three obols constituted a reasonable\\nallowance for the cost of subsistence of an individual.\\nTwo obols was the common food allowance for\\nsoldiers and sailors.\\nFor the complete success of this scheme, finally,\\nXenophon urges that the state must be assured of\\ncontinuous peace, and to this end proposes some-\\nthing very like a board of arbitration. All the ex-\\nperience of the past and all the probabilities for the\\nfuture point to the conclusion that a condition of\\npeace is more favourable to the growth and prosper-\\nity of Athens than war. After showing how every-\\nbody would be better off, and everybody hold a\\nhigher estimate of the real greatness of Athens, he\\nturns to those who, in their desire to regain for\\nthe city the leadership of Greece, believe this would\\nbe accomplished better through war than through\\npeace, and shows them by reference to the history\\nof their past how it had always been through the\\nachievements and the methods of peace that Athens\\nhad won her largest influence in Hellenic affairs.\\nHer empire in the islands founded in peace and by\\nthe methods of peace had been lost through a\\npolicy of war and through methods of warlike con-\\nstraint. Surely the facts of history offer no gainsay\\nto this opinion of Xenophon, that the finger of\\nProvidence indicated the mission of Athens to lie\\nalong the paths of peace rather than on the field of\\nwar. Popular history would fain make military", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] Political Ideas of Fourth Century. 1 3 1\\nheroes of the Athenians, but the odds are all against\\nit.\\nIn the years immediately following the publication\\nof Xenophon s pamphlet, Eubulus was destined to\\ngive a practical exemplification of the benefits ac-\\ncruing to Athens from a policy of non-intervention,\\nthat is, from a policy which restricted war to pur-\\nposes of defence and directed supreme attention to\\nmaterial interests at home. Eubulus s political lead-\\nership was exercised peculiarly in the field of finance,\\nand not, as was usual, through the office of general,\\nbut through the newly created office of treasurer of\\nthe distribution fund. A man of unimpeachable\\nintegrity and of untiring energy, and a financial\\ngenius of creative ability, he enjoyed the confidence\\nof citizens like Phocion who constituted the soldier\\nelements of society. On assuming office shortly\\nafter the close of the disastrous Social War (357-355\\nB.C.) he found the treasury utterly depleted. He\\nleft it after fifteen years in a condition that made\\npossible the final effort against Philip as well as the\\nbrilliant administration of the succeeding treasurer,\\nLycurgus. The fleet had been doubled, public\\nbuildings repaired, roads built, aqueducts laid, naval\\nstorehouses and shelters for the ships erected, and\\nvarious public works begun. It is of these, rather\\nfor the policy they represent, that Demosthenes\\nspeaks in his Third Olynthiac (349 B.C.) with such\\npartisan disgust:\\nCome, now, let some one arise and tell me by whose\\nhelp than our own Philip has grown strong. Oh yes, I", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "132 Alexander the Great. [404 B.c-\\nadmit [answers the supposed opponent], but yet the con-\\ndition of things in the town is improved. Well, now,\\nwhat would one have to cite The parapets we ve\\nwhitewashed and the roads we ve patched and fountains\\nand fooleries\\nIt is not in absolute defence of the policy of\\nEubulus that we introduce this discussion here, but\\nrather to show that the peace policy was not, as\\nit is often and even usually represented, either a\\nspecial and temporary outgrowth of the times or\\nan end unto itself, but was part of a perfectly self-\\nconsistent and permanent policy grounding itself in\\na consistent and intelligible conception of the state\\nand its mission. Isocrates, in a political essay en-\\ntitled On the Peace, which appeared probably in the\\nsame year (356 or 355 B.C.) with Xenophon s On the\\nRevenues, not only recommends the discontinuance\\nof the war against the seceding allies, but bases his\\npolicy of non-coercion upon general rather than\\ntemporary considerations. He shows how the greed\\nfor imperial power has been the source of manifold\\nevils not only for Athens but for Sparta as well.\\nThe debasement of the democracy at Athens is a\\ndirect result of the perversion of the state from its\\noriginal purpose to one for which its institutions\\nwere unfitted.\\nI believe, he says, that we shall govern our city\\nbetter and shall be better ourselves and make better ad-\\nvance in all our endeavours, if we give up our ambition\\nfor a maritime empire. For it is that which has brought\\nus into our present unrest and has undermined that form", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] Political Ideas of Fourth Century. 133\\nof popular government under which our forefathers were\\nthe happiest of the Greeks.\\nNo wonder that the uncompromising directness of\\nthis proposal called forth from one of the radical\\nparty a rejoinder, which, however, we only know\\nfrom its title, Isocrates Driving Athenians from the\\nSea.\\nThat the desire for peace and opposition to aggres-\\nsive military operations had constituted for a century\\nbefore this the normal attitude of the conservatives\\nis known to every reader of the history of the fifth\\ncentury B.C. What was present as a settled doctrine\\nin the essays of Xenophon and Isocrates was a no less\\nsettled instinct in the Acharnians of Aristophanes.\\nThe cultivation of peaceful relations with Sparta was\\nalways a plank of the Tory platform, for this meant\\nopposition to the aggressive foreign policy of the\\nJingoist Liberals. The opposition of Nicias to\\nCleon in the last third of the century reflected in\\nthis regard that of Aristides to Themistocles in the\\nfirst.\\nIt remains for us now to consider briefly the\\nhistorical connections of what might be called the\\nsocialistic traits of Eubulus s policy. While it\\nis evident that the tendency to look to the state for\\nmaterial benefits, especially in the form of largesses,\\nhad shown itself in a more marked and more danger-\\nous form under the administration of Eubulus, it is\\nequally certain that the practice of distributing\\nmoney to the people on fete-days had its origin in\\nIsocrates, On the Peace, ch. xxi.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "134 Alexander the Great. [404 B.C--\\nthe preceding century, under one of the popular\\nleaders, Cleophon or Pericles, f and had become a\\nregular usage sanctioned by leaders of both parties.\\nPayment for service on juries and in the council\\ndates from Pericles, and for attendance on the town-\\nmeeting from about 393 B.C., but the idea underlying\\nit is much older.\\nThe history of the idea that Athenians might em-\\nploy their citizenship as a means or opportunity for\\na livelihood has received a most important contribu-\\ntion in the recently discovered Politeia of Aristotle.\\nTo Aristeides the Just is attributed the origina-\\ntion of a plan (477 B.C.) whereby the citizens might\\nlive from the state through remuneration for public\\nservice.\\nAnd for the masses they [the Athenians] provided,\\nin accordance with Aristeide s proposition, an ample\\nmeans of subsistence. It resulted in there being more\\nthan twenty thousand supported from the tribute, the\\ntaxes, and the various contributions of the allies. There\\nwere the six thousand jurors, sixteen hundred bowmen,\\nand the twelve hundred horsemen, then the council of\\nthe five hundred, the five hundred guards at the dock-\\nyards and the fifty guards on the acropolis, further some\\nseven hundred officials within the country and as many\\nmore without; besides this, when later they became in-\\nvolved in war, two thousand five hundred hoplites, ten\\ncruisers, and ten other ships employed to convey the two\\nthousand soldiers drawn for garrison duty, and finally\\nAristotle, Politeia, ch. xxviii.\\nf Plutarch, Pericles, ch. ix.\\nAristotle, Politeia, ch. xxiv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] Political Ideas of Fourth Centziry. 135\\nthe pensioners at the Prytaneum, the orphans, and the\\nprison-keepers. All these were dependent on the com-\\nmonwealth. So it was that the populace came to subsist\\nfrom the state.\\nIt is worthy of notice in this connection that ac-\\ncording both to Herodotus and Aristotle f the\\nAthenians after the discovery of the silver mines in\\nLaurion (483 B.C.) were about to divide among the\\ncitizens the accumulated earnings which sufficed for\\na dividend of ten drachmas per man, when Themis-\\ntocles interposed and managed by clever politics to\\ndivert the money to the building of a fleet. The\\ncombination of these fragmentary reports not only\\nthrows new light upon the political differences be-\\ntween Themistocles and Aristeides, but offers us in\\nsome sense a rude counterpart or dim foreshadowing\\nof the issue joined a hundred and thirty years later\\nbetween Demosthenes and Eubulus.\\nPropositions such as that of Xenophon, that the\\nstate should invest largely in slaves, involved nothing\\nrevolutionary in theory. They arose naturally out\\nof the ancient idea of the state as a community, and\\nrepresenting as they did an application of that idea\\nto the special conditions of life in the fourth century\\nB.C., constituted an essentially conservative position.\\nAthens was not the only state where such plans\\nwere devised. Aristotle, in his Politics, tells us\\nthat at Epidamnus all public service was performed\\nHerodotus, vii., 144.\\nf Aristotle, Politeia, ch. xxii.\\nAristotle, Politics, ii., ch. vii.. sec. 13 (1267 b).", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "136 Alexander the Great. [404 B.c-\\nby state slaves, and that Diophantes, whom we\\nknow to have been a contemporary and partisan\\nof Eubulus, proposed the same plan for Athens.\\nPhaleas of Chalcedon, who demanded for all citizens\\nlikeness of property and uniformity of education,\\nwent further and proposed that all the labour neces-\\nsary for private or public life should be performed\\nby public slaves. The Helots of Sparta, whose\\nlabour enabled the members of the citizen class to\\ndevote themselves exclusively to the service and de-\\nfence of the state, were the property of the state.\\nSimilar was in Crete the position of the Mnoitai, or\\npublic serfs, who tilled the commons of the various\\ncommunities. At Athens shortly after the battle\\nof Salamis, a police force consisting of three hundred\\npublic slaves was organised, and later this number\\nwas increased to twelve hundred. Slaves were also\\nlargely employed in the public offices as clerks and\\naccountants, and the executioners, torturers, and\\nlabourers in the mint appear to have been of this\\nclass. At Sparta the communistic idea was em-\\nbodied in the most strikingly peculiar form, a prom-\\ninent feature of which was the daily common meal\\nin which all citizens were compelled to participate.\\nThe primitive sacrificial feast of the community, of\\nwhich this was a development, survived at Athens\\nin the form of the daily meal of state officials at the\\nPrytaneum.\\nIn another important regard the position of the\\nconservatives conformed to the older conception of\\nthe state. The old Greek communities were by\\nvery nature, as we have seen in an earlier chapter,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] Political Ideas of Fourth Century. 137\\nessentially particularistic. Neither in theory nor in\\nfact were they suited to exercise imperial domination\\nthe one over the other, though the leadership of one\\nwas possible. The natural conditions were accur-\\nately represented in the relation of merely filial at-\\ntachment through a moral and not a legal tie which\\nthe earlier colonies held to the parent-state. It was\\nthe final defeat of Athens s attempts to found her\\nisland empire on principles entirely at variance with\\nthis old-time idea, that encouraged conservatives\\nlike Isocrates to advocate an empire founded not\\non force, but on respect and good will.\\nIf the analysis of the political situation which we\\nhave here in outline attempted be in general correct,\\nit is apparent that the conservative elements became\\nin the vexed times of 350 to 340 B.C. a Macedon-\\nian party, not through any wilful and satanic desire\\nto betray their fatherland, but simply through a\\nconsistent and natural application of their political\\nprinciples, such as they were, to the existing politi-\\ncal situation.\\nCf. Isocrates, On the Peace, ch. ix.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nLAST DAYS OF THE OLD GREEK POLITICAL\\nSYSTEM.\\n404-355 B.C.\\nBY the middle of the fourth century B.C. it became\\napparent that the hope of creating a great\\nHellenic state out of a series of petty tribal\\nrepublics was utterly vain, and it was equally certain\\nthat the old system of autonomous city-states had\\nbeen hopelessly outgrown in the rapidly extending\\ncosmopolitanism of the age. The city-state no\\nlonger represented the facts. When these states\\nrefused either to combine or to submit to the leader-\\nship of one, the natural historical solution was found\\nin the supremacy of a state hitherto regarded as\\noutside the Greek circle, but in which the preserva-\\ntion of the ancient institution of the kingship offered\\nthe means of a strong and continuous personal leader-\\nship to meet the evident lack and the convenient\\nopportunity of the times. The advent of Philip\\nsignified the restoration to the Greek political sys-\\ntems of that ancient institution of the kingship,\\n138", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "355 B.C.] The Old Greek Political System. 1 39\\nwhich Rome had for emergencies preserved in the\\nform of the dictatorship, but which the Greek repub-\\nlics had lost.\\nLet us briefly summarise the course of events\\nwhich mark the last days of the old Greek system.\\nThe close of the Peloponnesian war (404 B.C.)\\nended the political dualism of Sparta vs. Athens.\\nFor a decade after, it seemed as if the supremacy of\\nSparta was impregnably established, but the narrow-\\nness of her policy created a reaction, and an uprising\\nof the other states ensued (394 B.C.). During the\\nwar that followed (394-387 B.C.) Persian influence\\nwas against Sparta as the stronger, but the peace of\\nAntalcidas (387 B.C.) which established the autono-\\nmy of the states on the basis of the status quo, was\\nbrought about through the transfer of that influence\\nto the side of Sparta. In fact until the appearance\\nof Philip the pitiful debility of the individual states\\nallowed Persia to maintain consistently the balance\\nof weakness among them. In 378 B.C. Thebes and\\nAthens unite in war against Sparta (378-371 B.C.).\\nAthens renews her empire in the islands. Thebes\\ntakes rank as a first-class power.\\nThree states are now matched for the leadership.\\nBy the victory of Thebes at Leuctra (371 B.C.) and\\nthe consequent development of the Arcadian cities,\\nSparta is permanently stricken from the list of Hel-\\nlenic powers and reduced to the grade of a Pelopon-\\nnesian state. Thebes rises to a brief preeminence\\nthat ends with Mantinea and the death of Epamin-\\nondas (362 B.C.). Philip ascends the throne in 359\\nB.C. Two years later (357 B.C.) the chief allies of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "140 Alexander the Great. [404 B.C.-\\nAthens revolt, and while her attention is occupied\\nin the war that follows (357-355 B.C.), Philip opens\\nhis domain to the sea by seizing the harbour towns\\nPydna (357 B.C.) and Potidsea (356 B.C.). From\\n357 to 346 B.C. Athens is engaged in a desultory\\nwar with Philip, nominally for the possession of\\nAmphipolis, but really in a broader sense for the\\nmaintenance of Athenian influence in the coast-\\ntowns of the north.\\nWith the end of the Social War (355 B.C.) the\\npolitical situation is as follows: Philip in the four\\nyears he had been upon the throne had firmly estab-\\nlished his government at home by suppressing inter-\\nnal factions, had secured his frontiers to the north\\nand north-west by conquering the Paeonians and\\nIllyrians, and had made himself a factor in Hellenic\\npolitics by acquiring a seacoast and asserting his\\ninfluence among the Greek settlements on the Chal-\\ncidian and Thracian coast of the Northern ^Egean.\\nThough but twenty-seven years of age his fame as\\nan ambitious, intelligent, forceful political organiser\\nand leader of men was spread far and wide through-\\nout the Grecian world.\\nThebes occupied a certain preeminence among the\\nlesser communities of Central Greece, the Boeotians,\\nPhocians, Locrians, and Malians, but since the death\\nof Epaminondas (362 B.C.) lacked able leadership,\\nand was generally distrusted and detested by the\\nother Greeks.\\nSparta, environed in the Peloponnesus by rivals\\nold and new, Argos, Megalopolis, Messene, could\\nscarcely maintain herself at home, and in national", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] The Old Greek Political System. 141\\naffairs was no longer a name to be conjured with.\\nAthens had just lost her allies, and, as we have\\nseen, was in no mood for an aggressive foreign\\npolicy. The assassination of Alexander, the tyrant\\nof Pherae (359 B.C.), had removed the only form of\\ncentral power in Thessaly, and plunged the country\\nin intestine strifes, which made it six years later an\\neasy prey to Philip. In nothing is the weakness of\\nthe older centres of power, Sparta, Athens, Thebes,\\nmore clearly shown than in the emergence upon the\\nfield of history of the lesser states Phocis, Locris,\\nElis, Messenia, Arcadia, Argos, Corinth. Greece\\nwas utterly disorganised. It had resolved itself\\nagain into its prime factors. Never had the\\nquestion of nationality seemed so far from a solution.\\nTo add to the general disaster there began in 355\\nB.C. the Sacred War between Thebes, leading\\nthe lesser states of the Amphictyonic league, on\\nthe one side, and Phocis, with the moral support of\\nSparta and Athens, on the other. Its chief histor-\\nical importance, however, lies in the fact that by a\\nchance combination of events it involved Philip\\ndirectly in the affairs of central Greece. One of\\nthe hostile factions in Thessaly had called in his aid.\\nThe opposite faction obtained the support of the\\nPhocians, thus extending the Sacred War to the\\nsoil of Thessaly and making Philip one of the par-\\nties involved, and, what is more, enabling him to\\npose as the defender of the national sanctuary at\\nDelphi, which the Phocians were regarded as having\\ndespoiled. After bringing Thessaly entirely under\\nhis power and after having made a vain attempt to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "142 Alexander the Great. [404B.C-\\nenter Greece by Thermopylae (352 B.C.) he with-\\ndrew, but, as Curtius expresses it, He had thrown\\nthe bridge across into Hellas, and calmly awaited\\ntill the hour should come for crossing it.\\nThe war against Philip was continued by Athens\\nin a half-hearted way until, after the fall of Olynthus\\n(347 B.C.), it gradually became clear to men of all\\nparties not only that the war was now purposeless\\nand hopeless, but that in the entire political isola-\\ntion of Athens an understanding with Philip was\\nthe better part of valour. Demosthenes, who at\\nthe time had a seat in the council, at first joined\\nheartily with the conservatives in the movement for\\npeace, and was indeed leader of the envoys sent\\nto confer with Philip. The events which followed\\ndirectly upon the enactment of the peace (346 B.C.),\\nespecially Philip s summary dealings with the Pho-\\ncians and his assumption of a commanding influence\\nin Greek affairs given him by his newly acquired\\nposition in the Amphictyonic league, wrought a\\nrapid change of opinion at Athens. Despite all\\nPhilip s attempts to show his friendliness to Athens,\\na friendliness which he afterwards on at least two\\noccasions amply proved by sparing the city when it\\nlay at his mercy, the anti-Macedonian sentiment\\nrapidly revived, under what seemed the immediate\\npresence of an appalling danger.\\nDemosthenes was the head and front of the\\nmovement. He was a man of intensity, seriousness,\\nand eminent singleness of purpose, one of those\\n^Eschines, Oration on Embassy, sec. 108 cf. Schaefer, Demos-,\\nthenes mid seine Zeit, ii., 241.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] The Old Greek Political System. 143\\nmen who see no hope for the world except it be\\norganised upon their own favourite plan. By birth\\nand association he belonged naturally to the party\\nof the respectables, but the bitter experiences of\\nhis early days, especially the litigation with his\\nguardians, had not only given a tone of sombre\\nseriousness to his whole character, but had served,\\nit seems, to alienate him from the political circles\\nto which his guardians had belonged and to press\\nhim into the ranks of the radicals. That he was a\\npatriot no one can doubt. That his patriotism was\\noften mistaken in detail, if not entirely in outline,\\nis equally beyond doubt. The one objective point\\nof his policy was to crush Philip. To this he was\\nwilling to sacrifice everything. He was unable to\\nsee that the purposes for which Athens existed as a\\nstate might be accomplished through an alliance\\nwith Philip. In his thought the primacy of Macedon\\nand the extinction of liberty were absolutely insepar-\\nable. Although in his oration On the Peace (346 B. c.)\\nhe opposed, in view of the existing isolation of\\nAthens, the immediate resumption of hostilities, he\\nnever lost sight of a conflict he believed must in-\\nevitably come.\\nThe turn of events had made the Tory-peace\\nparty at Athens essentially a Macedonian party.\\nThe policy of its leaders was to maintain an alliance\\nwith Philip which, while recognising his leadership\\nof Greece as against Persia, should respect the\\nautonomy of the city.\\nIt is interesting to note that this question of the\\nprimacy or hegemony always associates itself with", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "144 Alexander the Great. [404 B.C-\\nthe relations to Persia. It was so with Sparta s\\nposition in the Persian wars, and with Athens s in\\nthe Delian confederacy. It was so at the end of the\\nPeloponnesian war, during the Corinthian war, and\\nin the peace of Antalcidas. On the other hand, the\\nsubservience of Thebes to Persia prevented the other\\nstates from conceding to it the hegemony, even\\nwhen from 371 to 362 B.C. its military power was\\npredominant.\\nFear of the Persian and antipathy to orientalism\\nconstituted in the experience of four generations the\\none potent issue upon which the Greek states could\\nbe brought to united action. The opportunity of\\nPhilip in antiquity is repeated in the opportunity of\\nRussia to-day. Her rapidly developing hegemony\\namong the lesser nationalities of Southeastern\\nEurope is based upon their feeling that she is the\\nnatural protector and leader of occidentalism and\\nByzantine Christianity against Mohammedanism\\nand the Turk.\\nThe general outlines of the peace policy of this\\ntime are well reflected in Isocrates s address to Philip\\n(346 B.C.), from the closing paragraph of which the\\nfollowing sentences are quoted\\nSo then it remains for me to summarise what I have\\nsaid, so that you [Philip] may have before you in briefest\\npossible form the substance of my proposition. I claim\\nit is, namely, your mission to be both benefactor of the\\nGreeks, and King of the Macedonians, and ruler of the\\nbarbarians far and wide. For in doing this you will win\\nthe gratitude of all, of the Greeks for the benefits re-\\nceived of the Macedonians, that you rule them as a king", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] The Old Greek Political System. 145\\nand not a tyrant; of other men, that you have freed them\\nfrom barbarian oppression and brought them under\\nGrecian watch-care.\\nPhilip himself was not inclined to war. The ends\\nhe had in view were best attained through peace.\\nThe leadership of Greece which he desired was not\\na thing to be extorted by force, but must come to\\nhim by voluntary concession of the states. That\\nwas the spirit of the old Greek hegemonies, and it\\nwas clearly hegemony and not subjugation that\\nPhilip had in mind. Such a hegemony Philip in\\nthe year 343 B.C. virtually held already with respect\\nto more than half Greece. Thebes, Locris, and the\\nlesser Amphictyonic states, Thessaly, a portion of\\nthe Eubcean towns, ^Etolia, and, in the Pelopon-\\nnesus, Argos, Megalopolis, and Messene, all looked\\nto him for protection and political guidance.\\nIt would not have been difficult for him at any\\ntime by appealing to religious prejudices to have\\nunited all the powers north of the Isthmus in a war\\nagainst Athens. The part the city had taken in the\\nPhocian war in support of what had now come to be\\nregarded as temple-robbery could easily have served\\nas a pretext. Furthermore, there was nothing now\\nto relieve the utter political isolation of Athens ex-\\ncept a certain understanding with Sparta, which in\\nthe present position of that state was practically\\nvalueless. Philip preferred, however, diplomacy to\\nwar. His communications with Athens are couched\\nin conciliatory terms, every possible concession is\\nmade to the city s demands, and the nervous activ-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "146 Alexander the Great. [404 B.C.-\\nity of the anti-Macedonian leaders in stirring up\\neverywhere oppositions against him, is treated with\\na crafty patience in hope of avoiding conflict until a\\nreaction of sentiment in his favour might set in.\\nDemosthenes developed during this period a most\\nbrilliant energy in the role of agitator. Wherever\\nMacedonian sentiment seemed to be making pro-\\ngress, there he was present with warnings. When-\\never the public mind seemed to be coming to rest\\nand resigning itself to the Macedonian drift of\\nthings, he was ready with some new device for\\narousing the spirit of local patriotism. He caused\\npublic suits to be brought against prominent mem-\\nbers of the Macedonian party. He made journeys\\ninto the Peloponnesus, Thessaly, Thrace, and even\\nIllyria, addressing the people and conferring with\\npolitical leaders. The cities of Euboea were united\\nin an anti-Macedonian league. An alliance was\\nreestablished with Byzantium, Rhodes, and Chios.\\nColonists were settled at the mouth of the Darda-\\nnelles, and their interference with Philip s rights\\nrecklessly defended against all his protests (341 B.C.).\\nThese complications, followed by Philip s movement\\nagainst Byzantium (340 B.C.), finally created a con-\\ndition of open war. It is the war that ended two\\nyears later with the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.),\\nand is Demosthenes s own undisputed handiwork.\\nDemosthenes s policy now turned itself toward\\neffecting an alliance with Thebes. Thebes had been\\ndisplaced by Philip in the leadership of the central\\nstates, and herein lay a basis of appeal, but in pur-\\nsuance of this policy Demosthenes was led into a", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "/ESCHINES.\\nFROM THE MARBLE STATUE IN THE BOSTON MUSEUM.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "338 B.C.] The Old Greek Political System. 147\\npolitical error of the most far-reaching consequences.\\nDuring the Amphictyonic session at Delphi in the\\nspring of 339 B.C., an attempt of the city Amphissa,\\nally and friend of Thebes, to instigate a sacred\\nwar against Athens had been cleverly foiled by\\n^Eschines, one of the Athenian delegates, who, con-\\ntriving to trump up a countercharge, caused a war\\nto be declared against Amphissa itself. The oppor-\\ntunity thus offered Athens of assuming a leadership\\namong the central states by putting itself at the\\nhead of this war was, however, disregarded, through\\nfear of alienating Thebes. After the war had dragged\\non during the summer without result, Philip was\\ncalled to lead it, and in the fall of 339 B.C. appeared\\nin Central Greece at the head of an army. In later\\nyears Demosthenes sought to interpret the action of\\n^Eschines at Delphi as a deliberate and finely calcul-\\nated attempt to open a way for Philip into Greece,\\nbut such a view of the case finds no warrant either\\nin the known facts or the general probabilities.\\nThe presence of Philip lent such weight at Thebes\\nto Demosthenes s earnest appeals for joint action,\\nthat an alliance was finally effected, and vigorous\\npreparations for war immediately commenced. Still\\nPhilip sought peace, and there were many of the\\nwiser sort in both cities who were disposed to listen\\nto him. At Athens, Phocion in particular earnestly\\nwarned his countrymen against risking the chances\\nof war; but the masses were now enthusiastic for\\nwar, and confidence in the strength of the new\\nalliance dispelled all solicitude. The appeal to arms\\nPlutarch, Phocion, chap. xvi.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "148 Alexander the Great. [404-338 B.Co]\\nwas inevitable, and at Chaeronea, in August, 338\\nB.C., the issue of a single day made Philip not only\\nleader, as he had sought, but master of Greece.\\nWith his death two years later (August, 336 B.C.),\\nat ^Egae, this leadership, coupled with responsibility\\nfor all the problems it involved, passed into the\\nhands of his son Alexander.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nALEXANDER IN THRACE AND ILLYRIA.\\n33^-335 B.C.\\nWHEN Philip fell at the theatre gates in JEgaz\\nit seemed likely that his empire had fallen\\nwith him. It had been a creation of his\\npersonality, and that personality seemed essential to\\nits continuance. In the opinion of the best politi-\\ncal judges of the time, Macedonia s control south of\\nthe Cambunian range, the northern limit of Thessaly,\\nwas at an end. If Alexander had accepted the\\nadvice of his friends, indeed, he would have re-\\nlinquished all thought of asserting himself in Greece\\nproper, and have restricted his attention entirely to\\nmaintaining and securing his position at home.\\nHere there were difficulties enough for a youth of\\ntwenty years to face. The Illyrian, Paeonian, and\\nThracian tribes, which bordered on three sides of the\\nMacedonian territory, were ready to take quick ad-\\nvantage of any weakness, and throw off the yoke,\\nor, as the case might be, overleap the restraint of\\nMacedonian authority.\\n149", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "150 Alexander the Great. [336 B.c-\\nEven his claim to the succession did not remain\\nunchallenged. Only a few days before Philip s\\ndeath a son had been born to the King by Cleopatra.\\nThe marriage with Cleopatra had been not only a\\nvigorous affair of the heart with Philip, but bore a\\ndecided political significance. Attalus, her uncle,\\nwas a leading personality in army and nation, and\\nembodied in his connections and influence the old-\\nfashioned Macedonian ideas and spirit. He was\\nnow, in conjunction with Parmenion, in command\\nof an army in Asia Minor, and was sure, at the first\\nnews of Philip s death, to use his strength in sup-\\nporting the claims of his niece s child. Also, a very\\nconsiderable number of influential Macedonians\\nfavoured the claims of Amyntas, son of Philip s\\nelder brother Perdiccas; while others would have\\npreferred the Lyncestian line, which early in the\\ncentury, in the person of ^Eropus, had held the\\nthrone. The popular prejudice against the foreign\\nideas, the new notions of life, manners, education,\\nand, above all, the new ambitions and far-reaching\\nimperial schemes which had been identified with the\\nreign of Philip could be easily appealed to in the\\ninterest of preventing Alexander s accession. The\\nvoice of the chauvinists who demanded a Macedon-\\nian for Macedonians had already been heard, at the\\nwedding feast of Cleopatra, protesting against\\nthe succession of Alexander, the foreign woman s\\nson.\\nAlexander gave opposition no time to formulate.\\nHe acted with decision and rapidity. The two\\nLyncestian princes who were suspected of being", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and Illy via. 151\\naccomplices of Pausanias were immediately put to\\ndeath. Their only surviving brother promptly\\nrecognised Alexander as king, and was spared.\\nHecataeus, one of the young King s most intimate\\nand trusted friends, was despatched with a body of\\ntroops into Asia Minor, with definite orders to seize\\nAttalus alive, if he could if not, to put him quietly\\nout of the way. It was a dubious mission. Attalus\\nhad made himself singularly popular with the army.\\nParmenion, his associate in command, was his father-\\nin-law, and he might naturally count upon him.\\nThe Athenians, quick to use their opportunity, had\\nsent messengers to encourage him rgainst recognis-\\ning Alexander. A letter from Derr jsthenes himself\\ngave the plot official status. The conspiracy took\\nshape in support of the claims of Amyntas, Perdic-\\ncas s son. He .was a likelier pretender than Cleo-\\npatra s infant son, and, like a Spanish Don Carlos,\\ncould raise a faJ,r claim to legitimacy. But when\\nParmenion proved true to Alexander, and the tide\\nset strong toward his recognition, Attalus showed\\nthe faint heart, and hastened to set himself right by\\nsending Demosthenes s letter to Alexander, and\\nprotesting his loyalty. Too late. Hecataeus was\\ngone on his mission, and no one moved to recall\\nhim. Before winter came Attalus had disappeared,\\nand no record tells how. Amyntas and all the male\\nrelatives of Attalus and Cleopatra shared in Mace-\\ndonia a like fate.\\nAntipater, the leading general at home, proved\\nloyal to Alexander, and his aid in assuring the loy-\\nalty of the army was undoubtedly of importance;", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "152 Alexander the Great. [336 B.c-\\nand yet it must be remembered that Alexander had\\nby his own activity already made himself favourably\\nknown to the army. There seems, at any rate, to\\nhave been no evidence of disloyalty among the regu-\\nlar troops concentrated about Pella, the capital.\\nBut Alexander was in pursuit of bigger game than\\nmere security at home. It was this, indeed, which\\ndetermined the confidence of his action and assured\\nhis easy success. The affairs at home were treated\\nas petty things, to be settled at a stroke and with-\\nout the slightest doubt or hesitation, in order that\\nhe might be free to move out into the greater world\\nwhere his real work lay.\\nAlexander declined to be a creature of small\\nthings. Within a fortnight after his father s death\\nhe had made it evident that he was to be either\\nthe Great or nothing. He declined to recognise\\ndefeat or failure. He took it for granted that he\\nwas to succeed. What men called failure he named,\\nand made to be the prelude to, success. Men came\\nto believe in his star. It soon became evident that\\nhe was either to be a brilliantly successful man, or a\\nfailure so colossal as to establish a classical standard.\\nWithout waiting to reorganise his government at\\nhome or to reassure himself of the allegiance of the\\nbarbarous tribes that skirted his western and northern\\nfrontiers, and even before he had heard the result of\\nHecataeus s mission against Attalus, he set forth\\nwith startling suddenness into Greece itself. Here\\nwas the field where all was to be won or lost. The\\nmoment the news of Philip s death had reached the\\ncities of Greece they had assumed themselves free", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and Illyria. 153\\nfrom all obligations to Macedonian authority. The\\nAmbraciotes had expelled their Macedonian garri-\\nson. The yEtolians voted to admit into their land\\nthe Acharnanian malcontents whom Philip had ban-\\nished. The Argives, the Eleans, the Spartans, made\\nofficial assertion of their independence. Thebes,\\ndespite its garrison, muttered insurrection, but no-\\nwhere was the news received with more unconcealed\\nevidences of joy than at Athens.\\nA private messenger sent by Charidemus, who\\nwas at the time reconnoitring off the coast of\\nMacedonia, first brought the tidings to Demos-\\nthenes. Though the orator was then in mourning\\nfor his daughter, who had died a week before, he\\nput on a white festal robe and a crown of flowers,\\nappeared before the assembled council, and in most\\ndramatic fashion made announcement of the news as\\nsomething communicated to him by Athena and\\nHero in a dream. Alexander he ventured in his ill-\\njudged speech of congratulation to characterise as a\\ncad, a genuine stuffed hero Margites, who for fear\\nof his skin was not like to trust himself outside the\\nprecincts of Pella. The orator carried the council\\nand the town-meeting with him, and on his motion\\nthe murderer Pausanias was proclaimed a public\\nbenefactor, and offerings of thanksgiving to the gods\\nwere decreed.\\nDemosthenes was certainly a master of sentimental\\npolitics. But in all this he reckoned without his\\nhost, as Greeks of this latter day have been known\\nto do. The Macedonian army, twenty-five thousand\\nstrong, was already on the march. Unheralded by", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "154 Alexander the Great. [336 b.c-\\nbulletin or courier, unannounced and unnoticed, this\\nblack storm-cloud of war gathered at the north and\\nswept down like the whirlwind. It was no locust\\nhorde of Scyths or Goths it was the terrible machine\\nof war that Philip had built, a superbly disciplined\\narmy massed in companies and battalions, moving\\nin rank and file. War was no longer free-and-easy\\nsport Philip had made it a practical thing of\\nmachinery. There were no baggage-trains, am-\\nmunition-waggons, sutlers, or commissaries. Each\\nman carried in a simple basket haversack his own\\nfrugal store of provisions bread, olives, onions, and\\nsalt fish or meat. The heavy-armed horsemen alone\\nwere allowed a single attendant or groom. The stout\\nyeomen of the phalanx, who made the mass of the\\narmy, trudged sturdily on, each bearing the small\\nround shield and towering eighteen-foot pike, girt\\nwith the short sword, and wearing cap, cuirass, and\\ngreaves. And so they moved fast. The first day\\nthey passed through the plain and on by the shore\\nof the sea, by Methone and Pydna. Philip had\\ntrained them to march thirty and thirty-five miles\\nin a day. The second day they passed under the\\nshadow of Mount Olympus and came to the mouth\\nof the River Peneus, where the road turns west to\\nenter Thessaly by the vale of Tempe. But still they\\nkept to the seashore to avoid risk of giving the\\nalarm, and, fording the river, pushed around the\\nfoot of Mount Ossa until they could force their way\\nby a path of their own making over its southern\\nslopes, down into the plain of Thessaly. Scarcely\\nhad the echoes of the thanksgiving festival died", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and Illy ria. 155\\naway at Athens when they stood at the gates of\\nLarissa.\\nIn the face of a fact like this army the Thessalians\\nexperienced no difficulty in realising themselves\\nfaithful adherents of Philip s son. All Thessaly, a\\nfifth of Greece, was his without a struggle, and with\\nit came its famous cavalry, the most important\\ncontingent Greece ever furnished to his army.\\nThen he advanced quickly to Thermopylae,\\nseventy miles to the south, and possessed himself\\nof this main gateway into central Greece. He\\nfound, we must suppose, the Amphictyonic Council\\nassembled there for its September session. We\\nknow, in any case, that he received prompt renewal\\nof the recognition it had previously given the Mace-\\ndonian claims to leadership in Greek affairs. The\\ncouncil represented merely an association of twelve\\ntribes or nations, most of them the lesser peoples of\\nnorthern Hellas, organised in early times to conduct\\nand protect the temple service and the temple fairs,\\nfirst at Thermopylae, then at Delphi but it had the\\nsanctions of long tradition and religion, and was\\nalmost the only organised form of union among the\\nGreek states, and so its indorsement carried weight.\\nIn northern Greece the game was won.\\nBefore central Greece was really aware of Alexan-\\nder s approach, he had entered Bceotia and was\\nencamped before Thebes, on the road joining it to\\nAthens, forty miles distant. In the metropolis\\npanic took the place of cheap confidence. The\\ncountry population left the fields of Attica and\\nswarmed within the walls. Hurried preparations", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "156 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.-\\nwere made for defence. The town-meeting hastened\\nto reverse its attitude, and promptly decreed an em-\\nbassy to Alexander to apologise for their former\\naction and sue for mercy.\\nThe King was found in gracious mood. After\\nchiding them for their impulsive disloyalty, he gave\\nthem assurances of peace and of a continuance of\\ntheir local autonomy, and summoned them to meet\\nhim later in the National Council at Corinth. The\\nsame spirit characterised his treatment of the other\\ncities. The King proved himself great in generosity\\nof spirit before ever he showed himself great at arms,\\nand on the return of their ambassadors the Athenians\\nvoted him a benefactor of the city, and awarded him\\ntwo golden crowns of honour.\\nAll semblance of opposition to the new authority\\nhad disappeared like dew before the rising sun. At\\nCorinth, representatives of all the states speedily as-\\nsembled and hastened to renew the league which\\nthey had made with Philip, and to proclaim Alexan-\\nder the military leader of the, Hellenic Empire.\\nSparta alone stood out in sulky stubbornness. To\\nthe summons for the council she sent the character-\\nistic reply: It is not our usage to follow others,\\nbut ourselves to lead them. Sparta was, however,\\nnow only a provincial village. She no longer\\ncounted in the affairs of Greece. Alexander could\\nafford to smile and leave her in her sulks.\\nThe right to lead Greece against the Orient, which\\nhad been to his father, we may surmise, little more\\nthan a politician s device for consolidating empire,\\nhad become to him a real and all-absorbing aim.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and Illy ria. 157\\nToward that aim as a goal he proceeded with the\\nfervid energy of a half-fanatic. His father had been\\nrather a man of practical affairs, but Alexander was\\na man of ideas, and to him ideals assumed the form\\nof realities. He was young, and the full flush of\\nstrength, the consciousness of power, and the love\\nof action and creation, urged him nervously and\\nrelentlessly toward the fulfillment of his dream.\\nPrudent men may well have shaken their heads in\\ndistrust, as they nowadays do in Germany at the\\nrestless energy and rash idealism of their young\\nKaiser. But it was of no avail. A century of in-\\ntestine struggles had slackened faith in the old\\ndoctrines of states rights and local independence,\\nand the power was now hopelessly concentrated in\\nthe hands of one man, who could do what he willed.\\nThis visit to Corinth brought the young autocrat,\\nif gossip is true, one opportunity of learning a helpful\\nlesson. All the men of note, soldiers, politicians,\\nand sages, came to pay their respects to the young\\nKing. Only Diogenes, who dwelt in Craneum, a\\nsuburb east of Corinth, came not. All the more\\nAlexander wished to see him. So he went where he\\nwas, and found him lying and sunning himself in the\\ncourt of the gymnasium. Standing before him, sur-\\nrounded by his suite of officers, the King ventured\\nto introduce himself: lam Alexander the King.\\nlam Diogenes the cynic, was the reply. Then\\nAlexander, as the conversation made no headway,\\nasked if there were aught that he could do for him.\\nIf you and your men would stand from between\\nme and the sun. And Alexander marvelled, and", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "158 Alexander the Great. [336 B.c-\\non reflection was inclined to admire the man, saying,\\nas the story has it: If I were not Alexander, I\\nshould wish to be Diogenes.\\nFrom Corinth Alexander crossed to Delphi. The\\nblessing of the Pythian priestess was all that he\\nlacked for the beginning of his great enterprise. It\\nwas already late in November (336 B.C.). The sun-\\ngod Apollo had yielded his place in the sanctuary to\\nthe god of the slumbering vegetation, Dionysus,\\nwho held it for the winter months. Tlje mouth of\\nthe oracle was by established tradition closed. But\\ntradition was a slight matter to a man who has\\npower and must. He caught the Pythia by the\\narm, and essayed to drag her to the tripod seat of\\naugury and to his compulsion the unwilling priestess\\nanswered in words he was glad to accept as the voice\\nof deity and the sufficient blessing upon his mission\\nMy son, thou art irresistible!\\nIn the early winter Alexander returned to Mace-\\ndonia. Here he found, to his shame and disgust,\\nthat his mother, Olympias, true to her savage in-\\nstincts, had utilised his absence to sate her vengeful\\njealousy upon the helpless Cleopatra. She had\\ncaused Cleopatra s babe to be killed in the mother s\\narms, and had forced the poor woman herself to end\\nher life with the cord. Displeased as the young\\nKing was at this act of cool savagery, the ethics and\\nusages of the Macedonian change of administra-\\ntion tolerated and encouraged the clean sweep,\\nand, as occasion offered, he proceeded to make it,\\nas we have already shown.\\nThe Macedonian army in Asia, under command of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and Illy ria. 159\\nParmenion, now occupied the extreme north-western\\ncorner of Asia Minor, bounded by a line stretching\\nin general from Cyzicus to Pergamon. It had no\\nmission of aggression for the present, but could serve\\nto hold in check any possible movement of the Per-\\nsian forces toward the north. Before venturing upon\\na campaign against the East, Alexander was bound\\nto secure his northern frontier.\\nNo single central power existed here, but only a\\nmass of more or less warlike tribes with short mem-\\nories and a consequent need of periodic castigation.\\nEven those who had submitted to Philip required\\nto taste the quality of the new ruler s power before\\nbeing confidently assured that he was not merely\\npainted to resemble iron. Besides, there were\\nthe Triballi, snugly ensconced between the Balkans\\nand the Danube, in what is now western Bulgaria,\\nwho had never been any too docile, and against\\nwhom a family grudge was still standing for the\\nmischievous treatment they had once shown Philip,\\non his return in 339 B.C. from raiding the Scythians;\\nfor they had caught him at a disadvantage on his\\nmarch, robbed him of a good share of the booty he\\nhad with him, and left him a wound that hurried\\nhim home. The busy years that followed had\\ngiven Philip no opportunity to take his revenge; so\\nAlexander assumed the responsibility as part of his\\ninheritance.\\nIn April (335 B.C.), therefore, Alexander set forth\\nfrom Amphipolis, and moving up the valley of the\\nNestus, a march of 120 miles or so, crossed the pass\\nbetween Rhodope and Dunax, which separate the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "160 Alexander the Great. [336 B.c-\\nvalleys of the Nestus and the Hebrus. He then\\ncrossed the valley of the Hebrus in modern eastern\\nRoumelia, leaving Philippopolis, a secure Macedon-\\nian stronghold, at his rear; and in ten days from the\\ntime he had crossed the Nestus was at the foot of\\nthe Balkans, anciently known as the Hsemus range,\\nprepared to force the narrow route between modern\\neastern Roumelia and Bulgaria, now famous since\\nthe Russo-Turkish war as the Shipka Pass.\\nHere he encountered from the Thracian mount-\\naineers his first resistance, and Arrian s graphic\\nFlavius Arrianus, born in Nicomedia, on the coast of the Sea of\\nMarmora, wrote his Anabasis of Alexander in the second century-\\nafter Christ. If in the following pages his statements are cited more\\nfrequently and with more assurance than those of any other ancient\\nbiographer of our hero, it is not because he exhibits a finer sense for\\nhistorical perspective, or displays a more exact appreciation of his\\nhero s character, but chiefly because, in addition to furnishing a\\nfuller account than any one else of Alexander s campaigns, he affords\\nus a definite guaranty that he has carefully and methodically em-\\nployed what he believed to be the most reliable sources of informa-\\ntion. He was not a historian in the best sense of the word, but a\\nplain soldier and a man of affairs, who undertook to rescue the story\\nof Alexander s career from the haze in which rhetoric and marvel\\nhad enshrouded it by returning to the prosaic basis of fact contained\\nin the records of Alexander s associates, Ptolemy and Aristobulus.\\nThese records are now lost to us, except as they are cited and used\\nby others. When he uses materials from other writers he can, as a\\nrule, be relied upon to indicate it by an it is said. His rather\\ncut-and-dried rule of critical procedure, coupled with his lack of\\ndramatic power and of sense for historical horizon, leaves to his\\nnarrative only the charm which inheres in its own simplicity and\\ntruth. The soldier s interest in battle, manoeuvre, and topography\\nis apparent in every chapter.\\nOur other chief sources include Plutarch, Arrian s senior by some\\nfifty years, who, with finer sense for the framework of personality", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and Illy ria. 161\\nstory of the way in which he overcame it offers a\\nstriking testimonial to that practical military gump-\\ntion which characterised all his career as a general\\nCrossing the river Nestus, they say he reached\\nMount Haemus on the tenth day. And there met him\\nthere, along the defiles as he ascended the mountain,\\nmasses of well-armed traders, as well as bands of free\\nThracians, who had made preparations to check the\\nfurther advance of the army by occupying the summit of\\nthe Hasmus, where the troops had to pass. They had\\ncollected together their waggons and placed them in\\ntheir front, not only using them as a rampart from which\\nthey might defend themselves, if hard pressed, but also\\nintending to let them loose, where the mountain was pre-\\ncipitous, upon the phalanx of the Macedonians in its\\nascent. But Alexander conceived a plan for\\ncrossing the mountain with the minimum of danger, and\\nbeing resolved to take all risks, knowing there was no\\nother possible route, he commanded the heavy-armed\\nsoldiers, whenever the waggons came rolling down the\\nslopes, to open ranks so far as the width of the road per-\\nmitted, and let the waggons run by; but if they were\\nhemmed on either side, to huddle down in a mass and\\nand for dramatic interest of anecdote and the human element, and\\nwith larger confidence in his ability to sift the truth from many vari-\\nous accounts, composed the famous Life of Alexander furthermore,\\nDiodorus Siculus, Justinus, Trogus Pompeius, and Curtius Rufus,\\nwho represent, in general, a preference for the more romantic and\\nrhetorically embellished accounts which had their chief source in the\\nstory of Clitarchus, dating from the early years of the third century\\nB.C. They all contained undoubtedly much sound material of fact\\nunder the romantic guise and especially Curtius Rufus, since it has\\nbeen demonstrated how faithfully he used in the main his sources, is\\nworthy of a larger credence than has often been accorded him.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "1 62 Alexander the Great. [336B.C-\\nlock their shields compactly together, so that the wag-\\ngons by their very impetus should leap over them and\\npass on without doing hurt. And it turned out just as\\nAlexander had conjectured and commanded.\\nThe waggons rolled on over the shields without doing\\nmuch injury. Indeed, not a single man was killed under\\nthem. Then the Macedonians, regaining their courage,\\ninasmuch as the waggons, which they had greatly dreaded,\\ninflicted no damage upon them, charged with a shout\\nagainst the enemy.\\nThe rest of the battle developed nothing more re-\\nmarkable than the fleetness of foot of the Thracians,\\nfifteen hundred of whom, however, fell in spite of it.\\nSending his booty off south to the seashore, where\\nit would find a market, Alexander pushed on toward\\nthe Danube through the country of the Triballi.\\nNot far from the river he met them in a formal\\nbattle, which proved how ill adapted were the loose,\\nirregular methods of even these hearty fighters to\\ncope with the order and discipline of a war-machine\\nlike the Macedonian phalanx, supported by cavalry.\\nComing in sight of the Danube, Alexander con-\\nceived the desire of at least crossing it in order to\\nconvey if no more than the fame of his arms to the\\npowerful tribes that dwelt to the north. On the\\nnorth shore, in the territory known to the Romans\\nas Dacia, and now occupied by the kingdom of\\nRoumania, dwelt the Getae, a powerful folk of\\nThraco-Phrygian connection, known to the Greeks\\nchiefly through their famous Zamolxis cult, in\\nwhich the belief in immortality received a peculiar\\nemphasis. Arrian refers to them as the Getae,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and Illy ria. 163\\nwho hold the doctrine of immortality. A small\\nfleet of ships, cooperating with the Macedonians,\\nhad come around by the Black Sea and were now\\nin readiness. With the help of these, and of rafts\\nconstructed of hides stuffed with hay, as well as of\\na lot of dugouts collected from the fishermen and\\nriver-pirates, he succeeded, under cover of the night,\\nin landing a force of fifteen hundred cavalry and four\\nthousand infantry on the other shore, thus surprising\\nthe enemy, who were collected in force to prevent a\\nlanding, and who had relied upon the mighty stream\\nas a sufficient protection against the passage of any\\nconsiderable number of Alexander s forces at one\\ntime.\\nThe Macedonians had landed at a point where the\\nbank was covered by grain-fields, and they were\\nconcealed for a while, as Arrian tells us, by the high-\\nstanding grain. This marks the time as the end of\\nMay. The Getae, panic-stricken at the apparition\\nof the wonder-working Southmen, as they emerged\\nfrom the grain, made little resistance, and fled with\\nall expedition to their fortified town three miles back\\nfrom the river, only to abandon it shortly after,\\ntransporting upon the backs of their horses all that\\nthe animals would carry of women and children and\\ngoods, and making off for the steppes beyond.\\nBefore night Alexander had recrossed the Danube.\\nEmbassies of the nations dwelling about came shortly\\nto pay him homage and claim his friendship. There\\nwere first in line the well-humbled Triballi, who\\nthenceforth became his vassals and furnished a con-\\ntingent for his army. Some even came from the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "164 Alexander the Great. [336 B.C.-\\nCelts, who lived in the present Hungary and the\\nlands to the west, and who in the next century (284-\\n278 B.C.) were to make themselves known for a brief\\nperiod, in the terror of Galatian desolation, to the\\nwhole Balkan peninsula, parts of Greece and of cent-\\nral Asia Minor. They were the same people, too,\\nwhom later history finds in occupation of France\\nand the British Isles, and whose language still per-\\nsists in the Irish of Ireland, the Gaelic of Scotland,\\nthe Welsh of Wales, the Manx of the Isle of Man,\\nand the Bretonic of the French Basse-Bretagne.\\nArrian says that they were a people of great stature\\nand haughty disposition.\\nThe young autocrat, in essaying for the gratifica-\\ntion of his curiosity and his personal pride to cate-\\nchise them a bit, met with a classic disappointment,\\nwhich has given joy to the souls of free men ever\\nsince. He asked them, to quote Arrian s words,\\nwhat thing in the world caused them special apprehen-\\nsion, expecting that his own great fame had reached the\\nCelts and had penetrated still farther, and that they\\nwould say they feared him most of all things. But the\\nanswer of the Celts turned out quite contrary to his ex-\\npectations; for, as they dwelt so far away from Alexan-\\nder, inhabiting districts difficult of access, and as they\\nsaw he was about to set out in another direction, they\\nsaid they were afraid that the sky would some time or\\nother fall upon them.\\nAlexander dismissed them kindly, dignifying them\\nwith the title of friends and allies, but he retained\\nhis own private opinion of them, for he always", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Thrace and I llyria. 165\\nclaimed to know that the Celts are great brag-\\ngarts.\\nReturning toward home, he passed by another\\nroute farther to the west, leading up the valley of\\nthe Isker by the site of Sofia, the present capital\\nof Bulgaria, and coming into the territory of the\\nfriendly Agrianians and Pseonians, neighbours of\\nMacedonia on the north, learned that the Illyrian\\nchieftain Clitus, whose father, Bardylis, of bellicose\\nmemory, Philip had defeated and slain twenty-four\\nyears before, and who had himself, fourteen years\\nbefore, required to receive severe chastising at the\\nhands of the same King, had now again revolted,\\nand had been joined by Glaucias, chief of the Taul-\\nantians, a people dwelling farther to the west, in the\\nneighbourhood of the modern Durazzo in Albania.\\nTo reach Pelion, the chief city of Clitus, required\\na march of some two hundred miles, but Alexander\\ndid not hesitate. Accompanied by a considerable\\nauxiliary force of Agrianians, he marched directly\\nthither and laid siege to Pelion. Though almost\\ncaught here in a trap by the approach of Glaucias s\\narmy in the rear, he succeeded by a series of brilliant\\nmanoeuvres in extricating himself, and then, three\\ndays later, in surprising and soundly defeating the\\njoint forces of his opponents. The city was later\\nevacuated and burned, and the enemy dispersed and\\ndriven back into the mountains of the west.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nALEXANDER IN CENTRAL GREECE.\\n335 B.C.\\nFOR five months Alexander had been absent\\nfrom the seat of government. He was now\\n(summer of 335 B.C.) about 150 miles from\\nhome, and 300 miles from the centres of political\\nactivity in Greece, buried in the mountains, where\\ncommunication was difficult and movement slow.\\nIt was a great risk to take in the first year of a reign.\\nAlready sinister rumours concerning the fortunes\\nand fate of the young daredevil were coursing about\\nin the cities of Greece. The report that he had\\nbeen killed in battle obtained the more easily cred-\\nence because for a long time no news had been re-\\nceived from him. The anti-Macedonian politicians\\ncertainly took no pains to check the circulation of\\nthese stories, and a considerable burden of responsi-\\nbility for them is laid by concurrent testimony upon\\nthe good Demosthenes. Demades says he all but\\nshowed the corpse of Alexander there on the bema\\nbefore our eyes. This probably refers to an incid-\\n166", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Central Greece. 167\\nent related by both Justinus and the Pseudo-Callis-\\nthenes, to the effect that the orator brought into the\\nAthenian town-meeting as witness a wounded man\\nwho testified that Alexander was killed in the battle\\nwith the Triballi, and that he himself, according to\\nthe Pseudo-Callisthenes, actually had seen the dead\\nbody of the King.\\nThe popular belief in these stories afforded to the\\nmalcontents of the opposition a most appropriate\\noccasion for raising the flag of revolt. Already for\\nseveral months the movement had been in prepara-\\ntion. After Alexander s successful descent into\\nGreece, and the renewal at Corinth of the Hellenic\\nleague, Persia, reawakening to the danger, had im-\\nmediately begun operations to check the ambitious\\nschemes of the young aggressor. An army sent\\ninto northern Asia Minor had forced the Macedonian\\ntroops back into the Troad, and compelled a portion\\nof them to recross into Europe. The chief reliance\\nwas not, however, placed in force of arms, but rather\\nin the old approved method of manipulating the\\ninternal politics of Greece. The strife of internal\\npolitics in democracies always offers easy prey to\\nautocrats when international policies are involved,\\nand Persia had now come to learn by the experience\\nof a century just how to proceed. During the sum-\\nmer of this year Darius had made proposals to differ-\\nent states looking to defections from Alexander, and\\nhad offered to supply money for the support of the\\nrevolt. The Peloponnesian war (431-404 B.C.) had\\nbeen kept alive in part by means of Persian money\\nsupplied at the fitting time to what appeared the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "1 68 Alexander the Great. [335 B.C.\\nweaker party, and since then Persia had often inter-\\nvened to preserve a balance of power between the\\nGreek states and to insure inaction.\\nNone of the states, except Sparta, are known\\npublicly to have accepted money, but the leaders of\\nthe anti-Macedonian parties in different cities were\\nundoubtedly well supplied with it, and more was\\neffected through them than by Sparta. Two years\\nlater, after the battle of Issus, Alexander, in his\\nletter to Darius, rehearsing the offences which the\\nPersian king had committed against him, and which\\nhad given open occasion to war, refers to this matter\\nYou have also sent money to the Lacedaemonians\\nand certain other Greeks, though none of the states ac-\\ncepted it except the Lacedaemonians. As your agents\\ncorrupted my friends, and were striving to dissolve the\\nleague which I had formed among the Greeks, I took the\\nfield against you, because you were the party commencing\\nthe hostility.\\nIt was a well-known fact never denied even by his\\nown partisans, that Demosthenes accepted from the\\nShah three hundred and fifty thousand dollars (three\\nhundred talents) to be used as a corruption fund or\\nas he might see fit. Eighty thousand dollars of\\nthis, according to yEschines s accusation, passed into\\nthe private purse of the great patriot, while the rest\\nwas set at its work in the Greek cities. The accusa-\\ntion cannot be proved or disproved. In the nature\\nof the case, no account was rendered, and it would\\nhave been difficult in any case to determine where\\nthe line was drawn between the private and the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Central Greece. 169\\npublic use of such a corruption fund. Eleven years\\nlater we know by Demosthenes s own admission that\\nhe accepted twenty-three thousand dollars from the\\nHarpalus fund, that he was unable to show that he\\nhad made any other than private use of it, and that\\nhe was condemned by the court, imprisoned, and\\nfined fifty talents.\\nThe Persian funds were variously used part was\\nsent to different cities, notably Thebes, to influence,\\nthrough paid leaders, political action part was\\ndoubtless used in procuring equipment and hiring\\nmercenaries part stayed at home to aid the party\\nmachinery part, in the nature of things, stayed in\\nthe purses of the agents.\\nDemosthenes was a politician with a consistent\\nprogramme, but a thoroughly practical politician, to\\nwhom it seemed well to do evil that good might\\ncome. His patriotism respected religiously the\\nlimits of his own platform, and he saw no treachery\\nin entering into correspondence with the Persian\\nsatrap of Sardes, and planning with him the details\\nof the plot. Plutarch tells us that Alexander later\\ndiscovered at Sardes some of these letters of Demos-\\nthenes, which contained also evidence of the amount\\nof money received. In doing as he did, Demos-\\nthenes merely adopted the orthodox methods of his\\nday. His enthusiasm was doubtless genuine and\\ngrounded in public spirit. Our protest is directed\\ntherefore, not so much against him as against those\\nversions of Greek political history which blacken the\\npolitical motives of his opponents by assigning to\\nthem a monopoly of blackened methods. Demos-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "170 Alexander the Great. [335 B.C.\\nthenes had now become more than an Athenian\\nstatesman he was a politician at large. All Greece\\nrecognised him as the champion, almost the personal\\nembodiment, of a political policy which defended\\nthe regime of old Greece, with its independent cities\\nand its balance of weakness, against the policy of\\nunion in a military leadership.\\nAs the summer proceeded, his plans, aided by the\\nabsence of Alexander, and later by the stories of his\\ndeath, made brilliant progress. In Elis the Mace-\\ndonian sympathisers were banished from the city.\\nVarious Arcadian towns were in ferment. The\\n^Etolians were moving to revolt. Athens was arm-\\ning. The open breach came, however, at Thebes.\\nHere a large Macedonian garrison occupied the\\ncitadel. Any step that was taken was, in conse-\\nquence, bound to involve open war. One night\\nafter the story of Alexander s death had assumed\\ncredible form, a body of Theban citizens who had\\nbeen living in banishment at Athens quietly entered\\nthe town, proclaimed the supposed news as certain\\nfact, and called upon the people to revolt. Amyntas\\nand Timolaus, the one a Macedonian officer, the\\nother a prominent Theban leader of the Macedonian\\nparty, were caught by the mob in the lower city and\\nslain. A mass-meeting of citizens, hurriedly called,\\nproclaimed the freedom of the city by unseating the\\nofficials appointed by the Macedonians and naming\\na board of boiotarchoi to assume the supreme con-\\ntrol, as under the old constitution. The Cadmea\\nwas thereupon blockaded by a double rampart drawn\\nabout it to prevent the garrison from sallying out or", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Central Greece. 171\\nreceiving reinforcements and supplies. Arms were\\nsupplied from Athens with the fund in Demos-\\nthenes s hands. The insurrection was an accom-\\nplished fact. Athens sent messengers far and wide\\nto arouse the people to arms. An armed force was\\nmoving forward from the Peloponnesus. Athens\\nstood ready to aid. The Hellenic Empire of Alex-\\nander seemed utterly undermined and tottering to\\nthe fall, and he was three hundred miles away, in\\nthe mountain wilderness of Illyria.\\nWhen the news of the insurrection reached him,\\nhe turned immediately from the pursuit of the\\nIllyrians, and leading his army by forced marches\\nthrough the rough lands of Eordaea and Elimiotis,\\nthrough wildernesses, across rivers, and over the\\nslopes of the great mountain ranges which separate\\nIllyria from Thessaly, on the seventh day was at\\nPelinna, in the Peneus valley, not far from the\\nmodern Trikkala in northern Thessaly. Pushing on\\nfrom there across the great Thessalian plain, over\\nthe pass by the modern Domoko, to Lamia and\\nThermopylae, and then across the Locrian hills, he\\nentered Boeotia on the sixth day from Pelinna, with\\n130 miles behind him. His approach had been en-\\ntirely unheralded and unexpected. When the report\\nreached Thebes that Alexander, at the head of a\\nMacedonian army, was already within the district,\\nthe leaders of the revolt insisted that it must be\\nAntipater, for Alexander was surely dead or, if it\\nwas Alexander, it must be the other Alexander, the\\nson of vEropus a mere confusion of names.\\nThebes was a city of some forty thousand inhabit-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "\\\\*]2 Alexander the Great. [335 B.C.\\nants. It stood on the lower northern slopes of a\\nchain of flat hills, just where three brooks, two of\\nthem known to fame as Dirce and Ismenus, issue\\nforth into the plain. Its walls inclosed a circuit of\\nfour miles. In the south-eastern part of the city a\\nlong, low hill, called the Cadmea, carried the citadel,\\nand at its southern post was the Electra gate, where\\nthe road from Athens came in. It was a solid,\\nrather staid old town, wealthy, and much given to\\nease and good living. We hear that the public\\nsquare was surrounded by colonnades, and that\\nthere were various temples located throughout the\\ncity but there were no wonders of architecture or\\nart such as Athens had to boast. Theban interest\\ndid not run that way. We know of no single artist\\nwho came from Thebes. Pindar is the one great\\nwriter. Athens and Thebes, near neighbours, gave\\nan easy opportunity of contrast, and no doubt the\\nlatter has suffered unduly for it in history. The\\nBoeotians have come down to us labelled Pigs,\\nand everyone has heard of Boeotian stupidity they\\nare often called, too, the Dutchmen of Greece,\\nhaving been wronged in the comparison with the\\nsprightly and quick-witted Athenians, much as the\\ngood people of Holland have been by the comparison\\nwith the French.\\nThe next day Alexander advanced toward the\\ncity, but finally halted and made his camp at some\\ndistance from it, with the purpose of giving the\\nThebans opportunity to repent their rashness, and\\nin the hope that the last moment might still effect a\\ncompromise and reconciliation. In this he was dis-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Central Greece. 173\\nappointed, for the Theban forces showed themselves\\ndisposed to take the aggressive, and instead of\\nambassadors seeking peace, a body of cavalry and\\nlight-armed infantry shortly appeared before his\\ncamp and engaged his outposts. Even yet the King\\nrefrained from beginning hostilities. His desire was\\nto have the Greek cities his allies and friends. He\\nhad better use for his arms than in destroying those\\nwho might be his co-workers. In perfect conscious-\\nness of power, he waited still. The next day, as the\\nwarlike attitude of the Thebans showed no relenting,\\nhe marched round to the south gate of the city,\\nwhence issued the main road joining the city to\\nAthens, and took his position directly under the\\nwalls of the Cadmea, where he might easily come\\ninto communication with its beleaguered garrison.\\nStill he hesitated to order an attack, and finally, as\\nit would appear, only by half-accident and through\\nthe restlessness of one of his generals, Perdiccas, did\\nthe battle begin. Perdiccas, who was in the com-\\nmand of the advanced guard, becoming involved in\\na skirmish with the Theban outposts, was reinforced\\nby other troops, and so a general attack was begun.\\nAfter the advance forces of the Macedonians had\\nbeen repulsed by the Theban forces defending the\\ngate outside the walls, Alexander advanced with\\nthe solid phalanx, driving the Thebans in a con-\\nfused rout back through the gates, and before they\\nhad time to close the gates, pressed in behind\\nthem. The garrison of the citadel now sallied\\nforth to join the invaders. The defenders retired\\nto the public square just north of the citadel, and", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "174 Alexander the Great. [335 B.C.\\nmade a brief stand near the temple of Amphis; but\\nthe fight was hopeless. From this time on the battle\\nbecame little better than a massacre.\\nSix thousand Thebans were killed, and the city\\nand its wealth became the prey of the victor. To\\ngive it in Arrian s own words:\\nThen indeed the Thebans, no longer defending\\nthemselves, were slain not so much by the Macedonians\\nas by the Phocians, Platseans, and other Boeotians, who\\nby indiscriminate slaughter vented their rage against\\nthem. Some were even attacked in the houses, and\\nothers as they were supplicating the protection of the\\ngods in the temples, not even the women and children\\nbeing spared.\\nAt last, after much long-suffering, the strong hand\\nof the Macedonian power, contrary to all its pur-\\nposes and policy, had laid itself with violence upon\\none of the great Greek cities. Once and again it\\nhad forgiven, but Thebes had transgressed the\\nbounds of endurance and could expect no mercy.\\nShe obtained none. The city was razed to the\\nground, only the house of Pindar being spared;\\nthe territory was distributed among the allies, and\\nthe inhabitants who survived, some thirty thousand\\nin number, excepting only the priests and priestesses,\\nthe descendants of Pindar, and the guests, friends of\\nPhilip and Alexander, were sold into slavery, making\\na slave-market so vast that, as we hear, the standard\\nprice of slaves in the markets of the -^Egean was\\nseriously depressed in consequence.\\nThe ordinary price for a slave was from twenty to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Central Greece. 175\\nthirty-five dollars. Abundant supply kept the price\\nlow. Society was built on slavery. Slaves, or, as\\nin Sparta and Crete, serfs attached to the soil, were\\nthe farm-labourers; in manufactories they took the\\nplace of modern machinery; they were a form of in-\\nvestment, being often rented out in gangs, as for\\nwork in the mines; large numbers were used, too,\\nfor domestic service, seven being an average number\\nfor an ordinary house. Corinth is said to have had\\n460,000 slaves, JEg ms. 470,000, and a census of the\\nyear 309 B.C. showed 400,000 in Attica. These\\nfigures have sometimes been doubted, but other\\nknown facts go to confirm them. Most of the slaves\\napparently came from outside Greece, as from Lydia,\\nSyria, Bithynia, Thrace, and Illyria, but there were\\nalso among them Italians, Egyptians, and Jews.\\nThe supply from outside was maintained by the\\nslave-traders, who obtained them either in barter\\nor by robbery along the coasts of the yEgean and\\nthe Euxine. The slave-market was a feature of\\nevery city agora, and especially of the temple fairs.\\nCaptives in war were, like the rest of the booty,\\ntreated as merchandise. They were disposed of\\nchiefly to the professional traders and sold mostly\\nabroad. Thus men of culture and education often\\nappeared in the condition of slaves. Employed as\\nteachers, readers, secretaries, musicians, they often\\nserved the purpose of spreading the knowledge of\\nart, manners, and life among other peoples, and\\naided in mixing the soils and forwarding the in-\\nterests of cosmopolitanism.\\nIt was a form of poetic justice that the conqueror", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "176 Alexander the Great. L335B.C.\\nallowed the fate of Thebes to be spoken by the\\nmouth of a tribunal composed of its neighbours, the\\nPhocians, the Plataeans, the Thespians, and the Or-\\nchomenians. The hatred engendered out of gen-\\nerations of oppression revelled in its opportunity for\\nrevenge. All Greece shuddered to hear the fate of\\nthis famous city, but it could not be forgotten that,\\nin the day of the great distress when Persian hordes\\nthreatened utterly to submerge Hellenism, Thebes\\nplayed the part of traitor and stood with the invader.\\nAs prelude to the war of revenge against the Per-\\nsians, it could not be without the sanction of the\\ngods that the chosen leader had laid his hand upon\\nthe historic accomplice. So, at any rate, many\\nchose to regard the matter. Alexander, later in\\nlife, seems to have regretted his summary treatment\\nof the city at least, his natural tenderness of heart\\nasserted itself in a feeling of compassion toward the\\nunfortunate inhabitants, who had been made home-\\nless wanderers or slaves, and wherever he afterward\\nmet them he seemed inclined to show them consider-\\nation and do them kindness.\\nIn 316 B.C. the city was refounded by Cassander,\\nand a small population assembled in it, probably\\nnot over ten thousand. It never regained anything\\nof its old importance, though it was for a time in\\nthe Middle Ages, a prosperous seat of silk manu-\\nfacture. To-day it is a town of from thirty to\\nthirty-five hundred inhabitants, occupying the old\\nCadmea.\\nHow rapidly the scene had shifted Only fifteen\\ndays had elapsed since Alexander heard the tidings", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Central Greece. 177\\nof revolt in the mountains of the north, and now\\nThebes lay in ashes. One terrible thunderbolt\\nstroke, and the insurrection that seethed over all\\nGreece was at an end. The Arcadian troops who\\nwere coming to the support of Thebes had halted at\\nthe Isthmus on hearing of the Macedonian approach.\\nNow they hastened to pass sentence of death upon\\nthose who had instigated their movement. The\\nEleans recalled the Macedonian sympathisers they\\nhad banished. The ^Etolians sent embassies to\\noffer abject apologies.\\nThe Athenians, when the news came of the fall of\\nThebes, were just on the point of celebrating the\\nGreek mysteries (at the end of September). Panic\\nseized upon the populace. The sacred rites were\\ninterrupted and forgotten. The country population,\\nwith herds and chattels, came swarming in to seek\\nthe protection of the walls. Preparations for defence\\nwere begun, and the collection of a special fund for\\nwar. But suddenly the whirligig of politics went\\nround the control of the town-meeting passed from\\nthe hands of Demosthenes and his anti-Macedonian\\npartisans to those of the opposition. On motion of\\nDemades, a commission of ten was appointed, com-\\nposed of those friendly to Alexander, with instruc-\\ntions to congratulate the King upon his return in\\nsafety from the land of the Triballi and of the\\nIllyrians, and upon his righteous punishment of the\\nThebans. No wonder Alexander s sense for nobil-\\nity and straightforwardness shrank in disgust from\\nsuch flunkyism. He is said, when the ambassadors\\nfirst appeared before him, to have torn in pieces the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "i yS Alexander the Great. [335 B.C.\\naddress they delivered to him, and to have turned\\nhis back and left them to their shame.\\nThe embassy finally returned with the King s\\nanswer. He was willing to forgive the Athenians\\non condition of their expelling the Theban fugitives,\\nand delivering to him the politicians and generals\\nwhom he regarded as responsible for the opposition\\nwhich had culminated three years before at Chaer-\\nonea, as well as for the more recent demonstrations\\nagainst the Macedonian power. He especially\\nnamed Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Polyeuctus, Eph-\\nialtes, Mcerocles, Demon, Callisthenes, and Chari-\\ndemus, and, according to other good authority,\\nHypereides and Diotimus as well.\\nThe communication of the King s commands pro-\\nduced the intensest excitement at Athens. In the\\ntown-meeting, opinion was raised against opinion.\\nTo surrender its own citizens at the mandate of an\\nautocrat involved self-humiliation and dishonour.\\nAnd yet the fate of the city was at stake. In trying\\ntimes no one was listened to with more respect than\\nthe old general Phocion, her first citizen. Good,\\nold-fashioned citizen and statesman that he was, he\\ntook the high, old-fashioned ground that the few\\nought to be willing to sacrifice themselves for the\\ngood of the many. Hypereides and Demosthenes\\npleaded for the assertion of national dignity and the\\nrecognition of the obligations which the state owed\\nto those who had watched over its interests. De-\\nmosthenes recounted the fable of the sheep who\\nmade a treaty with the wolves, agreeing to deliver\\nover to them the watch-dogs. He likened the case,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "335 B.C.] Alexander in Central Greece. 179\\nfurther, to that of grain-dealers who carry about\\na sample in a bowl, by means of a few grains of\\nwheat selling the whole mass; so in us you give\\nyourselves all captive, but you see it not.\\nWhen it appeared, after ample discussion, that\\nthe citizens were in no mood to assent to Alexan-\\nder s humiliating proposition, a compromise offered\\nby Demades was finally adopted. It provided that\\nanother embassy should be sent, asking Alexander s\\nmercy in the matter of the men whose surrender had\\nbeen demanded, and promising, should they be\\nfound guilty, to deal with them under Athenian\\nlaw and asking, furthermore, that they be permitted\\nto retain the Theban refugees within their walls.\\nIn obtaining the King s assent to this compromise,\\nthe personality of Phocion, the chairman of the em-\\nbassy, was an important factor. His advice that the\\nKing should now prefer to turn his arms against the\\nbarbarians was a view of the matter that Alexander\\nwas only too glad to accept, and making an excep-\\ntion only of the able and unscrupulous Charidemus,\\nhe wisely sealed the compact. Greece was at peace.\\nThe efforts of Persia to stir internal discord had met\\nwith signal failure. Within the entire extent of the\\nBalkan peninsula no hand or voice raised itself\\nagainst the leadership of the King of Macedon.\\nThere remained nothing now to do but to carry the\\nwar into Asia.\\nPlutarch, Demosthenes, chap, xxiii.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XI.\\nORIENT VS. OCCIDENT.\\nTHE world toward which Alexander had set his\\nface, and into which he was now preparing to\\nenter, was the great, the old world of the\\nOrient. From within that world people looked out\\nupon young Greece with much the same vague\\nunderstanding and disparaging, sense of superiority\\nas the Austrian nobleman or English country squire\\nbrings to his estimate of the American States to-day.\\nThe boundary line between the two worlds has\\nmaintained itself with marvellous persistency\\nthroughout the entire course of human history.\\nOne who crosses the yEgean to-day and enters the\\nconfines of Asia is aware that he has passed from\\none world into another. What constitutes the dif-\\nference may not always be easy to define, but it is\\nthere. Customs, dress, crafts, homes, and faith\\nmark the difference, but these are only on the\\nsurface. The real difference is something so all-\\npervasive, so profound, that no casual mint-marks\\nserve to identify it. It inheres in the moods of\\nmen, and in their attitude to the world about them,\\nIt abides at the heart of things,\\n180", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "2 5\\no y", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "Orient vs. Occident. 1 8 1\\nWhere the boundary runs to-day, it ran in Alex-\\nander s time. Only a bare selvage of Hellenism\\nformed by the Greek colonies skirting the western\\ncoast of Asia Minor interposed itself to push back\\nthe frontiers of the Orient. The Greek cities of the\\nAsiatic coast retained in a measure their Hellenic\\ncharacter and kept alive the sense of union with\\nGreece which a common language and common in-\\nstitutions were like to enforce. But, as a rule,\\nwhatever had come within the mystic bounds of\\norientalism had yielded to assimilation, and become\\nabsorbed in the great mass, no matter what the race\\nor tongue.\\nThe potency of superior culture, manifesting itself\\nin permanency of life-conditions and of the social\\norder, in fixed and well-determined moulds of\\nthought, and entrenched in its ancient fortresses by\\nthe Euphrates, was too great for Phrygian, Cappa-\\ndocian, Lycian, or Syrian to resist, and the mass\\nbecame leavened with one spirit. The fixity of the\\nold frontier is due, so far as history can determine,\\nto the unique personality of the Greek and to the\\nexistence of a geographic furrow at the Bosporus\\nand the yEgean.\\nThe antagonisms which showed themselves at this\\nfrontier made the beginnings of European history,\\neven where it first emerges in the form of myth.\\nSuch were the stories of the search for the Golden\\nFleece, and such were the songs about Troy and the\\nwar at its gates. The idealised valour of her heroes\\nwho first set her in antagonism to the great Eastern\\nworld outside and beyond gave Greece in her later", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "1 82 Alexander the Great.\\ndays the inspiration to a national consciousness and\\nassured her of her mission as the champion of West-\\nern energy and personal freedom.\\nThe Persian wars under Darius and Xerxes repre-\\nsented the natural reaction against the aggressions\\nof occidentalism. The tide of orientalism swept out\\nover its sea-wall till met by the solid dykes of Mara-\\nthon, and Salamis, and Plataea. The story of these\\nwars becomes the material for the first manual of\\nhistory. Herodotus rejoiced, child of Homer as he\\nwas, to deal with the same old theme of which\\nHomer had sung. He shaped his material in the\\nform of a plot. The rebuke of overweening pride,\\nthe thing the Greeks called hybris, is the motif.\\nThe tale begins with the rise of the Persian power,\\ngathering unto itself the strength of the barbarian\\nworld. It ends with Persia s failure and discomfiture\\nat Salamis and Plataea. Hybris meets its Nemesis.\\nThe presumption of Croesus receives in the first\\nbook its rebuke from the Athenian Solon. The\\nPersian power which rose to greatness on the ruins\\nof Croesus s power vaunted its pride in Xerxes s host\\nand received, in the final book, its rebuke from the\\nAthenian state. The story closes with an account\\nof the expedition to Sestos, which determined the\\nfact that Xerxes s bridge over the Hellespont had\\nbeen destroyed and that Europe was rid of the in-\\ntruder; the old frontier had reasserted itself. The\\nclosing words of the last book form an ideal con-\\nclusion to the whole work. They represent the\\nolder policy of the Persian in the good old days\\nunder Cyrus s leadership: So the Persians, seeing", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "Orient vs. Occident. 183\\ntheir error, yielded to the opinion of Cyrus, for they\\nchose rather to live in a barren land than to sow\\nthe plain and be the slaves of others.\\nThus Solon s rebuke of hybris at the beginning of\\nthe work is echoed from the lips of the great Persian\\nat the end. The whole plan and conception of\\nHerodotus s history is based on a recognition of the\\nvivid antithesis between occidentalism and oriental-\\nism, and of the geographical frontier which marks\\ntheir separation.\\nThe invasion which Alexander planned was to be\\nthe retort and the revenge. He was himself to pose\\nas a second Achilles. The epic must have a plot.\\nHistory was still a drama, and, like the Attic tragedy,\\nit clung fast to the old motives. The very national\\nlife of Greece took to itself form in the spirit of this\\nunrelenting antagonism between occidentalism and\\norientalism.\\nThe long-delayed retort to Alexander s onset came\\ncenturies later in the form of Islam. Turkey, as a\\nhopelessly foreign body on European soil, is a stand-\\ning witness to the reality of the antagonism, and the\\nEastern Question of to-day abides as a monument\\nto the impulses which carried the young Alexander\\nacross the Hellespont.\\nThe Hellenic spirit was characterised above all\\nelse by a, consciousness of the individual right of\\ninitiative. The Greek s jealousy of every institution\\nand of every man that assumed to interfere with the\\nfree exercise of that right is responsible for his lean-\\ning toward democracy, his envy of greatness, his\\nfrequent change of political position, and his failure", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "184 Alexander the Great.\\nto create and operate elaborate and effective political\\nmachinery for any other than local government.\\nWhatever his view concerning the domain of the\\ngods and their right to rule his world, he was in his\\npractical philosophy a pluralist, not a monist, and\\nthe world of life was constituted out of free-moving,\\nself-determining personalities. Only when they\\nrose above the proper estate of men and intruded\\nthemselves within the province of the gods did the\\nfree exercise of personality amount to the hybris\\nwhich merits and meets rebuke. Within the bounds\\nof human estate the law of action is determined by\\nthe purposes and interests of the free personality and\\nnot from without or from above. The state is that\\nwithin and through which alone the person exists\\nand possesses its freedom. It is the very condition\\nof existence. But it is not that which originates for\\nthe person the law of action.\\nTo the Oriental, on the other hand, the universe\\nas well as the state is conceived of as a vast despot-\\nism, which holds in its keeping the source and the\\nlaw of action for all. Its mysterious law, held be-\\nyond the reach of human vision, like the inscrutable\\nwill of the autocrat, is the law of fate. Personality\\nknew no right of origination or of self-determination\\nit was swept like a chip on the current. It knew no\\nprivilege except to bow in resignation before the un-\\nexplained, unmotived mandate of fate. The Oriental\\ngovernment of the universe was transcendental, the\\nHellenic, social.\\nThe Hellenic gods were the chief citizens of the\\nstate, partakers with men in a bond which was made", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "Orient vs. Occident. 185\\nsacred by their presence. To be associated with\\nthem was a privilege. They gave dignity and solid-\\nity to the society. To show them respect, to enter-\\ntain them with feasts and shows and games was\\nseemly and decorous. To show them disrespect was\\ntreason, and treason was essentially a discourtesy\\nand insult to the gods.\\nThe Greek was always human very human. His\\nhumanity was never apologised for. It was the\\nbest thing he knew of. This sunlit life on earth\\nwas worth living for indeed the only thing he\\nknew of worth living for. Whatever was human,\\nthe body and the joys of the flesh, the delights of\\nbeauty, the triumphs of wit or of strength or of\\ncraft, all were good except in excess. Virtue lay\\nnot in abstinence but in self-control. As in the re-\\nlations to the divine, all depended here, too, upon\\nnot crossing the danger-line.\\nAll mutilation of the body the Greek regarded\\nwith horror, and in this regard felt himself estranged\\nfrom the Oriental. The Oriental looked with a\\nspecies of disdain upon all that belonged to the\\nphysical universe, even including the body. He\\nwas its lord. The Greek lived in the world of\\nnature as part of it and good friends with it. In it\\nlived his gods, and through its activity his gods\\nrevealed themselves. The Greek dwelt more with\\nthe world that was without him, the Oriental more\\nwith the world that was within him. With the\\nformer, thought and fancy tended to assume the\\nobjective cast, with the latter the subjective.\\nThe Greek brought with him to every work the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "1 86 Alexander the Great.\\nfreshness and naturalness of the child of nature.\\nHe lived face to face with nature, and allowed no\\nbarriers to be interposed, allowed himself not to be\\nartificially withdrawn from the world of which he\\nwas a part. Asceticism, abstinence, and holiness\\nby separation he knew nothing of. He was in the\\nworld, wholly and thoroughly of the world,\\nworldly, of the earth, earthly, of humanity, human.\\nHis enthusiasms were those of an untrammelled\\nchild of nature rejoicing in life and beauty and light.\\nThe sedate Oriental seemed the offspring of an old\\nand ripened civilisation, which had, in the generations\\nthrough which it passed, seen and experienced all the\\ngreat things, and so lost the effervescent freshness\\nof youth. The Orient was really the old world.\\nHope was not so high. Effort was not as well worth\\nwhile.\\nThe Greek seemed to have the world before him.\\nHe could do what he would. Conditions could be\\nchanged. The right of initiative gave the right to\\nchange. The power of initiative imposed the duty\\nto create. Life was composed of time, and time\\nwas measured by action. Action creates, and crea-\\ntion is progress. Action, aggression, achievement,\\nprogress, became, therefore, the spirit of the Greek\\nendurance, submission, quietism, stagnation, that\\nof the man of the East. In all this the Greek was\\nmerely the full-developed type of the European\\nAryan, and Alexander a Greek of the Greeks.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\nTHE PERSIAN EMPIRE.\\nTHE Orient which Alexander now confronted\\ntook its shape as a political organisation from\\nthe conquests of the Persian Cyrus, beginning\\nabout 550 B.C. The Eastern world was then divided\\namong three great empires: the Median, standing\\nsince the end of the preceding century on the ruins\\nof the Assyrian Empire of Nineveh, and having its\\nseat at Ecbataha (modern Hamadan) the Babylon-\\nian Empire, occupying Mesopotamia and Syria; and\\nthe Lydian Empire of Crcesus, who controlled the\\nwhole of Asia Minor, and amassed from tribute and\\nfrom the gold-mines of Pactolus such vast stores of\\nthe precious metal as the West had never dreamed\\nof. To the temple at Delphi alone he made presents\\nof gold bullion amounting to 270 talents ($370,000).\\nThe Persians were an Iranian people, a branch of\\nthe Indo-European or Aryan race, who had long\\noccupied, in almost unbroken connection with their\\nScythian kinsmen to the north of the Caspian, the\\nhighlands of Bactria and Parthia. Early in the\\nseventh century B.C. these Iranian tribes began\\n187", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "1 88 Alexander the Great.\\npushing out toward the west and the south, and\\none of them, the Medes, had brought the Assyrian\\nEmpire to its fall. The Persians, pushing farther to\\nthe south, located their capital in Susa (Shushan),\\nuntil, with the conquests of Cyrus, Ecbatana, and\\nwith it the Median realm, fell into their hands\\n(550 B.C.).\\nCyrus was the energetic, intelligent leader of a\\nvigorous, warlike people, unspoiled by civilisation.\\nHis conquests meant that an Oriental, essentially\\nSemitic, civilisation had submitted to the leadership\\nof Aryan aggressiveness.\\nIn 546 B.C., only four years after his victory over\\nthe Medes, he conquered Croesus, King of Lydia, in\\nbattle, took Sardis, his capital, and absorbed his\\nrealm. In 538 B.C. Babylon also fell into his hands,\\nand so the entire Eastern world became united under\\nAryan sway into one great empire, which, after the\\ntribe of the conqueror, has since been called the\\nPersian Empire. It was this empire which provided\\nthe passive soul of orientalism with an organised\\nbody and such will and fist to smite as it possessed.\\nAs army and as government it was the outward\\nmechanism with which Alexander two centuries later\\nhad to deal, and so the brief story of its builders and\\ntheir labours concerns us here.\\nThough there is a lack of thoroughly authentic\\naccounts of Cyrus s life and deeds in detail, there\\ncan be no doubt concerning his character as a whole.\\nThe extraordinary nobility and generosity of his\\ncharacter are reflected, to quote the words of Eduard\\nMeyer, alike in the accounts of the Persians whom", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 189\\nhe led to world-empire, of the Jews whom he freed,\\nand of the Greeks whom he subjugated. His\\ngenerosity toward defeated foes, his readiness to\\nhear and accept advice, and his tolerance toward\\nlocal institutions became a standard which his suc-\\ncessors on the throne tended to follow. He was\\nhimself a pious adherent of the Ahura Mazda cult,\\nthe Iranian faith, since known to the world through\\nthe doctrines of its great reformer and purifier,\\nZoroaster; but he made no attempt to impress his\\nreligion upon the state. The traditional religions\\nof each state or tribe were respected and even cul-\\ntivated as the proper form for such state or tribe.\\nThus his attitude toward the Jahveh worship of the\\nJews was such as to warrant the Jewish chronicler\\nin speaking of him as an adherent of the cult. (See\\nEzra i., 2.)\\nCambyses, his son (529-522 B.C.), added Egypt\\nto the empire, the conquest of which had been\\ncompleted by the capture of Memphis (525 B.C.).\\nEthiopia and large tracts of northern Africa were\\nalso brought beneath his sway; but Carthage, which\\nwas then emerging as a controlling power in the\\nwestern Mediterranean, was left untouched. The\\nreports attribute his failure to advance against it to\\nthe unwillingness of the Phoenicians, upon whom he\\ndepended for a fleet, to cooperate with him against\\ntheir own kin. In 522 B.C. he was recalled from\\nEgypt by the revolt of the Pseudo-Smerdis, but,\\nwhile on his way, died in Syria from the results of\\na self-inflicted but accidental wound. The usurper\\nGaumata, a Median of the priestly caste of the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "I90 Alexander the Great.\\nMagi, who had falsely claimed to be Smerdis, the\\nbrother of Cambyses, a brother who, before the ex-\\npedition against Egypt, had, as a mild precautionary\\nmeasure, been secretly murdered at Cambyses s in-\\nstance, now assumed the throne, and the succession\\nof the Achaemenids seemed to be hopelessly lost.\\nThe very possibility of such an occurrence throws\\ninto boldest light the horrible perversions and the\\ngrim hazards to which a monster autocracy such as\\nthis empire was exposed.\\nA year after the death of Cambyses, Darius, the\\nson of Hystaspes, who was nearest heir to the throne,\\naided by six Persian noblemen, forced his way into\\nthe usurper s stronghold, Sikajauvati in Media, and\\nslew him and all his attendants (521 B.C.). For\\nnearly two years the empire was in turmoil. One\\nafter another, pretenders after the model of Gaumata\\narose in various parts of the realm, and at times the\\nwhole structure threatened to fall in pieces. Twice\\nBabylon itself revolted, but otherwise the revolts\\nwere chiefly confined to the Aryan elements of the\\neast and the north, the Medians, Persians, and\\nArmenians.\\nAt last, through the consummate leadership and\\nmilitary skill of Darius, the empire was, in 519 B.C.,\\nbrought into quiet, and a majestic realm extending\\nfrom the Hellespont to the Indus, and from the\\nJaxartes to the Upper Nile, and embracing on the\\nmodern map the territory of Turkestan, Afghanis-\\ntan, Persia, Turkey in Asia, northern Arabia, and\\nEgypt, yielded obedience to a single man.\\nDarius, though not its founder, was really its", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 1 9 1\\norganiser and maker. His reign, extending from\\n521 to 486 B.C., marks the final consolidation of the\\nOrient to meet the thrust of the Occident. Its or-\\nganisation into a whole, and its very existence as a\\nstate, furnished the basis for the still greater edifice\\nthat Alexander was to rear.\\nThe reign of Darius covers also a period of rapid\\nchange in the national life of Greece. When it began\\nAthens was under the Peisistratids; when it ended,\\nMarathon had been fought. By the reforms of\\nCleisthenes, Athens had become a homogeneous\\nstate founded upon the unified population of Attica.\\nThrough its commerce, its colonies, and its foothold\\non the Hellespont, it was coming to be a leading\\nfactor in Greek affairs, and already looked forth to\\nthe control of the ^Egean. Sparta had established\\na positive control of the Peloponnesus by its absorp-\\ntion of Arcadia, Elis, Argos, and yEgina. This\\nstrong military state was to furnish the nucleus of a\\nsolid Greek force with which to meet the aggressions\\nof Persia. The older dominant elements, Argos,\\nCorinth, Chalcis, Thebes, the Ionians, had slipped\\ninto the background, and the period of the Athenian-\\nSpartan dualism was begun.\\nThe period represented a critical time for Hellen-\\nism. For three centuries since the reestablishment\\nof order and rebloom of civilisation after the dis-\\nlodgments consequent upon the fall of the Achaean\\nstates, Greece had prospered and expanded almost\\nwithout restraint. Her colonies had occupied the\\ncoasts and islands of the Euxine, Hellespont, ^Egean,\\nand central Mediterranean almost at will. The", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "192 Alexander the Great.\\ncontrol of the Mediterranean seemed to fall to the\\nGreeks. But the rise of the Persian Empire on the\\neast, and of the Carthaginian allied with the Etrus-\\ncan power on the west, gradually set bounds to this\\nextension. Between the upper and the nether mill-\\nstones Hellenism was sorely threatened with ex-\\ntinction. The movement of a new intellectual life\\nand a new spiritual consciousness, like the freshness\\nof a stirring breeze, were just making themselves\\nfelt throughout the Greek world. It contained the\\nhope of intellectual freedom for the world. The\\nissue of the pending struggle was heavy with fate\\nfor the destiny of mankind.\\nDuring the thirty-five years of Darius s reign were\\nset in array the forces for a great world-struggle a\\nstruggle heavy with fate for the destiny of mankind.\\nIt is well said by Eduard Meyer: Darius stands at\\nthe turn between two world-epochs. He closes the\\ndevelopment of the old Orient; he gives the later\\ntime its shape. In the evening of his days the\\nbattle of Marathon marks the beginning of a new\\nepoch in the development of the Mediterranean\\nworld.\\nThe eastern and western frontiers of his empire\\nwere separated by a stretch of twenty-five to twenty-\\nseven hundred miles double the air-line distance\\nfrom Paris to St. Petersburg, four times the distance\\nfrom Paris to Vienna, and something more than the\\ndistance from San Francisco to Washington. The\\nproblem of organising the government of this vast\\nterritory, with its variety of races, languages, cus-\\ntoms, religions, was a serious one. In dealing with", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "The Persia7i Empire. 193\\nit Darius showed extraordinary wisdom, and his\\nsolution, defective as it may seem from the ideal\\npoint of view, was probably the only one possible at\\nthe time. It at least furnished a basis upon which\\nmight gradually have been built up a secure and\\neffective structure. During the almost two centuries\\nof its existence it proved itself well adapted to the\\nconditions which it organised, and its only peril\\ncame from without.\\nFollowing the precedents set by Cyrus, Darius\\nsought to disturb as little as was consistent with the\\nmaintenance of the imperial government the tradi-\\ntional customs, laws, and religion of the different\\nnations and tribes composing the empire. The\\nlocal forms of government were left as far as possible\\nunchanged. The half-nomadic tribes retained their\\ngovernment by chiefs, many districts kept their\\nnative princes, the free cities might have oligarchy,\\ntyrant, or democracy, as they pleased all, so long\\nas the tribute was paid and the military quota filled.\\nNo attempt was made to establish a law code valid\\nfor the entire empire, but each district, tribe, or\\nnation was in general allowed to use its own heredi-\\ntary laws. These general features offer in some re-\\ngards a striking forecast of that which has been the\\ngreatest element of solidity in the English Empire.\\nThe whole empire, for convenience of administra-\\ntion and oversight, was, however, divided into not\\nless than twenty satrapies, or provinces, over each\\nof which was set in control a satrap, or viceroy,\\ndirectly and personally responsible to the King. It\\nwas the duty of the satraps to maintain the peace", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "194 Alexander the Great.\\nwithin their several provinces, to represent and\\nmaintain the authority of the empire, to raise the\\ntribute, to attend to the levies of troops, to have\\ncare for the public works of the empire, roads, har-\\nbours, canals, and to regulate the money standards.\\nThey possessed even the right of silver coinage.\\nWithin the provinces their authority was absolute,\\nexcept as against the King. They were the judges\\nof final appeal, and the only judges on issues be-\\ntween the cities, the tribes, the districts, and the\\nnative princes. In military affairs they were supreme.\\nThe actual details of local government were, how-\\never, left, as has already been said, to the local\\nauthorities, whatever they might be.\\nUnity of administration, so far as it can be said\\nto have existed at all, was dependent upon the visits\\nof the King to the various provinces, or of a con-\\nfidential commissioner personally representing the\\nKing. Such an overseer was known officially as the\\nKing s Eye. Only one person at a time, it\\nseems, held the office. He corresponded neither\\nto premier nor private secretary, but was something\\nof both. He stood outside of and above the author-\\nity of satraps and army commanders, and through\\nhis subordinates scattered about the empire kept\\nclose watch upon the doings of all governors, officers,\\nand officials, in the personal interest of the King.\\nA system of spies known as the King s Ears\\nalso existed, probably in coordination with the same\\ndepartment. The department, taken as a whole,\\nperformed the function of a secret police service, or\\nof the spotters employed by the treasurer of a", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 195\\nmodern corporation. A Persian proverb said well\\nThe King has many eyes and ears. As a check\\nupon the independent military authority of the\\nsatraps, the control of the great fortresses command-\\ning important strategic points was kept in the hands\\nof the central power.\\nThe most effective expedient for maintaining\\nunion was found, however, in the system of great\\nmilitary roads, to the establishment of which Darius\\ngave the keenest attention. While there is no evid-\\nence that they were elaborately constructed roads\\nin the Roman sense, they were passable routes, pro-\\nvided with bridges. A courier-post system was\\nmaintained upon them for expediting communica-\\ntion between the different parts of the empire. At\\nintervals of fourteen or fifteen miles post-houses and\\nkhans were located, at which postmen with swift\\nhorses were always in readiness to take up a letter\\nand advance it to the next station. Herodotus\\n(viii., 98) describes the service as follows:\\nThere exists nothing mortal more swift than these\\ncouriers. And this is the way the Persians have contrived\\nit: There are as many men and horses posted at intervals\\nalong the road as there are days in the trip, one man and\\nhorse assigned to each day s run; and neither snow nor\\nrain nor heat nor night prevents them from accomplishing\\nthe run assigned to them, and at the fullest speed. The\\nfirst runner hands over his consignment to the second, the\\nsecond to the third, and so it goes from hand to hand on\\nto its destination, like the torch-race celebrated in honour\\nof Hephaestus among the Greeks.\\nThe roads were under strict military surveillance,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "iq6 Alexander the Great.\\nand travellers, in passing the stations, were com-\\npelled to give an account of themselves and their\\nerrand. Distances were measured and carefully in-\\ndicated along the roads, and hence the ever-recurring\\nparasang (English league, German Stunde, three\\nmiles) which lightened our way through Xenophon s\\nAnabasis.\\nA famous road was the one which, as a life-artery\\nof the empire, joined Sardis, at the far west in\\nLydia, to Susa, the capital. It was fifteen hundred\\nmiles long, and at the common rate of ordinary\\ntravel, three months were required to traverse it;\\nbut by the government couriers a despatch could be\\nforwarded from Susa to Sardis within a week.\\nEvery fifteen miles there was a station, or khan,\\nwhere travellers could find shelter and refreshment\\nfor man and beast. These were under royal con-\\ntrol, and Herodotus, widely travelled himself, does\\nnot hesitate to call them most excellent. The\\nroad made its way up out of Lydia, over the high-\\nlands of Phrygia and Galatia, across the Halys\\nRiver, through Cappadocia, and over the mountain-\\npasses of the Taurus, across the Upper Euphrates,\\nand on into southern Armenia. Holding still to\\nthe east, it crossed the Tigris and the ancient trade-\\nroute from Trebizond and the Euxine, which in far\\nearlier days had made Nineveh great, and, evading\\nMesopotamia, pushed on through the modern land\\nof the Kurds, till, rounding the mountains, it turned\\nsouth through modern Persia. All the diverse life\\nof the countries it traversed was drawn into its paths.\\nCarians and Cilicians, Phrygians and Cappadocians,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 197\\nstaid Lydians, sociable Greeks, crafty Armenians,\\nrude traders from the Euxine shores, nabobs of\\nBabylon, Medes and Persians, galloping couriers\\nmounted on their Bokhara ponies or fine Arab\\nsteeds, envoys with train and state, peasants driving\\ntheir donkeys laden with skins of oil or wine or\\nsacks of grain, stately caravans bearing the wares\\nand fabrics of the South to exchange for the metals,\\nslaves, and grain of the North, travellers and traders\\nseeking to know and exploit the world all were\\nthere, and all were safe under the protection of an\\nempire the roadway of which pierced the strata of\\nmany tribes and many cultures, and helped set the\\nworld a-mixing.\\nThe organisation and regulation of Alexander s\\nempire was later made possible through the roads,\\nand they were the conductors by which East and\\nWest were joined and the first cosmopolitanism\\nbrought into being.\\nThe vastness and the resources of the Persian Em-\\npire of Darius can best, perhaps, be measured in\\nterms of the tribute it was able to collect. Partial\\ndata for this are supplied us by Herodotus. The\\nsatrapy of Babylon furnished an annual tribute of\\n1000 talents (say $1,400,000, reckoning the Babylon-\\nian talent at $1400); that of Egypt, 700 talents\\n($1,000,000); Media, 450 talents; Syria, 350 talents;\\nand so down to the lowest amount, that paid by the\\nsatrapy of the Sattagydae of the far East, 170 talents.\\nThis was essentially a land-tax a tax on the pro-\\nducts of the soil. Babylonia, as having the most\\nfruitful and best cultivated land, naturally paid the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "198 Alexander the Great.\\nhighest tax. The tax was assessed upon the sat-\\nrapies by the central government, and the satraps\\nwere responsible for its collection. This land-tax\\nyielded for the whole empire an annual total of 7600\\ntalents (about $11,000,000).\\nThis was, however, only the beginning. None of\\nthis money was used for the maintenance of army,\\ngovernment, or court, each of which, it appears, was\\nsupported directly by contributions in kind. There\\nwere, too, various other forms of tribute, the amount\\nof which it is impossible to estimate. Some ex-\\namples may, however, be given. The Arabian tribes\\nsubject to the empire paid an annual tribute of 1000\\ntalents of frankincense. The Colchians furnished\\nannually 200 slaves. The gold-mines of the Him-\\nalayas paid 360 talents. The renting of the fishery\\nrights on the Nile canal yielded 240 talents. In-\\ndividual cities or districts had assigned to them\\nburdens of honour. Thus, scattered through the\\nnarratives of Xenophon and Herodotus, we hear of\\none community that was under obligation to supply\\nthe Queen s girdle, another her necklaces, another\\nher tiara, another the ornaments for the hair. The\\nexpenses of maintaining detachments of troops or\\narmies, or of providing the table of the King and his\\nsuite when on journeys, were levied upon neighbour-\\ning cities or districts. Thus the city of Abdera was\\ncalled upon to feed Xerxes s army, a million men,\\nfor one day, and the cost, as Herodotus tells us, was\\n300 talents ($360,000). The money tribute went\\nchiefly to swell the treasure hoards, which on Alex-\\nander s capture of the strongholds proved so vast.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 199\\nThus in Persepolis he found 120,000 talents of gold\\nand silver. This, if reckoned in talents of silver,\\nmeans $175,000,000; if one-third was talents of\\ngold, $800,000,000. The treasury of Susa yielded,\\nbesides this, 50,000 talents ($70,000,000 at least),\\nand that of Pasargadae 6000 talents ($8,500,000).\\nIn addition to the land-tax, each satrapy was\\nobliged to furnish a certain quota of men and sup-\\nplies for the army. Thus Cappadocia provided an-\\nnually 50,000 sheep, 2000 mules, and 1500 horses;\\nMedia, double this number. Cilicia furnished 360\\ngrey horses, Armenia 10,000 foals, Egypt 120,000\\nbushels of wheat; Chalybon furnished wine for\\nthe court, Colchis sent an annual quota of Caucas-\\nian slaves, and Babylon 500 eunuchs for court\\nservice.\\nThe empire embraced a territory of some two\\nmillion square miles, three-fifths that of the United\\nStates, and its population may be estimated at fifty\\nmillions, about that of the same territory now.\\nSusa, and not Babylon, Darius made the capital\\nof his empire. Here he built a great city, the circuit\\nof which, Strabo says, was 120 stades, a stade being\\nabout a ninth of a mile. It was 250 miles farther to\\nthe east than Babylon, but still nearer the centre of\\nthe empire s domain. It was, furthermore, near to\\noriginal Persian soil. Babylon was still an alien\\nland, with an alien religion and civilisation. At\\nPersepolis, 300 miles farther to the south-east, on\\nhis native soil, Darius also built a new residence\\ncity with strong fortifications, of which Diodorus\\nsays:", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "200 Alexander the Great.\\nThe citadel of Persepolis was surrounded by three\\nwalls, of which the first was sixteen cubits [twenty-four\\nfeet] high, and encircled by turrets adorned with costly\\nornamentation. The second wall had similar ornaments,\\nbut was twice as high. The third wall formed a square,\\nand was sixty cubits [ninety feet] high. In the\\ncity were several richly adorned buildings for the recep-\\ntion of the King and the generals, and treasuries for the\\nrevenue. To the east of the citadel, at a distance of\\nfour plethra [one-half mile], lies a mountain called the\\nRoyal Mountain, in which are the tombs of the kings.\\nEcbatana, the ancient Median capital, was also used\\nas a residence, especially in the heat of the summer,\\nand at times also the kings resided at Babylon yet\\nSusa always remained the capital proper throughout\\nthe entire Achsemenid dynasty.\\nThe court of the King was maintained with extra-\\nordinary dignity and splendour. The person of\\nroyalty was surrounded with everything capable of\\ngiving it elevation, dignity, and charm in the eyes\\nof the masses. Surrounded by a vast body of at-\\ntendants, body-guards, servants, eunuchs, and court\\nofficials, the King was removed as far as possible\\nfrom the vulgar eye. He gave audience seated on\\na golden throne, over which was stretched a bald-\\nachin of purple, supported on four golden pillars\\nglittering with precious stones. In his presence his\\ncourtiers prostrated themselves in the dust. Who-\\never stood in his presence to address him hid his\\nhands in the sleeves of his mantle, as token of his\\nabnegation of will to restrain or harm. He was\\nnever seen on foot. He sometimes appeared on", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 201\\nhorseback, more often in a chariot. Guards and\\nscourgers went before his car to open the way.\\nThere followed the chariots of Mithra, and Magi\\ncarrying the sacred fire. Around him and behind\\nhim were the staff-bearers and his body-guard. On\\nsolemn occasions the ways were purified with frank-\\nincense and strewn with myrtle. The King s attire\\nwas valued, Plutarch says, at 12,000 talents (about\\n$17,000,000).\\nAtossa, the daughter of Cyrus, ranked as the\\nQueen of Darius. Among his wives of second rank\\nthe first place was held by the daughter of Gobryas,\\nwho had borne him three sons before he came to the\\nthrone. Below the secondary wives were the con-\\ncubines, who formed a numerous body. Three hun-\\ndred and twenty concubines of the last Darius (III.)\\nwere found among the captives after Alexander s\\nvictory at Issus. The stories which passed current\\namong the Greeks concerning the extent of the\\nkings retinue and the lavishness of their court, and\\nwhich come to us particularly through the pages of\\nXenophon in his Cyrus s Education and Training,\\nand of Plutarch in his Life of Artaxerxes, are the\\nnatural tribute which the wonder of a plainer people\\npays to the grandeur, luxury, and circumstance of\\nan older civilisation. The chief places in the army,\\nin the government, and at the court were held by\\nmembers of the Persian nobility. As a machine of\\ngovernment the Persian Empire west of the Zagrus\\nMountains was essentially a foreign domination.\\nThis showed itself in the diverse religious systems.\\nDarius was an earnest adherent of the traditiona", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "202 Alexa7tder the Great.\\nAhura Mazda cult of his fathers, in the form it had\\nreceived through the teachings of the prophet Zoro-\\naster (Zarathushtra), who not improbably lived and\\ntaught in Bactria in the days of Darius s father,\\nHystaspes. It was far from having the codified\\nconventional form which it later received, pre-\\neminently under the Sassanid emperors (from the\\nthird century A.D.), when made a book-religion\\nbased upon the collection of sacred writings known\\nas the Zend-Avesta, and organised into a formal\\nstate church. The religion still cultivated at this\\nday by the Parsees of north-western India represents\\nin further development the form given to it under\\nthe Sassanids. The Zend-Avesta, though un-\\ndoubtedly containing as a nucleus older elements\\ndating from as early as the sixth century B.C., took\\nits shape as a collection and an authoritative sacred\\nbook presumably in the second and third centuries\\nof the Christian era.\\nThe Ahura Mazda religion of Darius and his suc-\\ncessors was the religion of all the Iranian peoples,\\nand, as such, a natural development out of the older\\nAryan faith, on the basis of which and under the\\ncontrol of the Brahman priesthood the early Indian\\nreligion known to us through the Vedic books was\\ndeveloped. Like its Indian parallel, this Iranian\\nreligion was administered exclusively by an heredit-\\nary priesthood. Only the priest could perform the\\nritual. In Media one branch of the priesthood\\nbecame predominant over all others, and, receiving\\nthe favour and recognition of the new empire, be-\\ncame the famous caste of the Magi. The priests,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 203\\nhowever, never acquired, as in India, political in-\\nfluence.\\nFundamentally characteristic for the whole atti-\\ntude and influence of the religion is it, that, as a\\nsystem of practical-ethical, rather than speculative\\nbearings, it had its relation not so much to the\\ntribal or national whole, after the manner, for in-\\nstance, of the Hebrew Jahveh cult, as to the life of\\nthe individual. It addressed itself to individuals\\nof whatever race or tribe. Though the whole tribe\\njoined in worship of the Wise Spirit, it was as\\nindividuals that they followed out the principles of\\nhis being and the teachings of his law. Not as\\nmembers of the tribe did they become his followers\\nand devotees, but upon the doing of each one for\\nhimself did it depend whether he was to rank as a\\nfollower of Mazda in this life and to obtain im-\\nmortality and blessedness in the world beyond.\\nVaruna, the heaven-god of the Indian Vedas, is\\nthis same Ahura Mazda. The Vedic pair, Mitra-\\nVaruna, corresponds to the Iranian Mithra-Ahura,\\nand it is not an improbable supposition that origin-\\nally Mitra was the sun, Varuna the moon. This\\nVaruna or Ahura is among both peoples not only a\\ncosmological but also a moral force, but in Iran it\\nis the moral side which receives the emphasis. He\\nis indeed the maker and upholder of the world, the\\nauthor of order in the movements of the universe,\\nthe source of all power as well as of all blessing, the\\nrepresentative of all power and majesty and intelli-\\ngence, but as the god of order and light he is the\\nembodiment and vindicator of all truth and of all", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "204 Alexander the Great.\\npurity. The development of this symbolism of light\\nby transferring its significance from the realm of\\nnature to the realm of personal conduct a transfer\\nwhich is undoubtedly in large measure attributable\\nto the influence of Zoroaster gave to the character\\nof the chief god Ahura Mazda (Ormuzd), and so to\\nhis cult, the ethical bearing which distinguishes\\nthem so markedly from their Indian counterparts.\\nOver against Ormuzd and his attendant genii of\\nlight and cleanness stand the powers of darkness,\\nthe evil spirits, the daivas, agents of darkness, death,\\nand the lie. At their head is Angramanju (Ahri-\\nman), the great demon of darkness, uncleanness, and\\nuntruth.\\nBetween the two opposing forces continued con-\\nflict goes on, and out of it issues forth the experience\\nof individuals and the fate of peoples. Ormuzd\\nuses the fire as his weapon. It gives light and it\\npurifies. In the sacrifice the flame and the sacred\\nformula or hymn give help, succour, and strength to\\nthe god in his struggle with Ahriman. He encour-\\nages the tilling of the fields, the growth of the\\nflocks, and the prosperous, settled life of men. His\\ndevotees are the farmers and the herders. The\\nnomads, who wander about without home or flocks,\\nwho burn and destroy, and disturb the peaceful life\\nof quiet tillers of the soil are the creatures of Ahriman\\nand agents of the daivas.\\nThese are the simple, self-consistent elements of\\nthe religion as it existed in Darius s day, at least in\\nthe purer form known to the upper and more intel-\\nligent classes. In the faith of the folk-masses there", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "The Pei sian Empire. 205\\nsurvived undoubtedly many of the forms of belief\\nderived from the old Aryan religion, and these at\\ntimes emerged to greater or less extent, asserting\\ntheir place in the religious scheme. This, for in-\\nstance, is notably true of the old Mithra cult, known\\nin Vedic religion as the worship of Mitra, the god of\\nsunlight, in close association with that of Varuna\\n(originally the moon The cult of Mithra as sun-\\ngod, especially after its official recognition by Art-\\naxerxes II., came to assume an important place in\\nthe religion and combined with other secondary\\ncults at times, and, until met by decisive reforms,\\nthreatened to impair the purity of the Zoroastrian\\nfaith. As it was, its popularity with the lower\\nclasses spread it in later times far and wide even\\nbeyond the bounds of what had been the Persian\\nEmpire, and accompanied by mystery forms it was\\nwidely introduced into Greece and Rome in the days\\nof the Roman emperors.\\nThough Zoroastrianism was the recognised re-\\nligion of the court, the great masses of the popula-\\ntion of Mesopotamia remained faithful to the old\\nBabylonian religion, which, though modified by\\ncenturies of Semitic domination, was essentially the\\nproduct of the civilisation antedating the coming of\\nthe Semites, which we call by the name Sumero-\\nAccadian. This was in substance a practical system\\nof controlling and appeasing, by means of prayers,\\nofferings, and incantations, the spirits or demons\\nwhich are active in the world of nature. These\\ndemons, conceived of in weird forms of animals or\\nmen, or monstrosities embodying forms of both, are", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "206 Alexander the Great.\\nthe source of those strange types of grjffins, dragons,\\nunicorns, hippogriffs, chimeras, which later, through\\nthe medium of art, found their way to the Western\\nworld, and have since held standard place among\\nthe materials of artistic composition.\\nThe great gods who held sway in heaven and\\nearth were such as Anu, the heaven-god Ea, the\\ngod of the depths, who resides in the water; Bargu,\\nthe god of the air, who sends the storm Marduk,\\nthe city-god of Babylon Nana, the goddess of\\nUruk, often identified with Istar; who are all sus-\\ntainers of society and the order of the world, and\\nin constant conflict with the demons. These powers\\nthat govern the universe betray their will in the\\nmovements of the stars, preeminently in those of\\nthe sun and moon and five great planets. Hence\\nastrology and the holy number 7, together with as-\\ntronomy and the numbers 12, 60, 120, based on the\\nannual course of the sun by months through the\\nconstellations, and applied to the arrangement of\\nweights and measures, came as a Babylonian con-\\ntribution to the world s repertory of forms, sciences,\\nand delusions.\\nAfter Darius s death, in 486 B.C., the empire he\\nhad organised, holding itself together by very inertia,\\ndespite the growing independence of the satraps,\\npassed down in essentially the form he had given it,\\nfor a century and a half, through the hands of his\\nsuccessors: Xerxes (486-465 B.C.), whose famous\\nexpedition against Greece failed at Salamis (480\\nB.C.); Artaxerxes I., called Longimanus (465-424\\nB.C.); Darius II., called Nothus (424-405 B.C.);,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "The Persian Empire. 207\\nArtaxerxes II., called Mnemon (404-358 B.C.),\\nagainst whom arose the revolt of his brother Cyrus,\\nfailing at Cunaxa (401 B.C.); Artaxerxes III., called\\nOchus (358-337 B.C.), a ruler of great energy, under\\nwhom Egypt, after a period of independence, was\\nrejoined to the empire (345 B.C.); Arses (337-336\\nB.C.); and when Alexander entered Asia, Darius\\nIII., called Codomannus, was upon the throne.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII.\\nCARRYING THE WAR INTO ASIA.\\n334 B.C.\\nIN the early spring of 334 B.C., Alexander was\\nready for his advance against Persia. The\\nodds were great. Persia covered a territory\\nfifty times as great as his own, and had a population\\ntwenty-five times as great. He had no ships that\\ncould be measured against the Phoenician fleet,\\nwhich, in Persian service, controlled the ^Egean.\\nAn Athenian fleet of 350 triremes lay idle in the\\nharbours of Athens, but political expediency pre-\\nvented him from calling for more than twenty of\\nthem. The plan of his campaign contemplated\\nsolely a test of strength on the land. He proposed,\\nas the issue showed, to render the Persian supremacy\\non the sea a vain distinction, by robbing the fleet\\nof a coast from which to operate.\\nWith an army of 30,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry\\nhe entered a country which, under Xerxes, had sent\\na million armed men against Greece. By the terms\\nof the league which Philip had made with the Greek\\n208", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 209\\nstates at Corinth, he had the right of naming the\\nsize of the contingent which each state should furnish\\nto the army. Though this agreement was renewed\\nunder Alexander, for some reason, which neither he\\nhas told nor any ancient historian surmised, he chose\\nnot to avail himself of it beyond a limited extent.\\nHe undoubtedly preferred a small disciplined army\\nupon which he could absolutely rely. Except for\\na body of 1500 Thessalian cavalry under Macedonian\\ncommand and from 5000 to 7000 infantry furnished\\nby various states and called in the accounts the\\nallied infantry, his army was composed of men\\nof the north, Thracians and Macedonians, tried and\\ntrue.\\nThe Persian state had at its control enormous re-\\nsources of money. Alexander, after equipping his\\narmy, had in hand, to say nothing of his debts,\\nwhich some say were abundant, only seventy talents\\n(say $80,000), and, as Plutarch adds, no more than\\nthirty days provisions for his troops. Still he gave\\nhimself pains to know if all his friends were duly\\nprovided for in their outfit for the campaign, and\\nwhatsoever he found they lacked he provided not\\nwith cash, but by assigning to them lands or villages\\nor revenues from certain parts of his realm. At last,\\nwhen he had in this wise apportioned almost all he\\nhad to give, Perdiccas, in some solicitude, asked him\\nwhat he had left for himself, and he replied: My\\nhopes. In these, rejoined Perdiccas, your\\nsoldiers will be your partners, and thereupon re-\\nfused, along with others, to accept what had been\\nassigned him.\\n14", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "2iO Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nThe relatively insignificant resources with which\\nAlexander set out upon his task give a touch of the\\nquixotic to his enterprise. Men have judged him a\\nharebrained enthusiast whose successes were due to\\ndash and luck. But he reckoned well with what he\\nhad to deal. Behind the appearance of reckless\\ndash were concealed a careful estimate of conditions\\nand a definite and consistent plan of action. He\\nknew that Persia was weak in its vastness, and that\\nits bulk gave it, through inertia, a continuance of\\nexistence only because no smooth stone was fitted\\nto the sling.\\nWith all Greece sulkily holding aloof from the\\nwar, and Greek mercenaries constituting the reliable\\nstrength of the Persian army, he called himself the\\nleader of the Greeks, and entered the contest with a\\ncompact force composed of soldiers most of whom\\nthe Greeks would have called barbarians. But he\\nknew his army. It was the best-disciplined force in\\nexistence. He had seen its action, and, small as it\\nwas, he could trust it. The weakness of Persia he\\nhad ample means of knowing. Had not the experi-\\nence of the ten thousand Greeks who, sixty years\\nbefore, entered to the heart of the empire and then\\nretreated complacently and safely, proved it amply\\nenough A band of professional soldiers of fortune\\npicked up in the soldier marts of Greece, they had\\npushed their way (401 B.C.), along with a dashing\\nyoung prince who aspired offhand, as if it were a\\ngame of polo, to seize his brother s crown, seventeen\\nhundred miles across the empire to within fifty miles\\nof the gates of Babylon. Here, joined with a hun-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 2 1 1\\ndred thousand Asiatics, they fought against half a\\nmillion or more, and for their part won and would\\nhave gained for the young prince the prize he sought,\\nhad he not lost his life by the needless risks he took.\\nThen when they found no other candidate willing to\\nrisk a throw for the crown, they turned back, made\\ntheir way out to the north by Armenia, and found\\nthe shores of the Euxine well within a year from the\\ntime of first setting out. Xenophon has made a\\ngenial story of it all in his Anabasis.\\nThe Persians had learned the value of Greek\\ntroops, and now, in Alexander s time, the only\\npractical righting strength their armies possessed\\nwere the Greek mercenaries. Alexander had thirty\\nthousand of the latter to face at Issus (333 B.C.).\\nProfessionalism in war had developed itself in Greece\\nwith the Peloponnesian war (43 1-404 B. C.). Military\\nmethods suddenly outgrew the capacity of the old-\\nfashioned citizen soldiery. War changed from sport\\nto business. Political Napoleons like Dionysius of\\nSyracuse, then Jason of Pherae, then Philip of Mace-\\ndon, came to see the need for their purpose of a\\nstanding army of trained, professional soldiers? and\\nthe free states were forced to keep pace with them.\\nFirst were hired the supplementary troops, Rhodian\\nslingers, Cretan bowmen, light-armed soldiers from\\nthe West and the North, while the hoplites, or\\nheavy-armed, remained of the citizen class; but later\\neven they yielded place to the professionals. Con-\\nservative Sparta held to the old way, but she found\\nthe times too fast for her, and went to the wall.\\nProgressive, mercantile Athens took kindly to mer-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "212 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\ncenaries. Her citizens early tired of the game of\\nwar, and, as Hans Droysen remarks, The last con-\\ntests for the freedom of Greece were fought mostly\\nby mercenaries, hired with Persian money.\\nCorinth and Taenarum were the chief markets\\nwhere soldiers were hired. Arcadians (the East-\\nTennesseeans of Greece), Achaeans, ^Etolians, Thes-\\nsalians, furnished the most of the men. Like\\ncarpenters and barbers, they brought their own\\ntools, but received pay and food, and, if all went\\nwell, a share of the booty. Strange to say, mer-\\ncenary service seems not to have incurred the\\nreproach of disloyalty, even when rendered to bar-\\nbarians against a Greek state. Patriotism, for a\\nGreek, did not go much beyond his own city.\\nPolitical and military movements were now coming\\nto concern mostly larger units than the city, but a\\npatriotism had not been developed to fit the new\\nscale. Love of the sport and a chance for gain were\\nexcuse enough for a young man who left home and\\nfought in the armies of strangers. He was looked\\nupon by his townsfolk much as a ball-player nowa-\\ndays* would be who should forsake his native Bing-\\nhamton or Elmira to accept a position on the New\\nYork or Cincinnati nine.\\nIn Macedonia Alexander left behind him a force\\nof twelve thousand infantry and fifteen hundred\\ncavalry, just half the native army, under command\\nof Antipater, the trusty sexagenarian, who was now\\nmade regent and the European representative of the\\nKing. He had enjoyed the fullest confidence of\\nPhilip, and was noted for his austere life and puritan-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 213\\nical ideas. The stories told about him characterise\\nPhilip as well. When Philip was starting in for a\\ndrinking-debauch, he would sometimes say, so Car-\\nystius reports: Now we can go ahead and get full;\\nit s enough that Antipater keeps sober. Another\\nis this: Once Philip was playing at dice, when\\nAntipater was announced. After a moment of hes-\\nitation, Philip pushed the board under the sofa.\\nAlexander, having once set out from Pella, ad-\\nvanced directly along the coast toward the Helles-\\npont (Dardanelles), by way of Amphipolis and\\nAbdera, and in twenty days had covered the 350\\nmiles to Sestus, where the passage was at its narrow-\\nest (4400 feet). Here was the spot where, 146 years\\nbefore, Xerxes had stretched his famous bridge of\\nboats, and any one may guess how many years\\nbefore Leander swam across to make his nightly\\nrendezvous with Aphrodite s priestess, Hero.\\nThe Macedonian forces under Parmenion, when,\\nthe year before, they had retreated from Asiatic\\nsoil, had prudently retained possession of Abydus,\\nsituated near the site of the modern Turkish fort\\nNagara, on a tongue of land opposite Sestus. Thus\\nthe opportunity of crossing at pleasure was secured.\\nThe greater part of the army was left to cross here\\nunder the oversight of Parmenion, at whose disposal\\nfor this purpose there were 160 triremes, besides a\\nnumber of trading-vessels.\\nAlexander himself, now that the coast was clear,\\nand no opposition to be expected in disembarking\\non the other side, was able to indulge his antiquarian\\ninstincts by arranging for a ceremonious landing a", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "214 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nlittle to the west, at the plain of Troy, on the very-\\nbeach where Agamemnon had drawn up his ships.\\nSo, accompanied by a portion of the infantry, he\\nmoved farther along the northern coast to Elaeus\\n(modern Eski Hissarlik), about fifteen miles distant,\\nwhere the breadth of the Hellespont (two and a half\\nmiles) is three times that at Sestus. After paying\\nhis respects at the tomb of Protesilaus, the first hero\\nto land, as well as to fall, in the Trojan war, and\\noffering sacrifices accompanied with a prayer for\\nbetter luck, he started across. The flagship he\\nsteered with his own hands. In the middle of the\\nchannel he sacrificed a bull to Poseidon and the\\nNereids, and poured them a libation from a golden\\ngoblet. His ship was first to touch the land. From\\nits prow he hurled a spear into the soil, and then\\nleaped ashore in full armour, the first to land. Al-\\ntars to Zeus, Athena, and Hercules were erected on\\nthe spot, as well as at the one where he had em-\\nbarked.\\nThen he betook himself to the site of ancient\\nTroy, and without suffering the perverting doubts\\nof Demetrius or Lechevalier as to its location, he\\nwent straight to Ilium, the modern Hissarlik. Here\\nhe offered sacrifice in the temple of Athena, and\\ndedicated as votive offering a suit of his own armour,\\ntaking in exchange some of the consecrated armour\\nthat, tradition claimed, had been there since the\\nTrojan war. This he afterwards caused to be carried\\nbefore him, by specially appointed shield-bearers,\\nwhen he entered battle. He also sacrificed to Priam,\\nwho, according to one legend, was slain by Neopto-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "334 B.c.l Carrying the War into Asia. 215\\nlemus, in order to avert his displeasure from himself\\nas Neoptolemus s descendant. Special honours he\\npaid to the tomb of Achilles. He anointed his\\ngrave, and in company with his friends, as the an-\\ncient custom is, ran to it naked and laid a garland\\nupon it, declaring, as he did so, how fortunate he\\nesteemed Achilles in that in life he found a faithful\\nfriend, and in death a great man to herald his\\ndeeds. His friend Hephaestion is said to have\\npaid similar honours to the tomb of Patroclus.\\nGames also were held. After receiving the felicit-\\nations of the dignitaries of the neighbourhood, in-\\ncluding the picturesque Chares, an Athenian, but\\nnow a free-lance and lord of Sigeum, and after\\nhaving ordered the rebuilding of Ilium and encour-\\naged the assemblage of a population there by\\npromise of freedom from taxation, he set out to\\njoin the body of his army, which was encamped at\\nArisbe, near Abydus. Of the infantry, 5000 were\\nmercenaries, 7000 allies, 6000 tribesmen of the\\nThracian and Illyrian north, and 12,000 native\\nMacedonians; of the cavalry, 1500 were Macedon-\\nians, 1500 Thessalians, the rest Greeks, Thracians,\\nand Paeonians.\\nThe highest standard of efficiency in the army\\nwas represented by the famous cavalry troop com-\\nposed of Macedonian knights and called the hetairoi,\\nor companions. It was at first divided into eight\\nsquadrons (ilai), one of them being composed of\\npicked men and called the agema. Though the\\nnumbers were not definitely fixed, it appears from\\nincidental allusions that each He contained about", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "216 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\n150 men. The whole troop we may therefore esti-\\nmate approximately at 1200. The term com-\\npanions, or cavalry companions (to distinguish\\nthem from the pezetairoi, or infantry companions),\\nis sometimes applied to the whole troop, sometimes\\nto the agfona, as the companions in the most re-\\nstricted sense. They wore, like the Greek heavy\\ncavalry generally, a metallic helmet, a cuirass of\\nlinen or leather covered with metallic scales, and\\nhigh boots; they rode without saddle, and carried\\na short (blade about two feet), straight, two-edged\\nsword, and a lance (six to eight feet) of cornel-wood\\nor ash, shod and tipped with metal, but no javelins\\nand no shield. The Thessalian cavalry was similarly\\nequipped. Besides these were the light-armed\\ncavalrymen, the Pseonians and the sarissophors, the\\nlatter armed with the long lance (eighteen feet).\\nThe mass of the infantry, known as the pezetairoi,\\nor infantry companions, constituted the phalanx, a\\nsolid defensive formation which Philip had created\\nby modifications of the Theban phalanx. The men\\nwere armed with the eighteen-foot sarissa, or lance,\\nwhich was held couched by the left hand grasping\\nit about four feet from the foot, and supported by\\nthe right. The phalanx was drawn up in six bat-\\ntalions, or taxeis, generally eight men deep. When\\nall the lances were levelled, and the men compactly\\nmassed, the lances of the rear rank reached nearly,\\nif not quite, to the front rank, and the whole be-\\ncame a bristling mass of lance-points which no onset\\ncould penetrate.\\nA body of light-armed foot-soldiers, called the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 2 1 7\\nliypaspists, originally developed out of the king s\\nbody-guard, formed the corps a elite of the infantry.\\nThey were armed much like peltasts, with shield,\\nlong sword, and lance. A picked body of them,\\nalso known as the agema, served with the cavalry\\nage ma as body-guard to the King. Alexander s\\nusual order of battle disposed the various troops as\\nfollows, beginning on the right: (1) bowmen and\\nAgrianians (2) the cavalry age ma, supported by the\\nlight cavalry of Paeonians and sarissophors (3) the\\ncavalry companions; (4) the hypaspists (5) the/*s-\\netairoi, or phalanx; (6) the Thessalian and other\\nallied cavalry. There was in reality no centre. The\\nright wing was intended to smite, the left to stand\\nfirm. How Alexander used his line we shall soon see.\\nA Persian army had already assembled to meet\\nthem, about seventy miles to the eastward of Zeleia.\\nWithout hesitation, the Macedonians advanced.\\nThe cities of Lampsacus and Priapus hastened to\\noffer their submission as the army came toward\\nthem. The Persians, in their turn, advanced and\\ntook a position on the east bank of the Granicus,\\nfifteen miles from its mouth at the Sea of Marmora.\\nIn doing this the Persians had overridden the wise\\nadvice of their only competent general, Memnon,\\nthe Rhodian Greek. He had advised that the\\narmy should slowly retreat, devastating the country\\nthrough which Alexander had to pass, and thus em-\\nbarrassing him for lack of supplies. The Greeks,\\nsuperior in their infantry and under the personal\\nleading of their King, were certain for the present\\nto have advantage in a direct engagement. Jealousy", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "2i8 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nof Memnon and pretended solicitude for the dignity\\nof the empire led the Persians to reject this advice\\nand adopt the plan of defending the ford of the\\nGranicus.\\nThey took their position above the steep eastern\\nbank of the river, placing their cavalry in front along\\nthe bank, and the Greek mercenaries, who consti-\\ntuted the mass of the infantry, qn the rising ground\\nbehind. The cavalry numbered about twenty thou-\\nsand, the infantry somewhat less. The Persians, in\\nsetting their cavalry at the front to act on the\\ndefensive, committed a folly that Alexander appre-\\nciated the moment he arrived on the opposite bank,\\nwhere he could see the enemy s line. He determ-\\nined, though the day was already far advanced, to\\nattack immediately.\\nParmenion attempted to dissuade him from his\\npurpose. He presented a strong case. It would\\nbe impossible to attack the enemy there except at\\ngreat disadvantage. The stream was in places deep,\\nand only at one ford could the troops pass through.\\nHence it would be impossible to meet the enemy\\nwith extended front. They would attack the column\\nend as it emerged from the ford and attempted to\\nclimb the steep, muddy banks. A repulse at this\\njuncture would put a damper upon the whole expe-\\ndition. It was too much to risk. Rather let us\\nencamp, he urged, and wait for the enemy to with-\\ndraw, as they are sure to do when they appreciate\\nour superiority in infantry. The very prudence\\nof this advice illustrates well how weak is logical\\nanalysis as against the sure, quick insight of genius.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 219\\nAlexander had seen at a glance the advantage he\\nhad through the mistake of his enemy. The Greek\\nmercenaries, the only part of the army he had to\\nfear, were removed to a distance from the river.\\nThe cavalry suited to the onset was assigned to a\\nhopeless defence. Alexander s answer to Parmenion\\nwas not, however, couched in terms of strategy: I\\nshould count it a disgrace, Parmenion, after having\\nso easily crossed the Hellespont, to be foiled by this\\npaltry stream. If I halt now, the Persians will take\\ncourage and flatter themselves they are in some way\\na match for Macedonians. With these words he\\nclosed the discussion, and sent Parmenion to com-\\nmand the left or northerly wing, while he took\\ncommand of the right.\\nThe glitter of his armour and the honours paid\\nhim by his attendants disclosed to the Persians,\\nwatching from the other bank, the position Alexan-\\nder had taken, and they hastened to mass dense\\nsquadrons of horse upon their left wing, where his\\nattack was to be expected.\\nAmyntas, in command of a skirmishing force of\\ncavalry, and accompanied by one division of in-\\nfantry, in front of which moved a squadron of the\\ncompanion cavalry, was sent on ahead to attack\\nthe enemy s extreme left. The purpose of this\\nmovement was evidently to draw the enemy s line\\ntoward the left and so weaken their centre or open\\na gap between centre and left where Alexander was\\npreparing to strike.\\nThen Alexander mounted his horse, called to his\\nmen to remember their valour, and gave the order", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "220 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nto advance. The blare of the trumpets echoed his\\ncommand. The paean to Mars resounded through\\nthe valley, and in they plunged. Alexander led the\\nsquadrons of heavy cavalry obliquely across and\\ndown the stream half left, in a sort of echelon form-\\nation, so that, on reaching the opposite bank, his\\nline should present to the enemy as broad a front as\\npossible. Showers of arrows fell upon them as they\\nstruggled through the ford. As the advance cavalry\\nneared the shore, the Persians hurled their javelins\\ndown upon them from the high banks, or pushed\\ndown to meet them on the shore or at the very edge\\nof the water. The Macedonians fought with spears,\\nmany of them still standing with unsteady footing in\\nthe water. The horses plunged and slipped as they\\ngained the muddy shore, and the Persian horse rode\\ndown against them, pushing them back and rolling\\nthem over.\\nThe first-comers fared hard. A confused, surg-\\ning, pushing, slipping, struggling mass of men and\\nhorses covered the bank. But slowly and steadily,\\npressing their way through the ford and aiming at\\nthe enemy s centre, came the dense squadrons of\\nAlexander s cavalry. The first rank gained the\\nshore. Close behind and somewhat to the left\\ncame the second. They pushed their way relent-\\nlessly into the jumbled mass. The long Macedon-\\nian spears with their stubborn shafts of cornel-wood\\nprodded their way before them. The short javelins\\n(three feet long) with which the Persians fought\\nlacked the range of the Macedonian sarissas.\\nSlowly but surely Alexander s squadrons pushed", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "u. .2,\\nE\\np\\nOS\\nJa J5\\n;c5^\\nOh 2\\nJ3 B 0\\nn c B\\nC N 5\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00c2\u00abo E\\n5 8 c u\\nE o\\nXXI ifl 00\\nc a b\\nl!t|\\n,Q O i/i\\nC 3\\nw -o E w\\na 5 c 5\\n0-8,18 g\\n2 o So 2\\n4J.\\n_-n.2 2\\nb^S ,S\\no 8\\nilS 8\\n5Xu O-^n ^5\u00c2\u00b1\\no i2 J5 p c\\n3^-b\\nre\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nft-S.-\\nM?C\\ngo o.2 art\\nftl-3 8!\\ndT3\\n0fl\\nr- .i-l M* TO 3 w 11 V\\nO S \u00c2\u00b0-BxX\\noLo^EEggH^H", "height": "3320", "width": "2196", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 221\\ntheir way in, and the light-armed infantry mingled\\nwith the cavalry served a good purpose, too.\\nAlexander, upon his horse, was in the thick of the\\nfight. His lance was shattered. So was that of\\nAretis, his aide, to whom he had called for another.\\nThen Demaratus, the Corinthian, gave him his\\nNo sooner had he taken it than, seeing Mithridates,\\nthe son-in-law of Darius, riding up at the head of a\\nsquadron of cavalry arranged in the shape of a wedge,\\nhe rode forward and, striking the Persian full in the\\nface, threw him to the ground. Thereupon Rhoisakes\\ncharged upon Alexander and smote him a blow on the\\nhead with his scimitar. A piece was broken from the\\nhelmet, but it held against the blow. Then, in turn,\\nAlexander threw him to the ground, driving his lance\\nthrough his breastplate into his chest. And, just then,\\nas Spithridates had swung his scimitar aloft to bring it\\ndown upon the head of the King, Clitus, the very one\\nwhom Alexander six years later in his anger slew, antici-\\npating the blow, smote him through the shoulder, cutting\\noff arm, scimitar, and all.\\nThe Persians maintained a vigorous resistance,\\nbut the heavy cavalry of the Macedonians kept\\ncoming in from the ford, striking blow after blow on\\nthe already disordered centre of the enemy. Once\\nan entrance had been effected into their mass, the\\nopening in their centre grew greater and greater.\\nThe retreat began first in the centre, where the first\\nblow had been struck. Soon the retreat turned to\\nArrian, Anabasis, i., 15.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "222 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\na rout, and the wings, finding the centre broken,\\njoined in the retreat, and speed turned into furious\\nhaste. Little attempt to pursue them was made;\\nhence the cavalry loss, considering the decisive de-\\nfeat, was relatively slight, not much exceeding a\\nthousand, or about five per cent, of those en-\\ngaged.\\nAs the field cleared itself from the rout, the Greek\\nmercenaries were disclosed still holding sturdily\\ntheir place on the highland beyond. Thus far they\\nhad had no part in the battle. It was as if they had\\nnot been consulted. The solid strength of the Per-\\nsian force, and what perhaps might have been its\\nrescue, had been stupidly relegated to uselessness,\\nand now, abandoned utterly by their employers and\\nlords, were left dazed by the sudden turn of affairs,\\nand were at the mercy of the Macedonians. The\\ncavalry swept down upon their flanks the phalanxes\\nof infantry attacked them in front. They were sur-\\nrounded, overwhelmed, annihilated. Two thousand\\nwere taken prisoners, but none escaped, except to\\ngive it in Arrian s grim phrase such as hid them-\\nselves among the dead bodies.\\nThe defeat was overwhelming. An important\\nfeature of it was the eminence of the Persians who\\nfell. Among these were Arbupales, prince of the\\nroyal blood, grandson of Artaxerxes; Spithridates,\\nsatrap of Lydia Mithrobuzanes, governor of\\nCappadocia; Mithridates, son-in-law of Darius;\\nPharnaces, brother-in-law of Darius; and Omares,\\ncommander of the mercenary infantry. Arsites,\\nthe governor of Phrygia, committed suicide after", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 223\\nthe battle, because of his responsibility for the re-\\njection of Memnon s advice.\\nThe Macedonians had suffered a surprisingly small\\nloss. Twenty-five of the hetairoi, or knights, the\\nheavy cavalry that had carried the weight of the\\nbattle, and sixty of the other cavalry had lost their\\nlives, making probably less than three per cent, of\\nthose actively engaged. The fact that the loss of\\nthe infantry in killed was only thirty shows how\\nhelpless had been the Greek mercenaries, against\\nwhom alone the heavy infantry had been engaged.\\nThey had evidently become a mere disorganised\\nmob, and were simply massacred.\\nThe Macedonian dead were buried next day with\\ndistinguished honours, wearing their arms and\\ndecorations to their graves. Their parents and\\nchildren were granted freedom from all property-\\ntaxes, as well as from imposts on the produce of\\ntheir fields, and relieved from all obligation to per-\\nsonal service. The court statuary, Lysippus of\\nSicyon, was ordered to make bronze statues of the\\ntwenty-five companions who fell, and these were\\nafterwards set up in the Macedonian metropolis of\\nDion.\\nThose who had been wounded received the per-\\nsonal attention and solicitude of the King. He\\nwent from one to the other, looked at their wounds,\\ninquired particularly as to how they had been re-\\nceived, and allowed them what is dear to the\\nsoldier s heart, and especially to that of the Greek\\nsoldier to tell their tales and brag of their deeds.\\nIncidents like this betray in a striking way the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "224 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nextent to which Alexander s leadership and his em-\\npire were a personal thing. The prisoners taken in\\nthe battle were sent away in chains to till the soil of\\nMacedonia. They were Greeks fighting against the\\nGreek cause, upon which the Congress of Corinth\\nhad set its seal of legitimacy, and though this had\\nbeen so far, even to an almost ludicrous extent,\\nmatter of theory rather than of practice, it was time\\nnow to vindicate the seriousness of the theory.\\nSome of these captives were Athenians, and the\\ndesire of the Athenian state for their release ex-\\npressed itself in repeated official requests. An em-\\nbassy sent to the King the next year at Gordium\\nwas refused. Not until three years after the battle,\\nin 331 B.C., was the petition finally granted.\\nThe rich booty of the victory Alexander divided\\namong his allies. To Olympias, his mother, he sent\\nsome of the Persian rugs and ornaments, and the\\ngolden goblets which he had found in the enemy s\\ntents. Three hundred full suits of armour were sent\\nto Athens to be hung up in the Acropolis as a votive\\noffering to the goddess Athene, and the following\\ninscription was to be displayed above them: Al-\\nexander, son of Philip, and the Greeks, excepting\\nthe Lacedaemonians [dedicate this spoil], from the\\nbarbarians dwelling in Asia. Where this offer-\\ning was placed in the Acropolis we are ignor-\\nant certainly not on the outside of the Parthenon,\\nas was once supposed. The traces of letters on\\nthe eastern architrave, formerly believed to repre-\\nsent the inscription dictated by Alexander, have\\nbeen recently shown by an American student to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3277", "width": "2256", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] Carrying the War into Asia. 225\\nbelong to an inscription in honour of the Emperor\\nNero.\\nAlexander s act, in sending the offering to Athens\\nand the form in which the inscription was couched,\\nspeak for his generosity of temper, and his persistent\\nkindly feeling toward Athens and admiration of her\\ngreatness. A smaller man might well have resented\\nin the moment of brilliant success the indifference\\nand the slights shown him in the time of his need,\\nand Alexander might well have been excused from\\nnaming the Greeks as copartners in his victories.\\nThe question may be raised whether it was not a\\nmere act of policy on his part, with a view to win-\\nning the cooperation of the Greeks, and especially\\nof the Athenians. His need of a fleet might be\\nmentioned in support of this view. A consideration\\nof Alexander s character as a whole, however, and of\\nhis general course of action in achieving cooperation,\\ndoes not admit of an interpretation of this act which\\nwould make it an ordinary politician s bid for an\\nexchange of favours.\\nHis desire to be regarded and to be a real leader\\nand champion of Hellenism had passed from the\\nrange of dream and fancy and theory into that of\\nfixed purpose and a practical plan of life. He\\nwished the sympathy and, in a large way, the co-\\noperation of Greece, but he had no idea of purchas-\\ning or beguiling specific favours. The coldness and\\nthe aloofness which the Athenians displayed toward\\none who, in his embodiment of all that was most\\ncharacteristic of the Hellenic spirit, in his passion\\nfor the beautiful, in his respect for Greek institu-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "226 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\ntions, in his enthusiasm for the great things in Greek\\nhistory and tradition, as well as in the brilliant charm\\nof his person, might seem the very fulfilment of the\\nGreek desire and the satisfaction of the national de-\\nmand, can be explained only on the basis of a blind-\\ning political envy and a love of small things and\\nnarrow issues. Any fear that Athens might right-\\neously have entertained for the security of her local\\ninstitutions and the maintenance of her autonomy\\nought, after the experience of the preceding four\\nyears, in which both Philip and Alexander had re-\\npeatedly declined to avail themselves of good excuses\\nfor interfering in local matters, to be now entirely\\nannulled. The world was moving. A new order\\nwas coming in. Athens saw, but she did not com-\\nprehend. So the world s history moved on thereafter\\nwithout Athens.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV.\\nIN LYDIA AND CARIA.\\n334 B.C.\\nTO say that Alexander had now the absolute\\nconfidence of the army would be too little;\\nmen trusted him, loved him, adored him.\\nAnd no wonder. Men of any time would. He\\nemerged from the battle-dust of Granicus a person-\\nality in which all was combined that inspires men s\\nenthusiasm and commands their allegiance. In his\\ntwenty-second year, the flush and vigour of splendid\\nyouth upon him, no one called him a stripling; he\\nwore the crown of success that genius, and not luck,\\nhad won him, and that age might envy. His char-\\nacter was as frank and open as the sky indirection\\nof every sort he abhorred. He could plan, organise,\\nthink; to will and to do he was quick and strong;\\nin business affairs he was definite and orderly: but\\nhe had a heart, was loyal to friends, loved much,\\nand was much beloved. Generous to a fault, and\\nunconscious of self, meanness and fear were un-\\nknown to him. His respect for woman and his\\n227", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "228 Alexander the Great. 334 B.C.]\\nmoral cleanliness made him an exception to his\\ntimes. Practical-minded as he was, he was swayed\\nby ideals. He loved music and song, and the con-\\nversation and association of men knew the charm\\nof letters, and gave to the gods their due. What-\\never his failings, these were his virtues.\\nOf the physical man Alexander, biographers and\\nartists have left us a reasonably distinct picture.\\nLysippus portrayed him in bronze, the painter\\nApelles in colour, the engraver Pyrgoteles on gems\\nbut the portraits made by Lysippus, men said, were\\nthe most lifelike. Through copies and imitators the\\nportrait type passed on to the after-world, and sur-\\nvives to-day in a few such works as the Alexander\\nbust of the Louvre, the Alexander Rondanini of the\\nMunich Glyptothek, the Alexander in the Pompeiian\\nmosaic representing the battle of Issus, but best\\nof all, perhaps, upon the tetradrachm coinage of\\nLysimachus.\\nAlexander was of good stature and muscular, well-\\nproportioned figure. He had the blond type of the\\nold Northman Aryans, blue eyes and golden hair,\\nwhich survived latest in Greece with the old aristo-\\ncratic families. His skin, as Plutarch particularly\\nemphasises, was clear and white, with ruddy hue on\\ncheek and breast. A characteristic feature were the\\nmassy locks that rose up mane-like from above the\\ncentre of his forehead, and coupled with deep-set\\neyes and heavy brows, gave his face the leonine\\nlook to which Plutarch refers. The upward glance\\nof the eyes, which had the soft, melting, or, as the\\nGreeks called it, moist expression, that artists", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Carta. 229\\ngave to the eyes of Venus and Bacchus, the strong,\\nfinely shaped, almost aquiline nose joined high to\\nthe forehead, the sensitive, passionate lips, the\\nprominent chin these complete the picture that\\npen and chisel have left. That he was beautiful to\\nlook upon all accounts agree.\\nAll the portraits represent him as smooth-shaven,\\nexcept the Pompeiian mosaic, where a light growth\\non the cheeks perhaps serves to indicate youth, in\\naccordance with Roman-Alexandrian usage. It is\\nnoticeable that the Capitoline bust commonly named\\nHelios, but which at least has the Alexander type\\nas a basis, and shows also an incipient beard, is a\\nwork of the second century B.C. But, after all, the\\nPompeiian mosaic may be a faithful copy of Helena s\\npainting made directly after the Issus battle (333\\nB.C.), and so be a proof that Alexander began the\\npractice of shaving later than that, and at some time\\nduring the Asiatic campaigns. We know that the\\nfashion of shaving the face clean took its rise in\\nGreco-Roman civilisation from imitation of Alexan-\\nder. The Hellenistic kings always appear without\\nbeards, and in the third century B.C. barbers and\\nshaving made their way into Rome. The Roman\\nemperors down to Hadrian followed the style thus\\nset by their archetype. Alexander had a habit, too,\\nof carrying the head slightly inclined toward the left\\nshoulder, and this, they say, all his generals and suc-\\ncessors, consciously or unconsciously, imitated, and\\nmany would-be heroes after them.\\nThe battle at the Granicus (May, 334 B.C.), in-\\nsignificant as it seemed to be on the score of the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "230 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nrelatively small Persian force (from thirty-five to\\nforty thousand) engaged, had now become a fact of\\ngreat significance. It was one of the three great\\nbattles fought by Alexander in open field for the\\nconquest of the Persian Empire. As its immediate\\nresult, the whole of Asia Minor north of the Taurus\\nrange that is, north of Pisidia and Cilicia was\\nplaced at the mercy of Alexander. No large Persian\\nforce and no competent Persian authority existed\\nwithin that territory.\\nAfter appointing Calas, a young Macedonian who\\nhad commanded the Thessalian cavalry in the battle,\\ngovernor of Phrygia, and sending Parmenion with\\ntroops to occupy Dascylium its capital, eighty miles\\nto the east of the battle-field, he himself advanced\\ninto Lydia, toward its capital, Sardis. This city,\\nfrom its central inland position, was an important\\npoint, as well as from its wealth, the strength of its\\ncitadel, and its command of the trade routes. Nine\\nmiles outside the city gates the Persian command-\\nant, Mithrines, accompanied by the leading citizens,\\ncame to meet the conqueror and offer the surrender\\nof the city.\\nOn entering its gates, Alexander assured the citi-\\nzens of their freedom, restored to them their ancient\\nconstitution and laws, which Persian occupation had\\nset aside, and, as an honour to the city, announced\\nhis determination to erect a temple of the Olympian\\nZeus upon its citadel. In this connection an incident\\nis related characteristic of the ancient meteorology.\\nWhile Alexander was debating concerning the prop-\\ner location of the temple there suddenly appeared in", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Carta. 231\\nthe sky an unusual thing in the dry, placid climate\\nof June a heavy mass of clouds attended by thun-\\nder and lightning. There came, however, with the\\nclouds only a few drops of rain, but what fell, fell\\nupon that part of the citadel rock where in ancient\\ntimes the palace of the kings of Lydia had stood.\\nThis was accepted as an intimation of the divine\\nwill, and the temple was located on that spot.\\nThe government of the province of Lydia was not\\nleft in the hands of a single man, as under the Per-\\nsian regime, but the former functions of the satrap\\nwere distributed among three different officials one\\nwho attended to the collection of tribute and im-\\nposts, one who commanded the garrison, and one\\nwho conducted the government and had the title\\nand honours of governor. All three were made\\ndirectly responsible to the throne. This model\\nAlexander followed in organising the government\\nof other provinces as they fell into his hands. It\\nwas an important modification of the Persian system\\nin the interest of solidifying and centralising the\\nimperial authority. The wisest thing about it all\\nwas that the organisation of the army was thereby\\nkept undivided.\\nHaving so disposed of matters in Lydia, Alexan-\\nder set out toward Ephesus, sixty-five miles to the\\nsouthwest of Sardis, and so came again within the\\nconfines of Hellendom for the true Hellas, as\\nthe habitat of the Greeks, was then, as it is to-day,\\nnot a tract of land, but the ^Egean and its fringe of\\nshores. The Asiatic Greeks were a third of all there\\nwere. In the most central position on the Asiatic", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "232 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nshore, directly opposite Athens, stood Ephesus, at\\nthe head of a bay along the shores of which, within\\na radius of thirty miles, were ranged at least ten\\nprosperous Greek cities. Chios flanked the northern\\nentrance to the bay, Samos, twenty miles away, the\\nsouthern. Accessible to the inland by the Cayster\\nvalley, Ephesus formed the natural meeting-place\\nfor the Carian, Phrygian, and Lydian population of\\nthe interior with the Greeks and others who plied the\\nsea. Long before there were any Greeks in these\\nlands it had been a busy mart, and now, like the cult\\nand the sanctuary of its famous Diana, herself a\\nHellenised Asiatic, it had become the most cosmo=\\npolitan of all the communities wearing the Greek\\nguise, and, with its population of a quarter of a\\nmillion, was the largest, wealthiest city of Asiatic\\nGreece, Miletus being its only rival.\\nThe Asiatic Greece of which Ephesus was the\\nforemost representative inclined in general to the\\noligarchic form of city government and to a placid\\nacceptance of the mild Persian sway. The young\\nhero who bore the lofty title of captain-general of\\nthe Greeks surely found some disappointments to\\nface. The cities of European Greece looked on with\\nindifference as he toiled, and awaited the opportunity\\nof some reverse openly to oppose him. The Asiatic\\nGreeks he came to rescue did not wish to be rescued.\\nThe war for the present was Greek against Greek.\\nOn the fourth day from Sardis Alexander was at\\nthe gates of Ephesus. The news of his approach\\nhad developed a panic within the city. Indeed,\\nsince the battle of Granicus the city had been in", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "HEAD OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.\\nFROM A TETRADRACHM OF LYSIMACHU3.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Carta. 233\\ncontinuous political turmoil. The Greek mercenaries\\nwho constituted, evidently in Persian interest, the\\ngarrison of the city, on the first news of the battle,\\nin which the summary treatment accorded the Greek\\nmercenaries must have particularly interested them,\\nhad seized two triremes and set off in flight. This\\nwas a serious blow to the oligarchic government\\nwhich at that time, under Syrphax s leadership, was\\nin control of the city. This government had sought\\nto sustain itself by admitting into the city, after the\\nbattle of Granicus, the fugitive remnants of Mem-\\nnon s army, an act which had been sorely resented\\nby the popular party. The oligarchy was thus\\nidentified more closely than ever with the fortunes\\nof Persia, and the retreat of the garrison, and Mem-\\nnon s withdrawal to Halicarnassus, made it difficult\\nfor Syrphax and his associates to hold in check the\\nrising tide of democratic revolt.\\nThese internal conflicts apparently made all\\nthought of resistance to Alexander impossible, for\\non his approach Ephesus was thrown open to receive\\nhim. He immediately identified himself with the\\ndemocracy, recalled the political exiles, broke up\\nthe oligarchy and established a government of the\\ndemos, and directed that the tribute heretofore paid\\nto Persia should be transferred to the goddess Diana.\\nThe moment the populace was relieved of its fear of\\nthe first families through Alexander s recognition\\nof the demos, riot broke loose. The mob undertook\\nto pay off a long list of old scores. The men who\\nhad let Memnon into the city, and those who had\\npillaged the temple of Diana, and thrown down a", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "234 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nstatue of Philip standing within it, and others who\\nhad desecrated the grave of Heropythus, a former\\nleader of the democracy all these must now receive\\nsummary attention. First on the list came Syrphax,\\nwhom, together with his sons and his brother s sons,\\nthe mob had already dragged from the altars of the\\ntemple and stoned to death, when Alexander, to his\\ngreat credit, interfered and reestablished order by\\nmilitary force.\\nMagnesia and Tralles, cities in the Maeander val-\\nley, twenty and forty miles to the south-east, now\\nsent deputations to announce their submission.\\nThe coast cities to the north in Ionia and ^Eolis, by\\noverthrowing the oligarchies, testified their sym-\\npathy with the cause of Alexander. It is probable\\nthat Alcimachus, who was at this time sent out\\nwith a detachment of troops among the northern\\ncities, aided in bringing these results to pass. The\\ncity of Smyrna, which since the days of the Lydian\\nmonarchy had lain in ruin or existed only in scattered\\nhamlets, the King now ordered to be rebuilt. The\\nGreek cities of the neighbourhood, such as Teos and\\nClazomenae, seem to have welcomed the Macedon-\\nians.\\nThe first opposition came at Miletus, the next im-\\nportant maritime city to the south of Ephesus. The\\ncommander of the Persian garrison, Hegesistratus,\\nhad at first written a letter to Alexander offering to\\nsurrender the city, but later, learning that the Per-\\nsian fleet was in the neighbourhood, he took courage\\nand determined to make a defence. The fleet, how-\\never, through its dilatoriness, disappointed his hopes.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Ly dia and C aria. 235\\nThree days before it appeared, the Macedonian fleet\\nof 160 triremes had sailed into the harbour of Mile-\\ntus, and anchored off the island Lade, which com-\\nmanded to the west the principal portion of the\\nharbour, and which Alexander immediately pro-\\nceeded to occupy with a strong detachment of his\\narmy.\\nThe trireme of those times was preeminently a\\ngreat ramming- or bumping-machine. Naval tactics\\nwere principally addressed toward disabling the op-\\nposing ship by shattering its oars and dashing in its\\nsides. The development of speed was therefore a\\nchief consideration, and, as sails could not be de-\\npended upon and steam-power was unknown, oars\\nand man-power were the only recourse. Of the 200\\nmen who constituted the normal complement of an\\nAthenian trireme, 170 were oarsmen, and only from\\nten to fifteen armed fighting men. The oarsmen\\nwere arranged in three tiers or banks, in such wise,\\nfor economy of space, that the corresponding oars-\\nmen of the next lower bank sat a little lower and a\\nlittle behind. The vessel itself was long, narrow,\\nand of light draft. The normal length appears to\\nhave been from 120 to 150 feet, the breadth from\\n15 to 18 feet, and that the draft could not have been\\nmuch over three feet appears from the fact that\\ncavalrymen have been known to participate in a sea-\\nfight by riding out into the water among the ships.\\nXenophon, in the Hellenica, refers to such an occur-\\nrence off the beach at Abydus. In long voyages the\\ntrireme could avail itself of a favouring wind by\\nhoisting sails on its two masts, but these masts were", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "236 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nlowered in clearing the ship for action. It appears\\nthat a speed of seven or eight miles an hour could\\nbe attained by the oars alone. The serious burden\\nentailed by the maintenance of a fleet is apparent\\nwhen it is seen that the 300 triremes regularly con-\\nstituting the Athenian fleet demanded the service\\nof 60,000 men, and the expenditure for rations and\\npay, to say nothing of the ships themselves and their\\noutfit, from $250,000 to $350,000 per month. Im-\\nperial ambitions came too dear for most states. For\\na little state like Attica, with a population of per-\\nhaps a third of a million, at least half of whom were\\nslaves, it would have been impossible without the\\ntribute from its dependencies.\\nThe Persian fleet, four hundred strong, shortly\\nappeared and anchored at the opposite side of the\\nbay, off the promontory of Mycale, six or seven\\nmiles away. Parmenion was desirous of risking a\\nbattle. They had everything to win and nothing to\\nlose, he said; for the Persians, as it was, had the\\nsupremacy at sea. Alexander was of different\\nmind. The loss of a naval battle would annul\\nthe prestige they had achieved by their victo-\\nries on land, and would encourage the anti-\\nMacedonian elements in the Greek cities to attempt\\nrevolt. The chances in a sea-fight, furthermore,\\nwere all against them. They were greatly outnum-\\nbered, and the Phoenicians and Cyprians were\\nskilled watermen, while the Macedonians were\\nrelatively novices. He therefore wisely decided to\\nkeep his fleet on the defensive, and trust, as he had\\nin the past, to his army for his conquests. The fact", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Carta. 237\\nthat the Macedonian fleet already held the harbour\\nconstituted in itself a great advantage, for as long\\nas it kept within the close harbour the Persians\\ncould bring aid to the city only by attacking the\\nMacedonians at a great disadvantage, and where\\ntheir superiority of numbers would not count.\\nThe readiness with which omens could be inter-\\npreted so as to harmonise with one s wishes and\\nviews is rather fitly illustrated by a competitive ex-\\nercise in augury in which Alexander and Parmenion\\nindulged on this occasion. An eagle had been sit-\\nting on the shore behind the Macedonian ships.\\nParmenion found in this a convincing indication of\\nthe gods that victory was with the ships. Alexan-\\nder pointed to the fact that the eagle perched on\\nthe land, not on the ships, giving thereby the evid-\\nent intimation that it was only through the victory\\nof the troops on land that the fleet could have value.\\nAlexander being the commander-in-chief, this was\\nevidently the orthodox interpretation.\\nOn his first arrival before the city, Alexander\\noccupied the portion lying outside the walls, and\\nestablished a close blockade of the inner city. Just\\nas the decision had been reached to continue the\\nsiege without risking a naval encounter, there came\\nto Alexander from the city one of its leading citizens,\\nGlaucippus, bringing the proposal that he should\\nraise the siege on condition that the Milesians\\nshould thereafter make their harbours and their\\nwalls free alike to him and to the Persians. Gener-\\nous as Alexander was by nature, such good-lord,\\ngood-devil attitudes as this were always abhorrent", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "238 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nto him. Peculiarly exasperating was this notably\\nacademic proposition in that it implied the possi-\\nbility of a Greek community assuming in this life-\\nand-death struggle between Greek and barbarian a\\nneutral position. He therefore informed the emin-\\nent citizen that he had not come thither to accept\\nwhat men chose to grant him, but to accomplish his\\nown will, and bade him get back into the city with\\nall speed, and warn his people to expect an attack\\nat daybreak. They had broken their word with\\nhim, and might count on punishment.\\nThe use of siege-engines and artillery, which\\ntook its rise in Greek lands with Dionysius the\\nElder of Syracuse (in power 405-367 B.C.), before\\nwhom sieges had been mere blockades, was taken\\nup by Philip of Macedon in his siege of Perinthus\\n(340 B.C.) and Byzantium (339 B.C.), and rapidly\\nextended during the wars of Alexander, especially\\nin connection with the siege of Halicarnassus, Tyre,\\nand Gaza, coming to its fullest development at the\\nend of the century under Demetrius, who received\\ntherefrom his surname Poliorcetes, the Besieger.\\nAmong the engineers who accompanied Alexander\\nas experts were Diades and Charias, said to have\\nbeen pupils of the Thessalian Polyeides, who assisted\\nPhilip at Perinthus. Others were Posidonius and\\nCrates.\\nThe most important types of siege-engines were\\nalready in use in Alexander s time the battering-\\nram, the siege-tower, the borer, the movable shed\\nfor protecting the besiegers, known as the chelone,\\nor tortoise, and also the various devices for under-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "R\u00c2\u00a3-\\nk-\u00c2\u00bb V\\n^B\\n.Bra\\n:~~M\\n~SM\\nSBgHB^rJ ^a^SB\\nJn\\nKSiraf-\\nw*l\\nV\\nIpT ^jfflB\\nK*\\nffgv v AwJ\\nWHpT n\\n^^Sfc\\n^jjfc^ i*\\n8i *igHPll\\n^R^H\\nJlliPi\\n9effl*J\\nBi^^M\\nFACE OF ALEXANDER.\\nFROM THE POMPEIAN MOSAIC REPRESENTING THE BATTLE OF ISSUS.\\n(From Koepp^s Ueber das Bildnes Alexanders des Grossen", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Carta. 239\\nmining the walls. The battering-ram was an enor-\\nmous beam, or composite of beams, provided with\\na ponderous metallic head or knob, which was either\\nhung in a vertical frame and swung against the wall,\\nor mounted on wheels and rolled against it. The\\ndimensions of one of these ancient mechanisms,\\nwhich has been described for us in detail, were as\\nfollows: length of the beam, one hundred and\\neighty feet diameter of each of the eight wheels on\\nwhich it was mounted, six and a half feet thickness\\nof wheels, three feet weight of the whole, over two\\nthousand hundredweight. A hundred men were\\nneeded to operate it. While this was undoubtedly\\nmore massive than the ordinary ram (commonly\\nfrom sixty to one hundred feet long), it is evident\\nthat an effective mechanism for opening a breach in\\na stone wall from ten to eighteen feet thick required\\nsolidity and weight.\\nThe borer was an engine not unlike the ram, but\\nwith pointed head and mounted on rollers.\\nThe siege-tower was a mighty structure, mounted\\non wheels or rollers, which could be advanced before\\nthe city walls and afford opportunity for the be-\\nsiegers distributed through its various stories to face\\nthe defenders of the wall on equal or higher level,\\nand to reach the battlements by bridges. These\\ntowers reached a height, according to necessity, of\\nfrom one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet, and\\ncontained from ten to twenty stories. The monster\\ntower which Demetrius built in the siege of Rhodes\\nhad a breadth on the ground of seventy-two feet.\\nThe outside of the towers was usually protected", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "240 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.\\nagainst weapons and firebrands by a coating of hides\\nor of sheet-iron.\\nVarious devices for undermining the walls were\\nemployed, the commonest being to approach by\\nunderground passages, excavate the foundations,\\nand support the wall by beams which afterward\\ncould be burned away.\\nThough the various forms of the catapult, or\\nmechanism for hurling arrows, stones, and bullets,\\nhad not reached their full development in Alex-\\nander s time, it is certain that he made use of the\\nmechanical bow, or bow-gun, and he was probably\\nalso acquainted with the method of developing pro-\\njectile power from the recoil of twisted ropes. Great\\narrows from four to six feet long, ponderous mis-\\nsiles, and fire-balls were in this way thrown to con-\\nsiderable distances, cases of from four to six hundred\\nyards being cited.\\nThe next morning after the visit of the embassy\\nthe assault upon the walls began. The battering-\\nrams were set in action, and soon a great breach ap-\\npeared, and a large portion of the wall tottered to\\nits fall. As soon as Nicanor, the Macedonian ad-\\nmiral, saw the assault begun, he moved over from\\nLade, and sailing into the harbour and hugging the\\nshore, moored his vessels close together in the nar-\\nrowest part of the channel, with their prows facing\\nthe sea. They thus interposed an absolute barrier\\nbetween the city and the Persian fleet. The naval\\nsuperiority of the Persians was thus cancelled out of\\nthe situation, and Miletus became, so far as that\\nfactor was concerned, an inland town.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Carta. 241\\nThrough the breach in the wall, the Macedonians\\npressed in. The citizens and mercenary garrison\\ntook to flight. Some swam out upon their wicker-\\nframed leathern shields to an island off the city\\nsome in skiffs tried in vain to evade the Macedonian\\nships; but most of them were cut down within the\\ncity. Those who escaped death during the attack\\nwere given their life and freedom. The three hun-\\ndred mercenaries who had taken refuge on the island\\nwere just about to be surrounded, and were prepar-\\ning to sell their lives as dearly as possible, when\\nAlexander, shrinking from the useless butchery,\\noffered them their lives if they would serve in his\\narmy, a condition which they readily accepted.\\nThere now appeared the first practical illustration\\nof Alexander s plan of isolating the Persian fleet by\\nrobbing it of its harbours. The fleet lay yet off My-\\ncale, but every day pushed out into the bay, hoping\\nto tempt the Macedonians to an engagement. Their\\nanchorage was inconvenient for the Persians, as they\\nwere obliged to go at least ten miles to the east, to\\nthe mouth of the Mseander, for their water-supply.\\nTo make their position still more uncomfortable,\\nAlexander sent Philotas around the shore toward\\nMycale with a force of cavalry and three regiments\\nof infantry. This made it impossible for the Persian\\nsailors to land at all, and they found themselves cut\\noff entirely from supplies of food and water, and as\\ngood as besieged in their ships. They were\\ntherefore obliged to sail over to Samos, twenty-five\\nor thirty miles away, and reprovision the fleet.\\nAgain they returned to Miletus and renewed their", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "242 Alexander the Great. [334 b.c.\\nformer tactics, sailing up to the very entrance of the\\nharbour, in hope of luring the Macedonians out.\\nFinally five of their ships ventured into the har-\\nbour between the island of Lade and the shore,\\nthinking to surprise the Macedonian seamen, who\\nwere believed to be absent on shore collecting fuel\\nand provisions. Many of them were absent, but\\nenough were there quickly to man ten triremes and\\nput out into the harbour. On seeing this, the re-\\nconnoitring squadron put about and fled; but a\\nCarian ship from Iassus, being slower than the rest,\\nwas captured, men and all. This slight loss seems\\nto have completed the discouragement of the Per-\\nsians, and the whole fleet shortly sailed away.\\nAlexander now decided to disband his fleet. His\\npolicy of conducting, handicapped as he was on the\\nsea, exclusively a land campaign had been thus far\\nbrilliantly vindicated. As he moved to the south\\nalong the coast, his fleet, had it followed him, would\\nhave gone farther and farther from its base and\\nentered waters where the Phoenicians were at home.\\nThe summer was now coming to its close, and the\\nfleet would soon at best be obliged to seek winter\\nquarters. The cost of maintenance was also a seri-\\nous item for his slender exchequer. One hundred\\nand sixty triremes implied a force of over thirty\\nthousand men to man them, and this matched or\\nnearly matched the numbers of his army, without\\ngiving hope of accomplishing any results at all com-\\nparable with those of which the army had demon-\\nstrated itself capable. The money required for the\\npay of the men, reckoning this at two or three obols", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "I", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Caria. 243\\nper day and double pay for officers, must have\\namounted to from sixty to ninety thousand dollars\\nper month, and, if provisions could not be obtained\\nwithout purchase, to as much more.\\nAlexander s conquests had not as yet effected any\\nvast increase of his permanent revenues. The cities\\nof Asia Minor had not been subjected to extraordi-\\nnary tribute; many had been freed altogether. His\\ndecision was made, therefore, on the basis of reasons\\nthat can be appreciated. However, the decision\\nwas probably a mistake, for it soon proved itself\\nnecessary to reorganise a fleet, yet not a fatal mis-\\ntake. It was an undue application of logic. But\\nthe most weirdly solemn thing about it all was, and\\nit must have been humiliating to the enthusiasms of\\nthe young leader who fought in the name of the\\nGreeks, that the Greek states offered no aid with\\ntheir fleets, but left him to confess his helplessness\\non the seas.\\nThe autumn was now beginning, but there re-\\nmained one more stronghold on the coast, Halicar-\\nnassus, the old capital of the Carian kings, at the\\nextreme south-eastern tip of Asia Minor. Here the\\nforces of the opposition had assembled for a des-\\nperate stand. The Greek Memnon, ablest leader\\namong the Persians, had recently been appointed\\nby the Shah commander-in-chief of all his forces in\\nAsia Minor, both by sea and by land, as well as\\ngovernor of the country, and he was now in com-\\nmand within the city. With him were collected the\\nrelics of the Persian army.\\nAs Alexander advanced, the cities of Caria hast-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "244 Alexander the Great [334 B.C.\\nened to submit to him. Ada, the widow of Idrieus,\\na former king of Caria, who had been robbed of the\\nthrone, to which Carian law gave her the right, by\\nher brother Pixodarus, came to meet him and offer\\nher support. The present king, Othontopates, a\\nPersian by birth, had within the preceding year suc-\\nceeded to the throne of his father-in-law, Pixodarus.\\nThe kings of Caria, as important and almost inde-\\npendent tributaries of the Persian Empire, had for\\nthe preceding half-century developed great power\\nand wealth, and had made their chief city a mart\\nand stronghold of prominence. Mausolus, who had\\ndied two decades before, and who had been suc-\\nceeded by his queen, Artemisia, had become at one\\ntime an important factor in Greek international\\npolitics, and was chief instigator of the Social War\\n(357-355 B.C.), which more than anything else had\\nwrecked the Athenian Empire.\\nThe city was fortified on three sides by massive\\nwalls protected by a moat forty-five feet wide and\\ntwenty-two feet deep. On the fourth side it faced\\nthe sea. It contained three strong fortresses or\\ncitadels the acropolis, or citadel proper, the fortress\\nSalmacis, at the south-west, directly on the sea, and\\nthe king s castle, on a small island at the entrance\\nto the harbour.\\nAlexander halted and encamped half a mile out-\\nside the city, and prepared for a systematic siege.\\nOn the first day of the siege a sortie from the city\\nwas easily repulsed. A midnight _ attack upon\\nMyndus, a town some miles west of the city, im-\\npulsively attempted by Alexander a few days later,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "334 B.C.] In Lydia and Carta. 245\\nsignally failed. Then he set about the siege of the\\ncity proper with vigour. He first filled up the moat,\\nin order to furnish a foundation for the movable\\ntowers from which the walls and their defenders\\nwere to be attacked, as well as for the heavy ma-\\nchinery used in battering the walls. Repeated\\nsallies were made by the enemy, with the design of\\nsetting fire to the towers and engines, and after one\\nof these there was found among their dead the body\\nof Neoptolemus, the Lyncestian prince who, two\\nyears before, had fled from Macedonia on account\\nof his supposed connection with the murder of King\\nPhilip.\\nThe siege was continued day after day with vary-\\ning fortunes, but gradually the force of the rams\\nmade itself felt. Two great towers and the wall\\nbetween them had fallen a third tower was totter-\\ning. Behind the breach the Persians had hastily\\nbuilt a crescent-shaped wall of brick, joining the\\ntwo broken ends together. The Macedonians ad-\\nvanced their engines over the debris of the first wall,\\nto make assault on the new inner wall. Alexander\\nwas superintending the work in person.\\nSuddenly there was a movement from within.\\nMasses of men came pouring out through the\\nbreach, and off at one side, where no one was ex-\\npecting it, by the gate called the Triple Gate, an-\\nother rushing mass of soldiery appeared. Those\\nwho issued forth at the breach came stumbling on\\nover the ruins, pelted by great stones and by jave-\\nlins from the high wooden towers of the besiegers, at\\nthe base of which they now stood. The fight was", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "246 Alexander the Great, [334 B.C.-\\nhand to hand, in the midst of ruins and falling walls.\\nMen were continually pushing their way out of the\\ncity, but the breach was too small for the struggling\\nmass to pass. The first-comers were cut down.\\nThe sally turned to flight, but the breach was\\nclogged with men, and those who were already out-\\nside were caught as in a trap. Those who had\\nissued out at the Triple Gate, met by a strong force\\nunder Ptolemy, were soon put to rout. The narrow-\\nbridge over the moat proved too slight for their\\nweight. Hundreds were piled into the moat, to be\\ntrampled to death or slain by the Macedonians with\\njavelins and stones from above. In the panic the\\ngates were shut to, and hundreds more were left at\\nthe mercy of the besiegers.\\nThe loss of the defenders had been terrible. One\\nonset now through the breach, and the city would\\nhave been captured but out of the din of the last\\nstruggle issued the trumpet sound recalling the\\nMacedonian troops and ending the battle. Alex-\\nander was still unwilling to give the city, a Greek\\ncity of noble traditions, over to the fate of capture.\\nThe regrets of Thebes were still upon him. He\\nhoped yet that better counsels would prevail and\\nthat the city would offer its surrender. Within the\\ncity that night a council of war was held. The\\nsituation was seen to be hopeless. For Memnon\\nthe thought of capitulation was impossible. It was\\ndecided to withdraw to the fortress, set fire to the\\ncity, and leave it to its fate. In the second watch\\na temporary wooden tower by the wall was set on\\nfire, also the storehouses and arsenals and the houses", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia. 251\\nalong the coast through a populous district, he re-\\nceived in turn the submission of Telmissus, Pinara,\\nXanthus, Patara, and about thirty other lesser cities.\\nThen turning up the valley of Xanthus, toward the\\nnorth, he entered, though it was now the depth of\\nwinter, the mountainous country called Milyas.\\nHere he received deputations from most of the\\nLycian cities, offering submission, and found it\\nsufficient, in the case of most, merely to send\\nofficers who should assume formal possession but\\nPhaselis, a considerable city fifty miles to the east,\\nthe deputies of which presented him with a golden\\ncrown of honour, he visited, and made the oppor-\\ntunity of the first rest he had taken since leaving\\nMacedonia in the spring. Here he took occasion,\\nafter his own way, to pay respect to the memory of\\nthe rhetorician Theodectes, a son of the city, and\\npupil of his own teacher Aristotle. Plutarch nar-\\nrates it in this wise\\nWhile he was here, too, he saw a statue of Theo-\\ndectes, recently deceased, standing in the town square,\\nand one day after dinner, when merry with wine, he\\nwent out and danced about it, decking it with garlands\\nin mass, thus honouring not ungracefully, in the form of\\nsport, the pleasant association he had had with the man\\non the score of Aristotle and philosophy.\\nIt was also while here that he obtained word\\nfrom Parmenion of a plot against his life undertaken\\nby the Lyncestian prince Alexander, the son of\\nAeropus. This young man, who had once been\\nsuspected of complicity with his two brothers,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "252 Alexander the Great. [334 B.c-\\nHeromenes and Arrhabaeus, in the assassination of\\nPhilip, had at the time so effectually demonstrated\\nhis loyalty to Alexander that he had been entirely\\nacquitted and afterward honoured with positions of\\nresponsibility. He had now, since Calas was made\\ngovernor of Hellespontine Phrygia, been promoted\\nto the command of the Thessalian cavalry, at pre-\\nsent connected with Parmenion s army. The evid-\\nence of the plot was the following: Darius had\\nreceived a communication from the young cavalry\\ncommander indicating a possible inclination to\\ntreachery. He thereupon sent one of his courtiers,\\nSisines, to communicate, if possible, with the young\\nman, and offer him a prize of one thousand talents\\nand the throne of Macedonia if he would make way\\nwith King Alexander. Sisines, and with him his\\nsecret, fell into Parmenion s hands. A council, im-\\nmediately called, advised the King to have the young\\nprince arrested at once. Loath as Alexander was\\nto believe the treachery, the evidence was such, and\\nthe danger so great, that the decision was confirmed.\\nSo great was the peril regarded to be that the\\norder was not even committed to writing. A trust-\\nworthy officer, dressed as a peasant of the country,\\nmade his way incognito three hundred miles to Par-\\nmenion s camp, and conveyed the order by word of\\nmouth. The prince was immediately seized and\\nput under guard. Four years later we find him still\\na prisoner with the army in Afghanistan. Lack of\\nproof of his guilt, or deference toward his father-in-\\nlaw, Antipater, had spared him thus far; but the\\nexcitement attending the discovery of Philotas s", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Lycia, Parnphylia, Pisidia. 253\\nplot called his case again to attention, and a jury\\nof officers before whom he was given a hearing, less\\nmerciful than the King, deemed his stammering\\ndefence a confession of guilt, and ran him through\\nwith their spears.\\nAfter a long rest, interrupted only by an excursion\\nto help break up a nest of Pisidian robbers in the\\nmountains, who had been a perpetual thorn in the\\nsides of the Phaselites, Alexander set out for Perge,\\nin Parnphylia. The western boundary of this dis-\\ntrict is Mount Climax, which at the shore pushes\\nitself out as a rugged headland into the very waters\\nof the sea. Only at times when the strong north\\nwind was blowing was it possible to make one s way\\naround at its foot. Otherwise a steep path by a\\nlong circuit constituted the only means of commu-\\nnication between the two districts.\\nAlexander sent his army over the mountain, but\\ndetermined himself, with his body-guard, to face\\nthe elements and force his way along the shore. It\\nwas winter-time, and the sea was rough, but he\\npushed his way through, sometimes up to his eyes in\\nwater, and always at great peril. The news of the\\nsuccessful passage set great stories afloat. The ac-\\ncount we have given is that of Strabo, and probably\\nthe correct one. Alexander s own report of it, as\\nquoted by Plutarch from one of his letters, says no\\nmore than that he made his way through. But\\nother stories made him go through dry-shod. Plu-\\ntarch says that many historians speak of it as if it\\nwere no less than a miracle that the sea should retire\\nto afford him passage. Even the sober Arrian tells", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "254 Alexander the Great. [334 B.c-\\nthat the wind changed from south to north, not\\nwithout divine interposition, as indeed both he and\\nhis men explained it. The rhetoric of Callisthenes,\\nthe would-be biographer of the King, takes fire over\\nthe incident, and reports how the sea bowed low\\nand did him homage. Even Menander s allusion\\nshows that the matter was sufficiently subject of\\ncommon talk to be used as illustration in the\\ncomedy: But see how Alexander-like is this: if I\\nwant anybody, lo there he stands, as if by magic\\nif I need to pass through the sea at any place, lo\\npresto change, it is open to my feet. The differ-\\nent forms of the story have, at any rate, their inter-\\nest as betraying the beginnings of the Alexander\\nromance.\\nIn Perge Alexander again joined his army. From\\nthis point he went only about forty miles farther to\\nthe east, far enough to reach and occupy Aspendus\\nand Side, and then, as the winter was now coming\\nto an end, returned to Perge, and started northward\\ntoward Phrygia. Syllium, a garrisoned fortress near\\nPerge, he was obliged to leave undisturbed, as it\\nshowed no sign of yielding, and he was by the nature\\nof his expedition not equipped for a siege. His way\\ntook him through the narrow mountain defiles of\\nPisidia, up on to the great central Phrygian plateau,\\nwhich lies from thirty to thirty-five hundred feet\\nabove the sea-level. The Pisidians were a people\\nof independence, fond of war, and much occupied\\nwith feuds among themselves. Alexander had no\\nambition, especially at this time, to accomplish in\\ncjetail a conquest of all these petty tribes and towns,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia. 255\\nbut all he wished for was passage through the coun-\\ntry. Even this the Pisidians seemed inclined to\\ndeny him.\\nThe first opposition was met with shortly after he\\nhad left the great amphitheatrical terraced plain\\nnearly in the centre of which Perge stands. He\\nchose the western exit from the plain, the highway\\nleading to the modern Istanoz. Why this particular\\nroute was chosen does not appear, as a somewhat\\ndirecter road to his goal, which was to pass behind\\nSagalassus, would have been found at the north-\\nwestern exit. It is not unlikely that the western\\nroute offered a better road. Arrian says only,\\nHis way led him past the city of Termessus.\\nThe Termessians now were a troublesome people.\\nArrian takes pains to say they were barbarians,\\nwhich means that they clung to the native language\\nand customs and had not been assimilated into\\nthe Hellenism, or rather Hellenistism, of the plain.\\nTheir city was located near a pass which easily con-\\ntrolled the road. Count von Lanckoronski, in his\\nStddte Pamphy liens tmd Pisidiens, confirms Arrian s\\ndescription of the city s unusually strong position,\\nand says of it: It holds the most unique and the\\ngrandest position of any city in Pisidia which we\\nvisited. Alexander stormed the pass, taking ad-\\nvantage of a temporary withdrawal from a position\\nof the full force guarding it, and encamped before\\nthe city. While here, a deputation came from\\nSelge, a rival and hostile city well to the east, and\\nclaimed the friendship of the King on the score of\\ntheir common enemy. A treaty made with these", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "256 Alexander the Great. [334 B.c-\\npeople proved satisfactory then, and in later years\\nas well, for they became faithful allies.\\nTermessus was now left undisturbed, and the\\nmarch continued over the mountain-ridge, and then\\nup a long valley toward the mountain-slopes form-\\ning the southern frontier of Phrygia and commanded\\nby Sagalassus, the modern Aghlasun. This was\\nalso a large city, inhabited likewise by Pisidians;\\nand warlike though all the Pisidians are, the men\\nof this city are deemed the most warlike of all, says\\nArrian. After a sharp action in front of the city,\\nthe Sagalassans were driven in and the city was\\ntaken by storm. After capturing several mountain\\nstrongholds and accepting the capitulation of others,\\nAlexander passed over the watershed into Phrygia,\\nnot crossing the high range (eight thousand feet) to\\nthe north, which way, if passable for an army,\\nwould have taken him directly to Baris (Isbarta),\\nbut turning to the west and entering the landlocked\\nbasin of Lake Askania. This lake (the modern\\nLake Buldur), twenty miles long and five wide, and\\nsituated three thousand feet above the sea-level, has\\nbitter, brackish waters, but they scarcely yield, as\\nArrian asserts, salt by crystallisation.\\nIn point here are the observations of Professor\\nRamsay\\nThat excellent traveller and observer, Hamilton\\n(vol. i., p. 494), observes about Buldur Lake that it is\\nimpossible that this can be the Lake Askania mentioned\\nby Arrian. His argument is that the lake is not so\\nCities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 299.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Lycia, Parnphylia, Pisidia. 257\\nstrongly impregnated with salt as to enable the inhabit-\\nants to collect it from the shores after the waters had\\ndried up. But I myself have seen the shores, as they\\ndried up, covered with a whitish incrustation, and the\\ninhabitants scraping it together into great heaps and\\ncarrying it off. I thought the substance was salt, and\\nwhen I inquired I was told that it was saltpeter. Either\\nArrian s account is founded on the report of an eye-\\nwitness in Alexander s army, who had made the same\\nmistake as I at first did, and did not inquire so minutely\\ninto the facts, or Arrian has erroneously applied to As-\\nkania the description of the neighbouring Lake Anava,\\nwhose salt was used by the inhabitants.\\nPassing around the eastern end of this lake, the\\narmy traversed thirty miles of level land, then with\\na rise of from eight hundred to one thousand feet\\npassed over another mountain saddle, and arrived on\\nthe fifth day from Sagalassus near the large and\\nprosperous city of Celsense, at the very sources of\\nthe Maeander River. Here, sixty-eight years before,\\nthe young Cyrus had reviewed his troops when just\\nstarting out upon his march toward Babylon. The\\ncitadel of Celaenae, built by Xerxes on his return\\nfrom the unfortunate expedition into Greece, was\\nnow occupied by a force of one thousand Carians\\nand one hundred Greek mercenaries, who had been\\nleft there in the lurch by the fleeing satrap Atizyes.\\nNothing short of a prolonged and systematic siege\\ncould have captured the citadel, and for this, in his\\nanxiety, now that the spring (333 B.C.) was already\\nopening, to meet his troops at their rendezvous in\\nthe north, Alexander had no mind. He therefore", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "258 Alexander the Great. [334 b.c-\\nwas fain to avail himself of the businesslike proposi-\\ntion of the garrison that if expected aid did not\\nreach them within a certain time they would sur-\\nrender. Leaving fifteen hundred soldiers to fulfil\\nhis part of the contract, after a delay of ten days,\\nhe marched without further incident directly to\\nGordium, where he had directed Parmenion to meet\\nhim. Antigonus, who was destined in the later\\ndivision of the empire to become king of all Asia\\nMinor, he appointed governor of Phrygia, promot-\\ning Balacer, the son of Amyntas, to Antigonus s\\nformer position as commander of the Greek allies.\\nGordium (Gordeion), probably called in later times\\nEudoxias, was situated at the site of the modern\\nYurme. The importance of its location was determ-\\nined by its position on the Sangarius River, but\\nmore particularly by its position on the ancient\\nroad leading from Sardis to Susa, which, in its de-\\nveloped character as a Persian royal road, we\\nhave previously described. It was also readily ac-\\ncessible from Byzantium. On arriving, Alexander\\nfound Parmenion awaiting him, and the men who\\nhad been allowed the winter s furlough in Mace-\\ndonia also joined him, bringing with them a freshly\\nrecruited force of 3000 Macedonian infantry, 300\\nMacedonian horsemen, 200 Thessalian horsemen,\\nand 150 Eleans.\\nIt was here, too, that the King cut the Gordian\\nknot. The incident is not without its value as in-\\nterpreting the character of the man and explaining\\nhis prestige. Soon after arriving, Alexander ex-\\npressed his desire to go up into the citadel, not only", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia. 259\\nto visit the palace of Gordius and his son Midas, but\\nalso quite as much to see the waggon of Gordius\\nand its famous yoke-cord, about which he had heard\\nso much talk in the country round. And this is the\\nstory of the waggon, essentially as Arrian tells it\\nAmong the ancient Phrygians there was a poor\\nfarmer named Gordius. He tilled a small plot of\\nground, and had two yoke of oxen. One of these\\nhe used in ploughing, the other to draw the wag-\\ngon. Once, while he was ploughing, an eagle settled\\nupon the yoke and stayed there till he unyoked the\\noxen. Seeking an interpretation of the omen, he\\ndrove in his waggon to the village of the Telmis-\\nsians, all of whom, men and women alike, were\\ngifted with the mantic power. Arriving there, a\\nmaiden he met at the fountain bade him go sacrifice\\nto Zeus, in particular, upon the spot where the mys-\\ntery occurred. This he did, and afterward married\\nthe maiden. A son, Midas, was born to them.\\nYears after, the Phrygians, being in civil discord,\\nconsulted an oracle, and were told their trouble\\nwould end when a waggon should bring them a\\nking. Just then Midas arrived, driving with his\\nfather and mother in the waggon, and stopped near\\nthe assembly. The people thereupon made Midas\\ntheir king, and he, putting an end to their discord,\\ndedicated his father s waggon, yoke and all, to\\nZeus, as a thank-offering for the sending of the\\neagle. Then the saying went forth concerning the\\nwaggon that whosoever should loosen the cord which,\\nwound around the yoke-pin, bound the yoke to the\\npole, was destined to gain the empire of all Asia.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "260 Alexander the Great, [334 B.c-\\nThe cord was made of cornel-bark and was so tied\\nthat neither end could be seen. As Alexander,\\nafter looking at the knot, could find no way to open\\nit,\\nand yet was loath to leave it unloosed, lest even this\\nshould start some disturbance among the masses, he, as\\nsome say, smote the knot with his sword and cut it\\nasunder, and called that loosing it; but, as Aristobulus\\ntells it, he drew out the pin of the pole, which was a peg\\ndriven right through the pole, serving to hold the knot\\ntogether, and then drew the yoke off the pole. Exactly\\nhow Alexander managed it with this knot, I cannot with\\nconfidence affirm, but, at any rate, they left the waggon,\\nboth he and his associates, as if the oracle about the\\nloosing of the knot had been fulfilled.\\nWhile Alexander had been making his way north-\\nward from Pamphylia in the early spring, the Per-\\nsians, under Memnon, had been preparing a new\\nand vigorous movement. Their plan was reason-\\nably conceived, and contemplated nothing less than\\ncutting Alexander entirely off from his connection\\nwith Europe and isolating him and his army in Asia\\nMinor. A chief factor in this plan was the acknow-\\nledged predominance of the Persians on the sea.\\nThe Macedonian fleet, indeed, had been entirely\\ndisbanded. The crafty Memnon was well aware of\\nthe partisan divisions existing in the Greek cities,\\nand also of the wide-spread, though now slumbering,\\naversion to the Macedonian hegemony throughout\\nall Greece. If he could detach from Alexander the\\nallegiance of some of the cities of the Asiatic coast,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Lycia, Parnphylia, Pisidia. 261\\nparticularly of the islands, which were more at his\\nmercy, and then, in the glamour of success, appear\\noff the Greek shores with his powerful fleet, he\\nmight, under the leadership of Sparta, which had\\npersistently held aloof from all participation in\\nAlexander s doings, call out the entire force of anti-\\nMacedonianism to revolt.\\nLeaving his post at Halicarnassus, Memnon ad-\\nvanced first with his fleet and a considerable army\\nof mercenaries to Chios, a hundred miles to the\\nnorth. Here the leaders of the oligarchic party,\\nplaying the part of traitors, betrayed the city and\\nthe island into his hands. The government of the\\noligarchy was then restored. It is significant how,\\nthroughout all the Greek cities in Asia Minor and\\non its coast, the party lines between the oligarchic\\nand the democratic tendencies had been made to\\nconform to those dividing the Persian sympathisers\\nfrom the Macedonian. The old party lines were\\nthe real and permanent facts. The new situation,\\nwhich, one might have supposed, would, at least for\\na time, beget new interests and obscure the old\\nlines, was merely utilised by the old, rooted partisan\\nfeeling to gain partisan success. The practical\\npolitician of all times is wedded to his party beyond\\nthe power of issues or principles to dislodge him.\\nIn the cities of European Greece the oligarchic\\nfactions or those with oligarchic tendencies had, in\\ngeneral, constituted the pro-Macedonian party,\\nwhile the democratic party had been the chief means\\nof resisting Philip s advance. That the exact oppos-\\nite came to be the case among the Greek cities of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "262 Alexander the Great. [334 B.C.-\\nAsia was due to the circumstances there existing.\\nThe Persians had uniformly favoured the interests\\nof the oligarchies. When a city came under their\\ncontrol, they generally placed its government in the\\nhands of the few. When Alexander appeared in\\nthe country it was the democracy which hailed him\\nas a deliverer, and hence it was the democratic\\nleaders who became his partisans. Macedonian in-\\nterests were therefore safer in the hands of the\\ndemos, and consequently this form of government\\nwas incidentally favoured by Alexander. His en-\\nthusiasm for democracy was purely a matter of\\nbusiness interest, somewhat as certain trusts in the\\nUnited States are Republican in one State and\\nDemocratic in another.\\nFrom Chios Memnon proceeded to Lesbos, where\\nall the cities except Mitylene surrendered to him.\\nThis, the leading city of the island, relying upon its\\nMacedonian garrison, dared to refuse submission.\\nA vigorous siege was begun. The city was com-\\npletely shut off from the land side by a double\\nstockade extending from sea to sea, and invested\\nby five military stations. On the side toward the\\nsea the fleet maintained an absolute blockade, inter-\\ncepting all the trading-vessels that sought to make\\nthe port. The city was thus reduced to severe\\nstraits. The news of Memnon s success spread\\nrapidly through Greece. Embassies came from\\nsome of the Cyclades Islands, proposing alliance.\\nThe cities of Eubcea were in consternation because\\nof a report that they were to be taken in hand next.\\nPersian money had found its way again into Greece,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "833 B.C.] Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia. 263\\nand there were many already who expected over-\\nturnings in the cities. The Spartans were believed\\nto be ready to welcome the Persians.\\nJust at this crisis the Persian cause met with a\\nserious disaster through the death of Memnon,\\nwhich occurred during the siege of Mitylene. The\\noperations were continued in Lesbos, after his\\ndeath, by Pharnabazus, his nephew, to whom, in\\ndying, he had committed the supreme command,\\npending the Shah s further orders. Pharnabazus\\nwas assisted by Autophradates, probably in the ca-\\npacity of admiral of the fleet. The siege of Mitylene\\nwas finally brought to a successful conclusion. It\\ncapitulated on the conditions that it should restore\\nthe banished to citizenship, destroy the slabs upon\\nwhich its treaty with Alexander was recorded, and\\nbe confirmed in the status which it formerly pos-\\nsessed as a dependent of the empire under the treaty\\nof Antalcidas (387 B.C.). This latter condition the\\nPersians, after gaining the city, disregarded, for\\nthey established Diogenes as tyrant, placed a gar-\\nrison in the citadel, and laid the community under\\ntribute.\\nAfter accomplishing this, Pharnabazus, taking\\nwith him the Greek mercenaries, who had been of\\ngreat service in effecting the reduction of Mitylene,\\nsailed for the Lycian coast, probably with the pur-\\npose of recovering the districts which Alexander\\nhad traversed the preceding winter. Autophradates\\nremained with the most of the fleet in the neigh-\\nbouring islands. Meantime the Shah, having heard\\nof Memnon s death, had found himself forced to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "264 Alexander the Great. [334 b.c-\\nassume active measures in meeting Alexander s ag-\\ngressions in Asia. Memnon s plan was evidently\\nregarded as having died with its author. A mes-\\nsenger from the Shah met Pharnabazus in Lycia,\\nannouncing to him his appointment as Memnon s\\nsuccessor, and directing him to send his mercenaries\\nto join the main army now being formed in Persia.\\nThis decision, robbing the western expedition of its\\nsupport in land forces, ended once for all the pros-\\npect of any large success on the line originally\\nplanned by Memnon. Nevertheless, Pharnabazus,\\non his return to the fleet, proceeded as if the plan\\nwere intact. He sent Datames with ten ships to\\nreconnoitre among the Cyclades, and himself, in\\ncompany with Autophradates, sailed with a hundred\\nships to Tenedos, about thirty miles north of Lesbos,\\nand forced it to yield on terms similar to those of\\nLesbos. Tenedos was only a dozen miles from the\\nentrance to the Hellespont. The aim of the Per-\\nsians was evidently directed at this.\\nEven before matters reached this pass, Alexander\\nhad come to regret his impulsive action in disband-\\ning his fleet five months before. Memnon s activity\\nhad given him great solicitude, and while still at\\nGordium for it was after leaving there that he\\nheard of Memnon s death he had commissioned\\nHegelochus and Amphoterus to go to the Helles-\\npont and collect a provisional fleet, even by pressing\\ntrading-vessels into service, if necessary, a proceed-\\ning which, as a breach of the treaty guaranteeing\\nfree passage of the Hellespont, called forth later\\na protest from Athens, and nearly occasioned a", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia. 265\\nrupture. Antipater, also, the regent in Macedonia,\\nhad received moneys from Alexander for a like pur-\\npose, and had sent Proteas to collect ships in Eubcea\\nand the Peloponnesus to use as a protection for the\\nGreek coast.\\nThis Proteas, hearing now of the ten Persian\\ntriremes under Datames as moored off Siphnus, set\\nout by night from Chalcis with fifteen ships, in hope\\nof surprising them. Arrian says he was at the\\nisland of Cynthus at dawn. As it was a run of\\nninety miles, this implies a speed of at least eight\\nmiles an hour, not an impossibility with a favouring\\nwind, such as Proteas would likely have taken ad-\\nvantage of for a sudden descent. Spending the day\\nthere, in the following night he sailed over to\\nSiphnus, thirty-five miles farther, and just before\\ndawn fell upon the Persian ships, capturing eight of\\nthem. The Persian fleet continued to operate in\\nthe neighbourhood of Chios, ravaging the Ionian\\ncoast, but no further movement against Greece was\\nmade until autumn.\\nWhen Alexander heard of Memnon s death, as\\nhe did shortly after leaving Gordium, all his solici-\\ntude seems to have been at an end, and sharply\\nturning his back on Europe and its affairs, he pushed\\nout into his larger world.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVI.\\nFROM PHRYGIA TO CILICIA.\\n333 B.C.\\nIT was now the spring of 333 B.C. Alexander, in\\nthe middle of his twenty-third year, had been\\ntwo and a half years on the throne. One fifth\\nof the short period allotted him to reign was past.\\nOf his first year as sovereign, the first half had been\\noccupied in establishing title to his father s estate in\\nGreece at the south, the second half in doing the\\nsame thing among the tribesmen at the north. His\\nsecond year opened with the return to Greece and\\nthe destruction of Thebes (September, 335 B.C.).\\nIn March, 334 B.C., he set out into Asia. In May\\nhe had won the battle of the Granicus; in June had\\noccupied Sardis, capital of the Lydian satrapy, and\\nchief of the inland cities of Asia Minor; between\\nJuly and November had swept down the coast and\\noccupied the three chief cities of the Asiatic Greeks\\nEphesus, Miletus, Halicarnassus in December\\nand January he had traversed the turn of the coast\\nby Lycia and Pamphylia, and cut a return swath\\n266", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] From Pkiygia to Cilicia. 267\\nback inland to Phrygia. In one year he had thus\\nsubjugated a tract of country about two hundred\\nand fifty miles square, and added to his dominion\\nan area about equal to that of New England and\\nabout double that of European Greece.\\nThe experience of the year had amply displayed\\nthe general indifference of the Greek states to his\\nenterprise. So far from laying upon them any of\\nthe burdens of the war, he had left them free from\\ntribute and all other forms of imperial taxation, and\\nwas thankful enough if they could be kept from\\nopen opposition. Every question which concerned\\nthem was regarded as sensitive and was handled\\nwith gloves. The shields captured at Granicus had\\nbeen sent as a present to Athens, in the hope of in-\\nfusing some warmth into the stony heart but there\\nwas no response, and when, nine months later, an\\nAthenian embassy asked for the return of some\\nAthenian captives taken among the mercenaries at\\nGranicus, they found the King in wary mood, and\\nwere bidden to call again. The prisoners were as\\ngood as hostages, and the situation made the hold-\\ning of hostages convenient. Yet Alexander was\\nostensibly captain-general of the Greeks, and claimed\\nto be fighting as their liberator. At Miletus he\\nhad rejected Parmenion s advice to risk a sea-fight,\\nlest in case of a defeat the Greeks might take\\nheart and start a revolution. Greece and Greek\\nopinion still loomed up large in his horizon. A year\\nlater, as his new standing-ground broadened, they\\ndwindled, and soon passed almost out of view.\\nDuring the winter of 334-333 B.C. the movement", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "268 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nof the Persian fleet under Memnon s command up\\ninto the ^Egean had given him great solicitude.\\nWell it might. It menaced the Dardanelles. Once\\nhe was cut off from Europe, who could vouch for\\nthe loyalty of the Greeks Sparta was already wait-\\ning to join openly in cooperation with the Persian\\nfleet. The death of Memnon (February, 333 B.C.)\\nwas, therefore, a severe blow to the Persian cause\\nand a veritable deliverance for Alexander. It pro-\\nduced a radical change in the plans of the Shah.\\nUp to this time he had relied upon the Greek aver-\\nsion to Macedonia, and the Persian and Greek con-\\ntrol of the sea, ultimately to foil and smother the\\nmilitary strength of Alexander. His plan had been\\nthat which Memnon represented in the council of\\ngenerals before the battle of the Granicus, namely,\\nto avoid a battle and by skilful retreat to draw the\\nyoung adventurer across devastated countries until\\nhis strength was spent, but on the sea to take the\\naggressive. The plan was wise, but Memnon s*\\nshrewd counsel had been overruled by the military\\narrogance of the Persian princes who accompanied\\nhim, and the colossal mistake of fighting at the\\nGranicus had been committed. After that there\\nwas no hope for any plan on land, and Memnon s\\ndeath palsied the plan by sea.\\nSo Persia herself was forced to intervene with her\\nown armies led by the Shah and this gave the second\\nyear of Alexander s campaigns in Asia a new char-\\nacter, and led up to the battle of Issus. This year\\nand the results of this battle open a new phase in\\nthe young conqueror s career. Thus far he had", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] From Phrygia to Cilicia. 269\\nbeen the son of Philip, inheritor and executor of his\\nfather s plans. He was a Macedonian leading\\nMacedonians to war against Persia in the name of\\nGreece. His ideals and ambitions were still in ac-\\ncord with those of the simple country folk he led\\nhe belonged still to their little world. But after his\\neyes had once beheld the magnificence of Persia\\nitself, as they saw it in the pomp and state of Da-\\nrius s army and camp, a new world opened before\\nhim, infinitely grander and richer and wider than\\nthat in which he, plain son of poverty and simplicity,\\nhad been reared and behold, he had eaten of the\\nfruit of the tree of knowledge. Then the ways be-\\ngan to part between him and his Macedonians, be-\\ntween the new Alexander and the old. It was\\nmerely the beginning: no one remarked it; it did\\nnot show itself in specific acts years elapsed before\\nmen really knew that they knew it. The change\\ncame on as slow as it was inevitable, but as we look\\nover the whole life-story of the man, and mark the\\ntrend of motive that lay behind the outward form\\nof act, we cannot fail to see the impulse to the new\\ndeparture in the experiences of this second year in\\nAsia. These experiences came, too, just at a time\\nwhen Greece, by persisting in her indifference de-\\nspite his achievements, and sinning thus against\\nlove, had, as it were, finally cast him adrift, and\\nbrought the ideals of his youth to their first disap-\\npointment. If Athens, Corinth, Argos, and Sparta\\nhad gone with him in heart and hand, if Greece had\\nadopted him as her own, surely history would have\\nbeen written differently, and more of the real Hellas", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "270 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nwould have been embodied, whether for good or ill,\\nin the empire which he left but, be that as it may,\\nwhen we note in his later years an absence of all in-\\nclination to return to Greece, and find him ready to\\nadopt Oriental manners and become a half Oriental,\\nwe see why we need not wonder. The only wonder\\nis that we find in his later attitude toward Greece\\nand Greek things so little of that bitterness which\\ncomes to men whose motives have been miscon-\\nstrued and whose help has been disdained.\\nWhen Darius, after hearing of Memnon s death,\\nsaw that nothing was now likely to prevent Alex-\\nander from attempting to push his conquests farther,\\neven into the heart of the empire, and that a serious\\neffort to resist him must now be made, he is said to\\nhave summoned a council of war and laid before it\\nthe question, Shall the Shah take command in per-\\nson Most of his advisers urged him to raise a large\\narmy, and, leading it himself, to make short, quick\\nwork of annihilating the upstart invader. In earlier\\ndays the Shah had always been expected to lead the\\narmy in war, but now, with the establishment of\\npeaceful, luxurious life, it had become the excep-\\ntion. For the Shah to go indicated that a supreme\\nissue was at stake.\\nBut there was present in the Persian council a\\nGreek, of better military judgment than all the\\ncourtiers, and who knew whereof he affirmed. It\\nwas the crafty old Charidemus of Eubcean Oreus,\\nthe most experienced professional soldier of his day.\\nFor thirty years or more he had been continually\\nin evidence in Greek affairs, as pirate, freebooter,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] From Phrygia to Cilicia. 271\\nmercenary soldier, and general, or diplomatic agent.\\nHe had been in the service now of the Persian\\nsatraps, now of Thracian princes, now of Athens,\\nfor a time perhaps of Philip himself; often he had\\nbeen in business on his own account, but in his later\\nyears he had been mostly with Athens, and had\\ndone no small mischief to Philip s cause. It was\\nthrough him that the first news of Philip s death\\nhad been sent to Demosthenes, and either from sus-\\npicion that this indicated complicity in the deed, or\\non account of some of the man s many military sins,\\nAlexander could never forget or forgive him and\\nwhen, in 335 B.C., he forgave Athens and withdrew\\nthe black-list of politicians he had at first assigned\\nto punishment, he made exception alone of Chari-\\ndemus. So the old man had taken refuge in Persia,\\nand was serving now as military expert and general\\nadviser at the court of Susa.\\nWhen now the question came to him what had\\nbest be done, he gave advice that differed radically\\nfrom that of all the rest. The Shah, he said, ought\\nnot to stake his empire on a single throw. This he\\nwould do, however, if he took command in person.\\nAn army of one hundred thousand, one third Greek\\nmercenaries, under the leadership of a competent\\ngeneral, was large enough. It was not wise to give\\nthe Macedonians battle at the first; better retreat\\nslowly before them until they became ensnared in\\nthe vastness of the country.\\nThe King at first inclined to accept the advice,\\nbut his courtiers stoutly opposed. They suspected\\nCharidemus of desiring the command for himself,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "2J2 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nand perhaps they were right. They went so far as\\nto accuse him of treacherous designs, and savagely\\nresented his insinuation that the Persians were not\\na match for the Macedonians. Charidemus lost his\\ntemper, and proceeded to express without further\\nuse of diplomatic language his high estimate of the\\nPersian cowardice. Therewith his doom was sealed.\\nThe Shah seized him by his girdle, and he was\\nled forth to death. As he left the royal presence,\\nhe exclaimed: The King will rue this, and that\\nsoon. My revenge is at hand. It is the overthrow\\nof the empire. The action of the Shah was fol-\\nlowed by quick but still too tardy regret.\\nSuch is the story of Charidemus as Diodorus and\\nCurtius Rufus tell it, and though Arrian knows no-\\nthing of it, there is no reason on that account to re-\\nject it. The official Macedonian sources from which\\nArrian draws his materials seem to belittle the dan-\\nger that menaced Alexander, not only in Memnon s\\nplans, but in all that the Greek opposition, passive\\nor active, involved.\\nDarius sought in vain for the man competent to\\nfill Memnon s place. He finally decided to take\\ncommand himself and follow the advice of his coun-\\nsellors. A mighty army was forthwith assembled at\\nBabylon, and without delay the march into Upper\\nSyria began. Hope ran high. The proudest em-\\npire of the earth marshalled its strength in all the\\npomp and circumstance of ancient warfare. Sixty\\nthousand native soldiers, the Cardaces, formed the\\nnucleus of the host one hundred thousand horse-\\nmen were there, the pride of Asia; four hundred", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] From Phrygia to Cilicia. 273\\nthousand foot-soldiers, Persians, Medians, Armen-\\nians, Babylonians, and hardy soldiers from the far\\nNorth-east, made up the mass. Princes and chiefs,\\nvizirs and satraps, men great in fame and high in\\nstation, were the leaders. It was as if the nation\\nitself, not its army, were gathered together in grand\\nreview and all had its centre in the person of the\\nShah himself. His court, with all its state queen,\\ndaughters, harem, hordes of attendants forms,\\nluxury, paraphernalia, and pomp, attended him, as if\\nto remind that it was the empire itself, and not a mere\\nmachine of war, that went forth to meet the invader.\\nBabylon itself, from the gates of which they\\nissued forth, was a standing witness to the stability\\nand might of the empire. It was the grand old\\nwicked Babylon. For twenty centuries it had been\\nthe great mart and imperial city of the river-plain.\\nFor three centuries the great structures with which\\nNabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar had endowed it\\nhad made it the talk and wonder of the world. Its\\nwalls of brick, seventy-five feet high and thirty-two\\nfeet broad, so broad that two four-horse chariots\\ncould pass each other in the roadway that followed\\nthe top, inclosed an area ten miles square. Almost\\ndiagonally across the square plan of the city flowed\\nthe Euphrates. Xenophon reports its width as two\\nstades (nearly a quarter of a mile), though at present\\nit is scarcely five hundred feet. Canals diverged\\nfrom it in various directions, to serve, in addition\\nto the broad thoroughfares, as highways through the\\ncity. In the north-western quarter of the city, on\\nboth banks of the river, were the royal palaces and\\n18", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "274 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nthe citadels. On the east bank were two vast\\npalaces, each built on a half-artificial elevation, and\\nmade to serve as a citadel, one the work of Nabopo-\\nlassar, the other of Nebuchadnezzar. Hard by the\\nformer and to the south rose the mighty pile of\\nE-sag-il, the temple of Belus, a lofty, tower-like\\nstructure lifted irf eight gigantic terraces from a\\nfoundation six hundred feet square. Across the\\nriver was the great royal park, in the midst of\\nwhich stood another tall mass of palace structures,\\nwithin which, ten years later, Alexander was to find\\nhis death. Adjoining at the north and close by the\\nriver were the famous hanging gardens, lifted on\\npiers of brick and rising in terraces to a height of\\nseventy-five feet. The whole area within the walls\\nwas not, at least in Alexander s time, closely built\\nand populated. Curtius Rufus somewhere found\\nthe statement, which he reports to us, that part of\\nthe land in the outskirts was farmed, and that the\\ncompact city had a diameter of eighty stades, not\\nthe whole ninety (ten miles) of the walled inclosure.\\nThe great mounds of ruins that to-day cover the\\nplain for five or six miles to the north and to the\\nsouth of Hillah testify to the essential correctness\\nof the singularly accordant statements which ancient\\nwriters have left us concerning the city s extent, and\\nyield at the same time a sad comment on the hopes\\nand confidence of nations that, like those of Baby-\\nlon, stay themselves in bricks and bigness.\\nWhen, sometime in midsummer, 333 B.C., the\\nnews of Darius s advance reached Alexander, he was\\nstill in northern Asia Minor. He had chosen Gor-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] From Phrygia toX^ilicia. 275\\ndium as his spring rendezvous, in part because of its\\nsituation in relation to the great roads leading into\\nMesopotamia. At Ancyra, sixty miles farther east,\\nthe two great routes diverged, the one, the northern\\nroute by the royal road, leading through southern\\nArmenia, the other leading through Cilicia. Until\\nAlexander received news of the Shah s advance, and\\nan indication of his route, he remained in the north,\\nkeeping Ancyra as his base of action. From this\\npoint he subjugated the western part of Cappadocia,\\nand received there the embassy from the Paphla-\\ngonians to the north, offering their submission and\\nbegging him not to invade their land. When finally\\nword came probably in the form of information\\nconcerning the appointed rendezvous of mercenaries\\nemployed for the Persian fleet that Darius was be-\\nlieved to be advancing into Syria, Alexander took\\nthe southern route, leading between Lake Tatta\\nand the Halys direct toward Cilicia. He moved\\nwith tremendous rapidity, forcing the marches by\\nday and by night. All forms of opposition melted\\naway before him, and almost before the enemy\\nknew he was in motion he swept down from the\\nmountains into the city of Tarsus. He had passed\\nwithout striking a blow the famous Gates of Cilicia\\na pass so narrow that a camel must unload in\\norder to get through, and which, from Cyrus s times\\nto Ibrahim Pasha in this century, has been regarded\\nas the key to the country, and the Taurus range,\\nthe great outer wall of defence for Mesopotamia\\nand Syria, was now behind him.\\nA severe illness befell him at Tarsus. Aristobulus,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "276 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\none of his companions on the expedition, who after-\\nward wrote his biography, a work now lost, except\\nfor the abundant citations, preserved especially in\\nArrian, attributed the illness to the fatiguing toils\\nof the march and of war. Other authorities to\\nwhich Arrian had access attributed it to a bath taken\\nwhile overheated in the cold waters of the Tarsan\\nriver Cydnus. Not improbably both authorities\\nwere right, the one reporting the cause, the other\\nthe occasion. The illness was characterised by high\\nfever accompanied by convulsions and inability to\\nsleep. All the physicians despaired of him except\\nPhilip the Acharnanian, who proposed to check the\\ncourse of the disease by administering a purgative\\ndraught. While Philip, it is said, was preparing the\\nmedicine, a letter came to Alexander s hand from\\nParmenion, the first general, warning him of Philip,\\nwho, he claimed to have heard, had been bribed by\\nDarius to poison him. Parmenion was a trusty old\\nofficer, a rock-ribbed Macedonian of the old-fash-\\nioned type, narrow-minded and suspicious, especially\\nwhen it concerned his master s dealings with the\\nGreeks. This incident, where his jealousy of non-\\nMacedonians who found favour with the King first\\ncomes to light, has been recorded by the associates\\nof Alexander, and was, as other references to Par-\\nmenion tend to show, probably intended to bear its\\npart in explaining the later estrangement between\\nthe two. We cannot, however, believe that Par-\\nmenion invented the story. Such suspicions were\\ncommon in those days, and Parmenion s temper\\nmade him easy prey.\\nWhen Philip passed Alexander the cup containing", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] From Phrygia to Cilicia. 277\\nthe medicine, Alexander handed him the letter, and\\nwhile Philip was reading it, drank the potion. This\\naction expressed his desire to banish from his en-\\nvironment that atmosphere of small personal sus-\\npicion which haunts the presence of autocrats, and\\nto replace it with a generous spirit of friendly con-\\nfidence. How hard it was for him to carry the de-\\nsire consistently into effect, the story of his stormy\\nlife will tell but behind all the mistakes of his im-\\npulsiveness and the constraints and temptations of\\nhis unnatural position there can always be seen as a\\npermanent background of character, as the true Al-\\nexander, a yearning for loyal, trustful friendship,\\nand an ambition to be worthy of it.\\nCilicia, a strip of land about two hundred and\\nfifty miles long and from thirty to seventy-five miles\\nbroad, shut in by the Taurus range on the north,\\nthe Amanus on the east, and the Imbarus on the\\nwest, is really the vestibule to Mesopotamia and the\\nEast. It is naturally divided into two portions,\\nthe mountainous, rough Cilicia (Isauria) to the\\nwest, and Cilicia of the plain to the east. The lat-\\nter contains much open land, the extreme southern\\npart of which constitutes the famous Aleian plain,\\nwhere legend, in deference to a folk-etymology\\nwhich made the name mean the plain of wander-\\ning, had placed the forlorn roamings of Bellerophon\\nafter he fell from Pegasus s back. It is watered by\\nthree rivers, the largest of which is the Pyramus.\\nIn summer its heat is excessive.\\nAfter sending troops under Parmenion to occupy\\nthe passes of the Amanus Mountains on the east,\\nAlexander made an excursion to the westward,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "278 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\noccupying first the city of Anchialus, and later Solce,\\na city the people of which spoke a Greek so bad as\\nto earn in our modern word solecism a lasting\\nmonument. The Greek element in these cities\\nprobably constituted only a small proportion either\\nof the population or of the blood. A fine of two\\nhundred talents of silver which Alexander imposed\\nupon the citizens because of their Persian leanings\\nwas afterward in part remitted.\\nNews came here of the success of the Macedonian\\nforces left in Caria and Lydia in an encounter with\\nthe Persian commander Othontopates, who still held\\nthe citadel of Halicarnassus. A thousand of his\\nmen had been taken prisoners, and seven hundred\\nand fifty killed. In celebration of the victory, as\\nwell as in recognition of his own restoration to\\nhealth, Alexander arranged a great fete, including\\nathletic sports, a torch-race, a musical contest, a re-\\nview of the troops, and offerings to the gods a\\ngenuine Hellenic festival. When things went well\\nwith the Greeks, they knew no better way to\\nsignalise it and perhaps no better way has yet\\nbeen found than to give the gods, as first citizens\\nof the state, a banquet and invite themselves,\\nand then provide for the gods an entertain-\\nment such as their own tastes pronounced the\\nmost delectable contests of skill and strength\\nand craft and art, in which man was pitted\\nagainst man, and the best man won the crown.\\nNo scenic or festal display that did not stir the\\nblood with the zest of competition was worthy of\\nmen and gods.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] From Phrygia to Cilicia. 279\\nAfter the games were over, seven days were occu-\\npied in a raid upon the mountain tribes in the neigh-\\nbourhood. Then marching back by way of Tarsus,\\nAlexander sent the cavalry through the Aleian plain,\\nwhile he, accompanied by the infantry and the\\nguards, moved along the coast by way of Magarsus\\nto Mallus. Here he found Greek traditions, for the\\ninhabitants claimed to have been originally a colony\\nfrom Argos. As his family also made a great point\\nof claiming an Argive root for their family tree,\\nthe opportunity of welding a friendship was not\\nneglected, all the more in view of the sentimental\\nnature of the claim.\\nAt Mallus he learned that the Persian army was\\ncamped only two days march from the other side\\nof the mountains. A council of war, immediately\\ncalled, decided to advance directly to attack Darius\\nwhere he was. The next morning the march was\\nbegun, and the army proceeded along the coast to\\nIssus. From here two routes led into Syria one\\nto the north by the so-called Amanic Gates (the\\nmodern Topra Kalessi), a pass two thousand feet\\nabove the sea-level, and another, apparently the\\nmore usual, though the longer, by way of the coast\\nas far south as Myriandrus, and then through an\\nopening in the mountains into Syria. Alexander\\nchose the southern route, and, after passing the so-\\ncalled Cilician Gates, advanced as far as Myriandrus.\\nJust as he was about to cross the mountains, he was\\nfortunately detained by a heavy autumn storm, for\\nbefore he was again ready to move, important tid-\\nings came, which changed all his plans.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVII.\\nBATTLE OF ISSUS.\\n333 B.C.\\nMEANWHILE Darius, who had chosen a plain\\nin the neighbourhood of Sochoi as suitable\\nfor the operations of his army and so a\\nfavourable place for a meeting with Alexander, had\\nbecome impatient at Alexander s delay. Already\\nhis courtiers began to suggest the welcome theory\\nthat Alexander was afraid to face the might of the\\ngreat King. He probably was appalled at having\\nheard that the great King was there in person. He\\nsurely would never dare to cross the mountains. It\\nwould be necessary for the Shah to go over and de-\\nstroy him. The theory was speedily quickened into\\nfaith. Surely against so mighty an array as this the\\nhandful of Macedonians would have no chance or\\nhope. Under the prancing feet of the vast squadrons\\nof the world-famed Persian cavalry the little band\\nwould be trampled into destruction. Confidence ran\\nhigh.\\nAll over the Greco-Persian world it was the same.\\n280", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Battle of Issus. 281\\nThe word went out that the disturber of the world s\\npeace was now safely locked up within the mount-\\nains of Cilicia, and that he would soon be buried\\nbeneath the Persian avalanche. Demosthenes at\\nAthens only voiced the hope and the expectations\\nof all enemies of Alexander when he read to his\\nfriends the letters he had just received from the\\nEast, and confidently predicted the speedy downfall\\nof Alexander. It made the great orator, to be sure,\\neasy prey in after days for the taunts of ^Eschines\\nBut when Darius came on with all his force, and\\nAlexander, as you [Demosthenes] claimed, was locked\\nup in Cilicia and in sore straits, and was going to be, as\\nyour phrase had it, speedily trampled underfoot by the\\nPersian horse, then, with the city not big enough to\\nhold your swagger, you pranced about with epistles\\ndangling from your fingers, pointing people to my coun-\\ntenance as that of a miserable, despairing wretch, and\\ncalled me a bull ready for the sacrifice, with gilded\\nhorns and garlands on the head, the moment anything\\nhappened to Alexander.\\nNew courage, as the autumn months came on,\\nhad been inspired into the Persian fleet off Chios.\\nA hundred of the best ships had been sent over to\\nSiphnus. Here Agis, King of Sparta, came to\\nparley with the leaders, asking for money to begin\\na war, and urging the Persians to send an army and a\\nfleet to the Peloponnesus. All this was going on in\\nGreece just at the time when Darius, in November,\\n333 B.C., was halting before the mountains of Ama-\\nnus and querying what had become of Alexander.\\niEschines against Ctesiphon, sec. 164.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "282 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nThere was at least one man in Darius s camp who\\ndid not lose his good judgment. This was Amyn-\\ntas, a Macedonian noble, who, for some reason not\\nknown to history, had fled the court at Pella a few\\nyears before, and whom we hear of as being with\\nthe Persians at the battle of the Granicus, and after-\\nwards as fleeing from Ephesus before the approach\\nof Alexander s troops. He was now in command\\nof the Greek mercenaries, and we shall hear of him\\nagain. He advised Darius most earnestly to remain\\nwhere he now was, on the Assyrian side of the\\nmountains. He need have no doubt that Alexan-\\nder would come to him. The narrow defiles and\\nuneven land of Cilicia offered no favourable oppor-\\ntunity for the Persian army, with its cavalry and its\\ngreat masses of troops, to utilise its strength. But,\\nas Arrian has it, the worse advice prevailed, for-\\nsooth because it was for the moment the pleasanter\\nto hear.\\nHaving sent all the unnecessary baggage, the\\ntreasure, and the harems of himself and his satraps\\nto Damascus, 250 miles to the south, Darius crossed\\nthe mountains, and came to Issus on the same day\\nthat Alexander arrived at Myriandrus, scarcely\\nthirty-five miles away. They had missed each\\nother by less than a day, for Arrian says that Alex-\\nander arrived at Myriandrus on the second day from\\nMallus, and Issus was far beyond the half-way point.\\nPlutarch even reports that the two armies passed\\neach other in the darkness of the night, a statement\\nwhich is, however, quite improbable. Darius s\\narmy, coming down through the hills at the north,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "333 B c.] Battle of Issus. 283\\nwould not have been seen from Issus until within\\nfour or five miles of the town. The haphazard\\nmethods of obtaining information concerning the\\nmovements and position of the enemy, which made\\nit possible for the Macedonians thus placidly to\\nmarch out of the plain just as the enemy, from five\\nto six hundred thousand strong, was entering it\\nclose behind them, offer a striking contrast to the\\nmethods of reconnoissance employed in modern\\nwarfare. That Alexander should have taken the\\nrisk of marching off to the south and leaving the\\nway open for the Persian to come in at the north,\\nwithout even seeking to inform himself concerning\\nthe possibility of such a movement, reflects, how-\\never, no discredit on his strategic insight. There\\nwas nothing he presumably desired more than that\\nDarius should enter Cilicia, and it was in hope of\\nenticing him in that he had tarried so long. The\\nnarrow plains of Cilicia were his chosen field for\\nbattle, not the open land of Syria. A vast army,\\ntoo, like that of Darius, would find slender chance\\nof subsistence once it had crossed the mountains.\\nAlexander s only mistake was in not rating high\\nenough his opponents folly.\\nWhen Alexander heard that his enemy was close\\nby him and in his rear, he could scarcely believe the\\nnews to be true so he embarked some of his guard\\nin a thirty-oared boat and sent them back along the\\ncoast to reconnoitre. Without going the whole dis-\\ntance to Issus, the reconnoitring party was able to de-\\nscry the camp of the Persians. Alexander then called\\ntogether his chief officers, and, aware that a supreme", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "284 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nmoment in his affairs was at hand, reviewed the\\nwhole situation with them, summing up the grounds\\nof confidence that a victory was now in their hands\\nThey were to meet a foe whom they had met before\\nand vanquished. They were themselves used to\\ntoil and danger; their enemy were men enervated\\nby luxury and ease. They were freemen; their\\nenemy were slaves. There was, finally, evidence\\nthat God was on their side, for he had put it into\\nDarius s mind to move his forces to a place where\\nhis vast multitude would be useless, whereas the\\nMacedonian phalanx had room enough to display\\nits full power. The rewards of victory, too, were\\ngreat. The whole power of Persia was drawn up\\nagainst them, led by the Shah in person. In the\\nevent of victory nothing was left for them to do but\\nto take possession of all Asia and make an end of\\ntheir toils. He reminded them of their many brill-\\niant achievements in the past, both as an army and\\nas individuals, and recounted their deeds, mention-\\ning them by name. With due modesty, too, he told\\nof his own deeds, and ended by telling the story of\\nXenophon and his famous ten thousand, who, with-\\nout Thessalian or Macedonian horsemen, without\\narchers or slingers, had put to rout the king and all\\nhis forces close before the walls of Babylon itself.\\nThe word was that of a Greek to Greeks. The en-\\nthusiasm of battle laid hold on them all. They\\nthronged about him, clasped his hand, begged him\\nto lead them forthwith against the foe. His army\\nwas consolidated on one thought and ambition, and\\nthat was the thought and ambition of its leader.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Battle of Issus. 285\\nAlexander then ordered his soldiers to take din-\\nner, for evening was now approaching, and sent a\\nfew horsemen and archers back to occupy the Cilic-\\nian Gates, the narrow passage eight miles north of\\nMyriandrus, between the sea and the hills, through\\nwhich he had passed only a few hours before, and\\nwhich he would be obliged to repass in returning to\\nthe plain. After nightfall he led his whole army to\\nthe pass, and encamped there at the southern limit\\nof the plain of Issus.\\nThe Persians, on entering Issus, had found some\\nwounded Macedonian soldiers in the lazaretto, and\\nforthwith massacred them. The prevailing opinion\\nwas at first that Alexander was avoiding battle and\\nwas now caught in a trap, shut off from retreat.\\nThe Persian host stood full in the way between him\\nand Greece; behind the only escape was the enemy s\\nland. Darius evidently thought at first that his\\nenemy had passed over into Syria, for we learn from\\nPolybius (xii., 17), who cites the authority of Callis-\\nthenes, that when Darius, after his arrival in Issus,\\nl had learned from the natives that Alexander had\\ngone on as if advancing into Syria, he followed\\nhim, and on approaching the pass encamped by the\\nriver Pinarus. This would account for the position\\nof the Persians nine miles beyond and to the south\\nof Issus. Darius, however, soon saw, as Plutarch\\nsays, that he was in no position for a battle. The\\nmountains and the sea hemmed in his army, and the\\nriver Pinarus divided it. He planned, therefore, to\\nwithdraw as soon as possible; but this Alexander\\nsought to prevent, by forcing an immediate battle.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "286 Alexander the Great. [333 b.c.\\nHe saw at a glance his advantage. A field had\\nby fortune been given him in which the tremend-\\nous preponderance of the Persian army counted for\\nlittle.\\nEarly the following morning it was about the\\nbeginning of November, 333 B.C. Alexander led\\nhis army on toward the Persian position, twelve or\\nthirteen miles distant from the pass where he had\\nspent the night. The plain of Issus stretches along\\nthe shore of the sea, which bounds it on the west,\\nfor a little over twenty miles, gradually widening\\nfrom the Cilician Gates, at its extreme south, to the\\nneighbourhood of the city of Issus, which lies some\\nfive miles from the present coast-line in its northern\\nextreme. The Persians had encamped on the north\\nbank of the river Pinarus, which flows across the\\nplain in a westerly or southwesterly direction, about\\nnine miles south of the city. We have it on the\\nauthority of Callisthenes that the width of the plain\\nat this point, reckoned from the foot-hills of the\\nmountains to the sea, was, at the time of the battle,\\nfourteen stades, i. e., somewhat over a mile and a\\nhalf. Since then the alluvium of the mountain\\nstreams has carried the shore out until the plain is\\nnearly five miles wide. A similar change has made\\nthe battle-field of Thermopylae unintelligible to the\\nmodern visitor. What was anciently a narrow path\\nof fifty feet between sea and cliff is now a marshy\\nplain two or three miles in width. The harbour of\\nMiletus, in which the naval movements we have\\nlately recounted took place, is now a plain in which\\nthe island of Lade is lost as a knoll.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Battle of Issus. 287\\nAs long as the plain remained narrow, Alexander,\\nas he marched forward, kept his troops in column\\nbut as it opened, he gradually developed his column\\ninto a line filling the whole space between the hills\\nand the sea. Gradually the order of battle took\\nshape. It was always his usage, so far as possible,\\nto march upon the battle-field in the order to be\\nthere assumed. His caution in filling the width of\\nthe plain was due to his fear of being outflanked by\\nthe superior numbers of the enemy. Slowly the\\nbattle-line spread itself out. The infantry battalion\\nswung up from the column to the front. The\\ncavalry, which had held the rear, moved out to the\\nwings. Upon the right, next the hills, were placed\\nthe Thessalian and Macedonian heavy cavalry,\\nflanked by the lancers and Paeonians and the light-\\narmed Agrianians and bowmen; next came the\\nhypaspists, or light infantry, and their ag^ma y or\\npicked squad; in the centre the phalanx; on the\\nleft were the allies, the Cretan bowmen and the\\nThracian troops of Sitalces. The left wing was\\nplaced, as usual, under the command of Parmenion,\\nwho was specially instructed to keep close to the\\nshore in order to prevent any attempt to outflank\\nhim.\\nOpposite was now visible the line of Darius s\\narmy. All told it is said to have contained from\\nfive to six hundred thousand fighting men. Against\\nthis the little Macedonian army of perhaps thirty\\nthousand men, led by a stripling twenty-three years\\nold, seemed hopelessly lost. They were shut off\\nfrom their own world by the hordes of the Persians,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "288 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nlocked into the narrow plain, with the only line of\\nretreat, in case of defeat, leading into the enemy s\\ncountry. Darius had thrown a body of thirty thou-\\nsand cavalry and twenty thousand light-armed in-\\nfantry across the river as a shield while his army was\\nassuming battle order, but before the battle began\\nthey were slowly withdrawn to the wings. His\\ncentre was composed of the thirty thousand Greek\\nmercenaries, his best fighting troops, which were\\nthus offset against the Macedonian phalanx. At\\neach side of these he set his best native troops, the\\nCardaces, as they were called. His left wing,\\nstretching out along the hills, the line of which\\ncurved about to the south, overlapped the Greek\\nright, and menaced its flank. His right wing was\\ncomposed of the mass of the cavalry, for the ground\\nalong the shore offered the greater freedom for\\ncavalry action. The great multitudes were arrayed\\nline behind line to an unserviceable depth, the front\\nbeing too narrow to give effectiveness to the mass\\nof the army.\\nAfter inspecting the arrangement of the enemy s\\nline, and appreciating the superior strength which\\nthe enormous masses of superb cavalry gave to its\\nright wing, Alexander gave orders to transfer the\\nThessalian cavalry from his right to the left wing.\\nThis change was quietly made, the squadrons mov-\\ning rapidly across behind the phalanx, and taking\\ntheir position beside the Cretan bowmen and the\\nThracians.\\nBefore the battle opened, Alexander sent a body\\nof light troops Agrianians, bowmen, and some", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "SOLE or MILES I )[:fil 3\\nPillar of JonS^fc^ 5V\\nPLAIN OF ISSUS (PRESENT CONDITION).\\nTHE ANCIENT COURSE OF THE PINARUS FOLLOWED\\nTHE RIVER CHANNEL NEXT TO THE NORTH.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Battle of Issus.\\ncavalrymen to dislodge the force which was men-\\nacing his right on the foot-hills to the east. The\\nmovement succeeded, but as a permanent protection\\nto this wing he detached two squadrons (three hun-\\ndred men) from the companion cavalry, posting them\\nfar out upon the right.\\nFor a while the two armies faced each other in\\nquiet. Darius planned to use the river bank as a\\ndefence. Where the bank was not abrupt, stock-\\nades had been placed to make it so. Alexander\\nwas glad of an opportunity to rest his troops, and\\nwas determined to advance very slowly and keep\\nhis line in perfect order. With mechanical precision\\nevery arrangement was effected and every movement\\nmade. There was no nervous bustle or disorder.\\nWhen everything was ready, Alexander rode down\\nthe line, briefly exhorting his men, appealing to\\neach regiment in terms of its own peculiar ambition\\nand pride. To the Macedonians he named their\\nbattle-fields and victories; to the Greeks he spoke\\nof another Darius their forefathers had met at Mara-\\nthon. Tumultuous cheers greeted his words wher-\\never he went. The fervour of battle was on. Lead\\nus on! Why do we wait they cried; and the\\ndogs of war tugged at the halter. Then with meas-\\nured step, in close array, the advance began. As\\nsoon as they came within range of the darts, how-\\never, the double-quick was ordered. On ahead\\ngalloped the magnificent squadrons of the com-\\npanion cavalry, twelve hundred strong, with Alex-\\nander at the head to open the attack, and drove\\nitself, a compact body, into the Persian left. This", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "290 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nyielded at once to the tremendous onset. No\\nmilitary force had ever yet proved able to check\\nthe dash of the Macedonian heavy cavalry.\\nOn the Macedonian left the Persian cavalry had\\nthe advantage. Vastly superior in numbers, and\\nthe flower of the Persian army, it found to oppose\\nit the scanty squadrons of the Thessalian cavalry,\\nsupported by the infantry allies. The Persian line\\nhere crossed the river, and, with charge after charge\\nin fearful struggle, slowly forced their opponents\\nback. In the centre the phalanx had found rugged\\nopposition. It was here Greek against Macedonian.\\nThe line of the phalanx had been broken in crossing\\nthe river, and Alexander s sudden advance with the\\nheavy cavalry had left its right unprotected. High\\non the river bank before them the Greeks held their\\nvantage-ground, driving their weapons down into\\nthem, pushing them back as they clambered up.\\nEven the long sarissas failed to open a way. The\\ntremendous mass of the Persian centre stood like a\\nrock. The Macedonian phalanx was for once held\\nin check. The battle threatened to go against them.\\nBut Alexander already held the key to success. The\\nrout of the Persian left had brought him round upon\\nthe flank of the Greek mercenaries, who formed the\\ncentre. He tore in upon it, rending it asunder.\\nThe Shah, seated in his four-horse chariot in the\\ncentre of the host, became his goal. The story of\\nthe combat waged at this point is graphically told\\nby Curtius Rufus, and as its chief details are con-\\nfirmed by Diodorus, it probably was drawn from\\nClitarchus (second century B.C.):", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Battle of Issus. 291\\nAlexander was doing the work of a soldier no less\\nthan that of a leader. For there stood Darius towering\\naloft in his chariot, a sight that prompted alike friends to\\nshield him and foes to assail him. So then his brother\\nOxathres, when he saw Alexander rushing toward him,\\ngathered the horsemen of his command and threw them\\nin the very front of the chariot of the king. Conspicuous\\nabove all the rest, with his armour and his giant frame,\\npeer of the best in valour and loyalty, fighting now the\\nbattle of his life, he laid low those who recklessly surged\\nagainst him others he turned to flight. But the Mace-\\ndonians grouped about their King, heartened by one an-\\nother s exhortations, burst in upon the line. Then came\\nthe desolation of ruin. Around the chariot of Darius\\nyou d see lying leaders of highest rank, perished in a\\nglorious death, all prone upon their faces, just as they\\nhad fallen in their struggle, wounds all in the front.\\nAmong them you would find Atizyes and Rheomithres\\nand Sabaces, the satrap of Egypt, all generals of great\\narmies; piled up around them a mass of footmen and\\nhorsemen of meaner fame. Of the Macedonians, too,\\nmany were slain, good men and true. Alexander him-\\nself was wounded in the right thigh with a sword. And\\nnow the horses attached to Darius s car, pricked with\\nspears and infuriated with pain, tossed the yoke on their\\nnecks, and threatened to throw the King from the car.\\nThen he, in fear lest he should fall alive into the hands\\nof the enemy, leaped out, and was set on the back of a\\nhorse which was kept close behind against this very need.\\nAll the insignia of the imperial office, with slight respect\\nfor form, were thrown aside, lest the sight of them beget\\na panic. The rest is scattered, and melts away in its\\nterror. Wherever a way is open, there the fugitives of\\nthe army burst through. Their arms they throw away", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "292 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nthe very arms which they a little while before had taken\\nup to shield their lives. Such is fear, it shrinks even\\nfrom the means of rescue.\\nThe battle was now soon over. The Persian\\ncavalrymen on the right, seeing the centre in flight,\\nleft their success and joined the rout. The very\\nmass of the Persians became their destruction. The\\nhorsemen jostled and threw one another. Thou-\\nsands were trampled to death. Men ran against\\none another s naked swords. They stumbled in the\\ndescending darkness. Heaps of writhing bodies\\nfilled the ditches. Ptolemy tells how Alexander in\\nhis pursuit crossed a ravine on a dam of corpses.\\nThe night alone stopped the pursuit. Alexander,\\ncontrary to the usage of those before him, always\\npressed his success to the utmost. Only when he\\nand his men could no longer find their way through\\nthe gathering darkness did they relent and turn back\\nover the field of ruin they had made. A hundred\\nthousand Persians had fallen. Three victims were\\ncounted for each one of Alexander s men engaged.\\nThe mountain-sides were full of scattered fugitives\\nmaking their way over into Syria. Others fled into\\nthe mountains of Cilicia, to become there the prey\\nof the mountain tribes. Eight thousand Greek mer-\\ncenaries, under the lead of Amyntas, were the only\\nones to preserve a semblance of order in retreat.\\nThey crossed the mountains into Syria, and made\\nfor Tripolis, the port where they had landed when\\nbrought to the country. Here they found the ships\\nin which they came still in the harbour, and seizing\\nwhat they needed, and burning the rest, they sailed", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "333 B.C.] Battle of Issus. 293\\naway as soldiers of fortune to Cyprus, and thence to\\nEgypt, where they made themselves a terror until\\noverwhelmed and slain, leader and all, by the Egyp-\\ntian troops. The Shah, pushing on with rapid changes\\nof horses, did not stay his flight till he had passed\\nthe mountains and reached Sochoi, in the Syrian\\nplain beyond. From his whole army only four\\nthousand fugitives assembled here with him. They\\nquickly moved on to Thapsacus, to put the Eu-\\nphrates behind them.\\nUpon the field was left all the equipment of the\\ncamp the luxurious outfit of the court, four mill-\\nions of treasure, precious things in robing, fabrics,\\nutensils, armour, such as these plain Macedonians\\nhad never seen before and the Shah in his hasty\\nflight had left behind him not only his chariot and\\nhis bow, but, most pitiful of all, his mother, wife,\\ndaughters, and little son, all at the rude mercy of\\nthe victor.\\nThe Macedonian loss had been not over 450 killed\\n150 from the cavalry, 300 from the infantry. No\\nbattle more decisive in its issue was ever fought.\\nIn its historical results it ranks among the world s\\nfew great battles. It shut Asia in behind the mount-\\nains, and prepared to make the Mediterranean a\\nEuropean sea.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVIII.\\nFROM CILICIA INTO SYRIA.\\n333-33 2 B.C.\\nDURING the four months which intervened\\nbetween Alexander s hasty departure from\\nAncyra (July, 333 B.C.) and the battle of\\nIssus (November), the old world of Greece and the\\niEgean, upon which he had so coolly turned his\\nback, went on its way and even essayed to construct\\na play of its own, with Hamlet left out. As sum-\\nmer passed into autumn and the consciousness\\nquickened that the ambitious young Storenfried\\nwas now well out of sight and reach behind the\\nTaurus, opposition took breath again and began to\\ngather its strength and lay its schemes in hope of\\nthe final disaster that Darius s overwhelming arma-\\nment might well be counted to have in store for the\\nharebrained intruder.\\nThe ^Egean was still in control of the Persian\\nfleet. Alexander had not ignored the fact or its\\nsignificance. He knew well enough that the em-\\nbers of the opposition slumbering behind the ashes\\n294", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "333-332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria, 295\\nof temporary defeat waited only for encouragement\\nto burst again into flame, and that some decided\\naction or some striking success on the part of the\\nfleet might furnish such encouragement but when,\\nearly in the spring, the news came to him at Gordium\\nof Memnon s death, he recognised, with his quick\\npower of summarising a situation, that no central\\npersonal force was left to give coherence to the\\nelements opposed to him, and so he took his risk\\nand turned eastward, determined to win what further\\nrecognition he was to receive at home by quick and\\ndecided success in the far outer world.\\nThe various movements of the Persian fleet which\\nbegan in midsummer and were continued throughout\\nthe autumn we have referred to incidentally in the\\nforegoing, but it is well to summarise them here, so\\nfar as the scattered references of the historians,\\nmade without much suggestion of chronology, per-\\nmit it to be done. The siege of Mitylene in Lesbos,\\ncontinued after Memnon s death (February, 333\\nB.C.), resulted in the capture of the city, and Tene-\\ndos, an island off the entrance to the Hellespont,\\nsoon after submitted to superior force. There was\\nno land force cooperating with the Persians, and so\\ntheir field of action was limited to the islands, ex-\\ncept that here and there a descent upon some coast\\ntown served their purpose for foraging, plunder, and\\ndestruction. Nowhere, however, did they gain, or\\napparently seek to gain, a foothold on the mainland.\\nAn expedition of ten ships under Datames s com-\\nmand, which during the summer had slipped across\\nthe sea and anchored by Siphnos, as if to test the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "296 Alexander the Great. [333 B.c-\\ntemper of the Greeks and give some chance encour-\\nagement to the anti-Macedonian elements in the\\ncoast cities, or perhaps enter into dealings with the\\nSpartans, who through it all had remained open op-\\nponents of the league with Macedon, had come to\\ngrief, and eight of the ships had been captured by\\na Macedonian squadron organised at Eubcea, to the\\nnorth. Hegelochus was by this time getting to-\\ngether a Macedonian fleet in the Hellespont, and\\nwhen a portion of the Persian fleet ventured to ex-\\ntend its operations in this direction it was driven\\nback. The Macedonians could not afford to have\\nthe main route cut that led from Macedonia into\\nAsia. In the early autumn Hegelochus and his fleet\\ngrew bolder, and venturing out of the Hellespont,\\nrecaptured Tenedos; but when, in their assurance,\\nthey assumed so much control of the waterway as to\\nlay embargo on Athenian freighters that brought\\nthe precious cargoes of grain down from the Black\\nSea, they drew forth a storm of resentment from\\nAthens that for the moment menaced outright war.\\nIt had been already voted to send a hundred ships to\\ndefend Athenian interests in the Hellespont, and a\\nrupture that would have cost the Macedonian inter-\\nests sore and given the Persian fleet its perfect op-\\nportunity was all but completed, when diplomacy\\nand worldly wisdom prevailed, and Hegelochus re-\\nleased the ships in question. How near at hand the\\nmaterials for an explosion lay, this incident, coupled\\nwith minor indications afforded by stray allusions\\nin anecdotes and speeches of the time, amply sug-\\ngests. These were the days when ^schines and his", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria. 297\\npartisans of Macedonian sympathisers were jol-\\nlied about their long faces and their gloom as they\\nstrolled among the gossipers of barber-shops and\\nmarket-place, and when men of the other persuasion\\nfelt fine and fit, and looked at one another with\\nmysterious, knowing looks; for had they not got\\nthe straight tip from their leader, the grave and\\nreverend Demosthenes, who always had inside\\nnews and knew it as it was, and now had letters to\\nshow, that told how Darius was on his way from\\nBabylon with a force so mighty that Alexander s\\nlittle band of marauders would be trampled out of\\nsight under the horses hoofs And the water-\\ndrinker himself had relaxed somewhat from his\\nowl-like seriousness, and had taken on a buoyant,\\njaunty air, yes, even joined a bit in the jests of the\\nmarket-place at ^Lschines s expense.\\nIn the midst of it all news came that a hundred\\nships of the Persians had crossed the sea and lay in\\nthe harbour of Siphnos, ninety miles to the south,\\nready to take advantage of the expected event.\\nAgis, the wily old Spartan king, sailed over to them\\nwith a single trireme, and laid before them, like\\nmany a Spartan king before him, a plan for saving\\nGreece, themselves, and sundry other things, by\\ngiving him much gold and many ships. No one\\nmay say in what the conference might have ended,\\nfor while it still was pending came hurrying across\\nthe seas the grim tidings from the field of Issus.\\nInstantly the whole scene changed. Complicity\\nwith Persian interests lost all charm. The Athen-\\nians might well deem themselves fortunate that they", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "298 Alexander the Great, [333 B.C.-\\nhad gone no further toward the brink of revolt. For\\nthe Persians it was only a question whether they\\ncould save what they now had, and Pharnabazus,\\ntaking with him fifteen hundred mercenaries, hast-\\nened back with ten ships to head off a possible re-\\nvolt at Chios. The rest of the fleet soon followed,\\ndistributing itself among various stations on the\\ncoast of Asia Minor, Agis, of whom and of whose\\nmischief-making we shall hear more later on, going\\nwith it, then with the spring it began to melt away.\\nThe Cyprians and Phoenicians belonging in the fleet\\ncould not be retained after Alexander s advance\\ndown the Syrian coast once began directly to\\nthreaten their own homes. Thus step by step\\nAlexander was winning the ^Egean by fighting his\\nway on land around its coasts.\\nOn the night of the battle of Issus, Alexander,\\nreturning from the pursuit, found the luxurious\\ncamp of Darius awaiting him, and in the Shah s\\ntent he dined and made ready to pass the night.\\nThe booty left behind was far less than it would\\nhave been, had not the march over the mountains\\ncaused the Persians to discard much of their para-\\nphernalia. All the grandees except the Shah had\\nsent their harems to Damascus, where also a vast\\nmass of treasure had been collected, together with\\nthe heavy baggage. Still, there was left enough of\\nthe luxurious appointments of the camp to dazzle\\nthe eyes of Macedonians and Greeks, and three\\nthousand talents of gold, found with the rest, was\\nnot the least acceptable surprise.\\nPlutarch tells this story", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria. 299\\nHere when Alexander beheld the basins and water-\\npots and bath-tubs and ointment-flasks, all of gold, won-\\ndrously wrought, and smelled the divine odours with\\nwhich myrrh and spices filled the room, and from thence\\npassed into a pavilion marvellous for its height and\\nbreadth and for the magnificence of its couches and\\ntables and the feast that was spread, he turned to his\\ncompanions, and said: Well, this, I take it, is royalty.\\nDarius, too, in his haste, had left behind in his\\ncamp wife, mother, and children. The various\\nstones of Alexander s treatment of them, as told in\\nthe different ancient accounts, are all of one tenor,\\ndifferent as they may be in detail. The considera-\\ntion shown the women and the self-restraint ex-\\nhibited by the young soldier were novel things in\\nthose days, but they were sure marks of a nobility\\nwhich all contemporary opinion united in recognis-\\ning. The simplest account is that given by Arrian,\\nas embodying the statements of his highest orthodox\\nauthorities, Ptolemy and Aristobulus:\\nSome of the biographers of Alexander say that on\\nthe very night when he returned from the pursuit, after\\nentering Darius s tent, which had been apportioned to\\nhis use, he heard the wailing of women and other like\\nnoise not far from the tent. On inquiring who the wo-\\nmen were, and how they happened to be in a tent so near,\\nhe received the following answer: King, the mother and\\nthe wife and the children of Darius, since it was told\\nthem that thou hast the bow of Darius and the royal\\nmantle, and that the shield of Darius has been brought\\nback, are lamenting him as slain. When Alexander\\nheard this he sent Leonnatus, one of the companions,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "300 Alexander the Great. [333B.C.-\\nwith a message to them: Darius is living; in his flight\\nhe left in his chariot his arms and his mantle: this is all\\nthat Alexander has. Leonnatus entered the tent and\\ntold them the message about Darius, and added that\\nAlexander would allow them to retain the retinue be-\\ncoming their rank, and other forms of state, as well as\\nthe title of queens; for not out of personal enmity had\\nhe made the war against Darius, but he had conducted\\nit in a regular manner for the empire of Asia. These\\nare the statements of Ptolemy and Aristobulus.\\nPlutarch gives essentially the same account, with\\nhis usual moralising embellishments, subsidiary to\\nwhich the following is added\\nNevertheless, Darius s wife is said to have been far\\nthe most beautiful of all princesses, just as Darius him-\\nself among men was the handsomest and tallest; and the\\ntwo daughters were worthy of their parents. But Alex-\\nander, as it seems, esteeming it more kingly to govern\\nhimself than to conquer his enemies, neither touched\\nthese women, nor indeed had intercourse with any other\\nwoman before marriage, except with Barsine, Memnon s\\nwidow, who was taken prisoner at Damascus.\\nArrian adds with some hesitation another story,\\nwhich with greater profusion of details is also told\\nby Diodorus and is referred to by Curtius Rufus and\\nJustinus. This represents Alexander as having\\nvisited the tent of the women on the following day,\\nin company with Hephaestion, and given them per-\\nsonal assurance of his protection. Diodorus goes so\\nfar as to give his professions the somewhat aggress-\\nive form of a promise to see the queen s daughters\\nbetter married than if Darius had attended to it", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria. 301\\nhimself. Darius s little son, only six years old, he\\nis said to have noticed he kissed him and gave him\\nthe time-honoured assurance that he was a fine boy.\\nBut Arrian s doubt about all this seems well\\nfounded. Plutarch quotes from a letter of Alex-\\nander to Parmenion, written later, in which he says\\nthat he had not so much as seen or desired to see\\nthe wife of Darius, no, nor suffered anyone to speak\\nof her beauty in his presence. Hansen s, and even\\nmore particularly Pridik s, careful examination into\\nthe authenticity of these frequent citations from\\nletters of Alexander has tended to give them en-\\nhanced authority, and the fact that it is not until\\nlater in Alexander s career that Hephaestion appears\\nas his intimate, serves to confirm Plutarch s quota-\\ntion by throwing suspicion on the story of the visit\\nto the tent.\\nThe day after the battle was devoted to burying\\nthe dead with full honours of war. The loss\\nDiodorus gives as 450 killed; Curtius Rufus, 452\\nkilled and 504 wounded; Justinus, 280 killed.\\nArrian tells only that in the struggle between the\\nMacedonian phalanx and the Greek mercenaries\\nopposed to them in the Persian line 150 Mace-\\ndonians fell. This lends confirmation to the figures\\ngiven by Diodorus. The number of wounded, 504,\\nas it stands in the present text of Curtius, appears\\nsmall, and a slight correction would enable us to\\nread, as the editor Hedicke has done, 4500.\\nThis figure is in itself more reasonable, but the next\\nR. Hansen, Philologus, xxxix., 295 E. Pridik, De Alexandri\\nMagni epistolarum commercio (1893).", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "302 Alexander the Great. [333 B.c-\\nsentence of Curtius is discouraging: At so small\\nexpense was a mighty victory won. Ancient\\nstatistics regarding the number wounded in battle\\nare rarely given, and must, in the nature of the\\ncase, be incomplete and unreliable, as there was no\\nregularly organised hospital service. The ratio of\\nwounded to killed in modern battles General Dodge\\ngives as about seven to one, and the ratio in ancient\\nbattles he believes to have been considerably higher,\\nperhaps ten to one. Though this is, by reason of\\nthe weapons used, inherently probable, it must be\\nconfessed that the scanty data we have are inde-\\ncisive. Thus, during the night sortie at Halicarnas-\\nsus, the Macedonians lost 16 killed and 300 wounded\\nin the siege of Sangala, 100 killed and 1200 wounded.\\nIn both cases, however, the conditions were probably\\nabnormal. In the battle of Paraetacene, on the other\\nhand, Eumenes lost, according to Diodorus, 540\\nkilled and 900 wounded, while Antigonus, who was\\ndefeated, lost nearly as many killed as wounded.\\nIn respect to the number killed, the loss of the\\ndefeated army was, in ancient battles, out of all\\nproportion to the victors loss, on account of the\\nmassacre which followed the unprotected retreat.\\nAt Granicus, Alexander lost 115 killed in an army\\nof 35,000, while the Persian cavalry of 20,000 lost\\n1000 men, and the division of Greek mercenaries,\\n20,000 in number, was entirely scattered and de-\\nstroyed. At Arbela, Alexander, from an army of\\nfrom 45,000 to 50,000 men, lost from 300 to 500\\nkilled, while the loss of the Persians was so enormous\\nas to leave room only for the wildest estimates.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria. 303\\nCurtius sets it at 40,000, Diodorus at 90,000, and\\nArrian reports a hearsay estimate of 300,000! Their\\narmy numbered, by concurrent testimony of Arrian\\nand Diodorus, about 1,000,000. Of the 600,000\\nPersians engaged at Issus 100,000 were slain, against\\n450 of the 40,000 or 50,000 Macedonians. In the\\nbattle of Megalopolis, two years later (331 B.C.), the\\ndefeated Spartans and their allies lost 5300 of their\\n22,000 men, while the victorious 40,000 Macedonians\\nlost only 1000 (Curtius). A loss of one man in four,\\nsuch as the Spartans there suffered, is a terrible\\nratio, but one to be expected among Spartans, if\\ndefeated. At Leuctra they lost from four battalions,\\nnumbering about 2400 men, 1000 killed, and of 700\\nSpartiatae i. e. genuine Spartan citizens 400 were\\nkilled. So at Lechaeum they lost 250 out of 600.\\nWhile ancient battles, therefore, contrast a loss of\\nfrom one to two and a half per cent, among the\\nvictors with one of, say, from ten to twenty-five per\\ncent, among the conquered, modern battles with\\ntheir completer organisation show a much closer\\nrelation of loss. Thus, for instance, at Gettysburg,\\nthe Union army numbered about 93,500 men, of\\nwhom about 89,000 actively participated in the\\nfighting. The Confederate force was about 70,000.\\nThe former lost 3072 killed, 14,497 wounded, 5434\\nmissing the latter, 2592 killed, 12,709 wounded,\\n5150 missing, making the proportion of killed for the\\nUnion forces three and five tenths per cent., for the\\nConfederates three and seven tenths per cent. At\\nWaterloo the French and the Allies each lost about\\nfive per cent, in killed.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "304 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.\\nAmong the dead, after the battle of Issus, was\\nPtolemy, son of Seleucus, commander of one of the\\ninfantry divisions. Alexander himself had been\\nslightly wounded in the leg. He was, nevertheless,\\nable, the day after the battle, to pay his visits of\\nsympathy to the wounded, and of congratulation to\\nthe victorious camps of his troops. Gifts of money\\nwere distributed among those who had distinguished\\nthemselves in battle, the dead received heroes\\nburial, and as monuments to their sacrifice and\\nmemorials of victory altars were erected on the\\nriver-bank to Zeus, to Hercules, and to Athena.\\nWithout attempting to pursue Darius, Alexander\\nadhered to his original plan of campaign and kept\\nto the coast, for the ^Egean was still controlled by\\nthe Persian fleet. He sent Parmenion, however,\\nwith the Thessalian cavalry and other troops, around\\nbehind the mountains to occupy Damascus, two\\nhundred and fifty miles to the south, and seize the\\nroyal treasure deposited there. His own march led\\nhim first to Marathus, on the coast opposite Cyprus.\\nWhile Alexander was here, Darius sent ambassadors\\nto him, asking for the return of his wife, his mother,\\nand his children, and offering him his friendship and\\nan alliance. He reminded him of the friendship\\nwhich had existed between the two countries under\\nPhilip and Artaxerxes, and of the way in which that\\nfriendship had been gratuitously broken by Philip\\nafter Artaxerxes s death, and how now without any\\nreason Alexander had entered his domain with an\\narmy and wrought much damage to his people,\\nstating that his own appearance in the field against", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria. 305\\nhim had been merely in defence of his country and\\nfor the preservation of the empire of his fathers.\\nWithout making oral answer, Alexander sent the\\nfollowing letter, the authenticity of which there is\\nno good ground for calling in question\\nYour forefathers came into Macedonia and other\\nparts of Greece, and did us harm, without any previous\\ninjury from us. Now I, having been appointed leader\\nof the Greeks and having a mind to punish the Persians,\\nhave crossed over into Asia, after hostilities had been\\ncommenced by your people. For you and yours sent\\naid to the Perinthians [on the Sea of Marmora], who\\nwere dealing unjustly with my father, and Ochus sent an\\narmy into Thrace, which was under our sway. My father\\nwas killed by conspirators whom your people instigated,\\nas you yourselves have boasted to everybody in your let-\\nters; and after you, Darius, had slain Arses with Bagoas s\\nhelp, and wickedly and in defiance of all Persian law\\nseized the throne, yes, and wronged your subjects, you\\ngo on to send unfriendly letters about me to the Greeks,\\nurging them to make war upon me, and send money to\\nthe Spartans and to other Greeks as well, though none\\nof them took it, except the Spartans. Then, as your\\nagents had corrupted my friends, and were trying to dis-\\nrupt the peace which I had secured for the Greeks, I\\ntook the field against you you who had begun the hos-\\ntilities. Now that I have conquered in battle, first your\\ngenerals and satraps, then you and your army, and am\\nby gift of the gods in possession of your country, I am\\ngiving protection to those of your men who escaped from\\nthe battle and have taken refuge with me, and they of\\ntheir own accord stay with me and have joined my army.\\nAs, therefore, I am lord of all Asia, come to me; but if", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "306 Alexander the Great. [333 b.c-\\nyou are afraid you may be harshly treated in case you\\ncome, send some of your friends to receive pledges of\\nsafety from me. Come to me, then, and ask for your\\nmother and your wife and your children, and anything\\nelse you will. You shall have it. Nothing shall be de-\\nnied you that is just. And for the future, whenever you\\nsend, send to me as the King of Asia, and do not address\\nme as an equal; but if you have need of aught, speak to\\nme as one who is lord of all your possessions. Other-\\nwise I shall conduct myself toward you as an evil-doer.\\nBut if you dispute my right to the kingdom, stay and\\nfight on for it; do not play the runaway, for I shall march\\nagainst you, wherever you may be.\\nWhile at Marathus he learned of the success of\\nParmenion s mission to Damascus. He had taken\\nthe city and overhauled the fugitive Persians under\\nKophen, who were carrying off the baggage and\\ntreasure of Darius. Curtius Rufus reports that\\nthere were captured 2600 talents in coined money,\\n500 talents of silver, 30,000 men, 7000 beasts of\\nburden, besides masses of valuables and fair women\\nwithout number. Athenaeus quotes from a letter\\nof Parmenion to Alexander on the occasion: I\\nfound flute-girls of the king, three hundred twenty\\nand nine; men who plait crowns, six and forty;\\ncooks, two hundred seventy and seven boilers of\\npots, twenty and nine makers of cheese, thirteen\\nmixers of drinks, seventeen strainers of wine,\\nseventy; makers of perfumes, forty. This serves\\nas an expression of the wonderment which filled the\\neyes of the victors.\\nFrom Marathus the army proceeded to Byblus", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria, 307\\nand Sidon, which gladly surrendered, in hatred of\\nthe Persian. Their hereditary kings, in accordance\\nwith Alexander s principle of local government for\\ncities, were left in power. At Tyre a determined\\nresistance was met. At first the city offered to sur-\\nrender, but when Alexander expressed his desire to\\nenter the city in order that he might worship in the\\ntemple of Hercules (Melkart), whom he claimed as\\nancestor, the answer was returned that the city\\nwould obey any other command of Alexander, but\\nwould admit within its walls neither Macedonian nor\\nPersian. It was the pride of the city, and one that\\nits position had made it possible to assert, that it\\nhad never admitted foreign troops at its gates.\\nTwice for long periods (701-697 B.C. and 671-662\\nB.C.) the Assyrians had beset the city in vain, and a\\ncentury later Nebuchadnezzar the Babylonian had\\nfor thirteen years (585-573 B.C.) maintained a fruit-\\nless siege. Securely placed on a rocky island a little\\nover two miles in circuit and less than half a mile\\nfrom the mainland, it had, from the earliest dawn\\nof history down to the time when Greek energy in\\nthe seventh century B.C. asserted its right, controlled\\nthe trade of the Mediterranean. When in the twelfth\\nand eleventh centuries B.C. the first Greek settlers\\ncame to the Asiatic coast and to Cyprus, it was with\\nPhoenician traders who had been there at least three\\ncenturies before them that they came in competi-\\ntion, and it was from them that they learned trade,\\nseamanship, arts, and even the art of writing. Greek\\ncompetition in the ^Egean drove them out into the\\nwider field of the Mediterranean. Sicily, southern", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "o8 Alexander the Great. [333 B.C.-\\nSpain (Tarshish), and the northern coasts of Africa\\nbecame their markets. Their roamings marked the\\nwanderings of their national god Melkart (Hercules),\\nand at Cadiz (Gades) were the Pillars of Hercules.\\nUtica, Leptis, and Carthage, in Africa, were their\\ncolonies. Throughout all the period of the Phoenic-\\nian bloom, from 1200 B.C. to 700 B.C., Tyre was\\nthe Phoenician metropolis. Sidon, though the older\\ncity, played the second role. All the commodities\\nof the world tributary to the Mediterranean passed\\nin those days through the hands of the Tyrian traders\\nas distributing agents.\\nThough writing in the days of Tyre s decline, the\\nHebrew prophet Ezekiel (586 B.C.), who, like the\\nother Hebrew prophets, forgetting the old-time\\nfriendship between Solomon and Hiram, King of\\nTyre (969-936 B.C.), now looks upon Tyre, the\\nworld s Vanity Fair, with all the aversion that the\\nman of the prairie can in this day spend on the\\nbankers of Wall Street, tells in his curse the story\\nof its greatness:\\n4 O thou that dwellest at the entry of the sea, which\\nart the merchant of the peoples unto many isles, thus\\nsaitk the Lord God: Thou, O Tyre, hast said, I am per-\\nfect in beauty. Thy borders are in the heart of the seas,\\nthy builders have perfected thy beauty. They have\\nmade all thy planks of fir-trees from Senir: they have\\ntaken cedars from Lebanon to make a mast for thee.\\nOf the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars; they\\nhave made thy benches of ivory inlaid in boxwood, from\\nthe isles of Kittim [Kition in Cyprus]. Of fine linen\\nwith broidered work from Egypt was thy \u00c2\u00a7ail that it", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] From Cilicia into Syria. 309\\nmight be to thee for an ensign; blue and purple from\\nthe isles of Elishah [coast of northern Africa] was thine\\nawning. The inhabitants of Zidon and Arvad [Sidon\\nand Aradus] were thy rowers: thy wise men, O Tyre,\\nwere in thee, they were thy pilots. Tarshish\\n[Spain] was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of\\nall kinds of riches; with silver, iron, tin, and lead, they\\ntraded for thy wares. Javan, [Ionia, Greece], Tubal,\\nand Meshech [modern Armenia], they were thy traffick-\\ners: they traded the persons of men and vessels of brass\\nfor thy merchandise. And in their wailing they\\nshall take up a lamentation for thee, and lament over\\nthee, saying, Who is there like Tyre, like her that is\\nbrought to silence in the midst of the sea\\nThis twenty-seventh chapter of Ezekiel, from\\nwhich we cite, contains among all the records of the\\npast the fullest and most accurate account of the\\ntrade and the trade relations of the famous city. It\\nwas written during Nebuchadnezzar s siege of Tyre,\\nand while Ezekiel was a captive at Babylon. The\\ndoom which the prophet saw impending over the\\ncity was fulfilled, not through the hosts of Nebu-\\nchadnezzar, but by the arms of Alexander, and more\\nyet by the city which he built to be its rival and suc-\\ncessor, Alexandria in Egypt. Though Nebuchad-\\nnezzar s siege had not resulted in the capitulation of\\nTyre, a compromise had been made by which the\\ncity retained its entire autonomy while recognising\\nthe supremacy of Babylon. Thus the nominal rela-\\ntion of vassal to the Babylonian Empire, continuing\\nafter that empire passed into the hands of the Per-\\nsians, had made the fleets of Tyre and of the other", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "310 Alexander the Great. [333-332 B.C.\\nPhoenician coast cities a main dependence of the\\nPersians in asserting their Mediterranean influence.\\nThe relation had been, on the other hand, of great\\nadvantage to the trade of Phoenicia, particularly of\\nTyre, which during recent years, and especially since\\nthe downfall of the Athenian maritime empire, had\\nstood in trade as mediator between the great domain\\nof Persia behind it and the open Mediterranean\\nbefore it.\\nAlexander s theory of his campaign came here to\\nthe test. To attempt the capture of Tyre seemed,\\nin the light of historical experience, quixotic. To\\nleave it behind untouched meant to leave the Persian\\nfleet its best rendezvous and, in the Phoenician ships,\\nits central strength. The capture of Tyre would\\ndisable the Persian fleet, throw Cyprus into Alex-\\nander s hands, and make the occupation of Egypt\\nan easy sequel. The Mediterranean would then be\\nMacedonian, and the hope of sedition represented in\\nGreece by Sparta would lose its last support. Secure\\nthus in the rear, the army could then turn with con-\\nfidence to its final work, strike into the heart of the\\ncontinent, and march toward Babylon. It was de-\\ntermined, therefore, cost what it might, to take this\\ncity by force.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIX.\\nTHE SIEGE OF TYRE.\\n332 B.C.\\nTHE time was now January (332 B.C.). The\\nsiege lasted until August. Of the ten brief\\nyears which Alexander had allotted him for\\nhis conquests in Asia, more than half of one was\\nthus devoted to the capture of a single city. If it\\nhad meant the city alone, it would not have been\\nworth while, but the result proved the wisdom of his\\ngeneral plan, and brought the reward to his patience\\nand thoroughness.\\nThe island upon which the city was built was\\nseparated from the mainland by a channel about\\ntwenty-five hundred feet wide, near the shore shal-\\nlow and swampy, but over by the city reaching a\\ndepth of eighteen feet. Being without ships, Alex-\\nander proceeded to build a dam, or mole, across the\\nchannel by driving piles and filling in with earth and\\nstones. Diodorus claims to know that the mole was\\ngiven a width of two hundred feet. It remains to\\nthis day, broadened out by the silt of the sea into\\n311", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "312 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nthe isthmus that joins the little modern city of Tyr\\nto the mainland. The story goes that the King\\nhimself carried and threw in the first basketful of\\nearth; then amid shouts of enthusiasm the Mace-\\ndonians, men and officers, laid hand to the work.\\nThe abandoned houses of old Tyre, situated on the\\nmainland opposite the island, provided a convenient\\nquarry, and the hills of Lebanon, hard by, furnished\\ntimber for the piles and the siege machinery. At\\nfirst the work went on well, until it came into deep\\nwater and closer under the walls of the city, and so\\nwithin range of its artillery.\\nThe ships of the Tyrians, too, had now become a\\nfactor. Manned with archers and slingers, they\\nswarmed about the head of the pier, driving the\\nlabourers from their work. Battle took the place\\nof building. The work went slow. Barricades\\nwere built to shelter the workmen. Great towers,\\nfilled in all their stories with catapults and mechani-\\ncal bows, and protected against missile and torch by\\nthick layers of hide, were set to hold the ships at\\nbay; but against these the fertile devices of the\\nTyrian seaman found resource. A monster scow,\\nwhich had served as a transport for horses, was fitted\\nout as a fire-ship. It was filled with dry twigs\\npruned from the vines and with fagots of pitch, and\\nits bow, boarded up high, was loaded with bundles\\nof straw and shavings and fagots mingled with\\nmasses of brimstone and pitch. Two derrick-like\\nmasts mounted on the bow carried long yards upon\\nwhich hung caldrons filled with oil and molten pitch.\\nThen loading the stern heavily down with ballast so", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "332 B .c.] The Siege of Tyre. 3 1 3\\nas to throw the bow high out of water, they pushed\\nit in before the favouring west wind by vessels made\\nfast to the after-sides, and running it well up on to\\nthe mole, set fire to its load, swung the yards out\\nforward, emptied the caldrons upon towers and\\nstockade, and made off in boats or by swimming as\\nbest they could. The Macedonians who essayed\\nto check the flames were a helpless target for the\\nfire poured in upon them from the ships that\\nhung about the pier. In an hour the whole work\\nof weeks and months was undone. Towers and\\nstockade were destroyed, the head of the pier dis-\\nmantled and scattered, and the hope of the builders\\ndismayed. But Alexander s energy was undaunted.\\nHe saw only the need for larger and more determined\\neffort. First of all, he planned to lay a wider mole\\ncapable of supporting larger works of defense, but\\nwithout the aid of a fleet he saw that even this was\\nvain. So leaving his engineers to begin the larger\\nwork and rebuild the towers, he hastened off with a\\nbody of guards to see what could be done at Sidon\\ntoward collecting a fleet.\\nFortune favoured him. Spring was just opening,\\nand the Phoenician ships that had been with the\\nPersian fleet in the iEgean were beginning to desert,\\nand taking advantage of the weather, were finding\\ntheir way back home. Issus was beginning to bear\\nits fruit on the sea. First came to Alexander s\\nstandard the ships of Aradus and Byblus and Sidon,\\ncities that had long before opened their doors to the\\nconqueror. Then came ten from Rhodes, three\\nfrom Solce and Mallus, Cilician towns, and ten from", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "314 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nLycia; but best of all came sailing into the port of\\nSidon a little later one hundred and twenty ships\\nwith which the kings of Cyprus expressed their\\nanxiety to get upon the winning side. Unto him\\nthat hath shall be given, and Alexander found\\nhimself now suddenly possessed of a superb fleet\\nfrom two hundred to two hundred and fifty strong.\\nFrom this time on the siege of Tyre became a differ-\\nent undertaking. Heretofore Alexander could ap-\\nproach it only by land, and even that he had to\\nmake. Now he could outmatch Tyre in ships and\\ncould blockade it, chief city of ships as it was.\\nWhile the ships and the engines of war were being\\nprepared for the new campaign, Alexander utilised\\nthe time for a ten days raid through the mountains\\nof Antilibanus, which lay between Sidon and Da-\\nmascus, and which, stretching for eighty miles in a\\nline parallel to the Lebanon range from Mount\\nHermon, source of the river Jordan at the south,\\ncommanded the highways leading from Ccele-Syria\\nto the sea. The Ituraean tribes who inhabited the\\nregion, and who, under the name of Druses, have\\nmaintained a distinct existence down to the present\\nday, readily submitted to the Macedonian sway,\\nand assured it thus a widened hem of conquered\\ncoast. Minor enterprises like this show not only how\\nunremitting was his zeal, but how methodically\\nthorough his conquests were. In a picture of the\\nwhole the brilliancy of hazard and hap yields\\nhomage to a central scheme on which the genius of\\nplan and forethought has set its stamp. On his re-\\nturn to Sidon a welcome surprise awaited him.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] The Siege of Tyre. 3 1 5\\nCleander, who more than a year before had been\\nsent off to the Peloponnesus to enlist mercenaries,\\nhad arrived with four thousand soldiers, a timely-\\nreinforcement for the little army of invasion.\\nThe day on which Alexander set forth from Sidon\\nwith his newly acquired fleet marked for him a new\\nera in warfare. Thus far he had reached in conquest\\nonly what his footing on the solid land allowed;\\nnow he stood upon the seas as well. A few hours\\nsail brought the fleet off the northern harbour of\\nTyre. There it halted, drawn up in full array, chal-\\nlenging to battle. The Tyrians had been preparing\\nto meet it, but when from the battlements they\\ncounted the number of the ships, they saw, to their\\nsurprise and dismay, for they had not reckoned on\\nthe accession of the Cyprian ships, that they were\\noutmatched. Then it became for them merely a\\nmatter of defending their harbour, and they has-\\ntened to block the mouth with triremes set closely\\nside to side and facing the sea. Three of these that\\nprotruded beyond the rest were rammed and sunk\\nin the onset of Alexander s ships, but that was all.\\nThe newcomers now withdrew to moorings along\\nthe shore of the mainland on each side of the mole.\\nTyre had two harbour, two almost circular pools\\nwith narrow entrances, one at the north called the\\nSidonian harbour, the other at the south called the\\nEgyptian. The Cyprian ships of Alexander were\\nmoored now by the shore to the north of the mole\\nto watch the northern harbour, and the rest of the\\nfleet to the south to guard the other.\\nMeantime the preparations for the siege were", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "3 16 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\npressed forward with renewed vigour and on a\\nvastly greater scale. Mechanicians and engineers\\nhad been summoned from all Phoenicia and Cyprus;\\ngreat engines of war of every description and device\\nwere in construction; the mole was widening and\\npushing up closer and closer toward the city walls.\\nUnder protection of the fleet the workmen were\\nsafe from attack by sea, and the work throve. Al-\\nready they were coming almost under the shadow\\nof the massive eastern wall; its battlements lifted\\nthemselves in dizzy height one hundred and fifty\\nfeet above the water s edge; above these rose the\\nmighty towers. The walls were of hewn stone set\\nin cement. Thousands of armed men swarmed the\\ntop and manned the towers. Engines of war, the\\ncrude artillery of the time, were set to hurl their\\nmissiles of death great stones, iron-shod shafts,\\nballs of fire down upon the workmen and their\\nworks. Now the besiegers began to ply the rams,\\ngreat, metal-weighted beams that swung out across\\nthe water-gap and thudded against the solid\\nmasonry. Every day the battle drew closer its\\nlines. Not only from the head of the pier were\\nthe siege-engines brought against the beleaguered\\ntown great scows and transport-boats were used as\\nfloating foundations for siege-towers and engines.\\nThese the Macedonians tried to push close to shore\\nunder the walls,but great boulders pitched down from\\nthe walls blocked the channel and forbade approach.\\nShips with wrecking apparatus, lifts, and derricks\\nwere sent to remove them, but Tyrian triremes,\\ncovered with leather screens to protect their men", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] The Siege of Tyre. 317\\nfrom missiles, slipped in and cut the cables, leaving\\nthe ships to drift away before the wind. Then the\\nMacedonians set a line of like leather-armored ships\\nas a barrier before those that were clearing the\\nchannel, but still the Tyrians found a way. Divers\\nswam under the barricade of ships and cut the\\ncables. Then chains of iron were used instead of\\ncables, and slowly the work went on. One by one\\nthe boulders were lifted with cranes and discharged\\ninto the deeper water, and finally an anchorage was\\ncleared close under the walls. At a dozen places\\nnow instead of one the wall was beset. Every day\\nthe zeal of battle grew, every day the hope of the\\nbeleaguered sank. In vain they strained their eyes\\neach morning to see against the western horizon the\\nsails of the promised Carthaginian fleet of rescue.\\nAt last came only one ship bringing the thirty com-\\nmissioners who were to offer the annual sacrifice in\\nMelkart s temple and pay the honours due the\\nmother-city vain honours now, when help was\\nneeded. But Carthage had her excuse her hands\\nwere full at home. She was beginning to feel the\\ncompetition of Sicilian Syracuse, which two decades\\nlater was to become a peril.\\nAs thus one by one every hope and device failed\\nbefore the persistent energy of the besieger, the\\nTyrians determined in last resort to try issue with\\nthe fleet. Their ships, divided between the two\\nharbours at extreme ends of the city, could not be\\nmassed for united action, neither could they, except\\nat great disadvantage, venture out through the nar-\\nrow mouth of either harbour. They awaited, there-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "3 18 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nfore, an opportunity when the enemy were off their\\nguard. One noonday, when the Cyprian ships that\\nguarded the northern harbour were moored over by\\nthe mainland north-east of the city, and many of the\\nsailors had gone ashore in quest of water and pro-\\nvisions, and off to the south of the mole, as men\\ncould see from the city wall, Alexander had retired\\nto his tent, no doubt to enjoy his siesta, it seemed\\nclear that the Tynans chance had come. Thirteen\\nof the best ships three quinqueremes, three quad-\\nriremes, seven triremes manned with the pick of\\nthe oarsmen and the best-armed fighting men, lay\\nready at the harbour s mouth. Smoothly, silently,\\nwithout boatswain s pipe, they glided out in long\\nsingle file straight to the north. Not till they had\\nswung about toward the east in battle front, and,\\nscarcely more than half a mile distant from the\\nCyprian ships, broke the silence with creak and\\nsplash of hurrying oars, and shriek of the pipes, and\\nshouts of the men who cheered the rowers on, did\\nthe men by the shore take the alarm. Five minutes\\nand they were there. At the first onset the Tyrians\\nbored through the great five-banked galley of Pny-\\ntagoras, King of Cyprian Salamis, and sank An-\\ndrocles s ship and that of Pasicrates of Curium.\\nOthers were driven ashore against the rocks. Some\\nof the one hundred and twenty ships were entirely\\nempty of men. The Tyrians scurried over the sides\\nof their ships to slash and batter and scuttle their\\nhelpless prey. The work of destruction went mer-\\nrily on. But quickly the sailors who were left with\\nthe fleet rallied to hold them in check others came", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] The Siege of Tyre. 319\\nhurrying back from the land, and help, too, was\\nalready coming the fleet on the south. Alexander,\\nafter retiring to his tent, had not, it seems, remained\\nthere long, but for some reason, and contrary to his\\nwont, had returned to the ships by the shore. When\\nthe alarm was given he was ready to act. With a\\nfew quinquiremes and five triremes he immediately\\npushed out upon the sea, ordering others to follow\\nas fast as they could be manned. The mole inter-\\nvened between him and the scene of action. So he\\nsailed out to the west to make the circuit of the city,\\ndetermined at the least to cut off the retreat of the\\nenemy. He had about two and a half miles to go\\nbefore reaching the mouth of the northern harbour.\\nIn twenty minutes he could do it. The Tyrians,\\nwho crowded the battlements of the city walls to\\nbehold the spectacle, saw the movement of Alexan-\\nder s ships and appreciated its purpose. They saw,\\nwhat they had not expected, that Alexander was in\\nperson present. Exultation turned to dismay.\\nHundreds of voices were raised to warn the Tyrian\\nships of their danger and call them to return, and\\nas their shouts could not be heard for the din of\\nthose engaged in the fight, by various signs and\\nsignals, first this, then that, they urged them to\\ncome back (Arrian). Too late the men saw their\\ndanger. They hurried back toward the harbour,\\nbut Alexander caught them off the entrance. Many\\nof the ships were shattered or sunk by ramming;\\ntheir crews jumped overboard, and most of the men\\nescaped by swimming ashore. A few of the ships\\nslipped by into the harbour, but one quinquereme", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "320 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nand one quadrireme were captured outright in the\\nvery mouth of the harbour. All of this happened\\nwithin an hour, inside a petty area scarcely two\\nmiles wide, and immediately under the eyes of be-\\nsieged and besiegers; but it was the last dying\\nstruggle of the Phcenico-Persian power in the Medi-\\nterranean, and it was Alexander s only sea-fight.\\nHe made on land his conquest of the sea.\\nWith nothing longer to fear from the Tyrian fleet,\\nthe besiegers now more boldly than ever pushed\\ntheir attack upon the walls. The engines on the\\nend of the mole still made poor headway against the\\nmassive walls which there confronted them the\\nwalls at the north-eastern corner proved equally in-\\nvulnerable against the transport-engines concen-\\ntrated there but a weak spot was found one day in\\nthe southern wall hard by the Egyptian harbour,\\na narrow breach was opened, and an attack was\\nmade by a storming-party, only, however, to be\\nsharply repulsed. The breach had not been wide\\nenough the attack had been made on too small a\\nscale. The Tyrians hurried to cover the breach\\nfrom within, but the vulnerable spot had been\\nfound, and Alexander awaited only the opportunity\\nof fair weather and a quiet sea to renew the on-\\nslaught, and this time to support it by a general\\nattack at every vulnerable point in the circuit of the\\nwall.\\nOn the third day the opportunity came. The\\nmain attack was directed against the southern wall.\\nHere the engines soon tore and raked a wide, yawn-\\ning gap. The moment their work was complete two", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] The Siege of Tyre. 321\\ngreat ships crowded with armed men pushed their\\nway in to displace the engine-transports. In one\\nwas Alexander himself and the light guards called\\nthe hypaspists, whom Admetus commanded in the\\nother were picked men from the phalanx. Long\\nbridges like gang-planks were thrown across from\\nthe decks to the debris of the ruined wall. In an\\ninstant they swarmed with hurrying men. Admetus\\nwas the first to reach the wall, and, transfixed with\\na spear, the first to die. Sharp and bitter was the\\nstruggle. From a handful the intruders grew to\\nscores and hundreds. They fought to avenge their\\nslain captain, and the presence of their King inspired\\nthem. The Tyrians fought for the last hope of their\\nhomes. Never before had foemen set his foot on\\nthe island soil of Tyre. Step by step the besiegers\\nwon their way. Some scrambled up the ruin and\\ngained the battlements of the wall at the right;\\nothers followed, and with them Alexander, at the\\nhead, pushed on along the rampart platform toward\\nthe north, till, reaching the palace, which communi-\\ncated with the wall, they found a way down by its\\nstairways into the heart of the city.\\nMeanwhile the city had been attacked on every\\nside. Vessels equipped with artillery and filled with\\nbowmen and slingers had sailed up to close range\\nunder the walls, and poured their fire in upon the\\ndefenders of the walls, distracting their attention\\nand dividing the defense. Simultaneously also the\\nentrance of both harbours had been forced by the\\nfleets, and the Tyrian ships shattered, scuttled,\\ndriven ashore. From the northern harbour, where", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "322 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nthe defense was weaker, the approaches to the city\\nhad been captured, and here a force of soldiery\\nentered to join those now pouring out through the\\npalace doors into the narrow alleys of the town.\\nThe Tyrians, who had now forsaken the wall, ral-\\nlied for their last stand before the shrine of Agenor,\\nand here the battle resolved itself into massacre.\\nThe rest of the story may follow in Arrian s own\\nwords\\nThe main body of the Tyrians deserted the wall when\\nthey saw it in the enemy s hands, but rallied opposite what\\nis known as the Agenor shrine, and there faced the Mace-\\ndonians. Against these Alexander advanced with his\\nhypaspists, slew those who fought there, and pursued\\nthose who fled. Great was the slaughter also wrought\\nby those who had already entered the city from the har-\\nbour, as well as by the detachment under Ccenus s com-\\nmand; for the Macedonians spared nothing in their\\nwrath, being angry at the length of the siege, and par-\\nticularly because the Tyrians, having captured some of\\ntheir men on the way from Sidon, had taken them up on\\nthe top of the wall where it could be seen from the camp,\\nand there had slaughtered them and thrown their bodies\\ninto the sea. About eight thousand of the Tyrians were\\nslain; of the Macedonians, besides Admetus, twenty of\\nthe hypaspists fell during the assault, and in the whole\\nsiege about four hundred.\\nThe city was at the end captured more easily and\\nquickly than the Macedonians had expected. This\\nis evident from an anecdote of Plutarch s:\\nOne day when Alexander, with a view to resting the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER THE GREAT.\\nFROM THE CUST IN THE LOUVRE.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] The Siege of Tyre. 323\\ngreat body of his army from the many hardships recently\\nincurred, was bringing only small bodies of troops against\\nthe walls, and that more to keep the enemy busy than\\nwith any prospect of advantage, it happened that Aris-\\ntander, the soothsayer, was engaged in sacrificing. After\\ninspecting the entrails he announced to the bystanders\\nwith all assurance that the city would be surely taken\\nwithin that month. This produced considerable merri-\\nment and derision, for the day happened to be the last\\nday of the month. The King, seeing the embarrassment\\nof the soothsayer, and being always anxious to maintain\\nthe credit of the predictions, gave orders to set the calen-\\ndar back one day, and sounding the trumpets, made a\\nmore serious attack than had been originally planned.\\nSo brilliant was the assault that the other troops in the\\ncamp could not deny themselves joining in; whereupon\\nthe Tyrians gave way, and the city was taken that day.\\nThough many of the inhabitants had left the\\ncity, a great many according to Diodorus more\\nthan half the population escaping to Carthage,\\nthere was left a great mass of old men, women, and\\nchildren to pass into the hands of the slave-dealer.\\nDiodorus says thirteen thousand; Arrian, who reck-\\nons men and mercenaries too, and who also omits\\nmention of two thousand men-at-arms, put to death,\\nas Diodorus says, by hanging, gives the number of\\nthose sold into slavery at about thirty thousand.\\nThe entire population of the city before the siege\\nwas probably not less than from seventy-five to one\\nhundred thousand.\\nThose who had taken refuge in the temple of Her-\\ncules, including the King and the magistrates, as well", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "324 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nas the Carthaginian envoys, were given their free-\\ndom. After sacrificing to Hercules, and dedicating\\nto the god the engine with which the wall had been\\nbattered down, and the Tyrian sacred ship, which\\nhad been captured, Alexander celebrated his victory\\nwith a grand military parade and naval review and\\nwith the inevitable athletic sports and torch-race\\nall this in honour of Hercules (Melkart), Tyre s\\npatron saint, an old friend of Greeks and Mace-\\ndonians, now found again, and this time on his\\nnative heath.\\nSome time before the capture of Tyre, Darius had\\nsent a second embassy to Alexander, making more\\nattractive propositions than the first. They in-\\ncluded offers to cede all territory west of the Eu-\\nphrates, to pay the sum of ten thousand talents, to\\ngive the hand of his daughter in marriage, to be-\\ncome an ally and friend, while all that was asked\\nwas the return of his wife, mother, and children.\\nWhen these proposals were first announced in the\\ncouncil of the companions Parmenion is reported to\\nhave been greatly impressed and to have said: If\\nI were Alexander, I should be glad to secure peace\\non these terms and end the continual risk. To\\nthis Alexander replied: So should I, if I were\\nParmenion; but as I am Alexander, my answer is\\nwhat it is. When Darius received the answer, which\\nwas virtually a repetition of the former one, he saw\\nthere was no hope of coming to terms, and so began\\nfresh preparations for war.\\nAlexander, however, continued his plan of keep-\\ning to the coast, and advanced into Palestine. Here", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] The Siege of Tyre. 325\\nall the cities readily submitted except Gaza, which\\nprepared for determined resistance. This city, one\\nof the five ancient cities of the Philistines, about\\none hundred and fifty miles south of Tyre, was\\nlocated about two miles back from the sea, on the\\nold trade-route between Syria and Egypt, and was,\\nas it is to-day, one of the most important points in\\nSyria. It was garrisoned by a body of Arabian\\nmercenaries, and provisioned for a long siege.\\nBuilt as it was upon an elevation in the plain, its\\nwalls rising from an artificially prepared foundation\\nsixty feet above the level of the adjacent terrain, it\\nappeared impossible to bring the siege-engines to\\nbear. Alexander s experts informed him that on\\nthis account it would be impossible to take the city\\nby force.\\nThe conqueror of Tyre and candidate for the\\nworld-empire could not afford to recognise an im-\\npossibility. He therefore proceeded to construct on\\nthe south side, where the wall appeared weakest, a\\ngigantic mound from which to operate the siege-\\nengines. This mound was carried to the astonish-\\ning height of two hundred and fifty feet, to support\\nwhich a breadth of twelve hundred feet was given it\\nat the base. During a sally made by the defenders\\nin order to destroy the siege-engines, Alexander\\nwas severely wounded by an arrow from a catapult,\\nwhich passed clean through his shield and his\\ncuirass, and penetrated his shoulder, but spared his\\nlife. Gradually the wall was battered down or\\nundermined. Three assaults were repulsed, but\\nfinally, after two months of siege, the city was", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "326 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\ntaken. Nearly the entire male population perished\\nfighting to the death. The women and children\\nwere sold into slavery. The city was repeopled\\nfrom the neighbouring population, and made a per-\\nmanently garrisoned fortress.\\nWhile Alexander was at Gaza he received notice\\nof the action of the council of the Greek States at\\nCorinth, held on the occasion of the Isthmian games\\nof that year, which had voted to send to him by\\nfifteen special commissioners a golden crown in\\nrecognition of the victory at Issus a recognition\\ntardy enough, and almost too late to be longer of\\nconsequence or value to the conqueror of Tyre and\\nlord of the ^Egean, or for the Greeks themselves a\\ntestimony to aught but their own fickleness.\\nThe Jewish writers, particularly Josephus, report\\nthat after the capture of Gaza Alexander went to\\nJerusalem, was received by the high priest, and\\noffered sacrifice in the temple. The absence of all\\nallusion to this in any of the historians of Alexander,\\nas well as of any mention of the Jews either by them\\nor the historians of the next century, coupled with\\nthe self-contradictions and improbabilities of the\\nnarrative, makes it unlikely that the story is any-\\nthing more than an invention of the Hellenists of\\nthe first century B.C., who sought to establish in this\\nway, as in others, an early connection with Greek\\nhistory.\\nIt was November (332 B.C.) when Alexander set\\nforth along the coast to enter Egypt. An entire\\nyear since the battle of Issus (November, 333 B.C.)\\nhad been spent in Phoenicia and Palestine. The", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "332 B.C.] The Siege of Tyre, 327\\ntask of isolating Persia from the Mediterranean was\\nadvancing, however, toward its completion. At\\nSidon and Tyre he had dammed the ancient channel\\nby which the trade and civilisation of the Euphrates\\nvalley, following the reverse of the river course, had\\nfound an outlet into the western sea. The ALgea.il\\nhad become almost an inland sea of Alexander s\\nMacedonian empire a Greek sea instead of a Greek\\nboundary.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XX.\\nALEXANDER IN EGYPT.\\n332-331 B.C.\\nSINCE the conqueror had entered Asia two and\\na half years had elapsed. One-third of his\\nbrief reign was spent, but the land area of his\\nconquests included yet scarcely more than a tenth\\npart of what they were to be. It was not, however,\\nland that he was now conquering: it was. the sea\\nthe sea included between Greece, Asia, Egypt, which\\nthe fates of geography had made to be the central\\nmart and meeting-place of all the civilisations which\\nhis world could know. To it were tributary the\\ntwo great river valleys in which had shaped them-\\nselves the two types of ordered life that summarised\\nthe beginnings of human civilisation. Egypt found\\nits natural outlet with the Nile Mesopotamia, re-\\nversing the currents of the Euphrates, poured in its\\ninfluences through the broad delta of Tyre and\\nSidon, or let them slowly sift through the sands of\\nAsia Minor. In this sea the culture of Egypt and\\nAssyria, as the passive element, met the aggressive\\n328", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "332-331 B.C.] Alexander in Egypt. 329\\nwill of occidentalism, which was to shape and apply\\nit, and out of the union was begotten the history\\nwhich up to the present century, neglecting the\\nworld-half of India and China, we have been wont\\nto call the world-history. It is because Alexander\\nconquered first this sea and then its tributaries that\\nhis career is the navel of history.\\nAs far as the land is concerned he had thus far\\ntraversed three areas of human life and habitation\\nfirst, the western hem of Asia Minor (from May to\\nNovember, 334 B.C.), where the Greek spirit, lan-\\nguage, and blood were predominant; second, the\\ncentral and southern districts of Asia Minor (from\\nNovember, 334 B.C., to November, 333 B.C.),\\nwhere, with all variety of tribe and tongue, Carian\\nand Phrygian elements predominated, but no na-\\ntional unity existed or ever had, except such as the\\nLydian Empire of two centuries before achieved\\nthird, the narrow coast selvage of Syria (from No-\\nvember, 333 B.C., to November, 332 B.C.), where\\nthe Semitic spirit and the Semitic tongue were\\nin full sway, and the name of Phoenicia set the\\nstandard.\\nNext in his way lay Egypt. The march of his\\nphalanx took thus in review, one after the other, the\\nnations and civilisations of men. Hitherto he had\\nseen, though, only the middlemen who were hand-\\ning on what they had received now he was coming\\nto a fountain-head. If an established order of\\ncivilised life anywhere in the wide world can be\\nidentified as born alone of the soil where it abides,\\nthat can be claimed most confidently for the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "330 Alexander the Great. [332 b.c-\\ncivilisation which clings to the banks of the Nile.\\n44 Egypt is the Nile, and the Nile is Egypt, and\\nthe long experience of generations of men, whose\\nlives the hungry desert bound to the river-line, as\\nto a life-line in the waste of waters, had taught these\\nmen to tolerate one another, and created for them\\na scheme and polity of existence so well confirmed\\nthat innovation found no hope. By virtue of its\\nvery longness Egypt could not be rid of itself. So\\nit tolerated itself and abode stable.\\nThe real Egypt, the fertile Nile valley from the\\nfirst cataract to the sea, though stretching out in a\\nlength equal to the distance from Richmond, Vir-\\nginia, to Portland, Maine, is in area scarcely one\\nfourth the size of Pennsylvania, and of this area\\nmore than half is included within the Delta. Above\\nCairo it is merely a strip of verdure, rarely more\\nthan from four to eight miles broad, sharply bounded\\nby the bluffs which bear the desert. Within this\\nnarrow band Egyptian life took its shape, coming\\nto a focus now at Memphis, the old metropolis of\\nLower Egypt, across the river from modern Cairo,\\nnow at Thebes in Upper Egypt. Long centuries of\\nalmost undisturbed isolation fixed it in moulds of\\ncustom, thought, and religion firmer, perhaps, than\\nhuman life has ever elsewhere known. It was an\\nintensely practical life. Realism coloured all its\\nthought. The solidity of its religious institutions,\\nguaranteed by a powerful priesthood which swayed\\nsociety and state and held the reins of the Nile, was\\nno product of imagination or of fervour, but a wit-\\nness merely to its unfaltering conservatism. Even", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Alexander i7i Egypt. 331\\nthe yearning for the life beyond expressed itself in\\ncrude practical device, not in visions or in specu-\\nlations. The typical Egyptian was then, as he is\\nto-day, a man of peace, averse to rudeness and brutal-\\nity, courteous, patient, practical, and prudent. The\\nGreek thought him effeminate, and, from Herodotus\\non, the Greek writers refer with abhorrence to a de-\\nvelopment of women s rights in Egypt which\\nmade men the subjects of the women. It is indeed\\na fact that under Egyptian law married women had\\nindependent property rights and rights of contract.\\nWealth, too, it appears, was often largely in the\\nhands of women. Egyptian history persistently\\nrefuses to speak in terms of dates, but sure it is that\\nthe civilisation into which Alexander was here to be\\nintroduced represented an antiquity before which\\nall that he had seen, had heard of, and had read of\\nin his native Macedonia or Greece, or in the lands\\nthrough which his march had brought him, was\\npaltry modernity itself. Even the Trojan days,\\nwith which Homer had inspired his youthful ideal-\\nism, reached back at the best but a fourth or fifth\\nof the way to the building of the Pyramids, and of\\nthe centuries that looked down from those hoary\\nheads upon Napoleon and his men two out of every\\nthree were there to look down upon Alexander. It\\nwas not likely that a man of Alexander s temper\\nand of his keen susceptibility to all that spoke,\\nwhether in the language of religion, art, or custom,\\nwith the authority of antiquity and through the\\nforms of ancient culture, should pass by this all un-\\nmoved and unchanged. He was a youth fresh from", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "332 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.-\\nthe New World, alert-minded and sensitive; here\\nwas his London and Rome.\\nFrom Gaza the one way leading into Egypt was\\nthe old caravan route along the shore, by which\\nthrough the ages Palestine and Egypt had been\\njoined. In seven days it brought Alexander and\\nhis army to Pelusium, the key of Egypt, a\\nstrongly fortified city near the easternmost mouth\\nof the Nile. A few miles to the west of its site\\npasses now the track of the Suez Canal, approaching\\nits exit at Port Said. The city opened its gates to\\nthe conqueror. Nowhere, indeed, in all the land\\nwas opposition awaiting him. The Persian satrap\\nMasakes, who had been appointed successor of\\nSabakes, slain a year before in the battle of Issus,\\nfound himself utterly without resource in fleet,\\narmy, or good-will, for a defense. The people of\\nthe land with one accord hailed the coming of\\nAlexander as the coming of a liberator. For almost\\ntwo centuries they had borne the detested yoke of\\nPersia, and the victor of Issus they had esteemed to\\nbe their own avenger. Masakes, therefore, hastened\\nto offer surrender of the land, and so without the\\nstriking of a blow Alexander added to his empire a\\ndomain almost equal in extent to all his previous\\nconquests. With this act the long, strange history\\nof ancient Egypt was closed. Egypt was merged\\nin the world-all, and a new Egypt began its life.\\nFrom Pelusium the Macedonian army proceeded\\nin triumphal march along the east bank of the Pel-\\nusian arm of the Nile. The fleet which had been\\nin waiting at Pelusium attended it. Most of the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Alexander in E^ypt. 333\\nway led through the land of Goshen, Israel s\\nplace of sojourn a thousand years and more before,\\nand brought the army, after a march of a little over\\none hundred miles, to the famous old Heliopolis\\n(On), the City of the Sun, whence tradition says\\nthat Joseph had his wife, Asenath, daughter of Poti-\\nphera, a priest of the sun (Gen. xli., 45). Here\\nwere still standing, as they had been for thirteen\\nhundred years, along with others of their kind,\\ndoing honour to the god as guards about his temple,\\nthe two obelisks which three centuries later were\\ntransplanted by Augustus Caesar to Alexandria, and\\nnow in these latest years, following the track of em-\\npire, have come to find Northern homes, the one on\\nthe Thames Embankment in London, the other in\\nCentral Park, New York.\\nA few miles beyond Heliopolis Alexander was at\\nthe site of modern Cairo, the apex of the Delta.\\nThen crossing the Nile, now the undivided river, he\\napproached Memphis, the capital.\\nOn the terraced bluffs which marked the sharp\\nfrontier between the life of the plain and the desert\\nof death were arrayed in stately order, relieved\\nagainst the sands and the western sky, from Gizeh\\nsouthward fifteen miles to Dahshur, the Pyramids,\\nwhich, mingled with countless humbler habitations,\\nmarked the world s greatest city of the dead. Be-\\nlow in the plain stretching itself out in miles of con-\\ntinuous streets and homes, was Egypt s greatest city\\nof the living. Its focus was found in the temple of\\nits local deity, the god Ptah, the world-builder, who\\nwas worshipped in the form of a living bull called", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "334 Alexander the Great. [332 b.c-\\nApis. In the life of a bull chosen by his priests\\nPtah found his ever-recurring incarnations, and re-\\nceived the most distinguished honours. At death\\nthe bull was buried with most elaborate and costly\\nobsequies, and the Serapeum, constructed for the\\ntombs of the long succession, still remains in mon-\\nstrous vaulted ruins, where no less than three thou-\\nsand monuments of different wearers of the Apis\\nhonour have been found. The city of the dead has\\nfar outlived the city of the living, and Memphis,\\nenormous as it was, has yielded to centuries of\\nspoilers, and all but vanished off the face of the\\nearth. The founding of Alexandria marked the\\nbeginning of its decline.\\nOn entering the city, Alexander hastened to pay\\nthe honour of special sacrifice to Apis. Nothing\\nwas more likely to win him the sympathy of the\\npeople, especially as his action stood in severest\\ncontrast with the traditions of Persian sacrilege of\\nCambyses, who with his own hand had wounded to\\nthe death a sacred bull, and of Darius Ochus, who\\nhad caused one to be slaughtered. Diodorus says:\\nThe Egyptians, in view of the fact that the Per-\\nsians had violated their holy rites and had domin-\\neered rudely over them, welcomed the Macedonians\\ngladly.\\nIn this action Alexander was thoroughly consist-\\nent with himself. Wherever he went he treated\\nwith respect the local religion. He was evidently\\nby his practice a believer in home rule in matters\\nof religion. In this he was not acting merely the^\\nDiodorus, xvii., 49.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Alexander in Egypt. 335\\npart of a clever politician. His attitude toward\\nfaith was never that of easy unconcern. He was\\nno agnostic. A vein of deep religious mysticism,\\nperhaps inherited or learned from his mother Olym-\\npias, ran through his nature and coloured all his\\nconduct. He stood with awe and respect, though\\nnever with terror, in the presence of supernatural\\npower controlling a realm of which the world of\\nordinary things was only a feeble part, and control-\\nling it with foresight and intelligence, though by\\nordinary men but feebly discerned. He was no\\neclectic in matters of religion. The foresight and\\npurpose of the power outside and beyond betrayed\\nitself through many a rift in the veil, and he had\\nlearned no canons of criticism, not even the com-\\nmon one called prejudice. He had too much emo-\\ntional insight to be an agnostic, and had in a short\\nlife seen too much of the world to be a bigot.\\nNowhere in the world has the religious factor\\nplayed a larger part in the life of a people than in\\nancient Egypt. No wonder that even the four\\nmonths of Alexander s stay exercised so powerful\\nan influence in shaping and stimulating his religious\\nsensibilities. He was, as it were, in a great temple,\\nalways in the presence of the religious expression,\\nand the weird issue of his visit to the sanctuary of\\nJupiter Ammon must be judged and interpreted in\\nthe light of this experience.\\nThe mass of the army, which could not have\\nnumbered altogether much above twenty thousand\\nmen, was left in winter quarters at Memphis. Alex-\\nander, accompanied by the hypaspists, the archers,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "336 Alexander the Great, [332 b.c-\\nthe Agrianians, and the age ma of cavalry, in all\\nperhaps four or five thousand men, sailed down the\\nriver to Canopus (modern Abukir), at the mouth of\\nthe westernmost branch of the Nile. From here he\\npassed into the Mareotis Lake, then a large body of\\nwater fifteen miles wide, navigable for the largest\\nvessels, but now little more than a swamp. In\\nStrabo s time it was fed by numerous canals from\\nthe Nile, and was the all-important means of com-\\nmunication with the inland. Now, cut off from the\\nNile, its waters are salt, and the fertility which in\\nantiquity lined its shores and yielded the wines\\nwhich Horace and Virgil extol is displaced by sandy\\ndunes. At a spot about thirteen or fourteen miles\\nsouth-west of Canopus, on the long, narrow strip of\\nsandy land separating the Mareotis Lake from the\\nsea, Alexander went ashore, and, being deeply im-\\npressed by the favourable location, decided to build\\na city. The place seemed to be the meeting-point\\nof the whole Nile region with the Mediterranean\\nworld. On one side was the lake-harbour connected\\nwith the Nile on the other were two sea-harbours,\\nsheltered from the open sea by the island Pharos,\\nfour-fifths of a mile offshore, the one opening to the\\nwest, the other to the east. Here was to be equip-\\nped the only safe harbour open for ships on the six-\\nhundred-mile stretch of Asiatic and African coast\\nfrom Joppa to Paraetonium. The neck of land\\nitself was about a mile to a mile and a half wide.\\nA city built upon it would be reasonably protected\\nfrom land attack and yet accessible from the land.\\nThrough the Nile and the old canal of Pharaoh", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Alexander m Egypt. 337\\nNecho, connecting it with the Red Sea, the com-\\nmerce of Egypt, Arabia, and India could here be\\nbrought to meet the commerce of the Mediterranean.\\nThere are no indications that Alexander set out\\non this particular excursion through the lake with a\\nview of seeking a city site, but there can be little\\ndoubt that the idea was more than the impulse of a\\nmoment. Tyre was destroyed. The coast of\\nEgypt offered no convenient harbour suitable to\\nintercourse on a large scale. The encouragement\\nof intercourse and mutual understanding between\\nthe nations was already developing as his dominant\\nidea. The Greek element had long since come to\\nmake itself felt in the Delta, and Naucratis, a thriv-\\ning Greek settlement tolerated by Amasis in the\\nsixth century B.C., was only fifty miles to the south-\\neast. The custom introduced in the seventh century\\nB.C., by Psammetichus I., of employing Greek mer-\\ncenaries to do the fighting, toward which, with the\\ndecay of the warrior caste, the Egyptians themselves\\nhad become so averse, had served to bring Greeks\\ninto the land. What more probable than that\\nAlexander had already framed the plan, and that\\nunexpectedly the discovered site fitted it In any\\ncase, his selection was a good one, as the event\\nproved.\\nThe Alexandria which rose on the spot became\\nspeedily a great city, and not by artificial stimula-\\ntion, though it certainly was most fortunate in its\\nfirst ruler, Ptolemy Soter, who succeeded Alexan-\\nder, but through the operation of natural conditions.\\nIt proved a convenient exchange for the joint use", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "338 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.-\\nof Africa, Asia, and Europe. Hence it naturally\\nbecame the metropolis of the great world of free and\\nopen markets which Alexander s conquests created,\\nthe capital of the Hellenistic civilisation which for\\nthree centuries passed current as Greek, and an\\namalgamation point for the peoples such as the con-\\nqueror s dream had desired. Seventy-five years\\nafter Alexander s death it had become, after Carth-\\nage and Antioch, the greatest city of the Western\\nworld. By the year 60 B.C. it had grown to a popu-\\nlation, as Diodorus tells us, of three hundred thou-\\nsand freemen, that is to say, reckoning the slaves,\\nof approximately half a million, so that it was\\ncommonly regarded the greatest city of the world.\\nIn the first century after Christ its population was\\nundoubtedly far greater perhaps three quarters of\\na million or more but for this definite data are\\nlacking. Rome, which in Augustus s time had at\\nleast, according to Beloch s conservative reckoning,\\nfrom eight hundred thousand to one million inhabit-\\nants, was the only city which had outstripped it.\\nUp to Alexander s time there had been no mon-\\nster cities. The city population of Athens proper,\\ntogether with its harbour town, was probably about\\n175,000. Syracuse, in the fourth century B.C., was\\nonly a little larger. Corinth at the same time had,\\naccording to Beloch, who, however, reckons the\\nslave population certainly far too low, about 70,000;\\nSparta, Argos, and Thebes, from 40,000 to 50,000;\\nSelinus, from 20,000 to 25,000; Tyre and Sidon,\\nnot over 40,000 each.\\nBy the first century B.C., a time whose literature", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "331 B.c.i Alexander in Egypt. 339\\naffords us, through stray allusions, the first means\\nof forming an estimate, the international trade of\\nAlexandria had grown to enormous proportions.\\nFrom the interior of Africa, from Arabia and India,\\ncaravans and fleets of merchant ships brought hither\\nthe rarest and most precious products which the\\nnew luxury of the West was demanding of all the\\nlands the spices and perfumes of Araby, gold-dust,\\nprecious stones, and fine fabrics from India, pearls\\nfrom the Persian Gulf, silk from China, gold and tor-\\ntoise-shell from the coasts of the Red Sea, ivory from\\nAfrica, and grain from Egypt. Annually 120 ships,\\non an average, left the inner harbour for the long\\nvoyage by canal and sea to India. This was but a\\nfragment of the commerce. The industries too of\\nAlexandria were spurred to their utmost to provide\\nwares for the return cargoes. Foremost were the pro-\\nducts of the loom, for which the city was famed, and\\nwhich were distributed far and wide over the world,\\neven to far Britain. Especially were sought the fine\\nlinens from the famous native flax, and the many-\\ncoloured textures of wool, wrought in artistic pat-\\nterns and with figures of animals and men rugs,\\nportieres, and tapestries. The manufacture of paper\\nfrom the native papyrus almost monopolised the\\ntrade of the world. Then there were the glass-\\nblowers, whose artistic products commanded a price\\nlike that for cups of gold, and perfumers, and\\nmakers of toilet-oils and essences, whose repute\\nmatched that of the Parisians of to-day. No one\\nin this busy city, so wrote Hadrian in 134 A.D., was\\nwithout a craft and occupation. Even the blind", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "34-0 Alexander the Great. [332 b.c-\\nand the gouty were busy. Money is their god;\\nhim worship Jews, Christians, and all alike.*\\nIt was a centre of learning and culture, as well as\\nof industry and trade. About the university, called\\nthe Musaeum, and its famous library, a foundation\\nof the wise Ptolemies, was assembled the best learn-\\ning of the world. The savant, or philologos, is in-\\ndeed, so far as Western civilisation is concerned, a\\ndistinctive and original Alexandrine product. It\\nwas through Alexandrine learning, and chiefly in\\nAlexandrine guise, that Rome, and so the European\\nworld, received the wisdom and culture of Greece.\\nLetters, philology, philosophy, mathematics, as-\\ntronomy, music, law, medicine, received here their\\nprofessional mould as branches of skilled and learned\\nactivity, and in such mould were transmitted and\\nkept, until the Renaissance brought fresh life from\\nthe fountainhead. But we must return to the days\\nof the beginnings.\\nAlexander, after conceiving his scheme, immedi-\\nately proceeded to mark out the plan of the city,\\nincluding the sites for market-place, streets, public\\nbuildings, temples of the different deities, each of\\nthem being especially assigned, and the circuit of\\nthe wall. The basis of the plan was made two main\\nstreets crossing each other at right angles, each, so\\nsays Strabo, one hundred feet wide, and lined with\\ncolonnades. Other streets, running parallel to these,\\nlaid out the whole in regular squares covering a\\nlength of about three miles and a width of about\\none. The excavations and investigations conducted\\nby Mahmud Bey and completed in 1867 found the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Alexander in Egypt. 341\\ncity plan essentially as Strabo describes it. The\\ntwo broad central avenues that running east and\\nwest called the Canobus avenue, that north and\\nsouth the Dromos (Corso) were found with traces\\nof the splendid colonnades which lined them. In\\nthe centre of these avenues was found still in place\\na pavement of grey granite blocks forty-six feet\\nwide, which served as the carriage-way. In the\\nparallel streets this pavement was only half this\\nwidth. The private houses were low, flat-roofed,\\nand of stone. The circuit of the city proper was\\nfound to be a little less than ten miles. For definite\\nknowledge regarding the location and character of\\nthe great public buildings we must await the further\\nrevelation of the spade. Meantime we must be\\ncontent with Strabo. Near the centre of the city\\nlay the royal buildings, occupying, with their gar-\\ndens, a fourth of the city s area. Here, besides the\\npalaces, were the Musaeum and the Sema, the latter\\nthe great mausoleum in which lay inclosed in its\\nalabaster coffin the body of Alexander. The site\\nof the Paneum, an artificial circular mound re-\\nsembling a rocky hill, to which a winding way as-\\ncends, and from which a commanding view of the\\nwhole city and its harbours was obtained, can now\\nbe identified with the knoll, 112 feet above the\\nordinary city level, which carries the reservoir of the\\nmodern Alexandria. Near by, on the Dromos, lay\\nthe Gymnasium, stretched out, with its pillared\\nporches, in a length of a stadium (one-ninth of a\\nmile). The island of Pharos was joined to the\\nmainland by a wide mole, called the Heptastadium,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "342 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.-\\nabout three quarters of a mile long, in which were\\ntwo bridges over channels communicating between\\nthe eastern and the western harbours. This mole\\nhas now widened out into a neck of land almost a\\nmile in width, on which stands the greater part of\\nthe modern city. At the eastern end of the island\\nwas built by Ptolemy Soter and his son, and com-\\npleted about 282 B.C., the famous Pharos, one of\\nthe seven wonders, which became the prototype\\nof all the world s lighthouses.\\nA story of the first rough planning, given by all\\nthe sources, may best be presented in Plutarch s\\nstatement:\\nAs chalk-dust was lacking, they laid out their lines\\non the black loamy soil with flour, first swinging a circle\\nto inclose a wide space, and then drawing lines as chords\\nof the arcs to complete with harmonious proportions\\nsomething like the oblong form of a soldier s cape.\\nWhile the King was congratulating himself on his plan,\\non a sudden a countless number of birds of various sorts\\nflew over from the land and the lake in clouds, and set-\\ntling upon the spot, devoured in a short time all the flour;\\nso that Alexander was much disturbed in mind at the\\nomen involved, till the augurs restored his confidence\\nagain, telling him the city he was planning was destined\\nto be rich in its resources, and a feeder of the nations of\\nmen.\\nThe work of founding the city he left in the hands\\nof workmen under the direction of the architect\\nDinocrates, who was certainly not a man of small\\nideas. He is the same man who once proposed to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Alexander in Egypt. 343\\ncarve Mount Athos, the peak which rises abruptly\\nsixty-five hundred feet out of the Thracian Sea, into\\na colossal statue of Alexander, which should bear\\nin one hand a city of ten thousand inhabitants, and\\nfrom the other should pour in bold cascade a great\\nmountain stream into the sea beneath. Another\\nplan of his, to build in memory of Philadelphus s\\nqueen, Arsinoe, a temple with ceiling of lodestone,\\nso that the iron statue of the goddess-queen might\\nhang suspended in the air, we learn, to our regret,\\nfailed of fulfilment through his inopportune death.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXL\\nVISIT TO THE TEMPLE OF AMMON.\\n332-331 B.C.\\nAT about this time it was midwinter of 332-331\\nB.C. Alexander was visited by Hegelochus,\\nthe commander of his fleet in the north, who\\nbrought welcome intelligence concerning the final\\ndispersion of the Persian fleet and the recovery of\\nthe island cities lost during the spring of 333 B.C.\\nThe Tenedans had revolted from the Persians and\\nreturned to Macedonian rule. Mitylene had been\\nwrested from the hands of Chares, and the other\\nLesbian cities had voluntarily submitted. Another\\nrevolution in Chios had placed the democracy,\\nfriendly to Alexander, at the helm, and Cos had\\nsurrendered to a fleet of sixty ships sent to it at its\\nown suggestion. Pharnabazus was a fugitive. The\\n^Egean was therefore clear, and entirely in Alexan-\\nder s control, as was also, with one sole exception,\\nthe complete circuit of lands contributing to its\\nwaters, the entire world with which Greece and the\\nGreeks had dealings east of Italy and Sicily.\\n344", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "332-331 B.C.] Visit to the Temple of Amnion. 345\\nSparta alone remained incorrigible. We have\\nseen how, four years before, she answered Alexan-\\nder s summons to accept his leadership, It is not\\ntradition with us to follow others, but ourselves to\\nlead others/ Ever since she had been waiting for\\nopportunity to lead revolt. Spartan ambassadors\\nwere all the time at the court of Darius. When the\\ntidings of Issus reached Greece (November, 333 B.C.)\\nwe remember that the Spartan King Agis was in\\nconference with the Persian admiral at Siphnos.\\nWhile the Persian power in the ^Egean was steadily\\nmelting away, Agis s stubbornness, fed upon des-\\nperation, lifted itself into aggression. During the\\nmonths that Alexander was busy at Tyre, Agis and\\nhis Spartans were making Crete a stronghold of the\\nopposition, in hope of contesting through that the\\ncontrol of the sea. Some of the Greek mercenaries\\nwho had escaped from Issus found their way into\\nCrete, and gave him the nucleus of an army. Dur-\\ning the winter of 332-331 B.C. Agis raised openly\\nthe standard of revolt in the Peloponnesus. The\\nEleans, the Achaeans, and, excepting Megalopolis,\\nthe Arcadians, joined him. A small Macedonian\\nforce that sought to quell the revolt was annihilated.\\nThrough the summer of 331 B.C. the movement\\ngrew. A revolt of the Illyrians kept Antipater, the\\nMacedonian regent, busy at the north, and from\\nweek to week his much-needed coming was de-\\nlayed. The flame threatened to become a con-\\nflagration. When news of the trouble reached\\nAlexander he was far away in Mesopotamia.\\nWhile we are here conquering Darius, he said,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "346 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nit seems they are having a war of the mice in\\nArcadia. The composure of his faith received its\\nreward. The next tidings told how Antipater had\\nat last appeared, had found the Spartans besieging\\nthe walls of Megalopolis, and there on the plain\\nbefore the city, in a fearful battle which left fifty-\\nthree hundred of the enemy, among them King\\nAgis, lying on the field, had utterly broken and\\nhumbled all resistance (October or November, 331\\nB.C.), and received at last the submission of Sparta.\\nThis was a blow from which the Spartan state never\\nrecovered.\\nBut our story has carried us almost a year beyond\\nthe point where we left Alexander just committing\\nthe building of his city to his architect s hands.\\nFrom the site of Alexandria the King turned his\\nface suddenly toward the west, and began a march\\nalong the African coast. The Western world, which\\nnow lay before him a world in whose history Sicily\\nnow occupied the central post has thus far oc-\\ncupied none of our attention, and will not hereafter,\\nfor it was as yet a world by itself, engaged with\\nproblems of its own, into which Alexander s brief\\ncareer was destined not to intrude.\\nSicily was just recovering from its struggle to hold\\nthe Carthaginians at bay, and the Greeks of Italy\\nwere now beginning to feel the pressure of Rome\\nfrom the north. In 326 B.C. Naples passed into\\nRoman hands. Carthage had been too seriously\\noccupied in the effort to maintain herself in the\\nwestern Mediterranean even to bring help to her\\nmother-city Tyre, or to take any part in the great", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Visit to the Temple of Amnion. 347\\nconflict now going on between the Greek and the\\nOriental, direct as her natural interest was. This\\nfact kept her outside the range of Alexander s\\nnotice, and left her to be dealt with later by-\\nRome (first Punic War, 264-241 B.C.). Alexander s\\npresent movement westward had no designs on\\nCarthage; that, for the time, belonged in another\\nworld.\\nFor two hundred miles he followed the dreary\\ncoast, until at Parsetonium he came to the domain\\nof Cyrene, a Greek city four hundred miles farther\\non. Here met him a Cyrenian embassy offering\\npresents and asking alliance, and this marked the\\nwestern limit of his conquests. He was now left\\nfree to indulge his sense for the romantic. The\\nnecessities of war, for the present, no longer claimed\\nhim. He turned suddenly aside upon an errand he\\ncould hardly have planned from the first, as the\\nroute he had taken may fairly prove, and took his\\nway across the desert toward the famous sanctuary\\nof Ammon, nearly two hundred miles away.\\nIt was a difficult task he had undertaken; for\\nthere were no landmarks along the road, nor mount-\\nains anywhere, nor any trees, nor any elevation of\\nany sort by which a traveller might shape his course\\nas sailors do by the stars (Arrian), and often the\\nwanderers seemed to have lost the way. Memories\\nof the hardships and risks, the strange experiences,\\nthe uncanny surroundings, the unexpected deliver-\\nances, grew in later days into stories of the miracu-\\nlous. One tells that two serpents glided in front of\\nthe line, showing it the way; another, that two", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "348 Alexander the Great, L332 B.C.\\nravens flew before them and waited for them when\\nthey lingered and fell behind but the most marvel-\\nlous thing is what Callisthenes tells, that if any went\\nastray by night, they would call to them and keep\\nup a croaking until they brought them back on to\\nthe trail again. These are samples of that atmos-\\nphere of the marvellous which came to surround this\\nwhole adventure.\\nOn arriving at the oracle, which was situated in\\nthe oasis of Siwah, a tract four or five miles wide,\\nblessed with olives and palms in abundance, a spring\\nof water, and the refreshment of dew, Alexander\\nhastened to show his respect for the oracle, and at\\nthe same time to gratify his curiosity by asking\\ncertain questions. He first asked, so report has it,\\nwhether any of his father s murderers had escaped\\npunishment, whereupon the priest is said to have\\nrebuked him and charged him to speak with more\\nrespect, seeing that his father was not a mortal being.\\nChanging his question, he then asked if Philip s\\nmurderers had all been punished. Being assured\\nthat they had been, he then inquired whether he\\nwas to gain the empire of the world. Of this he\\nalso received assurance.\\nThis, Plutarch says, is what most authorities give\\nconcerning the responses of the oracle; but Alexander\\nhimself, in writing to his mother, says there were certain\\nsecret responses, which he himself would tell her alone\\non his return. Some say the prophet, wishing, by way\\nof courtesy, to address him in Greek, and intending to\\nsay paidios my boy made a slip on the last sound,\\nand said fiat Did s son of Zeus Alexander, they", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Visit to the Temple of Amnion. 349\\nsay, welcomed the blunder, and the word went out that\\nthe god had addressed him as son of Zeus.\\nDiodorus and Curtius Rufus report much the same,\\nwithout indulging in the grammatical reminiscence.\\nArrian keeps on solid ground with the simple re-\\nmark: Having heard what was, as he said, agree-\\nable to his desire, he set out on his way back to\\nEgypt. In all probability the older authorities,\\nAristotle and Ptolemy, whom Arrian follows most\\nclosely, reported nothing concerning what passed\\nbetween Alexander and the priest. Callisthenes,\\nindeed, says that Alexander was entirely alone when\\nhe consulted the oracle. The later authorities prob-\\nably dressed out the incident with various ornament-\\nation, and all that remains of solid material seems to\\nbe the tradition that the priest addressed him as\\nson of Ra, or son of Amnion, which really\\nmeant no more, in the language of the place and\\ntime, than king. The famous response of the\\nDelphic Pythia to the Spartan King Lysander,* I\\nknow not whether to call thee god or man, illus-\\ntrates how even in the Greek sense the heroic blended\\ninto the divine.\\nModern historians have given to this incident a\\ngreat importance in estimating the development of\\nAlexander s character. Grote f speaks of it as\\nmarking his increasing self-adoration, and inflation\\nabove the limits of humanity, and the same writer\\ncredits him from this time on with a belief that Zeus\\nHerodotus, i., 65.\\nf See also Kaerst, Historische Zeitsckrift, hqdv. (1895), pp. iff.,\\ni 93^ m who follows in the track of Grote,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "350 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nwas his real father a genuine faith, a simple ex-\\naggeration of that exorbitant vanity which from the\\nbeginning reigned so largely in his bosom. With\\nthis it is customary to connect a deliberate purpose,\\nmaintained throughout his life, of establishing the\\nworship of himself as a god, and a number of inci-\\ndents are cited in support of such a view. It is,\\nfurthermore, claimed that the trip to Siwah was\\nundertaken with the premeditated purpose of ob-\\ntaining the sanction of the oracle for his ambition.\\nWhile we are unquestionably dealing here with\\nthe folly of an abnormally successful and very young\\nman, it is still worth while to seek an exact deter-\\nmination of the limits of this folly. This surely\\ncannot be done if the subject of it is isolated from\\nall connection with his own traditional conceptions\\nand his own peculiar prejudices, and treated as an\\nabsolute, sterilised specimen.\\nThe confidence in an ultimately divine origin was\\nan essential part of every family tree among the\\nnoble families of the older Greece. All the great\\nheroes were sons of gods. If Minos was the son of\\nZeus, Theseus must needs, as Bacchylides s paean\\n(xvii.) shows it, prove himself Poseidon s son. The\\ngods were, as ancestors, dignified to be the citizens\\nof honour in the state. That was what made the\\nstate and gave it its dignity. It was a fraternity in\\nwhich great immortals known as gods, were mem-\\nbers as we should call the, honorary members.\\nAlexander had always traced his origin, with pardon-\\nable pride, to Hercules and Perseus. He had not,\\non that account, felt himself less human than other", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "BUST OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.\\nIN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Visit to the Temple of Ammon. 35 1\\nmen. He had probably thought himself more\\nselect.\\nHis fondness for the stories of Homer, and his\\nchoice of Achilles, who was goddess-born, as a pro-\\ntotype, quickened his fancy for the marvellous in\\ngenealogy. He was now in Egypt, subject to the\\nprofound religious impressions its sturdy faith and\\nplodding piety were likely to beget. Its Pharaohs\\nhad always, on ascending the throne, presented\\nthemselves at the temple of Amun-Ra (Ammon) to\\nreceive his recognition Alexander was now a\\nPharaoh, and he would do the same, choosing not\\nthe sanctuary at Thebes, but the one at Siwah, to\\nwhich his great ancestor Hercules had gone.\\nHis mother, the fanatical, corybantic Olympias,\\nhad always been haunted with the delusion that her\\nson was begotten of a god. That Alexander gave\\nhimself to such a whimsical vagary with any real or\\npractical faith in sober moments is certainly to be\\ndoubted. It was a satisfaction to his mother that he\\nvisited the oracle and received such a response. The\\nwords of the priest made an impression, too, on his\\nmind, sensitive as it was to the mystical, and under\\nthe glamour of his marvellous success meant some-\\nthing to him in a mystical way but how much in\\npractical substance Plutarch s remarks are in\\npoint here:\\nHe is said, in listening to the philosopher Psammon\\nin Egypt, to have been most pleased with this remark of\\nhis Every man is ruled by a god, because that which\\nis at the head and which has the strength in each man is\\nipso facto divine. Even more profound was the teaching", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "352 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nwhich Alexander himself laid down on this point, to\\nthe effect that, though God is the common father of all\\nmen, in a particular way does he claim the noblest as his\\nown.\\nHe tolerated and even demanded among the Per-\\nsians the adoration proskynesis) characteristic of\\ntheir court etiquette, and at times even committed,\\nit appears, the odious folly of asking it from Mace-\\ndonians, and that, too, when it was given him as a\\ndivine being. Yet this was no settled plan with\\nhim it rather appears as an occasional vagary,\\nthough one that provoked much irritation and dis-\\ngust among those who were his most loyal friends.\\nIt was the old Macedonians, not the Greeks, who\\nmade the chief protest against these notions of the\\nKing. The Greeks, accustomed to such mytho-\\nlogical conceits, could understand how little was\\nreally meant by them; to the Macedonians they\\nwere bold, prosaic claims of fact. It is furthermore,\\nto be noted that the Macedonians protests arose in\\nconnection with their jealousy of the King s lean-\\nings toward a new cosmopolitanism, which, in their\\nview, threatened to alienate him from them and rob\\nthem of the fruits of victory.\\nPlutarch says of him\\nToward the barbarians he conducted himself alto-\\ngether with sternness, as one fully persuaded of his\\ndivine origin, yes, and parentage too, but toward the\\nGreeks more reasonably and with less affectation of\\ndivinity. Once, being wounded with an arrow\\nand suffering much pain, he said: This which is flowing", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "331 B .c.] Visit to the Temple of A mmon. 353\\nhere, my friends, is blood, not ichor, and, citing a\\nverse of Homer: Ichor, such as flows from the immortal\\ngods. At another time, when there was a heavy clap of\\nthunder and everybody was frightened, Aristarchus the\\nprofessor, who was by, said to him: Whether you\\ncould n t do something of the sort, seeing you are the\\nson of Zeus With a laugh he answered: I have no\\nmind to be a terror to my friends, as you would have\\nme, who despise my table for being provided with fish\\ninstead of with the heads of satraps. From\\nwhat I have said it is evident that Alexander was not\\nmentally affected or insanely puffed up, but was merely\\nseeking to maintain authority over others through the\\nclaim of divinity.\\nThe idea that he undertook to establish a formal\\ncult of himself, and to impose it upon the nations\\nunder his rule, particularly upon the Greeks, lacks\\nall foundation. The story that after his return to\\nthe West he issued a decree demanding of the Greek\\ncities the payment of divine honours to himself has\\nbeen carefully examined by Mr. Hogarth,* and\\nfound to rest upon no sound basis. f That after his\\ndeath he was recognised widely as divine is un-\\ndoubted. It is noticeable that it is not during his\\nlife that his portrait appears upon the coinage to\\ndisplace the traditional representations of the gods.\\nAfter his death he appears on the coins as the genius\\nof the Macedonian Empire, the personified bond of\\nunity.\\nEnglish Historical Review, 1887, p. 322^.\\nf A like result is reached by Benedictus Niese, Historic he Zeit-\\nschri/t, lxxix. (1897), p. I ff.\\n2 3", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "354 Alexander the Great. [332 B.C.\\nThat the Alexander cult, which is found in various\\nplaces and survived down into the Roman imperial\\nage, was not a creation of Alexander s lifetime could\\nnot be more distinctly demonstrated than by the fact\\nthat its institution at Alexandria itself is due to a\\nsuccessor, Ptolemy II. fifty years or more after the\\nhero s death. The notion that Alexander utilised\\nthe doctrine of his divinity as a fundamental and\\nconstitutive principle for his empire is so utterly at\\nvariance with the plain historical facts, so utterly\\nlacking in support from any known facts, as to pos-\\nsess no interest except for its absurdity. It is a\\nmere nightmare of some schematising historians.\\nAfter making rich gifts to the temple, Alexander\\nreturned to Memphis, where he found various dele-\\ngations from Greece awaiting him. There were\\nChians and Rhodians to ask withdrawal of the gar-\\nrisons from their cities, delegates from Mitylene to\\nseek reimbursement for their expenditures in resist-\\ning the Persians, Cyprians and Athenians and many\\nothers to bring congratulations and ask this or that\\nremission or favour. All of them he sent away\\nsatisfied.\\nRecruits for his army began, too, to come in from\\nAntipater, and others were to meet him on his out-\\nward march at Pelusium. The month left him in\\nEgypt he devoted to the organisation of its govern-\\nment. Repeating the plan he had applied in other\\nprovinces, the first illustration of which we saw in\\nLydia, he divided the administration among differ-\\nent departments, carrying, however, the division,\\nas was suited to the greatness and complexity of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Visit to the Temple of Amnion. 355\\nEgyptian population and resources, much further\\nthan in any previous case. The administration of\\nEgypt and the government of its native population\\nwas separated from that of the Greeks and other\\nresident foreigners. Libya and Arabia were made\\ndistinct administrative districts. The military and\\nthe financial administrations were also kept distinct.\\nGarrisons were left in Pelusium and Memphis.\\nEarly in the spring (331 B.C.) he returned with his\\narmy into Phoenicia, and made halt at Tyre to effect\\nthe last governmental arrangements before turning\\nhis back on the West. Here came to greet him and\\npledge anew the loyalty of their city Athenian am-\\nbassadors, borne in the sacred state trireme, the\\nfamous old Paralos. Their renewed request for the\\nrelease of their countrymen taken prisoners while\\nserving the Persians at Granicus was finally granted.\\nAt the end a great athletic and musical fete was\\ninaugurated. Singers and actors came from various\\nGreek cities. The Cyprian kings supplied the chor-\\nuses. Stately sacrifices were offered to Hercules, the\\ngod of the place. A genuine Hellenic festival in\\nreality the funeral games of the old Hellas! When\\nthey were over, Alexander s army turned its back\\nupon the Grecian sea, the hem of which had hitherto\\nbeen its battle-ground, and plunged into the heart\\nof Asia.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXII.\\nTHE BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA.\\n331 B.C.\\nTHERE is no record of the time at which Alex-\\nander s army left Tyre, but it must have been\\nin June or July (331 B.C.), for not until late\\nin July was the Euphrates crossed at Thapsacus,\\nnearly 350 miles to the north-east. Curtius Rufus\\ntrespasses on credulity, and claims that the actual\\nmarch from Tyre to Thapsacus occupied only eleven\\ndays. A company of engineers had been sent in\\nadvance to construct bridges over the river, probably\\nlight, temporary structures of wood, or pontoons;\\nand when Alexander arrived at Thapsacus, he found\\ntwo bridges nearly complete, but they had not been\\ncarried entirely to the farther shore, because a Per-\\nsian force of five thousand men was posted there on\\nguard. At the approach of Alexander, these troops,\\nhowever, fled, and the bridges were speedily finished.\\nThapsacus, near the modern Rakka (Nicephorium),\\nwhere the Euphrates is to-day about 750 feet wide,\\nwas in antiquity a usual place of crossing; nowadays\\n356", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Battle of Gaugamela. 357\\nthe caravans cross the stream a little farther up, at\\nBir, on their way to Aleppo, a hundred miles or\\nmore to the west from Rakka.\\nIt was now in the heat of midsummer, and Alex-\\nander, in the interest of the health of his troops,\\navoided the plain of Mesopotamia, and instead of\\nmoving south-east toward Babylon, marched to the\\nnorth, keeping the Euphrates on his left, until he\\nreached the highlands at the foot of the Armenian\\nmountains. This route, in addition to the advant-\\nage of climate, afforded better means for provision-\\ning his army. Persian scouts who were taken\\nprisoners here told that Darius had left Babylon and\\nwas now encamped, with his army, on the eastern\\nside of the Tigris, by Gaugamela. He had sur-\\nmised that the march of Alexander would bring him\\nto the Tigris near this point, and had taken his\\nposition there with a view to defending the ford.\\nThe spot he had chosen lay near the village of\\nGaugamela, but vulgar tradition has always asso-\\nciated the name of the battle that was to follow\\nwith Arbela (modern Erbel), a city some fifty miles\\nto the east. Near this point the great routes of in-\\nland communication met and crossed, as they do\\nto-day, at Mosul, hard by on the western bank, and\\nas they had done from the dawn of history, when\\nNineveh, whose unheeded mounds were now almost\\nin sight of the camp, was the goal of all the cara-\\nvans. Here passed the great road joining Susa to\\nSardis and the far West, and here met it the eastern\\nroute from Ecbatana (modern Hamadan), farther\\nAsia, and India, the southern route from Babylon", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "358 Alexander the Great. [331 b.c.\\nand the Persian Gulf, and the northern from Armenia\\nand the Euxine at Trebizond.\\nThe trade routes between India and the Western\\nworld were in antiquity, as they have been ever\\nsince, the great arteries of the world s wealth.*\\nThey gave life to the lands through which they\\npassed, as the sweet Nile waters do to the deserts\\ntraversed by their branches and canals. Their\\nchanging courses have all through the ages deter-\\nmined the flow and deposit of wealth and the\\nlocation of empire. The lands and the wealth\\nAlexander was to conquer had been enriched by\\nthe overland trade which for centuries had found\\nits outlet through Phoenicia to the West. His later\\ndiscovery of the sea route from India to the Persian\\nGulf offered the suggestion of another route, which,\\nwith the breaking up of his empire, made for a while\\nthe shorter land way up the Euphrates valley, on\\nthe line of the mediaeval and modern Busrah, Bag-\\ndad, and Damascus, the preferred highway. But as\\nthe Parthian empire (second century B.C. to the\\nthird century A.D.) rose to throttle this, another\\nway prepared by Alexander, that by the Red Sea,\\nEgypt, and Alexandria, came in to take its place,\\nand in Roman times Egypt was the great distribut-\\ning centre. Then for a while Constantinople, then\\nthe Mohammedan rulers of Egypt and Persia, con-\\ntrolled the trade, until, with the close of the cru-\\nsades and the increase of the European demand for\\nFor the suggestion of the ideas embodied in the following para-\\ngraph I am largely indebted to my former colleague, Professor\\nMorse-Stephens.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Battle of Gaugamela. 359\\nluxuries, it passed into the hands of those who from\\nthe north coasts of the Mediterranean distributed to\\nEurope, and Venice and Genoa emerged into great-\\nness and wealth. Then came, with Vasco da Gama s\\ndiscovery of the route around the Cape of Good\\nHope (1497), a violent diversion from the old chan-\\nnels. Lisbon became the distributing centre for\\nEurope, and the riches of India poured into the lap\\nof Portugal. The Dutch and English were content\\nto play the part of middlemen, and to distribute\\nfrom Lisbon to northern Europe, until Spain laid\\nher hand on Portugal, and the folly of Philip II. in\\nclosing the port of Lisbon to Dutch and English\\nvessels sent first Dutch (1595) and then English\\nships (1601) direct to India, and destroyed the\\nmonopoly of the Indian trade which Portugal for a\\ncentury had maintained. The result is the wealth\\nand empire of England. Now, in these latter days,\\nthe opening of the Suez Canal has brought the trade\\nroute back to one of its old channels, and made it\\nessential for England to hold Egypt. It will not\\nbe long before a railway connecting the Levant with\\nthe head of the Persian Gulf will reopen another\\nroute, and recent movements indicate that Ger-\\nmany aspires to this task. A third route through\\nPersia or Turkestan and Afghanistan lies before the\\neyes of Russia. The iron rail is a firmer bond than\\nthe tracks of ships, and the old caravan routes will\\nyet reassert themselves.\\nWhen Alexander heard that Darius was awaiting\\nhim, he advanced directly toward him, and coming\\nto the Tigris, crossed it immediately by a ford", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "360 Alexander the Great. [331 B.C.\\nwhich, to his surprise, he found unguarded. The\\nplace of crossing was probably near the modern\\nJesire, some eighty miles above Gaugamela, where\\nthe river, broadening out to a width of a thousand\\nfeet, offers an easy ford. After the troops had\\npassed the ford there occurred an eclipse of the\\nmoon, which at first inspired apprehension; but\\nwhen Aristander, the prophet, interpreted it as im-\\nplying disaster to the Persians, and reported that the\\nsigns from the sacrifices were propitious, they moved\\nforward. This eclipse occurred, as the calculations\\nof modern astronomers have shown, on the evening\\nof September 20, 331 B.C. Alexander must have\\nspent, therefore, nearly two months in Mesopotamia.\\nThe direct distance between Thapsacus and Gauga-\\nmela would have been no more than 250 miles.\\nThe army of Darius had been brought together of\\nthe most various elements composing his vast em-\\npire. The remotest nations and tribes had furnished\\ntheir contingents Scythia, Bactria, and Sogdiana,\\nArachosia, Arabia, and Armenia. For a year the\\nhost had been assembling. By constant drill and\\ncareful organisation it had been brought to a grade\\nof effectiveness supposed far to surpass that of the\\nmass which met Alexander at Issus. Its numbers\\nthe cautious Arrian puts at one million infantry and\\nforty thousand cavalry. The scythe-bearing chari-\\nots, a peculiar Persian institution, of which one nat-\\nurally hears nothing at Issus, were here brought\\ninto play to the number of two hundred. They\\nconsisted of the ordinary two-wheeled battle-chariot,\\nequipped with long sword-blades extending from the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Battle of Gaugamela. 361\\naxle-ends, generally with a cant toward the ground,\\nalso from the body of the axle toward the ground.\\nSometimes these blades were also attached to the\\npole and to the body of the chariot. The appre-\\nhension which this mechanism caused in advance\\namong the opposing troops seems not to have been\\njustified by the result. Darius, taught by the ex-\\nperience of Issus, had carefully selected a place level\\nand wide enough to give his army free play. Where\\nthe ground was uneven he had, for the benefit of the\\nchariots and the cavalry, levelled it out in fact, he\\nhad prepared a graded battle-field.\\nAlexander advanced with great caution to meet\\nhim. There was nothing of the reckless dash which\\ncharacterised the approach to Granicus. He was\\nnow in the heart of the enemy s country, hemmed\\nin by river and mountains, in the face of a vast\\nand well-organised army encamped on a battle-field\\nselected for its own advantage. Everything was\\nstaked on the issue of this single conflict. On the\\nmorning of September 21st he broke camp and\\nadvanced, keeping the river on his right and the\\nmountains on his left. On the fourth day, the 24th,\\nhis scouts reported the appearance of hostile cavalry\\nin the distance on the plain. It proved to be a\\nbody of about a thousand horsemen, who quickly\\nfled when attacked. From the prisoners taken it was\\nlearned that Darius was near by. Alexander, for the\\npurpose of resting his army, made a fortified camp,\\nand remained quietly there four days. On the 29th\\nthe preparation for advance was again begun, and in\\nthe middle of the night the army, leaving behind in", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "362 Alexander the Great. [331 b.c.\\nthe camp all the baggage and the non-combatants,\\nadvanced, expecting to join battle at daybreak.\\nOn their approach the Persians assumed battle\\narray. The Macedonians, climbing a low range of\\nhills, suddenly came in sight of the vast host filling\\nthe plain before them, less than four miles away.\\nThey were just beginning to descend the hills; a\\nshort hour more, and the great battle would be on.\\nSuddenly the order was given to halt. A council\\nof war was called. Should they attack immediately?\\nThe battle ardour was already awake with the sight\\nof the foe, and many said yes; but Parmenion and\\nthe cooler heads thought it best to reconnoitre. It\\nwas untried ground. Who knew if concealed ditches\\nand stakes had not been set to hinder and entrap the\\nadvance Was it wise to attack without studying\\nthe disposition and arrangement of the enemy s\\nline Parmenion s view prevailed.\\nThe army encamped in order of battle. Alexan-\\nder, with a body of light infantry and the hetairoi,\\nset out to reconnoitre the field. So the forenoon\\npassed along. Alexander returned and called\\nanother council. Careful instructions were given to\\nall the officers. Each was to carry a word of ex-\\nhortation to his command. The Persian army all\\nthis time remained under arms, in nervous expect-\\nation of an immediate attack. The afternoon wore\\naway. Still no order to advance was given. Dinner-\\ntime came, and after dinner the men were sent to\\nrest. The night of the 30th of September drew on.\\nStill the Persians remained mistrustfully at their\\narms in the plain below.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Battle of Gaugamela. 363\\nIt is a striking picture, brilliant in contrasts, which\\nPlutarch gives us in his account of the night and its\\nscene: the quiet and dark of the camp on the hill,\\noffset against the hum and glare from the plain on\\nthe one side, Parmenion and the staff, from their\\nsombre outlook surveying the world of fact about\\nthem on the other, Alexander by the altar-fire\\nbefore his tent, seeking communion with the inner\\nworld of mystery.\\n11 On the eleventh night after the eclipse of the moon,\\nwhich occurred in the month of Boedromion, and about\\nthe beginning of the mysteries-fete at Athens, the two\\narmies lay in full sight of each other. Darius, with his\\ntroops under arms, was passing about among the lines\\nand holding review by the light of torches; Alexander,\\nhis Macedonians asleep, was busied, out before his tent,\\nin performing, with the help of Aristander, the diviner,\\ncertain mysterious rites, and in sacrificing to the god\\nFear. Meanwhile, the King s staff, and especially Par-\\nmenion, when they beheld the whole plain between\\nNiphates and the Gordyaean mountains all agleam with\\nthe lights and fires which were made by the barbarians,\\nand heard the confused, indistinguishable sound of\\nvoices and the noise arising out of the camp like the\\ndistant roar of a vast ocean, were overwhelmed with\\namazement at the thought of such a multitude, and ex-\\npressed among themselves the opinion that it would be a\\nmost serious and hazardous venture for them to engage\\nbattle with so vast an army in open daylight. They\\ntherefore waited on the King when he came from sacri-\\nficing, and besought him to attack the enemy by night,\\nand so conceal with the cover of darkness the fearful", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "364 Alexander the Great. [331 b.c.\\nperil of the coming battle. To this he gave them the\\nmemorable answer: I steal no victory.\\nIn this Parmenion spoke the professional, Alexan-\\nder still the amateur. Battle was to the latter still\\na form of sport, and there were rules to the game,\\nand a standard of sportsmanship to be observed.\\nAnd yet, as Arrian estimates, his decision was also\\nbased on proper calculation of advantage. He was\\nunwilling to take the chance of such accidents as\\nwould be incident to a night attack. He had con-\\nfidence in his own military superiority, and he pre-\\nferred a regular game accurately played.\\nOne result of his continued delay was that his\\nsoldiers gained the night s rest, while the Persians\\nentered the battle, the next morning, wearied by a\\nnight s watching and worrying. If the battle had\\nbeen ordered on the morning of the 30th, when the\\ntroops first arrived on the scene, the conditions\\nwould have been the reverse. The Macedonians\\nhad been marching half the previous night.\\nLate at night, after the generals had left him,\\nAlexander\\nlay down in his tent, and slept the rest of the night\\nmore soundly than was his wont, to the great astonish-\\nment of the generals who came to his tent at dawn, and\\nwere obliged to take upon themselves the unusual re-\\nsponsibility of ordering the troops to breakfast. At last,\\nwhen the time was pressing, Parmenion went to his bed-\\nside, and called him twice or thrice by name till he\\nawakened him. Then Parmenion asked him what was\\nthe matter with him, that he should sleep the sleep of a", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Battle of Gaugamela. 365\\nvictor, rather than that of a man who had before him the\\nmightiest battle ever fought. With a hearty laugh,\\nAlexander replied: What! Does n t it seem to you as\\nif we had already conquered, now that we are at last re-\\nlieved of the trouble of wandering around in a wide,\\nwaste country, hunting for the battle-shy Darius\\nOn the morning of October 1 (331 B.C.) the two\\narmies stood arrayed against each other. The\\nMacedonian force numbered about forty thousand\\ninfantry and seven thousand cavalry. It sufficed\\nonly to oppose the centre of the enemy s line. Far\\nout beyond either wing, ominously menacing the\\nflanks, this line extended. Not by force of num-\\nbers, however, nor by weight of masses was this battle\\nto be won, but by disposition of troops and direction\\nof the thrust. The full, accurate, and perfectly in-\\ntelligible account which has survived to us makes it\\npossible to appreciate distinctly the reason for the\\nresult. The splendid tactics of the battle of Gaug-\\namela, even if nothing else were known of him,\\nwould mark Alexander as a master of military\\nscience.\\nTo protect his line from being surrounded, Alex-\\nander set a reserve column in rear of each flank, so\\nthat by facing about it could meet an attack on the\\nflank or rear. He prepared as usual to open his at-\\ntack by a charge of the picked cavalry, the hetairoi,\\nagainst the left of the enemy s centre. The ques-\\ntion was one of finding precisely the point to strike,\\nand he watched his opportunity with the eye of a\\nhawk until the point developed. He began by a\\nsidewise movement of his line to the right. The", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "366 Alexander the Great. [331 B.C.\\nPersians followed suit, shifting toward the left and\\nkeeping their left wing still far beyond his right.\\nSoon the movement threatened to bring the Persian\\nline beyond the ground which had been specially\\nlevelled for the chariots, and Darius, to check it,\\nopened the battle by sending his Scythian and\\nBactrian cavalry around the Macedonian right wing\\nfor a flank attack. The detachment of Greek cavalry\\nsent to meet them was at first repulsed, but others\\ncame to their aid, and after a sharp engagement, in\\nwhich Alexander s men lost heavily, the enemy\\nwas held in check. Meanwhile the scythe-bearing\\nchariots had come on at a gallop against the phalanx\\nin the centre. This was intended to break up the\\nsolid mass of the phalanx, but the attempt proved a\\nfailure. Many of the chariot-horses were disabled\\nby javelins, many were caught by the reins, and\\ntheir drivers killed with the sword before ever they\\nreached the phalanx line; such as escaped passed\\nthrough the lines of the phalanx, which, in well-\\ndisciplined response to previous orders, opened to\\nreceive them, and then quickly closed again.\\nThe shifting of the Persian line to the left had\\nopened a gap in their front. Alexander saw his\\nopportunity at a glance. Massing his attacking\\nforce, a part of the phalanx, headed by the hetairoi\\ncavalry, by a quick manoeuvre, into a flying wedge,\\nhe turned sharply with an oblique movement to the\\nleft, smote at the opening, and burst into the midst\\nof the very centre of the host, straight toward the\\nspot where the Shah was posted. It was sudden\\nand relentless as a bolt from the clouds. Nothing", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "331 B.C.] Battle of Gaugamela. 367\\ncould withstand, as nothing ever had withstood, the\\nfurious onslaught of this matchless cavalry squadron,\\nbacked by the long pikes and solid front of the\\nphalanx. The Shah, whose charioteer was pierced\\nby a spear, turned and fled for his life. The first\\nrank reeled back upon the second, which in the sud-\\nden panic gave it no support, but was instantly in\\nconfusion and directly in flight. The whole centre\\nand the left, struck by the cavalry of the right wing,\\nmelted away.\\nMeanwhile the Parthian, Indian, and Persian\\ncavalry of the Persian right had burst through the\\nopening in the Macedonian line made by Alexander s\\nsudden attack, and cutting his left wing entirely off\\nfrom the army, burst through upon the camp be-\\nhind. The left was now entirely surrounded, and,\\nunder the furious attack of Mazseus, leading the\\nArmenian and Cappadocian cavalry of the Persian\\nright, was threatened with extermination. Parmen-\\nion sent to Alexander for aid.\\nThe reserve column behind the Macedonian right\\nnow faced about, and with a sharp attack routed the\\nParthians and Indians, driving them back through\\nthe gap by which they had come. As they scurried\\nback, they met Alexander with his hetairoi, ad-\\nvancing across the field to the aid of Parmenion on\\nthe left. Here arose a furious fight, the flying\\ncavalrymen seeking to cut their way through to\\nsafety, the hetairoi stubbornly holding them in\\ncheck. In the few moments of the struggle, sixty\\nof the hetairoi lost their lives, but of the enemy\\nonly a few cut their way through. Meantime the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "368 Alexander the Great. [331 B.C.\\nThessalian cavalry of the left wing, second in pres-\\ntige only to the hetairoi, had brought the onslaught\\nof Mazaeus to a check. A few moments of stand-\\nstill, then came the break and turn, and before\\nAlexander had reached the scene the Persian right\\nhad joined the rest of the vast army in furious, con-\\nfused, disgraceful flight.\\nNow the pursuit began. Thick clouds of dust,\\nout of which came the sound of cracking whips and\\nthe beat of hoofs and the confused voice of fright,\\nconcealed the panic-stricken rout. The Macedon-\\nians plunged in, and slaughter held its carnival until\\nnight took pity on the vanquished.\\nAlexander pressed on beyond the river Lycus, and\\nhalting there to give his men and horses rest, started\\nagain at midnight and forced his march through to\\nArbela, fifty-five miles from the battle-field, in hope\\nof overtaking Darius. But the Shah had allowed\\nhimself no rest. The loss of time which Parmenion s\\ncall for help had cost had saved the Shah from cap-\\nture. He was now miles beyond reach, and the\\nvictor must be content, as at Issus, with the empty\\nsymbols, the chariot and the spear and bow. The\\nShah, accompanied by his body-guard and an escort\\nof Bactrian cavalry, had fled far to the east into\\nMedia. His army was scattered to the four winds.\\nThousands upon thousands were captive. The slain\\nno man could count. The greatest battle in the\\nrecord of the ancient world had been fought. The\\nissues of centuries had struck their balance in a day.\\nThe channel of history for a thousand years had\\nbeen opened with a flying wedge.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIII.\\nTHE FRUITS OF VICTORY\\nOCCUPATION OF PERSIA DEATH OF DARIUS.\\n331-330 B.C.\\nLEAVING the Shah for the time being entirely\\nout of account, precisely as he had after Issus,\\nAlexander recrossed the Tigris and started\\ndirectly south on his three-hundred-mile march to-\\nward Babylon. Here he was received without op-\\nposition, probably with genuine welcome, and, as in\\nEgypt, he manifested always kindliest consideration\\nfor the feelings of the population. He allowed them\\nto show him the wonders of their city, and gave\\norders to restore the temple of their great god,\\nBelus he accepted the instructions of the Chaldean\\npriests, and, in careful regard for their advice and\\ndirections, offered his worship at the altar of Belus.\\nThe sight of Babylon and the consciousness of what\\nit meant to be its lord quickened in him the growth\\nof the idea to which Tyre and Egypt had given the\\nfirst impulse the idea of a world, now so diverse in\\nits outward expression, ultimately united in and\\n369", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "SJO Alexande? the Great. [331B.C-\\nthrough the person of him whom the course of\\nevents, if not the purpose of fate, was now making\\nits universal lord.\\nFrom Babylon he advanced to Susa, the capital\\nproper of the Persian Empire, which, with its enor-\\nmous treasure, fifty thousand talents ($65,000,000),\\nfell without a blow into his hands. Still leaving\\nDarius and the North-east unheeded, he pushed out\\ninto Persia proper, forcing his way through the\\nUxians, whom he subjugated and put under tribute,\\nand scattering the army of the viceroy, Ariobarzanes,\\nwho ventured to oppose him. Persia now lay open\\nto him. The royal cities, Persepolis and Pasargadse,\\nwere promptly occupied, and here again the heaped-\\nup bullion of the empire revealed itself in enormous\\nstores. If Curtius Rufus and Diodorus are to be\\ntrusted, one hundred and twenty thousand talents\\nwere found in the former city, and six thousand\\ntalents in the latter. The stories of the other treas-\\nures found in Persepolis became for aftertime the\\ntypical dreams of Oriental wealth and abundance.\\nJewels, furniture, rugs, utensils in the precious\\nmetals, enough to load ten thousand pairs of mules\\nand five thousand camels, Plutarch says, were found\\nat Persepolis. These objects must have come chiefly\\nfrom the royal palace, which seems to have consti-\\ntuted the principal part of the city if indeed it was\\na city at all, in the ordinary sense.\\nBefore leaving Persepolis, where, according to\\nPlutarch, he tarried four months (the winter season),\\nAlexander caused the palace to be burned. The\\ndifferent accounts are somewhat at variance as to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "330 B.C.] The Fruits of Victory. 371\\nthe degree of premeditation involved. Plutarch,\\nDiodorus, and Curtius Rufus tell a story which\\nrepresents the thing as the outcome of a particular\\ncarousal. This is Plutarch s tale:\\n11 When he was about to set forth from this place\\nagainst Darius, he joined with his companions in a\\nmerry-making and drinking bout, at which their bona-\\nrobas were present and joined in the debauch. The\\nmost celebrated of them was Thais, a girl from Attica.\\nShe was the paramour of Ptolemy, afterward King of\\nEgypt. As the license of the drinking-bout progressed,\\nshe was carried so far, either by way of offering Alexan-\\nder a graceful compliment or of bantering him, as to ex-\\npress a sentiment which, while not unworthy the spirit of\\nher fatherland, was surely somewhat lofty for her own\\ncondition. For she said she was amply repaid for the\\ntoils of following the camp all over Asia that she could\\nthis day revel in mockery of the haughty palace of the\\nPersians. But, she added, it would give her still greater\\npleasure, if, to crown the celebration, she might burn\\nthe house of the Xerxes who once reduced Athens to\\nashes, and might with her own hands set the fire under\\nthe eyes of the King; so the saying might go forth among\\nmen that the little woman with Alexander took sorer ven-\\ngeance on the Persians in behalf of Greece than all the\\ngreat generals who fought by sea or land.\\nHer words were received with such tumults of ap-\\nplause, and so earnestly seconded by the persuasions and\\nzeal of the King s associates, that he was drawn into it\\nhimself, and leaping up from his seat with a chaplet of\\nflowers on his head and a lighted torch in his hand, led\\nthe way, while the rest followed him in drunken rout,\\nwith bacchanalian cries, about the corridors of the palace.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "372 Alexander the Great. [331 B.C.-\\nAnd when the rest of the Macedonians learned of it, they\\nwere delighted, and came running up with torches in\\ntheir hands; for they hoped the burning and destruction\\nof the palace was an indication that his face was turned\\nhomeward, and that he had no design of tarrying among\\nthe barbarians.\\nThis story, though not mentioned by Arrian, is\\nprobably true at least, such a scene as this probably\\nattended the setting of the fire but it is not neces-\\nsary to suppose that the idea originated in the mind\\nof Thais. Arrian s statement shows it was pre-\\nmeditated by Alexander, and discussed beforehand\\nwith Parmenion, who opposed it. It was planned\\nand put upon the scene as a great symbolic act repre-\\nsenting, in the form of a revenge for Xerxes s de-\\nstruction of Athens, an announcement to the world\\nthat the empire of Persia was finally humbled and\\ndestroyed. This was Alexander s idea, but it ap-\\npears to have been a poor one. We are not apprised\\nthat the deed was attended with political gain, and\\nthe general sentiment must accord with Arrian s,\\nwho says: Alexander does not seem to me to have\\nacted on this occasion with prudence. This was\\nalso Alexander s opinion later.\\nThough Alexander had now in possession the\\ncapital, the treasure, and the family of the Shah,\\nand had burned his chief palace, the Shah himself\\nThe princes applaud, with a furious joy,\\nAnd the king seized a flambeau with zeal to destroy\\nThai s led the way\\nTo light him to his prey,\\nAnd, like another Helen, fired another Troy.\\nDryden, Feast of Alexander.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "330 B.C.] The Fruits of Victory. $73\\nwas still at large and the tiara erect. At Ecbatana,\\nfive hundred miles north of Persepolis, he had taken\\nup his residence, and quietly waited there, ready to\\ntake advantage of any change which might arise in\\nAlexander s fortunes, or, in case Alexander should\\nadvance against him, to avail himself of the way of\\nretreat open behind him into Hyrcania or Parthia,\\nthat which is to-day north-eastern Persia. In prepa-\\nration for the extreme necessity, he had sent the\\nwomen, his treasure, and other property, together\\nwith his covered travelling-carriages, on to the\\nmountain pass called the Caspian Gates. For Darius\\nto pass the Caspian Gates meant that he forsook the\\ndomain proper of the Persian Empire; for though\\nhis sway had extended over Bactria and Sogdiana,\\nand in a half-recognised authority over the nomads\\nof the North, still he would be a fugitive headed\\ntoward the uttermost frontier, and at the mercy of\\nroaming Scythian tribes outside the pale of orderly\\ncivilisation and state.\\nWhen the spring opened (330 B.C.), Alexander\\nbegan his march toward Ecbatana. As long as\\nthere was still a shah, the conqueror s title to ex-\\nclusive empire was not beyond dispute. Alexan-\\nder s ambitions had grown with the months, and he\\nno longer was satisfied to be the leader and unifier\\nof the Greeks. There arose already before his mind\\nthe vision of a world-empire united in the person of\\none who was neither Greek, nor Egyptian, nor As-\\nsyrian, nor Persian, but a world-man, above the\\nlimitations of nations and blood, above the conven-\\ntions of usage and religion. This ambition could be", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "374 Alexander the Great. [331 B.C.-\\nfulfilled only when he had the person of the Shah\\nwithin his control.\\nAt first he heard the Shah was planning to give\\nhim battle, and proceeding cautiously, prepared for\\nbattle, he was after twelve days within the bounds\\nof Media. The word came that the King, disap-\\npointed in his reliance upon aid from the Cadusians\\nand Scythians, was preparing to flee. When but\\nthree days distant from Ecbatana, Alexander learned\\nthat the Shah, taking with him seven thousand\\ntalents of money and accompanied by about nine\\nthousand troops, had fled the city five days before.\\nThe final and decisive reason for the abandonment\\nof his plan of resistance was a division of counsels\\namong his generals, whereby one party, headed by\\nNabarzanes, the commander of the Persian cavalry,\\nand Bessus, the satrap of Bactria, insisted on a trans-\\nfer of the military authority to Bessus and a with-\\ndrawal into Bactria, with hope of bettering their\\nfortunes. The partisans of Bessus urged the hope-\\nlessness of resistance, and the popularity of Bessus\\namong the Bactrians and their Scythian neighbours,\\nin support of their scheme; but the Shah, while\\ncompelled, in his helplessness, to accede to their\\nplan of flight, still clung to the tiara and the name\\nof king. Our knowledge of these incidents rests\\nsolely on the authority of Curtius Rufus, the main\\nfeatures of whose story must represent a historical\\nbasis, though some of the details, perhaps, are\\ndreamed. After entering Ecbatana it became evi-\\ndent to Alexander that conditions had assumed a\\nnew and final form. Darius was no longer Shah,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "330 B.C.] The Fr tuts of Victory. 375\\nbut a fugitive without city, army, or throne, at the\\nmercy of the satraps of the North-east, and no longer\\ndangerous, except as a symbol or an article of barter\\nin their hands. It became now merely a task of\\nrescuing him from them.\\nAn important step which the King took at this\\ntime indicates the ripening of the new status. He\\ndismissed the Thessalian cavalry and the other\\nGreek allies, sending them back to the sea and\\nmaking preparations for their transportation to\\nEubcea. Each man was paid for his full time\\nreckoned to the date of the arrival home, and two\\nthousand talents was given for distribution among\\nthem all. Such as wished again to enlist were\\nallowed to do so. Those who did entered upon a\\nnew career. The original plan of the great expedi-\\ntion was completed. Now there lay before them\\nthe uncertainties of a venture out into the dark of\\nthe unknown North-east. They were no longer fol-\\nlowing the standards of the Hellenic champion;\\nthey were attaching themselves to the personal\\ncause of a leader whose schemes transcended the\\nvengeance due upon Xerxes, and who no longer\\ncould act the simple role of a. young Achilles.\\nWith the burning of the royal palace at Persepolis\\nthe work which Alexander, five years before, at the\\nCongress of Corinth, had bound himself to perform,\\nwas given its spectacular finale. The allies, whose\\npresence in the army was a standing testimony to\\nthe contract and alliance framed at Corinth, were\\nnow dismissed in token of the completed work.\\nThroughout all the campaigns up to this time it is", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "376 Alexander the Great. [331 B.c._\\nto be noted that the allied infantry had been em-\\nployed only for garrison duty or reserve. The allied\\ncavalry, among whom the Thessalians constituted\\nthe most trusty element, had served in battle, but\\nunder Macedonian leaders. Whether the Greek\\nStates had wished to furnish troops or not, it is evi-\\ndent that Alexander had no great desire for them\\nand probably little confidence in them. Enough\\nwere used to keep up the appearance of an alliance\\nbut now that the news of Antipater s victory at\\nMegalopolis had come, no further solicitude for\\nGreek cooperation was felt, and the guise of alliance\\ncould be dropped. So Greece was finally retired\\nfrom the partnership, and henceforth sank into the\\nbackground. It was now four years since Alexan-\\nder had left Europe (in the spring of 334 B.C.), and\\nhe was destined never to see it again the remaining\\nseven years of his life were to be occupied in sub-\\nduing the eastern half of the Persian Empire.\\nRapidly the ties slackened that bound him to the\\nWest. The dream c r Vyouth melted away, but a\\nnew vision in larger perspective arose with ever-\\nstrengthening outlines in its place. The champion\\nof West against East faded away in the mist, and\\nthe form of a world-monarch, standing above the\\nvarious worlds of men and belonging to none, but\\nmoulding them all into one, emerged in its stead.\\nLeaving six thousand men of the phalanx as guard\\nof the treasure now assembled into Ecbatana, he\\nstarted out on his new campaign. With him he\\ntook the old reliable elements of his army, the\\nhetairoi cavalrymen, the archers and Agrianians,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "330 B.C.] The Fruits of Victory. 377\\nthe mercenary cavalry under Erigyius, and the re-\\nmainder of the phalanx. Now began a series of\\nrapid forced marches to the east. Men and horses\\ndropped by the way in fatigue. On the eleventh\\nday he was at Rhagse, near the modern capital of\\nPersia, Teheran, two hundred miles from Ecbatana.\\nHere he heard that the Shah had already passed the\\nCaspian Gates. This was, at the rate Alexander had\\nbeen going, only a day s march distant; but relin-\\nquishing for the time the hope of overtaking him,\\nAlexander gave his army five days rest.\\nDarius s little escort was evidently melting away,\\nfor many deserters came into the Macedonian camp,\\nand rumour said that many others had betaken them-\\nselves to their homes. Then setting out again, after\\npassing the Caspian Gates, Alexander was met by\\nBagistanes, a Persian noble who had deserted from\\nthe camp of Darius, and who brought the astound-\\ning news that Darius was no longer a free man. As\\nthe fugitive band moved along their discouraged\\nmarch, and every day brou^ 1 new despair, Bessus s\\nplan grew into one of treason. Only the Greek\\nmercenaries, two thousand in number, who still fol-\\nlowed, faithful as the Swiss Guard, the declining\\nfortunes of their employer, remained loyal, but they\\nsoon found themselves shut off entirely from com-\\nmunication with him either in his tent by night or\\nin his carriage by day. Bessus and his troop rode\\nclose about him on the road, rather as keepers than\\nguard. The suspicions of the Greeks were aroused.\\nTheir leader, the Phocian Patron, forced his way up\\nto the carriage, and speaking in Greek, which the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "378 Alexander the Great. [331 b.c-\\nShah, but not Bessus, could understand, warned\\nhim of his peril, and besought him to intrust himself\\nto the hands of the Greeks. Bessus, who under-\\nstood the purport, though not the words, of Patron s\\nproposal, hesitated no longer. At the first halt the\\nBactrians surrounded the tent of the Shah, and in\\nthe quiet of the night he was put in chains, to be\\ncarried off a prisoner into Bactria. A few of the\\nPersian troops accompanied the Bactrians, but Ar-\\ntabazus and his sons, who had remained true to\\nDarius as long as they could aid him, now joined\\nwith the Greek mercenaries and pushed north into\\nthe shelter of neighbouring mountains.\\nWhen the information reached Alexander, he took\\nwith him the hetairoi cavalrymen, the skirmish\\ncavalry, and the strongest and lightest of his in-\\nfantry, and without waiting even for the return of a\\nforaging party, which had been sent out under\\nCcenus s command and with only two days provi-\\nsions, started on a rapid march toward the scene of\\nthe recent events. He marched the whole night\\nand until noon of the next day; then giving his\\nmen a short rest, pushed on again the whole night,\\nand at daybreak reached the village where the\\nmutiny had taken place. Here he learned that the\\nmutineers had left there several days before, taking\\nDarius with them in a covered carriage; that the\\nsupreme command had been lodged in Bessus s\\nhands by virtue of his near relationship to the Shah,\\nas well as of his local rights as satrap; and that,\\nfurthermore, it was the purpose of Bessus and his\\nmen, in case Alexander pursued them, to use the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "330 B.C.] The Fruits of Victory. 379\\nShah s person in barter for their own immunity; in\\ncase he turned back, to raise an army and establish\\na government on their own account.\\nThere was no time for delay. Men and horses\\nwere already fatigued by the forced marches, but\\nthere could be no halt. It was a race for a prize\\nAlexander had set his heart upon gaining. On they\\nwent again over hill and valley, through the night\\nand on until noon. Then they came to a village\\nwhich the party had left only the day before, but\\nwith the intention of travelling by night. Still they\\nwere twenty-four hours ahead. Alexander s troop\\nwas almost exhausted. Did the villagers know of\\nno shorter road There was one, but through a\\ndesert country, with no water for horse or man.\\nQuickly transferring five hundred selected infantry-\\nmen to as many horses taken from the cavalry, and\\ndirecting the rest of the infantry to follow by the\\nmain road, he set off on the canter by the desert\\nroad. Men fell by the way, horses foundered, but\\nall night long the mad chase was forced. Nearly\\nfifty miles had been covered. Then in the grey\\nmorning light was discovered on ahead the straggling\\ncaravan. There was no preparation for defence.\\nOne glimpse of those dreaded horsemen, and then\\na wild scramble for life. The few who stayed to\\nfight were cut down. Bessus and his aides had tried\\nto induce the captive Shah to mount a horse and\\nflee, but he stoutly refused. Then they drove their\\njavelins into his body, and scurried off.\\nOn down the dismantled line of the caravan the\\nMacedonian riders came, no more than threescore", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "3 So Alexander the Great. [331 b.C-\\nable to keep pace with the leader. They rode\\nover abundance of gold and silver that lay scattered\\nabout, and passed by chariots full of women which\\nwandered here and there for want of drivers, and\\nstill they rode on, hoping to overtake the van of the\\nflight and find Darius there (Plutarch). But no-\\nwhere was Darius to be found, until at last a rider,\\nstraggling away from the rest, found a waggon far\\naway from the road, by a valley pool where the\\nfrightened, unguided mules had dragged it. In it\\nlay the dying Shah.\\n1 Still he asked for a little cool water to drink, and\\nwhen he had drunk he said to Polystratus, who had\\ngiven it to him Sir, this is the bitter extremity of my\\nill fortune, to receive a benefit which I cannot repay;\\nbut Alexander will repay you. The gods recompense to\\nAlexander the kindness he has done my mother and my\\nwife and my children. I give him through you this clasp\\nof the hand. With these words he took the hand of\\nPolystratus and died. When Alexander reached the\\nspot, he was pained and distressed, as one could see,\\nand he took off his own mantle, and laid it upon the\\nbody, and wrapped it around (Plutarch).\\nThus died at fifty years of age (July, 330 B.C.), an\\nhonourable and kindly man, a courtly gentleman of\\nthe old school. He would have been a capable ad-\\nministrator in time of peace, but, to his misfortune,\\nthe date of his accession matched that of Alexander.\\nThough he certainly lacked the aggressiveness of\\nwill and the daring essential to a great soldier, under\\nordinary conditions, and with the game played", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "tJ\\nJ\\n15000yards\\nBATTLE OF ARBELA.\\nA, The preliminary actions B, The battle; X, Alexander s camp. The same\\nletters used for Alexander s divisions, f The scythe chariots, sent to attack his\\nadvance by the Persians, a, b, The Bactrian and Scythian cavalry which attacked\\nhis advancing right wing; C, C. Arachosians and Dahse cavalry, forming left\\nwing of the Persians d, Persian and Indian cavalry, which broke Alexander s\\ncentre and separated his infantry e, Cappadocian cavalry, which attacked the\\nMacedonian left and rear; D, The position of Darius F, F, F2, The successive\\nfronts of the Persian army.\\nIt is plain from these plans that Alexander was here in imminent danger of\\ndefeat on Map B, his successive positions are marked I, II, III, showing how he\\nhad to wheel about to succour his defeated wing, when Darius fled.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "330 B.C.] The Fr ttits of Victory. 381\\naccording to the old rules, he might not have been\\ndiscovered in his weakness, and might have passed\\nfor a tolerable military head but with the Mace-\\ndonians had been introduced a new art of warfare,\\nwith Alexander a new standard of generalship, and\\nthe pace was too fast for him.\\nAlexander s sorrow at the sight of the lifeless\\nbody may have been mixed with vexation and\\nchagrin that his wearisome chase had yielded so\\nmeagre a quarry, but when viewed in connection\\nwith all we know of the hero s real warmth of heart\\nand resources of sympathy, we must reckon it better\\nthan that. The sight of one who four years before\\nwas undisputed monarch from the Hellespont to the\\nIndus, now left to a lonely death, empireless, for-\\nsaken, and betrayed, was a sight worthy the pity of\\nharder hearts than his.\\nWith all the honour due his state, Darius was\\ncarried to his grave. He was gathered to his\\nfathers, for they buried him in Persepolis.\\n11 Quae ducis Emathii fuerit dementia Poros\\nPrasclarique docent funeris exsequiae.\\nWhat was the mercy of Macedonia s prince, let Porus tell, and\\nthe pomp of funeral rites [accorded to Darius]. Ovid.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIV.\\nIN AFGHANISTAN.\\n33O-329 B.C.\\nIT was in July, 330 B.C., that Darius came to his\\nend. Alexander s fearful race with treachery\\nand death had carried him along the borders\\nof the great salt desert of Khorasan in the scorch-\\ning heat of an inland summer. The route which\\nthe fugitives followed had been the main highway\\nfrom Media eastward into far Bactria. It was the\\nsame which leads to-day from Teheran, by way of\\nSemnan, Damaghan, Shahrud, and Meshed, out of\\nPersia, into the land of the Turkomans and the\\nborder realms of the Czar. On the right lay the\\nsalt steppes on the left rose the mountains which\\nto-day mark Persia s frontier and offer a temporary\\ncheck upon the inevitable advance of the Russian\\nglacier. Close behind these mountains trails already\\nthe line of the Transcaspian Railway, and it cannot\\nbe long before a branch will find its way through the\\nhills and strike across toward the Persian Gulf.\\nThe place where the Shah was murdered was not\\n382", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "330-329 B.C.] In Afghanistan. 383\\nfar from the site of the modern Shahrud. Here join\\nto-day, as they did of old, the eastern route and the\\nroad from Asterabad (ancient Zadracarta), fifty miles\\nto the north, in the Caspian basin. An English\\nofficer* who visited the place in 1896 remarks upon\\nits position\\nAn army stationed at Shahrud would at once com-\\nmand the approaches from the sea, and at the same time\\neffectually prevent any junction between forces operating\\nin Khorasan and the west. It is only fifty miles from\\nAsterabad to Shahrud, and with a little skilful engineer-\\ning the road could easily be made passable for artillery,\\nor at any rate for light field-guns. No doubt the Rus-\\nsians realise its strategic importance. The whole place\\nis dominated by Russian influence.\\nAfter allowing his soldiers a short rest at He-\\ncatompylus (near the present Shahrud), Alexander\\nmoved to the north, through the Elburz Mountains,\\ninto the narrow strip of country called Hyrcania,\\nwhich skirts the southern shores of the Caspian.\\nThe sea, when it first came in sight, was evidently\\na surprise to him. He saw before him, as Plutarch\\nsays, the bay of an open sea not much smaller ap-\\nparently than the Black Sea, but with somewhat\\nsweeter water than in most seas. He was unable,\\nhowever, to gain any certain information about it,\\nand concluded it must be an arm of the Sea of Azov.\\nPlutarch, with his superior geographical knowledge,\\nimplies that he might have known better, for before\\nClive Bigham, A Ride through Western Asia, p. 193 ff. Lon-\\ndon, 1897.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "384 Alexander the Great. [330 b.C-\\nhis time scientists had already located it as the north-\\nernmost of the four great gulfs descending into the\\ncontinent from the outer ocean. In asserting this,\\nhowever, Plutarch is almost certainly guilty of an\\nanachronism, for the common opinion of Alexander s\\nday connected the Caspian as an inland sea with the\\nEuxine. Not until Patrocles, in the early part of\\nthe next century, explored the coasts of the Caspian,\\ndid the mistaken theory of its connection with the\\nnorthern ocean make its appearance. Accepted\\nthen by Eratosthenes, it held its place in the vul-\\ngate geography until the time of Ptolemy (second\\ncentury A.D.). Alexander s soldiers identified the\\nJaxartes with the Don (Tanai s).\\nWhile in Hyrcania, he subjugated the various\\ntribes of mountain and plain, and received the sub-\\nmission of the two satraps Phrataphernes, governor\\nof Hyrcania and Parthia, and Autophradates, gov-\\nernor of Tapuria, both of whom, in accordance with\\nhis principle of respecting and utilising existing in-\\nstitutions of government, he forthwith reinstated in\\ntheir authority. Many others also, high officials\\nand noblemen, came to offer their surrender, among\\nthem the fine old Artabazus, whom, in recognition\\nof his rank and his loyalty to his sovereign, as well\\nas for old acquaintance sake, he treated with dis-\\ntinguished consideration, and attached to his per-\\nsonal staff of aides and advisers. This Artabazus,\\nthrough long experience, as general, governor, and\\nrebel, in the affairs of Asia Minor, as well as a seven\\nyears (352-345 B.C.) residence as a political fugitive\\nat Philip s court in Pella, had made himself familiar", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "329 B.C.] In Afghanistan. 385\\nwith Western ideas, and was a cosmopolitan far be-\\nyond the measure of the ordinary Persian grandee.\\nThere came also to surrender themselves fifteen\\nhundred Greek mercenaries, last vanishing remnant\\nof the Greek contingent in Darius s army. In re-\\nceiving their submission Alexander saw fit to make\\na distinction and it is worthy of note that he did\\nbetween those who had enlisted in the service of the\\nShah before the Congress of Corinth (336 B.C.) had\\nproclaimed the Greek war against Persia, and those\\nwho, in quasi-disloyalty, had enlisted later. The\\nformer were discharged free, the latter compelled to\\nreenlist. With the mercenaries were found a num-\\nber of sadly stranded Greek ambassadors, who, for\\nsome reason or other, had been in attendance at\\nDarius s court at this most untimely season. One\\nwho had come from Chalcedon and a delegation from\\nSinope were set free; they might be considered out-\\nside the pale of responsibility but the five Spartan\\nambassadors, who furnished in their presence one\\nlast testimonial to the incorrigible stubbornness of\\ntheir little State, were kept in duress.\\nFrom Asterabad, where, after the work was over,\\nAlexander had given his army a fortnight s rest and\\nthe delectation of a fete with the usual games, he\\nreturned (early autumn of 330 B.C.) into Parthia,\\nand passed thence along the Bactrian road eastward\\nuntil he came to Susia, a city of Aria, near the site\\nof the modern Meshed, at the extreme north-eastern\\nfrontier of modern Persia. Meshed, only fifty miles\\nfrom the present line of the Transcaspian Railway,\\nstands near the junction of the Persian, Afghan, and\\n25", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "386 Alexander the Great. [330 B.C.-\\nRussian frontiers, and hard by the gate which Rus-\\nsia must choose in entering Afghanistan as a vesti-\\nbule to India. At Susia the satrap Satibarzanes\\nsubmitted to him, and rejoiced to be confirmed in\\nthe government of his province. News of Bessus s\\nactivity in the East soon, however, caused the new\\nconvert to backslide, and Alexander, who was al-\\nready on his way toward Bactra, Bessus s capital,\\nturning sharply to the south, and in two days\\nmarches pushing through the seventy miles that\\nseparated him from the rebel s stronghold at Herat\\n(Artacoana), proceeded to cleanse the land of every\\nvestige of opposition, and then to place a trustier\\nman, Arsames the Persian, in the governorship of\\nthe land. Satibarzanes had meanwhile fled to join\\nBessus at Bactra (modern Balkh). At the foot of\\nArtacoana s citadel arose later one of Alexander s\\nfamous Greek cities of the East, Alexandria- Areion,\\nwhich survives to-day as Herat, for two centuries\\npast the apple of discord between Persia and Afgh-\\nanistan. It stands where the ways part, the great\\neastern road by the Heri-Rud valley across Afghan-\\nistan to the east, and the route which the caravan\\ntrade from the remotest antiquity to the present\\ntime has always followed from northern Persia and\\nthe Caspian, by way of Herat, Kandahar, Ghasni,\\nand Kabul, on into India. This is the route that\\nall the great conquerors have trod whose hosts have\\nentered the gate of India Mahmud the Great\\n(1001 A.D.), Genghis Khan (thirteenth century) and\\nTamerlane (1398) the Mongols, Nadir Shah the Per-\\nsian (1737), Alexander the Macedonian. It is the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "329^ B.C.] In Afghanistan. 387\\nwell-known Key of India, and when Afghanistan\\npasses under Russian control, it will be still better\\nknown.\\nThe revolt of Satibarzanes had determined Alex-\\nander to secure this important route and the country\\nadjacent to it, the present western and southern\\nAfghanistan, before penetrating to Bessus s lair at\\nBactra (Balkh) in northern Afghanistan. So con-\\ntinuing his march southward from Herat, he entered\\nthe province of Drangiana, the district about the\\ngreat Hamun swamps (Palus Aria).\\nHere, probably at its capital city, Phrada (Proph-\\nthasia), came to light an ominous conspiracy in the\\nvery heart of his own camp. No less a person was\\ninvolved than Philotas, the commander of the famous\\ncompanion cavalry, and son of Parmenion, the com-\\nmander-in-chief and the sudden emergence of the\\ntrouble just at this time seems to be connected with\\na change in Alexander s relation to his men and to\\nhis mission that was now beginning to be felt, and\\nperhaps with a change in the bearing of Alexander\\nhimself. The occurrence has received much atten-\\ntion from modern as well as ancient historians, and\\na fair and correct understanding of its significance is\\nimportant for an estimate of the conqueror s whole\\nmind and attitude at this determining period of his\\ncareer.\\nParmenion, now seventy years of age, had been\\nThe most recent and the fullest discussion of the subject is found\\nin an article by Friedrich Cauer, Philotas, Kleitos, Kallisthenes,\\nJahrbucher fur Class. Philol., Supplement-Band XX. (1894), pp.\\n1-79.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "388 Alexander the Great. [330 B.c-\\nfrom the start the most faithful reliance of the\\nyoung conqueror. It was he who had assured him\\nthe loyalty of the army in Asia on his father s death,\\nwho had among all his generals favoured most un-\\nreservedly the plan of Asiatic conquest, and who,\\nthrough all the hardships, difficulties, and triumphs\\nof the four years past, had been his nearest adviser\\nand most important military aide. His apparent\\nlack of energy in the battle of Gaugamela, and his\\npremature call for reinforcement which had so un-\\nfortunately diverted Alexander from the pursuit,\\nhad left an unpleasant impression upon the young\\nKing s mind. Perhaps it was through weariness of\\nhis conservatism or suspicion of his senility that he\\nhad been left behind now in command of the garri-\\nson at Ecbatana.\\nHis influence had always been great among the\\nMacedonian soldiery. He had originally had three\\nsons in the army, two of whom had lost their lives\\nin service. One of them, Nicanor, had held the\\nimportant post of commander of the hypaspists\\nanother was Philotas, in a like or even more import-\\nant command. His son-in-law Ccenus and his\\nbrother Agathon were also in important commands.\\nMany of his kinsfolk held minor positions in the\\narmy. This group formed an easy nucleus about\\nwhich should shape itself into expression the rising\\ndiscontent with the new order of things. There\\nwas uneasiness abroad in the Macedonian camp.\\nThe older men were beginning to feel that the Alex-\\nander with whom they had left Europe was gradu-\\nally drifting away from them. He had begun to", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "329 B.C.] In Afghanistan. 389\\nshow a liking for Oriental manners that was not to\\ntheir mind. The talk about his assumption of di-\\nvinity had not been met with favour by them when\\nit first cropped up nearly two years before in Egypt.\\nLittle had been heard of it since then, but since\\nDarius s death there had been a growing tendency\\nto assume the court manners of an Oriental despot.\\nHe had not yet, as he did a year or two later, gone\\nso far as to exact of his Macedonians the Oriental\\netiquette of prostration in his presence, but even\\nthe acceptance of it constantly from the Orientals\\nthemselves was not a good omen for the future.\\nThen, too, Persian noblemen, like Artabazus, were\\nbeing admitted to his court and confidences in in-\\ncreasing numbers. Persian satraps were being re-\\nstored to the control of rich provinces, and native\\nofficials of lower grade retained in authority. What\\nwonder if the old Macedonians who had borne the\\ntoil of war saw in all this only the victor robbed of\\nhis spoils!\\nAlexander had also begun, at least on state occa-\\nsions, to assume the Oriental dress, not in its ex-\\ntreme form, tiara and all, to be sure, but with a\\ncompromise between the Median and Macedonian\\nstyles. Plutarch speaks about it thus\\nM From here [Hyrcania] he marched into Parthia, and,\\nas he had not much to do here, first put on the Median\\ndress, probably with a desire to accommodate himself to\\nthe usages of the country, in recognition of the influence\\nwhich conformity to the usual dress and costume has in\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Plutarch, Alexander, xlv.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "390 Alexander the Great. [330 B.c-\\nthe work of civilising a people; or perhaps it may have\\nbeen a way of insinuating upon the Macedonians the\\nusage of prostration through accustoming them to tolerate\\nthis change in the conduct of life. He did not, however,\\nassume the ultra-Oriental style of dress, with all its odious\\nbarbarian features, the trousers, the sleeved jacket, or\\nthe tiara, but a compromise between the Persian and\\nthe Macedonian, more quiet than the former, but yet\\nmore imposing than the latter. At first he wore this\\nonly when meeting barbarians or with his friends at\\nhome, but later he appeared in it publicly, when he\\ndrove out, and at public audiences a sight which caused\\nthe Macedonians much pain.\\nWe should not, from what we know of national\\nprejudices even in the present enlightened days, ex-\\npect to find charitable judges of Alexander s grow-\\ning cosmopolitanism among the hardy warriors of\\nhomely Macedonia. His great idea of a cosmopoli-\\ntanism expressed in a world-empire, and created by\\nthe breaking down of barriers, so that each part\\nmight contribute of its own, was just beginning to\\nintrench itself in his mind, at the expense of the old\\nidea of exploiting the East for the good of the West,\\nand must be his excuse to those who give him char-\\nitable judgment. All know, however, who have\\nobserved individual specimens of humanity under-\\ngoing the process of cosmopolitanising, with how\\ngreat risk to character it makes its way, and how\\nfrequently it is itself an evidence of loss of anchorage\\nand of moral decay\\nParmenion and his kin were evidently patrons of\\nthe old school. Rumours had reached the ears of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "329 B.C.] In Afghanistan. 391\\nthe King, two years before, of things Philotas, in\\nunguarded moments, had said which involved critic-\\nism of the King. Through Philotas s mistress, a\\nfair woman of Pydna who had been taken among\\nthe captives at Issus, word had come that one day\\nin his cups Philotas had boasted that all the great\\ndeeds were really those of his father and himself,\\nthough the benefit of them, kingship and all, ac-\\ncrued to Alexander alone. The King had appar-\\nently forgotten it, but still he watched Philotas.\\nThis was the state of things when in the late\\nautumn of 330 B.C., at Phrada, in Drangiana, word\\nsuddenly came of a plot. A young man named\\nNicomachus had been incited by a friend, one Dim-\\nnus, to join in a conspiracy planned against the life\\nof the King. He, through his brother, had sent\\nword of the danger to Philotas, who had failed to\\ncarry it to the King, though in constant communi-\\ncation with him. Two days elapsed, when the\\nmatter was by another route reported to the King.\\nThis brought Philotas under suspicion and others,\\ninfluenced to some extent by prejudice against him,\\nnow appeared with positive accusations. He was\\nimmediately put under arrest, and, i\u00c2\u00abn old-fashioned\\nstyle, put on trial before the army, with the King as\\nhis accuser.\\nWe have no way of estimating the evidence. The\\nmethod of procedure was certainly not such as to\\nguarantee the dispassionate hearing worthy of a\\ncourt. Philotas had gained many private enemies\\nby his overbearing manner and his tendency to in-\\ndulge in luxury and ostentation. Even his father", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "392 Alexander the Great. [330 B.c-\\nhad once rebuked him: My son, to be not quite\\nso great would be better. Whatever the proofs\\nwere, the army-court declared him a would-be regi-\\ncide, and clamoured for his execution. In judging\\nof the probable justice of this verdict, it is to be\\nnoted that another general, Amyntas, who was ac-\\ncused of complicity in the same conspiracy, was by\\nthe same tribunal acquitted. Arrian says Philotas\\nwas convicted by clear proofs. The presumption is\\nthat he was guilty. There is nothing inherently\\nimprobable in the belief. It was always the fate of\\nautocrats to be conspired against by those nearest\\nthem.\\nStill Alexander was not absolutely satisfied. Phi-\\nlotas had insisted on his innocence, and excused his\\nfailure to report the alleged conspiracy by saying\\nthat he had discredited the report of its existence.\\nHe was therefore subjected to torture, in the hope\\nof extorting a confession. The torture was admin-\\nistered in private by Hephaestion, Craterus, and\\nCcenus, the three most intimate associates of the\\nKing; and Alexander himself, in order to take per-\\nsonal cognisance of every detail, was close at hand,\\nhidden by a curtain. When Philotas, under stress\\nof torture, showed an unexpected lack of fortitude\\nfor a tried soldier, Alexander is reported to have\\nsaid from his place of concealment: What, Philo-\\ntas, sensitive and craven as that, and yet engaged\\nin a design like this He is said at last to have\\nconfessed and to have implicated his father this,\\nhowever, on the authority of Curtius Rufus only.\\nHe was then put to death, and trusty messengers", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "329 B.C.] In Afghanistan. 393\\nwere sent swiftly across to Ecbatanato order the as-\\nsassination of his father also, which was forthwith\\naccomplished by the hands of his officers. This\\nwas a high-handed and outrageous act. It seems\\nimpossible that Parmenion could have been guilty,\\nbut the mere fact that the King could have thought\\nit necessary showed how sensitive he had become to\\nthe possibility of an opposition centring about the\\nfamily of Parmenion.\\nThe command of the companion cavalry, formerly\\nheld by Philotas, was now divided between Clitus,\\nthe son of Dropides, and Hephaestion, the latter of\\nwhom had of late advanced rapidly in the esteem of\\nAlexander. It is remarked, for instance, that he\\namong all the Macedonians showed most sympathy\\nfor the new ideas of the King. It was a period of\\ntransition in Alexander s life, and the friendship\\nof Hephaestion marks the new period.\\nIt is evident that Alexander could have spent but\\nlittle time in Drangiana. Late in October or early\\nin November he advanced through the country of\\nthe peaceable and hospitable Ariaspians dwelling\\nalong the lower courses of the Hilmend, on the\\nwestern frontiers of the modern Afghanistan, and\\nthence turned his line of march toward distant Bac-\\ntria, where Bessus was still maintaining the emblems\\nof authority of the old Persian Empire. The route\\nchosen led up the valley of the Etymandrus (Hil-\\nmend) toward Ghasni, then down into the Kabul\\nHogarth s attempt {Philip and Alexander, Appendix B) to revise\\nthe chronology of this period fails of satisfying Arrian s account of\\nlater movements in Sogdiana.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "394 Alexander the Great. [330 B.C.-\\nbasin, and thence northward over the passes of Paro-\\npamisus (the modern Hindu Kush). Opposition\\nfaced him at every turn, but he fought his way\\nrapidly through to the foot of the Paropamisus.\\nAt two points at least on the route he founded\\ncolonies, probably marked by the modern sites of\\nKandahar and Ghasni, and near his halting-place at\\nthe foot of the mountains a third, not far from the\\nmodern Kabul. Once during the year word came\\nof trouble in the outer world. An army from Bac-\\ntria had invaded Aria and was seeking to detach the\\ndistrict from its allegiance. Not to be himself\\ndiverted from his projects, Alexander sent a strong\\nforce under Artabazus the Persian, which not with-\\nout difficulty accomplished the defeat of the intrud-\\ners. Alexander s way up the Etymandrus valley\\nled at times through deep snow, and bitter priva-\\ntions were suffered. The winter was coming on,\\nand when he reached the foot of the mountains by\\nKabul it must have been late in December (330 B.C.).\\nWith the opening of spring (329 B.C.) he crossed\\nthe passes of the Hindu Kush at an elevation of\\nover thirteen thousand feet, and came to the city\\nof Drapsaca in Bactria. After a little rest he pushed\\non in pursuit of Bessus, who gradually retired before\\nhim, and crossed the Oxus (Amu-Darja) into the ter-\\nritory of the modern Bokhara. The Oxus, which\\nnow flows into the Sea of Aral, was in Alexander s\\ntime, and even down to as recent a period as the\\nsixteenth century, a tributary of the Caspian. If a\\nplan recently proposed by Russian engineers of re-\\nstoring it to its ancient course should be realised, it", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "329 B.C.] In Afghanistan, 395\\nwill provide a waterway from the Caspian into\\nnorth-eastern Afghanistan, direct toward the gate of\\nIndia. When Alexander came to. the Oxus he\\nfound it a mighty stream swollen with the melting\\nsnows; and in default of boats, or wood with which\\nto build them, he sent his men across on life-\\npreservers improvised out of their leather tent-\\ncoverings stuffed with straw. Five days were\\nexpended in the crossing. Hounding Bessus down,\\nhe finally found him with a few soldiers in a fortified\\nvillage, forsaken and betrayed by his generals and\\nhis army. Now Darius could be avenged. Strip-\\nped naked, with his neck in a heavy wooden yoke,\\nBessus was made to stand by the roadside while the\\narmy marched by. When Alexander came up to\\nwhere the wretched man was placed, he caused his\\nchariot to halt, and asked him why he had betrayed\\nhis King, who was his kinsman and benefactor. He\\nanswered that he had not done it alone others had\\nplanned it with him, and they had done it in hope\\nof winning Alexander s favour. The King showed\\nhis appreciation of the answer by ordering him\\nscourged and sending him in chains to Bactra\\n(Balkh), his capital, whence, in the following winter,\\nhe was brought to Zariaspa (Charjui), and there, by\\na court of his peers, condemned in due and proper\\nMedian form to suffer the death of a regicide.\\nThey cut off his ears and nose, and sent him to\\nEcbatana to be put to death by the native author-\\nities. So, though Greek and Macedonian shuddered\\nat the horror of mutilation, the lord of the East was\\navenged by the East, and in genuine Eastern style.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "39\u00c2\u00b0 Alexander the Great. [330 B.C.-\\nArrian,* in passing, cannot restrain his Hellenic\\ninstincts from volunteering the remark: I do not\\napprove of this harsh punishment of Bessus; nay,\\nrather, I regard the mutilation of the body as a\\nbarbarian trick, and agree that Alexander was led\\ninto imitation of the ways of the rich Medo-Persians,\\nand especially of the way, characteristic of their\\nkings, of treating their subjects as inferior beings.\\nBut the larger significance of the event he does not\\nnote. Viewed as an act of political prudence, it left\\nthe East to bear the burden of the Shah s death,\\nand cleansed the hands of Alexander. Viewed on\\nstill larger perspective, it presented a first glimmer-\\ning of that idea of empire and law which was gaining\\nhold upon the mind of Alexander, whereby peoples\\nwere to find the rule and order of life in the beaten\\ntrack of their own usage and faith, and empire,\\nwrought out from within rather than imposed from\\nwithout, was to be more a thing of levelling the\\nbarriers of distrust and misunderstanding than of\\nimpressing a foreign will and sway.\\nThe complete conquest of Bactria and its adjoin-\\ning country, Sogdiana, Bokhara, and southern\\nTurkestan, was to Alexander a necessary condition\\nof assured peace. Here was the very centre of the\\nPersian religion, the scene of Zoroaster s teachings.\\nThe valleys of the Oxus and of the Jaxartes evi-\\ndently formed then the seat of a strong, well-\\ndeveloped civilisation that had been able to assert\\nitself against the nomadic tribes of the western\\ndesert and against the Scythians of the north, and\\nArrian, Anabasis, iv., 7.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "329 B.C.] In Afghanistan. 397\\nsupported a population, we have reason to believe,\\nconsiderably denser and more settled than that of\\nto-day. Here Alexander found the sturdiest oppo-\\nsition he had met with since entering Asia. The\\npeople he was dealing with were of the Aryan stock\\npure and undefiled, and uncontaminated by the re-\\nfinements which had their seat in the old settled life\\nof Mesopotamia. Evidence enough of the difficult-\\nies encountered is found in the fact that over two\\nyears (April, 329 B.C., to May, 327 B.C.) were oc-\\ncupied in reducing to complete submission a district\\nthree hundred and fifty miles square, while in a\\nsingle year (July, 331 B.C., to July, 330 B.C.) he had\\noverrun Syria, Assyria, Persia, Media, and Parthia,\\na domain one thousand miles in width.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXV.\\nIN BOKHARA AND TURKESTAN.\\n329-327 B.C.\\nAFTER the capture of Bessus Alexander tarried\\nin the rich plains of the Oxus long enough\\nto rest his army and to replenish his supply\\nof horses, which had suffered terribly in passing the\\nmountains, and then pushed rapidly across Sogdiana\\nto the north-east, and occupied its chief city, Mara-\\ncanda (modern Samarkand). Since crossing the Oxus\\nhe had been upon soil which to-day is under Russian\\nprotection, or is Russian outright. Samarkand, the\\nmost important ancient city of the Transcaspian\\nregion, and the city where Tamerlane received his\\ncrown, is now an important station of the Trans-\\ncaspian Railway, and represents in its schools of\\ntheology the strong fortress of Mohammedan\\northodoxy. It is the head of Islam, as Mecca\\nis its heart. From here Alexander pushed on a\\nhundred miles and more farther to the banks of the\\nJaxart.es (modern Syr-Darja) at the modern Kho-\\njend. Suddenly the flame of revolt burst out in his\\n398", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "329-327 B.C.] In Bokhara and Turkestan. 399\\nrear. The whole frontier was ablaze with defiant\\nopposition. The last remnants of the Persian\\npower, under leadership of Spitamenes, joined with\\nthe frontier population, and the roaming tribes of\\nthe North arose as by concerted signal to sweep\\nacross the path by which he had come and to shut\\nhim off from the world. First he turned back\\nagainst the seven frontier cities which, in close\\nproximity to one another to the west of Khojend,\\nformed the barrier against the northern steppes.\\nThese in quick succession he reduced to subjection.\\nThen he turned back eastward to Khojend.\\nA great force of Scythians (Sakai) had now gath-\\nered on the opposite bank of the river, apparently\\nawaiting their opportunity to invade the country.\\nTheir insulting challenges hurled across the river\\ndared the Macedonians to cross and find out how\\ndifferent Scythians were from the effeminate peoples\\nof Asia. Alexander had hitherto had no purpose to\\ncarry his arms farther, but this was too much for his\\nsense of sportsmanship. In order to give them a\\nsample of his mettle he did just what he had done\\nsix years before (335 B.C.) at the Danube: he made\\na sudden passage of the river, using the same means\\nas at the Oxus, drove the Scythians before him, and\\npenetrated a day s march into their land, until the\\nbad water of the country, which in the excessive\\nheat he had drunk too rashly, came to the rescue of\\nthe fugitives and demonstrated the great chieftain s\\nbowels to be mortal.\\nOn the borders of the stream he founded a city,\\nthe Alexandria-Eschata marked by the present site", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "400 Alexander the Great. [329 B.c-\\nof Khojend. Within twenty days its walls were\\nbuilt, and it was settled with the Macedonians who\\nhad become unfit for service, some of the Greek\\nmercenaries, and people from the neighbourhood\\nwho volunteered for the new enterprise. During\\nhis two years stay in the North-east at least eight\\nsuch colonies were founded, according to Justin,\\ntwelve, and these became afterward important\\nfactors, as outposts of Hellenism, in assuring the\\nunity of the empire and in leavening the lump. In\\nno wise was Greece so effective as in the city form.\\nHer civilisation was at the heart social and human,\\nand urban life was its sine qua non:\\nThe site of Alexandria-Eschata (Khojend) was\\ngiven its importance not only by the bend which\\nthe Syr-Darja makes at this point toward the north,\\nbut preeminently by its command of the eastern\\nroute into far central Asia. Hence the beaten\\ntrack leads on through the rich province of Ferg-\\nhana by Osh to the mountain-passes descending to\\nKashgar, the gate of China. All these regions are\\nso deep in the heart of the continent, here at the\\nroof of the world, where to-day Russia, China,\\nand India meet, that the rivers all weary of seeking\\nthe open sea, and die in the land.\\nThe Jaxartes, which Alexander seems to have sup-\\nposed was the Tanais (Don), had been the recognised\\nboundary of the Persian Empire, and Alexander re-\\ngarded it as a proper limit of his own conquests.\\nHis geography, as we have already seen, regarded\\nthe Caspian as connected directly with the Sea of\\nAzov or the Euxine. Strabo, three centuries later,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "327 B.C.] In Bokhara and Turkestan. 401\\nheld it, in accordance with the vulgate opinion since\\nPatrocles and Eratosthenes (third century B.C.), to\\nbe a gulf of the great northern ocean. The region\\nof the Rha (Volga) was entirely left out of calcula-\\ntion until the second century after Christ, when the\\nriver Volga duly appears in the map of Claudius\\nPtolemaeus as a tributary of the Caspian, and the\\nCaspian resumes its place as an inland sea, as it had\\nbeen treated by Herodotus. The Jaxartes was re-\\ngarded by Alexander as the boundary between\\nEurope and Asia. A later expression of his sug-\\ngests that it may have been his intention, after com-\\npleting the subjugation of Asia, to return and effect\\nthe conquest of the Scythians by way of the Helles-\\npont and the Black Sea; but this was no part of his\\ninitial purpose, which was certainly limited to a\\nconquest of the Persian Empire proper. The Hindu\\nKush range, which he had crossed on entering Bac-\\ntria, he believed to be the Caucasus, and this an\\nextension of the Taurus range, running east and west\\ndirectly through the centre of Asia. The southern\\nhalf of this Asia he understood to be occupied by\\nAssyria, Persia, Ariana, and India (Penjab), the lat-\\nter bounded on the west by the Indus, and consti-\\ntuting on the east the south-eastern limit of the\\ncontinent. At the Jaxartes, therefore, his conquests\\nfound a natural halting-place. Having seen the\\nriver, he retreated, but his name and memory he\\nleft to survive in the tradition of the mouth\\nthrough the turnings and overturnings of more than\\ntwenty centuries. Nowhere in all the lands he con-\\nquered is the direct tradition of his greatness, strange\\n26", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "402 Alexander the Great. [329 B.c-\\nto say, so vivid to-day as among the mountain tribes\\nabout the Ferghana. Their chiefs claim still direct\\ndescent from Alexander, and, as a recent explorer\\ntestifies, everything great and grand they still\\ncouple with the name of Alexander.\\nFrom the Jaxartes he turned back now to quell\\nthe insurrection that still prospered in his rear. At\\nSamarkand his garrison had been beleaguered in the\\ncitadel. A detachment of his army sent on in ad-\\nvance had been sadly defeated. He came on, an\\navenging storm, drove Spitamenes, rebels, and raid-\\ners fugitive into the far steppes of the North, and\\nthen turned back to waste with fearful fury the whole\\npleasant valley of the Sogd. More than a hundred\\nthousand lives were sacrificed in expiation of the re-\\nvolt. Then there was quiet. This ended the year s\\nwork. It was already the depth of winter, and he\\nreturned to winter quarters in Zariaspa, the site of\\nthe modern Charjui, where the Transcaspian railway\\nnow crosses the Oxus (Amu-Darja).\\nThe year 328 B.C. was spent again in Bokhara,\\nwhere persistent hostility still asserted itself at\\nmany points. The mountains were full of retreats\\nwhere opposition found a refuge, and the sturdy,\\nwarlike character of the people gave Alexander the\\nsorest trial he was called upon to face in all his mili-\\ntary career. Bactria, too, was again in danger, and\\nCraterus, who represented Alexander in his absence,\\nwas only after a sharp engagement successful in\\nagain relegating Spitamenes and his half-nomad fol-\\nlowing to the wilderness of the west. Not until\\nFranz von Schwarz, Alexanders Feldziige in Turkestan, p. 97.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "327 B.C.] In Bokhara and Turkestan. 403\\nlater, when an attack led by Alexander was threat-\\nened, did these followers bow the knee and pay their\\ntribute to the great King in the form of Spitamenes s\\nhead. At the end of the season Alexander returned\\nagain toward the boundaries of Bactria. He spent\\nthe most of the winter at Nautaka (Shachrisabs-\\nShaar in central Bokhara).\\nDuring the campaign of 328 B.C. in Sogdiana\\noccurred at Samarkand one of the most grievous\\nmisdeeds chargeable against Alexander s personal\\nrecord the murder of his friend Clitus. The in-\\ncidents connected with it, stated and discussed fully\\nas they are in all our sources, afford so clear a\\nrevelation of our hero s mood and inner life, and so\\ncomplete a picture of the man off his guard, that\\nthey are worthy of fullest recital.\\nClitus had been the captain of the cavalry agema\\nbut after the death of Philotas was promoted, along\\nwith the new favourite Hephaestion, to the com-\\nmand of half the chosen immortals, the hetairoi\\ncavalry. Unlike Hephaestion, he had remained a\\nstalwart Macedonian in tastes and sympathies, and\\nhad long regarded with apprehension and concealed\\nvexation the Medo-mania of his King and yet he\\nwas a loyal friend, and all might have gone well,\\nbut for the madness of wine. One night, on the oc-\\ncasion of a festival of Dionysus, the symposium had\\nbeen protracted to abnormal length, and the pota-\\ntions had been deeper than was the wont even with\\nthese fervent devotees of Bacchus. In the depths\\nof a Greek drinking-bout, small talk and banter were\\napt to find their common pabulum, not in politics", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "404 Alexander the Great. [329 B.c-\\nand the weather, but in the finesse of the Greek\\nmythology, about which everybody knew some-\\nthing, and the tantalising variations of which offered\\nthemes as unlikely of final settlement as either the\\ntariff or determinism. This night the conversation\\nturned on the problem of the paternity of Castor\\nand Pollux, and the unhappy impulse of some one,\\nwho was at once a modernising realist and a vapid\\nflatterer, brought it down to earth and turned it into\\na comparison of Alexander and the aforesaid demi-\\ngods. Surely the conqueror of Asia had wrought\\ngreater deeds than these provisional worthies. It is\\nforsooth the perversely narrow-minded people who\\nsee no good and great thing except in old times and\\nin the Old Testament, and utterly ignore the great\\nmovements and great men of their own day.\\nThere were many seconders. Courtier zeal strove\\nto outbid itself. Alexander s deeds were extolled\\nas greater than the labours of the widely travelled\\nHercules. The old-fashioned Macedonians were\\nshocked at the impiety, but held their peace only\\nthe impulsive Clitus raised his voice in protest. As\\nthe conversation, however, developed into a com-\\nparison of the achievements of Philip and of Alex-\\nander, to the disparagement of the former, the issue\\nbetween the new school and the old became still\\nmore sharply drawn, and when the revellers came to\\namuse themselves by singing the serio-comic verses\\nof Pranichus, which chaffed the old Macedonian\\nofficers for their defeats in Sogdiana, the last straw\\nwas added to the burden. Clitus s indignant protest\\nagainst exposing worthy veterans to ridicule as", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "327 B.C.] In Bokhara and Turkestan. 405\\ncowards was answered by Alexander, who had thus\\nfar quietly treated the whole discussion as baccha-\\nnalian nonsense\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and answered, it appears, with a\\njest: Clitus seems to be pleading his own cause.\\nBut the jest carried a sting to the half-drunken\\nadvocate, and anger and wine drowned humour.\\nYou ought to be the last one to name me a coward\\nyou who at Granicus, fleeing from Spithridates s\\nsword, owed your life to my hand. These Mace-\\ndonians, whom your creatures ridicule, have bought\\nwith their blood your fame. Alexander had thus\\nfar preserved his composure, but now a sensitive\\npoint had been touched, and he rebuked Clitus.\\nSuch talk, he said, served only to stir up animosities\\nand sedition. But Clitus was in no mood to heed\\nthe injunction of silence. Why do you ask free-\\nmen to dine with you at all, if you are unwilling they\\nshould speak their minds You d better associate\\naltogether with your lickspittle Persians, who bend\\nthe knee to your white tunic, and say only what\\nyou want them to. Alexander s temper could\\ntolerate an indefinite amount of mythological con-\\ntroversy, but this approached dangerously near to\\ntwitting on facts. Anger came quick and strong.\\nHe seized the first object that lay at his hand, hurled\\nit at the offender, and reached to find his sword.\\nA prudent guard had hidden it out of his sight.\\nFriends gathered about seeking to soothe and re-\\nstrain him, but he broke from them, and shouting\\nloud to his guards in his native Macedonian idiom\\nindication of return to first, savage principles he\\nbade the trumpeter blow the call, and smote him", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "406 Alexander the Great. [329 B.c-\\nwith clenched fist when he hesitated to obey.\\nClitus s friends, in hope of preventing a collision,\\nhurried him out of the room, and Ptolemy led him\\naway out of the citadel and beyond the moat; but\\nhis fate and the folly of wine drew him back. In a\\nmoment he had entered at another side of the\\nbanqueting-hall, and raising the portiere that hung\\nbefore the door, stood definantly there, chanting in\\ntone of reckless challenge Euripides s verses of dis-\\ncontent from the Andromache\\nAlas, in Greece how ill things ordered are!\\nWhen trophies rise for victories in war,\\nMen count the praise not theirs who did the deed,\\nBut give alone to him who led the meed.\\nA few words brought the import of the well-\\nknown passage. The apparition at the doorway\\nwas sudden as the challenge was insulting. Quick\\nas a flash the impetuous King snatched a spear from\\nthe hands of a guard and hurled it at the figure by\\nthe raised curtain. The deed was done. The friend\\nof his childhood, his life-companion and rescuer, lay\\ngasping out his life.\\nQuick came the rebound from the fury of anger in\\na passion of remorse. Alexander bent by the side\\nof the prostrate body, drew out the fatal spear, and\\nwould have turned it against himself, but his com-\\npanions seized him and led him away by force to his\\nchamber. There he lay through the night and\\nthrough the day, writhing in the torment of remorse\\nand self-reproach. Now he would call Clitus by\\nname as if to awake him from death, now implore", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "327 B.C.] In Bokhara and Turkestan. 407\\nhis forgiveness, now chide himself as murderer of\\nhis friends, now call the name of his nurse Lanice,\\nClitus s sister, and, as if she were present, abuse\\nhimself in self-accusation before her: How ill have\\nI repaid thee, kindly foster-mother, for all thy care\\nin rearing me! Thy sons thou hast given to die\\nfighting in my behalf; thy brother I have slain with\\nmine own hand. When the first storm of grief\\nhad spent itself, he lay still upon his bed, neither\\neating nor drinking, nor uttering a word.\\nSo for three days, until the fear spread through\\nthe camp that he might become demented. Men\\ncame to plead with him that he should face his work\\nand put his grief behind him but he listened to\\nnone of them, till finally specious platitudes of\\nkismet and predestination began to soothe, and a\\nsophistic Greek infused a baleful balm, reminding\\nthe successor of Darius that emperors stand above\\nobligation and above law. Still the deed re-\\nmained a burden upon his soul, and the memory of\\nit seems to have embittered the remainder of his\\nlife. Perhaps it added something of the hardness\\nwe cannot fail to note creeping in upon his temper\\nduring the latter years. Continuous life in the hard\\nexperience of war, coupled with the unnatural ex-\\ncitements of risk and enormous success, might well\\nhave been expected to show their effects in his\\ncharacter; but this incident alone cannot be made,\\nprominent as it has been in the accounts of his life,\\nto carry the whole argument.\\nA man who aspired to rule the whole world had\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Hogarth, Philip and Alexander.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "408 Alexander the Great. [329 B.c-\\nshown himself unable to rule his own temper. His\\nweakness stood out in the powerful light of one\\nterrible demonstration. He saw it himself and de-\\nspised himself. He hardened himself against his\\nshame and grew harsh. So our ideals slip away\\nfrom us, as we discover our weakness, and paint their\\nsubstitutes over to resemble iron. Yet we shall\\ndo Alexander injustice if we attribute his unhappy\\nact to a radical decadence of character, or see in\\nit an indication that his relations to his men and his\\nattitude as a sovereign had suffered radical change.\\nHe was a human being, and the incident helps to\\nshow how very human he was but still the Alexan-\\nder who hurled the spear at Clitus and then bowed\\nin instant repentance over the prostrate body is, on\\nthe whole, the same Alexander whose impulsive\\nviolence and impulsive generosity and love have\\nall through the story of his life given an individual\\ncolour to a character shaped in strong lines of\\nsagacity, idealism, and force. The significant thing\\nis that he could still repent. Arrian says well\\nu Alexander is the only one I know of among the kings\\nof olden time who from nobility of character repented of\\nthe errors he had committed. The majority of men,\\neven when themselves convinced they have done wrong,\\nmake the mistake of thinking they can conceal their sin\\nby defending their action as just. But, as I look at it,\\nthe only cure for sin is for the sinner to confess it and\\nto be visibly repentant regarding it.\\nIf the Clitus incident is to serve any didactic pur-\\npose beyond that of a temperance lecture, it can\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Arrian, Anabasis vii., 28,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "327 B.C.] In Bokhara and Turkestan. 409\\nonly be used as a further illustration of the Mace-\\ndonian envy, which had two years before shown\\nitself in the conspiracy of Philotas, and which still\\nmaintained a smouldering life behind the ashes.\\nThe old-fashioned Macedonians could not reconcile\\nthemselves to the sight of their King hobnobbing\\nwith Persian grandees and toying with Oriental\\nfashions and manners. His reconstruction policy\\nof reconciliation and amalgamation found no real\\nfavour in the hearts of these Stalwarts; they be-\\nlieved in robuster things. Warrior-like, they re-\\nsented any curtailment of the doctrine that to the\\nvictors belong the spoils.\\nThe murder of Clitus occurred at Samarkand in\\nthe year 328 B.C. In the following spring (327 B.C.)\\nanother thing occurred which furnishes further in-\\ndication of the same unreconcilable spirit of stalwart-\\nism. In the train of Alexander had been since the\\nbeginning of his campaigns in Asia the Olynthian\\nCallisthenes, nephew and pupil of Aristotle, a man\\nof great personal dignity and scholarly refinement,\\nand distinguished alike by his frankness of speech\\nand by his skill as a writer and speaker. He was\\nthe literary man of the court, par excellence, and he\\nhad accompanied the army with the express purpose\\nof recording and glorifying the great deeds of his\\nsovereign. The rescued fragments of his Persica,\\nwhich covered the period down to Darius s death,\\nbetray him to have been more rhetorician than\\nchronicler.\\nIntimate as his relations had been with Alexander,\\nhis brusqueness of speech, addressed not infrequently", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "4io Alexander the Great. [329 B.c-\\nagainst the new cosmopolitanism, had of late brought\\nhim into some disfavour. His independence of man-\\nner, too, manifesting itself now in declining invita-\\ntions to social entertainments that most men eagerly\\nsought, now in a churlish and disgruntled air that\\nseemed to speak disapproval of all he saw, and cast\\na gloom over the company of which he was a mem-\\nber, had served to brand him as a malcontent, so\\nthat Alexander is said once to have mildly expressed\\nhis disapproval of his conduct by quoting a verse of\\nEuripides: I hate the sophist who is not sophos\\n[wise] for himself: physician, heal thyself. On\\none occasion, being called upon at the King s dinner-\\ntable to make an extempore speech in praise of the\\nMacedonians, he did it with such fervour of elo-\\nquence that all rose from their seats to applaud, and\\ncast their garlands upon him as a tribute. There-\\nupon Alexander, with the remark that so good a\\ntheme makes eloquence easy, bade him test his skill\\nby turning the subject about and criticising the\\nMacedonians, to the end that they might know\\ntheir faults as well as their virtues. Callisthenes\\naccepted the challenge with all vigour, and pro-\\nceeded to score them with a boldness and skill that\\nwell-nigh provoked an outburst of disorder. He\\nspared not even Philip, who, he dared to say, had\\ngrown great out of the discords of the Greeks in\\ncivil strife e en villains rise to fame. His effort\\nmay have been an artistic success, but as a contribu-\\ntion to the spread of peace and good-will among\\nmen it was a failure. It certainly made the author\\nthoroughly disliked, and Alexander expressed the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "327 B.C.] In Bokhara and Turkestan. 411\\nopinion that he had given a sample of his ill will\\nrather than of his eloquence. Of his churlishness\\nthere seems to have been no moral ground for doubt.\\nIt was Callisthenes, too, who at about this time\\nprovoked a scene at a state banquet by ostenta-\\ntiously declining to perform the act of proskyncsis\\n(prostration), which had been introduced as a form\\nof etiquette from the Oriental usage. Stories were\\ncirculated, also, of the wild things he had said about\\nresistance to tyrants, and defiance of arbitrary power,\\nand rejection of foreign usages. Particularly among\\nthe young men of the court his bluntness and appar-\\nent fearlessness of speech had won him a certain\\nadmiration. He was suspected of having much in-\\nfluence with them. Hence when a conspiracy\\nagainst the life of the King, originating in the per-\\nsonal grudge of one who had been severely pun-\\nished, was one day discovered among the pages of\\nthe court, suspicion turned to him. Whether there\\nwas any real evidence against him we shall never\\nknow. The chief culprit, Hermolaus, was his inti-\\nmate, and openly confessed sympathy with his views.\\nDespite the express statements of Aristobulus and\\nPtolemy that the pages named him as their instiga-\\ntor, equally explicit statements of other authorities\\nto the contrary are probably correct. He was put\\nin chains, and died some months later, still a\\nprisoner. This all happened at Balkh, in the spring\\nof 327 B.C. The coldness which is supposed to have\\ngrown up between Aristotle and Alexander is com-\\nmonly brought into some connection with this occur-\\nrence.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "412 Alexander the Great. [329B.C.-\\nIn the early spring of 327 B.C., Alexander had\\nentered the mountain country at the extreme east\\nof Sogdiana, to subdue the last relics of resistance\\nwhich lingered still in the mountain fastnesses. The\\nBactrian chieftain Oxyartes, a former associate of\\nBessus, had withdrawn, with the families of several\\nof the Bactrian nobility under his protection, into\\nan extensive and well-nigh impregnable fortress\\nlocated on the peak of a precipitous mountain-rock\\n(Baisun-tau). There he sat in cool defiance and\\npresumed immunity until three hundred Macedon-\\nian soldiers performed the impossible, climbed up\\nthe face of the almost perpendicular cliff command-\\ning the citadel, and so forced a surrender.\\nAmong the captives was Roxane, daughter of Ox-\\nyartes, who, Curtius Rufus says, possessed surpass-\\ning beauty and a grace of bearing rarely seen among\\nbarbarians. Her beauty won a victory in the hour\\nof her father s defeat the first victory Asia had won\\nover its conqueror. Thus far Alexander s breast-\\nplate had proved impervious to Cupid s arrows.\\nBefore the storied charms of Darius s wife and\\ndaughters he had stood unmoved. Except for his\\nintimacy with Barsine, Memnon s widow, who was\\ntaken captive at Damascus, he had never been\\nknown to pay the slightest heed to the attractions\\nof women. But now it was a case of love at first\\nsight, and declining to use the right of a conqueror,\\nhe proposed an honourable marriage. Oxyartes\\nthus became his ally and friend, and through his\\nmediation the remaining opposition of the country\\nwas rapidly conciliated.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "327 B.C.] hi Bokhara and Turkestan. 413\\nThis was a further decided step in the King s\\npolicy of conciliation and amalgamation, which, to\\nthe disappointment of the old-school Macedonians,\\nhad been steadily unfolding itself of late. They\\nlooked decidedly askance at the marriage, but no\\none ventured a protest. The situation was becom-\\ning too strong for them. The Oriental element,\\narrayed with the Greeks who sympathised with the\\nnew idea, was already powerful enough to set the\\ntone, and behind him Alexander had the unflinching\\nloyalty of the army.\\nFor the next four years we hear, strange to say,\\nnothing further about Roxane. Shortly after the\\nKing s death (323 B.C.) she bore him a son, who be-\\ncame a disturbing factor for a while in the problems\\nof the succession, until Cassander put him and his\\nmother out of the way (311 B.C.). She plays, there-\\nfore, small part in the story of Alexander, but the\\nlonely record of the marriage stands to mark the\\nprogress of the new idea of fusing races and nations\\nin a world-empire the one idea which we are justi-\\nfied as associating with Alexander s conception of\\nwhat his conquests might be made to mean.\\nSome have claimed it was his main purpose at the\\nend, as at the beginning, to carry Greek sovereignty\\nand Greek ideas over the East others have chosen\\nto view his career as shaped alone by a restless, in-\\nsatiable greed of conquest that should bring the\\nwhole world beneath his arms. He surely loved\\nconquest, because he loved to achieve he was rest-\\nlessly active, because he loved to create and shape\\nand do but the one dominant purpose toward which", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "414 Alexander the Great. [329-327 B.C.\\nall his achievement looked, and in which all the facts\\nof his life and all his expression and action find con-\\nsistent explanation, is this ideal of establishing, in\\nthe organised form of empire, cooperation and a\\ncommon understanding between those two great\\nelements of the civilised life of men around which,\\nas spiritual nuclei, had been shaped the dualistic\\nhistory of mankind through all the time and within\\nall the horizon that he and men of his day could\\nexplore and know the life of the East and the life\\nof the West, orientalism and occidentalism.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVI.\\nTHE INVASION OF INDIA.\\n327-326 B.C.\\nTWO full years had now been occupied in effect-\\ning the subjugation of two remote north-\\neastern provinces of the Persian Empire.\\nThe conquest of all Assyria, Persia (proper), and\\nMedia had cost but one. The reason for the con-\\ntrast is to be found not in the difficulty of the terrain,\\nor in the remoteness of the country, but in the\\npeople. In Bactria the Macedonian had met his Indo-\\nEuropean kin. The Medes and the Persians, who,\\nas representing the forward waves of the great Iranian\\ninflux, had for three centuries controlled Mesopo-\\ntamia, and had given their name to its empire,\\nwere now so thoroughly absorbed in its civilisa-\\ntion that they could no longer be counted as Indo-\\nEuropeans. In Bactria and Sogdiana the blood\\nand the spirit of the Iranians remained in uncor-\\nrupted vigour. The union between Alexander and\\nRoxane was therefore the joining of two streams of\\nIndo-European blood. In the movement of Indo-\\n415", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "41 6 Alexander the Great. [327 B.C.-\\nEuropean migration and influence toward the south-\\neast, from Europe into Asia, the routes by the north\\nof the Caspian and by the south had met, though\\nthe kinship of the wayfarers betrayed itself only in\\nthe stubbornness with which they fought each other\\nwhen they met.\\nThere remained now of the Persian Empire for the\\nconqueror to traverse only the extreme southern\\nportions. Next in his way lay the satrapy of India,\\ndirectly to the south. If he should conquer this,\\ndescend the Indus to its mouth, and then return to\\nBabylon through Gedrosia, he would have fairly\\ncompleted the circuit of the Persian world. Since\\nthe days of Cyrus and Darius Hystaspes, a certain\\ndistrict in the northern and western part of the\\nIndus basin had been a nominal dependency of the\\nPersian Empire, yielding its annual tribute of 360\\ntalents of gold-dust, and furnishing its contingent of\\ntroops to the army. The host which Xerxes led\\ninto Greece contained, as Herodotus reports, In-\\ndians clothed in raiment made of wood [cotton or\\nbast and carrying bows of bamboo and bamboo\\narrows tipped with iron. In the battle of Gaug-\\namela had appeared a force of Indians, neighbours\\nof the Bactrians, and some fifteen elephants be-\\nlonging to the Indians who live this side of the\\nIndus (Arrian).\\nIndia was still to the outer world a land of the\\nunknown. Cyrus is not certainly known to have\\nentered it. Darius had merely sent an army into\\nthe northern districts, and caused ships to be sent\\nHerodotus, vii., 65.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] The Invasion of India. 417\\n(509 B.C.) down the course of the Indus to find its\\nmouth and ascertain the possibility of a water-route\\naround to the Red Sea. Herodotus tells all that\\nwe know of this expedition\\n11 Wishing to find out where the Indus, the second\\nriver known to produce crocodiles, empties into the sea,\\nhe sent an expedition of ships under charge of Scylax, of\\nCaryanda [a city in Caria,] along with others upon whom\\nhe could rely to bring a true report. They started from\\nthe city of Kaspatyros [Kacyapapura] and the Paktyan\\ncountry, and sailed down the river toward the east and\\nthe sunrise into the ocean, and then through the ocean\\nin a westerly direction, until, in the thirtieth month,\\nthey came to the place where the King of Egypt had\\nsent off the Phoenicians to circumnavigate Africa.\\nThe little which Herodotus had to tell about the\\nland may well have had its remote source in Scylax s\\nreports. It all is vague and unreal, most of it\\ndressed in the garb of the fabulous. Monster ants\\nthat delve in the vast sand-deserts bounding the\\nland to the east bring to the surface the gold-dust\\nwhich Persia receives in tribute. No people are\\nknown to live beyond them toward the sunrise.\\nThere are many tribes of many tongues. They are\\nclothed in garments made of rushes beaten and\\nplaited like a mat. They make their boats of reed,\\none joint sufficing for a boat. They kill nothing\\nthat has life, but live on herbs in particular, upon\\na peculiar grain of the size of millet, in the pod,\\nwhich they boil and eat with the pod. There are\\nHerodotus, iv., 44.\\n27", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "41 8 Alexander the Great. [327 B.C.-\\ntrees there which bear wool instead of fruit, and\\nwool which excels in beauty and fineness that of\\nsheep. All the birds and animals are much larger\\nthan in other countries, except the horses alone.\\nA generation after Herodotus s time, the famous\\nphysician Ctesias of Croton, on his return from long\\nresidence in Persia, published, among other works,\\na book about India, of which we possess a summary\\nmade by Photius. Ctesias had never been in India,\\nand his book could do no more than report what\\nwas commonly believed in Persia concerning this\\nland of the remote and the marvellous; and that\\nproves to be scanty, much of it grotesque. He has\\nto tell of elephants and tigers apes with wonderful\\ntails; birds of brilliant plumage, that speak with\\nhuman voice in Hindu, or mayhap, if taught, in\\nGreek; of men, some fair-skinned, some dark; of\\nraces of dwarfs and of giants; of men with tails,\\nand men with heads like those of dogs; of fields rich\\nbeyond belief; of lakes swimming with oil pleasant\\nto the taste of palm trees that touched the sky\\nof reeds that grew by the river-banks as tall as the\\nmasts of ships, and so large that two men with their\\narms could not encircle one. Everywhere the back-\\nground of truth glimmers through the stories, but\\namong the Greeks of the day they seem #0 have\\nwon the writer only the reputation of a ^classical\\nliar.\\nWhen Alexander, in his southward march, crossed\\nthe barriers of the Hindu Kush, and through the\\nKabul Valley entered the plains of the Indus, he\\npassed from one world into another. The early", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] The Invasion of India. 419\\nhistory of human civilisation unfolded itself in two\\ngreat world-areas which were virtually isolated from\\neach other entirely. One, the far East, shaped its\\ndestiny about the two centres India and China; the\\nother, the near East, created for itself two funda-\\nmental civilisations in the two river valleys of the\\nEuphrates and the Nile. The civilisations of Me-\\nsopotamia and Egypt found their solvent in the\\nMediterranean, and the first products of the blend\\nappear in the half-recognised ^Egean culture which\\nwe temporarily call by the name Mycenaean. The\\ningrafting upon this stock of the active element,\\nEuropean occidentalism, brought into being that\\nform of Mediterranean civilisation which, first under\\nthe leadership of Greece, then of Rome, furnished the\\nsubstrate of modern European civilisation. It was\\nAlexander s hand that fastened the graft securely\\nin place. His mission dealt only with the relation\\nof European occidentalism to the orientalism of the\\nnearer East. The brief incursion into north-western\\nIndia was only an incident a bit of side-play con-\\nsequent upon the extension of Darius s Empire to\\ninclude it. And yet, upon Alexander s temporary\\npath, trodden centuries later by the missionary fury\\nof Mohammedanism, came back into the near East,\\nand thence into the Western world, many a bit of\\nHindu wisdom, as the fable literature, from ^Esop\\nto Eberhard of Wurtemberg, for instance, may well\\nattest.\\nThe work of establishing permanent communica-\\ntion between the two major areas of human civil-\\nisation the Indo-Chinese of the far East, on the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "420 Alexander the Great. [327 B.c-\\none hand, and that of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and\\nEurope, united in the Mediterranean, on the other\\ntarried for twenty centuries after Alexander s\\nwork was complete. It tarried till a route was\\nopened by the sea, and until maritime commerce\\ngave the impulse. The discovery of the route\\naround the Cape of Good Hope set on foot a move-\\nment that produced the Suez Canal.\\nThe leadership in that European-Mediterranean\\ncivilisation to the creation of which Alexander gave\\nthe impulse passed, in the order of time, into the\\nhands of powers whose strength was gathered from\\nthe sea; and to them, as Alexander s successors,\\nwas given the mission of building the bridge of ships\\nbetween Europe and the far East.\\nThe route by which Alexander entered India,\\nnamely, the passes of the Hindu Kush and the\\nKabul valley, was, in all probability, the same by\\nwhich, many centuries before, the ancestors of the\\nHindu Aryans had come when they separated them-\\nselves from the original Indo-Iranian stock. Their\\nclose relationship with their Iranian brethren was\\nstill betrayed in unmistakable marks. Their lan-\\nguages differed from each other scarcely more than\\nthe popular dialects of northern and southern Ger-\\nmany to-day, certainly not so much as Dutch and\\nGerman. Their religions, despite the thoroughgoing\\nreformation which, under Zarathushtra s (Zoro-\\naster s) name, had purified the faith of the northern\\nbranch, still bore the evident marks of earlier\\nidentity.\\nThe Varuna of the Vedas was the Ahuramazda of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] The Invasion of India. 421\\nthe Persians; Mitra corresponded to Mithra; the\\ndragon-slaying (Vrtrahan) Indra to the victorious\\nVerethragna; the Adam of the Hindus, Yama, the\\nson of Vivasvant, who first walked the paths of\\ndeath, was the Avestan Yima, son of Vivanhvant.\\nThe priests of both prepare the soma drink (Avestan\\nhaomd) for the sacred service, press out the sap,\\ncleanse it through the sieve, and mix it with milk.\\nOne calls the priest hotar, the other zaotar. The\\nritual, always more conservative than the theology,\\nretained the surest evidence of the common origin.\\nThe Aryans, immigrants, were still clearly distin-\\nguishable by their fair complexion and blue eyes\\nfrom the dark-skinned Dravidians who had formed\\nthe original population of the land. The Vedic\\nhymns tell of the conflicts of the newcomers with\\nthe dark-skinned Dasyus: how Indra, the much-\\ninvoked, smote Dasyus and Qimyus, as was his\\nwont, hurled them with his thunderbolt to the\\nearth, and won, with help of his white friends, the\\nland (Rigveda, I., 100, 18). Arrian, in his Indica\\n(chap, vi.), writing on the authority of Alexander s\\ncontemporaries and associates, reports that\\nthe Indians living toward the south are more like the\\n^Ethiopians, for they are black in their faces, and their\\nhair is black; but they are not so flat-nosed or so curly-\\nhaired as the ^Ethiopians. The Indians farther to the\\nnorth seem to resemble in their bodies the Egyptians.\\nIn another connection (chap, xviii.) he says: The\\nIndians are spare in body, and tall, and much lighter\\nin weight than other men.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "422 Alexander the Great. [327B.C-\\nIn the period which produced the Vedic hymns\\n(perhaps 1 500-1 200 B.C.) the Hindu Aryans were\\nstill limited to the northern districts the Indus\\nbasin and perhaps the Upper Ganges valley.\\nOnly once is the Ganges (Ganga) mentioned in the\\nRigveda. From north to south, from the moun-\\ntains to the seas, the Indus basin, covered mostly\\nby the two later provinces of Punjab and Sindh,\\nrepresents an extent of from seven hundred and fifty\\nto eight hundred miles.\\nIn Alexander s time, however, the Aryan Hindus\\nhad already brought under their control the greater\\nportion of northern and central India. Their medi-\\naeval period was already well under way, a thousand\\nyears in advance of its counterpart in Western life.\\nThe naive objectivism of the Vedic period, which\\nplainly faced the outer world to seek of it such ma-\\nterial blessings gain, booty, offspring, victory as\\nit had to give, had yielded to the inward look. Life\\nhad passed to the ethico-religious basis a yearning\\nfor the supernatural had overcome that for the\\nnatural; Indra and Varuna had been displaced by\\nBrahma; repentance and asceticism, the hermit and\\nthe monk, were the order of the day. Just when\\nGreece, at the end of the sixth century B.C., was\\ncoming to its ripeness, the appearance of Buddha\\nwas providing for India the beginnings of a recorded\\nhistory.\\nThe transfer of the central scene of Aryan life\\nfrom the Indus to the Ganges was doubtless chiefly\\nE. W. Hopkins, The Punjab and the Rig- Veda, in the Jour-\\nnal of the American Oriental Society, xix.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] The Invasion of India. 423\\nresponsible for the radical changes in thought, cus-\\ntoms, and social organisation which separate the\\npeople of the Vedas from the Hindus who emerge\\nupon our observation in the fourth and third cen-\\nturies B.C. The conquest of a civilisation far more\\nadvanced than their own, at least in the outward\\nforms of settled life, and the acquirement of sover-\\neignty over the vast range of territory involved, had\\nled to the creation of a stronger centralised form of\\nthe State, to the development of the kingship out of\\nthe tribal chieftaincy, to the crystallisation of a sys-\\ntem of castes, guaranteed by the predominant in-\\nfluence of the Brahman priesthood, and finally to\\nthe formation of an opulent luxurious type of\\ncivilised life.\\nThe old mother-land of the Hindus, the Punjab\\ndistrict, participated, however, but secondarily in\\nthe great changes which reshaped the life and ex-\\nperience of the Magna India of the East. The\\ntribal organisation, with its government of petty\\nrajas, counterparts of Homer s basilees y survived.\\nThe Brahmanic laws and the system of castes were\\nbut imperfectly recognised. Some districts had no\\nBrahman priests at all. Hence the people of the\\nIndus valley were looked upon by the Ganges people\\nas outside the pale, and called Vratyas, or heretics.\\nThey ate the flesh of oxen with garlic they knew\\nno respect for the sacred law; they confused the\\ncastes they dealt in all manner of impurity, license,\\nand vulgarity they knew neither trade nor agricul-\\nture they had no knowledge of the sacred language\\nof the Brahmans, the Sanskrit, but used only the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "424 Alexander the Great. [327 B.C.-\\nvulgar Prakrit, its debased successor; they lived in\\nperpetual war and disorder in short, they were in\\nthe eyes of these new Hindus what the Macedonians\\nwere to the Greeks who had left them behind in\\ntheir entrance into the Greek Peninsula a mass of\\ndisgusting barbarians. Nothing is so odious to a\\nnew civilisation as the type it has just left behind\\nand the garb it has just shuffled off. And yet the\\nHindus of the Punjab were simply old-fashioned\\nHindus, as the Macedonians were old-fashioned\\nGreeks. Their preservation of the old warlike\\ntemper was one compensation for their failure to\\nparticipate in the civilised progress of their kinsfolk,\\nfor Arrian credits them with being the bravest\\npeople of all Asia in war.\\nToward the end of the spring of 327 B.C. Alexan-\\nder turned his back upon the north country, and,\\nwith an army of over one hundred thousand men,\\nset out across the passes of the Hindu Kush. Ten\\nthousand foot-soldiers and thirty-five hundred cav-\\nalrymen had been left in Bactria, under Amyntas s\\ncommand. The army of thirty thousand at Issus\\nand forty-five thousand at Gaugamela had grown\\nduring the campaigns in Turkestan to eighty thou-\\nsand. Money and success had made recruiting easy\\nin the West. Every man who had the spirit of ad-\\nventure in his veins wished now to be with Alexander.\\nDuring the winter of 329-328 B.C. alone reinforce-\\nments to the number of nineteen thousand, recruited\\nin Greece, Macedonia, Lycia, and Syria, joined the\\narmy at Zariaspa. So they poured in a continuous\\nstream, doubling the army, besides filling the places", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] The Invasion of India. 425\\nof the dead who had carried their wounds and their\\nglory down into Hades, and of the disabled and\\nweary who had either returned to their homes or\\nbeen settled as colonists in the new-founded cities.\\nReinforcements continued to arrive even after the\\narmy had entered the Punjab, and in the last days\\nbefore starting for the return there came five thou-\\nsand Thracian horsemen and seven thousand Greeks\\nand Macedonians so that, despite all its losses, the\\ngrand army set forth down the Indus one hundred\\nand twenty thousand strong. In leaving the north,\\nAlexander took with him also, of native troops,\\nsome thirty thousand Bactrians, Sogdianians, Scy-\\nthians, and Daan bowmen, all mounted on the fam-\\nous horses that Arab and Turk have since brought\\nto the notice of Europe. In ten days he was across\\nthe mountains, back in the Kabul valley he had left\\ntwo years before; and here he spent most of the\\nsummer (327 B.C.), busied in strengthening the city\\nAlexandria-under-Caucasus (Charikar which he\\nhad founded on his previous visit, and in making\\npreparations for the venturesome campaign he was\\nabout to undertake.\\nIn the autumn he started on his march down the\\nvalley of the Kophen (the Kabul River) toward\\nIndia. In response to his summons, several Hindu\\nrajahs, and among them his friend Taxiles from be-\\nyond the Indus, came to meet him, bringing pres-\\nents and the assurance of support. At a point\\nabout one hundred miles east of Kabul, approxi-\\nmately at the site of the modern Jalalabad, he\\ndivided his army, sending one portion, under the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "426 Alexander the Great. [327 B.C.-\\ncommand of Hephaestion and Perdiccas, along the\\nKophen, while he, with the other part, struck north\\nup the valley of the Choaspes, the modern Khonar\\n(Chitral). The force sent down the Kophen was\\nintended to reduce to subjection the peoples on the\\nsouth of the river, and especially to seize the famous\\nKhyber Pass, where in modern times the Afghans\\nhave struggled to assert their boundaries against the\\nBriton. The purpose of Alexander s detour to the\\nnorth, on the other hand, was to subjugate the\\nmountain tribes inhabiting the valleys of the streams\\ntributary to the Kophen on the north, and so to\\nassure control of the Chitral passes, by which an im-\\nportant route led over the mountains to the head-\\nwaters of the Oxus, and then on to the eastern limits\\nof Bactria. The Chitral valley leads directly up to\\nthe great Pamir plateau, on the southern edge of\\nwhich the frontiers of the world-rivals, the Russian\\nEmpire and the British Empire, separated at the\\nopening of this century by two thousand miles, have\\nfinally met and touched. Here join them, too, the\\noutposts of the Chinese Empire.\\nAlexander had chosen, as usual, the harder part.\\nThe shepherd people of the mountains gave him\\nvigorous resistance. But swiftly and relentlessly he\\nswept them before him, storming and sacking their\\nfortified towns, and scattering them as fugitives in\\nthe mountains. From the country of the Aspasians\\n(Acvakas), who dwelt in the valley of the Khonar,\\nhe passed into the Pandjkora basin, thence into the\\nvalley of the Swat, where the powerful tribe of the\\nAssakenans, whose territory stretched across the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] The Invasion of India. 42\\nIndus well toward the boundaries of Kashmir,\\nawaited him. Their chief city, Massaga, yielded\\nonly after vigorous siege. One after another, their\\ncities fell, and Alexander fought his way out into\\nthe Indus valley.\\nOne peaceful incident is recorded in the midst of\\nthis story of hurried fight and siege and slaughter.\\nSomewhere in the lower valley of the Khonar the\\ninvaders came upon a peaceful, sun-blessed plain,\\nwhere grew in abundance not only the vine, but, as\\nthe story has it, the laurel and the ivy too. The\\nappearance of the ivy, which Arrian says the Mace-\\ndonians had not seen for years, and which they\\nwelcomed with a veritable frenzy of joy, revived\\nmemories of old legends of Dionysus s wanderings,\\nwhich had led him through the Orient, even to the\\nbounds of India. The wild ecstasies of the f iva\\ncult, which personified the power of growth and re-\\nproduction in nature, reminded, too, of the Dionysiac\\nworship. Nothing further was needed, therefore,\\nto encourage men of naive philology in reading the\\nvalue Nysaeans into the name Nishadas, which the\\npeople of the country bore, and in identifying their\\ncity as a sacred Nysa of their own Hellenic god.\\nThe name of the sacred mountain Meru, adjoining\\nthe city, they also rejoiced to recognise as Greek,\\nand explain as the mountain of the thigh (Greek,\\nmeros), an allusion to the temporary lodgment of\\nthe prematurely born Dionysus in the thigh of Zeus.\\nThe cordial welcome of the good king Akuphis\\njoined with the kindly assurances of folk-etymology\\nto give the strangers for a season the sense of home,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "428 Alexander the Great. [327 B.c-\\nand to make in after days the memory of this shel-\\ntered vale of the Nishadas an oasis in the desert of\\ntheir wanderings and wars.\\nThrough the mist of the romantic which enshrouds\\nthe story of this place there comes one solitary gleam\\nof genial humour, a touch of nature, to assure us\\nNysa stood on solid ground. When King Akuphis,\\nat his first meeting with the conqueror, had asked\\nwhat his people might do to make the Macedonians\\ntheir friends, he received the answer: They shall\\nmake thee their governor, and send us as hostages\\none hundred of their best men. To this came the\\nsmiling reply: But methinks, King, I shall rule\\nbetter if I send you the worst and keep the best.\\nDionysus, it should be remarked in passing, was\\nnot the only Hellenic deity the Greeks fancied they\\nidentified in the Hindu pantheon. The storm-god\\nIndra was for them the Zeus Hyetios, the rain-bring-\\ning Jupiter. Krishna was their own bluff, robust\\nHercules. Krishna had wrought heroic deeds, slain\\nthe wild bull, driven out monsters. He was always\\nrepresented as armed with a massive club. From\\nhis thousands of wives he had begotten his one hun-\\ndred and eighty thousand sons. Like Hercules, he\\nwas raised, after his death, to divine honours.\\nOn the fortified peak of a mountain which rose\\nabruptly from the Indus s bank, an army of fugitives\\nhad taken its refuge. Here was a citadel that the\\nboldest could not approach. Hercules himself, so\\nthe story went, had assaulted it in vain. It was a\\nfamous place, and marvellous are the accounts about\\nit, so that our candid Arrian reports them all with", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "3 2 6 B c The Invasion of India, 429\\na cautious it is said. Thus the height of the\\nmountain is given as over six thousand feet, and its\\ncircuit as twenty-two miles. It was well wooded,\\nhad a fine spring of water at the summit, and much\\ntillable land but on every side it was precipitously\\nsteep, and only one narrow path zigzagged up to its\\ntop.\\nIts Sanskrit name may well have been Avarana,\\n11 the Refuge but the Greeks did the best they\\ncould, and called it Aornos (Aornis), the Birdless,\\nforsooth because it was so high. Among the various\\nattempts at modern identification, that of General\\nAbbott in his Gradus ad Aomo?i which makes it to\\nbe Mount Mahaban (4125 feet above the plain),\\nabout thirty miles above the mouth of the Kabul,\\nis the most plausible.\\nTo Alexander the difficulty was a challenge. Se-\\nlecting from his army the boldest and best, among\\nthem two hundred of the companions, many bow-\\nmen, the famous hoplite brigade of Ccenus, and the\\never-trusty Agrianians, he advanced to the base of\\nthe mountain. Learning from some peasants of the\\ncountry that there was a spur of the mountain close\\nunder the citadel which could serve as vantage\\nground for an attack, he accepted their offer of\\nguidance, and intrusted to Ptolemy, the son of\\nLagus, the hazardous enterprise of a dash up the\\nmountain to this favoured spot. It was the Ptolemy\\nwho was afterward to be the founder of the famous\\nhouse of Egyptian kings, wisest and best of Alex-\\nander s captains. Under cover of the night Ptolemy\\nset out, and with him the Agrianians and a few", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "430 Alexander the Great. [327 b.c-\\npicked men of the hypaspists and light armed\\ntroops. Before morning the blaze of a beacon high\\non the mountain-side told that they were at their\\ngoal. They had escaped the observation of the\\nenemy. Without waiting for the morning, they\\nhastened to intrench themselves behind palisades\\nand ditch. And it was none too soon for with\\ndaylight the enemy were upon them, and all day\\nlong the fight was hot about the little stockade.\\nAlexander s first attempt to scale the mountain and\\nbring help met with failure; but Ptolemy and his\\nlittle band clung to their perch on the cliff till night\\ncame and the enemy withdrew. During the night\\nAlexander succeeded in communicating with Ptol-\\nemy through a deserter who knew the mountain\\npath, and a plan of cooperation was arranged for\\nthe following day. Alexander was to try forcing\\nhis way, with all his men, directly up by the path\\nleading to Ptolemy s position; and Ptolemy was to\\nsally out against the enemy, when occupied in re-\\nsisting the advance, and hold them thus between\\ntwo fires. With the morning the struggle began.\\nIn the face of flying missiles, spear-thrusts, and tum-\\nbling boulders, the Macedonians clambered up the\\nnarrow path or climbed the face of the cliffs, some-\\ntimes man after man as on a ladder, sometimes in\\nisolated groups or single venture. It was a slow,\\nstubborn fight. Every foothold cost a battle. All\\nday long the struggle lasted but, foot by foot, the\\nline crept up the mountain-side, and at nightfall\\nAlexander and Ptolemy joined forces on the ridge.\\nThe enemy s citadel occupied an isolated rock,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] TJie Invasion of India. 431\\nthe highest peak of the mountain. Ptolemy s posi-\\ntion was considerably below it, and separated by an\\ninterval of swamp and ravine so wide that the cata-\\npults, with from four to five hundred yards range,\\ncould not reach the defenders on the walls. The\\ncapture of the fortress by direct assault seemed out\\nof the question. Scaling the cliffs that formed the\\nfoundation of its walls was too hopeless a venture.\\nBut there were here an energy and a will that did\\nnot shrink from what to weaker spirits might seem\\nquixotic device. The causeway at Tyre and the\\nmound at Gaza must be repeated. Each soldier\\nwas instructed to collect a hundred wooden stakes or\\nlogs. Speedily swords became axes. Trees were\\nfelled and stripped. Soon a bridge-like causeway,\\nbuilt in cob-house construction, began to push itself\\nout from the lower peak across the depression, lift-\\ning itself steadily upward toward the level of the\\nfortress. Alexander was everywhere present to\\nchide and cheer. The work went merrily onward.\\nThe first day the bridge advanced three hundred\\nyards. Already it gave a standing-place from which\\nthe machine-guns and the slingers could beat back\\nwith bolts and stones the assaults of the besieged.\\nAnother day, and the engines began to get the\\nrange of the stronghold. Early on the fourth day\\nthe gap was closed, and the Macedonians were\\nswarming upon an outjutting corner of the rocky\\npeak which bore the citadel, and moving to sur-\\nround and beset the walls. Then the defenders\\nlost heart, and began negotiations for surrender.\\nWhat they really hoped was to weary out the day", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "432 Alexander the Great. [327-326 B.C.\\nwith bargaining, and then escape under cover of the\\nnight. Seeing this, Alexander withdrew a little\\nfrom the walls, and offered the chance of escape.\\nThe offer was accepted. The moment the retreat\\nbegan, seven hundred guardsmen scaled the walls,\\nand from within and without they and others set\\nupon the miserable fugitives. Many fell by the\\nsword more were the victims panic and the preci-\\npices claimed. Awe fell upon the land in presence\\nof a will before which even the mountain-tops had\\nceased to yield a refuge.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVII.\\nTHE BATTLE OF THE HYDASPES.\\n326 B.C.\\nSOME two miles south of the point where the\\nKophen flows into the Indus, near the modern\\nAttok, Alexander now joined his forces again\\nwith those of the Hephaestion and Perdiccas. The\\nsouthern campaign had met with easy success, and\\nall the country west of the Indus was now under\\nthe Macedonian control. All the strong positions\\nhad been left well garrisoned, and the country\\norganised under provincial government as a satrapy.\\nIn the neighbourhood of Attok the Indus narrows\\nits bed, flowing through a rocky channel which\\ngives it a depth in places of from one hundred and\\nfifty to two hundred feet, and a width of scarcely\\nmore than two hundred and fifty feet. Here on a\\nbridge of boats the crossing was made, attended\\nwith the pomp of sacrifice and festal games. It\\nwas the early spring of 326 B.C. Within the strip\\nof land, one hundred miles or more broad, which lay\\nbetween the Indus and the Hydaspes (Jhilam), the\\n28\\n433", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "434 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.\\nstrongest of the petty rajahs who held sway was Tax-\\niles, at whose suggestion Alexander had, ostensibly\\nat least, first conceived the idea of an Indian cam-\\npaign. The Hindu reputation for trustworthiness\\nand honesty was well maintained when this prince\\ncame forward now to welcome the invader to his\\nland. First, he sent forward to meet the King his\\npresents of welcome to the land three thousand\\nanimals for sacrifice, ten thousand sheep, thirty\\nelephants, two hundred talents of silver, and a con-\\ntingent of seven hundred Hindu horsemen. Then\\nbegan the march toward the residential city. Its\\nname from which the Greeks seem to have borrowed\\na name for its king, was in its Sanskrit form Tak-\\nshacila; the Greeks called it Taxila. Its site is\\nmarked still by wide-spreading mounds of ruins\\nnear the railway that joins Hasan Abdal and Rawal\\nPindi, and eight miles from the former place. A\\nfew miles outside the gates, Taxiles, at the head of\\nhis whole army in gala array, came forth to meet\\nAlexander and give him greeting, and offer himself\\nand all his kingdom into his hands. The neighbouring\\nrajahs and chieftains came also with presents ivory,\\nfine linen, precious stones, and treasure to make\\ntheir subjection. Even from far Kashmir, whose\\nsnow-capped mountains peered above the northern\\nhorizon, came an embassy to greet the conqueror.\\nOn the other side of the Hydaspes to the east,\\nawaited him, however, a different welcome. Tax-\\niles s zeal had had its motive in apprehensions of\\nthe waxing power of his neighbour and rival, the\\nKing of the Paurauvas, whom the Greeks called", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] Battle of the Hydaspes. 435\\nPorus; and this Porus was already collecting his\\nforces to dispute the passage of the Hydaspes. It\\nwas no confused horde, such as Darius had assem-\\nbled at Gaugamela, that Alexander had here to\\nface, but a disciplined and sturdy army, solidly com-\\npacted under resolute and intelligent leadership.\\nThe determined resistance which it offered in a\\nbattle lasting from the early morning till the eighth\\nhour of the day showed that the old Aryan vigour\\nstill was there, and, furthermore, that these Hindu\\nAryans had acquired what their Iranian brethren\\nlacked the power of organisation, and the sense for\\ncooperative mechanical action under central control.\\nIn the battle with Porus, Alexander was called\\nupon to face conditions substantially different from\\nany which had confronted him before in his already\\nvaried experience; and if any further proof was\\nneeded of the catholicity of his military genius, we\\nhave it when this youth of thirty years, after facing\\nthe Illyrians and Thracians on their mountain sides,\\nthe Boeotian phalanx in the plains of Thebes, the\\nPersian cavalry at the Granicus, after scaling the\\nwalls of Tyre and humbling the impregnable fort-\\nresses of Gaza, after scattering the assembled hosts\\nof western Asia at Gaugamela, and driving the un-\\ntamed sons of Iran from their plains and their aeries,\\npassed through the eastern gates of the known,\\njoined conflict with an utterly new, strange world,\\nand won his battle from a people who combined in\\ntheir resources, as none he had yet met, wealth,\\ncourage, organisation, and an advanced acquaintance\\nwith the art of war. No great general in the world s", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "436 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.\\nhistory was ever exposed to such a variety of tests,\\nand yet he is the only one who never lost a battle.\\nWhen Alexander, with his army, reached the\\nbanks of the Hydaspes, he found it swollen by the\\nmelting snows of the mountains to a mighty stream\\na mile in width. Fording could be attempted only\\nat a few favoured spots, and for an army in the face\\nof an enemy was out of the question. On the\\nsouthern bank opposite was drawn up the army of\\nPorus, thirty-five thousand strong. Three hundred\\nelephants disposed along the line looked like towers\\nin the living wall. To attempt landing an attacking\\nforce from boats in the face of this opposition was\\nvain. The horses of the cavalry could not have\\nbeen brought to face the elephants, whose strange\\nodour and stranger trumpetings drove them into un-\\nmanageable panic and the cavalry was Alexander s\\nchief reliance for the attack. There was nothing\\nleft, therefore, but to wait for a better chance or to\\nfind a better way.\\nNo opportunity, however, was given the enemy\\nfor relaxing interest or dividing attention. Every\\nday or two a feint was made at crossing. Boats\\nwould be assembled, the cavalry would be drawn up\\non the bank, a squad would drive into the river.\\nSometimes the trumpets would blare out through\\nthe night, as if calling the attack; and then the\\nsubtle Greeks could have their joy at seeing these\\nhonourable Hindus keeping their sleepless watch in\\nbattle order, and the solemn elephants drawn up in\\nponderous and vain array. And so it went on until\\napprehension grew callous,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] Battle of the Hydaspes. 437\\nThen Alexander allowed the rumour to spread\\nthat he should wait until the low water of autumn\\nbefore attempting to cross. The country round\\nabout was ravaged, and incidentally reconnoitered,\\nand the great stores of supplies accumulated at\\nthe river-side gave credence to the story of the sum-\\nmer wait. The movement of Alexander s troops up\\nand down the river ceased to provoke suspicion.\\nNine or ten miles above the Macedonian camp\\nthe Hydaspes turned abruptly in its southward\\ncourse to flow toward the west and near the sharp\\nangle of its bend, a point which made out into the\\nriver afforded a convenient passage to a wooded\\nisland hard by the opposite shore. Between the\\ncamp and this tongue of land the river-bank was\\nheavily wooded, and, in sharp contrast to the level\\nplain of the other side, rose steeply into hills. At\\nintervals along the high bank Alexander posted\\nsentries to pass the word along, and so establish a\\ncomplete connection between the camp and the\\nchosen place of crossing. Thither, by a circuitous\\nroute of over fifteen miles around behind the hills,\\nhe led a picked body of his troops, about thirty\\nthousand strong. The great mass of the army was\\nleft in camp under command of Craterus, with orders\\nto hold the enemy s attention there as long as pos-\\nsible. Only after the enemy had wheeled about to\\nface the troops, who would meantime have crossed\\nCunningham, who in his Geography of Ancient India (p. \\\\^lff.)\\nidentifies the site, verifying in the modern topography every detail\\nof the ancient story, reckons the exact distance by the circuit from\\nJalalpur to Dilawar as seventeen miles, which corresponds precisely\\nto Arrian s one hundred and fifty stades.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "43 8 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.\\nthe river above, and would then be advancing upon\\ntheir right flank, was Craterus to try the crossing.\\nA strong division, furthermore, composed of mer-\\ncenary troops under the chief command of Meleager,\\nwas posted on the river-bank half-way between the\\ncamp and the proposed place of crossing, under\\norders similar to those of Craterus.\\nUnder cover of a dismal night of furious rain and\\nthunder, Alexander reached the river-bank, and\\nhastened to improvise a ferriage for his troops.\\nThe heavy infantry and a detachment of cavalry, in\\nall more than half his force, were to remain on this\\nside the river to hold in check the army of Abisares\\nof Kashmir, known to be close by, advancing to\\nPorus s aid. The remainder, composed chiefly of\\ncavalry, the hypaspists, and archers, in all about\\nthirteen thousand men, prepared to cross. Boats\\nsawn asunder had been transported through the\\nwoods, and now were roughly and hastily joined\\nagain. Some galleys had been cautiously assembled\\nat the spot. Skins stuffed with hay served the pur-\\npose of the cavalrymen, who swam beside their\\nhorses. Rafts served for others. With the gray of\\nmorning the storm slackened, the rain ceased and\\nthough the yellow river rushed by fiercer than ever,\\nat the signal they plunged in and struggled across.\\nThe night, the storm, and the wooded island oppo-\\nsite had thus far hidden them from the enemy s ob-\\nservation. The moment they passed the shelter of\\nthe island and essayed the narrow ford beyond, the\\noutposts of the enemy discovered them, and galloped\\naway to make report at headquarters. The shore", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] Battle of the Hydaspes. 439\\nwas thus left undefended, and the landing was easily\\neffected. The risk that Alexander, with his imper-\\nfect knowledge of the topography, had taken, was\\ndisclosed when it was discovered that what had\\nseemed to be the shore was really an island for an\\narm of the swollen river had cut its way between\\nthe place of landing and the plain. Then came the\\nanxious search for a ford, attended by fear lest the\\nenemy might return before they were across. At\\nlast, through water shoulder-deep, and on uneven,\\nslippery footing, they slowly found their way across.\\nIt was here, in the desperate struggle of the ford,\\nthere escaped the lips of Alexander that word of\\nfine humour which Onesicritus remembered, and\\nPlutarch has handed down to us: O Athenians,\\nwould ye believe what risks I run to earn your ap-\\nplause! When morning dawned the little army\\nhad assumed its order in the plain the Daan horse-\\nmen and the squadrons of the companion cavalry on\\nthe left, the hypaspists (five thousand) and other\\nfootmen, supported by the archers, Agrianians, and\\njavelin-men, on flanks and rear. They were now\\nabout seven miles to the east of Porus s position,\\nand their line was exactly at right angles with his.\\nHe faced the river and the north they rested their\\nright flank upon the river. In order to face them\\nand prevent being attacked on flank and rear, Porus\\nwould therefore be obliged to abandon, in whole or\\npart, his defence of the river-bank, and face about\\nto the east.\\nPorus s outposts had brought him word that an\\narmy was crossing the river at the island ford.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "440 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.\\nWhat army it might be, they had either failed in\\nthe darkness to see, or had neglected in their assid-\\nuous discretion to note. It might be, after all, so\\nhope said, the long-expected reinforcements of\\nAbisares, King of Kashmir; for there on the north\\nshore could still be seen the camp and army of\\nAlexander, to all appearances as strong as ever. So\\na body of two thousand horsemen, supported by\\none hundred and twenty chariots, was sent out,\\nunder command of the King s son, to give welcome\\nif it were Abisares, to check the advance and gain\\ntime if it were Alexander. It seemed hardly possi-\\nble it could be the latter it was too rash a venture.\\nBut Porus did not know his man.\\nAlexander was a leader who did not accept the\\nsituations created for him by others, but by aggres-\\nsive action created them for himself. His crossing\\nof the river and turning of the enemy s flank had\\nsuddenly changed the entire plan of battle and the\\nentire situation. This movement, familiar to modern\\nstrategy, had been hitherto unknown in ancient.\\nPorus s flank would now be menaced by Meleager,\\nhis rear by Craterus. His advantage of the river-\\nbank had been at a stroke annulled. The two\\narmies stood now on the level footing of the same\\nplain, and Alexander s cavalry, in which was always\\nhis chief reliance, came to a hearing. It was Porus\\nnow who had to adapt himself to circumstances and\\naccept a situation. The choice of place and weapons\\nhad fallen to the creative wit of his antagonist.\\nEven now, if Porus had immediately assumed the\\noffensive, he must have had the advantage. With", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "1 g\\n1\\nTil\\n5~\\n.5 .S\\nbe be rt\\nC *c .5\\nO O h\\nIII\\nc\\n.2\\no\\nc\\n-3\\nc\\na\\nB\\nE\\n1\\nE", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] Battle of the Hydaspes. 441\\nhis great superiority in numbers (from thirty-five to\\nforty thousand against thirteen thousand), and espe-\\ncially with the advantage given him by the ele-\\nphants, which no cavalry could face, he might have\\nsurrounded and either annihilated or driven into th?\\nriver the entire force opposed to him, had he only\\nassumed the offensive, and not waited to allow his\\nantagonist a choice of the point of attack.\\nThe force sent out to reconnoitre speedily came\\nback in routed fragments, leaving its leader and four\\nhundred horsemen dead upon the field, and most of\\nthe chariots wrecked or the enemy s prizes. There\\nwas no longer any doubt. It was surely Alexander.\\nThe great line swung slowly round, and took its\\nposition in the plain, a mighty front three or four\\nmiles long, dotted with the towering elephants,\\nfrom fifty to a hundred feet apart. If stationed\\nonly fifty feet apart, two hundred elephants made a\\nline nearly two miles long. These held the centre\\nindeed, the main central extent of the line. Be-\\ntween them crowded the foot-soldiers, and behind\\nthem masses of infantry formed a second line. At\\nthe wings were the cavalry and the chariots. A few\\nelephants, supported by a considerable force of in-\\nfantry, remained at the old position by the river to\\nwatch the movements of Craterus and menace the\\nford.\\nSlowly the great battle-line moved out across the\\nmeadows until it reached a wide stretch of solid\\nground suited to the movement of the chariots, and\\nthere it stopped, facing the solidly massed force of\\nAlexander, which covered with its front no more", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "442 Alexander the Great, [326 B.C.\\nthan a fifth or a fourth of the space. Here was\\nAlexander s opportunity, his only chance. He was\\ngiven the choice of point of attack and this was\\nwhat gave him the victory. He was bound to at-\\ntack one of the wings in order to avoid the elephants.\\nHe chose the left or northern wing, not only in\\ndeference to his usage of attacking with his right\\nwing, but because, by keeping near the river, he\\nheld to his reserve on the other river-bank, and pre-\\nvented the possibility of being utterly cut off and\\nsurrounded.\\nThe infantry of his centre and left was ordered to\\ndelay attack until the left wing of the enemy had\\nbeen thrown into confusion by the cavalry attack.\\nThe attack was opened by the one thousand Daan\\narcher horsemen. Overwhelming the cavalry of the\\nenemy s left with a shower of arrows, they drew\\nthem out to attack. Alexander then, with the\\ngreat body of the companion cavalry, swept on to\\nthe attack, bearing to the front and right. Mean-\\ntime he had sent Ccenus, with his own regiment of\\ncavalry and that of Demetrius, in a wide swing to\\nthe right against the extreme flank of the enemy, so\\nthat as the enemy s horse advanced obliquely out\\nof position to meet Alexander, they might fall upon\\ntheir rear. Owing to a misinterpretation of Arrian,\\nbased, it is to be feared, simply on an error of the\\npublished translations, the current accounts of this\\nbattle make Ccenus perform the miraculous feat of\\nrounding the enemy s right wing and riding along\\ntheir entire rear to reach the rear of their left wing.\\nThe account, as it stands in the original both of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] Battle of the Hydaspes. 443\\nArrian and of Curtius Rufus, is clear and consistent,\\nand involves no miracle. The enemy s left was\\nsimply drawn out of position, and then caught be-\\ntween two masses of the Macedonian cavalry.\\nForced to face in two directions, the hostile cavalry\\nwas speedily thrown into confusion, and scattered\\nto the shelter of the elephants. The left of the\\nenemy s line was thus at the very beginning utterly\\nbroken in pieces, and the solid infantry centre, tow-\\nered with the elephants, was exposed to flank at-\\ntack. Of the chariots which supported the Indian\\nleft we hear nothing, strangely enough, in any of\\nthe accounts of the battle. Alexander won all his\\nbattles by first breaking the enemy s line, and\\nlocalising the battle at the wounded point. The\\npoint he chose for his blow in the battle of the\\nHydaspes was the suture between the elephants and\\nthe cavalry, and was determined by the necessity of\\navoiding the elephants.\\nThe elephants on the left of the centre were now\\ndriven forward to attack the united mass of Alexan-\\nder s cavalry. The Indian cavalry rallied again to\\nsupport them. The movement was oblique toward\\nthe left, for Alexander was on their flank. This\\nbroke their line, and here the advancing phalanx\\nfound its opportunity. At first the onrush of the\\nstrange monsters had driven back the Macedonian\\ncavalry and riven asunder the solid mass of the in-\\nfantry phalanx. But the veteran foot-soldiers stood\\ntheir ground and fought, prodding the elephants\\nwith their long pikes, disabling the drivers, repelling\\nthe supporting infantry. Then came the rally of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "444 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.\\nthe Macedonian cavalry, driving in the Indian horse\\nupon the elephants at the enemy s left, and cooping\\nit up in the spaces between them. Following its\\nadvantage, the companion cavalry, now reuniting\\nas if by instinct into a solid body, plied its furious\\nattack upon the front and flank of the centre. The\\nelephants began slowly to retreat, still, facing the\\nfoe, as Arrian has it, like ships backing water, and\\nmerely uttering a shrill, piping sound. The pha-\\nlanx had now formed again into a solid body which\\nlinked shields, and so cavalry and infantry joined in\\nslowly pushing the elephants back. As they re-\\ntreated under pressure, from front and flank, they\\nwere forced closer together. The troops placed be-\\ntween them were literally squeezed out of their\\nplace. The elephants trampled them underfoot. It\\nbecame a confusion of horse- and foot-soldiers in-\\ncapable of action, soon a rout. Riderless elephants\\nturned in flight through the mob. Just as the battle\\nwas turning, and while yet the enemy s right still\\nstood unengaged in line, Craterus came hastening\\nover from the other river-bank to take the burden\\nfrom the shoulders of the weary troops, who had\\nadded to their all-night toil more than a half -day s\\nfighting; for it was now two in the afternoon.\\nPorus was no Darius. So long as any part of the\\nline stood, he held his place, directing with vigour\\nand intelligence the progress of the battle from his\\nlookout on his elephant s back. At last, after every\\ndesperate effort to stay the rout, when all was in\\nconfusion, the attack thickening about him, and\\nhimself sorely wounded, he wheeled his elephant", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "326 B.C.] Battle of the Hydaspes. 445\\nabout and retreated. Alexander, struck with ad-\\nmiration for his coolness, and anxious to spare his\\nlife, sent first Taxiles, on horseback, to bid him stop\\nbut the old man, when he saw his arch-enemy,\\nmenaced him with his javelin, and would have none\\nof him. Then Meroes, an Indian, and old friend\\nof Porus, was sent and when he overtook him,\\nPorus stopped, and, dismounting, asked for water\\nto drink. And after he had drunk some water,\\nand felt refreshed, he bade Meroes lead him forth-\\nwith to Alexander; and Meroes led him thither.\\nThen Alexander, attended by a few of his body-\\nguards, rode out to meet him and when he saw tne\\ndefeated King he checked his horse, and looked at\\nhim,\\nmarvelling at his noble, stately figure and his stature;\\nfor he was above five cubits in height. He marvelled\\nand admired him, too, that he did not seem cowed in\\nspirit, but advanced frankly and fearlessly, as one brave\\nman would meet another brave man, after gallantly\\nstruggling to defend his throne against another King.\\nAlexander was the first to speak, bidding him say what\\ntreatment he would fain receive at his hands. Deal\\nwith me royally, Alexander. Alexander was pleased at\\nthe word, and said For mine own part, Porus, royally\\nbe it unto thee; but on thine own part, what is thy royal\\ndesire Porus, however, said he was content; roy-\\nally covered it all (Arrian).\\nThis is the story that antiquity always told of the\\nchivalrous meeting of these two Aryan gentlemen,\\nwho knew war as sport. Sportsmen always recog-\\nnise each other, the world over.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "446 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.\\nThe battle was over. In fineness of plan and\\nbrilliancy of execution it was Alexander s master-\\npiece. The army of Porus had been dashed in pieces,\\nalmost annihilated. According to Diodorus, twelve\\nthousand had been slain Arrian says twenty-three\\nthousand. The chariots were shattered, their drivers\\nkilled. Eighty elephants were captured, but more\\nhad been killed. Among the slain were two sons\\nof King Porus. Of the stately array that on the\\nmorning lined the river-bank and defied advance,\\nat evening nothing remained. So sharp does wit\\nand will strike the balance of war.\\nOn the site of the battle-field Alexander founded a\\ncity which he named Nicsea (Victoria) and on the\\nother side of the river, near the site of his camp, he\\nfounded another, and named it from his faithful\\nfriend, the horse Bucephalus, who, as some say,\\nwearied with fatigues and age, as others say,\\nwounded in battle, died on the day of the victory.\\nIt was eighteen years that the horse had been con-\\nstantly with him, sharing his lot, and ridden by\\nnone but him, and he deserved the honour. The\\nmonument survives to-day as the city of Jalalpur.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVIII.\\nCOMPLETED CONQUEST OF THE PENJAB.\\n326-325 B.C.\\nTHE battle of the Hydaspes was fought in May,\\n326 B.C. It was just a year since Alexander\\nhad crossed the Hindu Kush into the Kabul\\nvalley, Four years had passed since he turned his\\nback on Media and the centres of his empire. All\\nthis time the world quietly waited for him, and\\nlived on, almost without event that history records.\\nEven Greece, the intense little Greece, was quiet.\\nSince the battle of Megalopolis (autumn, 331 B.C.),\\nwhich ended the revolt of Spartan Agis, nothing\\nhad occurred to disturb the general peace. Athens\\nfound leisure to indulge in academic politics; and\\n^schines s suit against Ctesiphon brought out the\\nglorious oration of Demosthenes On the Crown\\n(August, 330 B.C.) mostly concerned with matters\\nten or twenty years old. The stock of current issues\\nwas failing, and Athens, which must needs have\\nwhereon to debate, was beginning to live in her past.\\nThe largest interstate controversy of which we hear\\n447", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "448 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.-\\nis Athens s discussion of an issue in athletics, clean\\nand unclean, with the Athletic Council at Olympia.\\nOne Callippus, an Athenian, having been fined for\\nunsportsmanlike behaviour, bribery, in fact, had\\nrefused to pay the fine. Athens, making his cause\\nher own, and entering protest, was excluded from\\nthe games of 328 B.C. Then Apollo, the Chief\\nJustice of Hellas, uttered his voice from the tripod\\nat Delphi, and Athens paid the fine. These years\\nof peace had naturally been years of prosperity and\\nof rapid commercial development. Rhodes and\\nAlexandria were just beginning their great com-\\nmercial career. New conditions, arising from the\\nconsolidation of all the eastern Mediterranean under\\na single government, introduced new methods and\\nnew possibilities in the conduct of business. A\\nclever Greek of Naucratis, in Egypt, early dis-\\ncovered one possibility which brought much pain to\\nAthens. By keeping himself informed, through\\nagents at the different ports, concerning the entire\\ngrain-supply in sight, and the prices at each port,\\nhe was able to create a grain trust, control the\\nmovement of grain-ships, and make the price. Thus\\nat Athens during this period the price of grain rose\\nrepeatedly to three or four times its normal value.\\nBut nothing more stirring than this was happening\\nwhile Alexander tarried in the far East. We re-\\nturn, therefore, to him.\\nAfter the battle of the Hydaspes he remained\\nsome thirty days in Porus s land. His mind was\\nalready occupied with plans for the return, and\\norders were given for the building of a great fleet", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "325 B.C.] Completed Conquest of the Penjab. 449\\nof rafts and boats for the voyage down the Indus.\\nPorus and Taxiles, now reconciled to each other,\\nwere both confirmed in their old authority. Alex-\\nander was first and foremost a political conqueror,\\nand where he found those whose ability he could\\ntrust, made the ablest his friends, not his slaves.\\nLeaving Craterus to supervise the building of the\\ntwo cities Nicaea and Bucephala, which he had lo-\\ncated, he then pushed eastward to complete the con-\\nquest of the five-stream land (Penjab). Moving first\\nto the north-east, he received the submission of the\\nGlaukanikoi, and of their thirty-seven cities, each\\ncontaining not less than five thousand, many over\\nten thousand, inhabitants. Abisares of Kashmir,\\nnow rendered uncomfortable by the advance toward\\nhis frontiers, hastened to announce his subjection\\nand make it concrete in a present of forty elephants\\nand much gold.\\nThe next one of the rivers which lay in Alexan-\\nder s path bears in modern times the name Chenab.\\nIts Sanskrit name, Asikni, the Greeks twisted into\\nAkesines river of healing, forsooth; and the\\nomen was good. Crossing it, not without difficulty,\\nhe passed unopposed through the territory of a\\nsecond Porus, kinsman of the first; who, however,\\nbeing possessed both of cowardice and an evil con-\\nscience, dared face the conqueror neither for battle\\nnor reconciliation. Next came the river Ravi, the\\nancient Iravati, which the Greeks called Hyarotis,\\nor Hyraotis, the h being gratuitous, and the the\\nbest approach Greek lips could make to w (v). The\\npeoples who dwelt by this river and beyond it,\\n29", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "450 Alexande7 the Great. [326 B.c-\\nabjuring the institution of the kingship, lived in inde-\\npendent self-governed cities, after the manner of the\\nprimitive village communities; and the Greeks, ap-\\nplying the analogy of their own autonomous cities,\\nalways spoke of them as the free Hindus. These\\ncity-republics offered the stoutest opposition Alex-\\nander had met with since the Hydaspes. Particu-\\nlarly did the Khattias (Kathaioi) make him difficulty.\\nThey were the people who fought from behind a\\nbarricade of waggons, and taught the hero of Shipka\\nPass that waggons have other use in warfare than as\\nmissiles. Their walled city, Sangala (modern Am-\\nritsir yielded only after a siege and storm which\\ncondemned, as the story is, some seventeen thou-\\nsand of its defenders to slaughter, and left seventy\\nthousand prisoners of war.\\nOne after another, now, the cities of the district\\ngave themselves over to the fearful conqueror; and\\nso the army finally came to the banks of the Hypasis\\n(Sanskrit Vipaca), above its junction with what is\\nthe modern Sutlej, the easternmost of the five rivers,\\nand the natural limit to the eastward march. Alex-\\nander s entrance into India had contemplated no-\\nthing beyond a conquest of the Penjab as a part of\\nthe Persian Empire. In fact, he knew of no other\\nIndia. India proper was the Indus region, and the\\nnew India of the Ganges valley was beyond the know-\\nledge of the Western or the Persian world. The\\nGanges was unknown to Aristotle. Strange to say,\\ntoo, none of the writers who were among Alexander s\\nassociates seem ever to have mentioned it, neither\\nPtolemy nor Aristobulus, Onesicritus nor Nearchus.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "325 B.C.] Completed Conquest of the Penjab. 45 1\\nMegasthenes, who wrote in the fourth decade of\\nthe third century B.C., was the first to tell of the\\nGanges land and he had learned of its existence,\\nnot through reports of Alexander s soldiers, but\\nthrough personal information obtained when present\\nas ambassador at the court of Sandracottus. Alex-\\nander is, to be sure, represented as referring to the\\nGanges in the speeches which Arrian and Curtius\\nRufus put upon his lips. These formal speeches,\\nhowever, are clearly the work of rhetoricians cent-\\nuries later than Alexander; for they are sadly out\\nof tune with Alexander s ideas, and attribute to him\\nplans of a world-conquest in terms of a geography\\nhe did not and could not possess. The forgery is\\neasy of detection. For instance, in the speech, to\\nhis officers, Arrian makes Alexander say\\nNow, if any one desires to hear where our warfare\\nwill find its end and limit, let him know that the distance\\nfrom where we are to the river Ganges and the sunrise\\nsea is no longer great; and with this, you will find, is\\nconnected the Hyrcanian [Caspian] Sea; for the Great\\nSea surrounds the entire earth. I will also demonstrate\\nto the Macedonians and their allies not only that the\\nIndian Gulf is confluent with the Persian, but that the\\nHyrcanian [Caspian] Sea is confluent with the Indian\\nGulf.\\nWe have already seen in another connection\\n(Chapter XXIV) that the erroneous idea of a con-\\nnection between the Caspian and the Arctic Ocean\\nhad currency in Arrian s time, chiefly on the au-\\nArrian, Anabasis, v., 26.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "452 Alexander the Great. [326 B.c-\\nthority of Eratosthenes, but that Alexander, who\\nbelieved the Jaxartes was the Tanais (Don), or con-\\nfluent with it, and so a tributary of the Sea of Azov,\\ncould have conceived of the Caspian only as an in-\\nland sea, perhaps connected in some way with the\\nSea of Azov, or with the Black Sea directly. Other\\nindications coupled with this lead to the unmistak-\\nable conclusion that the speech does not rest upon\\nthe authority of Alexander s contemporaries, but is\\npurely an artificial product, projecting the ideas of\\nthe first or second century after Christ back upon\\nthe fourth century before Christ.\\nAll that we can of certainty know is that when\\nAlexander reached the eastern part of the Penjab he\\nheard that beyond the Sutlej there lay a fertile\\ncountry where\\nthe inhabitants were skilled in agriculture and brave\\nin war; where they conducted government in orderly\\nmanner, and held the masses under the rule of the better\\nclass and in respect for the laws of property; where there\\nwere elephants much more abundant in number than\\namong the other Indians; and where the men were su-\\nperior in stature and courage.\\nWhether this was a vague intimation of the Ganges\\ncountry, three hundred miles beyond the desert, or\\nonly a story of a Penjab district beyond the river,\\nwe cannot tell. Surely the name Ganges was not\\nmentioned.\\nThough Alexander had already planned the de*\\nscent of the Indus, and had left orders behind for\\n*Arrian, Anabasis, v., 25.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "325 B.C.] Completed Conquest of the Penjab. 453\\nthe building of a fleet, his curiosity impelled kim to\\npush on yet farther than he had originally planned.\\nThe world kept stretching out before him in unex-\\npected width. Particularly the story of a settled\\ncivilisation, and of a society regulated by peculiar\\ninstitutions, whetted his curiosity and aroused his\\nambition.\\nAt the Jaxartes he had turned back because he\\nbelieved he was at the boundary between Asia and\\nEurope, and only the barbarian Scyths were beyond.\\nHis notions of the civilised world had always been\\nbounded at the east by the limits of Darius s Em-\\npire. Civilisation and the Persian Empire had thus\\nfar meant to him one and the same thing at least,\\nso far as the East was concerned.*\\nWhen the King began his preparations for cross-\\ning the Hypasis, he found his army, for the first\\ntime in all his experience, reluctant to follow him.\\nThe men were weary. Many were wounded, many\\nwere ill. Seventy days of incessant rain had served\\nto intensify their ills, and abate their ambition to\\nknow more of such a land. The King s address to\\nhis assembled officers, urging them to go on, fell on\\nThe idea presented by Dr. Kaerst, in his recent Forschungen\\nzur Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen (1887), that the invasion of\\nIndia represents an utterly new departure in Alexander s plans, and\\nthe beginning of a scheme of world-conquest, finds no support in the\\nplain contemporary facts. Alexander s desire to cross the Sutlej\\nand push on farther was unmistakably developed after leaving the\\nHydaspes, and was more an incident of his ambition and restless\\nenergy than the product of a settled, far-reaching, and long-formu-\\nlated plan. See also Dr. Kaerst s Historic he Zeitschrift N. F.,\\nxxxviii., pp. I^ 193^", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "454 Alexander the Great. [326 B.c-\\nunwilling ears. Ccenus, in his reply, voiced the\\nuniversal wish for a return.\\nIt was a new thing for Alexander to be crossed in\\nhis desires. In chagrin and disappointment, he\\nshut himself up for two days in his tent, and con-\\nversed with no one. When, however, on the third\\nday he found no change in the temper of his men,\\nand the profound silence throughout the camp in-\\ndicated that the soldiery, though annoyed at their\\nleader s wrath, were still unmoved by it, he arose,\\nas Ptolemy reports, and caused the sacrifices for the\\nomens of crossing to be made; but when these\\nturned out unfavourable, he called the elders of the\\nhetairoi and his nearest friends together, and an-\\nnounced his decision to return.\\nThen they shouted out as a mixed multitude would\\nshout when rejoicing; and many of them were in tears;\\nsome even approached the royal tent and implored bless-\\nings many and great upon Alexander, because, forsooth,\\nby them alone he had suffered himself to be conquered\\n(Arrian).\\nAfter building there twelve high, tower-like altars,\\nand dedicating them with sacrifices and gymnastic\\nand equestrian sports, he turned back through the\\ncountry where seven peoples and two thousand\\ncities had yielded to his sway, and came to the Hy-\\ndaspes again, where his fleet was building. It was\\nnow September, 326 B.C. About two thousand\\nboats, including no less than eighty thirty-oared\\ngalleys and some with a bank and a half of oars,\\nhad been assembled. Twenty-four Macedonians,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "3 2 5 B c Completed Conquest of the Penjab. 455\\neight Greeks, and. one Persian were appointed cap-\\ntains or trierarchs; and in old-fashioned Greek style\\nassigned the expense and the honour of fitting out\\nthe larger ships. Nearchus the Cretan was made\\nadmiral of the fleet, and Onesicritus the pilot of the\\nroyal galley, both destined to win immortal fame by\\ntheir accounts of the voyage they were beginning.\\nWhen, after solemn offerings to the gods of river\\nand sea, the great fleet, at dawn of some day in\\nOctober, 326 B.C., pushed out upon the current,\\nand in stated order started down toward the sea,\\nthe end of Alexander s conquests had been reached,\\nand the return to peace and settled life was begun.\\nStanding on the prow of the royal galley, Alexander\\npoured from a golden goblet libations to each of the\\nrivers on which he was to sail again, he poured to\\nHercules, to Ammon, and to each of the gods\\nwhom it was his wont to invoke; and then the\\ntrumpet signal rang out, the oars moved, and the\\nstrange argosy was on its way toward the unknown\\nsea.\\nEven the dull prose of Arrian takes on an almost\\npoetic luster as he describes the scene. The sharp\\ncry of the boatswains as they timed the stroke, and\\nthe droning sound or clamorous shout of the rowers\\nas they swung at their work, mingling with the thud\\nand dash of the oars, reverberated from the high\\nbanks or the groves which lined the shores like the\\ndin of armies in battle. The natives swarmed from\\ntheir villages to line the shore and wonder at the\\nstrange spectacle and most of all they marvelled at\\nthe sight of horses figuring as passengers on boats.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "456 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.\\nAnd as the fleet moved on, they ran and danced\\nalong the bank, singing their native songs. For\\nsince the time when Dionysus and his attendant\\nBacchanals traversed the land of the Indians, these\\npeople have been eminently fond of singing, and of\\ndancing too (Arrian).\\nOn board the ships had been embarked, with\\nAlexander, the archers, the hypaspists, the Agrian-\\nians, and the cavalry agdma, that is, the flower of the\\narmy. The mass of the army followed on land in\\nthree detachments: one, under Craterus, on the\\nright bank; another, under Hephaestion, on the left\\nwhile a third, under Philip s command, brought up\\nthe rear, three days marches behind Hephaestion.\\nSlight opposition was experienced from the popula-\\ntion along the banks, and seldom was any attempt\\nmade by the troops to penetrate far into the neigh-\\nbouring country. Alexander s plan seems to have\\nbeen satisfied in simply making the descent of the\\nriver, following the course of the Persian explorers\\nbefore him. _ When he should have done this, and\\nthen followed the coast back to the head of the\\nPersian Gulf, he would have made the circuit if the\\nempire which had fallen to his hands, and have vin-\\ndicated the right to rule and shape it; but, more\\nthan this, he would have linked India to his empire\\nby a sea route as well as by land.\\nThe first determined opposition to the progress of\\nthe expedition was offered by the warlike Mallians,\\n(ancient Malavas) dwelling in the region of the mod-\\nern Multan. Their territory extended on both sides\\nof the river Hyraotis (Ravi), which in Alexander s", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "325 B.C.] Completed Conquest of the Penjab. 45 7\\ntime flowed into the Akesines (Chenab) below\\nMultan, and not, as now, thirty miles above it.\\nIt would scarcely concern us here to recount the\\nstory of the Mallians, and their vain struggle in self-\\nassertion, were it not that it affords us another\\nglimpse of the man Alexander in relief against a\\nrisk that almost cost him his life. After a forced\\nmarch through the desert, he had taken one city\\nafter another, scattered opposition, and pursued the\\nfugitives from one bank of the river to the other,\\nuntil at last he came, on the eighth day of his cam-\\npaign, to a strongly fortified town, which may have\\nstood on the site of the present city of Multan.\\nWith the first break of day the assault upon the\\nwalls of the town began. The Mallians were unable\\nto defend them. Alexander broke one of the gates,\\nand, at the head of his troops, burst into the city\\nunopposed. The entire population had taken refuge\\nbehind the high towered walls of the citadel. The\\nattack upon that was immediately begun. Some\\nstarted to undermine the wall; others brought on\\ntwo scaling-ladders, and tried to set them in place.\\nMissiles rained down from the defenders swarming\\non the battlements. It was too much for flesh and\\nblood. The onset faltered. Impatient at the de-\\nlay, Alexander seized one of the ladders and with\\nhis own hand placed it against the wall then, pro-\\ntecting himself with his shield, he ran up the ladder,\\nand pushed and fought his way to a standing-ground\\non the top.\\nThe veteran captains Peucestas and Leonnatus\\nwere close behind him. Abreas, a trusty old man-", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "45 8 Alexander the Great. [326 b.c-\\nat-arms, mounted on a second ladder. Men crowded\\nto follow the leaders. Under the weight the ladders\\nbroke, and the four men were left isolated on the\\nrampart. From the towers on each side, from the\\nbattlements around them, from the ground within,\\nmissiles of every sort pelted them. The majestic\\nfigure and the shining armour of the King made a\\ngreedy target. From without a hundred voices\\ncalled him to leap back into safety. He cast no\\nlook behind, but, measuring with a glance the dis-\\ntance, deliberately sprang from the rampart straight\\ninto the heart of the citadel and into the midst of\\nthe enemy.\\nIt was rashness, perhaps it was folly but it was\\nthe folly of one who never sought success without\\nrisk, and who always succeeded of one who had\\nmade himself a leader of men without parallel, be-\\ncause his followers never saw him falter nor hesitate,\\nbut always act.\\nWith the wall at his back, he held the enemy for\\na time at bay, striking down with his sword the few\\nventuresome ones who dared approach him, holding\\nothers in check by hurling stones. Then they\\ncrowded in a half-circle about him, pelting him with\\nstones and javelins and arrows. His three com-\\npanions had now leaped down and joined him in the\\nfight. Abreas soon fell, pierced through the fore-\\nhead by an arrow. A heavy missile smote the\\nhelmet of the King. Dazed for a moment by the\\nblow, he lowered his guard, and a heavy arrow,\\npenetrating his breastplate, fastened itself deep in\\nthe lung. Still he fought on; but the blood with", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "325 B.C.] Completed Conquest of the Penjab. 459\\nevery breath spurted from the wound. Faint with\\nloss of blood, he faltered, dropped upon his knee,\\nthen swooned upon his shield. Still Peucestas and\\nLeonnatus stood by him, the former covering him\\nwith the sacred shield brought from Athena s house\\nat Troy. It looked as if the end of all were nigh at\\nhand.\\nA fury of excitement reigned without the wall.\\nFrom the moment they saw their leader disappear\\nwithin the rampart, the madness of desperation\\nseized upon the troops. Some hammered at the\\ngate some ran for ladders some drove pegs in the\\nadobe walls, and dragged themselves slowly up hand\\nover hand some mounted by human ladders over\\nthe shoulders of men. One by one they gained the\\ntop. One by one, with howls of vengeance, breath-\\ning grief at the sight of their prostrate leader, they\\ncame vaulting into the citadel, firebrands of fury.\\nRents were opened in the gates. Men pushed\\nthrough, crept through. On the track of dozens\\nfollowed scores and hundreds. A rill became a tor-\\nrent, then a flood. That day there was no pity.\\nThe sword spared not of all it found man, woman,\\nor child.\\nAlexander was carried out upon his shield to a\\ntent. He had been wounded many times before,\\nbut his men had never seen him prostrate, and now\\nthe rumour spread throughout the army that he was\\ndead. Within the tent they were trying to remove\\nthe missel that was still fastened in the breast. First\\nthey sawed off the wooden shaft so as to remove the\\ncuirass; but the great head of the arrow, three", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "460 Alexander the Great. [326 B.C.-\\nfingers broad and four fingers long, clung in the\\nwound.\\nThe efforts to remove it roused the King from his\\nswoon. He essayed with his own hand to widen the\\nwound; but strength failed him, and, at his bid-\\nding, Perdiccas used his own sword in rude surgery,\\nuntil, followed by a fierce hemorrhage, the barbs\\ncame forth. He swooned again. The flow of blood\\nstopped. All that day and through the night they\\nwatched by him, while life and death hung in the\\nbalances; and outside the tent the soldiery waited,\\nstill under arms, and in sleepless anxiety, until word\\ncame with the morning grey that the King had\\nfallen into quiet sleep.\\nThe first word which had reached the main army,\\nwaiting by the Akesines, four days distant, an-\\nnounced the death of the King. And at first\\nthere arose the voice of lamentation from all the\\narmy, as the rumour was handed on from one man\\nto another (Arrian). Then lamentation yielded\\nto dejection and despair. Who could lead them\\nback to their homes out of a strange land through\\nhostile peoples Who but Alexander would be\\nobeyed by themselves or feared by their foes\\nWhen word came later that Alexander was recover-\\ning, though not yet strong enough to rejoin the\\narmy, they would not believe it. They thought the\\ngenerals were deceiving them.\\nWhen Alexander heard this, for fear some out-\\nbreak might occur, he had himself conveyed on\\nboard a vessel, and started down the Hyraotis to-\\nward the camp. So far was he yet from recovery", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "325 B.C.] Completed Conquest of the Penjab. 46 1\\nthat, lest he should be irritated by the shock of the\\noars, the galley was allowed simply to drop down\\nthe stream with the current until it came to the\\nriver-mouth, where were the camp and the fleet.\\nThe soldiers crowded to the bank, awaiting it.\\nAlexander had caused the awnings to be removed\\nfrom over the stern, where he lay, that all might\\nsee him. They said, however, to themselves, It\\nis Alexander s body they are bringing, until, as\\nthe galley neared the bank, he stretched out his\\nhand toward the multitude in a gesture of welcome.\\nThen a mighty shout arose, and they stretched up\\ntheir hands, some toward heaven, some toward Alexan-\\nder himself. Many could not help shedding tears at the\\nunexpected sight. Now some of the guard brought him\\na litter, when he was taken out of the ship; but he bade\\nthem bring him a horse; and when they saw him again\\non horseback, the whole army resounded again and again\\nwith clapping of hands. On coming to his tent, he dis-\\nmounted, so that he might be seen walking. Then the\\nmen crowded around him on every side, some touching\\nhis hands, some his knees, some only his raiment. Some\\ncame near enough to get a glimpse of him, and turned\\nback, thanking Heaven. Some threw garlands upon\\nhim, some the flowers which India at the season yields\\n(Arrian).\\nIt is told, on the authority of Nearchus, that some\\nof his friends reproached Alexander for exposing\\nhimself so recklessly in battle, and urged that this\\nwas the duty of the common soldier, not of the\\ngeneral. Thereupon, an old Boeotian soldier, who", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "462 Alexander the Great. [326-325 B.C.\\nhad seen the advice was not to Alexander s mind,\\ncame to his support with a plain word, enriched in\\ngood Boeotian brogue: Deeds, Alexander, tell the\\nman and capped it with a snatch of verse from\\n^Eschylus: Who does must suffer. This pleased\\nAlexander.\\nAlexander exposed himself unduly in battle. With\\nso much depending upon his life, ordinary judgment\\ncannot fail to pronounce his action unwise and reck-\\nless. That he escaped from all his risks must be\\nreckoned to the account of his own impetuous con-\\nfidence of success rather than to his luck. Nothing\\nis more characteristic of him than that energy and\\nbrilliancy of will which fastened its look upon the\\nresult desired, and, as if by an auto-suggestion,\\nclearly saw it as an accomplished reality. The\\nAlexander who leaped from the wall at Multan was\\nthe same Alexander who had led the charge at\\nGranicus and dared the sea beneath the cliffs of\\nMount Climax. His conduct during the Indian\\ncampaign affords no basis whatsoever for the theory\\nof those who claim that since the conquest of\\nMesopotamia his mind and manner had suffered\\nradical change. Neither was he, so far as we can\\nsee, any more or less a god, in his practical dealings\\nwith men and things, than before the famous seance\\nat the oracle of Ammon. He had grown older and\\nsterner, but surely he was very much a man among\\nmen.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIX.\\nRETURN TO PERSIA.\\n325-324 B.C.\\nFROM the mouth of the Hyraotis (Ravi) the\\nflotilla passed on down the Akesines (Chenab)\\na hundred and fifty miles or more, and found\\nits way into the great Indus. Here Alexander\\nfounded a city, which some say he named Alex-\\nandria, and built a dockyard, intending that this\\nplace, as an outpost of the Penjab satrapy, and lo-\\ncated at the apex of the five-river district, should\\nbecome the emporium of the region.\\nThe tribes along the Indus banks, among whom\\nthe Brahmans appear to have had more political\\nsignificance than among the peoples farther to the\\nnorth, frequently opposed the march of the army\\nand the fleet was moored first at one bank, then at\\nthe other, while accounts were being settled with\\nthem. In the land of the Sogdoi another city was\\nfounded, also equipped with a dockyard, and appa-\\nrently also with the name Alexandria. The location\\nwas evidently chosen with reference to the route\\n463", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "464 Alexander the Great. [325 B.C.-\\nthrough the Bolan Pass toward Kandahar, and may\\nhave been that of the modern Sukkur, or of Kash-\\nmor, higher up the river. The region between the\\nmouth of the Akesines and the sea, approximately\\nthe modern province of Sindh, was constituted a\\nsatrapy under the government of Peithon. At this\\npoint about a third of the whole army, including\\nthe infantry brigades of Attalus, Meleager, and An-\\ntigenes, together with a body of archers and a large\\nnumber of veterans who, as unfit for longer service,\\nwere returning home, started, under command of\\nCraterus, on the direct route westward by the Bolan\\nPass and Kandahar, and through the territory of\\nthe Arachotians and Drangians. This would have\\nbeen the natural route for the whole army to have\\ntaken but Alexander was occupied with the supreme\\ndesire of testing the ocean route, and tracing the\\nbounds of his empire where they followed the hem\\nof the world.\\nHe therefore proceeded down the river, and in the\\nmidsummer of 325 B.C. reached Patala, at the apex\\nof the delta, not far from the modern Hyderabad.\\nEight or nine months had been spent in descending\\nthe river.\\nAfter ordering a harbour and shipyards, with\\nproper fortifications, to be constructed here, he pro-\\nceeded to explore the delta, and made his first\\nastonished acquaintance with the phenomenon of\\ntides for in the Mediterranean, the only sea he knew,\\nthe tidal flow is seldom enough to attract attention.\\nWhile the vessels were moored here the phenomenon\\nof the ebb-tide of the great sea appeared, so that their", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] Return to Persia. 465\\nships were left stranded high and dry. And although\\nthis brought to Alexander s companions, who had never\\nseen it before, no small alarm, they were much more\\nstartled when, as the time came round, the water flowed\\nin and lifted their ships from the ground. The ships\\nwhich it found settled in the mud it lifted quietly,\\nand they floated again, without any injury whatsoever;\\nbut the ships which were moored higher up, on drier\\nland, and rested on uneven bottom, when a compact\\nwave came rushing in, were some of them dashed against\\none another, some of them driven against the bank and\\nwrecked (Arrian).\\nAfter satisfying himself that the eastern branch\\nfurnished the best course for the fleet, he located a\\nharbour and dockyards near its mouth; and with-\\nout venturing on to the sea farther than to visit two\\nislands near the coast, he contented himself with a\\nthree days ride along the shore, in order to form\\nan idea how a fleet was likely to fare in a coasting\\nvoyage. The extreme caution and anxiety dis-\\nplayed by the King in all these preliminary ex-\\nplorations and preparations testify not only to his\\nappreciation that he was dealing with new and\\nstrange conditions, and more than ever before facing\\nthe unknown, but also to the high importance which\\nthe venture had assumed in his mind.\\nAt last, some time in September, 325 B.C., accom-\\npanied by a force of from twenty-five to thirty thou-\\nsand men, including the cavalry age ma, half the\\nhypaspists, and others of the best troops, he started\\non his terrible march along the Gedrosian coast,\\nleaving Nearchus with the fleet, to wait until, a\\n30", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "466 Alexander the Great. [325 B.c-\\nmonth or more later, the setting of the Pleiades\\nshould bring the change from the south-west to the\\nnorth-east monsoon, and insure a quiet sea and a\\nwind fair or on the beam.\\nThe army fought its way through the hostile land\\nof the Oreitans, and then began its fearful sixty\\ndays through the Mekran, the coast desert of Balu-\\nchistan, the hottest and most hopeless part of the\\nworld. After Alexander s experience, no European\\nis known to have penetrated it down to the present\\ncentury. During the first part of the march con-\\ntinual attention was paid to what had been an im-\\nportant purpose of the expedition the collection of\\nsupplies at points on the shore, and the digging of\\nwells for the use of the fleet which was to follow.\\nLater there were times when the army could find\\nneither water nor food for itself.\\nThe heat grew fiercer. No tree offered its shade.\\nThe scanty water-courses were dry. Rolling hillocks\\nof sand, in which the foot-soldier sank half to the\\nknee, crossed the path. Nothing so far as the eye\\ncould reach but these billows of sand, and now and\\nthen, far off to the left, the glare of the barren sea.\\nExploring parties sent down from the plateau to the\\nbeaches reported that they found only miserable\\nichthyophagi, living in meager huts built of shells\\nand the bones of fish, subsisting, without vegetable\\nfood, on fish alone, and drinking the brackish water\\nthat oozed through the sand of the beach.\\nAs they proceeded the supply of water became\\nscantier. Sometimes they marched thirty, forty,\\neven fifty miles without a drop of water to quench", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] Return to Persia. 467\\nthe awful fever of the desert thirst. Hunger beset\\nthem. Discipline lost its control. Corn-sacks scaled\\nwith the King s seal and destined to be left in store\\nfor the fleet were torn open and the corn stolen.\\nMen killed the beasts of burden and the horses, ate\\nthe flesh, then lied, and said the animals had per-\\nished in the heat. Waggons carrying the sick were\\nleft standing in the desert, the animals that drew\\nthem being taken for food. Alexander suffered\\nwith the rest. Once when he was faint with thirst,\\nsome soldiers brought him, from a mean little\\nspring they had found in a shallow cleft by the\\nway, a bit of water in a helmet but, David-like, he\\npoured it out on the ground before them, and gave\\nthem new heart, as if the water had furnished a\\ndraught for every man. One by one they dropped\\nby the way. Men lay down to sleep in the long,\\nhot night marches, and woke to find the glare of\\nday, the desert blank, and no track in the shifting\\nsands. After sixty days a disordered mass of fam-\\nished, half-naked men reached the oasis of Pura, but\\nit was barely a half of the army that had entered\\nthe desert.\\nAfter some days of rest the relics of the army\\npushed on into Carmania, where a junction was\\neffected with the division which under Craterus had\\nfollowed the northern route. Reinforcements from\\nthe army of Media came now to meet them. Stasa-\\nnor, the satrap of the Areians, came, too, with the\\ncamels, beasts of burden, and supplies in abundance.\\nHorses, arms, and clothing could now be dis-\\ntributed to the army that had crossed the desert.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "468 Alexander the Great. [325 B.c-\\nCarmania itself was a land of plenty. A thank-\\noffering to the gods for the victories in India and\\nthe rescue from the jaws of the desert, a feast,\\ngames, a musical festival, and a round of Dionysiac\\nmerrymakings these were all in the orthodox Greek\\nprogramme, under which the King and his men\\ncelebrated the recovered joy of life.\\nAs yet no word had come concerning the fleet.\\nIt was now the beginning of December (325 B.C.).\\nNearchus was to have set sail toward the end of\\nOctoben He had seven hundred and fifty miles in\\na straight line to cover before reaching, at the en-\\ntrance of the Persian Gulf, the harbour of Gumrun\\n(Bender-Abbas), behind which, sixty or seventy\\nmiles inland, was Alexander s camp. There was,\\ntherefore, no immediate cause for solicitude, as no\\none could reckon with any certainty upon the\\ntime that the voyage would require; but, never-\\ntheless, as December came on, Alexander showed\\nintense anxiety and nervously awaited tidings from\\nthe messengers he had sent to watch along the\\ncoast.\\nThe fleet had in reality started early in October,\\nbut contrary winds, as might have been expected,\\nhad held it in check for some three weeks oft* the\\nmouths of the Indus. Once well under way, the\\nvoyage went, on the whole, prosperously. Scarcity\\nof water and provisions gave the men at times much\\nsolicitude, but wind and weather favoured, and\\ntroubles passed. Among the many strange experi-\\nences they had to tell in after days, and which\\nNearchus with prosaic exactness recorded in his", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] Return to Persia. 469\\nstory of the voyage, the spouting whales and the\\nterror they inspired held the first place in novel in-\\nterest. This had the flavour of the Great Sea about\\nit a new thing for Greeks. After about thirty days\\nthey sighted the promontory of Ras Musandam,\\nwhich marks the Arabian side of the Hormuz\\nStraits, at the entrance to the gulf. Nearchus s\\nconservative sense here spared the fleet the danger\\nof missing the gulf altogether, as might have been\\nthe case had he followed Onesicritus s advice and\\nsteered for the headland. He would in that case\\nhave run the risk of being diverted into a trip down\\nthe east coast of Arabia, and might never have been\\nheard from again. Fortunately, however, he kept\\nalong, hugging the shore, and sailed on into the\\nstraits, and in four or five days the ships were safely\\nmoored in the river Anamis, near what is now the\\nharbour of Bender-Abbas.\\nHere the men were glad to disembark in the\\npleasant land. A party of sailors who had gone a\\nlittle way inland to explore the country spied in the\\ndistance a man wearing a Greek shoulder-cape. He\\nlooked, too, like a Greek. When they came near\\nhim and saluted him, and heard him answer in\\nGreek, they wept for joy, so unexpected a thing\\nwas it for them, after all their toils, to see a Greek\\nand hear a Greek voice. And what, too, was\\ntheir joy to hear, when they asked him whence he\\nwas, that he came from Alexander s camp There\\nwas now no honour too great for the King to\\nshow Nearchus. His delight was unbounded. He\\nsaid, and confirmed it with an oath by Zeus and", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "470 Alexander the Great. [325 B.c-\\nAmmon, that he rejoiced more at the news than at\\nbeing the possessor of all Asia.\\nThe fleet was now (January, 324 B.C.) sent on to\\nexplore the coast up to the head of the Persian Gulf.\\nHephaestion, with the main army, proceeded up the\\nPersian coast, and Alexander, with the light troops,\\nwent on to Pasargadae and Persepolis, which he had\\nleft six years before. In February or March he\\nreached Susa.\\nIn the five years that he had been occupied in the\\nextreme north-eastern and south-eastern parts of his\\nempire, and especially during the two years of his\\nabsence in India, when reports of his death repeat-\\nedly gained currency, many things had gone awry\\nin the government. Here and there symptoms of\\ndisorder and revolt had shown themselves. In\\nBactria there was open insurrection. The military\\ncommanders in Media had, by violence and arbi-\\ntrary disregard of the rights and religion of the sub-\\nject people, aroused a furious discontent satraps of\\nthe West had collected armies of mercenaries and\\nestablished themselves in almost complete inde-\\npendence. Greece and Macedonia were in unrest.\\nOlympias, the King s mother, was making govern-\\nment difficult, and life in general intolerable, for the\\nfaithful old Antipater.\\nThe Harpalus scandal, too, was abroad. This\\nkeeper of the royal treasure had for years been mak-\\ning the royal funds his own, and while scandalising\\nthe world with his boldness, regal independence,\\nharlots, and riotous living, had paralysed every at-\\ntempt to bring him to justice through the enormous", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] Return to Persia. 471\\nmeans at his free disposal. With the news of the\\nKing s approach he fled first into Cilicia, then into\\nGreece, taking the treasure with him; and buying\\nhis way wherever he went, he left a smirch on vari-\\nous politics and various politicians, among them,\\nchief of all, Demosthenes.\\nAlexander addressed himself now energetically to\\nthe task of regulating abuses, punishing offenders,\\nand replacing incompetent officials with new ap-\\npointees. His treatment was rigorous and severe.\\nAs a political organiser and head he showed the\\ntraits of a business man. He put men in positions\\nof responsibility and trusted them fully, until they\\nfailed him. Then he was severe, and promptly so.\\nIn righting wrongs, reforming abuses, and estab-\\nlishing new organisations, he was frank, direct, and\\nexceedingly practical. In reforming he applied cor-\\nrectives direct to the evil in organising he adapted\\nmeans direct to the end.\\nOld institutions he utilised if they could serve his\\npurpose. Existing governments and governors were,\\nin deference to the settled habits of the governed,\\nretained as mechanism. New elements were grafted\\non to the old, where opportunity suggested it. It\\nwas the wise retention of large parts of the old\\nmechanism of the Persian Empire which had made\\nit possible for Alexander to be absent five or six\\nyears from his newly acquired domain, and yet re-\\nturn to find the government essentially secure.\\nThe old provinces or satrapies had been left as\\nthey were, sometimes under the old satrap. Native\\ndynasties were generally retained, often, as in the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "47 2 Alexander the Great. [325-324 B.C.\\ncase of Ada in Caria and Porus in India, becoming\\nthe government of a province. In each province\\nthe military power was given an independent head\\nresponsible directly to the King as commander-in-\\nchief. On to the Persian system of government by\\nterritorial division was ingrafted the Greek system\\nof government by city communities. These cities\\nnot only served as citadels of the new regime, but\\nbeing, as they were in general, independent of the\\nterritorial sway of the satraps, they set a check upon\\ntheir power, and tended to prevent what had been a\\nweakness in the Persian Empire, the semi-independ-\\nence of the territorial governments. The Oriental\\nidea of the kingship exercising its authority through\\ngovernors or satraps thus became blended with the\\nGreek idea of the city-state supreme. The Oriental\\nconception of the state as lord and land joined with\\nthe Greek conception of the state as a society of\\nmen. This is not the least important illustration\\nof the way the East was married to the West.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXX.\\nAT SUSA AND OPIS.\\n324 B.C.\\nWHEN in February or March, 324 B.C., the\\narmies of Hephaestion and of Alexander\\nand the fleet under Nearchus met at Susa,\\nthe great days of the conquest were at an end.\\nMen could now look back upon the work and esti-\\nmate results.\\nIt was just ten years since Alexander, then a\\nyouth of one-and-twenty, had crossed the Helles-\\npont and entered Asia. He had received as an in-\\nheritance from his father the plan and policy of unit-\\ning the Greeks and bringing them to the service of\\nMacedonian ambitions, by leading them, or promis-\\ning to lead them, against the Persians. This plan\\nhe idealised into a contest between the East and the\\nWest, dreaming himself another Achilles. His\\nyouthful enthusiasm and vigour, under the inspira-\\ntion of success, raised it to enlarged dimensions.\\nWhat was to come after victory and conquest he\\nseems, from the first, not to have planned, or at\\n473", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "474 Alexander the Great. [324 B.C.\\nleast but vaguely. He would conquer the barbarians\\nand avenge the insults of Xerxes. He would glorify\\nthe plain old nationality of Macedonia, and provide\\nits sturdy warriors and himself with food enough to\\nfeed the craving after war and enterprise and con-\\nquest. Scarcely more than this was in his mind.\\nBut the years and the facts had brought a develop-\\nment of his ideas that gave his plan a larger and a\\ndifferent form. He had acquired respect for much\\nhe had observed in Oriental life and character.\\nThere was more in the world than he had thought.\\nHe had seen the strength and the resources of the\\nold civilisation of Mesopotamia. The men of Bok-\\nhara were as brave and manly as the best he knew\\nin Greece. In the Nile Delta men of different races\\nand civilisation were found mingling peacefully to-\\ngether in a cooperative life. The idea of bringing the\\nEast and West together in a composite civilisation\\nto which each should contribute its best, grew upon\\nhim with the years. But the old-line Macedonians\\nadhered to their first theory of the conquest, well sum-\\nmarised in the dictum, To the victors belong the\\nspoils. They had undertaken the war for a Mace-\\ndonian expansion that meant only exploitation.\\nTheir ideas did not grow with his hence the murmur-\\nings we hear in the transition years from 330 B.C.\\nto 327 B.C. They interpreted his new international-\\nism as outright apostasy, and cast at him the slurs\\nwhich, translated into modern local idiom, taunt\\nwith Anglomania or un-Americanism him who has\\nabated somewhat of his provincial bias. They were\\nhard men, and narrow, and incapable of understanding", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] At Susa and Opts. 475\\ntheir master s mind. What they thought about\\nhim and said about him in this regard, as also in re-\\ngard to his supposed claim of divinity, is to be inter-\\npreted as no better than a crude caricature of the\\noriginal. Small men s reports of large ideas are all\\ncaricatures.\\nAlexander s interest had shifted from an expan-\\nsion that meant imposition from without to an\\nexpansion which encouraged cooperation and de-\\nvelopment from within, and with this shifting of in-\\nterest Macedonia and its claims had been relegated\\nfrom the centre to the outskirts. It was now merely\\none province of an empire. In its name and by its\\nmilitary power empire was administered and main-\\ntained but that name and power was no end unto\\nitself, but only an opportunity for order, under\\nwhose covert interchange might flourish, prejudice\\nabate, and the larger civilisation arise. From Aris-\\ntotle, his teacher, Alexander had imbibed the aris-\\ntocratic doctrine that the Greek, by virtue of his\\nsuperior intelligence and independence of will, was\\nnatural lord of the barbarian but experience of the\\nfacts proved the doctrine vainly academic and led\\nthe mind of the conqueror away from the dicta of\\naristocracy toward the ideals of the imperialistic\\ndemocracy. When he broke on this issue with\\nAristotle he broke with the old world.\\nTen years of conquest had consolidated into one\\ncolossal organisation all the organisations of life,\\nthought, religion, and law in the central known\\nworld, and for this one organisation the conqueror\\nconceived a government and a life not imposed by", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "476 Alexander the Great. [324 B.C.\\none of its members as from without, but contributed\\nby all its members as from within. It is in the\\nformulation of this idea, rather than in feats of\\narms, that Alexander s first claim to greatness rests.\\nThe winnings of his battles vanished away the out-\\nward organisation of his empire perished with his\\ndeath; but the idea lived and bore fruit. Rome\\ntook the shell, Byzantium and the East kept the\\nsubstance, and from Byzantium and the East came\\ncosmopolitanism and the inner light, the seeds of\\nthe Renaissance and of the Reformation.\\nThe completion of the war of conquest was to be\\ncelebrated by the army at Susa in a grand five days\\nfete, and Alexander chose to give the festival a form\\nwhich should symbolise the significance he wished\\nhis conquests to attain the marriage of Europe and\\nAsia. As unique as his conquests was his method\\nof celebrating them. He and his generals and\\nfriends, two-and-ninety of them in all, took them\\nwives from the noblest Persian families, and at the\\ndate of the greater Dionysia, the Eastertide of the\\nGreeks, celebrated the joint weddings in one great\\npublic fete. Plutarch in one of his essays, glorifies\\nwith rhetorical exuberance the symbolism of the\\nwedding-feast in contrast with Xerxes s bridge, for\\nthey sought to join Asia to Europe, not with rafts\\nand timbers and senseless bonds, but by the lawful\\nlove of wedlock, and by community of offspring.\\nAlexander himself married Statira, the eldest\\ndaughter of Darius. Hephaestion received Drypetis,\\na younger daughter; Craterus, a niece of Darius;\\nPlutarch, De Alex. Magni For tuna aut Virtute, i., 7.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] At Susa and Opis. 477\\nPerdiccas, the daughter of the satrap of Media;\\nPtolemy and Eumenes, two daughters of Artabazus;\\nNearchus, the daughter of Mentor; Seleucus, the\\ndaughter of Spitamenes the Bactrian.\\nWe have, fortunately, preserved to us an account\\nof the festival in the words of Chares of Mitylene,\\nwho was master of ceremonies at the court, and\\ntherefore a prime authority. The account is a frag-\\nment of Chares s ten books on the life of Alexander,\\nwhich has been preserved to us in Athenaeus s\\nfamous scrap-book, The Diners-out, and also in part\\nin ^Elian s Varia Hist or ia.\\n11 It was a hall of a hundred couches (each large\\nenough for two to recline at table), and in it each couch,\\nmade of twenty minas worth of silver, was decked as for\\na wedding. Alexander s had feet of gold. And to the\\nfeast were bidden all his Persian friends, and given\\nplaces on the opposite side of the hall from himself and\\nthe other bridegrooms. And all the army and the sailors\\nand the embassies and the visitors were assembled in the\\nouter court. The hall was decorated in most sumptuous\\nstyle, with expensive rugs, and hangings of fine linen, and\\ntapestries of many colours wrought with threads of gold.\\nAnd for the support of the vast tent which formed the\\nhall there were pillars thirty feet high, plated with silver\\nand gold, and set with precious stones. And around\\nabout the sides were costly portieres, embroidered with\\nfigures and shot through with golden threads, hung on\\ngilded and silvered rods. The circuit of the court was\\nhalf a mile. Everything was started at the signal of a\\ntrumpet-blast, whether it was the beginning of the feast,\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Athenseus, xii., p. 538^.; ^Elian, Far, Hist., viii., 7,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "478 Alexander the Great. [324 B.C.\\nthe celebration of the marriages, or the pouring of one\\nof the various libations, so that all the army might know.\\nFor five days the wedding-festival continued. There\\nparticipated many Greeks and many barbarians and men\\nfrom India. And famous jugglers and showmen were\\nthere: Scymnus of Tarentum, and Philistides of Syracuse,\\nand Heraclitus of Mitylene. After them the rhapsode\\nAlexis of Tarentum gave a recitation. Then there came\\non the cithara virtuosi: Cratinus of Methymna, Aristo-\\nnymus of Athens, Athenodorus of Teos. Heraclitus of\\nTarentum, and Aristocrates the Theban, gave songs with\\nthe cithara, and to the accompaniment of the flute sang\\nDionysius of Heraclea, and Hyperbolus of Cyzicus.\\nThere were flute virtuosi who played the Pythian air and\\nthen led the dancers; they were Timotheus, Phrynichus,\\nCaphisias, and Diophantus. And there were plays by\\nthe tragic actors Thessalus and Athenodorus and Aris-\\ntocrites, and by the comedians Lycon and Phormion and\\nAriston. Phasimelus, the harp-player, too, was there.\\nThe crowns that were brought as presents aggregated a\\nvalue of fifteen thousand talents.\\nArrian, too, adds a little\\nThe weddings were celebrated in the Persian form.\\nGreat chairs of state were set along in a row for the bride-\\ngrooms, and after the banquet the brides came in and\\ntook their seats, each beside her own husband. And the\\nbridegrooms welcomed them and kissed them. The King\\nwas the first to begin, and all the rest of the weddings\\nfollowed the same form. This seems to have been one\\nof the most popular and friendly things Alexander ever\\ndid. Each man took his own bride and led her away.\\nAnd Alexander furnished them all with dowries. And", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] At Stisa and Opts. 479\\nthe names of all the other Macedonians who had married\\nAsiatic wives he caused to be registered, and found there\\nwere over ten thousand of them, and these all received\\nfrom him wedding-gifts.\\nProclamation was now made throughout the army\\nthat all who were burdened with debt might, on\\nregistering with the paymaster and stating the\\namount of their debts, receive money for their liquid\\ndation. This was at first thought too good to be\\ntrue, and few registered. Men suspected in it a de-\\nvice for finding out who had been living extrava-\\ngantly. When Alexander heard this he reproached\\nthem for their distrust of him, and ordered his pay-\\nmasters hereafter, on the presentation of evidences\\nof debt, to pay without registering the debtors\\nnames. Thus some twenty thousand talents of\\ngood money were put into circulation. Large gifts\\nof money were also made to all who had rendered\\ndistinguished service in the wars. A few of those\\nmost conspicuous for personal bravery received as a\\nmark of highest distinction golden crowns. Head-\\ning this roll of honour were Peucestas and Leon-\\nnatus, the heroes of Multan Nearchus, the admiral\\nOnesicritus, the pilot; and Hephaestion, the lieu-\\ntenant-general.\\nAlexander came now to face the question of\\nthe future constitution of his army. Thus far the\\nGreco-Macedonian element, even when, as in the\\nIndian campaigns, in the minority, had been kept\\ndistinct, and had furnished the reliable nucleus of\\nthe army. A large number of these men were now\\nbecoming, either from age or the exhaustion of the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "480 Alexander the Great. [324 B.C.\\nlong campaigns, unfit for further service. At least\\nten thousand men would shortly have to be dis-\\ncharged and sent back to their homes. Should\\ntheir places be filled by the importation of others\\nIt was not in harmony with Alexander s conception\\nof a real and permanent conquest, such as he desired,\\nthat a country should be held in subjugation by a\\nforeign army. His purpose of welding Persia and\\nGreece into an indivisible whole was better served\\nby other means. He had caused to be collected\\nfrom various provinces of the East, and from the\\ncities lately founded, a body of recruits, some thirty\\nthousand in number, all young men of the best in-\\ntelligence and vigour, and these, after being drilled\\nin the Macedonian tactics and equipped with Mace-\\ndonian arms, he proceeded to distribute among the\\ndifferent regiments of his own best troops.\\nThis was a terrible shock to the old Macedonian\\nsense of propriety. The veterans had never shown\\nthe slightest objection to the presence of foreign\\nbrigades and regiments in the army, but now when\\nBactrians, Parthians, Arachotians, and Zarangians,\\nfine fellows and magnificent horsemen though they\\nmight be, were admitted within the sacred lines of\\nthe companion cavalry, and eight young Asiatic\\nprinces were enrolled in the age ma, it was accepted\\nas an insult. The suspicion, too, that with this pro-\\ncedure Alexander was preparing the way ultimately\\nto dispense altogether with the service of his own\\ncountrymen, and to replace them with barbarians,\\nrevived the old bugbear of his Persomania, and hur-\\nried discontent into open sedition. At Opis on the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] At Susa and Opts. 481\\nTigris, whither the army had moved in the early\\nsummer, when it was learned that some of the old\\nsoldiers were to be discharged, the opposition flamed\\nup suddenly into outright revolt. This was a new\\nthing in the army of Alexander.\\nIn the presence of the assembled host the King\\nhad arisen to make his announcement. The wars,\\nhe said, were now past. The great purpose for\\nwhich they were fought had been achieved. Among\\nthose who had served him so well many were now\\nweary of absence from home, wounded, enfeebled.\\nHe would not settle them in remote cities, as he had\\ndone with many of their comrades, but would pro-\\nvide them return to their homes, and bestow upon\\nthem such rewards as would make them objects of\\nenvy wherever they went.\\nA storm of protests here interrupted the words of\\nthe King. You have used us up, and now you\\ncast us aside Take your barbarian soldiers Will\\nyou conquer the world with women Come, let us\\nall go! Keep all or none! Why don t you get\\nyour father Ammon to help you Such were the\\nwords hoarse voices shouted, now in challenge, now\\nin mockery.\\nThe tumult grew. The army was a mob. Alex-\\nander sprang from the platform on which he stood\\nstraight into the midst of the throng. Here one,\\nthere one of the ringleaders he caught by the arm,\\npointed at, or called by name, as he placed them\\nunder arrest. The muteness of terror fell upon\\nthem all. He returned to the dais, and facing their\\nsullen silence, addressed them\\n31", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "482 Alexander the Great. [324 B.C.\\nNot to prevent your leaving me and marching home-\\nward do I now speak further to you. So far as I am con-\\ncerned, go where you will. But one word to show your\\nthankfulness to those who have made you what you are.\\nMy father Philip found you poor and vagabond, clad in\\nskins, feeding a few sheep on the mountain-sides, and\\nfighting to protect these from the neighbouring Thrac-\\nians and Illyrians. He gave you the soldier s cape to\\nreplace the skins, settled you in cities, gave you laws and\\nmanners, made you masters instead of slaves of the bar-\\nbarians about you, added Thrace to Macedonia, opened\\nthe mines of the Pangaeum to your industry, the harbours\\nof the sea to your commerce. He made you the rulers of\\nthose very Thessalians before whom you had lately shrunk\\nwith deadly awe. He humbled the Phocians, and gave\\nyou entrance into Greece by a broad highway. Instead of\\nyour paying tribute to the Athenians and obeying the\\nThebans, these states now look to us as arbiters of their\\nweal. He entered the Peloponnesus, and was declared\\ncommander-in-chief of all the Greeks for the war against\\nPersia, bringing not more glory to himself thereby than\\nto you and your state. This is what my father did for\\nyou, great when viewed by itself, small in comparison\\nwith what we have done.\\nFrom my father I received in inheritance a few gold\\nand silver goblets, a treasury containing less than sixty\\ntalents, and five hundred talents of debts. I borrowed\\neight hundred more, set forth from a land that afforded\\nsubsistence not even for you, and opened you a way\\nacross the Hellespont, that the Persian masters of the sea\\ncontrolled. The satraps of Darius I overwhelmed at the\\nGranicus. Ionia, ^Eolia, both Phrygias, and Lydia I\\noverran, and the fruits of victory came to you. The\\nblessings of Egypt and Cyrene fell into your lap. Syria,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] At Susa and Opts. 483\\nPalestine, Mesopotamia, are your possession. Babylon\\nand Bactra and Susa are yours; the wealth of the Lydians,\\nthe treasures of the Persians, the stores of India, the great\\nouter sea, all are yours. From among you come satraps\\nand generals and taxiarchs. And what have I from all\\nthese spoils except it be this purple and this diadem\\nNothing have I acquired for myself, and no man can\\npoint to treasure-stores of mine, except to point to these\\nyour possessions or what is kept in store for you. What\\nuse have I for them I eat as you eat, sleep as you\\nsleep. Nay, indeed, my fare is simpler than that of many\\nof your self-indulgent ones. I often sit up at night, I\\nknow, to watch for you, that you may sleep in quiet.\\n11 Or will any one say that while you endured privation\\nand toil I did not Who of you can say that he has\\nsuffered more for me than I for him Come now, who\\nof you has wounds, let him bare himself and show them,\\nand I will show mine. No member of my body is with-\\nout its wound. No kind of weapon whose scars I do not\\nbear. I have been wounded by the sword, by the arrow\\nfrom the bow, by the missile from the catapult; I have\\nbeen pelted with stones and pounded with clubs, while\\nleading you to victory and to glory and to plenty, through\\nall the land and the sea, across all the rivers and the\\nmountains and the plains. I have wedded like as you\\nhave wedded. Your children will, many of them, be\\nakin to mine. Those of you who have debts have I re-\\nlieved from debt without inquiring how, despite abundant\\npay and richer booty, you acquired them. Golden\\ncrowns have been awarded as the imperishable memories\\nof your bravery and my esteem. To those who have\\ndied all the honours of war have been paid. Their graves\\nare nobly marked. Statues of bronze rise for them in\\ntheir native cities. Their children, freed from the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "484 Alexander the Great. [324 B.C.\\nburdens of taxation, enjoy the civic honours. And no\\nman under my leading has fallen in flight.\\n11 And now I was minded to send to your homes such\\nof you as were no longer fit for war, and to make you\\nshine in the eyes of men. But you all wish to leave\\nme. Then get you gone! Go home and tell them that\\nyour King Alexander, who conquered the Persians and\\nthe Medes and the Bactrians, who brought beneath his\\nsway the Uxians, the Arachotians, and the Drangians,\\nwho carried his arms to the shores of the Caspian, passed\\nthe Caucasus, crossed the Oxus, the Tanais, and the\\nIndus, who penetrated unto the Great Sea, marched\\nthrough the deserts of Gedrosia, and took possession of\\nCarmania go tell that after he had brought you back to\\nSusa you deserted him, and left him to the protection of\\nthe conquered foreigners. Mayhap this report of yours\\nwill appear glorious in the eyes of men, and righteous in\\nthe sight of the gods. Get you gone!\\nAlexander turned abruptly and retired into his\\npalace. None but his immediate staff attended\\nhim. The soldiers stood there still in dazed silence.\\nThey were without counsel. No man knew which\\nway to turn. So that day passed, and the next.\\nNo word came from the palace. No one had seen\\nAlexander. No one had been admitted to audience.\\nThen on the third day came the news that the chief\\ncommands were being assigned to Persians and\\nMedes, that new regiments of foreign troops were\\nbeing organised to replace the old a Persian foot-\\nguard, Persian cavalry companions. They could\\nno longer restrain themselves. Running in a body\\nto the palace, they cast their arms upon the ground,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "324 B.C.] At Susa and Opis. 485\\nthrew themselves as suppliants beside them, and\\nhumbly called upon their master, beseeching him to\\nshow his face and have pity upon them. And then\\nhe forgave them, and the reconciliation was sealed\\nin one great love-feast, whereat Persian and Mace-\\ndonian sat down together in peace, and the King\\nand his guests dipped wine from the same mixer and\\njoined in pouring the same libations, and Grecian\\nand Magian priests invoked the blessings of the\\ngods together.\\nSo the last effort of the old Macedonian spirit to\\nassert itself settled away in failure. The person-\\nality of the King had been the one controlling factor\\nin the result. Ten thousand men were now sent\\nback home, each having received a talent in addition\\nto full pay. Craterus, who was sent back home with\\nthem in command, was commissioned to succeed\\nAntipater in the government of Macedonia, Thrace,\\nThessaly, and Epirus, while Antipater was ordered\\nto come with fresh troops into Asia. This inter-\\nchange had its political purpose in the interest of\\nthe new internationalism, and even the ten thousand\\nwere missionaries of the new gospel.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXI.\\nTHE DEATH OF ALEXANDER.\\n323 B.C.\\nTHE return of Alexander from the far East be-\\ngan now to make itself felt among the old\\nGreek states. The arrival of the absconding\\ntreasurer Harpalus, in the early summer (324 B.C.),\\nwas the first symptom, and the long investigation\\nconducted by the Areopagite court dragged on till\\nDecember, forming a leading subject of the local\\ngossip.\\nIn July Nicanor, as special ambassador, had ap-\\npeared at the Olympic festival with a proclamation\\nfrom the King recommending the various states to\\nrestore to citizenship all those who had been ban-\\nished for political reasons. Twenty thousand of\\nsuch unfortunates are said to have been assembled\\nat the festival to hail the proclamation with their\\nplaudits.\\nThis, too, was a movement toward the opening\\nof a new political era. It not only signified the can-\\ncelling of accounts inherited from the old regime,\\n486", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "323 B.C.] The Death of Alexander. 487\\nbut it was sure to add in all the cities a considerable\\nand an influential contingent to the body of those\\nwho sympathised with Alexander and the new\\nregime.\\nMost of the cities acceded readily to the request,\\nbut at Athens it started up much bubbling in the\\npolitical pot. So did also the movement started by\\nmonarchical enthusiasts in various cities for award-\\ning divine honours to the King. There is no sound\\nreason for supposing that this movement originated\\nin a decree or proclamation from the throne: had\\nthere been such a proclamation we should have\\nheard of it through some other source than the\\nfable-loving yElian of the second century A.D. Cer-\\ntainly nothing like the establishment of an Alexan-\\nder cult was at that time intended by anyone, and\\nthere are no traces of any such thing until long after\\nhis death. That the idea appealed in any wise to\\nthe century after him is to be attributed to the\\npaling of interest in the gods of the old city system,\\nand the yearning for a broader and higher basis of\\nconfidence and reverence a yearning which sought\\nits satisfaction in adoration of the state, the magni-\\nfied ?/z whose representatives and first citizens\\nthe old-time gods had been, In obedience to this\\ninstinct the head of Alexander, decked with the\\nlion-skins of Heracles or the horns of Ammon, ap-\\npeared as the genius of the state upon the coinage\\nof his successors, in place of the old gods who typi-\\nfied the city-state, and set the fashion for all the\\ncoinage of the Western world from that day to this.\\nSo the way was prepared for the later worship of the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "488 Alexander the Great. [323 B.C.\\ngenius of the Roman Empire, out of which Christ-\\nianity, with its theory of the carnal body and the\\ndivine spirit, and its recognition of a kingdom of\\nheaven as well as of this world, and of the duty to\\nrender not only unto Caesar that which is Caesar s,\\nbut unto God that which is God s, created a Holy\\nRoman Empire, with its dualism of state, which is\\nbody, and church, which is soul.\\nFrom Opis Alexander went to Ecbatana, where\\nhis friend Hephaestion fell sick of fever and died,\\nand was mourned by him and buried, as Patroclus\\nby Achilles. In the spring of 323 B.C., after spend-\\ning the winter in subduing the unruly mountain\\ntribes of the Cossaeans and Uxians, he marched to-\\nward Babylon, and rejecting the warnings of the\\nChaldean priests, who said that mischief awaited\\nhim, he entered the city. Already on his march\\nembassies had come to meet him from distant peo-\\nples, the Libyans, the Bruttians, Lucanians, and\\nEtruscans, for already the shadow of surmise con-\\ncerning his ambitions had fallen upon the far West.\\nOn his arrival in the city delegations from many\\nGreek cities awaited him, with testimonials, crowns,\\nand felicitations. Some brought him, too, special\\nappeals for favour, and laid before him as court of\\nhighest resort questions of internal politics and order\\nto settle. These were busy days, but in the midst\\nof it all he found time to discuss and introduce\\nradical changes in the tactics of the army, to initiate\\non a large scale a reconstruction of the canal system\\nin the marshes about Babylon, and also to arrange\\nin detail a plan for the conquest and occupation of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "323 B.C.] The Death of Alexander. 489\\nArabia. This last involved the building of a fleet\\nand the sending out of parties for preliminary ex-\\nploration. Earlier he had sent Heraclides into\\nHyrcania, with orders there to build a fleet and ex-\\nplore the Caspian.\\nThis betrays a plan, of which we have other\\nindications also, to take up the work he had aban-\\ndoned at the Danube and again at the Jaxartes,\\nsubjugate the Scythians, and join his empire to-\\ngether at the north. Nowhere do we find, however,\\nsafe evidence of any immediate plan of wider and\\nall-embracing conquest. The after-world easily\\ndreamed him such plans, but he himself, if we may\\njudge by what men who knew him said, and by the\\nthings he actually did, had no formulated plan\\nfurther than to join into one empire, as a consoli-\\ndated whole, the Europe of his knowledge and the\\nrealm of Darius, and to round this out by filling the\\ngap between the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea with\\nArabia, and the gap between the Jaxartes and the\\nDanube with Scythia.\\nBy the end of May (323 B.C.) fleet and army were\\nready for the expedition to the Arabian coast. On\\nthe morning of June 2 the King fell sick. A part\\nof the night before, and all of the preceding night,\\nhe had spent in drinking and merrymaking at the\\nhouse of Medius the Thessalian. On returning\\nhome the second night he bathed, took a little\\nfood, and slept where he was, because he felt a\\nlittle feverish so we have it on the authority of\\nthe Court Journal, from which Plutarch and Arrian\\n*Arrian, iv., 15, 6.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "490 Alexander the Great. [323 B.C.\\nfreely cite in giving their accounts of the illness.\\nHe was carried out on his couch to offer the wonted\\nmorning sacrifice, then lay all day indisposed in the\\ngreat hall of the palace, but able still to give in-\\nstructions to his officers and appoint the departure\\nof the army for the 5th of June, and of the fleet,\\nwhich he intended to accompany, for the 6th. In\\nthe evening he went by boat to the gardens across\\nthe river, there bathed and slept. The next day\\n(June 3) he bathed, offered the morning sacrifices,\\nchatted and played dice with Medius awhile, sent\\norders to his generals to meet the next day at day-\\nbreak. He was feeling better; but the fearful\\nswamp-fever of Babylon was in his veins, and he\\nwas deceived. That night the fever raged the night\\nthrough. In the morning (June 4), after bath and\\nsacrifice, he conferred with Nearchus and other\\nofficers of the fleet, and charged them to be ready\\nto start on the day after the next, for he counted\\non being well enough to set out at the appointed\\ntime. The fever steadily increased. On the 8th it\\nassumed a dangerous form. The generals were now\\nordered to remain in constant attendance in the\\nhall, the captains before the palace gates. He\\nrecognised his generals, but was unable to speak.\\nThus far he had offered the daily sacrifice after this\\nday he was no longer able to. Two days before he\\nhad discontinued the baths. No hint is given us of\\nany treatment employed by the physicians. Years\\nlater the story gained currency, and has since been\\nrepeated by ancient and modern writers, that\\nhe was poisoned; but medical experts who have", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "323 B.c.J The Death of Alexander. 49 t\\nreviewed the symptoms so explicitly stated in the\\nrecord of the Ephemerides, or Court Journal, have\\nno hesitation in asserting that poisoning was out of\\nthe question, and that the disease was certainly a\\nfever. There is no allusion in any way to localised\\npain or inflammation. While his excesses of the\\ntwo nights preceding the attack had undoubtedly\\nmade him physically less capable of resisting dis-\\nease, the story of his having died from the results\\nof hard drinking is another form of canard.\\nHis condition passed steadily from worse to worse.\\nIn his environment hope gave place to panic. On\\nthe 1 2th rumour spread among the soldiers that he\\nwas dead. Some believed his body-guards were\\nconcealing ;he fact for a purpose. They surrounded\\nthe palace, demanding admittance. Even when con-\\nvinced that he was still living, they insisted they\\nmust see him once more. They forced their way\\nthrough the gates. Grief and love were their ex-\\ncuse. In awe-struck quiet the rude old soldiers filed\\nthrough the room where he lay. He stretched out\\nhis hand to each of them, feebly raised his head a\\nlittle, and spoke with his eyes his farewell.\\nToward evening of the next day, June 13, 323\\nB.C., he died, thirty-two years and eight months of\\nage, having reigned twelve years and ten months.\\nHe left no testament, and, except for the unborn\\nchild of Roxane, no heir. His friends, who in his\\nlast moments pressed him to tell them to whom he\\nleft the throne, caught only the whispered words,\\nTo the best man. This was the test his own\\nclaim of leadership had stood.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "49^ Alexander the Gi r eat. [323 B.C.\\nOver city and camp there rested the stillness of\\ndeath. Doubt, terror, dismay, swallowed up grief.\\nFor the moment the pulse of the world stood still.\\nThe empire of the world lay there soulless and in\\nswoon. Alexander had been its soul, but Alexander\\nwas gone from among the living. The King was\\ndead, but no man cried, Long live the King!\\nThere was no lawful heir. Heracles, the son of\\nBarsine, Memnon s widow, whom Alexander had\\ntaken from among the spoiled at Issus, could not\\ncount as such. Except for the unborn child of\\nRoxane, no other could claim to be of Alexander s\\nseed. Nearest of kin was the feeble-minded Ar-\\nrhidseus, Philip s son by the Thessalian Philinna,\\nand so half-brother of Alexander. This was all that\\nthe principle of legitimacy had to offer wherewith\\nto awake the empire into life again.\\nOn the other side stood military power, embodied\\nin the leaders of the army all picked men, and\\ntried, all noblemen as well as generals, any one of\\nwhom might have given the empire life, could he\\nonly command the allegiance of the rest. But that\\nwas out of the question. From the first council\\nmeeting their views went wide asunder. Ptolemy,\\nat one extreme, argued for a division of the empire\\namong the generals Meleager, at the other, called\\nfor the immediate recognition of Heracles or Ar-\\nrhidaeus as King. He would not await the birth of\\nRoxane s child. Roxane was an Asiatic. The child\\nmight be a girl. Meleager spoke the feeling of the ul-\\ntra-Macedonian legitimists. They wanted a king and\\nthat a Macedonian. But it was another proposition,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "323 B.C.] The Death of Alexander. 493\\nthat of Perdiccas, which prevailed. Perdiccas,\\nsince Hephaestion s death, had been chief of staff;\\nhe held the insignia of royalty and the signet-ring,\\nand was for the time the most influential of the\\ngenerals. He proposed to await the birth of\\nRoxane s child, and if it were a son to proclaim\\nhim King. Meanwhile four men, Perdiccas, Leon-\\nnatus, Antipater, and Craterus, with Perdiccas at\\nthe head, were to constitute a board of regency.\\nThis the nobility, represented by the cayalry, ac-\\ncepted but when the yeomanry of the phalanx\\nheard of it, their loyalty to the monarchical idea\\ntook offense. They scented in the scheme a return\\nto the rule of the barons. The army was rent in\\ntwain. The monarchical infantry proclaimed Ar-\\nrhidaeus, under the name of Philip, King. The\\naristocratic cavalry, forced to withdraw from the\\ncity, stood threateningly before its gates; but be-\\nfore blood was shed a compromise was effected, in\\nwhich the influence of Perdiccas again reasserted\\nitself. The cavalry and the nobles agreed on their\\npart to recognise Philip-Arrhidaeus as King, stipulat-\\ning only that in case Roxane should bear a son he\\nshould also receive recognition as King. The\\nphalanx in its turn accepted the rule of the gen-\\nerals, with Perdiccas as regent. The empire was to\\nbe divided into satrapies among the great captains.\\nFrom that day the principle of legitimacy got no\\nmore than formal hearing. A month later Roxane\\nbore a son, and he was duly proclaimed King, with\\nthe name Alexander. So there were two kings, one\\na half-wit, one an infant, both under the care of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "494 Alexander the Great. [323 B.C.\\nPerdiccas, and later, after his downfall and death\\n(321 B.C.) under that of Antipater. After the death\\nof this faithful old regent (319 B.C.) both fell upon\\ntroublous times. Their kingship had never been\\nmore than an empty name, and they but meaning-\\nless insignia passed from hand to hand in the melee\\nof politics and civil war. Both came to their death\\nby violence, Arrhidaeus, with Eurydice, his Queen,\\nin 317 B.C., by order of Olympias, Alexander s\\nmother, and the little Alexander, together with\\nRoxane, in 311 B.C., by order of Cassander. Olym-\\npias had already met a like fate five years before.\\nAn attempt to use the name of Heracles, Barsine s\\nson, for political effect, brought him, too, and his\\nmother, in 309 B.C., to their end, and so the line of\\nAlexander perished from off the earth.\\nBut in Alexander s line had never lain the hope\\nof continuing his empire. The King had died too\\nyoung. The achievements of the army were too\\nrecent. The visible forms of power rested still in\\nthe arm of military force. The only hope lay in the\\npredominance of one of the generals over the others.\\nFor a while it seemed that Perdiccas might be that\\none; again it was Antigonus, again Seleucus. But\\neach one whetted the sword against the other, and\\nthe empire went down in a tangle of strife and car-\\nnage. With the close of the century, and the issue\\nof the battle of Ipsus (301 B.C.), it had resolved\\nitself into four well-ascertained domains Syria and\\nBabylonia under Seleucus, Egypt under Ptolemy,\\nThrace and Asia Minor under Lysimachus, Mace-\\ndonia and Greece under Cassander. Twenty-five", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "3 2 3 B c The Dea th of A lex a n der. 495\\nyears later the portion of Lysimachus had disap-\\npeared before the cyclone of the Celtic incursions,\\nand three great kingdoms survived. So in substance\\nthe ruins remained until the consuls and the legions\\ncame, and unity again emerged under the name and\\nthe standards of Rome.\\nSurely if we estimate in terms of external organi-\\nsation, Alexander s empire had perished with him.\\nHis head appears on coins, his name and his memory\\nwere abundantly conjured with, but within ten years\\nafter his death all serious purpose of restoring the\\nstructure to unity had shifted into mere political\\npretence. If a man s life-work is to be judged only\\nby what he erects into formal organisation, then we\\nmust pronounce the career of Alexander a failure,\\nand more than a failure. He had dismantled what\\nhe found, and built nothing sure in its place. His\\ndream of fusing the East and the West had been\\nfulfilled and embodied in no visible institution, no\\nform of government or law, of state or church.\\nGreece, Egypt, and the Orient were still in govern-\\nment asunder.\\nNo wonder that historians have written the story\\nof Greece among them great names like Niebuhr\\nand Grote and seen nothing more in the career of\\nAlexander than a brilliant disturbance of the world s\\norder, an enthronement of militarism, an annihilation\\nof Greek liberty, and an undoing of Greece in all\\nthat makes her life of interest to the world. It is\\nanother thing that their blindness could see in Alex-\\nander himself only a mad opportunist and greedy\\nconqueror, whose life, had it been spared, could", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "496 Alexander the Great. [323 B.C.\\nhave wrought no more than further conquest; for\\nAlexander was of all things an idealist, and they\\nwho have not read that in the story of his life\\nmay as well not have read it at all. Grote set him-\\nself to write the achievements of the Greek demo-\\ncracies. In the life of the free city Greek life had\\nfor him attained its consummation. What came\\nafter this in the maturing of history was to his eyes\\ndestruction, and not development. Alexander and\\nthe Macedonians were the agents of destruction,\\nand in them could be found no good thing. Grote,\\nlooking through the eyes of Demosthenes, and cap-\\ntivated by the brilliancies of a single form of life\\nand a single set of institutions, under a single class\\nof conditions, assigned to them an absolute validity\\nfor all conditions. Grote and Demosthenes are each\\nin his way types of historians and statesmen who\\nhave spent their strength in deploring the waste of\\ngoodly seed-corn scattered on the fields, their eyes\\nturned toward the former harvest, not the next.\\nThe old maxims, the old creeds, and the good old\\ntimes are reasserted, defended, and bewailed long\\nafter they have passed to their larger fruitage in the\\nunfolding of a* larger life.\\nIn the five years that elapsed between Alexander s\\naccession to the Macedonian throne and his entrance\\ninto Babylon (331 B.C.) the world had passed from\\none harvest-time to another, but most men knew it\\nnot. In the year 330 B.C. all Athens was assembled\\nin the theatre, hanging upon the words of Demos-\\nthenes and ^Eschines as they fought their famous\\nduel De Corona; but the issues with which the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "323 B.C.] The Death of Alexander. 497\\norators dealt were all six years old, some of them\\nsixteen. The Athens in which these issues had\\nbeen vital had long since gone forth from its narrow\\nplain into the larger world. Nothing is surer evi-\\ndence thereof than the sight of these men playing\\nwith the shards of an empty tomb.\\nWhen Alexander s career began, the culture of\\nthe world, fixed in two main types, the feminine\\nand the masculine, if we may broadly characterise\\nthem so, was still centralised and located, on the\\none hand in the wealth and settled industrial life of\\nthe Mesopotamian and the Egyptian river valleys,\\non the other in the free energy of the old Greek city\\ncommunities. When his career ended, the barrier\\nseparating these domains had been broken down,\\nnever to be raised again.\\nWhen Alexander came upon the scene, Greece\\nwas still the old Greece, the composite of autono-\\nmous cities and cantons. In this form it was past\\nthe bloom, and was ripening to seed. All that the\\nlittle communities could accomplish for history\\nthrough living for themselves had been accom-\\nplished. In the miniature life of their isolated\\nvalleys, opening to the sea, they had developed a\\nsocial system in which, as individual achievement\\ndirectly counted, and individual responsibility was\\ndirectly assessed, personality gathered to itself un-\\nwonted consciousness of power. So it was that\\nhere man first, as it were, discovered himself first\\nsaw with clearness the power and the right of the\\nfree human soul. Man as a base-line for measuring\\nthe universe, man as a source of governing power,\\n32", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "498 Alexander the Great. [323 B.C.\\narose in Greece it was Greece that shaped the law\\nof beauty from which came the arts of form, the\\nlaw of speculative truth from which by ordered ob-\\nservations came the sciences, and the law of liberty\\nfrom which came the democratic state. This was\\nwhat the old Greece held in keeping for the world.\\nAlexander was the strong wind that scattered the\\nseed again, he was the willing hand of the sower.\\nWhen he planted seventy cities of the Greek type\\non Oriental soil he acted with plan and purpose.\\nThe city was Hellenism in the concrete. As a prin-\\nciple of social order, Hellenism was the government\\nof communities of men located in territory, and the\\nsource of authority was from within; Orientalism\\nwas the government of territory in which lived men,\\nand the source of authority was from without.\\nIn the centuries following Alexander the urban\\nlife, based on the Greek, gradually sought its centres\\noutside the old limits of Greece, in the domain of a\\ngreater world. Alexandria, Rhodes, Pergamon,\\nAntioch, Byzantium, instead of Athens, became its\\nrepresentatives. The forms of Greek culture, which\\nwere transmitted direct to the after-world through\\nRome, were those which lived here in the greater\\nGreece. Until modern scholarship tunnelled a route\\nback to the Old Greece, it was the taste and the in-\\ntellectual interests of Alexandria, rather than those\\nof Athens, that passed current as Greek. In the\\nNew Greece the culture of the Old assumed a world-\\nform, and prepared itself for universal extension.\\nThe dialects of cantons shrank back before a uni-\\nversal type of standard Greek, the lingua franca of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "323 B.C.] The Death of Alexander. 499\\nthe Levant. Local citizenship slowly yielded to a\\nsense for citizenship of the world, and cosmopolitan-\\nism was born. The worship of the old city gods,\\nbased on community of blood, gave place to a yearn-\\ning for something that might symbolise the higher\\nunity of human life. The old cities had passed over\\ninto the life of a greater whole, but this was as yet\\nwithout body, and, except for the vision and type\\nof a deified Alexander, without expression or sym-\\nbol. It remained for Rome to satisfy the instinct\\nof the times. Its deified emperors replaced the\\nAlexander type, and with the acceptance of Christ-\\nianity a Holy Roman Empire, joined of body and\\nsoul, arose to claim the larger allegiance of men,\\nprototype of which had been the old allegiance to\\nthe Greek cities, now melted and dissolved in the\\nfluid of the state.\\nThe existence of Christianity as the embodiment\\nof the higher life of European civilisation is the\\nbest evidence of the reality and permanence of\\nAlexander s empire. Religion is always in antiquity\\na surer guide to the real conditions of nationality\\nthan is political organisation. Christianity as a sys-\\ntem, and as the historian sees it, is a pure and simple\\nexpression of Alexander s world. Its inner life, its\\nheart, is of the East its philosophical organisation,\\nits brain, is Greek. It blended Jew and Gentile in a\\nbrotherhood larger than that bond of blood and tribe\\nwhich the mixing of the peoples had annulled.\\nIn Christian Europe of to-day the domain of Pro-\\ntestantism represents the individualism of the North-\\nfolk* the domain of Roman Catholicism marks the", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "500 Alexander the Great. [323 B.C.\\nlimits of the Roman Empire; the domain of the\\nEastern Church, the sphere of influence of ancient\\nGreece and Byzantium. In Asia and Africa Mo-\\nhammedanism holds the ground overrun by the\\nMacedonian arms, and the frontiers of its predomi-\\nnance to the east are those of Alexander s empire,\\nfrom the Jaxartes to the Indus. Beyond there is\\nanother world, another order of life and thought.\\nThough Islam is an after-growth of Orientalism, it\\nbears in its fibre the evidence that Western spirit\\nonce helped till the soil whereon it grew.\\nThe seed-ground of European civilisation was\\nneither Greece nor the Orient, but a world joined\\nof the two. Most of the settled types of thought\\nand things that go to make up the culture life of the\\nWest here acquired their outline form. Through\\nthe whole range from the species and varieties of\\ncultivated trees and garden fruits to the forms and\\nmethods of industrial art, the standards of taste, the\\nmoulds of civic and social life, the categories of liter-\\nary form, the ordered schemes for conduct, thought,\\nand faith in them all the creation of the types and\\nthe first selection of the standards were the handi-\\nwork of this old-time larger world of men. Into this\\nworld we must take them back to find in true per-\\nspective their motive and their meaning. It was a\\nworld in which the dawning instinct of cosmopoli-\\ntanism first shaped provincial and domestic products\\nto the universal use of men.\\nThe story of Alexander has become a story of\\ndeath. He died himself before his time. With his\\nlife he brought the Old Greece to its end with his", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "323 B.C.] The Death of Alexander. 501\\ndeath the state he had founded. But they all three,\\nAlexander, Greece, the Grand Empire, each after\\nits sort, set forth, as history judges men and things,\\nthe inner value of the saying, Except a grain of\\nwheat faM into the earth and die, it abideth alone.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAbdera, special tribute to Persia,\\n198\\nAbisares, ally of Porus at Hyda-\\nspes, 438 submits to Alexan-\\nder, 449\\nAbreas, in an attack on a city of\\nthe Mallians, 457 ff.\\nAcarnania, joins Athens, 68\\nAchaia, joins Athens, 68\\nAchilles s tomb, Alexander at, 21 5\\nAda, queen of Caria, submits to\\nAlexander, 244 appointed\\nviceroy of Caria, 247\\nAdmetus, commander of hypas-\\npisls at Tyre, 321\\n^gse, early capital of Macedo-\\nnia, 8 marriage of Alexan-\\nder s sister and King of Epirus\\nat, 77\\n^Egina, commercial superior of\\nAthens, 84\\n^ropus, King of Macedonia, T50\\n^Eschines, age at birth of Alex-\\nander, 3 escapes conviction\\nat Athens, 67 member of\\nAthenian embassy to Philip,\\n72 leader of Macedonian\\nparty, 125, 126 causes war to\\nbe declared against Amphissa,\\n147 taunts Demosthenes,\\n281 taunted by the anti-Ma-\\ncedonians, 296 suit against\\nCtesiphon, 447 contest with\\nDemosthenes, De Corona, 496\\n^Eschylus, Aristotle s neglect of,\\n43\\n^Etolia, under control of Philip,\\n145 throws off Macedonian\\nauthority, 153\\nAgathon at court of Archelaus, 16\\nAgathon, brother of Parme-\\nnion, 388\\nAg ?ma, the cavalry ag/ma, 215\\nthe infantry age ma, 217\\nAgis, king of Sparta, at Siph-\\nnus, 281, 297, 298; raises a\\nrevolt against Alexander in\\nthe Peloponnesus, 345 slain\\nbefore Megalopolis, 346\\nAhura Mazda religion, the, 202^.\\nAkuphis, welcomes Alexander in\\nIndia, 427\\nAlcimachus, aids in the reduc-\\ntion of Asia Minor, 234\\nAlexander the Great.\\nBefore his accession Birth,\\n2, 8 lineage, 3 parents,\\n4 the taming of Bucepha-\\nlus, 26 ff.; relations with\\nAristotle, 33 ff., see Aris-\\ntotle affairs with Apelles,\\n41 ff.; subdues tribe on\\nupper Strymon, 64 at\\nChseronea, 69 peace com-\\nmissioner at Athens, 72 ff.;\\nquarrel with Philip, 74 ff:\\n503", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "504\\nIndex.\\nAlexander the Great Cont d.\\nreturns to Pella, 76 goes to\\nEpirus and Illyria, 76 con-\\nnected with Philip s death,\\n79 accession to the throne,\\n148 claim to succession\\nchallenged, 150\\nFirst campaign in Greece\\nSets forth into Greece, 152\\nenters Thessaly, 154; recog-\\nnised by Amphictyonic\\nCouncil, 155 encamps be-\\nfore Thebes, 155 treatment\\nof the disaffected states, 156;\\nproclaimed military leader\\nof the Hellenic Empire,\\n156 at Corinth, 157 with\\nDiogenes, 53, 157 at Del-\\nphi, 158 returns to Mace-\\ndonia, 158\\nIn Thrace and Illyria Sets\\nout from Amphipolis against\\nthe Triballi, 159 battle at\\nthe summit of the Hsemus,\\n161 defeats the Triballi,\\n162 crosses the Danube\\nand defeats the Getse, 162\\nwins the vassalage of tribes\\nnorth of the Danube, 163\\ncatechises the Celts, 164\\nburns Pelion in Illyria,\\n165 reported in Greece to\\nbe dead, 166\\nSecond campaign in Greece\\nRevolt of Thebes, see\\nThebes, revolt of reenters\\nBceotia, 171 later regrets\\nhis treatment of Thebes,\\n176 receives Athenian em-\\nbassy, 177 terms with\\nAthens, 178 ff.; master of\\nGreece, 179\\nAdvance into Asia The odds,\\n208 his army, 208 ff.; his\\nresources, 209 Antipater\\nleft in Macedonia, 212 sets\\nout from Pella, 213 crosses\\nto the plain of Troy, 213\\nvisits the tomb of Achilles,\\n44, 215 his army, its num-\\nbers, and organisation, 215\\nff.; at Granicus, see Grani-\\ncus\\nIn Lydia and Caria Enters\\nSardis, 230 at Ephesus,\\n232 ff.; at Miletus, see Mi-\\nletus at Halicarnassus,\\n244 ff.\\nIn Central Asia Minor Sends\\nhome the benedicts of his\\narmy, 248 enters Lycia,\\n249 sends half his army into\\nwinter quarters, 249; receives\\nsubmission of the cities of\\nLycia, 250 discovery of\\na Lyncestian plot against\\nAlexander, 251 passage\\naround Mt. Climax, 253 at\\nPerge, 254 at Termessus,\\n255 at Sagalassus, 256 at\\nCelaenae, 257 at Gordium,\\n258 orders collection of\\nfleet in the Hellespont, 264\\nleaves Gordium, 265 hears\\nof Darius s advance, 274\\nat Ancyra, 275 sets out for\\nCilicia, 275\\nIn Cilicia 111 at Tarsus, 275\\npasses the gates of Cilicia,\\n275 occupies Anchialus and\\nSolce, 278 at Mallus, 279\\nat Myriandrus, 279\\nAt Issus See Issus\\nIn Syria At Marathus, 304\\nreply to Darius s embassy,\\n305 surrender of Byblus\\nand Sidon, 307 at Tyre,\\nsee Tyre takes Gaza, 325\\nff.; wounded at Gaza, 325\\nreceives tidings from Greece,\\n326 at Jerusalem, 326 ad-\\nvance on Egypt, 326\\nIn Egypt At Pelusium, 332\\nat Heliopolis, 333 at Mem-\\nphis, see Memphis influ-\\nence of Egyptian religion\\non Alexander, 334 leaves\\nhis army at Memphis, 335\\ndetermines to build a city\\non the Mareotis Lake, 336", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n505\\nAlexander the Great Cont d.\\nmarks out the plan for Alex-\\nandria, 340, 342 receives\\nnews of the dispersion of\\nthe Persian fleet, 344; at\\nCyrene, 347 visit to the\\ntemple of Jupiter Ammon,\\nsee Ammon receives a\\nGreek delegation at Mem-\\nphis, 354 organises the\\ngovernment, 354\\nAt Gaugamela (Arbela) See\\nGaugamela.\\nOccupation of Persia At\\nBabylon, 369 at Susa, 370\\nburns the palace at Persepo-\\nlis, 370 at Ecbatana, see\\nEcbatana dismissal of the\\nGreek allies at Ecbatana,\\n375 pursuit of Darius, 376\\nff; captures Darius s body,\\n381 at the Caspian, 383\\nin Hyrcania, 383^\\nIn Afghanistan (Drangiana,\\nBactria) Enters Drangiana,\\n387 ff.; conspiracy against\\nhis life, 387 ff.; at the torture\\nof Philotas, 392; marches\\ntowards Bactria, 393 at the\\nOxus, 394 captures Bessus,\\n395 subjugates the coun-\\ntry, 396\\nIn Bokhara (Sogdiana) At\\nthe Jaxartes, 398 defeats\\nthe Scythians, 399 defeats\\nSpitamenes, 402 secures\\nSpitamenes s death, 403\\nmurder of Clitus, 403 ff.;\\nimprisons Callisthenes, 411\\nmarries Roxane, 412\\nIn India The army, 424\\nalong the Choaspes, 426\\ntakes Massaga, 427 wel-\\ncomed by King Akuphis,\\n4\u00c2\u00a97 takes a citadel on the\\nIndus, 2 ff.; welcomed by\\nTaxiles, 434 at the battle\\nof the Hydaspes, see Hyda-\\nspes conquests in the Pen-\\njab 449^./ preparations for\\nhis voyage down the Indus,\\n449 at the Hypasis, 453\\ndetermines to return, 454\\nreturns to the Hydaspes,\\n454 sails down the Hyda-\\nspes, 455 takes a city of the\\nMallians, 457 ff.; seriously\\nwounded, 458^.\\nReturn to Persia On the In-\\ndus, 463 march along the\\nGedrosian coast, 465 ff.; in\\nCarmania, 467 rejoined by\\nNearchus, 469 reaches\\nSusa, 470 condition of em-\\npire on his return, 470;\\nreorganises the empire, 471\\nAt Susa and Opis Marries\\nStatira at Susa, 476 pay-\\nment of the debts of the\\nsoldiers, 479 reorganisation\\nof the army, 479 mutiny of\\nthe Macedonians at Opis,\\n481 ff.; speech to the mu-\\ntinous Macedonians, 482^\\nAt Babylon Preparation for\\nthe departure of the fleet to\\nArabia, 489 ff.; falls ill,\\n489 death, 491 character\\nand effects of his career,\\n496\\nCharacteristics Inherited\\ncharacteristics, 5 temperate\\nin eating and drinking, 22\\nneeded guidance, not au-\\nthority, 24 eager for action,\\n29 passionate and impuls-\\nive, 30 influence of edu-\\ncation, 32 influence of\\nAristotle upon, 32, 40, 46,\\n47 aversion to athletics,\\n40 ff.; delight in Homer,\\n\\\\3ff.; moral ideals, doff.;\\nreligious attitude, 63 gen-\\nerosity shown at Granicus,\\n224 virtues, 227 physi-\\ncal appearance, 228 ff.; be-\\nginning of the change to\\nPersian ideals, 268 nobility\\nshown in his treatment of\\nDarius s family, 299 effect", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "506\\nIndex.\\nAlexander the Great Cont V.\\nof the visit to Ammon, 349\\nff.; confidence in a divine\\norigin, 350 tolerance of\\ndivine honours paid himself,\\n352 new cosmopolitanism,\\n352 growth of his ambi-\\ntion, 373 ff.; adoption of\\nOriental ways, 388 charac-\\nter shown in the murder of\\nClitus, 407 purpose in life,\\n413 loved by his soldiers,\\n458^ exposure of self in\\nbattle, 462 later ideas of\\nempire, 473\\nEducation and attainments\\nElementary education, 19\\nff.; attainments in arts, 41;\\nliterary training, 42; higher\\neducation, 48 ff.; know-\\nledge of mathematics, 48\\nknowledge of natural his-\\ntory, 49 knowledge of\\nmedicine, 49 knowledge\\nof rhetoric, 50 ff.; adroit-\\nness in repartee, 52 know-\\nledge of dialectics, 53\\nknowledge of philosophy,\\n54 instruction in ethics,\\n55 ff 3 as a philosopher,\\n58 if.\\nAlexander s heir, absence of a\\ngood claimant, 492\\nAlexander cult, the, 353, 487\\nAlexander II., king of Macedo-\\nnia, 17\\nAlexander, a Lyncestian prince,\\nrecognises Alexander as king,\\n151 plot against Alexander,\\n251 seized and put under\\nguard, 252 put to death, 253\\nAlexander, son of Roxane, pro-\\nclaimed king, 493 death, 494\\nAlexander the Philhellene, com-\\npetitor at Olympian games,\\n14 ff-\\nAlexander, tyrant of Pherse, as-\\nsassinated, 141\\nAlexandria, growth and history,\\n337 a centre of learning,\\n340 description of, 340\\nstarts on her commercial ca-\\nreer, 448\\nAlexandria-Areion, founded by\\nAlexander, 386\\nAlexandria-Eschata, founded by\\nAlexander, 399\\nAlexandria in India, two cities of\\nthe name, 463\\nAlexandria under -Caucasus,\\nfounded by Alexander, 425\\nAmasis, 337\\nAmbracia, occupied by Macedo-\\nnian garrison, 74\\nAmbraciotes, the, throw off Ma-\\ncedonian authority, 153\\nAmmon, Alexander s visit to the\\ntemple of, MSff.; Alexander s\\njourney to, 347 Alexander\\nconsults the oracle, 348 effect\\nof the response on Alexander,\\n349 ff-\\nAmphictyonic Council, the,\\nPhilip becomes a member of,\\n65 the supreme tribunal of\\nthe Hellenic league, 74 war\\ndeclared against Amphissa,\\n147 origin and influence, 155\\nAmphictyonies, the, 112\\nAmphipolis, occupied by Philip,\\n3\\nAmphissa, attempts to instigate\\nwar against Athens, 147\\nAmphoterus, sent to collect a\\nfleet, 264\\nAmyntas, father of Alexander\\nthe Philhellene, 15\\nAmyntas, king of Macedonia,\\n17\\nAmyntas, son of Perdiccas,\\nclaims of, to the throne, 150\\nff.; death, 151\\nAmyntas, a Macedonian officer,\\nslain at Thebes, 170\\nAmyntas, at Granicus, 219 ad-\\nvice to Darius before Issus,\\n282 leads the retreat at Issus,\\n292 acquitted of the charge\\nof conspiracy against Alexan-\\nder, 392 in Bactria, 424", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n507\\nAnabasis of Xenophon, the, its\\ninfluence on Alexander, 210\\nAnimal History, work by Aris-\\ntotle, 49\\nAntalcidas, the peace of, 139\\nAntigenes, Macedonian infantry\\ncommander, 464\\nAntigonus, appointed governor\\nof Phrygia, 258\\nAnti-Macedonian party, situa-\\ntion precedent to, 125 forms\\nat Athens, 142 alliance rees-\\ntablished between Athens and\\nByzantium, Rhodes, and\\nChios, 146 Eubcea united in\\nan anti-Macedonian league,\\n146\\nAntipater, friend of Aristotle,\\n39 J goes on a peace commis-\\nsion to Athens, 72 proves\\nloyal to Alexander, 151 re-\\ngent in Macedonia, 212 or-\\ndered to collect a fleet, 265\\nquells an Illyrian revolt, 345\\nreduces Sparta, 346 position\\nin Macedonia, 470 ordered\\nto come to Asia, 485 regent\\nafter Alexander s death, 493\\nguardian of Roxane s son,\\n494; death, 494\\nAntistius, courier of Alexander,\\n83 (foot-note)\\nApelles, affair with Alexander,\\n41 ff.; portrays Alexander,\\n228\\nApis, the, honoured by Alexan-\\nder at Memphis, 334\\nArabia, special tribute to Persia,\\n198\\nArbela, battle of, see Gaugamela\\nratio of lost in the battle of,\\n302\\nArchelaus, king of Macedonia,\\n16\\nAretis, Alexander s aide at Gran-\\nicus, 221\\nArgeadae, the royal family of\\nMacedon, 14\\nArgos, under Philip s influence,\\n66, 67 the plain of, 85\\nthrows off Macedonian author-\\nity. *53 I population, 338\\nAriobarzanes, 370\\nAristander, the prophet, before\\nGaugamela, 360, 363\\nAristarchus, 353\\nAristobulus, studies in natural\\nhistory, 49 biographer of\\nAlexander, 275\\nAristotle, age at birth of Alexan-\\nder, 3 Alexander s tutor,\\n24 comes to Macedonia,\\n33 ff- l et t er from Philip, 33\\nteaches at Mieza, 34, 35 re-\\nmoves to Athens, 35 corre-\\nspondence with Alexander, 37;\\ncollections of animal life, 37\\nestranged from Alexander, 38\\ninfluence on Alexander, 39^\\n46, 47 forced to quit Athens,\\n39 education of Alexander,\\n48 ff.; Animal History, 49\\nmedicine, 49 rhetoric, 50\\nphilosophy, 54 ethics, 55\\nArmenia, tribute to Persia, 199\\nArmy of Alexander, recruitment,\\n208 ff.; reliability, 210 or-\\nganisation, 215 ff.; order of\\nbattle, 217 reorganised at\\nSusa, 479\\nArrhidasus, son of Philip, claim-\\nant for throne, 492; proclaimed\\nking by the infantry, 493\\ndeath, 494\\nArrianus, Flavius, biographer of\\nAlexander, 160 (foot-note)\\nArtabazus, joins the Greek mer-\\ncenaries, 378 attached to\\nAlexander s staff, 384 defeats\\nthe Bactrians for Alexander,\\n394\\nArtemisia, queen of Caria, 244\\nAskania, Lake, 256\\nAsterabad, Alexander at, 385\\nAthens, condition at time of\\nAlexander s birth, 3 after\\npeace of Philocrates, 65 ff.;\\nbegins a two years war with\\nPhilip, 67 ff.; after Ch^eronea,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "5 o8\\nIndex.\\nAthens Continued.\\n70 ff.; embassy to Philip, 71\\ntreaty after Chaeronea, 72\\nplain of, 85 race and char-\\nacter of the people of, 86\\ngovernment, \\\\\\\\$ff.; political\\nhistory after Peloponnesian\\nwar, 122 ff.; peace her best\\npolicy, 127 ff.; cost of living\\nin, 129 citizenship as a means\\nfor livelihood, 134 ff.; slave-\\nemployment in, 135 ff.; em-\\npire founded on good-will, 137;\\nsummary of events, 404-355\\nB.C., 138 ff.; alliance with\\nThebes, 146 ff. hears of\\nPhilip s death, 153; proclaims\\nPausanias a public benefactor,\\n153 sues for mercy from\\nAlexander, 155 recognises\\nAlexander s leadership, 156\\nassists Thebes in revolt against\\nAlexander, 171 on the news\\nof Thebes s destruction, 177\\nsends an embassy to Alexan-\\nder, 177 terms with Alexan-\\nder, 178 ff. receives gifts\\nfrom booty at Granicus, 224\\nembassy to Alexander at Gor-\\ndium, 224 cost of fleet, 236\\nprotests against Alexander s\\nfleet at the Hellespont, 264\\npopulation, 338 embassy to\\nAlexander at Tyre, 355\\nAtossa, the queen of Darius, 201\\nAttalus, at wedding of Philip\\nand Cleopatra, 75 insults\\nPausanias, 78 on the news of\\nPhilip s death, \\\\$off.; death,\\n151\\nAttalus, Macedonian infantry\\ncommander, 464\\nAutophradates, Persian admiral\\nat Mitylene, 263 submits to\\nAlexander, 384\\nB\\nBabylon, captured by Cyrus, 188;\\nrevolts of, 190 tribute to\\nPersia, 197, 199 description\\nof, 273 Alexander at, 369\\nBabylonian religion, the old, 205\\nBactra, Bessus s capital, 386\\nBactria, Alexander in, 394^\\nBagistanes, a Persian deserter,\\nbrings news that Darius is in\\nchains, 377\\nBalacer, commander of the Greek\\nallies, 258\\nBarsine, intercourse with Alex-\\nander, 300 death, 494\\nBattering-ram, the, type used by\\nAlexander, 239\\nBessus, satrap of Bactria, advises\\nDarius to withdraw to Bactria,\\n375 puts Darius in chains,\\n377 assumes supreme com-\\nmand, 378 murders Darius,\\n379 continues to withstand\\nAlexander, 386 captured by\\nAlexander and put to death,\\n395\\nBorer, the, type used by Alex-\\nander, 239\\nBoule, the Athenian, lib ff.\\nBucephala, founded by Alexan-\\nder, 449\\nBucephalus, the taming of, 26^\\ndeath, 446\\nByblus, surrenders to Alexan\\nder, 306\\nByzantium, besieged by Philip\\n64, 67 in league with Athens\\n68 alliance reestablished wit]\\nthe anti-Macedonian party,\\n146 threatened by Philip,\\n146\\nCalas, appointed governor of\\nPhrygia, 230\\nCalippus, fined for bribery, 448\\nCallisthenes, nephew of Aristo-\\ntle, 38 character and relations\\nwith Alexander, 409 speeches\\nin praise and blame of the\\nMacedonians, 410 refuses\\nto prostrate himself before", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n509\\nCallisthenes Continued.\\nAlexander, 411 imprison-\\nment and death, 411\\nCallisthenes, the Athenian, per-\\nson demanded by Alexander,\\n178\\nCambyses, conquests, death, 189;\\nkills the Apis, 334\\nCanopus, the river, 336\\nCappadocia, tribute to Persia,\\n199\\nCaria, submits to Alexander, 243\\nCarmania, Alexander in, 467\\nCarthage, untouched by Persia,\\n189 a Tyrian colony, 308\\nfails to help Tyre, 317 re-\\nmains out of Alexander s no-\\ntice, 346\\nCaspian Gates, the, Persian fron-\\ntier, 373 passed by Darius,\\n377 passed by Alexander,\\n377\\nCaspian Sea, the, Alexander at,\\n383/\\nCassander, refounds Thebes, 176;\\norders death of Roxane, 494\\nbecomes ruler of Macedonia\\nand Greece, 494\\nCatapult, the, type used by Al-\\nexander, 240\\nCelaenae, Alexander at, 257\\nCelts, catechised by Alexander,\\n164\\nChaeronea, the battle of, 69, 148\\nChalcis, forms a league with\\nAthens, 67 occupied by a\\nMacedonian garrison, 74\\nChalybon, tribute to Persia, 199\\nCharias, engineer with Alex-\\nander, 238\\nCharidemus, sends news of Phil-\\nip s death to Demosthenes,\\n153 person demanded by Al-\\nexander, 178 at the council of\\nDarius III., 270; put to death,\\n272\\nChersonese, the, ally of Athens,\\n67\\nChios, alliance reestablished with\\nthe anti- Macedonian party,\\n146 betrayed to Memnon,\\n261 the democracy in power,\\n344\\nChoaspes, the, Alexander on,\\n426\\nChcerilus, at the court of Arche-\\nlaus, 16\\nChristianity, an expression of Al-\\nexander s world, 499\\nCilicia, tribute to Persia, 199\\nAlexander in, 275 its topo-\\ngraphy, 277\\nClazomense, welcomes Alexan-\\nder, 234\\nCleander, sent to Peloponnesus,\\n249 arrives at Sidon with\\nmercenaries, 249, 315\\nCleisthenes, reforms of, 191\\nCleon, his imperial policy, 65\\nan Athenian leader, 120, 125\\nopposed by Nicias, 133\\nCleopatra, marriage with Philip,\\n75, 150 commits suicide,\\n158\\nCleophon, a popular leader in\\nthe fifth century, 134\\nClimax, Mt., stories of Alexan-\\nder s passage of, 253\\nClitarchus, biographer of Alex-\\nander, 161 (foot-note)\\nClitus, brother of Lanice and\\nfriend of Alexander, 20 saves\\nAlexander s life at Granicus,\\n221 receives partial command\\nof the companion cavalry, 393\\nmurder of, 403 ff.\\nCcenus, sent to Macedonia, 248\\nrelation to Parmenion, 38S at\\nthe torture of Philotas, 392\\ncommander of Alexander s hop-\\nlite brigade, 429 at the battle\\nof the Hydaspes, 442 at the\\nHypasis, 454\\nColchis, special tribute to Per-\\nsia, 198^\\nColonies, founded by Alexander,\\n394, 400\\nCorcyra, joins Athens, 68\\nCorinth, joins Athens, 68 occu-\\npied by a Macedonian garrison,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "5io\\nIndex.\\nCorinth Continued.\\n74 a centre of international-\\nism, 123; National Council at,\\n156 population, 338\\nCos, surrenders to a Macedonian\\nfleet, 344\\nCraterus, called P hilobasileus by\\nAlexander, 52 at the torture\\nof Philotas, 392 defeats Spit-\\namenes, 402 at the battle of\\nthe Hydaspes, 437 super-\\nvises the building of Nicaea\\nand Bucephala, 449 on the\\nmarch down the Indus, 456\\nleads one third of the army\\nfrom India by a northern\\nroute, 464 joins Alexander\\nin Carmania, 467 marries a\\nniece of Darius, 476 returns\\nto Macedonia, 485 regent\\nafter Alexander s death, 493\\nCrates, engineer with Alexander,\\n238\\nCrete, made an anti-Macedonian\\nstronghold, 345\\nCroesus, rebuked by Solon, 182\\nconquered by Cyrus, 188\\nCtesias of Croton, writer on In-\\ndia, 418\\nCurtius Rufus, biographer of\\nAlexander, 161 (foot-note)\\nCyrene, western limit of Alex-\\nander s conquests, 347\\nCyrus, conquests, 188 charac-\\nter, 188\\nDamascus, captured by Parme-\\nnion, 306\\nDarius III. (Codomannus), tries\\nto bribe Greek states to revolt\\nfrom Alexander, 167 letter\\nfrom Alexander after Issus,\\n168 first plans against Alex-\\nander, 268; council after Mem-\\nnon s death, 270 puts Chari-\\ndemus to death, 272 marshals\\nhis army, 272 before Issus,\\n280 at Issus, see Issus em-\\nbassy to Alexander after Issus,\\n304 second embassy to Alex-\\nander, 324 at Gaugamela, see\\nGaugamela at Ecbatana, 373\\nflight from Ecbatana, 374\\nput in chains by Bessus, 377\\nmurdered by Bessus, 379\\nburial at Persepolis, 381\\nDarius the Great (Hystaspes)\\nslays the Pseudo-Smerdis, 190\\norganiser of Persia, 190 ff.\\nevents in Greece during hi\\nreign, 191 his reign the tun\\nbetween two world epochs\\n192 makes Susa his capital\\n199 builds Persepolis, 199\\na follower of the Ahura Mazd;\\ncult, 201 death, 206\\nDatames, Persian naval com\\nmander, 295\\nDelian Confederacy, the, 113\\nDelos, retained by Athens, 72\\nDemades, captive at Chseronea\\n71 member of Athenian em\\nbassy to Philip, 72 advise\\nan embassy to Alexander af\\nter the destruction of Thebes\\n177 proposes a compromis\\nwith Alexander, 179\\nDemaratus, reconciles Alexande\\nand Philip, 76\\nDemetrius, a Macedonian com\\nmander, 442\\nDemetrius Poliorcetes, 238\\nDemon the Athenian, person de\\nmanded by Alexander, 178\\nDemosthenes, age at birth of\\nAlexander, 3 Third Philip-\\npic, 13, 67 champion of the\\nanti-Macedonian party, 66 ff.,\\n125, 126 Second Philippic,\\n66 On the Chersonese, 67\\nLord of the Treasury at Ath-\\nens, 120 leader of envoys\\nsent to Philip, 142 charac-\\nter and policy, 142 On the.\\nPeace, 143 in the role of agi-\\ntator, 146 effects an alliance\\nwith Thebes, 146 ff. letter\\nto Parmenion, 151 speech on", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n5i\\nDemosthenes Continued.\\nnews of Philip s death, 153\\ndeclares Alexander dead, 166\\naccepts money from Darius,\\n168 relations with Harpalus,\\n169, 471 correspondence with\\nthe Persian satrap of Sardes,\\n169 champion of the regime\\nof old Greece, 170 person\\ndemanded by Alexander, 178\\npredictions before Issus, 281\\nOn I he Crown, 447, 496\\nHades, engineer with Alexan-\\nder, 238\\nialects, diversity of Greek, 86\\nff-\\nimnus, plots against Alexander,\\n391\\n)inocrates, architect of Alexan-\\ndria, 342\\n)iodorus Siculus, biographer of\\nAlexander, 161 (foot-note)\\nJiogenes, colloquy with Alexan-\\nder, 53, 157\\n)iogenes, made tyrant of Mity-\\nlene, 263\\n)iopeithes, in the Chersonese,\\n67\\nHophantes, advocates slave-em-\\nployment at Athens, 136\\nMotimus the Athenian, person\\ndemanded by Alexander, 178\\nDrangiana, Alexander in, 3^ ff.\\nDrapsaca in Bactria, Alexander\\nat, 394\\nEastern Question, the, a monu-\\nment from Alexander s time,\\n183\\nEcbatana, seat of Median Em-\\npire, 187 royal summer resi-\\ndence of Persia, 200 Darius\\nat, 373 Alexander at, 373 ff.\\nEcclesia, the Athenian, 116 ff.\\nEgypt, conquered by Cambyses,\\n189 tribute to Persia, 197,\\n199 its peculiar civilisation,\\n329 Alexander in, 332 ff. a\\ncommercial centre, 358\\nElis, joins Philip, 66 throws off\\nMacedonian authority, 153\\nEpaminondas, military leader,\\n17 death, 139\\nEphesus, location and character,\\n231 submits to Alexander,\\n232/\\nEphialtes the Athenian, person\\ndemanded by Alexander, 178\\nEpidamnus, slave -employment\\nin, 135\\nEpirus, joins Philip, 66\\nEretria, under Philip s influence,\\n66\\nErigyius, commander of Alexan-\\nder s mercenary cavalry, 377\\nEubcea, under Philip s influence,\\n66 joins Athens, 68 its cities\\nunited in an anti-Macedonian\\nleague, 146\\nEubulus, Lord of the Treasury\\nat Athens, 120; leader of Ma-\\ncedonian party, 125, 126\\npolicy as treasurer of the dis-\\ntribution fund, 131 ff. his-\\nt o r i c a 1 connections of his\\npolicy, 133\\nEumenes, marriage at Susa, 477\\nEuphrates, the, crossed by Alex-\\nander, 356\\nEuripides, death, 16 Aristotle s\\nopinion of, 43\\nFerghana, chiefs of the tribes\\nabout the, descended from\\nAlexander, 402\\nGanges, the, 450\\nGaugamela, the battle of, loca-\\ntion, 357 Darius encamped\\nat, 357 Alexander fords the\\nTigris, 359 Darius s army at,\\n360 Darius s position at, 361\\nAlexander s approach, 361", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "5^\\nIndex.\\nGauagmela Continued.\\nMacedonian army at, 365 Al-\\nexander s attack, 365 the fly-\\ning wedge, 366; Darius s\\nflight, 367 the pursuit to Ar-\\nbela, 368\\nGaumata, the Pseudo-Smerdis,\\nusurps the Persian throne, 189\\nGaza, siege-engines at, 48 taken\\nby Alexander, 325 ff.\\nGedrosian coast, the, Alexan-\\nder s march along, 465 ff.\\nGetae, defeated by Alexander,\\n162\\nGlaucippus, proposal to Alex-\\nander at Miletus, 237\\nGlaukanikoi submit to Alexan-\\nder, 449\\nGordian knot, the story of the,\\n258/:\\nGordium, Alexander at, 224,\\n258\\nGranicus, the battle of the, Per-\\nsian position at, 217 Alexan-\\nder s attack, 219 the Persian\\nrout, 221 the dead, 222 the\\nwounded, 223 the booty, 224\\nsignificance, 229 ratio of lost,\\n302\\nGreece, areas, 82 distances be-\\ntween chief cities, 83 geo-\\ngraphy, 84 ff. effect of to-\\npography, 85 particularism\\nof its communities, 86 dia-\\nlects, 86 ff. manners and\\ncustoms, 88 ff. educational\\nstandards, 90 weights and\\nmeasures, 90 calendar, 91\\nreligious usages, 92 ff.; com-\\nmercial intercourse between\\ncantons, 94 ff. travel, 96\\ntheory of the state, 98 ff. citi-\\nzenship, 100 religious charac-\\nter of the state, 101 relation\\nof the individual to the state,\\n102 ff. state intrusion upon\\nprivate right, 105 ff. legal\\nstatus of the individual, 107\\nsmallness a principle of the\\nstates, 108 political organisa-\\ntion unsuited to an empire,\\nno; treaties between states,\\nin the Amphictyonies, 112\\nthe Delian Confederacy, 113\\nobstacles to the creation of\\nan imperial state, 114 ff.;\\nthe Athenian state, 115 ff.\\npolitical history after Pelo-\\nponnesian war, 122 ff.\\nslave-employment in, 135 ff.\\nsummary of events, 404-355\\nB.C., 138 ff. complete disor-\\nganisation, 141 submits to\\nAlexander after destruction of\\nThebes, 177 its civilisation\\ncontrasted with the Persian,\\n180 ff. essential character-\\nistics of the people, 183 ff.\\nevents during reign of Darius\\nthe Great, x 9 i indifference\\nto Alexander s campaign, 210,\\n267, 269 events during Alex-\\nander s campaign in Asia, 447\\neffect of Alexander s return to\\nSusa, 486 before and after\\nAlexander, 496 ff.\\nGreeks of Italy, the, 346\\nGrote, on Alexander, 495\\nH\\nHadrian, on Alexandria, 339\\nHalicarnassus, resists Alexander,\\n243 ff.; besieged by Alexan-\\nder, 244^ fired by Memnon,\\n246 taken by Alexander, 247\\nMacedonian loss in night sortie\\nat, 302\\nHalonnesus, the affair of the, 68\\nHarpalus, sends books to Alex-\\nander, 43 misuse of funds,\\n470; flight to Greece, 471\\nHecatseus, despatched to seize\\nAttalus, 151\\nHegelochus, sent to collect a\\nfleet, 264 recaptures Tene-\\ndos, 296 brings news of the\\ndispersion of the Persian fleet,\\n344", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n513\\nHegesippus, speech against\\nPhilip, 68 leader of anti-\\nMacedonian party, 125\\nHegesistratus, Persian com-\\nmander of Miletus, 234\\nHeliopolis, Alexander at, 333\\nHellenic Congress at Corinth,\\nToff- r\\nHellenism, a critical time for,\\n191 Alexander champion of,\\n225\\nHelots, the, position at Sparta,\\n136\\nHephaestion, called Philalexan-\\ndros by Alexander, 52; honours\\nthe tomb of Patroclus, 215\\nvisits Darius s family after Is-\\nsus, 300 at the torture of\\nrhiioten, 39c receives par-\\ntial command of the com-\\npanion cavalry, 393 in\\ncommand of part of the army\\nin India, 426 on the march\\ndown the Indus, 456 goes up\\nthe Persian coast with the\\nmain army, 470 marries Dry-\\npetis, 476 receives a golden\\ncrown for bravery, 479 death\\nat Ecbatana, 488\\nHeracles, son of Barsine, claim-\\nant for throne, 492 death,\\n494\\nHermocrates, discussion with\\nPausanias, 78\\nHermolaus forms a conspiracy\\nagainst Alexander s life, 411\\nHerodotus, history of the con-\\nflict between Greece and Per-\\nsia, 182 ff.\\nHetairoi, the, 215\\nHindoo Gymnosophists, ques-\\ntioned by Alexander, 53\\nHippocrates, at court of Perdic-\\ncas II., 16\\nHomer, Alexander s delight in,\\n43/:\\nHydaspes, the battle of the, 29,\\n434 ff. Porus s army, 436\\nAlexander delays attack, 436\\nAlexander fords the river,\\n33\\n43S Porus s order of battle,\\n441 Alexander s attack, 441:\\nPorus s surrender, 444 the\\nslain, 446 Alexander s return\\nto, 454\\nHypasis, the, Alexander at, 450,\\n453\\nHypaspists, 216\\nHyperides, leader of anti-Mace-\\ndonian party, 125 person de-\\nmanded by Alexander, 178\\nHyraotis, Alexander conveyed\\ndown the, 460\\nHyrcania, Alexander in, 383\\nI\\nIdrieus, king of Caria, 244\\nIllyria, conquered by Philip, 140;\\nrevolt of, 345\\nImbros, retained by Athens, 72\\nIndia, Alexander in, 416 ff.\\nthe peoples, languages, re-\\nligions, 420\\nIndus, the voyage down the,\\n449. 463\\nIpsus, battle of, results, 494\\nIsocrates, On the Peace, 3, 132\\nconception of rhetoric, 51\\naddress to Philip, 144\\nIssus, battle of, arrival of Da-\\nrius, 282 Alexander s coun-\\ncil before, 283 Alexander s\\npreparations for, 285 Da-\\nrius s position at, 285 ff. the\\nplain of, 286 Alexander s po-\\nsition at, 286^ Alexander s\\nadvance, 287 Alexander s at-\\ntack, 2S9 the engagement,\\n290 Darius s flight, 291, 293\\nPersian rout, 292 Alexan-\\nder s pursuit, 292 results,\\n293 the booty, 298 Alexan-\\nder s treatment of Darius s\\nfamily, 299 Macedonian loss\\nat, 301 Persian loss at, 303\\nAlexander wounded, 304;\\nAlexander s letter to Darius\\nafter, 168\\nIturrean tribes of Syria, submit to\\nAlexander, 314", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "5H\\nIndex.\\nJaxartes, the, identified with the\\nDon, 384 Alexander at, 398\\nff. the limit of Alexander s\\nconquests, 400\\nJustinus, biographer of Alexan-\\nder, 161 (foot-note)\\nK\\nKathaioi, the, oppose Alexan-\\nder, 450\\nLampsacus, submits to Alexan-\\nder, 217\\nLanice, nurse to Alexander, 20\\nLaurion, silver mines in, 135\\nLechseum, ratio of loss at the\\nbattle of, 303\\nLemnos, retained by Athens, 72\\nLeonidas, Alexander s tutor, 21\\nff-\\nLeonnatus, a companion, car-\\nries message to Darius s fam-\\nily, 299 in an attack on a city\\nof the Mallians, 4 ff. re-\\nceives a golden crown for\\nbravery, 479 regent after\\nAlexander s death, 493\\nLesbos, surrenders to Memnon,\\n262 submits to Macedonian\\nrule, 344\\nLeucas, joins Athens, 68\\nLeuctra, victory of Thebes at,\\n139 ratio of loss at the battle\\nof, 303\\nLoss in battles, ancient and mod-\\nern, ratio of, 302\\nLycia, Alexander in, 248 ff.\\nthe people, language, civilisa-\\ntion, 249\\nLycurgus, Lord of the Treasury\\nat Athens, 120 leader 6f anti-\\nMacedonian party, 125 treas-\\nurer of the distribution fund,\\n131 person demanded by Al-\\nexander, 178\\nLyncestian line, the, connected\\nwith Philip s death, 79 fur-\\nnishes a candidate for the\\nthrone, 150 two opponents\\nof Alexander put to death,\\n150\\nLysander, the Spartan king, re-\\nsponse of the Delphic Pythia\\nto, 349\\nLysimachus, Alexander s peda-\\ngogue, 22 in Syria, 24 ff.\\nlikens Alexander to Achilles,\\n44\\nLysimachus, becomes ruler of\\nThrace and Asia Minor, 494\\nhis kingdom swept away by\\nthe Celts, 495\\nLysippus, makes statues of the\\ncompanions who fell at\\nGranicus, 223 portrays 4lex-\\nandcr, 228\\nM\\nMacedonia, the government, peo-\\nple, language, 9 ff. royal\\nfamily, 14 espousal of Hel-\\nlenic interests, 15 ff. intro-\\nduction of Greek culture, 16\\nambition, 18 influence among\\nGreek cities, 66 ff.\\nMacedonian Party, situation pre-\\ncedent to, 125; the peace\\nparty, 126 its conservative\\npoint of view, 127 developed\\nfrom conservative elements,\\n137 formative policy, 143\\nMagi, the, Median priests, 202\\nMagnesia, submits to Alexander,\\n234\\nMallians, the, subdued by Alex-\\nander, 456 ff.\\nMantinea, the battle of, end of\\npreeminence of Thebes, 139\\nMaracanda, Alexander at, 398\\nMareotis Lake, Alexander at,\\n336\\nMasakes, Persian satrap at, 332\\nMassaga, taken by Alexander,\\n427 rr,\\nMausolus, king of Cana, 244", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "Index.\\nSO\\nMazaeus, at Gaugamela, 367\\nMedia, tribute to Persia, 197,\\n199\\nMedius the Thessalian, during\\nAlexander s last illness, 489,\\n490\\nMegalopolis, ratio of loss at the\\nbattle of, 303 besieged by\\nSparta, 346\\nMegara, relations with Philip,\\n66, 67 joins Athens, 68 the\\npeople of, 86\\nMegasthenes, writer of the third\\ncentury B.C., 451\\nMekran, Alexander s march\\nthrough the, 466\\nMelanippides at court of Perdic-\\ncas II., 16\\nMeleager, sent to Macedonia,\\n248 at tile battle of the Ply.\\ndaspes, 438 in the council\\nafter Alexander s death, 492\\nMemnon, at Granicus, 217\\nwithdrawal to Halicarnassus,\\n233 commander of Persians\\nat Halicarnassus, 243 plans\\nto cut Alexander off from Eu-\\nrope, 260 wins over Chios\\nand Lesbos, 261, 262 death\\nat Mitylene, 263 his plans\\nabandoned by Darius, 264\\nMemphis, captured by Camby-\\nses, 189; Alexander at, 333\\nff. Alexander receives a\\nGreek delegation at, 354\\nMenecles the Peloponnesian,\\nteaches Alexander mathemat-\\nics, 48\\nMercenaries, employment in\\nGreece and Persia, 211\\nMessene, under Philip s influ-\\nence, 66, 67\\nMetics, status at Athens, 99\\ntax upon, 128\\nMieza, seat of Aristotle s school,\\n34\\nMiletus, rival of Ephesus, 232\\nopposes Alexander, 234 ff.;\\nbesieged by Alexander, 236 ff.\\naugury before the battle of,\\n237 Alexander s answer to\\nGlaucippus at, 237; capture\\nof, 240 the Persian fleet at,\\n241 Alexander disbands his\\nfleet, 242\\nMithra cult, the, 205\\nMithridates, the son-in-law of\\nDarius, death at Granicus, 221\\nMitylene, besieged by Memnon,\\n262 capitulates to Pharnaba-\\nzus, 263 recaptured from the\\nPersians, 344\\nMnoitai, the, public serfs in\\nCrete, 136\\nMcerocles the Athenian, person\\ndemanded by Alexander, 178\\nMusaeum, the, at Alexandria,\\n340\\nMyndus, Alexander s attack\\nupon, 244\\nN\\nNabarzanes, commander of the\\nPersian cavalry, 374\\nNational Council at Corinth.\\n156\\nNaucratis, a Greek settlement in\\nEgypt, 337\\nNearchus, studies in natural his-\\ntory, 49 made admiral of\\nAlexander s fleet in India,\\n455 left with fleet at the\\nmouth of the Indus, 465 sails\\nto the Persian Gulf, 468 ff.;\\nmarriage at Susa, 477 re-\\nceives a golden crown for\\nbravery, 479 at Alexander s\\nlast illness, 490\\nNeoptolemus, father of Olym-\\npias, 4\\nNeoptolemus, a Lyncestian\\nprince, death at Halicarnassus,\\n245\\nNicaea, founded by Alexander,\\n.446, 449\\nNicanor, the Macedonian ad-\\nmiral, at Miletus, 240\\nNicanor, son of Parmenion, com-\\nmander of the hypaspists, 388", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "5i6\\nIndex.\\nNicanor, ambassador from Alex-\\nander to the Olympic festival,\\n4S6\\nNicomachus, plots against Alex-\\nander, 391\\nNiebuhr, on Alexander, 495\\nOlympias, mother of Alexander,\\nher character, 4 ff.; quarrel\\nwith Philip, 75 goes to Epi-\\nrus, 76 returns from Epirus,\\n77 connected with Philip s\\ndeath, 79 causes the murder\\nof Cleopatra s child, 158 re-\\nceives gifts from booty at\\nGranicus, 224 influence on\\nAlexander s character, 351\\nmakes trouble in Macedonia,\\n470 orders death of Arrhi-\\ndseus, 494 death, 494\\nOlynthus, fall of, 142\\nOnesicritus, pilot of Alexander s\\nroyal galley in India, 455 on\\nthe voyage to the Persian Gulf,\\n469 receives a golden crown\\nfor bravery, 479\\nOreus, under Philip s influence,\\n66\\nOropus, added to Attica, 72\\nOthontopates, king of Caria,\\n244 defeated at Halicarnas-\\nsus, 278\\nOxus, Alexander at the, 394\\nOxyartes, father of Roxane, sub-\\nmits to Alexander, 412\\nPactolus, gold mines of, 187\\nP3eonians, conquered by Philip,\\n140\\nPamphylia, the people and lan-\\nguage, 250 Alexander in,\\n254\\nPaneum, the, at Alexandria, 341\\nParsetacene, number of lost in\\nthe battle of the, 302\\nParalos, the sacred Athenian\\ntrireme, 355\\nParmenion, at time of Philip s\\ndeath, 150, 151 in Asia Mi-\\nnor, 159; the crossing at Ses-\\ntus, 213 at Granicus, 218\\nsent to occupy Dascylium, 230;\\nat Miletus, 236 augury at\\nMiletus, 237 in command in\\nwinter quarters in Phrygia,\\n249 sends word to Alexander\\nof the Lyncestian plot, 251\\nat Gordium, 258 warns Alex-\\nander against the physician\\nPhilip, 276; occupies the\\nAmanus Mountains, 277 at\\nIssus, 287 occupies Damas-\\ncus, 304 advises Alexander\\nto accept Darius s terms, 324\\nadvises reconnoitre at Gauga-\\nmela, 362 hard pressed at\\nrirtugamcict, 307 opposes the\\nburning of the palace at Per-\\nsepolis, 372 his services re-\\nviewed, 387 implicated by\\nPhilotas in his conspiracy,\\n392 put to death, 393\\nParthia, Alexander in, 3 S ff.\\nPasargadae, treasure in, 199; oc-\\ncupied by Alexander, 370\\nAlexander s return to, 470\\nPatala, Alexander at, 464\\nPatroclus, his tomb honoured by\\nHephaestion, 215\\nPatron, the Phocian, leader of\\nDarius s Greek mercenaries,\\n377\\nPausanias, murders Philip, 78\\nproclaimed a public benefactor\\nat Athens, 153\\nPeithon, made satrap of a region\\non the Indus, 464\\nPelion, in Illyria, burned by\\nAlexander, 165\\nPella, birthplace of Alexander, 8\\nPelusium welcomes Alexander,\\n332\\nPerdiccas, slays murderer of\\nPhilip, 79 precipitates attack\\non Thebes, 173 refuses lands\\nassigned him by Alexander,\\n209; in command of part of", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "Judex.\\nPerdiccas Continued.\\nAlexander s army in India, 426;\\nmarriage at Susa, 477 regent\\nafter Alexander s death, 493\\nguardian of Roxane s son, 494;\\ndeath, 494\\nPerdiccas II., king of Macedo-\\nnia, 16\\nPerdiccas III., king of Macedo-\\nnia, 17\\nPericles, imperial policy, 65\\nan Athenian boss, 120\\nPerinthus, besieged by Philip,\\n67\\nPersepolis, built by Darius the\\nGreat, 199 treasure in, 199\\noccupied by Alexander, 370\\nAlexander s return to, 470\\nPersia, contributes to Athenian\\nleague, 68 i-L-iaintains balance\\nof weakness among Greek\\nstates, 139; relations to Greece,\\n143; begins operations to\\ncheck Alexander, 167; its civil-\\nisation contrasted with the\\nGreek, 180 ff.; wars under\\nDarius and Xerxes, 182 the\\npeople, 187 early history, 188\\nff.\\nPersian Empire, the, origin of,\\n187 organised by Darius the\\nGreat, 190 ff. resources and\\ntaxes, 197 special taxes in,\\n198; area and population, 199;\\narmy maintenance, 199 royal\\nresidences in, 199 the royal\\ncourt, 200 the wives of the\\nKing, 201 kings from Darius\\nthe Great to Darius Codoman-\\nnus, 206\\nPersian espionage, 194\\nPersian Gulf, the, explored by\\nAlexander s fleet, 470\\nPersian military roads, 195;\\nthe road from Sardis to Susa,\\n196 make Alexander s em-\\npire possible, 197\\nPersian satraps, powers of, 193\\nPeucestas, in an attack on a city\\nof the Mallians, 457 ff.; re-\\nceives a golden crown for brav-\\nery, 479\\nPezetairoi, 216\\nPhalanx, the Macedonian, 216\\nPhaleas of Chalcedon, demands\\nlikeness of property for all cit-\\nizens, 136\\nPharnabazus, takes Mitylene,\\n263; takes Tenedos, 264 goes\\nto head off revolt at Chios, 298;\\na fugitive, 344\\nPharos, Alexander s first visit to,\\n45 the island of, 341 the\\nlighthouse at, 342\\nPheidippides, courier before bat-\\ntle of Marathon, 83\\nPhilip, his two great achieve-\\nments, 7 hostage at Thebes,\\n17 ascends the throne, 19\\nthe attack on Byzantium, 64\\nthe peace of Philocrates, 65\\nmade member of Amphicty-\\nonic Council, 65; presides over\\nPythian games, 65; ends\\nSacred War, 65; occupies\\nThrace, 66 begins two years\\nwar with Athens, 67 ff.; be-\\nsieges Perinthus and Byzan-\\ntium, 67 receives embassy\\nfrom Athens, 71 treaty with\\nAthens after Chaeronea, 72\\nHellenic Congress at Corinth\\nand its results, 73 ff. com-\\nmander in chief of Hellenic\\nleague, 74 quarrel with Alex-\\nander and Olympias, 74 ff.;\\nmarries Cleopatra, 75 ar-\\nranges marriage between\\nAlexander s sister and King of\\nEpirus, 77 murdered, 7 ff.;\\nsummary of events, 404-355\\nB. c. 138 ff. involved i n\\naffairs of central Greece, 141\\ndefender of Delphi, 141 his\\nopportunity in Greece, 144\\nconcessions to Athens, 145\\ndesires hegemony, not subju-\\ngation, 145; movement against\\nByzantium, 146; enters central\\nGreece at the head of an army,", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "5i8\\nIndex.\\nPhilip Continued.\\n147 master of Greece, 148\\nwounded by the Triballi, 159\\nPhilip, commander on the march\\ndown the Indus, 456\\nPhilip the Acharnanian, physi-\\ncian with Alexander at Tarsus,\\n276\\nPhilistus, historian of Sicily, 43\\nPhilocrates, the peace of, 65\\nPhilonicus, sells Bucephalus to\\nPhilip, 26\\nPhilonides, courier of Alexander,\\n83 (foot-note)\\nPhilotas, son of Parmenion, in-\\nvolved in a conspiracy against\\nAlexander, 387 previous criti-\\ncism of Alexander, 391 put\\non trial, 391 convicted and\\nput to death, 392\\nPhiloxenus, in Aristotle s Poli-\\ntics, 43\\nPhocion, member of Athenian\\nembassy to Philip, 72 leader\\nof Macedonian party, 125\\napproves of Eubulus, 131\\ncounsels against war, 147 ad-\\nvises submission to Alexander s\\ndemand for the ten politicians,\\n178 persuades Alexander to\\nmoderate his terms, 179\\nPhocis, occupied by Philip, 65\\nPhrada, Alexander at, 387\\nPhrataphernes, submits to Alex-\\nander, 384\\nPhrygia, Alexander in, 247, 256\\nff-\\nPindar, celebrates Alexander s\\nvictories, 15 the one great\\nwriter of Thebes, 172 his\\nhouse spared at destruction of\\nThebes, 174\\nPisidia, Alexander in, 253 ff.\\nPixodarus, brother of Ada, queen\\nof Caria, 244\\nPlutarch, biographer of Alex-\\nander, 160 (foot-note)\\nPolyeuctus the Athenian, per-\\nson demanded by Alexander,\\n178\\nPolystratus, at death of Darius,\\n380\\nPorus, the battle with see Hy-\\ndaspes confirmed in his old\\nauthority, 449\\nPosidonius, engineer with Alex-\\nander, 238\\nPotidsea, seized by Philip, 140\\nPriapus, submits to Alexander,\\n217\\nProteas, son of Lanice and as-\\nsociate of Alexander, 20\\nProteas, captures Persian ships\\nat Siphnus, 265\\nProtesilaus, tomb of, visited by\\nAlexander, 214\\nPrytaneum, the daily meal at the,\\n136\\nPrytany, the Athenian, 118\\nPsammetichus I_ employ Gictk\\nmercenaries, 337\\nPtolemseus, king of Macedonia,\\n17\\nPtolemy, son of Seleucus, sent\\nto Macedonia, 248 killed at\\nIssus, 304\\nPtolemy Soter, first ruler of\\nAlexandria, 337 builder of\\nthe lighthouse at Pharos, 342\\ninstitutes the Alexander cult,\\n354 at the murder of Clitus,\\n406 at the siege on the In-\\ndus, 429 marriage at Susa,\\n477 in the council after Alex-\\nander s death, 492 becomes\\nruler of Egypt, 494\\nPydna, seized by Philip, 140\\nPyrgoteles, portrays Alexander,\\n228\\nPythian games, presided over by\\nPhilip, 65\\nR\\nRhagae, Alexander at, 377\\nRhodes, alliance reestablished\\nwith anti-Macedonian party,\\n146 beginning of her com-\\nmercial career, 448", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n5 9\\nRoxane, marriage with Alex-\\nander, 412 birth of a son,\\n413 death, 413, 494\\nS\\nSacred War, begun, 141 con-\\ntinued, 142 ended by Philip,\\n65\\nSagalassus, Alexander at, 256\\nSamos, retained by Athens, 72\\nSangala, siege of, 302 captured\\nby Alexander, 450\\nSardis, captured by Cyrus, 188\\nsubmits to Alexander, 230\\ngovernment of Lydia under\\nAlexander, 231\\nSarissophors, 216\\nSatibarzanes, satrap at Susia,\\nsrrbrrvitfi to Alexander, 386\\nSattagydae, the satrapy of the,\\ntribute to Persia, 197\\nSatyrus, Life of Philip, 75\\nScythians, defeated by Alex-\\nander, 399\\nSeleucus, marriage at Susa, 477\\nbecomes ruler of Syria and\\nm Babylonia, 494\\nSelge, Alexander s treaty with,\\n255\\nSema, the, at Alexandria, 341\\nSerapeum, the, at Memphis, 334\\nSestos, expedition to, 182\\nSidon, surrenders to Alexander,\\n307 Alexander collects a fleet\\nat, 313; population, 338\\nSiege-engines, use of by the\\nGreeks, 238\\nSiege-tower, the, type used by\\nAlexander, 239\\nSiwah, oasis of, site of temple of\\nJupiter Amnion, 348\\nSlaves in Greece, public employ-\\nment, 135 jf.j price and sup-\\nply. 174\\nSmerdis, murdered, 190\\nSocial War, political situation at\\nend of, 140\\nSocrates declines Archelaus s in-\\nvitation, 16\\nSolon, rebukes Crcesus, 182\\nSophocles declines Archelaus s\\ninvitation, 16\\nSparta, refuses to participate in\\ncompact with Philip, 74 plain\\nof, 85 summary of events,\\n404-355 B.C., 138^.; throws\\noff Macedonian authority, 153\\nrefuses to recognise Alexan-\\nder s leadership, 156 accepts\\nmoney from Darius, 168 pop-\\nulation, 338 the disaffection\\nof, 345 submits to Antipater,\\n346 besieges Megalopolis,\\n346\\nSpitamenes, revolt of, 399 de-\\nfeated by Craterus, 402 de-\\nfeated by Alexander, 402 put\\nto death, 403\\nStagira, Aristotle s birthplace,\\n33 I rebuilt by Philip, 34\\nStasanor, meets Alexander with\\nsupplies, 467\\nStrategoi, the Athenian, 119\\nStrymon, Alexander subdues\\ntribes on the, 64\\nSusa, capital of Persia, 1S8\\ntreasure in, 199 capital of\\nPersian Empire, 199 Alexan-\\nder at, 370 Alexander s re-\\nturn to, 470 the five days\\nmarriage fete at, 476^\\nSusia, Alexander at, 385\\nSyracuse, population, 338\\nSyria, tribute to Persia, 197\\nSyrphax, leader of the oligarchs\\nat Ephesus, 233 stoned to\\ndeath by Ephesian mob, 234\\nTarsus, Alexander at, 275\\nTaxiles, an Indian rajah, meets\\nAlexander, 425; welcomes\\nAlexander, 434 confirmed in\\nhis old authority, 449\\nTenedos, yields to Pharnabazus,\\n264 recaptured by Hegelo-\\nchus, 296 returns to Macedo-\\nnian rule, 344", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "520\\nIndi\\nex.\\nTeos, welcomes Alexander, 234\\nTermessus, Alexander at, 255\\nr rhapsacus, Alexander crosses\\nthe Euphrates at, 356\\nThebes, after Chseronea, 70 oc-\\ncupied by Macedonian garri-\\nson, 74 the people, 86, 171\\nff. summary of events, 404-\\n355 B.C., 138 ff.; victory at\\nLeuctra, 139 alliance with\\nAthens, 146 ff. recognises\\nAlexander sleadership,i56; re-\\nvolt against Alexander, \\\\70ff.;\\nlocation, etc., 171 ff. Alex-\\nander encamped before, 172\\ncaptured by Alexander, 173\\ndestroyed by Alexander and\\ninhabitants sold as slaves, 174;\\nfate pronounced by a tribunal\\nof neighbouring states, 175; be-\\ntrayal of Greece in Persian\\nwar, 176 refounded by Cas-\\nsander, 176; population, 338\\nThermopylae, passed by Philip,\\n65\\nThessaly, becomes Philip s ally,\\n65 joins Alexander, 155\\nTigris, the, crossed by Alexan-\\nder, 359\\nTimolaus, a Theban leader, slain,\\n170\\nTimotheus, at court of Archelaus,\\n16\\nTrade routes between India\\nand the Western world in an-\\ncient and modern times, 358\\nTralles, submits to Alexander,\\n234\\nTriballi, the, attitude towards\\nMacedonia, 159; defeated by\\nAlexander, 162\\nTrireme, the, 235\\nTrogus Pompeius, biographer of\\nAlexander, 161 (foot-note)\\nTroy, Alexander at, 214\\nTyre, siege-engines at, 48 early\\nhistory, 307 ff.; unwilling to\\nadmit Alexander, 307 Eze-\\nkiel s curse upon, 308 nomi-\\nnal vassal of Persia, 309;\\nnecessity for its capture, 310\\nlength of the siege, 311 build-\\ning of the mole, 311 ff.; Alex-\\nander collects a fleet, 313 ar-\\nrival of Cleander, 314; attack\\nby Alexander s fleet, 315 at-\\ntack from the mole, 316 at-\\ntack by Tyrian fleet, 317\\nAlexander s only sea-fight,\\n318 the capture, 2 2 off.; loss\\nat the capture of, 322 dis-\\nposal of the inhabitants, 323\\npopulation, 338; Alexander\\nat, on return from Egypt, 355\\nU\\nUxians, the, return Bucepha-\\nlus, 28 subjugated, 370\\nVaruna, identified with Ahura\\nMazda, 203\\nXenophon, On the Revenues, 3\\nmonograph on the finances of\\nthe Athenian state, 127 ff.\\nZamolxis cult, the, 162\\nZariaspa, Alexander winters at,\\n402\\nZend-Avesta, sacred writings of\\nthe Ahura Mazda cult, 202\\nZeno, the Stoic, 59\\nZeuxis at court of Archelaus, 16\\nZoroaster, religious reformer.\\n189 gives form to the Ahura\\nMazda religion, 202, 204", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "Heroes of the Nations.\\nEDITED BY\\nEVELYN ABBOTT, M.A,\\nFellow of Balliol College, Oxford.\\nA Series of biographical studies of the lives and work\\nof a number of representative historical characters about\\nwhom have gathered the great traditions of the Nations\\nto which they belonged, and who have been accepted, in\\nmany instances, as types of the several National ideals.\\nWith the life of each typical character will be presented\\na picture of the National conditions surrounding him\\nduring his career.\\nThe narratives are the work of writers who are recog-\\nnized authorities on their several subjects, and, while\\nthoroughly trustworthy as history, will present picturesque\\nand dramatic stories of the Men and of the events con-\\nnected with them.\\nTo the Life of each Hero will be given one duo-\\ndecimo volume,, handsomely printed in large type, pro-\\nvided with maps and adequately illustrated according to\\nthe special requirements of the several subjects. The\\nvolumes will be sold separately as follows\\nLarge 12\u00c2\u00b0, cloth extra $150\\nHalf morocco, uncut edges, gilt top I 75", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "HEROES OF THE NATIONS.\\nA series of biographical studies of the lives and\\ncertain representative historical characters, about wh\\ngathered the great traditions of the Nations to which t\\nbelonged, and who have been accepted, in many instano\\ntypes of the several National ideals.\\nThe volumes will be sold separately as follows clot\\n$1.50 half leather, uncut edges, gilt top, $1.75.\\nThe following are now ready\\nNELSON. By W. Clark Russell.\\nGUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By C.\\nR. L. Fletcher.\\nPERICLES. By Evelyn Abbott.\\nTHEODORIC THE GOTH. By\\nThomas Hodgkin.\\nSIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By. H. R.\\nFox-Bourne.\\nJULIUS CAESAR. By W. Warde\\nFowler.\\nWYCLIF. By Lewis Sergeant.\\nNAPOLEON. By W. O Connor Mor-\\nris.\\nHENRY OF NAVARRE. By P. F.\\nWillert.\\nCICERO. By J. L. Strachan-David-\\nson.\\nABRAHAM LINCOLN. By Noah\\nBrooks.\\nPRINCE HENRY (OF PORTUGAL)\\nTHE NAVIGATOR. By C R.\\nBeazley.\\nJULIAN THE PHILOSOPHER.\\nBy Alice Gardner.\\nLOUIS XIV. By Arthur Hassall.\\nCHARLES XII. By R. Nisbet Bain.\\nLORENZO DE MEDICI. By Ed-\\nward Armstrong.\\nJEANNE D ARC. By Mrs. Oliphant.\\nCHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. By\\nWashington Irving.\\nROBERT THE BRUCE. By Sir\\nHerbert Maxwell.\\nHANNIBAL. By w. oxunnor Mor-\\nris.\\nULYSSES S. GRANT. By William\\nConant Church.\\nROBERT E. LEE. By Henry Alex-\\nander White.\\nTHE CID CAMPEADOR. Bv H.\\nButler Clarke.\\nSAL A DIN. By Stanley Lane-Poole.\\nBISMARCK. By J. W. Headlam.\\nCHARLEMAGNE. By H. W. C.\\nDavis.\\nALEXANDER THE GREAT. By\\nBenjamin I. Wheeler.\\nOLIVER CROMWELL. By Charles\\nFirth.\\nDANIEL O CONNELL. By Robert\\nDunlop.\\nRICHELIEU. By James B. Perkins.\\nOther volumes in preparation are\\nMOLTKE. By Spencer Wilkinson.\\nJUDAS MACCABEUS. By Israel\\nAbrahams.\\nHENRY V. By Charles L. Kings-\\nford.\\nSOBIESKI. By F. A. Pollard.\\nALFRED THE TRUTHTELLER.\\nBy F. York-Powell.\\nFREDERICK II. By A. L. Smith.\\nMARLBOROUGH. By C. W. C.\\nOman.\\nRICHARD THE LION-HEARTED.\\nBy T. A. Archer.\\nWILLIAM THE SILENT. By Ruth\\nPutnam.\\nJUSTINIAN. By Edward Jenks.\\nG. P. PUTNAM S SONS, Publishers, New York and London.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "The Story of the Nations.\\nMessrs. G. P. PUTNAM S SONS take pleasure in\\nannouncing that they have in course of publication, in\\nco-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, of London, a\\nseries of historical studies, intended to present in a graphic\\nmanner the stories of the different nations that have\\nattained piominenre in history.\\nIn the story form the current of each national life is\\ndistinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy\\nperiods and episodes are presented for the reader in their\\nphilosophical relation to each other as well as to universal\\nhistory.\\nIt is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to\\nenter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them\\nbefore the reader as they actually lived, labored, and\\nstruggled as they studied and wrote, and as they amused\\nthemselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with\\nwhich the history of all lands begins, will not be over-\\nlooked, though these will be carefully distinguished from\\nthe actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted\\nhistorical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions.\\nThe subjects of the different volumes have been planned\\nto cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive\\nepochs or periods, so that the set when completed will\\npresent in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in\\nthe great Story of the Nations but it is, of course,\\nnot always practicable to issue the several volumes in\\ntheir chronological order.", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "THE STORY OF THE iNATlONS.\\nThe Stories are printed in good readable type, and H\\nhandsome i2mo form. They are adequately illustrated\\nfurnished with maps and indexes. Price per vol., cloth, $1.50\\nhalf morocco, gilt top, $1.75.\\nThe following are now ready\\nGREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.\\nROME. Arthur Gilman.\\nTHE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer.\\nCHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin.\\nGERMANY. S. Baring-Gould.\\nNORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen.\\nSPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale.\\nHUNGARY. Prof. A. Vambery.\\nCARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church.\\nTHE SARACENS. Arthur Gilman.\\nTHE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley\\nLane-Poole.\\nTHE NORMANS. Sarah Ornejewett.\\nPERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin.\\nANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Raw-\\nlinson.\\nALEXANDER S EMPIRE. Prof. J.\\nP. Mahaffy.\\nASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin.\\nTHE GOTHS. Henry Bradley.\\nIRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless.\\nTURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole.\\nMEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA.\\nZ. A. Ragozin.\\nMEDIAEVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gus-\\ntave Masson.\\nHOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers.\\nMEXICO. Susan Hale.\\nPHOENICIA. Geo. Rawlinson.\\nTHE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zim-\\nmern.\\nEARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred J.\\nChurch.\\nTHE BARB ARY CORSAIRS. Stan-\\nley Lane-Pool.\\nRUSSIA. W. R. Morfill.\\nTHE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. D.\\nMorrison.\\nSCOTLAND. John Mackintosh.\\nSWITZERLAND. R. Stead and Mrs.\\nA. Hug.\\nPORTUGAL. H. Morse-Stephens.\\nTHE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C. W.\\nC. Oman.\\nSICILY. E. A. Freeman\\nTHE TUSCAN REPUBLICS.\\nDuffy.\\nPOLAND. W. R. Morfill.\\nPARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson.\\nBella\\nJAPAN. David Murray.\\nTHE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OF\\nSPAIN. H. E. Watts.\\nAUSTRALASIA. Grevill\\nthen.\\nSOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. M*\\nTheal.\\nVENICE. AletheaWiel.\\nTHE CRUSADES. T. S. Archer and\\nC. L. Kingsford.\\nVEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin.\\nBOHEMIA. C. E. Maurice.\\nCANADA. J. G. Bourinot.\\nTHE BALKAN STATES. William\\nMiller.\\nBRiTiari RULE IN INDIA. R. W.\\nFrazer.\\nMODERN FRANCE. Andre LeBon.\\nTHE BUILDINGOFTHE BRITISH\\nEMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. Two\\nvols.\\nTHE FRANKS. Lewis Sergeant.\\nTHE WEST INDIES. Amos K.\\nFiske.\\nTHE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND IN\\nTHE 19TH CENTURY. Justin\\nMcCarthy, M.P. Two vols.\\nAUSTRIA, THE HOME OF THE\\nHAFSBURG DYNASTY, FROM\\n1282 TO THE PRESENT DAY.\\nSidney Whitman.\\nCHINA. Robt. K. Douglass.\\nMODERN SPAIN. Major Ma:..fl A,\\nS. Hume.\\nOther volumes in preparation are\\nTHE UNITED STATES, i775- l8 9\\nA. C. McLaughlin, Professor o\\nAmerican History, University of\\nMichigan. In two vols.\\nBUDDHIST INDIA. Prof. T. W.\\nRhys-Davids.\\nMOHAMMEDAN INDIA.\\nLane-Poole. MT w 5\\nTHE THIRTEEN COLONIES.\\nWAfmND WALL. Owen\\nM. Edwards.\\nTHE ITALIAN KINGDOM.\\nStanley", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "v.^\\nv 0o V\\nf\\\\\\nO tr\\n-V\\nO^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0V\\no x\\n,0o.\\n*C\\nv\\nC\\n,V\\\\V V\\n,x-V\\n-N^\\nV\\nA ^r.\\nDeacidified using the Bookkeeper process.\\nNeutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide\\nTreatment Date: QCT\\nPreservationTechnologies\\nA WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATION\\n111 Thomson Park Drive\\n~i-\u00e2\u0080\u009e\u00e2\u0084\u00a2, T~\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00ab-hir. da -fence", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "A", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2055", "jp2-path": "alexandergreatme00whee_0602.jp2"}}