{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3330", "width": "2164", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Glass.\\nBook\\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOSIT", "height": "3267", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3294", "width": "2133", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3294", "width": "2133", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3284", "width": "2086", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "lLargr49aprr Litton\\nAMERICAN STATESMEN\\nEDITED KY\\nJOHN T. MORSE, JR.\\nIN THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES\\nVOL. XXIX.\\nTHE CIVIL WAR\\nCHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS", "height": "3294", "width": "2013", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3284", "width": "2086", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "GE PAPER EDITION", "height": "3284", "width": "2086", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "American Statcsmni\\nCHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nBY HIS SON\\nCHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nBOSTON AND NEW TORK\\nHOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY\\n@Hbe tftitoetfibe pte Cambribge\\nM DCCOC", "height": "3284", "width": "2086", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "Stibc ^unbrcD topics prmttl)\\ndumber\\nO COPIE.-\\nCOPYRIGHT, 1900, BY CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nCOPYRIGHT, 1900, BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN CO.\\nALL RIGHTS RESERVED\\nSECOND COPY,\\n4\\n^^^^w A Jf .1* o.", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nTwenty-seven years have now elapsed since\\nMr. Adams returned from Europe, after the\\nGeneva arbitration of 1872, in which he ren-\\ndered his last considerable public service, and it\\nlacks a few days only of thirteen years since his\\ndeath. No use whatever has hitherto been made\\nof his papers. Though neither in bulk nor in\\ninterest equal to the accumulations left by John\\nAdams or by John Quincy Adams, these have\\nnone the less a distinct value, shedding, as they\\ndo, much contemporaneous light on a period and\\na struggle which, not improbably, will hereafter\\nbe accounted the most momentous in American\\nhistory. Mr. Adams was not an active letter-\\nwriter, or systematic collector of material but\\nhe preserved all his correspondence, together\\nwith copies of his own letters, and for over fifty\\nyears, from the time he entered Harvard, he\\nkept a diary, in which there is scarcely a break.\\nThe time has now come when this material\\nmay fairly be used. The following sketch is,\\ntherefore, in part a preliminary study, and in", "height": "3284", "width": "2086", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "vi PREFACE\\npart the condensed abstract of a larger and more\\ndetailed work already far advanced in prepara-\\ntion. If narrated by another than himself, no\\nmatter how skillfully, the career of Mr. Adams\\nwould offer not much of interest. One brief\\nvolume would amply suffice to do full justice to\\nit. It so chanced, however, that he has told his\\nown story in his own way the story of a life\\nsome of which was passed in a prominent posi-\\ntion, at a great centre, and during a memorable\\nperiod. This story he has told, too, very simply\\nand directly but, necessarily, in great detail.\\nWhen a public character thus gives an account\\nof himself, and what he did and saw, and how\\nhe felt, not autobiographically, but jotting it all\\ndown from day to day as events developed, he\\nmust be given space. In such case, through a\\ntoo severe condensation the biographer is apt to\\nsubstitute himself for the man. It has so proved\\nwith Mr. Adams and yet in the larger publica-\\ntion but a small portion of the material he left\\nwill be used.\\nThe present sketch is chiefly biographical. In\\nit only now and then does Mr. Adams speak for\\nhimself. The work hereafter forthcoming will\\nbe made up in a much greater degree of extracts\\nfrom his diary, letters, and papers, with only\\nsuch extraneous matter as may be deemed ne-", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "PREFACE vii\\ncessary to connect the narrative, and to throw\\nlight upon it by means of developments since\\nmade, explaining much which was to him at the\\ntime he wrote obscure or deceptive.\\nC. F. A.\\nNovember 11, 1899.", "height": "3284", "width": "2086", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nCHAP. PAQE\\nI. Bibth and Education 1\\nII. Early Life 12\\nIII. The Massachusetts Legislature 42\\nIV. The Boston Whig 50\\nV. The Free-Soil Party 81\\nVI. The Ebb of the Tide 92\\nVII. The Ante-Bellum Congress 103\\nVIII. The Awakening 117\\nIX. The Proclamation of Belligerency 147\\nX. Seward s Foreign War Panacea 178\\nXI. The Treaty of Paris 200\\nXII. The Trent Affair 210\\nXIII. A Bout with the Premier 240\\nXIV. The Cotton Famine 261\\nXV. The Crisis of Recognition 278\\nXVI. The Emancipation Proclamation 291\\nXVII. The Alabama and the Lalrd Rams 306\\nXVIII. The Years of Fruition 345\\nXIX. The Geneva Arbitration 377\\nXX. Closing Years 398\\nIndex 403", "height": "3284", "width": "2086", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nCHAPTER I\\nBIRTH AND EDUCATION\\nThough born in Boston, and, until he was\\nover fifty, passing all his maturer life under New\\nEngland influences, Charles Francis Adams was\\nof mixed Northern and Southern descent.\\nPure English on both sides, without a trace, so\\nfar as can be ascertained, of Scotch or Irish,\\nmuch less of continental ancestry, race charac-\\nteristics went with him in the blood, a factor\\nof no inconsiderable moment in his public life.\\nBut while through his father he came of the\\ngenuine New England stock, the Aldens of\\nPlymouth, and the Shepards, Quincys, Nortons,\\nBoylstons, and Basses of the Massachusetts Bay,\\non the maternal side he was a Johnson of\\nMaryland. Of this family Governor Thomas\\nJohnson was, in Revolutionary times, the head.\\nAn ardent patriot and close personal friend of\\nWashington, he was afterwards not only ap-", "height": "3289", "width": "2029", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "2 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\npointed by the first President an associate jus-\\ntice of the Supreme Court, but later was ten-\\ndered the chief justiceship which position he\\ndeclined. A large family, during Revolutionary\\ntimes the Maryland Johnsons were well repre-\\nsented in the Continental army but one brother,\\nJoshua, twelve years the junior of Governor\\nThomas, had in early life established himself\\nas a merchant in London. When the trans-\\nAtlantic troubles broke out Joshua Johnson\\nremoved to France, taking up his abode at\\nNantes, where he acted as agent of the Mary-\\nland colony. After the peace of 1783 he went\\nback to England and, in 1785, under the Con-\\nfederation, was appointed American consul at\\nLondon, being the first to hold that office. He\\nlived in a house near Tower Hill and J. Q.\\nAdams, then representing the United States at\\nthe Hague, though recently appointed and con-\\nfirmed as minister to Prussia, records in his\\ndiary that, at 9 o clock on the morning of July\\n26, 1797, he went to Mr. Johnson s, and thence\\nto the Church of the parish of All Hallows\\nBarking, where I was married. We were\\nmarried before eleven in the morning, and im-\\nmediately after went out to see Tilney House.\\nLouisa Catherine, the second of Mr. Johnson s\\nfive daughters, was, on this occasion, the other\\nparty to the ceremony.", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "BIRTH AND EDUCATION 3\\nIn 1801 J. Q. Adams returned to America.\\nSettling in Boston, he began, rather than re-\\nsumed, the practice of his profession as a law-\\nyer and, in February, 1803, being then a mem-\\nber of the Massachusetts State Senate, he was\\nchosen by the legislature United States senator.\\nIn 1806 he was further appointed the first\\nBoylston Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory at\\nHarvard. Holding these two positions, now so\\ncuriously incompatible, he lived, in 1807, in a\\nframe house which long stood opposite the Com-\\nmon, on the southwest corner of Tremont and\\nNassau, as Boylston Street was then called, being\\non part of the present site of the Hotel Touraine.\\nHere, on Tuesday, August 18, 1807, his third\\nchild, a son, was born and nearly four weeks\\nlater, on Sunday, September 13th, the father\\nwrote My child, born the 18th of last month,\\nwas this afternoon baptized by Mr. Emerson, and\\nreceived the name of Charles Francis, the\\nfirst of which I gave him in remembrance of\\nmy deceased brother, and the second as a token\\nof honour to my old friend and patron, Judge\\nDana. The Mr. Emerson here mentioned was\\nthen the settled minister of the First Church of\\nBoston, and father of Ralph Waldo Emerson,\\nat the time a child of four years. The de-\\nceased brother, Charles, a third son of John\\nAdams, had died in New York in December,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "4 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\n1801. The connection with Judge Dana\\nwas more remote, and there was about it a plea-\\nsant sentimental significance. In 1807 Chief\\nJustice Dana had, only about a year before, re-\\ntired from the Supreme Court of Massachusetts\\nbut twenty-seven years earlier J. Q. Adams,\\nthen a boy still in his fourteenth year, had ac-\\ncompanied him on a futile diplomatic errand\\nto Russia, acting as his secretary and French\\ninterpreter. This remote Revolutionary recol-\\nlection now bore fruit in a family name.\\nOn August 10, 1809, two years after the\\ndiary entry above referred to was made, John\\nQuincy Adams, having in 1808 resigned his seat\\nin the Senate and shortly after been appointed\\nby President Madison first minister of the\\nUnited States to Russia, left Boston, and, driv-\\ning over Charles River Bridge to Mr. William\\nGray s wharf in Charlestown, there went on\\nboard his ship Horace, Captain Beckford, fitted\\nout on a voyage to St. Petersburg direct.\\nWith him went the young Charles Francis, a\\nchild not yet two and eight full and eventful\\nyears were to elapse before, a lad of ten, he\\nwas again to see his native town. His educa-\\ntion during those years was of a very desultory\\ncharacter, first in his father s house at St.\\nPetersburg and later in an English boarding-\\nschool. In Russia, French was not only the", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "BIRTH AND EDUCATION 5\\ncourt language, but the language of society\\nand, curiously enough in the case of Americans\\nat that time, both Mr. and Mrs. Adams had\\npassed much of their childhood in France, he\\nat Paris, she at Nantes. They, therefore, en-\\njoyed the inestimable advantage, placed as they\\nthen were, of perfect familiarity with French\\nand French thus became the child s native\\ntongue, that which he talked in preference to\\nany other. After his return home, in 1817,\\nclose upon forty-four years were to elapse be-\\nfore he was again in Europe but when, in\\n1871-72, he served on the Geneva Arbitration,\\nhe had occasion to appreciate at its full value\\nthat childish familiarity with French acquired\\nmore than half a century before.\\nAt the close of April, 1814, J. Q. Adams left\\nSt. Petersburg, under instructions from his gov-\\nernment to take part in the peace negotiations\\nwith Great Britain, shortly afterwards entered\\nupon at Ghent. Mrs. Adams remained, with her\\nchild, in Russia until the following winter,\\nawaiting instructions from her husband. The\\ncorrespondence between father and son, which\\nwas to continue until the death of the former,\\nnow began, and has still an interest, revealing,\\nas it does, the kindlier, more domestic, and less\\naustere features of the older man s character.\\nFor instance, from Amsterdam in June, 1814,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "6 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nhe writes to the child, not yet seven, describing\\nhow much he had wished his three boys with\\nhim in his travels of late, and adding this\\ngraphic little pen-and-ink genre sketch of\\nHolland\\nIt is a very curious and beautiful country\\nto see, especially at this season. It is all smooth\\nand level as the floor of a house a constant\\nsuccession of green pastures, covered with multi-\\ntudes of sheep and cattle, and intersected with\\ncanals upon which the people travel in large\\ncovered boats drawn by horses. I am sure it\\nwould be a pleasure to you to see the little boys,\\nin large breeches, big enough to make you two\\nsuits of clothes, and wooden shoes, and black\\nround wigs, and pipes of tobacco in their\\nmouths and the little girls, with petticoats\\nstuffed out like an umbrella, coming half down\\ntheir legs, and blue stockings, and slippers with-\\nout heels, flapping at their feet as they walk\\nalong.\\nPresently it became evident that J. Q. Adams\\nwas not to return to St. Petersburg so Mrs.\\nAdams, breaking up the establishment there, set\\nout to join her husband somewhere in western\\nEurope, exactly where she did not know for\\nthe times were troublous, and means of commu-\\nnication poor. Taking with her the boy, now\\nin his eighth year, and accompanied only by a", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "BIRTH AND EDUCATION 7\\nservant, she left St. Petersburg in her travel-\\ning carriage, and found her way in midwinter\\nacross Europe, then filled with the troops of\\nthe allied armies on their way home after the\\nabdication of Napoleon, and finally joined her\\nhusband in Paris on March 23, 1815, at the\\nbeginning of the famous Hundred Days. It\\nwas a Thursday when she drove up to the hotel\\nin Paris, and Napoleon, fresh from Elba, had on\\nthe previous Monday been borne in triumph up\\nthe steps of the Tuileries in the arms of his old\\nsoldiers, delirious with joy. The journey had\\nbeen long and trying; but Mrs. Adams was\\nquite equal to the occasion, for she delighted in\\nmovement, and never felt so well or so happy as\\nwhen inside of a traveling carriage. They re-\\nmained at Paris until the middle of May, when\\nJ. Q. Adams, who had then been appointed to\\nthe English mission, crossed over with his family\\nto London, arriving there just three weeks be-\\nfore the day of Waterloo. When they started\\nfor England, Napoleon had not yet left Paris,\\nand Charles Francis always afterwards had a\\nvivid recollection of looking up, a boy in the\\nsurging crowd, and seeing the Emperor as he\\nstood in the familiar clothes on the balcony of\\nthe Tuileries, acknowledging the acclamations\\nof the multitude below.\\nThe next two years were passed in England,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "8 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwhere J. Q. Adams was at last rejoined by his\\ntwo elder sons, from whom he had been six years\\nseparated. John, the second, and his young\\nbrother Charles were sent to a boarding-school\\nat Ealing, kept by a Dr. Nicholas, where they\\nmade a rough and simultaneous acquaintance\\nwith English boys and with the Latin grammar,\\ntaught, as that grammar in English schools then\\nwas, itself in Latin. It was just after the close\\nof the war of 1812-15, indeed, the battle of\\nNew Orleans and the brilliant engagement in\\nwhich the Constitution captured the Cyane and\\nLevant had occurred only a few months before,\\nand within the year so it was in no degree to\\nbe wondered at that the two young Yankees\\ndid not find their position peculiarly pleasant.\\nThe school was a large one, there being in it\\nsome two hundred and fifty boys, and on one\\noccasion at least the two Adamses would seem\\nto have had distinctly the advantage for, in\\nwriting to his mother, J. Q. Adams, referring to\\nthe school-life, tells her that Dr. Nicholas was\\nhighly diverted with a repartee of John s to\\none of the boys, who asked him slyly, whether\\nhe had ever been at Washington. No (said\\nJohn), but I have been at New Orleans. In\\nAugust, 1815, General Scott, fresh from Niagara\\nand Chippewa, was in London. Of course he\\nvisited Mr. Adams and the old soldier never", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "BIRTH AND EDUCATION 9\\nafterwards forgot the fact that, when he was\\ndining at Mr. Adams s house, young Charles\\nFrancis spoke up suddenly, and asked him to\\ntell about his battles in Canada, for use at\\nschool. More than twenty years later, while\\nwalking with his father through the capitol at\\nWashington, Mr. Adams met General Scott,\\nwho recalled the incident, illustrating thereby,\\nas Mr. Adams thought, his well-known personal\\nvanity though it would have seemed natural\\nenough, and in no way peculiar to Scott, that,\\nwithin three months after Waterloo, an Ameri-\\ncan officer should feel gratified to find his name\\nand exploits familiar as household words in the\\nmouth of a boy of eight in England.\\nSingular as it may appear, like the French of\\nhis infancy at St. Petersburg, this experience at\\nthe Ealing boarding-school was of very appre-\\nciable value to Mr. Adams half a century later,\\nindeed was a most important educational factor.\\nIt caused him to understand the English char-\\nacter. He had come in contact with it as a child\\nin the absolutely natural life of an English\\nschool and when, as a man, he came in contact\\nwith it again, an insight did not have to be ac-\\nquired. It had, on the contrary, already been\\nbred, probably beaten, into him and he acted\\nunconsciously upon it. He was in a degree to\\nthe manner born for, though he retained no", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "10 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\npleasant memories of the English character or\\nof English boys, he and they had been brought\\nup together in one nursery.\\nIn 1817, at the beginning of the first admin-\\nistration of Monroe, J. Q. Adams, after eight\\nyears residence in Europe, was recalled to Amer-\\nica. Landing in New York with his parents in\\nAugust, the young Charles Francis was taken\\nimmediately to Quincy, where, when his father\\na month later went to Washington to assume\\nhis duties as secretary of state in the Monroe\\ncabinet, he remained in charge of his grand-\\nmother, Mrs. John Adams. Mrs. Adams was\\nthen in her seventy-third year, and died thir-\\nteen months later; but never, to the end of Mr.\\nAdams s life, did the impression her character\\nthen made on him fade away. Older than he,\\nand now almost grown up, his two brothers,\\nduring their father s absence in Russia, had\\nbeen left under her care and in later life Mr.\\nAdams used to describe his own surprise, shortly\\nafter he got home in 1817, at seeing his big\\nbrothers actually burst into tears as they tried\\nto exculpate themselves when their grandmo-\\nther, because of some trifling misconduct, had\\noccasion to rebuke them. At the time he could\\nnot understand the feeling of affection and rev-\\nerence with which they regarded her; though\\na little later he himself fully shared in it. Her", "height": "3262", "width": "1992", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "BIRTH AND EDUCATION 11\\ndeath brought with it a change, as complete as\\nit was sad and indescribable, in both the moral\\natmosphere and the physical surroundings of the\\nhouse at Quincy but not until twenty years\\nafterwards did the publication of her letters\\nmake apparent to others the cause of the vener-\\nation with which her descendants looked up to\\nher, and the grounds of her influence over them.\\nImmediately after his return to America Mr.\\nAdams entered the Boston Latin School, of\\nwhich Benjamin Apthorp Gould had then been\\nfor three years head master, and came under\\nthat teacher s inspiring personal influence.\\nFrom childhood upwards a matured, self-con-\\ntained character, he was apparently somewhat a\\nfavorite with Mr. Gould, of whom he always\\nafterwards spoke with the utmost respect, while\\nthe Latin School and its traditions stood high in\\nhis estimation so high indeed that, as matter\\nof course, he in due time sent to it his own two\\neldest sons in their turn, with results, to them\\nat least, the reverse of satisfactory. Entering\\nHarvard in 1821, when scarcely fourteen, Mr.\\nAdams graduated in 1825.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II\\nEARLY LIFE\\nAfter graduation, Mr. Adams passed some\\nyears at Washington living in the White\\nHouse then presided over by his mother, mixing\\nin the society of the place, observing the course\\nof events, and noting down his impressions\\nof the eminent public men of the period,\\nRandolph, Jackson, Clay, and Webster. In\\nthe autumn of 1828, however, Mr. Adams left\\nWashington and went back to Boston, there, as\\nit proved, to take up his residence for the next\\nthirty years. Mr. Webster, in the full swing of\\nhis great powers, had advised him that, as things\\nthen were, the law was a man s only course\\nand Mr. Adams, reflecting on this advice, made\\nup his mind that the proper course [for him]\\nto adopt [was] to make the law a profession, so\\nas to rise in character and, if anything better\\nshould present, to take it, provided it [was]\\nreally better. So, with this in view, he en-\\ntered the office of Mr. Webster as a student in\\nNovember, 1828. His studies do not seem to\\nhave been of long continuance, for, on the 6th", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 13\\nof the following January, being then in his\\ntwenty-second year, he was admitted to practice\\nas an attorney and, six months later, on Sep-\\ntember 5, 1829, he was married, at the family\\nresidence in Medford, to Abigail Brown, the\\nyoungest child of Peter Chardon Brooks, of\\nBoston, whose other daughters were the wives,\\nthe one of Nathaniel L. Frothingham, then and\\nlong after, in succession to William Emerson,\\nwith one brief intervening ministry, pastor of\\nthe First Congregational Church the other, of\\nEdward Everett.\\nBeginning in December, 1859, and closing in\\nNovember, 1872, the active public life of Mr.\\nAdams was confined to almost exactly thirteen\\nyears and to the history of those years, and the\\nshare he took in their events, this biography\\nwill be mainly devoted. Not that the earlier\\nperiod lacked interest, or interest having an his-\\ntorical bearing, but it was mainly in connec-\\ntion with others, or with great political move-\\nments then in the more incipient stage. For\\ninstance, between 1830 and 1846, the life of\\nMr. Adams was inseparably interwoven with\\nthe career of his father, and, in reality, not less\\nessential to that career than influenced by it.\\nIndeed, the memorable record made by J. Q.\\nAdams from 1832 to 1846 would not have been\\npossible had it not been for the cooperation and", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "14 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nquiet support he received from his son, whose\\nown direct influence on public questions was\\nmeanwhile hardly perceptible. Yet at the be-\\nginning the son had strenuously opposed the\\nreentry of the father into public life.\\nWhen, through the election of General Jack-\\nson, J. Q. Adams was retired from the presi-\\ndency, he was in his sixty-second year. Accord-\\ning to all precedent he thus found himself, in\\nthe full enjoyment of his great powers, relegated\\nto what was known as a dignified retirement.\\nMeanwhile, adapted to public life, he had an\\ninsatiable craving for it. Accustomed to it,\\nfrom it he derived that enjoyment which every\\nstrong man derives from the exercise of his\\nmuscles, intellectual or physical. His son now\\nwanted J. Q. Adams, with the examples of\\nWashington, Jefferson, and Madison before him,\\nquietly to accept the situation, and devote his\\nremaining years to literary pursuits and philo-\\nsophical meditation. To the father this pro-\\nspect was not alluring for though, by accident\\nof birth, some forty years the elder man of the\\ntwo, he was in combativeness of disposition con-\\nsiderably the younger, and in feelings the less\\nmature. Accordingly, on the first opportunity\\nthat offered, he plunged once more into the po-\\nlitical current nor did he again emerge from it.\\nAs is well known, he sank in the swim.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "EAKLY LIFE 15\\nMeanwhile when in 1830 he, an ex-Presi-\\ndent, accepted the nomination for Congress ten-\\ndered him from what was then known as the\\nPlymouth district, he took the chances heavily\\nagainst himself for at that juncture he was\\npassing through a severe ordeal. During the\\nprevious twenty years his career had been one\\nof almost unbroken success. Minister to Russia\\nduring the close of the Napoleonic period, nego-\\ntiator of the treaty of Ghent, minister to Great\\nBritain after the war of 1812-15, secretary of\\nstate for eight years and President for four,\\nhe had passed on from one position to another\\nwith a regularity and firmness more sugges-\\ntive of European than American public life. In\\nprivate, too, he had been sufficiently prosper-\\nous. His sons had grown up and chosen their\\nprofessions two of them were married his\\nestate, though not large, sufficed for his needs.\\nSuddenly, beginning with the autumn of 1828,\\ncalamity succeeded calamity. Defeated by Jack-\\nson in the election of that year, hardly had he\\nbeen retired from the presidency when he lost\\nhis oldest son, suddenly and while on the way\\nto Washington. Five years later another son\\ndied. Through the unfortunate business ven-\\ntures of the latter the father had become pecu-\\nniarily involved and thus, between 1830 and\\n1835, he was confronted at once by political de-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "16 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nfeat, domestic affliction, and financial ruin. The\\nsituation, in every aspect bad, was made appre-\\nciably worse by the fact that the remaining son\\nso disapproved of the father s return to public\\nlife that the two were for a time not upon\\nterms of perfect cordiality.\\nThe elder man, however, bore up bravely\\nand, from the spring of 1835, affairs gradually\\nassumed a more cheerful aspect. The father s\\ncourse had then unmistakably vindicated itself.\\nHe had demonstrated that he was right, that\\nhe understood himself and the situation. So\\nfar as he was concerned, the problem of what\\nwe are to do with our ex-Presidents did not\\ncall for further consideration. This particular\\nex-President had developed the capacity to take\\ncare of himself and thenceforth not only did\\nremonstrance cease on the part of the son, but\\nthe feeling which gave birth to it changed, as\\nrapidly as silently, into one of pride, loyalty,\\nintense approval, and earnest cooperation. The\\ncooperation, too, was essential. The financial\\ntangle had to be unsnarled and, while perfectly\\ntractable and quick to adopt any needful mea-\\nsures of economy, J. Q. Adams could not educate\\nhimself to business methods or to those details\\nincident to the care of property. One of the\\ncommonly whispered charges against him dur-\\ning his later years and after his death was an", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 17\\nalleged inclination to parsimony, a well-de-\\nveloped tendency to New England thrift. The\\nfact was that, by reason of incorrigible care-\\nlessness in private monetary matters, he escaped\\nruin and want the fate of his predecessor\\nMonroe only through prudent management\\non the part of his son, who, in 1835-36, practi-\\ncally, though with that gentleman s consent, put\\nthe ex-President under financial guardianship.\\nThough his establishment was a modest one, J.\\nQ. Adams, from that time to the end of his life,\\nrarely lived within his income of which his\\npaltry pay of $1500 or $2000 per annum as a\\nmember of Congress was an essential part. The\\nincreasing value of such real estate as he owned\\nin Boston and Washington gradually relieved\\nhim from any pressing embarrassment but\\nthroughout his congressional career it was solely\\ndue to the wholesome oversight thus exercised\\nover him that J. Q. Adams was able to remain\\nin public life. But for it he would have faded\\nout in financial straits.\\nThus vicariously doing his share in public\\nlife, Mr. Adams turned his attention more and\\nmore to literary, historical, and, incidentally,\\nto political topics. The North American Re-\\nview was then the recognized medium through\\nwhich New England culture found expression\\nand towards that medium Mr. Adams naturally", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "18 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nturned. Between the years 1829 and 1843\\nthe North American was edited first by\\nAlexander H. Everett, a brother of Edward,\\nand then by Dr. John G. Palfrey, subsequently\\nthe historian of New England, Dr. Palfrey suc-\\nceeding Mr. Everett in 1835. The Review was\\nthen a vigorous, well- written, high-toned quar-\\nterly, modeled on the Edinburgh, of which it\\nwas an unpartisan and consequently somewhat\\ncolorless American echo. In fact, as compared\\nwith its great Scotch prototype, it was slightly\\nsuggestive of the play of Hamlet, the part of\\nthe Prince of Denmark, in that case personified\\nby Francis Jeffrey, being omitted. To it Mr.\\nAdams, first and last, contributed in all seventeen\\npapers, filling more than four hundred and fifty\\nprinted pages, and dealing ordinarily with topics\\nmore or less connected with American history,\\nsuch as the lives of Thomas Hutchinson and\\nAaron Burr, the Madison Papers and the North-\\neastern Boundary. Beginning in the January\\nnumber of 1831, with a review of James Gra-\\nham s History of the United States, first\\npublished some three years before, and then\\nlittle known in America, he closed in the num-\\nber for July, 1846, with an article on the Let-\\nters of the Earl of Chesterfield.\\nDuring all these years, as long before, the\\npapers left by John Adams were still lying", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 19\\nbundled up in the boxes to which, in repeated\\nprocesses of removals, they had been con-\\nsigned, a vast, unsorted, miscellaneous accu-\\nmulation. It was part of the son s plan, only\\nslowly and very reluctantly abandoned, that\\nJ. Q. Adams should put these papers in order,\\nand prepare from them a biography of his fa-\\nther for, all his life, Mr. Adams labored under\\nthe delusion that J. Q. Adams, preeminent as\\na controversialist and for drawing state papers,\\nhad also great literary capacity. Fortunately\\nJ. Q. Adams understood himself much better\\nthan his son understood him and, greatly to\\nthe discomfiture of the latter, he evinced the\\nutmost indisposition to having anything to do\\nwith the John Adams papers or controversies.\\nHis son could not account for this indifference\\nand yet it seems explicable enough when he\\nrecords how his father one day, made impatient\\nby his solicitude, exclaimed upon the weariness\\nof raking over a stale political excitement.\\nThere was, in truth, in J. Q. Adams a great\\ndeal of human nature. Yielding to its im-\\npulse, he was now again involved in the politi-\\ncal movements at Washington, taking, as his\\nastonished son wrote, as much interest as if he\\nwas a young man. So, yielding to the influ-\\nence of the stronger and more active mind, the\\nson himself next became concerned in questions", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "20 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nof the day, and for a time ceased to occupy\\nhimself with the family papers and contributions\\nto the North American.\\nCuriously enough, the mutations of this\\nwhimsical world, as he called it, had, during\\nthe congressional session of 1835, brought J. Q.\\nAdams into the support, at once vigorous and\\ndramatic, of his victorious rival, now for the\\nsecond time President. Towards Jackson, per-\\nsonally, his feelings had undergone no ameliora-\\ntion. The Tennessee frontiersman, soldier and\\npolitician, offended him from every point of\\nview. A barbarian and savage, who could\\nscarcely spell his own name, he had, as Presi-\\ndent, violated both principle and precedent, de-\\ngrading the offices of the heads of depart-\\nment into mere instruments of his will. On\\nthe other hand, J. Q. Adams entertained deep-\\nseated, almost passionate, convictions on certain\\nfundamental points of national policy and con-\\nstitutional construction and upon these points\\nhe now found the barbarian and savage, who\\nhad supplanted him, standing forth as the un-\\nmistakable champion of the policy for which he\\nhad labored and the construction in which he\\nbelieved, with his own friends and natural allies\\nunited in an opposition purely political. The\\nissues were three in number South Carolina\\nnullification, known as Calhounism the com-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 21\\nplication with France arising out of the non-\\npayment by that country of the indemnity for\\nspoliations provided for in the convention of\\n1831 between the two countries and, finally,\\nthe constitutional issue between the President\\nand the Senate over the executive power of ap-\\npointment to, and removal from, office. As\\nrespects these issues J. Q. Adams felt strongly.\\nTo quote his own language in a confidential\\nletter to his son I cannot reflect [upon\\nthese three subjects] in the aspect which they\\nnow bear, and in which they will probably be\\npresented at the ensuing session of Congress,\\nwithout deep concern and inexpressible anguish.\\nIt will be impossible, after the part that I have\\ntaken with regard to two of them the im-\\npending foreign and domestic war for me to\\ndodge either of the questions. I led the House\\nupon both of them in the last session. I can-\\nnot shrink from advising the House concerning\\nthem at the next.\\nTo two of these three issues, those involv-\\ning the probability of foreign and domestic\\nwar, it is unnecessary here to refer, for\\ntheir further consideration by the father did not\\ninvolve the son. It was otherwise with the third\\nissue, that arising out of the participation of the\\nSenate, through its power of confirmation, in\\nthe patronage, aud, by means of the patronage,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "22 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nin the most intimate executive functions of the\\ngovernment. J. Q. Adams had himself been\\nPresident and, as President, he had grown to\\nlook with deepest apprehension on the tendency\\nof the Senate, one branch of the legislative\\nbody, to arrogate authority to itself. His ex-\\nperience and sagacity thus led him early to fore-\\ncast what has since developed into a great con-\\nstitutional evil, from that day to this of steady,\\nportentous growth. So, for the moment putting\\naside the issue with France, and even nullifica-\\ntion, as matters of minor consequence, The\\nPatronage Bill, he wrote to his son, is that\\nupon which my feelings and my apprehensions\\nare most intense. I can grind it to impalpable\\npowder before any tribunal but that of Whig\\nfederalism, nullification, and ochlocracy but\\nthat is precisely the combination against which\\nI have to contend. Perhaps it would have\\nbeen as intelligible if, instead of Ochlocracy,\\nJ. Q. Adams had here used the modern substi-\\ntute for that term, Democracy but he was\\nat the moment writing, not for publication, but\\nfamiliarly. So, using such words and figures\\nas first suggested themselves, he went instinc-\\ntively back to the harassing, nerve-destroying\\ntrials of his own administration and, in terms\\nof invective as vehement as they were charac-\\nteristic, proceeded to give his view of the slow", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 23\\ngenesis of this measure, and of its subtile and\\ndangerous character as interfering with the con-\\nstitutional allotment of functions. The history\\nof the now forgotten Patronage Bill of 1835 can\\nbe briefly told.\\nIn view of the wholly unprecedented course\\npursued by Jackson in his distribution of offices,\\nthe introduction in fact of the modern spoils\\nsystem into our politics, Mr. Calhoun, dur-\\ning the nullification excitement of 1835, reported\\na measure calculated to reduce the political in-\\nfluence exerted by the Executive through its\\ncontrol of the public patronage. Unfortunately,\\nhowever, this result, very desirable in itself, was\\nreached through what Mr. Adams held to be the\\neven more pernicious evil of making one branch\\nof the legislative body a participant in the con-\\ntrol of that patronage. If this theory obtained,\\nhe saw clearly enough he was told by his own\\nexperience that office-peddling between the\\nPresident and the Senate would become a recog-\\nnized system, to the lasting deterioration of each\\nas a branch of the government. In the ripeness\\nof time, as history shows, exactly that result\\ncame about. Driving at once to the heart of\\nthis issue, Mr. Adams saw the thing in all its\\nremote and latent bearings. Unfortunately, Mr.\\nWebster, in his dislike and deep distrust of\\nPresident Jackson, had in the session of 1835", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "24 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nmade a speech in support of the Calhoun Pat-\\nronage Bill, in which he indicated a dissent\\nfrom the construction given to the Constitution\\nin 1789, by which the power of removal from\\noffice was exclusively conceded to the President.\\nHis position was unquestionably not in the line\\nof Federalist doctrine or authority and, in as-\\nsuming it, he incurred the outspoken wrath of\\nJackson s predecessor. After describing and de-\\nnouncing, with a vehemence almost ludicrous,\\nthe combination Calhoun, Clay, Webster, and\\nWhite which, on February 21, 1835, carried\\nthis measure through the Senate, he thus went\\non in his letter to his son The most utterly\\ninexcusable [of this combination] because the\\nmost glaringly treacherous to his own professed\\nprinciples is Webster. He is the only Federalist\\nof the gang. The Constitution was the work\\nand the highest glory of the Federal party. The\\nexposition of it which declares all subordinate\\nexecutive officers removable by the President\\nwas the hard-earned victory of the Federal party\\nin the first Congress. Without it the Constitu-\\ntion itself would long since have been a ruin\\nand now Daniel Webster, the Federal Pharisee\\nof the straightest sect, brought up at the feet of\\nGamaliel, betrays at once to nullification and\\nBentonism his party and his country, tells\\nthe world that James Madison blundered in not", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 25\\nknowing that by the Constitution of the United\\nStates the appointing power was vested in the\\nPresident and Senate, that the executive power\\nis no power at all, that no man can tell what is\\nor is not executive power, and that Congress, if\\nthey please, may make a secretary of state or an\\nattorney-general for life.\\nSemper ego auditor tantum numquamne reponam\\nIt is open to question whether J. Q. Adams\\nhere stated the position of Mr. Webster quite as\\naccurately as he quoted Juvenal s famous line\\nbut, however this may be, the fierce denuncia-\\ntion produced its effect on his son. The seed\\nthis time fell on fertile soil. Once when the\\nyounger Oliver Wendell Holmes was discussing\\nsome revolutionary views of philosophy with\\nRalph Waldo Emerson, the transcendentalist\\nadvised the neophyte, in bringing out his ideas,\\nto strike at a king! nothing less than de-\\nthroning the Stagyrite himself should satisfy.\\nSo, in this case, the younger Adams, then\\ntwenty-eight years old, and eager to distinguish\\nhimself, was incited by his father to assail on a\\nvital constitutional issue the great Defender\\nof the Constitution, then fresh from his tri-\\numph over Hayne.\\nJ. Q. Adams returned to Quincy early in\\nJune, 1835, and, during the months which fol-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "26 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nlowed, his son went to work, making, with his\\nassistance and suggestions, a thorough study of\\nthe constitutional questions involved in the Pat-\\nronage Bill. The results, read by his father,\\nwere returned with commendation more than\\nenough, and appeared during the summer in a\\nseries of communicated articles printed simulta-\\nneously in the columns of the Boston Advo-\\ncate and the Centinel. In the autumn,\\nafter careful revision, they were published in\\npamphlet form, under the title, boldly appropri-\\nated from Burke, of An Appeal from the New\\nto the Old Whigs, by a Whig of the Old\\nSchool. This effort of his younger days Mr.\\nAdams always afterwards looked back upon\\nwith peculiar satisfaction and more than forty\\nyears later, when, under the administration of\\nGeneral Grant, the same question again pre-\\nsented itself for discussion and copies of his\\npamphlet were in some request, after looking it\\nover he laid it down, remarking on its vigor,\\nand expressing the belief that he could not then,\\nin his later and riper life, have done it so well.\\nWhen published it was by some attributed to the\\nfather. Mr. Woodbury (then secretary of\\nthe treasury), wrote J. Q. Adams from Wash-\\nington at the end of the following November,\\ntold me that he had read it, and that it was\\nunanswerable. He said that he had perhaps", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 27\\nvoted [the other way] upon Mr. Benton s pro-\\nposed bill in 1826, but that the question had not\\nbeen discussed upon its true principles. He said\\nthat no one could read the pamphlet without\\nbeing 1 convinced of the true intent of the Consti-\\ntution. I said the pamphlet had been erroneously\\nascribed to me. I had not written a line of it,\\nbut I told him who was the author. This\\ndenial was hardly necessary for the produc-\\ntion, though in point and vigor well worthy of\\nthe supposed author, bore none of his ear-marks.\\nIt was distinctly a better piece of work than he\\nwas capable of at that time and upon that topic\\nfor, while in no way lacking in spirit and ear-\\nnestness, it was more comprehensive, calmer in\\nstyle, and, from the literary point of view, bet-\\nter ordered. There was in it less of that vehe-\\nmence of tone, that eagerness for controversy\\nand wealth of invective, which always marred\\nthe productions of the father, and which also,\\ncuriously enough, instead of being mitigated by\\nyears, grew ever upon him.\\nTo return to the son s pamphlet no reprint\\nof the Appeal from the New to the Old\\nWhigs has ever been called for but at the\\ntime and since, whenever the allocation of pow-\\ners under the federal Constitution has been in\\ndiscussion, copies have been in request. Even\\nso late as 1897, sixty-two years after its pub-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "28 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nlication, a brief note was received by a mem-\\nber of Mr. Adams s family, from one of the\\njustices of the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates, saying that the old question was once\\nmore before that tribunal, that he had in vain\\nsent to the Congressional Library for a copy of\\nthe pamphlet, and asking if one could not be\\nprocured for him at Quincy. Though it caused\\nno noticeable sensation, the Patronage Bill\\nof 1835 having then already become a yester-\\nday s political excitement, the Appeal when\\npublished was remarked upon for its research,\\nits grasp of principle and vigor of statement,\\nbringing the author, among other letters, one of\\nkindly commendation from ex-President Madi-\\nson.\\nThe Appeal from the New to the Old\\nWhiffs thus secured for Mr. Adams what he\\nthen deeply hungered for, a degree of personal\\nrecognition for, in entering upon life, he found\\nhimself overweighted by the great reputation of\\nhis grandfather and his father, while the latter\\nalso overshadowed him by instant prominence.\\nThe acts and utterances of the preceding gen-\\nerations were ever on the lips of men, and they\\nhad neither knowledge nor expectation of that\\nthen rising. So when Mr. Adams thought to\\nplay off his own bat, as Lord Palmerston would\\nhave expressed it, people, naturally enough,", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 29\\nattributed the strokes to the veteran in the game.\\nThey say it is from my pen, but my father s\\nbrain, the younger man wrote of the Appeal,\\nin 1835 and, indeed, it was not until he was\\nover fifty that Mr. Adams fairly succeeded in\\nasserting his right to be considered as something\\nmore than the son of his father.\\nThe great political issue of his generation,\\nthe issue over African slavery, the agitation of\\nwhich, really beginning to make itself felt only\\nin 1835, was not to culminate for twenty-five\\nyears, had not up to this time (1835) apparently\\nattracted the notice of Mr. Adams at least,\\nhe makes no mention of it. The publication\\nof the Liberator was begun in 1831, and\\nin October, 1835, Garrison was mobbed in\\nBoston. At that time he represented nothing\\nbut an idea, the first faint movement of an\\nawakening public conscience but it is curious\\nto notice the instinctive correctness with which\\nthe great slave-power and its affiliations divined\\nimpending danger. Not guided by reason, their\\nanger and alarm were out of all proportion to\\nthe apparent menace; but at the first whisper\\nof attack they, like some fierce wild beast of\\nprey scenting harm from afar, bristled up sav-\\nagely and emitted an ominous growl.\\nOn the other hand, the gradual growth of\\nthe anti-slavery sentiment, the arousing of the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "30 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nPuritanic, New England conscience not less in-\\ngrained in Mr. Adams than in his father, as\\nfrom time to time now set down in his record,\\nis an instructive study, suggestive of what was\\nthen quite generally going on. On August\\n20th, just two months before the Garrison mob,\\nhe notes The town is full of the abolition\\nprojects and the meeting to be held to counter-\\nact them. This takes place to-morrow night at\\nFaneuil Hall the application is signed by most\\nof our respectable citizens. I am glad I have\\nnothing to do with it. A few days later, Sep-\\ntember 8th, speaking of one of a series of com-\\nmunications he was then making to a newspaper,\\nhe says The last takes up the recent excite-\\nment about slavery and abolition, a subject\\nwhich it might be wiser not to touch. Of the\\nGarrison mob, six weeks afterwards, he merely\\nremarks that, among other things, we have\\nhad a mob to put down abolitionists, as if the\\ncountry was not going to pot fast enough with-\\nout extraordinary help. Then presently The\\nnews from Washington is that the question of\\nslavery is driving everything else out of view.\\nMy father has opened upon it, rather to my re-\\ngret though not to my surprise. The excitement\\nseems to be so intense as to threaten the worst\\nconsequences. A month later comes the de-\\nspairing groan My father at Washington is", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 31\\nin the midst of a painful struggle, which his\\nunfortunate permanency in public life brings\\nupon him. My judgment was not mistaken\\nwhen I dissuaded him from it. But, as he is in\\nit, I must do my best to help him out. This\\nresolve on the part of the son was certainly\\ncommendable though it is to be feared that,\\nif the father had been able to find no other\\nresource in the difficult position in which he\\nhad then placed himself, his danger would have\\nbeen extreme. Fortunately, on this, as on divers\\nsubsequent occasions, he proved quite sufficient\\nin himself; and when, a few weeks later, he\\nemerged in triumph from the conflict, with the\\nfloor of the Representatives Hall strewed thick\\nwith discomfited opponents, the son could only\\nremark It is singular how he continues to\\nsustain himself by the force of his mere abil-\\nity. From that time forward, however, the\\nI-told-you-so refrain was no longer heard.\\nThe anti-slavery educational footprints are\\nnext found in entries like the following Fin-\\nished this morning Dr. Channing s pamphlet\\nupon slavery. It is certainly a very powerful\\nproduction, and worthy of deeper consideration\\nthan it has yet been in the way of receiving.\\nOur fashion here is to vote a man down at\\nonce without hearing his reasons. This saves\\nmuch trouble, and dispenses with all necessity", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "32 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nfor argument. Dr. Charming may not be wise\\nto encroach upon a political field, but what he\\nsays may have much weight without considering\\nthe author. The man, so far as he had now\\ngot, showed the influence of environment, it\\nwas still questionable propriety on the part\\nof a minister of the church of Christ to express\\nany views on man s property in man By the\\nfollowing July he himself had begun to write\\non the subject in the Boston Advocate. In\\nmy own opinion it is the best thing I ever wrote\\nbut whether it will meet with much approbation\\nin the world is more than doubtful to me. A\\nfew months later, when his sentiments were\\nasked for, he said While I entirely dissented\\nfrom the abolition views respecting the District\\nof Columbia, I was yet clearly in favor of dis-\\ncussion, and would by no means give to the prin-\\nciple of slavery anything more than the tolera-\\ntion which the Constitution has granted. This\\nposition certainly could not be regarded as ex-\\ntreme. Events, however, moved rapidly. His\\nfather next had, as usual, fallen into a great\\ntrouble, rousing the passions of the Southern\\nmembers to the boiling point. This was the\\nsomewhat famous occasion when Mr. Adams,\\nfrom his place in the House of Representatives,\\ninquired of the Speaker as to the disposition\\nwhich would, under the rules of that body, be", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 33\\nmade of a petition purporting to come from\\nslaves. The result of the contest thus precipi-\\ntated was again extremely disastrous to the as-\\nsailants of Mr. Adams, who found themselves\\nbadly scalded at his hands by the overflow of\\ntheir own boiling passions and two days\\nlater the son wrote The uproar in Congress\\nhas ceased, and my father has carried the day.\\nI hope he will use his victory in moderation.\\nThe months then rolled on, and in November,\\n1837, came the news of the Alton riot with the\\nbrutal murder of Lovejoy. It was the legiti-\\nmate outcome of the Garrison mob of two years\\nearlier, and the distant forerunner of border\\nruffian outrages twenty years later it was also\\nfuel to the kindling flame. Even when young\\nMr. Adams was a cold man outwardly, and not\\nquick to move but once fairly in motion he\\nwas apt to be impetuous. Accordingly, when\\nnow the Boston city fathers undertook to refuse\\nthe use of Faneuil Hall on the application of\\nDr. Channing and others for a public meeting\\nto protest against mob-rule even in Illinois, Mr.\\nAdams wrote The craven spirit has got about\\nas far in Boston as it can well go. I had a warm\\nargument in Mr. Brooks s room with two or\\nthree of my [wife s] connections there. They\\nare always of the conservative order, and I can-\\nnot often be. The following day, after listening", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "34 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nto a sermon in which he traced a disposition to\\ndeprecate the excitement over the case of this\\nLovejoy, he met one of his brothers-in-law, who\\nintimated some degree of sympathy with his\\nviews and, recording this surprising fact, he\\ninsensibly made use of a form of speech subse-\\nquently very familiar We are not all broken\\nin to the cotton interest then.\\nThe following Friday the Faneuil Hall meet-\\ning was held, the meeting at which Wendell\\nPhillips, then a young man of twenty-six, made\\nhis memorable first appearance as a public\\nspeaker. Mr. Adams went The hall was\\nvery full, and not much time was needed to show\\nthat two parties existed in it. Dr. Channing\\nwas speaking when I went in. He looked to\\nme somewhat agitated and anxious but his\\nmanner was slow and drawling, which produces\\nmore effect in the pulpit than here. His speech\\nseemed to be a kind of justification of himself\\nin moving the public meeting and in preparing\\nthe resolutions, which he said he expected and\\nwished to be known [as his] here and every-\\nwhere. He was followed by G. S. Hillard, who,\\nin a brief and well-turned speech, explained the\\nground of the public meeting. Thus far things\\nwere quiet but Mr. James T. Austin thought\\nproper to put in a bar to the proceedings. It\\ndid not seem clear to me what good object he", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 35\\ncould have had, for he produced no substantial\\ncourse, and limited himself to insulting the mo-\\ntives and proceedings of the abolitionists. This\\nwas easily enough done in a city corrupted heart\\nand soul by the principles of slavery, and with\\na majority present almost ready to use force to\\nbear him out, if necessary, right or wrong. His\\nargument was that the mob of Alton was justi-\\nfied by the case. Lovejoy was acting against the\\nsafety of the people of Missouri, in a place on\\nthe border of the State where the law of that\\nState could not touch him that, the laws of\\ntwo States thus conflicting, in a case of immi-\\nnent danger the people rose up in their might\\nand decided for themselves. They did in this\\ncase no more than our ancestors, who threw\\noverboard the tea in Boston harbor, and who\\nthinks of censuring them for a riot The fact\\nof a clergyman s falling only showed that a\\nclergyman was out of his place when meddling\\nwith the weapons of the flesh, and that he died\\nas the fool dieth. The course of the abolition\\nparty was like that of a man who should insist\\non the liberation of the wild animals of a mena-\\ngerie. Such was the substance of a speech in\\nFaneuil Hall in 1837 of the attorney general\\nof Massachusetts, applauded at every sentence\\nby a large and powerful party of respectable\\nmen I confess my nerves did not stand it very", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "36 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwell and, from that moment, I went with the\\nmeeting. A young Mr. Phillips followed with\\nsome very spirited and ready remarks, which\\nwere too stinging not to arouse the feeling of\\nthe opponents, and more than once I thought\\nstrong symptoms of a riot to be impending.\\nBut he finished quickly, and Mr. Bond got up\\nwith a mild view of the whole course of pro-\\nceeding, full of moderation and good practical\\nsense. The resolutions were then voted, though\\nnot without opposition, and adjourned. On the\\nwhole, it was the most excited public meeting I\\nwas ever present at and, I confess, nothing\\ncould exceed the mixed disgust and indignation\\nwhich moved me, at the doctrines of the learned\\nexpounder of mob law.\\nAs they worked up their new theory for put-\\nting, through riot, a stop to discussion, the\\nfriends of law and order were at that time\\nmanufacturing anti-slavery sentiment rapidly.\\nSo a fortnight later Mr. Adams noted that his he-\\nreditary and college associate and friend, young\\nEdmund Quincy, had come out a warm aboli-\\ntionist, his letter being published in the Libera-\\ntor, and he having made a speech last evening;\\nand added, with a touch almost of sadness\\nI wish I could be an entire abolitionist but\\nit is impossible. My mind will not come down\\nto the point. So the result showed. In that", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 37\\ncontest lie had his place but not amid the sharp\\nspattering fire of the skirmish line. His place\\nwas just behind that fire, in the front rank of\\nthe solid, advancing array of battle. To this\\nconclusion he himself had evidently come when,\\nduring the following spring, he passed a month\\nin Washington. The fraudulent Cherokee\\nTreaty was then under debate. One day he\\nwrote News from Philadelphia of the de-\\nstruction by a mob of the hall lately erected\\nfor free discussion. Such is the nature and ex-\\ntent of American liberty and, shortly after-\\nwards, speaking of the House of Representatives\\nWe heard first General Glascock, and then\\nMr. Downing, a delegate from Florida, the lat-\\nter violent and savage. A strong proof of the\\ndebased moral principle of the House may be\\nfound in the fact that such a speech as this\\ncould be listened to with even tolerable patience.\\nIt is slavery that is at the bottom of this. I\\nam more satisfied of the fact every day I live\\nand nothing can save this country from entire\\nperversion, morally and politically, but the pre-\\ndominance of the abolition principle. Whether\\nthis will ever take place is very doubtful. I\\nhave not much hope. Then on May 29th, be-\\ning still in Washington, he adds: Much talk\\nof an insurrection of the blacks, supposed to be\\nabout to break out at eleven o clock this night,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "38 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ninstigated by an abolitionist from New York or\\nelsewhere. The alarm of the whites sufficiently\\nshows the horrors of the slavery system, without\\nthe need of exaggeration. Their fears magnify\\ntheir own danger, and this produces all the vio-\\nlence they dread. I imagine the whole story\\ngrows out of a very small affair but such is\\nthe character of the whites that it may not im-\\nprobably lead to bad consequences. My mother\\nand the family are always apprehensive at such\\ntimes of the possible direction of the public feel-\\ning against my father, for having taken so much\\npart in the matter. I hope she has no cause.\\nSlavery, however, did not yet occupy the\\nmind of Mr. Adams to the exclusion of all other\\npolitical topics. That time was coming it had\\nnot yet come. Questions connected with cur-\\nrency and revenue were meanwhile under con-\\nstant discussion, for those were the days of\\nthe battle over the United States Bank, Jack-\\nson s removal of the deposits, the sub-treasury\\nscheme, and the devastating commercial panic\\nof 1837-38. Upon all these topics, now abso-\\nlutely devoid of interest, Mr. Adams was an\\nactive thinker and constant contributor to the\\nnewspapers. Series after series of articles from\\nhis pen appeared in the Boston Centinel and\\nAdvocate and that they attracted so little\\nattention, failing to take the world at once by", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 39\\nstorm, was to him, as to most other ambitious\\nyoung writers before and since, matter for sur-\\nprise, and almost, if not quite, of grievance.\\nAs an interlude in these occupations Mr.\\nAdams, having at last abandoned in despair all\\nhope of interesting his father in that sacred\\nduty, was slowly overhauling the family manu-\\nscripts and while doing so, he came across the\\nyellowing files of Revolutionary correspondence.\\nA packet I opened, he wrote one day, con-\\ntained the love letters of the old gentleman in\\n1763-66, just before his marriage. They were\\nmostly written during the three or four weeks\\nwhen he went up to Boston to be inoculated for\\nthe smallpox. The subject is, of course, an odd\\none for lovers, but they both seem so honest and\\nsimple-hearted in discussing it. And again:\\nWith what a mixture of feelings do I look\\nover these old papers. They contain the secret\\nhistory of the lives of a single couple. Joy and\\nsunshine, grief and clouds, sorrow and storms.\\nThe vicissitudes are rapid, the incidents are in-\\nteresting. Happy are those who pass through\\nthis valley with so much of innocence. Vice\\nstains no one of these pages. At last the\\nfather, evidently in consequence of the talk of\\nthe son over what his researches had brought\\nto light, suggested to him the idea of writing\\na biography of his grandmother. I do not", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "40 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nknow that this would be beyond my ability,\\nMr. Adams modestly wrote; and so he set to\\nwork upon it.\\nEarly in May, 1840, the copy for the Let-\\nters of Mrs. Adams was submitted to James\\nBrown, then the leading publisher of Boston,\\nwho at a glance took in the value of the pro-\\nposed book, and strongly recommended going\\nright on so it went to press at once. In Au-\\ngust the memoir of Mrs. Adams, which was to\\naccompany it, was completed, and the hesitating\\nauthor submitted it to his wife who, with more\\nfrankness than literary discernment, pronounced\\nit iv wordy and conceited, and recommended its\\nbeing wholly cut down and written over\\nwhereat, observed Mr. Adams, I go on rather\\nunder discouragement. The discouragement\\nwas, under the circumstances, not unnatural, but\\nfortunately proved uncalled for. Published\\nearly in October, the success of the Letters\\nwas immediate and, for a book of the kind in\\nthose days, phenomenal. The first edition was\\nexhausted almost at once, and a second of fif-\\nteen hundred copies was called for, which was\\neagerly taken up as fast as it came from the\\npress for, of the first batch of two hundred\\ncopies, nearly all were sent away to supply\\norders from the South, and the remainder were\\nsold [over the counter] before twelve o clock.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 41\\nDeeply gratified as he was at the success of\\nthis his first literary venture, Mr. Adams would\\nhave been more gratified yet could he have read\\nthe subsequent diary record of his father for\\nJ. Q. Adams was not a demonstrative man, and\\nrarely, except when communing with himself,\\ngave expression to his inmost feelings. So\\nnow, on Sunday, September 27, 1840, he wrote\\nthat, attending, as was his wont, divine service\\nin the afternoon, whereat a certain Mr. Motte\\npreached upon the evidences of Christianity\\nfrom the text, John xx. 31, my attention and\\nthoughts were too much absorbed by the vol-\\nume of my Mother s Letters which my son has\\npublished, and of which he sent me this morn-\\ning a copy. An admirable Memoir of her life\\nwritten by him is prefixed to the Letters, and\\nthe reading of it affected me till the tears\\nstreamed down my face. It disabled me for all\\nother occupation, and the arrears of this diary\\nand the sermon of Barrow were forgotten.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nTHE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE\\nThough now in his thirty-fourth year, Mr.\\nAdams had up to this time evinced no desire to\\nenter active public life. A nomination to the\\nMassachusetts legislature was offered him in\\n1839 but, though equivalent to an election, he\\nhad declined it. Governor Everett, Isaac P.\\nDavis, a warm political and personal friend of\\nMr. Webster, and Robert C. Winthrop, then\\nspeaker of the Massachusetts House of Repre-\\nsentatives, all spoke of this to J. Q. Adams,\\nexpressing their regret and he earnestly remon-\\nstrated with his son. It was too late to recon-\\nsider the matter that year but when, in 1840,\\na nomination was again offered him, yielding to\\nthe very distinctly expressed wish of his father,\\nMr. Adams accepted. It was the year of the\\nfamous 1840 Log Cabin and Hard Cider\\npresidential campaign probably the most ridic-\\nulous, and, so far as political discussion was con-\\ncerned, the lowest in tone, the country has ever\\npassed through. As its result, Martin Van\\nBuren was voted out of the presidential chair,", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE 43\\nand William Henry Harrison into it, for the\\nperiod of one month. He was then succeeded\\nby John Tyler. In this campaign Mr. Adams\\nacted with the Whig party in 1836 he had\\nvoted for Van Buren, though horrified by\\nthat gentleman s support, in the Senate, of the\\nbill to suppress incendiary publications. He\\nhad then looked upon the New Yorker as a\\nchoice of evils and it shows the rapid advance\\nof the anti-slavery sentiment in the mind of Mr.\\nAdams, that he now, four years later, wrote\\nMr. Van Buren bids fair to have in the free\\nStates but the seven electoral votes of New\\nHampshire. So much for ruling the North by\\nparty machinery. So much for the Northern\\nman with Southern principles. May this year s\\nexperience be a lesson to all future politicians\\nwho sacrifice the interests that ought to be most\\ndear to them, for the sake of truckling to slave-\\nholders.\\nThe representatives from Boston to the Mas-\\nsachusetts General Court, some forty in number,\\nwere in those days elected on a general ticket,\\nthe utterly pernicious district system not having\\nyet been substituted for the original New Eng-\\nland town representation and the complete\\ngroundlessness of the lamentations Mr. Adams\\nwas at this period of his life wont to indulge in\\nover supposed family and personal unpopularity", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "44 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nmust have dawned on his mind when, three days\\nafter the election, he wrote The Daily Ad-\\nvertiser of this morning tells us that I have\\nreceived the highest number of votes on the\\nticket for representatives. A few days later\\ncame a letter from his father, written just after\\nreaching Washington. It closed with this para-\\ngraph You are about to enter on the career\\nwhich is closing upon me, and I feel much more\\nsolicitude for you than for myself. You have\\nso reluctantly consented to engage in public life,\\nthat I fear you will feel too much annoyed by\\nits troubles and perplexities. You must make\\nup your account to meet and encounter opposi-\\ntion and defeats and slanders and treacheries,\\nand above all fickleness of popular favor, of\\nwhich an ever memorable example is passing\\nbefore our eyes. Let me entreat you, whatever\\nmay happen to you of that kind, never to be dis-\\ncouraged nor soured. Your father and grand-\\nfather have fought their way through the world\\nagainst hosts of adversaries, open and close, dis-\\nguised and masked with many lukewarm and\\nmore than one or two perfidious friends. The\\nworld is and will continue to be prolific of such\\ncharacters. Live in peace with them never\\nupbraid, never trust them. But don t give\\nup the ship Fortify your mind against dis-\\nappointments aequam memento rebus in arduis", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE 45\\nservare mentem, keep up your courage, and\\ngo ahead\\nMr. Adams remained five years a member of\\nthe Massachusetts legislature, three in the\\nHouse of Representatives, two in the Senate.\\nIn those days its individuality had not been\\nwholly reformed out of the constitution of Mas-\\nsachusetts, and the House still represented the\\ntowns, as the Senate did the counties, of the\\nCommonwealth. Both were elected annually,\\nand by a majority vote the House being a\\nlarge popular body of some four hundred mem-\\nbers, while the Senate numbered only forty.\\nAs the delegations from the large cities and\\ntowns were chosen on a general ticket, more or\\nless men of prominence, especially from Boston,\\nwere almost sure to be sent to the lower house,\\nwhile the Senate was apt to be made up of mem-\\nbers having at least a county reputation. The\\nnarrowing influence of the district and rotation\\nsystems was yet to make itself felt.\\nAs Mr. Adams wrote, when first mentioned\\nin connection with it, the place of a representa-\\ntive in the Great and General Court of Massa-\\nchusetts is one of little consequence and\\nyet it is not too much to say that his election to\\nthat place in 1840, at the age of thirty -three\\nyears, was the turning point in his life. The\\neducational influence of his subsequent legisla-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "46 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntive service was immense, that of Harvard\\nCollege and of the law were, for him, as nothing\\nto it for this took him out of himself, brought\\nhim in hard contact with others, widened his\\nvision, developed his powers, gave him confi-\\ndence in himself. He ceased to be wholly in-\\ntrospective and morbid becoming less of a stu-\\ndent, he grew to be more of a man. Gradually\\nand insensibly he came to realize that no preju-\\ndice, either personal or because of family, really\\nexisted towards him but, on the contrary, the\\ngreat mass of the community actually felt an\\ninterest in him and a kindliness to him because\\nof his name and descent, an interest and a\\nkindliness which, had he himself possessed only\\na little of the sympathetic quality, had he been\\nonly a degree less reserved in nature and repel-\\nlent in manners, would have found expression,\\nthen and afterwards, in ways which could not\\nhave been otherwise than grateful to him.\\nAs the self-assigned limit to this form of pub-\\nlic service was in 1845 drawing to a close, Mr.\\nAdams wrote After all, the legislation of one\\nof our States is a fatiguing business, there is\\na very large amount of small topics of detail.\\nAs a school of practice it may answer very well\\nfor a time, but perseverance in it has a tendency\\nto narrow the mind at last by habituating it to\\nmeasure small things. I have endeavored as", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE 47\\nfar as possible to avoid this effect by keeping\\nmyself on topics of general concern. This was\\nstrictly true and not without ground did he,\\nfor his own satisfaction, record a belief that his\\nlegislative action had influenced the course of\\npolitical events, and given him a certain degree\\nof reputation, not only in Massachusetts but in\\nthe country at large. My position, and I may\\nsay it here [in my diary] without incurring the\\ncharge of vain-glory, has been earned by hard\\nand incessant labor, in opposition to popular\\nopinion and to the overshadowing influence of\\nmy father. The records of the State show that\\nduring the five years I have not been wholly\\nidle. The report on the [northeastern] boun-\\ndary, the passage of the districting bill, the\\nrepeal of the remnant of the slave code, the\\nprotest against the salary bill, the report and\\nlaw on the Latimer case, the policy concerning\\nTexas, and this South Carolina matter will re-\\nmain to testify for me when I am gone. In all\\nof them my belief is that the same general prin-\\nciples will be visible. Finally, on the 26th of\\nMarch, 1845, the day upon which the last legis-\\nlature in which he ever sat was prorogued, refer-\\nring to the close of its business, he exultingly\\nwrote My resolutions placing the Whig party\\nand the State on the basis of resistance to slav-\\nery in the general government, passed the House", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "48 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nby a vote of five to one, and constitute, as it\\nseems to me, a fair termination of all my labors.\\nNo proposition of mine has failed since I have\\nbeen there nor have I on the whole committed\\nany error deserving to degrade me in my own\\nestimation or that of the public. My defects of\\ntemper and excessive impetuosity have now and\\nthen brought me into error, which I have re-\\npented. I parted company with the other sen-\\nators with feelings of regret and good-will.\\nThe record was indeed creditable, and, for\\na State legislature, in some ways remarkable\\nfor five of the seven subjects which had chiefly\\noccupied his attention, and in respect to which\\nthe final statute-book record had taken its shape\\nfrom him, involved national issues which have\\nleft their mark on history. These were (1) the\\nquestion of the northeastern boundary, settled\\nby the Ashburton treaty of 1842 (2) the law\\nauthorizing the marriage of persons of differ-\\nent color (3) the Latimer fugitive slave case\\n(4) the controversy arising out of the expulsion\\nof Mr. Hoar from South Carolina by the mob\\nof Charleston and (5) the resistance to the an-\\nnexation of Texas. All of these questions are\\nnow past history, all save only mere prelimi-\\nnaries, remote educational stages, to the great\\nconflict of twenty years later but, at the time,\\nthey had their importance; and each of them", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE 49\\nhas left its literature, now rarely disturbed,\\nand, when disturbed, exciting only a languid\\ninterest. One day in the early summer of 1833,\\nMr. Adams busied himself in sorting over and\\narranging the accumulation of pamphlets in the\\nmansion at Quincy. A large collection, he\\nwrote many good ones, and many very flat,\\nstale and unprofitable. Perhaps it is one of the\\nmost singular subjects we have to speculate on,\\nthe feeling with which one examines the effu-\\nsions, personal, political, and miscellaneous of\\npast times. All dead and buried in the tomb\\nof the Capulets. All the evidences of the rest-\\nlessness of the human mind. To these have\\nsince been added Mr. Adams s own discussions\\nof the several issues, then very burning, which\\nhave just been enumerated. They here call for\\nno further mention.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nTHE BOSTON WHIG\\nWednesday, 20 May, 1846 Went up\\nby agreement to see Mr. Palfrey, and consult\\nwith him about the matter of the newspaper.\\nWe finally decided on calling a meeting of those\\nwho may be considered as likely to favor the\\nmeasure, for Saturday morning at 10 o clock.\\nSaturday, 23d May, 1846 Called at the\\nState House on Mr. Palfrey, 1 and went with\\nhim up to Lobby No. 13, where were assembled\\nthe persons I had suggested as fit to be con-\\nsulted at the present crisis. Stephen C. Phil-\\nlips, John G. Palfrey, Charles Sumner, Henry\\nWilson and myself. I laid before them the\\nstate of my negotiation with the printers, and\\nthe terms which had been drawn and accepted.\\nMuch discussion ensued. Mr. Phillips seemed\\nmore doubtful of the expediency of the project\\nthan any of us. He apprehended ugly discus-\\nsions, growing out of the complicated condition\\n1 John G. Palfrey at this time held the position of secretary\\nof the Commonwealth and the office of that functionary was\\nthen in the west wing of the State House.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 51\\nof our foreign affairs. Mr. Palfrey seemed\\nearnest to go on. Mr. Wilson, the same. Mr.\\nSumner also. The two last, however, could not\\naid in money. It then fell between us three.\\nMr. Palfrey agreed to assume one fifth I took\\ntwo fifths and Mr. Phillips, not without some\\nhesitation, the balance. The general result was\\nto go on so here I am about to assume a very\\ngreat risk.\\nSuch is the record, made at the time by Mr.\\nAdams, of a somewhat memorable meeting.\\nThe little group of men thus brought together\\nin State House Lobby No. 13 had very\\nfaint if, indeed, any conception of the fact, but\\nthe business they had in hand was nothing less\\nthan planting the seed from which, in due order\\nof events, was to spring the Republican party\\nof Massachusetts, indeed it might almost be\\nsaid, the Republican party of the United States.\\nIn other respects, also, the group was noticeable\\nfor three out of the five persons who made it up\\nhad before them eminent public careers in con-\\nnection with events of great historical moment\\nwhile, of the remaining two, one was to achieve\\na lasting reputation as the historian of New\\nEngland. They were all still comparatively\\nyoung men Palfrey, the eldest, being just fifty,\\nwhile Wilson was but thirty-four. Sumner,\\nborn in 1811, was a year older than Wilson", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "52 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nMr. Adams was not yet thirty-nine. The last\\nthree were destined, during the memorable war\\nwhich was to result from the success of the po-\\nlitical party into which they were that day\\nbreathing life, to represent Massachusetts in\\nthe national Senate, and the United States at\\nthe court of St. James. Stephen C. Phillips,\\na man then of forty-five, of great public spirit,\\nmost active and useful in the early days of the\\nnew party, shortly after withdrew from political\\nwork, and in 1857 lost his life in a steamboat\\ndisaster on the river St. Lawrence. He had\\nthen long ceased to be an active factor in the\\nMassachusetts political situation.\\nThe years between 1860 and 1868 were so\\naltogether cataclysmic, and the changes then\\nworked so great, during them the situation\\nwas, in a word, so wholly altered, that the im-\\nmediately preceding, and preparatory, period has\\nalready assumed an antediluvian aspect. Hence,\\nit is not altogether easy even to understand\\nthe posture of political affairs prior to 1850, or\\nthe motives under which men acted, either in\\nMassachusetts or the country at large. More-\\nover, while a great deal of what then took place\\nhas been quite forgotten, the residuum, still re-\\nmembered, is remembered vaguely, and in the\\ndeflecting light of subsequent events. Thus\\nwhat Mr. Adams and his four friends wanted", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 53\\non that 23d of May, 1846, is now not immedi-\\nately apparent neither is it altogether clear\\nwhom they were opposing, or why they felt so\\npressingly the need of a newspaper. The fact\\nwas, their time had come. They were simply\\nresponding to a need in the process of political\\nevolution. In spite of lamentations then, as\\nalways, freely indulged in over the apathy of the\\npublic mind and the hopelessly lethargic condi-\\ntion of the popular conscience, the United States\\nin 1846 was neither a moribund, nor yet even\\na decadent, country. It was, however, threat-\\nened with disease, and that of a very portentous\\ncharacter. A cancer was steadily eating into its\\nvitals. Though few people, if indeed any, then\\nrealized it, the knife was in point of fact already\\nnecessary a surgical operation, and that a severe\\none, would alone meet the exigencies of the case.\\nThe only real questions were first, whether\\nthe patient could be brought to submit to the\\nnecessary operation and, second, whether he\\nwould survive the operation if he did submit to\\nit. Most fortunately, however, these unpleasant\\nalternatives were not apparent either in 1846\\nor, indeed, during the dozen or more years that\\nensued. The five men gathered on May 23,\\n1846, in Lobby 13 of the Massachusetts State\\nHouse certainly did not appreciate the gravity\\nof the affair, or measure the distant, far-reaching", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "54 CHAKLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nresults they were challenging. They took in the\\npresent situation only. That the case was bad,\\nthey knew. They saw clearly enough the pro-\\ngress which slavery, as an institution, had al-\\nready made, and the rapidity with which it was\\nadvancing; but they did not fully appreciate\\nthe extent to which it had struck its roots into\\nthe national existence, much less realize the na-\\nture of the conflict they were invoking. That,\\nif they had realized it, they would, after a long\\npause and grave deliberation, have gone straight\\non in the path upon which they were entering,\\ncan hardly admit of question but it does admit\\nof very great question whether they could have\\ninduced the North to follow them in that path.\\nThe historical truth is, that in the great anti-\\nslavery discussion which began in 1844 and cul-\\nminated in 1860, the North never really believed\\nthat an appeal to force was necessary and inev-\\nitable, until, in April, 1861, it found the country\\nface to face with it. It certainly cannot be said\\nthat what then occurred had not been predicted.\\nIt had been predicted by numerous voices, on\\nmany occasions, in the clearest possible manner,\\nand with all necessary emphasis but, on the\\nother hand, it is equally clear that those who\\npredicted failed to see that, short of death by\\ndisease, there was no other way.\\nWhat Mr. Adams and his associates did then", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 55\\nclearly see and all they clearly saw, was the im-\\nmediate work cut out for them to do. It was\\nfor them to rouse the country to a consciousness\\nof the danger of the situation, and the conse-\\nquences inevitably involved if events went on\\nunchecked. They were mere agencies. To re-\\nvert to the figure already used, their movement\\nwas, in the economy of nature, merely an in-\\nstinctive effort of the body politic to contend\\nagainst disease and throw it off. It was long\\nan open question whether the effort would suc-\\nceed. That depended on the general health and\\nvitality of the organization for, in a politico-\\npathological sense, the health of a community,\\nits power to resist and overcome disease, may\\nbe said to be in almost direct proportion to its\\nmoral receptivity, its tendency to altruism.\\nLoyalty, patriotism, and even religious devotion,\\nvery admirable and potent in their way, are\\nqualities of a much lower order. Indeed, these\\nare found quite as fully developed in the savage,\\nas in civilized, man for barbarous Patagonian\\ntribes, semi-developed Scotch clans, and states\\nfar sunk in Spanish decadence are conspicuous\\nfor them. When, however, in any given commu-\\nnity, many individuals, regardless of ridicule,\\nepithets, and denunciation, shouts of fire-\\nbrand, fanatic, and traitor, revolt at\\nwrong, or quickly respond to a cry of injustice,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "56 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwhether raised on behalf of a person or a class,\\nJew, African, or Malay, the presence of\\nsuch individuals affords evidence incontroverti-\\nble of vitality in the community to which they\\nbelong and the quickness and volume of the\\nresponse to their appeal measure not inaccu-\\nrately the moral and political soundness of that\\ncommunity. During the period between 1830\\nand 1850 the tendency to what are known as\\nisms in the free States of the Union, and\\nespecially in Massachusetts and those of New\\nEngland progeny at the West, was notorious.\\nThe land seemed given over to philanthropists\\nand reformers of the kind generically classified\\nas cranks, long-haired men and short-haired\\nwomen. Dickens, who was then here, depicted\\nthem, and made fun of them they shocked anti-\\nslavery men like Richard H. Dana. 1 None the\\nless, they were the unmistakable symptom of a\\nredundant moral activity. They indicated a\\nbody politic full of quickening force. Had these\\nnot appeared, or had they been silent, had the\\nUnited States as a whole then been in at all a\\ndecadent state, in the condition, for instance,\\nof the later Roman Empire, or of Turkey and\\nSpain since the commencement of the seven-\\nteenth century, the attempt would unquestion-\\nably have failed. The appeal on behalf of the\\n1 Biography of R. H. Dana, i. 68.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 57\\nAfrican, the despised nigger, wasted in\\nthe air, would have elicited no response.\\nIn 1845 the abolition movement had spent\\nits force. Begun by Garrison in 1831 it had,\\nin awakening the public conscience, done a great\\nwork, a work wherein its success was in larg-\\nest degree due to the almost insane anger which\\nits utterances and actions aroused among the\\nslaveholders. In other words, under the irrita-\\ntion of those highly drastic applications, the dis-\\neased portion of the body politic became acutely\\ninflamed. The whole system throbbed angrily,\\nalmost suppurated. Thus the Liberty\\nmovement, as it was called, was effectively adver-\\ntised and, without that advertisement, Garri-\\nson s most strenuous and sustained efforts, and\\nWendell Phillips s most eloquent and incisive\\nutterances would never have reached beyond a\\nnarrow and in no way influential circle. After\\nthe presidential canvass of 1844, the situation\\nrapidly changed, and the extra-constitutional\\nabolition movement, as it had then declared it-\\nself, did not thereafter increase either in force\\nor in influence. On the contrary, it distinctly\\ndwindled for, so far as concerned nationality,\\nthe growing and intensifying spirit of Union,\\nthe Garrisonians thenceforth preached non-re-\\nsistance and self-destruction the two especial\\ndoctrines against which all the instincts of the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "58 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ncountry rose in revolt. Thus, contending with\\nthe spirit of the age, the abolitionists met with\\nthe fate usual for those who engage in that con-\\ntest. Accordingly, from 1844 onward, one great\\neffort of those who afterwards brought the con-\\nflict to a practical, though to them wholly unan-\\nticipated, issue, was to distinguish their policy\\nfrom that advocated by Mr. Garrison, and to\\nwork the problem out within the Union and in\\nsubordination to the Constitution. It is, there-\\nfore, historically a mistake to treat either Mr.\\nGarrison or Wendell Phillips, after 1844, as\\nleaders in the later and really effective anti-\\nslavery movement, or, indeed, as political factors\\nof consequence. By nature, as well as from long\\nhabit, irregulars, at home nowhere except on the\\nskirmish line, very necessary in the earlier opera-\\ntions, they, having brought on the conflict, had\\ndone their work and when the solid lines of\\nbattle crashed together, their partisan operations\\nceased to count. Had they in 1845 wholly dis-\\nappeared from the field, the result would have\\nbeen in no way other than it was for, by the\\ncountry at large those who had to be rea-\\nsoned with, educated, and gradually brought into\\nline Mr. Garrison was from 1844 to 1861\\nlooked upon as an impracticable, cracked-brained\\nfanatic, and Mr. Phillips as a bitter, shrill-\\nvoiced, political scold. Not influencing results,", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 59\\nthey, like guerillas in warfare, were in the later\\nstages of the contest quite as much a hindrance\\nto those with whom, as they were an annoyance\\nto those against whom, they acted.\\nOn the other hand, in the free States, as well\\nas at the South, the old conventional anti-slavery\\nfeeling, that handed down from the War of\\nIndependence and the Fathers of the Republic,\\nand based in greatest part on sentiment and\\ntradition, was fast fading out. That African\\nslavery, as an industrial institution, was not go-\\ning to die a natural death had become apparent.\\nOn the contrary, most vigorous and decidedly\\naggressive, it was visibly developing. There\\nwere in this or in any other country no more\\nreally useful, public-spirited citizens than the\\nshrewd, energetic, clear-headed men, generally\\nbelonging to the Whig party, who now in Mas-\\nsachusetts, arraying themselves instinctively in\\nbehalf of the Union and the Constitution, ear-\\nnestly deprecated all agitation of slavery, as a\\npolitical issue. They were right, also, from\\ntheir point of view. With them the Union was\\nsupreme. They rather disliked slavery, and\\nstill declaimed against it, averring their abstract\\nabhorrence of it in certain phrases rapidly de-\\ngenerating into cant but it may fairly be said\\nthat there was no limit to the concessions they\\nwould ultimately have been willing to make as", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "60 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe alternative to a disruption of the Union.\\nEufus Choate, for instance, argued earnestly\\nthat the return to slavery of a few fugitives\\nfrom time to time was an insignificant sacrifice\\non that altar, as compared with the hecatombs\\ninevitably to be sacrificed through civil convul-\\nsion. Leaving honor and self-respect out of the\\nquestion, he was unquestionably right but with\\nnations as with individuals, honor and self-re-\\nspect are worth something. Accordingly, when\\nat Cambridge, in June, 1851, Choate took occa-\\nsion to enunciate this latter-day dispensation,\\nthe everlasting verities underwent no change.\\nThat\\nrightly to be great\\nIs not to stir without great argument,\\nBut greatly to find quarrel in a straw\\nWhen honor s at the stake,\\nremained just as true then as it was when\\nShakespeare wrote the words two hundred and\\nfifty years before or as, ten Junes later, it\\nproved to many of those who listened to the\\neloquent advocate of honor s effacement. In\\ncommon with the great mass of the most re-\\nspectable and comfortably circumstanced indi-\\nviduals of the community to which he and they\\nbelonged, Mr. Choate failed to realize that the\\nself-respect of a people could not but be more\\nor less blunted, if they saw the land of boasted", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 61\\nliberty in which they dwelt converted into a\\nnigger hunting-ground while they them-\\nselves were from time to time called upon in\\nordered ranks to bear a hand in the work. At\\nbest it was repulsive, even though Union-sav-\\ning. Still, historically speaking, it is not unsafe\\nto say that, between 1845 and 1852, there was\\nno concession, so far as the peculiar institu-\\ntion was concerned, at which the represent-\\native leaders of the Whig party, North as well\\nas South, would have stopped, provided dis-\\nunion appeared to be the alternative. If need\\nbe they would have submitted, under protest of\\ncourse, to the complete nationalization of slav-\\nery. They would have held it the lesser of two\\nevils.\\nThe fact here stated was recognized at the\\nSouth by the exponents of the new gospel of\\nslavery. Calhoun counted on it as the prime\\nfactor of success in the policy he now laid\\ndown. He was never a Disunionist but he\\ncalled on the South to bring the North face to\\nface with a dissolution of the Union as the alter-\\nnative to unconditional submission. In present-\\ning this alternative he did not believe that it\\nwould lead to disruption, being firmly convinced\\nthat, with disruption certain to result from per-\\nsistency, the North would consider no price too\\ngreat to pay for a united, even though bickering,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "62 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nhousehold. For, as he scornfully expressed it,\\nmeasureless avarice was its ruling passion. J\\nIn this belief the South Carolinian was, as\\nSouth Carolina afterwards found, dreadfully\\nmistaken but, for the time being, it did not so\\nseem. Then and afterwards, Massachusetts was\\nthe storm centre and in Massachusetts the anti-\\nslavery movement, after 1844, assumed a wholly\\nnew phase. It organized and, while it became\\nconstitutional, became also distinctly opportunist\\nand practical. It drew its inspiration from the\\nDeclaration of Independence, and sought, so far\\nas African servitude was concerned, to convert\\nthe national government from a propagandist to\\na repressive agency.\\nAn organ a newspaper thus became ne-\\ncessary for the new doctrine after all a species\\nof homoeopathic faith-cure must be voiced,\\nand voiced constantly by those who believed in it.\\nThe situation, also, was becoming more and more\\ngrave. The admission of Texas had been finally\\nconsummated on December 22, 1845 and, on\\nthe 11th of May following, President Polk sent\\nto Congress his message, at once famous and\\ninfamous, declaring that War exists, and not-\\nwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by\\nthe act of Mexico itself. A war of spoliation\\nhad thus been entered upon, a war the pur-\\n1 Von Hoist, iii. 315-318.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 63\\npose of which, whether avowed or not, was well\\nknown to be the propagation of slavery. The\\ndisease was in an obviously acute stage the\\ncancer was manifestly spreading.\\nThe President s war message bore date May\\n11th the unnoticed, and apparently scarce note-\\nworthy, meeting in State House Lobby No. 13\\ntook place just twelve days later, on the 23d,\\na mere incident, it was, none the less, in a way\\nthe response to the great event for, though it\\ncaused no loud or echoing reverberation, it was,\\nas the event showed, the answering gun which\\nsignified an acceptance of the challenge. Mean-\\nwhile, so far as Massachusetts, and more par-\\nticularly Boston, was concerned, the situation\\nhad been further complicated. On May 11th,\\nMr. Robert C. Winthrop, representing the Bos-\\nton district in Washington, had gone upon the\\nrecord as voting in favor of the war measures\\nat once reported to the House of Representa-\\ntives in consequence of Polk s message. In\\nMassachusetts that vote of his was an event of\\nfar-reaching consequence. It made complete\\nand permanent the division between the Con-\\nscience and the Cotton Whigs and Mr.\\nAdams was now to become the recognized\\nmouthpiece of the former.\\nSo far as the establishment of a newspaper\\nwas concerned, the feasibility of so doing had", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "64 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nfor some time been under consideration. Dr.\\nPalfrey advocated it earnestly and the more\\nMr. Adams thought of it, the more the idea\\ntook possession of him. In dead earnest now\\non the slavery issue, he had a strong inclination\\ngenerally towards newspaper utterance. For\\nyears he had liked to set forth his views on cur-\\nrent political topics in communicated articles,\\nusually, as was the custom in those days, run-\\nning into series, signed Publicola, Junius,\\nSagitta, or the like. The trouble was that,\\nwith some little experience, not very encoura-\\nging, as an editorial writer, he had no knowledge\\nwhatever, or even conception, of editorial func-\\ntions in the modern sense of the term.\\nOn the other hand, journalism in 1846 was in\\nthe plastic stage. In almost no aspect did it\\nresemble what it has since become. In 1846, the\\nelectric telegraph was only two years old; the\\nsuburban railroad service was new and imperfect\\nthe street railway did not exist. People had not\\nyet accustomed themselves to any of these neces-\\nsities of modern existence, much less grown to\\ndepend upon them. A newspaper, accordingly,\\ndid not then imply its present organization and\\nexpense. It was a comparatively simple affair,\\nusually the property and mouthpiece of one man,\\nits editor and proprietor. In fact, it is now\\ndifficult to realize what a thing of yesterday the", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 65\\nnewspaper of 1846, though the progenitor of the\\nmodern newspaper, then itself was. The Ad-\\nvertiser, the first daily paper which had been\\nable to sustain itself in Boston, dated only from\\nthe year 1813. The Courier followed in\\n1824 and then came the Transcript (1830),\\nthe Post (1831), the Atlas (1832), the\\nJournal (1833), and finally the Evening\\nTraveller (1845). The cheap one-cent paper,\\nsold on the street or at the news-stand, was\\nlooked upon as an undignified publication, car-\\nrying no weight. Among the high-priced, old-\\nfashioned subscription blanket sheets, the\\nDaily Advertiser the respectable Daily\\nmeant Mr. Nathan Hale the Courier,\\nMr. Joseph T. Buckingham and the Post,\\nMr. Charles G. Greene. They were all organs,\\ntoo for independent journalism was only then\\nassuming shape in New York, and the older\\nand more established newspapers depended for\\ntheir existence on the subscriptions, advertise-\\nments, and patronage of some mercantile interest\\nor political organization. The Advertiser,\\nfor instance, was inspired by Mr. Webster the\\nPost was the recognized organ of the Jackson\\nDemocracy the Liberator a weekly paper\\nwas the mouthpiece of Mr. Garrison and the\\nextreme abolitionists. The circulation of that\\nday would also now be considered almost ridicu-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "66 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nlously small. It is very questionable whether\\nthe subscription list of any of the sheets which\\nhave been named contained over four thousand\\nnames while an annual net income of 120,000\\nwas thought enormous. A circulation of two\\nthousand was looked upon as very respectable.\\nThe New York Evening Post, for instance, in\\n1842, printed two thousand five hundred copies\\nthe noted and influential Courier and Enquirer\\nonly seven thousand while the Herald, the\\ngreat sensational journalistic innovator, could\\nboast of but fifteen thousand. The influence of\\na paper was not, however, by any means mea-\\nsured by its circulation far less so, indeed,\\nthen than now and hence in great degree,\\nin the mind of Dr. Palfrey, the necessity as\\nwell as the feasibility of an organ. Between\\n1840 and 1850 the local what would in Eu-\\nrope be called the provincial press was vig-\\norous and potent. Rapid transportation had\\nnot yet laid down the journal of the great city\\non the doorsteps of every country town as\\npromptly as the news carrier laid it down at\\nthose of the houses adjoining the press-room.\\nSo every considerable centre in Massachusetts\\nhad its paper, its Argus, its Spy, its\\nRepublican, its Mercury, its Courier,\\nwhich again looked to the recognized Boston\\norgan for its news and its inspiration. As Gar-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 67\\nrison had already demonstrated in the case of\\nthe Liberator, a limited circulation by no\\nmeans implied a correspondingly restricted in-\\nfluence.\\nNotwithstanding all this, the showing made to\\nMr. Adams by the publishers of the Whig was\\nthe reverse of inspiring. It [the paper], he\\nwrote, is far from flourishing. It has but two\\nhundred and twelve paying subscribers, and its\\ndebts run on all fours with its income. It is true\\nthat only eleven years before this time the New\\nYork Herald had been launched on its won-\\nderful career with cash resources of only $500\\nbehind it; and, more remarkable still, the\\nTribune had started out so recently as 1841\\nwith a borrowed cash capital of but $1000 but\\nboth these journals were backed by the enter-\\nprise, energy, and experience of two of the most\\nremarkable born journalists of the century, and\\nthey had been merely the prizes in a fascinating\\nlottery which had turned up almost innumera-\\nble blanks. It is needless to say, also, that Mr.\\nAdams had very few attributes in common with\\neither James Gordon Bennett or Horace Gree-\\nley. He was rather modeled on the old-fash-\\nioned pattern of William W. Seaton and Nathan\\nHale, types fast vanishing. He had abso-\\nlutely no conception of the journal of the future,\\nas it then loomed vaguely up; while for the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "68 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwork such a journal implied he was in every re-\\nspect lacking. Nevertheless the editorship of\\nthe Boston Whig, while it carried with it\\nsome danger of ignominious failure, did not\\ninvolve any excessive pecuniary risk. It was\\nonly necessary to secure the few hundred dollars\\nimmediately needed to keep the concern afloat.\\nThis sum was forthcoming from the sources,\\nand in the proportions, already indicated. So,\\non going to town from Quincy on June 1, 1846,\\nMr. Adams found himself saluted with a\\ngreat bundle of newspapers, the sign of a new\\nvocation, and, at the same time, read his own\\nopening editorial. The Whig was a blan-\\nket sheet, as it was called, of the pattern then in\\nvogue. Twenty-two inches by sixteen in size,\\none of its six-column pages was devoted to edi-\\ntorial matter and news, while the three others\\nwere filled with advertisements, with the excep-\\ntion of a single column, the first of the first\\npage, which contained the instalment of a serial\\nstory, or some other mild literary nutriment of\\nthat character. This was the form the Whig\\nhad when Mr. Adams assumed editorial charge\\nof it and this form it retained until his con-\\nnection with it ceased. A two-cent paper, with\\na subscription price of $5.00 per annum, Mr.\\nAdams s name nowhere appeared upon it as its\\neditor nor was he ever its proprietor. He re-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 69\\nceivecl no compensation for his services in fact\\nthe paper, while under his editorial control, was\\nnever prosperous enough to pay any compensa-\\ntion.\\nThe position assumed by the Whig was,\\nfrom the outset, simple. Remembering the dis-\\nastrous results which followed the Birney move-\\nment in 1844, it was, in 1846, no believer in third\\nparties as political factors; though, only two\\nyears later, in 1848, its action led to the forma-\\ntion of a third party. But parties were merely\\nthe means to the attainment of political ends\\nand the end which the Whig had in view\\nwas explicit. Either, it declared, the pre-\\nsent tide, which is carrying all of our institutions,\\nexcepting the forms, into a vortex of which\\nslavery is the moving power, must be stayed by\\nthe people of the free States, or, if left to its\\ncourse, it will bring on, in no very long time, a\\nsudden and total dissolution of the bond of our\\nUnion. We feel tolerably confident it may\\nbe avoided but it can only be by one way.\\nThat way is the total abolition of slavery,\\nthe complete eradication of the fatal influence it\\nis exercising over the policy of the general gov-\\nernment.\\nSuch was the attitude of the organ of the\\nConscience Whigs of Massachusetts. The\\nlimits assigned to this sketch permit hardly more", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "70 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthan a reference to the bitter controversies, per-\\nsonal and political, which in Massachusetts\\nbetween the years 1846 and 1856 marked the\\nbreaking up of the Whig party and the forma-\\ntion of the Republican. The story is not lack-\\ning in interest but it has already in main been\\ntold both by Henry Wilson, himself an actor in\\nit, and by Edward L. Pierce, not only an actor\\nin it, but subsequently an untiring investigator\\nof it. Upon it Mr. Adams s contemporaneous\\nrecord throws much additional light. The\\nperiod was, too, not only important, but, as re-\\nvealed in his papers, extremely interesting. It\\nhas its distinctly humorous, as well as tragic,\\nside. There was in it a vast play of character,\\nand of strong character, as J. Q. Adams, and\\nWebster, and R. C. Winthrop pass off the stage\\nand new men force their way upon it. They all\\ntell their story, and often in their own words as\\nwell as by their acts and while the earnest,\\nangry, acrimonious debate goes on, the dark,\\nugly, ominous war-cloud rises and spreads in\\nthe distant background. It is absorbing, as\\nwell as impressive but the narrative attains\\nalmost the dimensions of a history, and will not\\nbe compressed into a sketch. Its salient fea-\\ntures only can here be referred to.\\nIn 1846, when the war with Mexico was en-\\ngineered by the slave power, through the agency", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 71\\nof President James K. Polk in firm possession\\nof the national government, there were two\\nMassachusetts public men of the first rank\\nwhose attitude, while of especial significance,\\nwas altogether uncertain, Daniel Webster and\\nRobert C. Wlnthrop. The course of the former,\\nas subsequently developed during the next six\\nyears, is matter of familiar history. But it was\\nwith the course of the latter that Mr. Adams\\nwas more immediately concerned for the vote\\nof Mr. Winthrop in favor of the Mexican war\\nbill during the previous May was already, in\\nJune, 1846, a burning issue and, as the months\\nrolled on, it became steadily more so. In re-\\ngard to that vote Mr. Adams took occasion pre-\\nsently to express himself in the columns of the\\nWhig, though not until two months were\\ngone since it was cast. We know not, or care\\nnot, what the feelings of others may be upon the\\nsubject, or whether Mr. Winthrop may not be-\\ncome ten times more popular than ever for this\\nact but, according to the best estimate we can\\nform of political morality, if he could expunge\\nthe record of it even by the sacrifice of the\\nmemory of all his preceding brilliant career,\\nhe would make a bargain. Either the pre-\\namble to the war bill tells the truth, or it tells\\nwhat is not true. If it does tell the truth, then\\nindeed are we all of us wrong, and no one is", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "72 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nmore wrong than Mr. Winthrop, in having here-\\ntofore described the administration policy as\\ninevitably bringing on a state of war on the\\npart of Mexico. If, on the other hand, it does\\nnot tell the truth, how could Mr. Winthrop jus-\\ntify it to his own conscience to set his name in\\nperpetual attestation to a falsehood\\nAmerica has never been looked upon as a\\nfield conspicuous for a delicate journalistic re-\\ngard for the amenities of political discussion\\nbut between 1840 and 1855 certain of the edito-\\nrial writers it was the We period set\\nmuch store, in Boston at least, on what may\\nperhaps best be defined as tone. It is need-\\nless now to say that there was in this tone a\\ngood deal of that which approximates closely to\\ncant. A spade, after all, is a spade and, when\\nreferring to it, little is gained by describing it\\nas an agricultural implement used in turning\\nthe soil. Mr. Adams, as respects slavery and\\nthe Mexican war, was thoroughly in earnest\\nand a man thoroughly in earnest is apt to be\\noutspoken. Neither, until he fairly takes to\\nvituperation, as, unfortunately, is altogether too\\nfrequently the case, is the editorial writer open\\nto any just criticism because he makes use of\\nlanguage which does not allow his meaning to\\nescape the reader. As to Mr. Winthrop s vote\\nof May 11, 1846, as a matter of policy on his", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 73\\npart, much may be said in extenuation. None\\nthe less, the measure for which he that clay voted\\nhad been unnecessarily and wantonly amended\\nso as to declare that the war, for which it made\\nprovision, existed by the act of the Republic\\nof Mexico. This was a falsehood. That it\\nwas a falsehood, and a flagrant, palpable, un-\\nblushing falsehood, no man now denies and\\nhistory has not failed so to brand it. 1 Nor at\\nthe time was this disputed, except for hypoc-\\nrisy s sake. Henry Clay, for instance, was an\\nunquestioned authority in Whig circles, whether\\nin Massachusetts or elsewhere but Henry Clay\\ndid not hesitate to describe that measure as a\\nDill with a palpable falsehood stamped on its\\nface, and almost passionately exclaimed that\\nhe never, never could have voted for it. In\\nlike manner the National Intelligencer, the\\nofficial Whig organ, declared that the two\\nHouses of Congress, in passing the bill with\\nthat declaration in it, gave the seal and sanc-\\ntion of their authority to a false principle and a\\nfalse fact. Yet when Mr. Adams, writing edi-\\ntorially, asked the question how the Boston re-\\npresentative in Congress could justify to his\\nconscience thus setting his name in perpetual\\nattestation to a falsehood, the regular Whig\\npapers of the city found their sense of propriety\\n1 Von Hoist, iii. 250-255.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "74 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ngreatly shocked by language, which they re-\\nferred to as rude and indecorous, and, more-\\nover, unfounded in truth.\\nThe vigor and direct personal character of the\\nassault were, it must be admitted, of a nature\\ncalculated to excite surprise in the breasts of\\nthe very respectable and altogether well-mean-\\ning and public-spirited gentlemen who now\\nfound themselves the object of almost daily at-\\ntack but, on the other hand, subsequent events\\nshowed unmistakably that the measures resorted\\nto, and the language used, were no more drastic\\nand severe than the exigency called for. At a\\ngrave crisis in political affairs the public mind\\nwas lethargic, and it had to be aroused. No\\ntwo citizens of Boston then stood higher in pub-\\nlic estimation than Abbott Lawrence and Nathan\\nAppleton. They stood, too, deservedly high\\nfor they were men of great business sagacity,\\nhigh character, and of a public spirit which\\nhad been often in evidence. In fact there have\\nnot been before or since better examples of the\\nstrong, virile, adaptive, and resourceful stock\\nwhich made and sustains Massachusetts. Solid\\nand intelligent, they were representative men.\\nAs respects slavery, however, their views were\\nof the sentimental and submissive order. It was\\na bad thing, they were wont to say, very bad\\nbut one dangerous to agitate, especially from the", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 75\\nbusiness point of view and, after all, no affair\\nof theirs. Like honest Dogberry, having, as in\\nthe case of Texas, bid the vagrom man stand,\\nif he would not stand, they would then take no\\nnote of him, but let him go and presently\\nthank God they were rid of a knave. Mr.\\nGarrison boldly preached a dissolution of the\\nUnion as a remedy, and the only remedy, for\\nthe existing state of affairs. Mr. Appleton\\nfrankly believed that the so-called Con-\\nscience Whigs were, as he expressed it,\\nplaying into the hands of the disunionists\\nand he intimated the strong desire he really felt\\nto save one of them, meaning Mr. Sumner,\\nthen looked upon in Beacon Street as a young\\nman of uncommon promise, from the courses\\nand contamination into which he was then head-\\nlong rushing. Seeing things as he did, Mr. Ap-\\npleton frankly admitted that he held all the\\nevils of bad legislation and bad administration,\\nincluding slavery, Texas, and the Mexican\\nwar, light, compared to those which must\\ninevitably flow from a disruption of the States.\\nThat, of course, settled the matter. The va-\\ngrom man, when bid to stand, had but to\\nrefuse to do so, and they would forthwith take\\nno note of him, but let him go. And more-\\nover, like Dogberry, Messrs. Lawrence and\\nAppleton, and those who thought as they", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "76 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthought, would on this score make no noise in\\nthe streets for to babble and to talk about\\nslavery and other matters, which in no way con-\\ncerned Massachusetts, was most tolerable and\\nnot to be endured.\\nThis way of looking at the situation did not\\ncommend itself to Mr. Adams. It had received\\npractical illustration the preceding spring in\\nthe point blank refusal of Messrs. Lawrence and\\nAppleton to put their names to the final remon-\\nstrance against the admission of Texas to the\\nUnion. This proceeding Mr. Adams had not\\nforgotten and the Whig at once proceeded to\\nhold Messrs. Lawrence and Appleton personally\\nto account. The latter had in his letter to the\\nanti-Texas Committee used the expression that,\\nto his mind, the Texas question had, as a result\\nof the election of 1844, been for all practical\\npurposes settled. Dr. Palfrey now, in the col-\\numns of the Whig, rang the changes on that\\nexpression. The question was settled What\\nif it had been Did Massachusetts owe nothing\\nthen to her principles, her pledges, her charac-\\nter Did she owe no record of honorable action\\nto future history Have Mr. Appleton and his\\nfriends always reasoned thus The demon-\\nstration of Mr. Appleton and his friends, com-\\ning, as it did, as unexpectedly as a thunderclap\\nin a clear sky, did much to embarrass and", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 77\\ncheck the vigorous movement of the people,\\nthen daily gathering momentum. Mr. Adams\\nalso a few days later added his opinion that,\\nwhen a gentleman of such standing in the cot-\\nton manufacturing interest as Mr. Appleton\\ninsults the founders of the Constitution so far\\nas to maintain that it is questionable whether\\nthe abolition movement is reconcilable with duty\\nunder it, we are driven to the conviction that\\nhe is not a safe guide in the construction of his\\nneighbor s duties either to his country or his\\nGod. At the same time Mr. Adams took Mr.\\nLawrence in hand in a series of letters signed\\nSagitta, addressed directly to him, after the\\nmanner of Junius. These also contained some\\nvigorous specimens of style, the following for\\nexample. As a manufacturer Mr. Lawrence had\\nevinced a deep interest in the tariff on wool.\\nThe remonstrance against the admission of\\nTexas to the Union, Mr. Adams now wrote,\\nsimply asked the representatives of the Union\\nnot to sanction a form of government in Texas\\ndesigned to make slavery perpetual there. And\\nthis petition you refused to sign on the ground\\nthat the question was already settled, at the very\\nmoment when you were ready to move heaven\\nand earth to resist a change in the Tariff of\\n1842. You, who would not give a dollar\\nto defend the rights of man, are announced as", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "78 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nhaving paid the expenses of circulating twenty\\nthousand copies of Mr. Stewart s defense of\\nsheep. To sacrifice mankind, to fasten for-\\never the galling chain around the neck of the\\nblack man, the other end of which, though you\\ndid not know it, was to press upon your own,\\nyou were not unwilling to agree beforehand. It\\nwas only for the sheep that you preferred to go\\nto the death.\\nBefore Mr. Adams had been five months in\\ncharge of the Boston Whig the issue between\\nConscience and Cotton was defined. Mr.\\nWinthrop s vote of May 11th presented it it\\nwas emphasized and embittered by a sharp cor-\\nrespondence, as yet unpublished, between him\\nand Mr. Sumner, all the details of which were\\nlong subsequently recounted by Mr. Pierce and\\nby Mr. Winthrop s son. 2 The Whig house was\\nclearly divided against itself which faction\\nwas the larger remained to be seen. The\\nstrength of the Conscience element lay in\\nthe country in Boston and the larger manu-\\nfacturing towns, the Cotton influence was\\nmore than dominant, it was supreme. The\\nquestion of mastery was to be decided in the\\nstate Whig convention to be held in Faneuil\\nHall on September 23d. That convention was\\n1 Life of Sumner, iii. 114-119.\\n2 Memoir of B. C. Winthrop, 51-56.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE BOSTON WHIG 79\\nmemorable, marking, as it did, an epoch in the\\nanti-slavery movement. In it Winthrop and\\nSumner struggled for the ascendency and an\\nissue was forced. Under the throes of upheaval\\nfrom the young party of the future within it,\\nthe Whig house trembled to its foundations. As\\nthe day wore on, the traditional party magnates,\\nalarmed by the strength the new movement de-\\nveloped, and the courage and persistency of its\\nleaders, appealed, as a last resort, to the per-\\nsonal authority of Mr. Webster. E. L. Pierce,\\nin his life of Sumner, has given a detailed\\nand striking account of what now took place,\\nand still another account, too long for insertion\\nhere, is to be found in the diary of Mr. Adams.\\nSuffice it to say that no more striking scene was\\never witnessed in Faneuil Hall. The entrance\\nof Webster upon the stage was a veritable coup\\nde theatre, admirably arranged and skillfully\\ntimed by the hard-pressed respectabilities of the\\norganization. It worked also like magic. The\\ntide was running strongly for Conscience,\\nand against Cotton, when, late in the Sep-\\ntember day, and after hasty conference among\\nthe gray-haired conservatives, Mr. Webster s\\nson, Fletcher, hurriedly left the hall. Presently\\nhe came back, and, whispering to Abbott Law-\\nrence, who was seated on the platform, that\\ngentleman rose and went out. When he came", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "80 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nback, Daniel Webster was on his arm. The\\ntwo walked slowly through the excited chamber.\\nThe debate had ceased in the presence thus\\nevoked, and all parties rose and joined in a loud\\ndemonstration of applause. Without uttering a\\nword the great Whig chieftain took his seat on\\nthe platform, grand, gloomy, impressive. Not\\na word was necessary his presence, thus her-\\nalded, sealed the fate of the amendments moved\\nby the Conscience faction, and then in de-\\nbate. It was in the brief speech that followed\\nthe decisive vote the few generalities in-\\ntended as a soother, as Mr. Adams described\\nthem in his account of what occurred that the\\ngreat orator made use of a striking simile, since\\nfamous, which may well have been suggested to\\nhim by a figure of speech used only a few days\\nbefore by Mr. Adams in an open letter to Mr.\\nLawrence: Others rely on other foundations\\nand other hopes for the welfare of the country\\nbut, for my part, in the dark and troubled night\\nthat is upon us, I see no star above the horizon\\npromising light to guide us but the intelligent,\\npatriotic, united Whig party of the United\\nStates. And this, delivered through the lips\\nof Daniel Webster, was the answer of Abbott\\nLawrence to the challenge of Sagitta.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nTHE FREE-SOIL PARTY\\nThe Massachusetts canvass of 1846 resulted,\\nas might naturally have been expected, in the\\ntotal discomfiture of the Conscience Whigs.\\nWith them it was as yet only the seeding time.\\nThe election that year took place on November\\n10th and, as the outcome of the fierce and sus-\\ntained assaults made upon him, Mr. Winthrop\\nwas triumphantly sent back to Congress from\\nBoston. Dr. Palfrey, on the other hand, the\\nConscience Whig candidate for Congress in\\nthe adjoining Middlesex district, failed to se-\\ncure a majority, though chosen some weeks later\\nby a narrow margin of votes at a special elec-\\ntion. This is all of it very bad, wrote Mr.\\nAdams, and it depressed me much for the rest\\nof the day. But the depression of his friends\\nhe found even greater than his own, inasmuch\\nas they attach more consequence to the immedi-\\nate result. Yet it is unpleasant to meet with a\\nlarge majority of persons who disagree with you,\\nand who are disposed to rejoice at your defeat.\\nI am prepared for this with a good share of\\nphilosophy, and submit to it.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "82 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nImmediately after the election Mr. Adams\\naccompanied his mother and his father s family\\nto Washington, leaving his father himself in\\nBoston. When on his way from New York to\\nPhiladelphia he saw in the newspaper the an-\\nnouncement that J. Q. Adams had suffered a\\nparalytic shock on the previous Thursday and\\nit is noticeable as evidence of how very slowly\\ninformation traveled in those days, only half a\\ncentury ago, that information of an event of\\nsuch public, and, to him, domestic interest, oc-\\ncurring Thursday morning in Boston, reached\\nhim only while leaving New York on Saturday,\\nand then through the newspapers. Indulging\\nin no delusive hopes of recovery, he realized the\\nfull extent of the loss. However light that\\nblow may be, he wrote on the day he heard of\\nit, there it is and, at eighty, not to be reme-\\ndied. It so proved.\\nA period of political gloom, as of domestic\\nanxiety, now ensued. In spite of a languishing\\nsubscription list, the Whig, with a firm front,\\npersisted in its course and when, the following\\nautumn, the next annual convention of the Whig\\nparty was held, this time at Springfield, the\\nstruggle between the two factions was renewed.\\nThe as yet unwritten history of this gathering\\ncan here be no more than alluded to, though it\\nstill has an interest, and, at the moment, was of", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE FREE-SOIL PARTY 83\\ngreat historical significance. Mr. Webster was\\npresent in person, pleading for a nomination to\\nthe presidency. Winthrop and Sumner both\\nwere there, renewing their wrestle of the year\\nbefore. George Ashmun, George T. Curtis,\\nCharles Allen, Stephen C. Phillips, and Dr.\\nPalfrey all figured prominently while Mr. Ad-\\nams outlined the policy and directed the opera-\\ntions of the Conscience element. Practically\\nit resulted in a drawn battle.\\nThough Mr. Webster on this occasion favored\\nthe convention with an address two hours in de-\\nlivery, his biographer has made no mention of\\nthe fact, notwithstanding he was himself a dele-\\ngate and listener. The reason is obvious. Mr.\\nWebster at that time was engaged in the difficult\\npolitico-acrobatic feat of endeavoring to ride two\\nhorses at once, they going in opposite directions.\\nOn the one side was the Southern wing of the\\nintelligent, patriotic, united Whig party of the\\nUnited States, fast drifting into the pro-slavery\\nDemocracy on the other were the Conscience\\nWhigs of Massachusetts driving headlong to-\\nwards the Republican organization of the future.\\nMr. Webster s wish was to hold the two together\\nin support of himself. That day he had to plead\\nhis cause before the Conscience tribunal and,\\nin doing so, he touched what proved for him the\\nhigh-water mark of anti-slavery sentiment. He", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "84 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\neven claimed the famous Wilmot proviso as\\nhis thunder. In return, he secured an indorse-\\nment, such as it was, for the presidential nomi-\\nnation of the following year. In view of the\\ncourse he subsequently pursued and his later\\nutterances, the fact that Mr. Curtis ignored the\\nincident in his biography affords no more occa-\\nsion for surprise than that Mr. Webster s re-\\nmarks are omitted from the authorized edition\\nof his Speeches.\\nMr. Pierce refers briefly to the convention, in\\nhis biography of Sumner 1 but that day Mr.\\nWebster s successor in the Senate did not score\\nmore of a success than Mr. Webster himself.\\nMr. Sumner s speech had the merit of brevity,\\nfor him but no other and, as it appears in his\\nWorks, 2 it is characteristic of his worst style,\\nthe overloaded, rhetorico-classical. Mr. Ad-\\nams wrote that, in delivery, it sounded out of\\nplace and pointless. The honors of the occa-\\nsion belonged distinctly to Mr. Winthrop, who\\nnot only spoke several times, but carried his\\npoint, greatly to his own satisfaction 3 and for\\nsatisfaction, he had good cause. That day he\\nmade a long stride towards Whig leadership.\\nSumner, Mr. Adams wrote, was the only\\none of our friends much depressed though his\\n1 Vol. iii. pp. 144-146. 2 Vol. ii. pp. 76-88.\\n3 Memoir, p. 65.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE FREE-SOIL PARTY 85\\nown speech in the convention, he added, was\\nmuch resented by [Mr. Webster s] friends.\\nThat day, there were two real points at issue\\none, the indorsement of Mr. Webster as the\\nnext presidential candidate of the Whig party\\nthe other, a resolution offered by Dr. Palfrey,\\nand designed to preclude the support of Gen-\\neral Taylor. The former was carried in a per-\\nfunctory, half-hearted way the latter was voted\\ndown, though by a narrow majority only. But\\nit was in regard to the latter that Mr. Winthrop\\nexerted himself, and influenced the result. To\\nevery one but Mr. Webster, it was apparent\\nthat the Webster candidacy was a form only.\\nGeneral Taylor was the coming man and Mr.\\nWinthrop was now the Whig leader of the fu-\\nture. Thus the depressed condition of Mr.\\nSumner s mind was easily accounted for. Mean-\\nwhile the Palfrey resolution had outlined the\\naction of the Conscience Whigs in a contin-\\ngency which every day rendered more probable.\\nAn immediate split was impending in the\\nintelligent, patriotic, [but no longer] united,\\nWhig party.\\nA month afterwards, in the early days of No-\\nvember, 1847, J. Q. Adams, going with his\\nfamily to Washington, left Quincy for the last\\ntime. Four months later he was brought back\\nfor burial. It lacked, on the day he left, just", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "86 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntwo weeks of seventy full years since, a boy of\\nten, he had for the first time gone forth from\\nhis native town, then Braintree, embarking in\\nthe midst of the Revolutionary trials on the\\nfrigate Boston, then lying in the bay, sent to\\ncarry his father to France. The intervening\\nperiod covered the whole national existence,\\nfrom the war for independence with Great\\nBritain to that for slavery with Mexico. On\\nhis part they had been threescore years and ten\\nof almost uninterrupted public life, now ap-\\nproaching an end not less fitting than dramatic.\\nI dined with them, wrote the son, and felt\\na great deal of the dullness which overspread us\\nall. I do not wonder it is difficult to see what\\nsix months will bring forth at such an age. It\\nwill not do to look forward.\\nAfter a short contest, Mr. Winthrop was\\nelected speaker of the House, in the Congress\\nthat now met J. Q. Adams, to the great chagrin\\nof his son, voting for him. This Dr. Palfrey\\nfound himself unable to do. The latter was\\naccordingly, at the very outset of congressional\\nlife, thus put in a most trying position, in which\\nhe found support at home from the Whig\\nalone. Into the now wellnigh forgotten con-\\ntroversy, which arose out of this speakership\\nelection, there is not room here to enter. It was\\nlong, bitter, and, in some features as seen", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE FREE-SOIL PARTY 87\\nthrough the vista of fifty years amusingly in-\\nstructive. The parties to it were very much in\\nearnest and, as a consequence, exceedingly un-\\njust to themselves, as well as to each other.\\nThe death of J. Q. Adams suddenly broke in upon\\nit, and, during the painful observances which\\nensued, the extremely considerate demeanor of\\nSpeaker Winthrop to Mrs. Adams and the\\nmembers of her husband s family extricated her\\nson, though at the time he failed to realize it,\\nfrom a position which was fast becoming false.\\nThe controversy was obviously degenerating into\\none of a personal character, an organized, if\\nnot very promising, effort to break down Mr.\\nWinthrop. The Whig also was far from\\nflourishing, and Mr. Adams, with reason, was\\ngetting extremely weary of it. So far as editorial\\nwork was concerned, it was becoming more and\\nmore plain to him that he had no vocation that\\nway. Indeed, how the paper sustained itself at\\nall under his management, it is difficult now to\\nunderstand. Voicing an unpopular cause, it was\\nwithout capital, patronage, or enterprise. The\\nconsciousness of forever tugging at a dead weight\\nis not inspiriting, and the zeal with which Mr.\\nAdams took hold of his new work in June, 1846,\\nwas, in February, 1848, fast degenerating into a\\nsense of hopeless drudgery. He was, however,\\nat least cured of his taste for newspaper writ-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "88 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ning. He had of it enjoyed a surfeit. Of Mr.\\nWinthrop, Mr. Adams now in private exclaimed\\nHe is wrong, and grievously wrong and what\\nis worse, he is leading Massachusetts wrong.\\nAnd now I am in a manner handcuffed in my\\nopposition. This at the moment he looked\\nupon as one of the heaviest of [his] trials\\nbut, as the weeks went on, he grew to see it in\\nanother light and when, a few months later,\\nthe course of events compelled his complete\\nseverance from the paper, he accepted the situ-\\nation with a sigh of profound relief. The ex-\\nperience was one he never cared to repeat. One\\nof the most thoroughly creditable episodes in\\nMr. Adams s life, it carried with it ever after a\\nmemory of thankless labor, necessary, but in\\ncharacter most repellent. The seed had to be\\nsown but the husbandman s work was hard,\\nthe hours long, and his harvest to the last de-\\ngree meagre.\\nThe National Convention of the Whig party\\nmet at Philadelphia on June 7th, and the next\\nday nominated General Taylor as its candidate\\nfor the presidency, resolutely and significantly re-\\nfusing to put forth any declaration of principles.\\nA candidate whose political views, if he had any,\\nwere quite unknown was the party s unwritten\\nplatform. In the convention, four ballots were\\nhad. One hundred and forty votes were necessary", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE FREE-SOIL PARTY 89\\nto a nomination Mr. Clay, beginning with ninety-\\nseven, ended with thirty-two Mr. Webster had\\ntwenty-two votes on the first ballot, and thirteen\\non the last. So far as the Conscience Whigs\\nof Massachusetts were concerned, the issue was\\nnow made up under the Palfrey resolve. A\\nSouthern man and an owner of slaves, General\\nTaylor could not have their support. They had\\nso declared in advance and their two special\\nrepresentatives in the convention, Charles Allen\\nand Henry Wilson, after voting loyally on every\\nballot for Mr. Webster, formally withdrew when\\nGeneral Taylor was declared the nominee. In\\ndoing so Mr. Allen publicly and boldly an-\\nnounced that, in his belief, the Whig party is\\nhere and this day dissolved while Mr. Wilson\\nexclaimed, amid the wild uproar of a tumultuous\\ndemonstration Sir, I will go home and, so\\nhelp me God, I will do all I can to defeat the\\nelection of that candidate. The more immedi-\\nate friends of Mr. Webster acquiesced. Like\\nMr. Webster himself, they did so silently, sul-\\nlenly, slowly but, by degrees, they acquiesced.\\nMeanwhile on June 3d, when already the re-\\nsult at Philadelphia was anticipated, a consulta-\\ntion had been held at the office of Mr. Adams,\\nin Boston, and the steps preliminary to an or-\\nganized bolt discussed. It followed, close\\nand sharp, on the announcement of the nomina-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "90 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntion of Taylor and Fillmore and, in a few days,\\nthe call went forth for a convention to be held\\nin August at Buffalo. To this convention Mr.\\nAdams was appointed as one of the delegates\\nfrom his father s old congressional district\\nand, on August 5th, he started on his way\\nthither, going first to New York, where he met\\nMr. Giddings, and had with him an exchange of\\nviews. He is averse to taking up Mr. Van\\nBuren, and so am I, he wrote. On the 8th\\nhe reached Buffalo, and at once found himself\\ninvolved in the whirl of the political storm cen-\\ntre. Thirty years later, referring to the Buf-\\nfalo Convention of 1848, Mr. Adams recorded\\nhis mature conviction of it. There have, he\\nsaid, been many such assemblages since, far\\nlarger in numbers, and perhaps more skillful in\\ntheir modes of operation but for plain, down-\\nright honesty of purpose, to effect high ends\\nwithout a whisper of bargain and sale, I doubt\\nwhether any similar one has been its superior,\\neither before or since.\\nThe convention of the Democratic party,\\nwhich met at Baltimore on the 22d of May, had,\\nafter a sharp contest, nominated Lewis Cass, of\\nMichigan, as its candidate a Northern man\\nwith Southern principles, General Cass stood\\non a distinctly pro-slavery platform. The real\\nquestion, therefore, which the Buffalo Conven-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "THE FREE-SOIL PARTY 91\\ntion had to decide was, whether General Taylor\\nor General Cass should be President of the\\nUnited States for the term then approaching.\\nThe Conscience Whigs wanted to defeat\\nTaylor but they did not want to elect Cass.\\nThe Barnburners, the bolting New York con-\\ntingent at Buffalo, bitterly resented the treat-\\nment of their chief, ex-President Van Buren, in\\nthe last two Democratic presidential conventions.\\nIn that of 1844, he had been defeated through\\nthe instrumentality of Cass and in that just\\nheld Cass had received the nomination. No\\nmatter who was elected, the Barnburners\\nwere now eager for revenge. In the end they\\nhad their way and they secured it through a\\nvery simple pact, or compromise. The Barn-\\nburners said to the Conscience Whigs\\nGive us the naming of the candidate, and you\\nmay frame the platform of principles on which\\nthe candidate shall stand. So far as political\\ntenets were concerned, the opponents of Mr.\\nVan Buren were thus given absolute carte\\nblanche and with this they had to be content.\\nMr. Adams was made chairman of the conven-\\ntion and finally, at the very earnest request\\nof the Ohio delegation, among whom his father s\\nname was a thing to conjure with, he was asso-\\nciated on the ticket with Mr. Van Buren, as\\nthe third party s candidate for Vice-President.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI\\nTHE EBB OP THE TIDE\\nHaving completed its labors, the Buffalo Con-\\nvention of 1848 adjourned on August 10th;\\nthe presidential election took place on Novem-\\nber 9th following. While polling close upon\\n300,000 votes in the country at large, the new-\\nparty failed to carry a single electoral college\\nbut, none the less, as between the two dominant\\ndivisions, it decided which should carry the day.\\nSo far as Mr. Adams personally was con-\\ncerned, the vote was unmistakably gratifying.\\nTo him had been assigned the second place on\\nthe ticket, representing the element in the new\\norganization to be drawn from the Whigs and\\nhe had to go before the anti-slavery people of\\nMassachusetts weighted down by the name and\\nthe record of Martin Van Buren. Nevertheless,\\nthe proportion which the Free-Soil vote bore to\\nthe total vote cast in Massachusetts (twenty-\\neight per cent.) was larger than in any other\\nState, except Vermont (twenty-nine per cent.),\\nand materially exceeded that reached in New\\nYork (twenty-six per cent.). In other words,", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE EBB OF THE TIDE 93\\nMr. Adams contributed his full share to the\\nstrength of the ticket on which he ran. The\\nlessons of his father, supplemented by his own\\nyears of almost daily teaching from the editorial\\noffice of the Whig, bore their fruits. Both\\nthe old parties were shaken to their centres by\\nthe new demonstration.\\nMr. Adams, also, came out of this canvass\\nwith a national reputation of his own, which\\nthenceforth he retained and increased. This\\nmeant a great deal for him for probably in\\nthe whole experience of the country there has\\nnot been another case where a man was so per-\\nsistently estimated at less than his real value\\nbecause of the eminence of his immediate an-\\ncestors. To a certain extent this was a natural\\npresumption but it was intensified in the case\\nof Mr. Adams by peculiarities of manner, and\\na shyness of temper which caused merely casual\\nobservers to mistake an innate indisposition to\\npush himself for lack of capacity. Growing\\nup under the overshadowing fame of John\\nQuincy Adams, it was not until 1848 that he\\nwas generally recognized as something more\\nthan the bearer of a distinguished cognomen.\\nThis, too, was a point on which he was sensitive,\\nand unduly so. Never claiming anything, or\\neven seeking recognition, because of his father\\nand his grandfather, constant reference to them", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "94 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nin connection with himself annoyed, and at times\\nirritated him. He could not habituate himself\\nto it, nor learn to take it lightly and as matter\\nof course, at one time the commonplace utter-\\nance of some not unkindly man, devoid of good\\ntaste, and at another the obvious retort of a\\ncoarse and commonplace opponent, quick to\\navail himself of a telling personal allusion. For\\nall such, it was so very easy to refer to a notice-\\nable family deterioration, sharp decline\\nwas the approved form of speech, and the\\nreference was sure to elicit a sneering laugh, and\\nround of blockhead applause from the benches\\nof the groundlings. Nor was it only the clumsy\\nwho had recourse to this unfailing method of\\nbringing down the house. In the course of the\\ncampaign of 1848 even Rufus Choate, the kind-\\nest, the most genial and charming of men and\\nacquaintances, both by nature and training\\ncourteous and considerate of opponents, even\\nEufus Choate, in the Whig state convention,\\nheld that year at Worcester, was not above this\\nwretched, worn-out claptrap and, with rhe-\\ntorical pause, referring to J. Q. Adams, then\\nscarcely six months dead, as the last of the\\nAdamses, he elicited from his audience a noisy\\nand delighted response. It was a hit, a very\\npalpable hit but none the less somewhat un-\\nworthy of Rufus Choate. It was all in the", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE EBB OF THE TIDE 95\\nrough give-and-take of the hustings but there\\nis no doubt it annoyed Mr. Adams more than\\nhe cared to admit or, indeed, than it should\\nhave done. To have one s ancestors unceasingly\\nflung in one s face is unpleasant, and listening\\nto the changes incessantly rung upon them\\nbecomes indubitably monotonous. This, how-\\never, all through life, was to an unusual degree\\nthe fate of Mr. Adams, and never so much so as\\nin the campaign of 1848. None the less the\\nrallying cry of the new party, formulated by\\nStephen C. Phillips at Buffalo, Van Buren\\nand Free Soil Adams and Liberty, echoed\\nall through the North, and through it Mr.\\nAdams s individual name became known far\\nbeyond the limits of Massachusetts.\\nIn other respects the outcome of that cam-\\npaign was not so gratifying. The fact was, and\\nit could not be sophisticated away, that Martin\\nVan Buren, the political heir of Andrew Jack-\\nson and the little magician of New York\\npolitics, was a strange candidate for earnest\\nanti-slavery men to select. The association was\\nundeniably incongruous. Of course, Mr. Ad-\\nams s own record and utterances in regard to\\nhis new political running-mate were industri-\\nously hunted up, and he was confronted with\\nthem. They were, to say the least, the reverse\\nof respectful. Only four years before he had", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "96 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nin print alluded to Mr. Van Buren as one who,\\nmaking a trade of public affairs, was fixed to\\nnothing but his own interest and whose\\ncold and temporizing policy at that time was\\nsymptomatic of treachery hereafter. Refer-\\nring to such expressions, he now wrote These\\nopinions I then held, but [Mr. Van Buren] has\\ndone much to make me change them and it\\nsingularly happens that, in the particular in\\nwhich I then predicted he would fail, he falsi-\\nfied my anticipation he did oppose the an-\\nnexation of Texas. Mr. Van Buren is a mixed\\ncharacter. In early life, right in middle life,\\nswayed to the wrong by his ambition and his\\nassociations, he seems towards the close of\\nhis career to be again falling into the right\\nchannel. But, as a candidate, his main defect\\nis that he wants warmth to give an impulse to\\nhis friends.\\nIn presenting their case in 1848, the Free-\\nSoil speakers always met the objection of Mr.\\nVan Buren s candidacy by saying that it was a\\ncase of principles, not men. As Von Hoist\\nhas since pointed out, 1 this phrase in coDnection\\nwith a presidential canvass has a somewhat\\nempty sound. If it was meant that the candi-\\ndates of the party stood no chance of an elec-\\ntion, and consequently that the voter, in casting\\n1 Vol. iii. p. 398.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "THE EBB OF THE TIDE 97\\nhis ballot for them, merely recorded himself as\\nin favor of a principle, the proposition might be\\naccepted though scarcely one calculated to at-\\ntract recruits. On the other hand, when ar-\\ndently supporting principles, it is at least ques-\\ntionable wisdom to choose to office men who, in\\noffice, cannot be relied on to make those princi-\\nples effective. Furthermore, Mr. Adams s po-\\nsition was now not logical. Pie had objected to\\nMr. Webster as the exponent of the anti-slavery\\nsentiment because he was deficient in moral\\nstamina. He had insisted that, if Mr. Webster\\nwas elevated into leadership, he would, sooner or\\nlater, by leading the movement over to the en-\\nemy, betray it to its destruction. Not grounded\\nin the faith, Daniel Webster was consumed by\\na craving for the presidential office. This was\\nprobably true but, in these respects, how was\\nit with Martin Van Buren Was he, as stud-\\nied in a record at once long, varied, and sinuous,\\nconspicuous for moral stamina How had he\\nstood, and what had he said on the great cmes-\\ntion at issue If again elevated to the presi-\\ndential chair, could he be depended upon to\\ncarry out the principles enunciated at Buffalo\\nIn point of fact, it needed but the development\\nof a single year to show the eager and honest\\nparticipants in the Buffalo convention that the\\nleaders among their New York associates were", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "98 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nsimply playing a game. Headed by Mr. Van\\nBuren s son, the popular Barnburner idol in\\nthe campaign of 1848, they in 1849 marched\\nin a body back into the regular Democratic fold.\\nTheir late allies in other States looked on at the\\nspectacle in blank amazement but the fact\\ncould not be gainsaid. It is not easy to see\\nwhat more, or worse, under similar circum-\\nstances, Mr. Webster could have done.\\nIn the way those concerned then approached\\nit, the difficulty, however, was insoluble. The\\nnascent party did not feel able to stand alone\\nand, that being so, it would have made no dif-\\nference at the stage of evolution it had then\\nreached, whether it put forward as its exponent\\nVan Biuoii or Webster, Corwin or M Lean. As\\nMr. Adams one day somewhat ruefully wrote,\\nWe must do with what we have and which-\\never of the candidates they might select from\\nthe men prominent in either of the old organiza-\\ntions, the Free-Soilers of Buffalo would have\\nbeen sure to regret not selecting another. In\\nJ. Q. Adams the anti-slavery sentiment had a\\nleader, and from him it drew an early inspira-\\ntion. When, in 1845, years and failing strength\\nincapacitated him from service, no successor of\\nnational reputation presented himself. Those\\nthen foremost on the stage had, so far as the free\\nStates were concerned, been educated on national", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE EBB OF THE TIE 99\\nline On the slave one and all,\\nwholly unreliable when subjected to any severe\\nt. would roll off platitudes by the yard,\\nand accept endless formulas but they could not\\nlift tb to a level with the subject,\\nbe convinced that it was beyond a charlatan\\ntreatment. The party of the future, tberefo\\nhad to educate slow]\\nits exponents. Precipitated i.- hy\\nthe events of 1848, it had noconfidence in itself.\\nThat must be il ej and, as an excuse, it\\nis fairly ory. Nevertheless, for\\nyoung party ol high standards and noble aspira-\\ntions to select Mar -tin Van B\\nbearer was absurd and, thereafter, the genuine\\nearnestness which pervaded the movement al\\nsaved it from collapse under ridicule. E\\nso, in making its first nomination tl\\nparty, to use the words of the translator of Von\\nHoist, d viability. Had it\\nbeen thoroughly i nt and true to itself, it\\nwould hav nominated John P. Hale, Sain\\nWilliam JJ. Seward, treating thi\\nL848 nd temporary\\nissue, which, so far as any ultimate result was\\nconcerned, might safely be left to decide itself.\\nPractically, in the end, it did decide i-\\nMillard Fillmore became president a compro-\\nwas patched up the slave -power ruled", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "100 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nsupreme. Meanwhile, in spite of the promi-\\nnence given him during the canvass of 1848, the\\npolitical leadership in the Massachusetts anti-\\nslavery movement within the lines of the Consti-\\ntution was passing from Mr. Adams. Charles\\nSumner, on the one hand, and Henry Wilson,\\non the other, were rapidly coming into greater\\nprominence and more pronounced activity. Sum-\\nner s larger and more imposing presence, com-\\nbined with magnetism, eloquence, and zeal, were\\nthen gaining for him that personal ascendency\\nwhich, firmly cemented by the brutal assault of\\nMay, 1856, was to continue unbroken to his\\ndeath. Henry Wilson, on the other hand, fail-\\ning in business, had now devoted himself to\\npolitics as a calling from which incidentally the\\nmeans of livelihood might be extracted. With\\nuntiring activity he was organizing the new\\nparty throughout the State and he was not or-\\nganizing it with an eye to the political advance-\\nment of Mr. Adams. He meanwhile was writ-\\ning in his diary I look upon this period as\\nsimply an episode to what ought to be the true\\npurpose of my next few years.\\nIn this entry he referred to the work before\\nhim in connection with the family papers, now\\nhis, the John Adams accumulation having now\\nbeen augmented by the yet larger accumulation\\nof his son. Twenty-two years had then already", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE EBB OF THE TIDE 101\\nelapsed since the death of the second president,\\nand his grandson felt no disposition longer to\\ndefer a task which, moreover, was one altogether\\ncongenial. So already, while the presidential can-\\nvass of 1848 was still in progress, arrangements\\nfor the publication of the Life and Works\\nof John Adams had been effected, and a pro-\\nspectus issued. Wholly freed at last from jour-\\nnalistic work, Mr. Adams, now turning from pol-\\nitics, devoted himself wholly to literature and\\nthe study of stale political excitements.\\nThe massive ten volume publication of the\\nJohn Adams papers, begun in 1848, was not\\ncompleted until 1856 nor was it until 1860\\nthat Mr. Adams again exercised an appreciable\\ninfluence in the direction of public affairs. The\\nintervening years, passed in his library, or at\\nmost touching on politics quite remotely and in\\na way not productive of any considerable result,\\nonly here and there offer anything of historical\\nvalue. Not in a position to be consulted, or to\\nenjoy special means of information, his diary\\nbecame a mere record of private reflections and\\nlocal or family incidents. In it, also, the ab-\\nsence of his father makes itself greatly felt, the\\ninspiration of his large activity and restless,\\neager temper being distinctly gone. Though he\\nhimself did not know it, the single element of\\nthe picturesque and broadening had in Febru-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "102 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nary, 1848, been taken out of Mr. Adams s ex-\\nistence, and he now fell easily and naturally\\nbuck into the narrow circle of New England\\nlife.\\nSo far, also, as the anti-slavery cause was\\nconcerned, there now followed a succession of\\ndull, dragging years, years of reaction, dis-\\ncouragement, and hope deferred. In national\\npolitics, the death of Taylor, at the moment\\nwhen to anti-slavery men his administration\\npromised results as happy as they were unex-\\npected, was followed by the accession of Fill-\\nmore, the recreancy of Webster, and the pas-\\nsage of the compromise measures of 1850.\\nThen came the canvass of 1852, and the elec-\\ntion of Franklin Pierce the Free-Soil party of\\nfour years before being now reduced to little\\nmore than a contemptible political fragment.\\nThe Whig organization did not, however, sur-\\nvive its defeat of that year, and perceptibly\\nmelted away in the agitation which followed the\\nrepeal of the Missouri Compromise. Finally the\\nRepublican party emerged from the chaos, and\\nin 1856 almost secured the presidency. Fortu-\\nnately for itself and the country, it failed to\\nelect Fremont but in 1858 it carried a majority\\nin the House of Representatives, preliminary to\\nits election of Lincoln two years later. Mr.\\nAdams s time, long deferred, then came.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII\\nTHE ANTE-BELLUM CONGRESS\\nIn 18o8 it was for Mr. Adams either to find his\\nway into active public life, or make up his mind\\nto permanent exclusion from it. Fifty-one years\\nof age, he had been prominent; and he no Longer\\nwas so. He was in the familiar and dangerous\\nposition of a man well known to nourish politi-\\ncal aspirations, who has beeu much and long\\ndiscussed in various connections, but who, for\\none reason or another, has never received prefer-\\nment. Of such, in the end, people weary. The\\nman everlastingly named, who never gets\\nthere, becomes, so to speak, shopworn, lack-\\ning novelty, he is a bit out of fashion and,\\nmoreover, he is in the way of the younger and\\nmore energetic aspirants. Already, when his\\nfather died in February, 1848, Mr. Adams bad\\nbeen more or less talked of as his congressional\\nsuccessor but Horace Mann had then been\\npreferred to him. In 1850, the compromise\\nyear, Mr. Mann became involved in a bitter\\ncontroversy with Mr. Webster, growing out of\\nthe compromise measures, and Mr. Adams was", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "104 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\none of the most zealous advocates of his reelec-\\ntion. Two years later, in 1852, Mr. Mann vol-\\nuntarily withdrew; but Mr. Adams was then a\\nFree-Soiler, and those were the dark days. He\\nwas nominated by his party for the district\\nbut, on the second trial, for a majority of all\\nthe votes cast for the office was then necessary\\nto a choice at the first or regular election, his\\nWhig opponent, a highly respectable Boston\\nbusiness gentleman of the Webster following,\\nwas chosen over him by a narrow plurality.\\nThe Democrats, as ever, were disinclined to Mr.\\nAdams. The old Jackson antipathy would not\\naway, and the instinctive Irish dislike to the\\nessentially Anglo-Saxon made itself felt. In\\n1854 the Whig and Free-Soil parties both dis-\\nappeared in Massachusetts under the native\\nAmerican, or Know-Nothing cataclysm, and\\nMr. Adams found himself a leader absolutely\\nwithout a following. In the Norfolk district,\\nWilliam S. Damrell, a man whose name had\\nnever been heard of in politics before, of whom\\nthe dictionary of Congress says that, by trade\\na printer, [he] never had the privilege of even\\na common-school education, was evolved as a\\ncandidate from the sessions of a secret order,\\nand elected by a majority larger than any by\\nwhich the district had ever honored either of his\\ntwo immediate, and better remembered, prede-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-BELLUM CONGRESS 105\\ncessors, Horace Mann and John Quincy Adams.\\nThough incapacitated by paralysis from any\\nactive performance of his duties, Mr. Damrell\\nserved through a second term but as that drew\\nto its close in 1858, the Know-Nothing deluge\\nhad in great degree subsided, having in Massa-\\nchusetts brought to the political surface abso-\\nlutely nothing but driftwood and scum. A way\\nwas at last thus opened for Mr. Adams. But\\nin the district the native American element was\\nstill strong, and almost as set in its hostility to\\nMr. Adams as were the Irish so his nomination\\nwas effected not without trouble. Indeed, he\\nowed it largely to the unseen, personal inter-\\nvention of Mr. Sumner, and to the generous\\nwithdrawal in his favor of George R. Russell,\\nthe natural candidate of those of Whig antece-\\ndents, in that district a large element. When,\\nhowever, the day of the convention came, Mr.\\nAdams was nominated on the first ballot by a\\ndecisive preponderance and, in common with\\nthe rest of the Republican ticket, he was re-\\nturned at the November election by a clear\\nmajority of nearly 1200 over two opposing can-\\ndidates. He was thus at last fairly launched\\ninto national public life.\\nThe Thirty -sixth Congress, the only one\\nin which Mr. Adams ever sat, assembled on\\nMonday, December 5, 1859. The Republican", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "106 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nparty at that time was at a great disadvantage\\nsocially in Washington. It had no foothold in\\nthe executive departments, and few officers of\\nthe army and navy were in sympathy with it.\\nThe ordinary run of office-holders regarded it with\\ntraditional aversion, and an apprehension ever\\nincreasing. The whole social atmosphere of the\\ncapital was in fact surcharged with pro-slavery\\nsentiment. Among the prominent Republicans\\nin Congress, Governor Seward almost alone\\ndwelt in a house of his own, or made any\\npretense of hospitality. Mr. Sumner lived in a\\nbachelor apartment of modest proportions and\\nsevere simplicity, taking his dinner at a restau-\\nrant, when not the guest of some member of the\\ndiplomatic corps. Most of the Republican mem-\\nbers of Congress lived at the wretched hotels,\\nor still less inviting boarding-houses, then char-\\nacteristic of Washington and they and their\\nwives, when the latter were there, haunted cor-\\nridors and public parlors. Sensible of the ob-\\nligation which in this respect was upon him,\\nMr. Adams had engaged a large house, as houses\\nin Washington then went, and prepared to\\nmake of it a Republican social centre, so far as\\nsuch a centre was possible under existing con-\\nditions.\\nThe session of 1859-60, as usual with sessions\\nnext preceding a national election, was almost", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-BELLUM CONGRESS 107\\nwholly given up to president-making. The\\nBuchanan administration was already moribund.\\nAll the high hopes and sanguine expectations\\nwith which that old public functionary, as he\\ndescribed himself, had entered upon his high office\\nhad, one by one, been disappointed, and utter\\nfailure now stared him in the face though, in\\nthat respect, no imaginings could for him have\\nequaled the realities which the immediate future\\nhad in store. The Democratic party was rent\\nin twain over the slavery issue while, for Mr.\\nDouglas, his great panacea of popular sover-\\neignty had proved in the result a veritable boom-\\nerang. In spite of his victory over Abraham\\nLincoln in the election which followed the mem-\\norable Illinois senatorial debate of 1858, Stephen\\nA. Douglas was now hardly less out of favor\\nwith the Southern leaders than were the more\\nmoderate Republicans. None the less, he was\\nstill the favorite presidential possibility of the\\nDemocracy of the North while the South looked\\nabout anxiously, but in vain, for somebody on\\nwhom they could unite as available, in oppo-\\nsition to him. Every possible combination was\\nconsidered. On the Republican side, John C.\\nFremont had long dropped out of considera-\\ntion. It was instinctively recognized, and tacitly\\nconceded, that he did not possess the stamina\\nrequired and men already began to feel a degree", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "108 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nof mortification and a certain sense of shaine-\\nfacedness as they called to mind the way in\\nwhich they had been stampeded into his nom-\\nination four years before. The recollection was\\nthe reverse of inspiring. Had Governor Seward\\nthen been nominated in Fremont s place, as\\nhe always after felt he should have been, his\\nposition as the recognized leader of the Repub-\\nlican party would have been thereby established,\\nand a renomination in 1860 would have followed\\nas a matter of course. As it was, he had since,\\nby force of ability and incisive utterance, risen to\\nbe the most prominent member of the party in\\nCongress and before the country; but in the\\nformer he did not attain the position which\\nHenry Clay had held so long among the Whigs.\\nHe lacked certain of the personal elements essen-\\ntial to American political leadership. Still, so\\nfar as the impending nomination was concgrned,\\nhe was distinctly in the lead, with Salmon P.\\nChase as a not very formidable second. Abra-\\nham Lincoln was as yet hardly considered seri-\\nously. The Whigs were a mere rump the\\nKnow-Nothing party had disappeared.\\nThe House of Representatives of the Thirty-\\nsixth Congress was a wholly impotent body, in\\nthat it was hopelessly divided. Of its 237 mem-\\nbers, 109 were classed as Republicans, 88 as\\nAdministration Democrats, 13 as Free State", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-BELLUM CONGRESS 109\\nDemocrats, and 27 as Native Americans, all\\nbut four of the last named being from former\\nWhig districts of the South. A contest, and a\\nlong and bitter contest, over the choice of a\\nspeaker was inevitable from the outset and\\nthe situation, mixed and bad at best, was fur-\\nther complicated by the extreme agitation into\\nwhich the whole South had been thrown by the\\nJohn Brown raid at Harper s Ferry in the\\nprevious October. Never had a Congress assem-\\nbled containing so many elements of such dan-\\ngerous discord. As subsequent events showed,\\nit was rather an unmanageable mob insensibly\\npremonitory of conflict, than a parliamentary\\nbody. Above all, the arrogance and anger\\nof the^ Southern contingent scarcely brooking\\nconstraint, the manners of the plantation over-\\nseer were constantly in evidence, as also an\\neagerness for the fray. Among the more pro-\\nminent members on the Republican side were\\nThaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, who, having\\nalready served two terms in the House between\\n1848 and 1853, now again returned to it to re-\\nmain in continuous service until his death in\\n1868 John Sherman, of Ohio, then commen-\\ncing his third term, and shortly to be transferred\\nto the Senate Roscoe Conkling, of New York,\\na man of only thirty and just entering on his\\nbrilliant congressional career the three fa-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "110 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nmous brothers Washburn, Israel, from Maine,\\nElihu B., from Illinois, and Cadwallader C,\\nfrom Wisconsin and to these might be added\\nOwen Lovejoy, a brother of the martyr of Al-\\nton, Galusha A. Grow, of Illinois, and Lot M.\\nMorrill, of Vermont. Besides L. Q. C. Lamar,\\nof Alabama, Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia, and\\nLaurence M. Keitt, of South Carolina, infamous\\nas the coadjutor of Brooks, the list of those\\nserving on the other side of that House bristles\\nwith names of men who subsequently died in\\nthe Confederate service. Vallandigham, of Ohio,\\nafterwards notorious as a copperhead, was also\\na member.\\nThe contest over the speakership began on\\nDecember 5th, the opening day of the session,\\nand came to a close on February 1st when, on\\nthe forty -fourth ballot, William Pennington of\\nNew Jersey, then serving his first and only\\nterm in Congress, was chosen. John Sherman\\nwas the candidate of the Republicans from the\\nsecond ballot to the thirty-ninth, when he with-\\ndrew his name to save his party from clearly\\nimpending defeat. The contest was within\\nthree days as long as the similar struggle of\\nfour years previous, which had resulted in the\\nelection of Banks but here the resemblance\\nstopped. There was in it, as compared with\\nthe other, a significant increase of bitterness", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-BELLUM CONGRESS 111\\non both sides an exasperation as of men who\\ncould with difficulty be restrained from laying\\nviolent hands on each other. Thus, while good-\\nhumor and courtesy had marked the contest of\\n1856, that of 1860 was noticeable for its acri-\\nmony and spirit of fierce defiance.\\nThe House was thus organized. When, how-\\never, it came to the assignment of committee\\npositions, Mr. Adams, so far as influence in the\\nHouse was concerned, was, as he at the time\\nwell understood and, later on, more and more\\nappreciated, courteously, and in a dignified,\\nconsiderate sort of way, shelved. Failing to\\nbear in mind an injunction earnestly imposed\\nupon him by Mr. Giddiugs at a meeting in Bos-\\nton in December, 1858, not to permit any\\ndelicacy or scruples to stand in the way, it\\nnever occurred to Mr. Adams to bring to bear\\non the new and inexperienced occupant of the\\nspeaker s chair any pressure to seeure recogni-\\ntion for himself. Indeed, he would not have\\nknown how to set about such a business. Ac-\\ncordingly, acting under almost unendurable\\npressure from every other quarter, Mr. Penning-\\nton lent a ready ear to the ingenious suggestion\\nconveyed to him by a not disinterested Massa-\\nchusetts colleague, that Mr. Adams should be\\nappointed to the same committee positions which\\nhad been assigned to his father when, nearly", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "112 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthirty years before, the latter first entered the\\nHouse of Representatives as an ex-President.\\nThe scheme was effective, and Mr. Adams was\\nthus promoted out of his colleague s way. The\\ncommittee on manufactures, of which his name\\nappeared as chairman was, under the rules for\\nthe disposition of business then and since in\\nvojrue, a mere name. It had not even a room\\nassigned to it nor had it been called together\\nwithin the memory of any member of that Con-\\ngress. To be announced as its head was equiv-\\nalent to what is commonly known as honora-\\nble mention. Nevertheless, for a new member\\nof Mr. Adams s peculiar temperament and very\\nretiring disposition, this practical shelving had\\nits advantages in affording him time in which\\nto become familiar with his new surroundings.\\nHis subsequent prominence came naturally and\\nin due order of events, and under a positive\\ncall he was not prematurely thrust into notice.\\nIn this, his maiden session, except in answer\\nto the call of the clerk, Mr. Adams s voice was\\nheard but once in the House. He would much\\nhave preferred to maintain an unbroken silence\\nbut a presidential election was impending, and\\nset speeches were in order. These speeches, of\\nthe abstract, educational kind, while addressed\\nto the House, were meant for the constituencies.\\nSome of Mr. Adams s friends at home insisted", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-BELLUM CONGRESS 113\\nthat he must make himself heard and, in re-\\nsponse to their urgency, he spoke. His speech\\nwas thoroughly characteristic. In no way sen-\\nsational or vituperative, its calm, firm tone,\\nexcellent temper, and well-ordered reasoning\\nnaturally commended it to an audience satiated\\nby months of turgid rhetoric and personal abuse.\\nThis his Southern colleagues appreciated for,\\nconscious what sinners they were in those re-\\nspects, they the more keenly felt in others mod-\\neration of language and restraint in bearing.\\nA few days later one of the most extreme among\\nthem, Mr. Cobb, of Alabama, went out of his\\nway to refer to Mr. Adams as the only mem-\\nber never out of order and the person thus\\ncuriously singled out noted, there is something\\nsingular in the civility formally paid me on the\\nother side of the house. I have never courted\\none of them but I have insulted no one. It\\nwas to these men the members from the\\nSouth, and more especially to those from Vir-\\nginia that Mr. Adams now addressed himself,\\nsetting forth the cause of being the raison\\nd etre of the Republican party in a natural\\nresistance to the requirements and claims of a\\nproperty interest, which, alone of all interests,\\nwas directly represented on the floor of the\\nHouse by a solid phalanx of its members. Then\\npassing on to an appeal from the modern inter-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "114 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\npretation of the Declaration and Constitution to\\nthe understanding of the f ramers, he closed with\\na distinct statement of the constitutional limita-\\ntions as respects slavery recognized and accepted\\nby the Republican party, and his own belief in\\nthe utter futility and foreordained failure of\\nany attempt on the Union.\\nThe Republican National Convention met at\\nChicago, on May 16th. Mr. Adams was an\\nearnest, though quiet, advocate of the nomina-\\ntion of Governor Seward. Seward was the\\nleader of the Republican party more, far more,\\nthan any other one man, he had formulated its\\nprinciples and voiced its feelings. He was en-\\ntitled now to be its standard-bearer. Suddenly,\\nat the moment when that result of the conven-\\ntion s action was most confidently anticipated, a\\nrumor spread through the House of Represen-\\ntatives, then engaged on a contested election\\ncase, that the prize had fallen to Mr. Lincoln.\\nMr. Adams the next morning thus commented\\non this momentous selection [The report] was\\nreceived with general incredulity, until by re-\\npeated announcements from different quarters\\nit appeared that he had carried the day by a\\nunion of all the anti-Seward elements. The\\neffect upon me was to depress for, though no\\npartisan of Governor Seward, I did feel as if he\\nwas the man to whom the party owed the nomi-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE ANTE-BELLUM CONGRESS 115\\nnation. But I could not fail to perceive in the\\nfaces of many of our friends the signs of a very\\nopposite conviction. In truth, the western sec-\\ntion and the middle States are exceedingly\\ntimid, and desire as far as possible to escape so\\ndirect an issue on the slave question as the nom-\\nination of Mr. Seward would have made. Mr.\\nLincoln is by no means of so decided a type\\nand yet he is in many respects a fair representa-\\ntive. I believe him honest and tolerably capa-\\nble but he has no experience and no business\\nhabits.\\nMr. Adams was no stump speaker or cam-\\npaign orator. It was not in him to move the\\nmasses but, in the long and exciting can-\\nvass which now ensued, he took a somewhat\\nactive part, accompanying Governor Seward in\\nhis memorable electioneering journey through\\nthe States of the Northwest, going as far as\\nSt. Paul. Renominated to Congress without\\nopposition, he was elected by a majority of\\nsome 3000 votes. This was on November 6th\\nupon which day ended the canvass most preg-\\nnant of consequences of all the country has ever\\nwitnessed, before or since. On November 10th\\nMr. Adams closed the old mansion at Quincy,\\nand moved with his family to his house in Bos-\\nton, there to remain for the few weeks yet to\\nintervene before his departure for Washington.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "116 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nThe effort of fourteen years had been crowned\\nwith success. The anti-slavery movement, at last\\nproving irresistible, was about to take possession\\nof the government. The final evening he was\\ndestined to pass in Quincy for more than seven\\nyears was marked by a celebration of the great\\npolitical victory just won, and was marred by\\nno premonition of the trials to come. The cur-\\ntain fell amid rejoicings, illuminations, the blaz-\\ning of rockets and the shoutings of victory\\nshortly it was to rise again to the sound of\\nalarm-bells struck in the night. For the mo-\\nment, however, satisfaction over the past was\\nas unalloyed as the anticipation of the future\\nwas confident.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII\\nTHE AWAKENING\\nEetrospect is the one infallible test of po-\\nlitical, as of private conduct, in times of emer-\\ngency. To its cold and altogether unsympa-\\nthetic scrutiny, the statesman s policy and the\\nmethods of the tradesman are in the close\\nequally subjected. Having, too, the last word,\\nfrom its verdict there is no escape. Accord-\\ningly, it is apt to go hard before posterity with\\na public character when his biographer feels\\nhimself under the necessity of defense or ex-\\nplanation. Fortunately nothing of the sort is\\nnecessary for Mr. Adams in connection with the\\ncourse of events subsequent to the election of\\n1860, and leading up to the catastrophe of\\nApril 13, 1861.\\nNot that Mr. Adams ever subsequently per-\\nsuaded himself, as did so many others, both in\\nand out of public life, that, during the winter\\nwhich preceded the outbreak of the civil war,\\nhe had foreseen the whole terrible outcome, an-\\nticipating just what occurred. On the contrary,\\nclaiming no prescience in that regard, when", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "118 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe struggle came lie frankly confessed himself\\nastonished and horrified. His forecast had for\\nyears been all wrong. He had assured the\\ncountry that the South was not in earnest, that\\nits threats were mere braggadocio, that its in-\\nterests and its safety combined to keep it in the\\nUnion. Now he had slowly to wake up to his\\nerror, and address himself to a new and unan-\\nticipated situation. He did so, step by step\\nfeeling his way but, afterwards, had his fore-\\nsight during the winter of 18G0-61 been as per-\\nfect as his retrospect became, he would in no\\nessential respect have done otherwise than he\\ndid.\\nSo far as the loyal people of the United\\nStates were concerned, the course of political\\nevents from the election of Lincoln to the bom-\\nbardment of Fort Sumter from November 6,\\n18G0, to April 13, 1861 afforded a curious\\nexemplification of what can only be described\\nas national good luck for, absolutely without\\nintelligent human guidance, those events de-\\nveloped themselves in a way which, under the\\npeculiar conditions then existing, hardly ad-\\nmitted of improvement. This, of course, was\\nnot apparent at the time. On the contrary, as\\nthe ship of state slowly and irresistibly drifted\\ninto the breakers, the cry for guidance for a\\nhand at the helm was only less loud than the", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 110\\nwail of despair over its manifest absence this,\\nhowever, did not alter the fact that, the catas-\\ntrophe being inevitable, it came about, though\\nin a way purely fortuitous, at the right time, in\\nthe best place that could have been selected,\\nand, so far as the elements of the country loyal\\nto nationality were concerned, in the most de-\\nsirable form.\\nThe facts, not open to dispute, need to be\\nbriefly recalled. On November 6, 1860, when\\na large plurality of those voting chose Lin-\\ncoln as President, they, like Mr. Adams, never\\nbelieved that secession would ensue. When\\nthey were speedily undeceived on this head, the\\nsituation in which the country found itself could\\nhardly have been worse. Four months were to\\nelapse before the change of administration was\\nto take place. The interim was full of danger.\\nIt was a veritable interregnum, during which\\nthe government might well be wrecked. The\\nadministration was indeed in the hands of the\\nwreckers while the President, wholly out of\\nsympathy with the man chosen to be his suc-\\ncessor, and in no way in communication with\\nhim, was almost, if not altogether, pitiable in\\nhis timorous vacillation. A better opportunity\\nto complete their work, conspirators could not\\nhave desired. It so chanced, however, that,\\nSouth as well as North, public sentiment was", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "120 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ndivided. The cotton States, so-called, South\\nCarolina and those contiguous to the Gulf of\\nMexico, unanimous within themselves, were\\nfor all practical purposes also united in a com-\\nmon line of action but in all the more North-\\nern, or, as they were now called, border slave\\nStates, there was a strong Union sentiment a\\nreluctance to being swept headlong into the\\nuncertainties which secession would unquestion-\\nably entail. Virginia and Maryland, during\\nthe interregnum, held the key of the situation.\\nThis fact is fundamental to any correct un-\\nderstanding of the situation. Had those two\\nborder slave States then promptly followed\\nthe lead given by the cotton States, their ac-\\ntion would unquestionably, with Buchanan at\\nthe head of the national government, have been\\ndecisive of the residt. The conspirators, seizing\\nthe national capital before the change of admin-\\nistration was effected, would have overturned\\nthe government. Fortunately, the traditions of\\nVirginia and the material interests of Maryland\\nwere not readily overcome and, actuated by\\nthe spirit of conservatism, a strong party in\\nfavor of delay at least, if not of the Union, de-\\nveloped itself in each of those pivotal States. It\\nwas manifestly of vital importance to the loyal\\nNorth to keep alive and encourage this visibly\\nlanguishing Union sentiment, if only as an ob-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 121\\nstacle which the Southern extremists would have\\nto overcome, thus making of it a factor of de-\\nlay, consuming an interval of time fraught with\\ndanger. Not until March 4th would the ma-\\nchinery of state the War Department and the\\nNavy Department be transferred and, for the\\nNorth, it was a matter, as is now apparent, of\\nsimply vital importance that the catastrophe\\nif a catastrophe was inevitable should be de-\\nferred until after that date. Throughout that\\ntrying winter, therefore, the eyes of all think-\\ning, cool and clear-headed men were steadily\\nfixed upon the ides of March.\\nOn the other hand, it was plainly the interest\\nof the conspirators to precipitate a conflict. By\\nso doing they might not impossibly secure the\\nnational capital, thus becoming, when the change\\nof administration necessarily took place, the\\nde facto government. So far as foreign nations\\nwere concerned, this would have been con-\\nclusive. The hesitating attitude of the border\\nslave States, especially of Virginia, was the ob-\\nstacle in the way. Those States were, however,\\nin that unstable psychological condition which\\nmade it very necessary to deal carefully with\\nthem. To bring on a conflict was easy but by\\nunduly precipitating such a conflict, the border\\nStates might not impossibly be shocked and re-\\npelled rather than attracted. The Southern", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "122 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nextremists, therefore, instinctively recognized\\nthe fact that it would not be safe yet to put\\nthemselves manifestly in the wrong through any\\nact of aggression, at once overt and wanton.\\nFor that, conditions were not ripe. Premature\\naction on their part, while consolidating the\\nNorth, might divide the South. Accordingly,\\nunless the entire Southern heart should by good\\nluck be fired by some premature attempt of\\nthe national government at the coercion of a\\nState, the conspirators had perforce to wait.\\nMeanwhile, the free States were in a condi-\\ntion of moral chaos. The old union-saving,\\ncompromising sentiment was there both strong\\nand outspoken. It had to be cautiously dealt\\nwith. The Republican party was thus under\\nheavy bonds to keep in the right. It must\\nshow itself reasonable, conciliatory, and law-\\nabiding it must hold out the olive-branch con-\\nspicuously avoiding anything like provocation,\\nit must await attack. Only by so doing could\\nit, when the moment came, rally public senti-\\nment to its support. So far as the North was\\nconcerned, the day for diatribes and denuncia-\\ntion, for philippics and incrimination, was,\\ntherefore, over. Though there were those, and\\nnot a few, who seemed unable to realize this fact\\nthen, it is obvious now.\\nUnder these difficult conditions, the loyal ele-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 123\\nment labored under great disadvantage in the\\nimportant matter of leadership. The Southern\\nconspirators, knowing exactly what they were\\ndriving at, had, immediately after the election,\\ngone effectively to work to secure it. They en-\\njoyed perfect means of information for they\\nwere actually represented in Congress, as well as\\nin the executive departments. They were united\\nas one man. Every point in the game was thus\\nin their favor they apparently stood to win.\\nNot so the incoming party of loyalty and free-\\ndom. Divided by jealousies, distracted in coun-\\ncil, those of the North knew absolutely nothing\\nof that man whom the voice of a political con-\\nvention, little above a mob, had selected to be\\ntheir leader and he, an untried executive, far\\naway from the centre of action in his secluded\\nabode in the heart of Illinois, made no sign.\\nAll eyes were turned thither, all ears were in-\\ntent but during all the fatefid days from early\\nNovember to late February, nothing was there\\nseen and little thence heard. Yet, as in the\\nend it turned out, even this absence of lead in\\nthe time of crisis so deplored at the time,\\nand which on any received doctrine of chances\\nshould have been fatal proved opportune.\\nThe country drifted more fortunately for itself\\nthan it would probably have been directed even\\nby the most sagacious of politicians. For the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "124 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nmoral conditions time in which to mature was\\nabsolutely essential. A community fairly agon-\\nized with fear was being slowly educated to the\\nfighting pitch. The process was one, not of\\ndays, nor yet of weeks, but of months.\\nA succession of events then occurred, all\\nfortuitous, and yet all as they should have been.\\nOn December 26th, acting within his orders but\\non his own responsibility, Major Robert Ander-\\nson, in command of the United States forces in\\nCharleston harbor, transferred his skeleton gar-\\nrison from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. A\\ncatastrophe, then imminent, but for the North\\naltogether premature, was thus deferred and\\nthe eyes of the whole country were thereafter\\nfixed, and its thoughts concentrated, on a single\\npoint of danger. An attack on the flag flying\\non an island in Charleston harbor became from\\nthat moment an assault on the Union. Chance\\nthus selected the point of collision, and selected\\nit most advantageously for the North for while\\nSouth Carolina, laboring under a record of nearly\\nforty years, was in the South looked upon with\\napprehension, in the North, deemed a firebrand,\\nshe had no friend. Memories of nullification,\\nof assaults in the senate chamber and of coun-\\nsels always extreme, there arose uncalled at the\\nmere mention of her name. Human foresight\\nthus could not have better designated the point\\nof danger.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 125\\nA few days later, on January 9th, the attempt\\nto reinforce Anderson with men and supplies by\\nthe steamer Star of the West failed, the re-\\nlieving steamer being fired into and driven back\\nto New York by the guns of South Carolina\\nwhile, most fortunately, and almost as matter of\\nchance, those of Sumter did not reply. The act\\nof aggression was thus on the part of the con-\\nspirators and yet no catastrophe was precipi-\\ntated. It would then have been premature\\nto the Union probably fatal for March 4th\\nwas still nearly two months in the future.\\nAgain, in the early days of February, when\\nthe tension was fast becoming too severe to last,\\nVirginia held an election for delegates to a con-\\nvention to decide on the course to be pursued\\nand a decisive majority of those chosen were\\nfound to be opposed to immediate secession.\\nMost fortunately Henry A. Wise was no longer\\ngovernor of that State. Had his tenure of the\\noffice continued, it is impossible to say what\\nmight or might not have been attempted. John\\nLetcher, a Virginian of the states-rights school\\nbut not a secessionist, had succeeded Wise in\\n1859, and, though a few months later on he acted\\nwith decision in favor of the Confederacy when\\nthe Virginia convention at last passed its ordi-\\nnance of secession, he now for the time being\\nmaintained a conservative attitude. The Vir-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "126 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nginia election, resulting as it did at just this junc-\\nture, was, therefore, a piece of supreme good\\nfortune. It checked the rapid course of events.\\nAs Mr. Seward, with a deep sigh of relief, wrote\\non hearing of it The danger of conflict before\\nMarch 4th has been averted. Time has been\\ngained. Time at that juncture was precious.\\nThen came the futile Washington Peace Con-\\nference, called at the request of Virginia. More\\ndiscussion and new suggestions of accommoda-\\ntion followed and, though nothing came of\\nthem in the end, they were most useful, for they\\nconsumed the few days still remaining before\\nthe fateful ides. And all this time the ship of\\nstate, under influences quite irresistible, steadily\\ndrifted on a rocky lee shore. There was no\\nhand at the helm but nothing untoward oc-\\ncurred, no reef was struck.\\nOn March 4th, the transfer of the govern-\\nment was effected quietly and safely. A hand\\nwas now at the helm, and something positive in\\nthe way of direction was looked for. Luckily\\nfor the country, Mr. Lincoln s lack of famil-\\niarity with the situation, the very habit of his\\nmind and the fact that he was more intent on\\nthe distribution of offices than on the gravity of\\nthe crisis, then also stood the country in good\\nstead. The immediate question related to the\\ncourse to be pursued in respect to Fort Sumter.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 127\\nSomething had to be decided. Should the gar-\\nrison be withdrawn or should the govern-\\nment, in the attempt to relieve it, provoke a\\ncollision And here, whichever course was de-\\ncided on, serious doubts suggested themselves,\\ngrave danger was incurred. If the garrison\\nhad been, as Secretary Seward then advocated,\\nquietly withdrawn, the country would have been\\nhumiliated and a great opportunity lost. Its\\nself-respect gone, it would have sacrificed its\\nprestige in the eyes of foreign powers. The\\nresult might well have proved disastrous for,\\nitself practically recognizing the Confederacy, it\\nwould have invited its recognition by others.\\nOn the other hand, if South Carolina were at-\\ntacked, and the garrison at Sumter relieved by\\na successful naval operation, it would have been\\nan overt act of aggression precipitating the\\nSouth into a war of defense. Upon that issue\\nthe slave States would have been a unit, while\\nthe free States might have been divided. Had\\nthe Confederate leaders been wise and far-see-\\ning, they would in this way have provoked the\\nnow inevitable conflict, compelling the national\\ngovernment either to humiliate itself or to strike\\nthe first blow, they then replying strictly in self-\\ndefense. Again luck, for it was nothing else,\\nserved the United States better than the counsels\\nof its statesmen. Taking the bit in their teeth,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "128 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe hot-heads of South Carolina precipitated the\\nissue. Blunderers aggressors in civil strife,\\nthe disciples of Calhoun caused the Confederate\\nbatteries to open fire on the flag of the Union.\\nThe rest followed. From that moment the loyal\\nNorth was a unit. All the conditions were ripe,\\nthe educational process was complete, and the\\npsychological crisis followed.\\nSuch was the course of events. That Mr.\\nAdams did not at the time fully appreciate the\\ngravity of the situation, or the irresistible force\\nof the influences at work, or the earnestness and\\nstrength of his opponents, has already been said.\\nHe never did appreciate them. Referring to the\\nsecession movement of 1861, he twelve years\\nlater expressed the astonishing belief that one\\nsingle hour of the will displayed by General\\nJackson in 1833 would have stifled the fire\\nin its cradle. A similar opinion was expressed\\nby Charles Sumner in 1863, 1 and by the bio-\\ngraphers of Lincoln seventeen years later. 2 That\\na decided lead and vigorous action on the part\\nof the federal executive would, in December,\\n1860, or January, 1861, have united the North\\nearlier, and have in this way greatly influenced\\nsubsequent results, is hardly questionable but,\\nin view of the temper and self-confidence then\\nthere prevailing, that the attempt to coerce a\\n1 Works, vii. 518. 2 Nicolay and Hay, iii. 123.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 129\\nState in January, 1861, would have cowed the\\nSouth into submission, and so prevented the four\\nyears of desperate conflict which ensued, is al-\\ntogether improbable nor would it have been\\ndesirable. The thing had been brooding too\\nlong and gone too far to escape a copious blood-\\nletting. At some time, a little sooner or later,\\nnationality had once for all to be established.\\nNevertheless, mistaken as he was as to the con-\\nditions under which he was called upon to act,\\nand their inevitable outcome, still holding the\\nirremediable to be not beyond remedy, Mr.\\nAdams, in December, 1860, considered care-\\nfully his course. Though dictated by instincts\\nof high statesmanship, that course was at the\\ntime distinctly opportunist, a course in which,\\namid changing circumstances, but always in\\npresence of a great danger, he felt his way from\\nday to day. None the less, whether viewed from\\nthe standpoint of the moralist and Christian, or\\nthat of the statesman, or that of the astute\\nplayer in the game of politics, the line of action\\nMr. Adams then followed was completely justi-\\nfied by results.\\nIn the first place, he recognized the fact that\\nin their hour of victory a change of tone and\\nbearing on the part of the victors was wise as\\nwell as becoming. Invective and threat were\\nnow to be replaced by firmness, moderation,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "130 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nconciliation fears were to be allayed confi-\\ndence established. Assurance was to be given\\nthat the ascendency gained would not be abused.\\nThis was something which a large portion of\\nthose associated with him, of whom Mr. Sum-\\nner was a type, could not understand. That\\na man should in the hour of triumph demean\\nhimself towards his opponents otherwise than\\nas he had demeaned himself in the heat of con-\\nflict seemed to pass their comprehension. To\\ntheir eyes moderation always savored of weak-\\nness. In the next place, whichever way he\\nlooked at the actual situation, the course to be\\npursued seemed to Mr. Adams plain. If he\\nlooked at it from the standpoint of high moral\\nresponsibility, as a Christian, it was incum-\\nbent on him to do all in his power to do, short\\nof the concession of some vital point at issue, to\\navert civil strife. He would yield nothing really\\nessential but so far as non-essentials and points\\nof pride were concerned, he would make smooth\\nthe way. The soundness of this view cannot\\nwell be controverted. Taking next the lower\\nplane of the statesman, his eye was riveted on\\nthe transfer of the government from the hands\\nof those who then held it to its friends as he\\ntwelve years later said, it was manifest that\\nsomething had to be done to keep control of\\nthe capital, and bridge over the interval before", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 131\\nthe 4th of March in peace and quiet. To this\\nend it was not sufficient to guard carefully\\nagainst any premature catastrophe, the result of\\nsome governmental action, not the less ill ad-\\nvised because well meant but such a catastro-\\nphe, if cunningly contrived by the enemies of the\\ngovernment, must, if possible, be averted. Mr.\\nAdams, therefore, advocated the appointment of\\ncommittees and the summoning of conferences,\\nthe presentation and discussion of schemes,\\nanything, in fact, which would consume time and\\npreserve the peace, until the interregnum should\\nend. Finally, as an astute politician, he labored\\nto divide his enemies and concentrate the friends\\nof the government by the plausibility and fair-\\nness of his proposals. He hoped to the last to\\nhold the border States, fully believing that, if\\nan armed conflict could by judicious caution be\\naverted, the Gulf States would, when the time\\nfor sober second thought came, find their posi-\\ntion untenable, and so be forced ignominiously\\nback into the Union. In this belief he was over\\nsanguine, failing to recognize the deadly inten-\\nsity of the situation. Nevertheless, in the stage\\nof that tremendous game then developing, it was\\na point worth playing for. Its loss would not\\njeopardize the stakes.\\nThis, however, was remote. The 4th of March,\\nthe possession of the seat of government when", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "132 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe change of administration should take place,\\nthis was the first point in the game, the se-\\ncuring which was essential to the result. All\\nthrough that long, anxious winter, it was never\\nabsent from the mind of Mr. Adams. He now\\nalso rose, at once and as if by common consent,\\ninto great congressional prominence. Almost\\nthe first legislative act of the session was to pro-\\nvide for a large Special Committee of Thirty-\\nthree, one from each State in the Union, to\\nframe, if anyhow possible so to do, some mea-\\nsure, or measures, to extricate the country from\\nthe danger into which it was manifestly drift-\\ning. Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, was chairman of this\\ncommittee, and upon it Mr. Adams represented\\nMassachusetts. The fate of the measures of\\nconciliation and adjustment, which Mr. Adams\\ndrew up and submitted in this committee, subse-\\nquently constituting the basis of its report, well\\nillustrated how, to the very last moment, he was\\nintent on the change to be effected on Inaugu-\\nration Day. These measures were before the\\nHouse of Representatives, causing discussion\\nand consuming time to the close of the session\\nthey were then at last disposed of in some par-\\nliamentary way which made them no longer\\neffective. Walking home that day from the\\nCapitol with a member of his family after the\\nadjournment of the House, his companion ex-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 133\\npressed to Mr. Adams regret at the disposition\\nthus made of his measures. The reply, con-\\nveyed with unmistakable cheerfulness of tone,\\nwas, on the contrary, expressive of profound\\nsatisfaction that they were thus well out of the\\nway, having done the work for which they were\\ndesigned. Matters for discussion, they had occu-\\npied time which might otherwise have been dan-\\ngerously employed. But the expediency of using\\nevery device to bridge over the interregnum did\\nnot admit of public expression, and in the North\\nthe purpose of Mr. Adams was only in part un-\\nderstood. The support he received was em-\\nphatic and general but underneath there was a\\ncurrent of dissatisfaction and distrust.\\nThis, however, anticipates the narrative.\\nThroughout December Mr. Adams had, in the\\nCommittee of Thirty-three, been constantly\\nmanoeuvring for position, and to gain time. 1 It\\nwas yet many weeks before Lincoln would be\\ninaugurated. On December 8th, Howell Cobb,\\n1 Reuben Davis, of Mississippi, a member of tbe Committee\\nof Thirty-three and an influential fire-eater, at the time\\npronounced that committee a tub thrown out to the whale,\\nto amuse only, until the 4th of March next, and thus arrest\\nthe present noble and manly movements of the Southern\\nStates to provide by that day for their security and safety out\\nof the Union. With these views I take my place on the com-\\nmittee, for the purpose of preventing it being- made a means of\\ndeception by which the public mind is to be misled and mis-\\nguided. Globe, December 11, 1860, p. 59.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "134 (II MILES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nof Georgia, had resigned the portfolio of the\\nTreasury to throw in his lot with the seceders\\nmikI on the L5th, in anger, disgust, and despair,\\nIds secretary of state, General Cass, had aban-\\ndoned President Buchanan. On the evening of\\nthe 26tb Major Anderson had transferred his\\ncommand from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter.\\nUp to this time, coolly watching his opponents\\nin the Committee of Thirty-three, the effort\\nof Mr. Adams had been directed towards mak-\\ning them show their whole hand. With extrem-\\nists at both ends, Sumner and Chandler on\\nthe out- side, and Davis and Chestnut on the\\nother,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the North and the South were equally\\ndivided, the advocates of compromise in the free\\nStates vainly struggling against the influence of\\nthe Black Republicans, as they were desig-\\nnated, and the Unionists in the slave States\\nagainst that of the fire-eaters. Mr. Adams\\ninstinctively sought to show to the North that\\ncompromise was out of the question by forcing\\nthe representatives of the South from one posi-\\ntion to another, until their final demands were\\nshown to be impossible of concession and, while\\nby so doing he united the North, the conciliatory\\ntone adopted would tend temporarily to para-\\nlyze the South, if not permanently to divide it.\\nThe border States were in dispute\\nHis diary, and still more his letters written at", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 135\\nthe time, show the skill, temper, and clearness of\\nhead with which Mr. Adams played the hand\\nassigned to him in this delicate game. The real\\nobject of the secession movement, the end to\\nwhich his opponents were working, was not so\\nplain in the winter of 18G0-G1 as it lias since be-\\ncome for what the leaders of the Confederacy\\nthen secretly had in view, they in public care-\\nfully disavowed. It is now well understood that\\nwhat they planned was the ultimate establish-\\nment of a great semi-tropical republic, founded\\non African servitude, which, including all, or\\nnearly all, the slave-holding States of the old\\nUnion, should find ample field for almost unlim-\\nited expansion in Mexico, Central America, and\\nthe West Indies. The reopening of the slave\\ntrade, as an inexhaustible source for the supply\\nof cheap labor, was a recognized feature of the\\nscheme, for obvious reasons sedulously disavowed\\nuntil a more opportune occasion. 1\\nAs a whole, and in the more or less remote\\nfuture, the project was large and essentially ag-\\ngressive at the commencement it professed to\\n1 This subject has been well discussed by both Rhodes and\\nvon Hoist (Rhodes, ii. 34, 241, 367-373 ill. 119-124, x .)4,\\n322 von Hoist, v. 13-16, 30, 477-490; vi. 336 vii. 263, 264)\\nand of the main features of the project, as it rested, more or\\nleas clearly defined, in the minds of the leaders of tlie Confed-\\neracy, there can be no question. See, also, Nicolay and Hay,\\niii. 177.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "136 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nbe modest and strictly defensive. Those ma-\\nturing it even assumed an attitude of injured\\ninnocence, and seem at times almost to have\\npersuaded themselves, as well as tried to per-\\nsuade the world, of the wrongs which they\\nloudly averred. These were principally three\\nin number. First, and that most harped upon,\\nwas the exclusion of slaves, as property, from\\nthe territories, the common possession of the\\nUnion, not yet organized into States. Next,\\nthe alleged fear of the anti-slavery sentiment as\\nan aggressive force, in time disregarding con-\\nstitutional barriers and interfering with a strong\\nhand in the domestic institutions of the South.\\nAnd, finally, the Personal Liberty Acts passed\\nby legislatures of many of the free States,\\npractically nullifying in those States the consti-\\ntutional provision looking to the rendition of\\nfugitives from labor. Such were the capital\\ngrievances of the South specifically alleged\\nbut, in reality, a mere cover to the greater, un-\\navowed, and as yet carefully disavowed, scheme\\nof southern empire and the slave trade. The\\neffort of Mr. Adams was to remove the mask,\\nand disclose to the free States, and yet more to\\nthe hesitating border States, the reality be-\\nneath. To this end, he framed the proposi-\\ntions advanced by him in the Committee of\\nThirty-three (1.) So far as the common ter-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 137\\nritory was concerned, rather than quarrel, let\\nus, he said, dispose of the matter finally by ad-\\nmitting the region in dispute into the Union as\\na State, with or without slavery as its constitu-\\ntion when framed shall provide. (2.) As to\\nthe Personal Liberty bills, the Fugitive Slave\\nLaw can be modified in its repulsive and uncon-\\nstitutional features, and those laws shall then be\\nrepealed. (3.) Finally, the Republican party\\nhad always carefully disavowed in every declara-\\ntion of principles all right, or any intent, to in-\\nterfere with slavery as a state institution and\\nso far as that cause of apprehension was con-\\ncerned, as a pledge of its good faith in making\\nits declarations, the Republican party woidd\\nagree to any reasonable additional constitutional\\nguarantee that might be asked for.\\nConfronted with these proposals, advanced in\\nperfect temper and apparent good faith, the\\nrepresentatives of the slave States were in a\\ndilemma. If they accepted them, all cause of\\ncomplaint was removed, and secession became\\nmere wanton revolution. If they rejected them,\\nit must be because other and unavowed ends\\nwere aimed at. If so, what were those ends?\\nThe Southern extremists of the Gulf States,\\nthe men of the Reuben Davis type, knew well\\nenough, and seceded without further discussion.\\nThe representatives of the border States were", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "138 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nless precipitate, and, in presence of their con-\\nstituents, more embarrassed. They, in their\\nturn, were well aware that, in presence of the\\naroused anti-slavery sentiment of the free States,\\nthe Fugitive Slave Law was a dead letter. The\\nmodification of the Personal Liberty Acts to\\nconform to constitutional requirements was, they\\nfelt, an empty concession; but they could not\\nrefuse to accept it. One article of grievance\\nwas thus removed. The alleged fear of inter-\\nference with slavery as a state institution was\\nnext disposed of. They could ask no more than\\nthe additional guarantees freely offered. The\\nsecond article of grievance was thus removed.\\nThere remained only the territorial question.\\nThat, from conditions of soil and climate, slav-\\nery as a system could not find a profitable field\\nfor development in New Mexico, the only terri-\\ntory open to it then belonging to the United\\nStates, had already been proved by experience.\\nThe concession thus offered, as the representa-\\ntives of the slave States well knew, was abso-\\nlutely empty none the less its acceptance re-\\nmoved the last alleged cause of grievance.\\nFeeling themselves thus steadily pressed back\\nin discussion, the attitude of such members of\\nthe committee from the slave States as still re-\\nmained upon it now underwent a change. The\\nmask had to fall. The complaint over exclusion", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 139\\nfrom territory already owned ceased to be heard,\\nand, in place thereof, it was claimed that the\\nexistence of slavery and rights of slaveholders\\nshould be recognized, and in advance affirmed,\\nin all southward territory thereafter to be ac-\\nquired. No louger modest and on the defensive,\\nthe aggressive spirit and imperial ambition of\\nthe slaveocracy were avowed. It had been driven\\nfrom cover. The only other question, that of\\na reopened slave-trade, was not then at issue,\\nand the wish for it would have been promptly\\nand emphatically denied. Meanwhile the object\\nMr. Adams had in view was attained. Accord-\\ningly, the moment his opponents acknowledged\\ntheir alleged grievances as mere pretenses, and\\ndisclosed their real purpose, he ceased to urge\\non them his measures of adjustment. Before\\nthe free States and before the border States the\\nissue was made, and was clear. The demand\\nsimply could not be complied with.\\nSuch were the views of the situation at Wash-\\nington entertained by Mr. Adams during that\\nmomentous winter, as described in his diary\\nand letters, as yet unpublished, with that vivid-\\nness only possible in records contemporaneous\\nwith events, when hopes and fears fluctuate\\ndaily. As he himself summed it all up in a\\nletter relating to other matters addressed to\\nMr. Sumner s brother George, dated April 24,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "140 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\n1861 Our only course in the defenseless con-\\ndition in which we found ourselves was to gain\\ntime, and bridge over the chasm made by Mr.\\nBuchanan s weakness. That this was the one\\npractical course for a statesman to pursue, un-\\nder the circumstances, seems now self-evident\\nthat it was the course which would instinctively\\nsuggest itself to a natural diplomat is apparent.\\nThis Mr. Adams was. Looking upon him as\\nsuch, his line of action throughout that crisis\\nbecomes explicable, and was right. He played\\nhis hand for time and the occasion they came,\\nand he won.\\nThe single set speech Mr. Adams made in\\nthe course of this session was on January 31st,\\nand it completely justified with the general pub-\\nlic the course he had taken. So far as the\\nHouse of Representatives was concerned, it was\\nunquestionably the speech of the session. Keenly\\nexpected, listened to intently, published and re-\\npublished in the leading papers of the country,\\nthe response it elicited was immediate, emphatic,\\nand favorable. Mr. Adams had now come to\\noccupy a position of great prominence only a\\nfew days earlier Sherrard Clemens of Virginia,\\none of the few border-state representatives\\nreally sincere in their loyalty, had earnestly ex-\\nhorted him to declare himself and now what he\\nsaid was listened to with an almost feverish in-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 141\\nterest. In that speech, far the best and most\\nfinished production of his life, Mr. Adams rose\\nto the occasion; and few occasions anywhere or\\nat any time have been greater. Though long\\nsince lost sight of in the mass of utterances of\\nthat time, a mass so great as not to admit of\\nmeasurement except by the cubic foot or pound,\\nthis speech, when read by the historical inves-\\ntigator, speaks for itself. While delivering it\\nMr. Adams stood near the centre of the great\\nHall of Representatives, the galleries of which\\nwere densely packed and breathlessly silent.\\nWhen he took the floor there was a general\\nmovement of Southern members from their side\\nof the chamber towards him, and some of the\\nmost extreme, in their anxiety to hear every\\nword he uttered, were imperceptibly attracted\\nuntil they found themselves occupying the desks\\nof their Republican opponents. Mr. Everett,\\nRobert C. Winthrop, and Governor Clifford, of\\nMassachusetts, all then in Washington, occupied\\nmembers seats close to the speaker and, when\\nhe finished, extended to him thanks and con-\\ngratulations. Indeed, it was a droll and highly\\nsignificant reversal of conditions when Robert\\nC. Winthrop was present and outspoken in com-\\nmendation, while Charles Sumner was noticeable\\nfor his absence. The next day the correspon-\\ndents pronounced it the ablest, most polished,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "142 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nand clearly argued speech delivered in House or\\nSenate the present session and the Louis-\\nville Journal, when reprinting it in full a week\\nlater, commended it to readers in the border\\nStates, as the most finished and masterly, as\\nwell as the most significant, expression of the\\nspirit of conciliation that has yet been made on\\nthe Republican side. That it contributed to\\nthe unification of sentiment at the North was\\nnowhere more clearly shown than in a declara-\\ntion of George S. Hillard, at the Union meeting\\nheld a few days later in Boston. Mr. Hillard,\\na devoted personal adherent of Mr. Webster,\\nthen voiced more nearly than any other the\\nsentiments of the Webster Whigs and Mr.\\nHillard now declared that, in his speech,\\nMr. Adams had yielded all that an honorable\\nopponent ought to ask. On the other hand,\\nthe division effected in the Southern ranks was\\nshown by the declaration of Mr. Nelson, an in-\\nfluential member from Tennessee, that at a\\nmost critical moment he had been led to take\\nan entirely different course of action by a\\ntimely suggestion made by Mr. Adams. His\\nline of conduct and utterance had thus tended\\nto unify and educate the supporters of the gov-\\nernment, while, dividing its opponents, it held\\nthe border States in suspense.\\nWhen it came to forming the Cabinet of the", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 143\\nnew administration, the name of Mr. Adams\\nwas much discussed. Governor Seward urged\\nhim upon the President elect, through the po-\\ntent agency of Thurlow Weed and the Massa-\\nchusetts delegation united in a formal recom-\\nmendation of him for the Treasury Department.\\nMr. Lincoln, however, had his own ideas as to\\nwho his advisers should be. One portfolio he\\nhad assigned to New England and, out of con-\\nsideration to Mr. Hamlin, of Maine, his associate\\non the presidential ticket, he left it to that\\ngentleman to designate the person to whom\\nthe portfolio in question should be confided.\\nAt the same time he advised Mr. Hamlin that\\nthose to whom most consideration had been\\ngiven were Mr. Adams, Governor Banks, of\\nMassachusetts, and Gideon Welles, of Connec-\\nticut. For reasons which he stated to Mr.\\nLincoln, Mr. Hamlin, though himself of Demo-\\ncratic antecedents, objected strongly to Gov-\\nernor Banks, of the two preferring Mr. Adams.\\nFinally, with a view to the more even division\\nof the Cabinet, both Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Ham-\\nlin agreed that it was advisable that the mem-\\nber of it from New England should have come\\nfrom the Democratic camp. Fortunately, as it\\nturned out, for him, this eliminated Mr. Adams,\\nas Governor Banks had been eliminated before\\nand the choice settled down on Mr. Welles.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "144 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nMr. Lincoln certainly was not predisposed in\\nfavor of Mr. Adams for any position though\\nthe evidence is clear that he entertained no\\nparticular objection to him. When it came,\\nhowever, to the assignment of the other more\\nprominent posts under his administration, the\\nPresident elect, acting on his own volition, had\\npitched upon William L. Dayton, of New Jersey,\\nfor the English mission, and John C. Fremont\\nfor that to France thus providing for the can-\\ndidates made familiar to the country as the\\nnominees of the Republican party in the elec-\\ntion of 1856. This arrangement, made without\\nconsultation with Mr. Seward, was, of course,\\nscarcely courteous to the secretary of state\\nand moreover, in the case of one of the two\\nselected, was obnoxious. William H. Seward\\nwas no admirer of John C. Fremont. The Presi-\\ndent, however, did not yield the point readily\\nand it was only as the result of persistent effort\\nthat the secretary brought about the transfer of\\nMr. Dayton to Paris, and Mr. Adams s appoint-\\nment to St. James. Even then Mr. Lincoln is\\nalleged to have excused himself for yielding by\\nthe characteristic remark that the secretary of\\nstate had begged very hard for it, and really,\\nSeward had asked for so little\\nMr. Adams made at the time his own diary\\nrecord of the single official interview he was ever", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE AWAKENING 145\\ndestined to have with President Lincoln. His\\nhalf-amused, half-mortified, altogether shocked\\ndescription of it, given contemporaneously to\\nmembers of his family was far more graphic.\\nHe had been summoned to Washington by the\\nsecretary of state to receive his verbal instruc-\\ntions. The country was in the midst of the most\\ndangerous crisis in its history a crisis in which\\nthe action of foreign governments, especially of\\nEngland, might well be decisive of results. The\\npolicy to be pursued was under consideration.\\nIt was a grave topic, worthy of thoughtful con-\\nsideration. Deeply impressed with the respon-\\nsibility devolved upon him, Mr. Adams went\\nwith the new secretary to the State Depart-\\nment, whence, at the suggestion of the latter,\\nthey presently walked over to the White House,\\nand were ushered into the room which more than\\nthirty years before Mr. Adams associated most\\nclosely with his father, and his father s trained\\nbearing and methodical habits. Presently a\\ndoor opened, and a tall, large-featured, shabbily\\ndressed man, of uncouth appearance, slouched\\ninto the room. His much-kneed, ill-fitting trou-\\nsers, coarse stockings, and worn slippers at once\\ncaught the eye. He seemed generally ill at\\nease, in manner, constrained and shy. The\\nsecretary introduced the minister to the Presi-\\ndent, and the appointee of the last proceeded", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "146 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nto make the usual conventional remarks, expres-\\nsive of obligation, and his hope that the con-\\nfidence implied in the appointment he had re-\\nceived might not prove to have been misplaced.\\nThey had all by this time taken chairs and the\\ntall man listened in silent abstraction. When\\nMr. Adams had finished, and he did not take\\nlong, the tall man remarked in an indifferent,\\ncareless way that the appointment in question\\nhad not been his, but was due to the secretary\\nof state, and that it was to Governor Seward\\nrather than to himself that Mr. Adams should\\nexpress any sense of obligation he might feel\\nthen, stretching out his legs before him, he said,\\nwith an air of great relief as he swung his\\nlong arms to his head Well, governor, I ve\\nthis morning decided that Chicago post-office\\nappointment. Mr. Adams and the nation s\\nforeign policy were dismissed together Not\\nanother reference was made to them. Mr. Lin-\\ncoln seemed to think that the occasion called for\\nnothing further as to Mr. Adams, it was a\\ngood while before he recovered from his dis-\\nmay he never recovered from his astonish-\\nment, nor did the impression then made ever\\nwholly fade from his mind. Indeed, it was\\ndistinctly apparent in the eulogy on Seward\\ndelivered by him at Albany twelve years after-\\nwards.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX\\nTHE PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY\\nLeaving Boston on May 1st, Mr. Adams got\\nto London late on the evening of the 13th.\\nHardly had he reached his hotel, when Joshua\\nBates was announced. Though the head of the\\ngreat English banking firm of Baring Brothers,\\nreputed the first commercial house in the\\nworld, Mr. Bates was Massachusetts born,\\nhaving come from Weymouth, likewise the birth-\\nplace of Mr. Adams s grandmother, Mrs. John\\nAdams. Long settled in London, and rising by\\npure force of business capacity to the first place\\nin the Royal Exchange, to Mr. Bates then and\\nafterwards belonged the honorable distinction of\\nbeing, in those dark and trying times, the most\\noutspoken and loyal American domiciled on\\nBritish soil. As such he now came first of all\\nto express his satisfaction in seeing the newly\\narrived American minister, and his uneasiness\\nrespecting the proceedings of the government.\\nI confess, added Mr. Adams, after mention-\\ning the visit of Mr. Bates, the speech of Lord\\nJohn Russell has excited in me no small sur-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "148 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nprise. The speech referred to was that in\\nwhich Lord John Russell, then secretary for\\nforeign affairs, had announced the purpose of\\nthe government to recognize the Confederacy as\\na belligerent, though not as an established and\\nindependent power and the royal proclamation\\nto that effect met Mr. Adams s eyes in the\\ncolumns of the Gazette of the following day.\\nSince his nomination, exactly eight weeks before,\\nevents had moved hardly less rapidly in Europe\\nthan at home though at home they had wit-\\nnessed the fall of Sumter and the consequent\\nuprising of the North.\\nSo far as the United States was concerned,\\nmeaning by the term United States that portion\\nof the Union which remained loyal, the Eu-\\nropean conditions at that time, bad, very bad,\\nin appearance, in their reality were still worse.\\nWell calculated to excite alarm at the moment,\\nlooking back on them now, as they have since\\nbeen disclosed, the wonder is over the subsequent\\nescape. Indeed, it is not going too far to assert\\nthat, between May and November, 1861, the\\nchances in Europe were as ten to one in favor\\nof the Confederacy and against the Union. But,\\nto appreciate the critical nature of the situation\\nin which Mr. Adams now found himself, its\\nleading features must be briefly reviewed.\\nIn London, Paris, Madrid, and St. Petersburg,", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0175.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0176.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 149\\nand more especially in London and Paris, those\\nentrusted with the management of the foreign\\nrelations of the several countries were, during\\nthe spring of 1861, following the course of\\nAmerican events with curious eyes, eyes of\\nwonderment. That course was in fact mislead-\\ning, if not bewildering, to a degree not easy now\\nto realize. The uprising of the North took place\\nin response to the proclamation of President\\nLincoln and to his first call for troops, issued\\non April 15th, the day following the fall of\\nSumter. It was immediate and unmistakable\\nbut before that response, the outcome of the\\nsecession movement had been to all outward\\nappearance as uncertain in America as, a month\\nlater, it seemed still to be in Europe. Up to\\nthe very day of the firing on Sumter the attitude\\nof the Northern States, even in case of hostilities,\\nwas open to grave question while, on the other\\nhand, that of the border slave States did not\\nadmit of doubt. General disintegration seemed\\nimminent nor was it clear that it would en-\\ncounter any very formidable cohesive resistance.\\nNot only were influential voices in the North\\nearnestly arguing that the erring sisters\\nshould be permitted to depart in peace, but,\\neven so late as April 1st, the correspondents of\\nthe European press reported men as prominent,\\nand shortly afterwards as decided, as Charles", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0177.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "150 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nSumner and Salmon P. Chase the one a\\nsenator from Massachusetts, the other the\\nsecretary of the treasury intimating more\\nthan a willingness to allow the Southern States\\nto go out with their slavery, if they so desired\\nit. At the same time the mayor of the city of\\nNew York, in an official message to the munici-\\npal legislative department, calmly discussed and\\ndistinctly advocated the expediency of that\\nmunicipality also withdrawing itself from both\\nUnion and State, and proclaiming itself a free\\nport of the Hanse type. Not without ground,\\ntherefore, did the London Times now declare\\nthat, to those who look at things from a dis-\\ntance, it appears as if not only States were to\\nbe separated from States, but even as if States\\nthemselves were to be broken up, the counties\\nassuming to themselves the same rights of sover-\\neign power as have been arrogated by the larger\\ndivisions of the country. All this time the\\nSouthern sympathizers throughout the loyal\\nStates were earnest, outspoken, and defiant\\nwhile Mr. Seward, the member of the Presi-\\ndent s Cabinet in charge of foreign affairs, both\\nin his official papers and his private talk, repu-\\ndiated not only the right but the wish even to\\nuse armed force in subjugating the Southern\\nStates against the will of a majority of the peo-\\nple and declared that the President willingly", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0178.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 151\\naccepted as true the cardinal dogma of the\\nseceding States, that the federal government\\ncould not reduce them to obedience by conquest,\\nthe very thing subsequently done. All philo-\\nsophical disquisitions of this character were a\\nfew days later effectually silenced in a passion-\\nate outburst of aroused patriotism but, none\\nthe less, for the time being they were in vogue,\\nand, while in vogue, they puzzled and deceived.\\nEuropean public men could not understand such\\nutterances and, not understanding them, put\\non them a false construction.\\nThe continental nations in those days got the\\nlittle knowledge they had of American affairs at\\nsecond-hand, from English sources and Eng-\\nland looked largely to the Times. The legend\\nof the Thunderer, as portrayed by Kinglake\\nin his history of the Crimean War, still held\\nsway, and the Thunderer had sent out to\\nAmerica Dr. William II. Russell, the famous\\nspecial war correspondent with the army be-\\nfore Sebastopol, to enlighten Europe as to the\\ntrue inwardness of affairs. Dr. Russell landed\\nin New York in the middle of March, 18G1,\\njust one month before the great uprising and\\nthe feature in the situation v/hich seemed to im-\\npress him most was the dilettante, insouciant\\ntone with which in all circles the outcome of the\\npolitical situation was discussed. In his own", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0179.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "152 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwords, describing the atmosphere he found in\\nthe foremost social, monetary, and political\\ncircles of New York, there was not the slight-\\nest evidence of uneasiness on account of circum-\\nstances which, to the eye of a stranger, betokened\\nan awful crisis, if not the impending dissolution\\nof society itself. This was written on March\\n19th, the day the appointment of Mr. Adams was\\nannounced from Washington and a fortnight\\nlater, having then got to that city, Dr. Russell\\nwrote Practically, so far as I have gone, I\\nhave failed to meet many people who really ex-\\nhibited any passionate attachment to the Union,\\nor who pretended to be actuated by any strong\\nfeeling of regard or admiration for the govern-\\nment of the United States in itself. Such\\nwere the views and conclusions of an unpreju-\\ndiced observer, communicated through the me-\\ndium of the most influential journal in the world\\nto Europe in general, and, more especially, to\\nthose then comprising Her Majesty s govern-\\nment.\\nIn May, 1861, the so-called Palmerston-Rus-\\nsell ministry had been in power a little less than\\ntwo years, having displaced the preceding con-\\nservative government, of which Lord Derby was\\nthe head, in June, 1859. So far as the indi-\\nvidual talents of those composing it were con-\\ncerned, this ministry was looked upon as the", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0180.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 153\\nstrongest ever formed. Lord Palmerston was\\nPremier, and led the Commons Lord John\\nRussell, as he still was, had charge of foreign\\naffairs Mr. Gladstone was chancellor of the\\nexchequer and Sir George Cornewall Lewis\\nwas secretary for war. The long list of subor-\\ndinate positions was filled with other names of\\nmark and weight. When the returns of the\\nparliamentary election were first complete, the\\nLiberal party was supposed to be almost hope-\\nlessly broken up. Afterwards, through an un-\\nderstanding reached between the two chieftains,\\nPalmerston and Russell, it had become sinjru-\\nlarly compact and, under a strong government,\\nconfronted, with a small but reliable majority, a\\nvigorous opposition skillfully led by Mr. Disraeli.\\nIn 1861 Lord Palmerston was in his seventy-\\nseventh year, and Lord John Russell was eight\\nyears his junior both were among the oldest\\nand most experienced, and were ranked among\\nthe ablest, of European statesmen. So far as the\\ncomplications in America were concerned, the\\ncurrent supposition was that the sympathies of\\nLord John would naturally incline towards the\\nloyalists as representing the anti-slavery senti-\\nment, while Lord Palmerston would almost cer-\\ntainly array himself more or less openly on the\\nside of the slaveholding secessionists. The posi-\\ntion of France was not understood. In America,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0181.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "154 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\na vague impression prevailed, based on old Re-\\nvolutionary memories, of a friendly feeling be-\\ntween the two countries as against Great Britain.\\nTraditionally they were allies. Accordingly Dr.\\nRussell noted, so soon as he began to mix in\\nNew York social life and listen to the conversa-\\ntion at its dinner-tables, that it was taken for\\ngranted that Great Britain would only act on\\nsordid motives, but that the well-known affec-\\ntion of France for the United States is to check\\nthe selfishness of her rival, and prevent a speedy\\nrecognition. This was the loose, uninstructed\\ntalk of the club and street but in better in-\\nformed circles it was whispered that the French\\nminister at Washington was advising his gov-\\nernment of the early and inevitable disintegra-\\ntion of the Union, and suggesting that formal\\nrecognition of the new Confederacy for which a\\nlittle later Louis Napoleon intimated readiness.\\nThe Emperor, in fact, was already maturing his\\nMexican schemes, and, in connection with them,\\ncovertly making overtures looking to the early\\nand complete disruption of the United States.\\nSo far as public opinion was concerned, Great\\nBritain, and more especially England, was in a\\ncurious condition. Sentiment had not crystal-\\nlized. The governing and aristocratic classes,\\nespecially in London, were at heart in sympathy\\nwith the slaveholding movement, and, regard-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0182.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 155\\ning the trans- Atlantic experiment as the pioneer\\nof a popular movement at home, now hoped and\\nbelieved that the great Kepublican bubble in\\nAmerica had burst. Of this they made no con-\\ncealment but, constrained to an extent by their\\nold record and utterances as respects slavery and\\nits wrongs, their lionizing of Mrs. Stowe, and\\ntheir reflections on the depth of that barbarism\\nwhich made possible such brutalities as the as-\\nsault on Sumner, reflecting on all this, they\\nnow had recourse to one of those pharisaic, better-\\nthan-thou moods at times characteristic of the\\nrace. People, who in their own belief, as well as\\nin common acceptance, were the best England\\nhad, vied with each other in expressions of as-\\ntonishment that such a condition of affairs as that\\nnow day by day disclosed in America could exist,\\nand, with wearisome, just-what-I-expected itera-\\ntion, pretended bewilderment over what their kin\\nacross the sea were generally about. Quietly for-\\ngetful of Ireland, English men and women won-\\ndered why Americans should object to national\\nsuicide, or, as they euphemistically phrased it,\\nfriendly separation. Language quite failed them\\nin which adequately to express their sense of the\\nviolence, coarseness, and lack of Christian and\\nbrotherly feeling which marked the controversy.\\nAristocratic England was in fact in one of its\\nleast pleasing mental and moral phases, a phase", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0183.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "156 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nin which the unctuous benignity of Chadband\\ncombined with the hypocritical cant of Peck-\\nsniff. Such was the prevailing social tone.\\nWhen, it was declared, calmer reflection shall\\nhave succeeded to that storm of passion now\\nsweeping over the North, the citizens of the\\nUnited States would consider as their sincerest\\nfriends those who now sought to secure the re-\\ncognition of the Confederacy for such were\\nmoved so to do not from any hostility towards\\nthem, nor from any advocacy of slavery, but\\nfrom love of peace and unrestricted commerce,\\nfrom horror of civil war and unrestrained\\nhatred and so on ad nauseam in that famil-\\niar, conventicle strain so dear to the British\\nPhilistine, in which the angry bulldog growl\\ngrates harshly beneath the preacher s lachry-\\nmose whine. On the other hand, the large non-\\nconforming, dissenting, middle-class element,\\nthat best represented by Cobden, Bright, and\\nForster, the friends of free labor and advo-\\ncates of a democratic republic, naturally well\\ndisposed to the loyal side in the American con-\\ntest, the men of this class were taken by\\nsurprise and quite demoralized in action by the\\nrapidity with which events moved. They were\\nbewildered by the apparent and quite inexpli-\\ncable indifference which seemed to prevail in the\\nfree States, while the procession of slave States", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0184.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 157\\nwas noisily flaunting out of the Union. Time\\nwas necessary in which to enable these men\\nthe real rulers of England to inform them-\\nselves as to the true situation, and to concen-\\ntrate their scattered forces. Unless swept off\\ntheir feet by some blind popular impulse, such\\nas those only a few years before engineered by\\nthe wily Palmerston in the opium war and\\nthe Crimean war, Bright and Cobden and\\nForster could be relied on, working upon the\\nold lines, gradually to arouse the moral sense\\nof their countrymen.\\nMeanwhile the foreign ministers appointed\\nunder the Buchanan administration were still at\\ntheir posts, though expecting soon to be relieved,\\namong them, Mr. Dallas, of Philadelphia, at\\nLondon, Mr. Faulkner, of Virginia, at Paris,\\nand Mr. Preston, of Kentucky, at Madrid.\\nPending the appointment and arrival of their\\nsuccessors these gentlemen had been notified by\\na circular from Secretary Seward, issued as\\nsoon as he entered upon the duties of his office,\\nto use all proper and necessary measures to\\nprevent the success of efforts which may be\\nmade by persons claiming to represent [the se-\\ncediug States] to procure recognition. In com-\\npliance with these instructions, Mr. Dallas, on\\nApril 8th, had an interview with Lord John\\nRussell, in the course of which he received assur-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0185.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "158 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nances, which he transmitted to Washington, that\\nthe coming of Mr. Adams would doubtless be\\nregarded as the appropriate occasion for finally\\ndiscussing and determining the question of\\nthe attitude to be taken by Great Britain in\\nview of the American troubles. The dispatch\\nfrom Mr. Dallas containing this assurance was\\nreceived at the State Department shortly after\\nthe middle of April, and to the confidence caused\\nby it that nothing would be done until the ar-\\nrival of Mr. Adams, was due the fact that Mr.\\nAdams was not earlier hurried to his post. As\\nit was, his instructions, bearing date the 10th,\\ndid not reach Mr. Adams until Saturday the\\n27th of April, and he sailed four days later, on\\nWednesday, the 1st of May. Meanwhile the\\nstartling news of the fall of Fort Sumter had\\npreceded him, reaching London on April 26th,\\nseventeen days before he landed at Liverpool\\nand during those days the agents of the Con-\\nfederate government then in Europe, Messrs.\\nW. L. Yancey, of Alabama, and P. A. Host, of\\nLouisiana, had not been idle. First on the\\nground, they had, though in an unofficial\\nway, also obtained access to the British secre-\\ntary for foreign affairs.\\nJames L. Orr, of South Carolina, for a time\\nchairman of the House Committee on Foreign\\nAffairs of the Confederate Congress, is author-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0186.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 159\\nity for the statement that the Confederacy\\nnever had a foreign policy, nor did its gov-\\nernment ever consent to attempt a high diplo-\\nmacy with European powers. Historically\\nspeaking, this assertion does not seem to have\\nbeen inconsistent with the facts and the ab-\\nsence of a sagacious, far-reaching, diplomatic\\npolicy on the part of the Confederacy was ap-\\nparently due to a double error into which its\\nexecutive head, Jefferson Davis, early fell. He\\nat once overestimated the natural influences at\\nwork in behalf of the Confederates, and under-\\nestimated his enemy. Immediately after his in-\\nauguration at Montgomery on February 18th,\\nand before making any civil appointment, Mr.\\nDavis had sent for Mr. Yancey and offered him\\nhis choice of positions within the executive gift.\\nUpon his intimating the usual modest preference\\nfor service in a private capacity, Davis insisted\\non the acceptance by him of one of two places,\\na cabinet portfolio, or the head of the com-\\nmission to Europe for which the Confederate\\nCongress had already provided. At the same\\ntime, the new President intimated a wish that\\nthe latter might be preferred. The selection was\\nnot in all respects judicious for while Jefferson\\nDavis in his dealings with European nations nat-\\nurally desired to keep slavery, as a factor in se-\\ncession, in the background, and above all to deny", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0187.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "160 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nany desire, much more an intention, on the part\\nof the Confederacy to reopen the African slave\\ntrade, Mr. Yancey was, both by act and utter-\\nance, more identified in the public mind than\\nany other Southern man with both those\\ncauses. That gentleman, however, now sub-\\nmitted to his brother, B. C. Yancey, who had\\nsome diplomatic experience, the Davis proposi-\\ntion. Should he accept the first place in the\\nproposed European commission? B. C. Yan-\\ncey advised strongly against his so doing, and\\nthe points he urged showed a very considerable\\ninsight into the real facts of the situation as\\nthey subsequently developed. The year before,\\nwhile returning from a diplomatic mission to\\none of the South American states, B. C. Yan-\\ncey had passed some time in England, and,\\nwhile there, had sought to inform himself as to\\nthe currents of public opinion, and their prob-\\nable action in case a slave confederacy should\\nbe formed and should seek recognition. Though\\nthe British suffrage had not then been so en-\\nlarged as to include the laboring classes, he\\nbecame satisfied that the government was on\\nthat account hardly the less respectful of their\\nwishes. Cobden and Bright were the leaders of\\nthe working classes; and Cobden and Bright\\nwould oppose any recognition of a govern-\\nment based on a system of African slave labor.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0188.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 161\\nUnless, therefore, the Confederacy was prepared\\nto authorize through its commission commercial\\nadvantages so liberal as to outweigh all other\\nconsiderations, no British government, however\\nwell disposed, would in the end venture to run\\ncounter to the anti-slavery feeling of the coun-\\ntry by a recognition of the Confederacy. Unless\\narmed in advance with authority to commit the\\nConfederacy to this length, B. C. Yancey ad-\\nvised his brother to have nothing to do with the\\nproffered mission.\\nUnder the provisions of the Confederate Con-\\nstitution it was for the President to determine\\nthe scope of any diplomatic function. At this\\npoint, therefore, Jefferson Davis became the\\nleading factor in the situation. His idiosyn-\\ncrasies had to be taken into account and they\\nwere so taken. Though an able man and of\\nstrong will, Mr. Davis had little personal know-\\nledge of countries other than his own, or, in-\\ndeed, of more than a section of his own\\ncountry but, most unfortunately for himself and\\nfor the cause of which he became the expo-\\nnent, he was dominated for no other word ex-\\npresses the case by an undue and, indeed, an\\noverweening faith in the practical world-mastery\\nenjoyed by that section through its exclusive\\nproduction and consequent control of cotton,\\nits great agricultural staple. That Cotton was", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0189.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "162 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nindeed King, and would in the end so be\\nfound, was his unswerving conviction. As\\nMrs. Davis subsequently expressed it in her\\nbiography of her husband The President and\\nhis advisers looked to the stringency of the\\nEnglish cotton market, and the suspension of\\nthe manufactories, to send up a ground swell\\nfrom the English operatives, that would compel\\nrecognition or, as Dr. Russell, writing to the\\nsame effect from Montgomery, put it at this\\nvery time They firmly believe that the war\\nwill not last a year. They believe in the\\nirresistible power of cotton, in the natural al-\\nliance between manufacturing England and\\nFrance and the cotton-producing slave States,\\nand in the force of their simple tariff. So\\nmuch for the leading trump card President Da-\\nvis held in the great game he was about to play.\\nMeanwhile, on the other hand, he entertained a\\nsomewhat unduly low opinion, approaching even\\ncontempt, for the physical courage, military ca-\\npacity, and patriotic devotion of his adversaries.\\nHe did not permit himself for an instant to\\ndoubt the ability of the Confederacy to hold\\nthe United States firmly in check during any\\namount of time needed to enable the cotton\\nfamine to do its work thoroughly. Neither, it\\nmust now be admitted, did he err on this point.\\nHis error lay in his estimate of the potency of a\\ncotton famine, as a factor in foreign politics.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0190.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 163\\nFrom Mr. Davis s point of view, consequently,\\nthe diplomatic problem before the Confederacy\\nwas one easy of solution. If no cotton was\\nallowed to go forward, Great Britain would in\\nless than six months be starved into subjection\\nshe must raise the blockade to preserve her in-\\nternal peace, if not to prevent revolution. Under\\nthese circumstances, it was obviously unnecessary\\nto concede through diplomacy much, if anything,\\nto secure that which the Confederacy had the\\npower, and fully purposed, to compel. This was\\na perfectly logical view of the situation from the\\nConfederate standpoint, and the early events of\\nthe struggle went far to justify it. In a few\\nweeks after hostilities began, cotton doubled in\\nprice. The Confederate Congress next put a\\ndiscriminating tax on its production, while in\\nthe seceding States it was common talk that all\\nthe cotton on hand ought to be destroyed by the\\ngovernment, and formal notice should be served\\non Great Britain that no crop would be planted\\nuntil after the full recognition of the Confeder-\\nacy. On the other hand, the physical power of\\nthe South as a resisting force was demonstrated\\nat Bull Run and, as Mrs. Davis says, the neces-\\nsary time in which to make the cotton famine\\nfelt being absolutely assured after that engage-\\nment, foreign recognition was looked forward\\nto as an assured fact. Such was the diplomacy", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0191.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "164 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nof President Davis. It at least possessed the\\nvirtue of simplicity.\\nOn the other hand there were weak points,\\npoints, indeed, of almost incredible weakness, in\\nthe diplomacy of the United States. Fortunately\\nthey were only suspected. Even so, they gave\\nan infinity of trouble had they been known,\\nthey could hardly have failed to be the cause of\\nirreparable disaster. At an early stage of the\\nwar it became quite apparent both at Washing-\\nton and at Richmond that by some understand-\\ning already reached, partly express and partly\\ntacit, the nations of Europe had decided to leave\\nthe initiative in all action touching the Ameri-\\ncan contest to Great Britain and France, as be-\\ning the two powers most intimately concerned\\nand France again looked to Great Britain for\\na lead. Thus from the very outset, so far as\\nEurope was concerned, Great Britain became\\nfor America the storm centre and, in that cen-\\ntre, the danger focused in London. In London\\nthe new American foreign secretary was re-\\ngarded with grave suspicion. Not only was Mr.\\nSeward believed in official circles to be unreliable\\nand to the last degree tricky, but he was assumed\\nto be actuated by a thoroughly unscrupulous dis-\\nregard not only of treaty obligations but, so far\\nas foreign nations and especially Great Britain\\nwere concerned, of international morals.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0192.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 165\\nThis impression, vague and accordingly diffi-\\ncult to combat, dated far back, even to the\\nMcLeod case when, twenty years previous, Mr.\\nSeward had been governor of New York, and\\nas such had sustained the state courts in some\\nrather questionable legal positions, which occa-\\nsioned Mr. Webster, then secretary of state,\\nmore or less trouble. More recently he had\\nfallen into some indiscretion of social speech,\\nconcerning which various accounts were at times\\ncurrent, and these still further complicated a sit-\\nuation at best difficult. The incident is supposed\\nto have occurred during the visit of the Prince\\nof Wales to the United States, in 1860, and at a\\ndinner given to him in Albany. The story is\\nthat Mr. Seward, fond of badinage, as Dr. Rus-\\nsell expressed it, then in a jocose way intimated to\\nthe Duke of Newcastle, who was at the head of\\nthe Prince s suite, that he [Seward] expected\\nsoon to hold a very high office here in my own\\ncountry it will then, he was alleged to have\\nadded, become my duty to insult England, and\\nI mean to do so. Subsequently Mr. Weed\\nwrote to Mr. Seward about the matter. Mr.\\nSeward, in reply, professed himself greatly sur-\\nprised, but said the story was so absurd that to\\nnotice it by a denial would on his part be almost\\na sacrifice of personal dignity. None the less,\\nthere can be no doubt that such a story did ema-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0193.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "166 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nnate from the Duke of Newcastle and, during\\nthe years that followed, it is equally undeniable\\nthat the story in question made its appearance\\nwith great regularity, though in form variously\\nmodified, whenever the relations between the\\nUnited States and Great Britain were, in ap-\\npearance or reality, in any way strained.\\nThe fact seems to have been that, on the occa-\\nsion referred to, Mr. Seward indulged in what\\nhe intended for some playful chaff of the\\nDuke, in no degree seriously meant, or to be\\ntaken seriously. It was a form of social inter-\\ncourse to which Mr. Seward was a good deal\\naddicted, especially at dinner-table, and when\\nconversation was stimulated by champagne. Not\\nthat the idle, ill-natured talk, so current at one\\ntime concerning him on this head, was true for\\nit was not. Partly society gossip, and partly per-\\nsonal and political malevolence, it has since been\\nforgotten. But Governor Seward was social\\nand, at table, in no way abstemious. He enjoyed\\nhis food, his wine, and his cigar and, having\\nin him this element of good fellowship, his\\ntongue sometimes yielded to its influence. Under\\nthese circumstances and in this mood, not know-\\ning his Grace of Newcastle well, or weighing the\\nconstruction that might be put on his words, it\\nis supposed that the senator, as he then was, in\\nclumsy, humorous vein, on the occasion in ques-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0194.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 167\\ntion, let the American eagle scream, to the\\ngrave and lasting perplexity of his table neigh-\\nbor. By that neighbor his talk was afterwards\\nrepeated, and then again by others repeated,\\nuntil it assumed the Veritas in vino form of an\\nindiscreet dinner-table disclosure.\\nFortunately this mere social indiscretion ad-\\nmitted of explanation and denial but that, at\\na later day, some such idea respecting Great\\nBritain as that commonly imputed to him, was\\nreally lurking in Secretary Seward s mind, is\\nshown by the memorandum entitled Some\\nThoughts for the President s Consideration,\\nwhich bore date April 1, 1861, and was first\\nmade public from among his papers by Lin-\\ncoln s biographers, Messrs. Nicolay and Hay,\\nnearly thirty years later. This paper, the very\\nexistence of which had probably passed out of\\nMr. Seward s recollection, Mr. Adams never\\nsaw indeed it was not published until after\\nhis death. He never had an opportunity, there-\\nfore, to offer his explanation of the enigma.\\nMeanwhile he had dined with Secretary Seward\\nin Washington on the evening of March 30th,\\ntwo days before the paper in question was dated\\nand handed to Mr. Lincoln. It must then have\\nbeen in its writer s mind but, if so, it was not\\nreflected in the slightest degree either in his in-\\ntimate conversation, or in the instructions to", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0195.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "168 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nvarious ministers then lying on his desk, and\\nsubmitted to Mr. Adams for perusal. None the\\nless, it is now undeniable that, so late as April\\n1, 1861, Mr. Seward was gravely proposing to\\nthe President, as a national distraction from im-\\npending troubles, a general foreign war, to be\\nprovoked by that very attitude towards Great\\nBritain which had been foreshadowed in the\\nalleged apocryphal dinner table talk of six\\nmonths earlier. That talk caused Mr. Adams,\\nfirst and last, almost endless annoyance and\\ntrouble and it was certainly fortunate for the\\noutgoing minister to Great Britain that the\\nsecretary had in no degree taken him into his\\ninmost confidence during that gentleman s visit\\nto Washington before starting to assume the\\nduties of his position. Had he done so, the\\nminister could scarcely have denied as persist-\\nently as the exigencies of the case called for\\nthe stories of Mr. Seward s animus towards\\nGreat Britain. As will shortly be seen, also,\\nthe memorandum of April 1st only a few weeks\\nlater exercised an influence not recognized at the\\ntime, nor indeed until long years after, on other\\ninstructions sent to Mr. Adams which only just\\nfailed suddenly to end his mission.\\nThe details of the fall of Sumter and the sub-\\nsequent proclamation of Lincoln appeared in the\\nLondon papers of April 27th, and on May 1st", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0196.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 169\\nLord John Russell sent for Mr. Dallas, in con-\\nsequence of the reports which immediately began\\nto circulate as to the intentions of President Lin-\\ncoln regarding a blockade of the Southern coast\\nand the discontinuance of its harbors as ports of\\nentry. At this interview Lord John informed\\nMr. Dallas of the arrival in London of Messrs.\\nYancey and Rost, and intimated that an inter-\\nview had been sought, and that he was not un-\\nwilling to see them unofficially. Heat the\\nsame time gave notice of an understanding\\nreached between the governments of France and\\nEngland that the two countries should act to-\\ngether, and take the same course as to recogni-\\ntion. Mr. Dallas in his turn informed Lord\\nJohn that Mr. Adams was to sail from Boston\\nthat very day, and would be in London in two\\nweeks, and it was accordingly again agreed to\\npay no attention to mere rumors, but to await\\nthe arrival of the new minister, who would have\\nfull knowledge of the intentions of his govern-\\nment. The next day (May 2d) in response to\\nquestions in the House of Commons, Lord John\\nannounced it as the policy of the government\\nto avoid taking any part in the lamentable\\ncontest now raging in the American States.\\nWe have not, he declared, been involved\\nin any way in that contest by any act or giving\\nany advice in the matter, and, for God s sake,\\nlet us if possible keep out of it.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0197.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "170 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nThe following day the two Confederate com-\\nmissioners were received by Lord John un-\\nofficially. They owed this favor to the friendly\\nintercession of Mr. W. H. Gregory, an Irish\\nmember of Parliament of strong Confederate\\nproclivities, who must have been very active in\\ntheir behalf, as, leaving New Orleans at the\\nclose of March, they did not reach England\\nuntil Monday, the 29th of April, and on Thurs-\\nday, May 2d, the day after Mr. Adams left\\nBoston, they were in the foreign secretary s\\nreception-room. Into the details of this inter-\\nview it is not necessary here to enter. It is\\nsufficient to say that it afforded a fair example\\nof the Confederate diplomacy. On the part of\\nthe Southern commissioners it was essentially\\nweak, in reality apologetic so far as slavery\\nwas concerned, and altogether empty as respects\\ninducements for aid. Lord John Russell was an\\nattentive listener merely.\\nThis was on May 2d and, on the 6th, the\\nquestions involved having in the meantime been\\nconsidered by the government, and the opinions\\nof the crown lawyers obtained, the foreign\\nsecretary formally announced in the Commons\\nthat belligerent rights would be conceded to the\\nConfederacy. Five days later, on May 11th,\\nPresident Lincoln s proclamation of blockade\\nwas officially communicated to the British", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0198.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 171\\ngovernment by Mr. Dallas, together with a copy\\nof Secretary Seward s circular of April 20th\\naddressed to the foreign ministers of the United\\nStates in relation to privateers against American\\ncommerce fitted out in accordance with President\\nDavis s letter-of-marque notification of three\\ndays previous. A copy of this document had,\\nhowever, already reached the Foreign Office,\\ntransmitted by Lord Lyons. The Queen s pro-\\nclamation of neutrality, announced by Sir\\nGeorge Lewis in the House of Commons as\\ncontemplated, on the 9th, was formally author-\\nized on the 13th, and appeared officially in the\\nLondon Gazette of the following day the ar-\\nrival of the Niagara, with Mr. Adams on board,\\nat Queenstown having been telegraphed to Lon-\\ndon on the 12th.\\nSuch was the sequence of events. Unques-\\ntionably the Queen s proclamation followed hard\\nupon the unofficial reception of the com-\\nmissioners, so hard, indeed, as to be strongly\\nsuggestive of connection. The natural inference\\nwas that the one event contributed to the other\\nand the commissioners, with apparent grounds,\\nprofessed themselves entirely satisfied with the\\nresults of their conference. But, whether the\\nrepresentations made to the British foreign\\nsecretary by Messrs. Yancey and Rost on May\\n3d did or did not affect the decision announced", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0199.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "172 CHAELES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nby Her Majesty s government on the 6th, there\\ncan be no question that the proclamation of the\\n13th was issued with unseemly haste, and in\\ndisregard of the assurances given to Mr. Dallas\\nonly five days previous. The purpose was\\nmanifest. It was to have the status of the Con-\\nfederacy, as a belligerent, an accomplished fact\\nbefore the arrival of the newly accredited\\nminister. This precipitate action was chiefly\\nsignificant as indicating an animus that animus\\nbeing really based on the agreement for joint\\naction just reached between the governments of\\nGreat Britain and France, and the belief, already\\nmatured into a conviction, that the full recogni-\\ntion of the Confederacy as an independent power\\nwas merely a question of time, and probably\\nof a very short time.\\nThe feeling excited in America, and among\\nAmericans in Europe, by this precipitate act,\\nwas intense and the indignation was more out-\\nspoken than discreet, being largely minatory and\\nbased on the assumed greater friendliness of\\nFrance. It must also be conceded that loyal\\nAmerica was then in a mental condition closely\\nverging on hysteria. It could see things only\\nfrom one point of view and that point of view\\nits own as then occupied. The insouciance of\\nthe period prior to April 13th was wholly\\ngone, something of the forgotten past and", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0200.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 173\\nthe bitter denunciation now poured forth on\\nGreat Britain knew no limit: but there rang\\nthrough it, distinctly perceptible, a well-grounded\\ntone of alarm. The possible imminence of a\\ngreat disaster was recognized.\\nLooking back on the incident in the full light\\nof subsequent events, it will now be conceded\\nthat, had Great Britain then been actuated by\\nreally friendly feelings, the thing would not have\\nbeen done at just that time, or in that brusque\\nway, highly characteristic though it was of Lord\\nJohn Russell on the other hand, that it was\\ndone then and in that way proved in the result\\nmost fortunate, not only for Mr. Adams person-\\nally but for the cause he represented. Great\\nBritain having through its foreign secretary s\\naction put itself in the wrong, Lord John there-\\nafter, under the steady pressure to which he was\\nsubjected, found himself on the defensive, and\\ninsensibly became correspondingly over-cautious.\\nThe weight of opinion, even among Americans,\\nhas since tended to the conclusion that the pro-\\nclamation of May 13th admitted of justification 1\\nbut, whether it did or no while issued at that\\nprecise time and in that way, it certainly could\\nnot have been deferred later than immediately\\nafter the arrival of the news of the disaster of\\nBull Run, shortly before the close of the follow-\\n1 Rhodes, ill. 420, note.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0201.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "174 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ning July and, if then considered and conceded,\\nit might well have carried with it a full recogni-\\ntion of the Confederacy. As it was, the partial\\nand ill-considered concession proved final, and,\\nas matter of fact, precluded the more important\\nulterior step. None the less, at the moment\\nMr. Adams regarded it as a most adverse and\\nunfortunate opening of his diplomatic career.\\nIt so chanced that Lord John s eldest brother,\\nthe Duke of Bedford, died at just this time so\\nthe interview at the Foreign Office which had\\nbeen arranged for Mr. Adams the day after his\\narrival could not take place. Meanwhile a dis-\\npatch from Mr. Dallas had been received in\\nWashington foreshadowing the course after-\\nwards pursued by the British government, and\\nthis dispatch had excited much indignation in\\nthe mind of Secretary Seward. He forthwith\\nwrote to Mr. Adams, under date of April 27th,\\ndirecting him at once to demand an explanation.\\nThis dispatch (No. 4) was, however, only pre-\\nliminary to a far more important dispatch (No.\\n10) of May 21st, and the two can best be con-\\nsidered later on, and together. They involve a\\ndiscussion, and if possible some explanation\\nwhich shall at least be plausible, of the incident\\nmost difficult to account for in all Secretary\\nSeward s career, the incident from which, it\\nis not too much to say, his posthumous reputa-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0202.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 175\\ntion lias suffered, and will probably continue to\\nsuffer, great injury.\\nIn the mean time, acting promptly on the in-\\nstructions contained in the dispatch of April\\n27th, Mr. Adams requested an interview, and\\non Saturday, May 18th, drove out to Pembroke\\nLodge, where Lord John then was, for the first\\nof his many interviews with the foreign secre-\\ntary. He found him a man of sixty -five\\nor seventy, of about the same size as myself,\\nwith a face marked by care and thought rather\\nthan any strong expression. His eye is, I think,\\nblue and cold. The conversation lasted more\\nthan an hour. Mr. Adams wrote that while,\\nin carrying it on, he avoided the awkward-\\nness of a categorical requisition, it was only to\\ntransfer the explanation to the other side of the\\nwater and, he added, my conclusion from\\nit is that the permanency of my stay is by no\\nmeans certain. In the course of this important\\nfirst interview, Mr. Adams and his future an-\\ntagonist must instinctively have measured each\\nother. On neither side, probably, was the con-\\nclusion unsatisfactory. The two men were, in\\nfact, from a certain similarity of disposition,\\nnaturally calculated to deal the one with the\\nother. Of Earl Russell, as he was then soon to\\nbecome, it has since been said by a writer very\\ncapable of forming an opinion, and with excep-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0203.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "176 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntionally good means of correctly so doing in\\nthat case, that his standard of private and\\npublic virtue was as high as that which any man\\nhas ever maintained in practice throughout a\\nlong and honored life 2 and those who knew\\nhim best would not be indisposed to assert a simi-\\nlar claim on behalf of Mr. Adams. Men of the\\nhighest character, public and private, both were\\nmarked by a certain simplicity and directness\\nof manner and bearing, not unaccompanied by\\nreserve, which must at once have commended\\nthem each to the other. Lord John was the older\\nand much the more experienced of the two but\\nhe could not, nor did he, fail at once to recognize\\nin Mr. Adams a certain quiet undemonstrative\\nforce which bespoke one, like himself, of the\\ngenuine Anglo-Saxon stock. They thus, most\\nfortunately for the great interests they had in\\ncharge, liked and respected each other, and got\\non together, from the start.\\nAll now went quietly until June 10th. On\\nthat day Mr. Adams received Mr. Seward s dis-\\npatch No. 10, of May 21st, written when the\\nQueen s Proclamation of Neutrality was plainly\\nforeshadowed. Of it he wrote on a first pe-\\nrusal The government seems ready to de-\\nclare war with all the powers of Europe, and\\nalmost instructs me to withdraw from communi-\\n1 Trevelyan, The American Bevolution, 8, 9.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0204.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "PROCLAMATION OF BELLIGERENCY 177\\ncation with the ministers here, in a certain con-\\ntingency. I scarcely know how to understand\\nMr. Seward. The rest of the government may\\nbe demented for all that I know but he surely\\nis calm and wise.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0205.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X\\nseward s foreign war panacea\\nMy duty here is, so far as I can do it hon-\\nestly, to prevent the mutual irritation from\\ncoming to a downright quarrel. It seems to me\\nlike throwing the game into the hands of the\\nenemy. If a conflict with a handful of\\nslaveholding States is to bring us to [our pre-\\nsent pass] what are we to do when we throw\\ndown the glove to all Europe In these fur-\\nther words, in the extract just quoted from his\\ndiary, Mr. Adams set forth the whole policy\\nwhich guided his action at London from the\\nday he arrived to the day he left. During the\\nearly and doubtful period of the war it has al-\\nready been said that Mr. Seward was, in Europe\\nat least, believed to entertain another view of\\na possible outcome of the situation. That he\\nwished to provoke a foreign war was more than\\nsuspected. One great source of Mr. Adams s\\ndiplomatic usefulness lay in the confidence he\\ninstinctively inspired by his directness and mani-\\nfest sincerity. In these respects he came at last\\nin Great Britain to be accepted as almost a re-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0206.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 179\\nverse of the secretary. What, as respects the\\nforeign policy then to be pursued, lay in Secre-\\ntary Seward s mind in the spring and early\\nsummer March to July of 1861 This\\ndifficult problem is now to be considered.\\nThe dispatch just referred to as that num-\\nbered ten, bearing date May 21st, and received\\nby Mr. Adams on June 10th, was certainly a\\nmost extraordinary public paper. Its full se-\\ncret history, also, did not come to light until\\ndisclosed by Messrs. Nicolay and Hay nearly\\nthirty years after it was written. 1 It has been\\nseen how it puzzled and dismayed Mr. Adams\\nwhen he first received it. The fiercely aggres-\\nsive, the well-nigh inconceivable, foreign policy\\nit foreshadowed must, he thought, have been\\nforced on the secretary by the other members\\nof the administration but, in fact, though Mr.\\nAdams never knew it, that dispatch, in the\\nform in which it was originally drawn up by\\nthe secretary of state and by him submitted to\\nthe President, must have been designed to pre-\\ncipitate a foreign war. Moreover, it would in-\\nevitably have brought that result about but for\\nLincoln s unseen intervention. The documents\\nspeak for themselves. To be read intelligently,\\n1 The dispatch, as originally drafted hy Secretary Seward,\\nwith Lincoln s interlineations and omissions indicated in it, is\\nprinted in full in Nicolay and Hay, iv. 270-275.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0207.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "180 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntlie two dispatches to Mr. Adams of April 27th\\nand May 21st, Nos. 4 and 10, must be read to-\\ngether, and both in connection with the extra-\\nordinary paper entitled, Some Thoughts for\\nthe President s Consideration, already alluded\\nto, handed by Seward to Lincoln on April 1st.\\nIn that paper the secretary proposed to the\\nPresident to take immediate measures calculated\\nto change the question before the [American]\\npublic from one upon slavery, or about slavery,\\nfor a question upon union or disunion and to\\nthat end he recommended that explanations, in\\nregard to their proceedings in the West India\\nIslands and in Mexico, be demanded from\\nSpain and France, categorically, at once. I\\nwould then, he went on, seek explanations\\nfrom Great Britain and Russia, and send agents\\ninto Canada, Mexico, and Central America, to\\nrouse a vigorous continental spirit of independ-\\nence on this continent against European inter-\\nvention. And if satisfactory explanations are\\nnot received from Spain and France, would con-\\nvene Congress and declare war against them.\\nOf course, if the policy here recommended had\\nbeen followed, satisfactory explanations from\\nthe powers addressed would, under the circum-\\nstances, have been neither expected nor desired.\\nWar was intended.\\nThe conception of a foreign policy of this", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0208.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 181\\ncharacter, at such a time, or at any time, seems\\nso unstatesmanlike, so immoral, from any ra-\\ntional point of view so impossible, that for a\\npublic man occupying a responsible position\\nmerely to have entertained it, subsequently dis-\\ncredits him. Yet that Secretary Seward did\\nentertain it, long and seriously, in the spring of\\n1861, and moreover that he abandoned it slowly,\\nand only in the presence of facts impossible to\\nignore, cannot be gainsaid. This is matter of\\nrecord. That Mr. Seward was a statesman,\\nastute, far-seeing and sagacious, with a strong\\ngrasp on facts and underlying principles, is\\nhardly less matter of record. The thing cannot,\\ntherefore, be dismissed as an incomprehensible\\nhistorical riddle, a species of insoluble co-\\nnundrum. It calls for explanation and any ex-\\nplanation offered must be at least plausible.\\nInto the cabinet situation, as it then existed,\\nit is not necessary here to enter in detail. It\\nwas undoubtedly more than trying. Seen in the\\nlight of subsequent events, it is assumed that\\nthe Lincoln of 1865 was also the Lincoln of\\n1861. Historically speaking there can be no\\ngreater error the President, who has since be-\\ncome a species of legend, was in March, 1861,\\nan absolutely unknown, and by no means pro-\\nmising, political quantity. During the years in-\\ntervening between 1861 and 1865 the man de-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0209.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "182 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nveloped immensely he became in fact another\\nbeing. History, indeed, hardly presents an anal-\\nogous case of education through trial. None the\\nless the fact remains that when he first entered\\nupon his high functions, President Lincoln rilled\\nwith dismay those brought in contact with him.\\nWithout experience, he evinced no sense of the\\ngravity of the situation or of the necessity of a\\nwell-considered policy. The division of offices\\namong eager applicants seemed to engross his\\nthoughts. The evidence is sufficient and con-\\nclusive that, in this respect, he impressed others\\nas he impressed Mr. Adams in their one char-\\nacteristic interview. Thus an utter absence of\\nlead in presence of a danger at once great and\\nimminent, expressed the situation.\\nThere is every reason to believe that in those\\nearly days of their association, Seward, as the\\nresult of close personal contact and observation,\\nshared in the common estimate of his official\\nchief. Certainly, close as were his personal re-\\nlations with Mr. Adams, preserving a discreet\\nsilence as respects his official chief, the secretary\\nlet no intimation escape him that, in the case\\nof the President, appearances were deceptive.\\nThere can, also, be no question that Secretary\\nSeward, when he entered upon his duties in\\nthe Department of State, did so with the idea\\nthat he would prove to be the virtual head of", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0210.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 183\\nthe government, its directing mind. The\\nearly course of events in the cabinet was not\\nwhat he anticipated. A highly incongruous\\nbody, hastily brought together, no member of it\\nsaw his way clearly, and differences immediately\\ndeveloped. Without a head, it seemed to have\\nno prospect of having a head. In the direction\\nof its councils, the secretary of state became\\nday by day conscious of the fact that he was\\nlosing ground, and it was more and more mani-\\nfest to him that a line of policy almost sure to\\nprecipitate a civil war was likely soon to be\\nadopted. The tension was too great to last\\nunless a new direction was given to the rapid\\ncourse of events there must be a break. Plainly,\\nsomething had to be done.\\nGovernor Seward, moreover, had all along\\nasserted with the utmost confidence that no\\nserious trouble would ensue from the change of\\nadministration that the South was not in ear-\\nnest. A civil war was no part of his programme.\\nYet now he found the country confronted with\\nit and he himself was no longer held in high,\\nif indeed in any, esteem as a political prophet.\\nWhen, immediately before the inauguration,\\nMr. Seward tendered his resignation of the first\\nplace in the cabinet, the incoming President,\\nafter brief consideration, declined to accept it,\\ncharacteristically observing that he could not", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0211.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "184 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nafford to let Seward take the first trick. Fol-\\nlowing out this not over dignified figure of\\nspeech, it may be said that now, a month after\\nthe change of administration had taken place,\\nMr. Seward, in the course of the game, found\\nhimself put to his trumps. Under these cir-\\ncumstances he seems to have rapidly matured a\\npolicy which he had long been meditating, a\\npolicy reserved as a last resort. Falling back\\non what was with him a cardinal point of politi-\\ncal faith, an almost inordinate belief in the sen-\\ntimental side of the American character, its\\npatriotism and its spirit of nationality, its self-\\nconfidence when aroused, falling back on this,\\nhe thought to work from it as a basis of action.\\nIt was no new or sudden conception. On the\\ncontrary, months before, at the dinner of the\\nNew England Society in New York, during the\\nprevious December, referring to the secession of\\nSouth Carolina which had then just been an-\\nnounced, he declared that if New York should\\nbe attacked by any foreign power, all the hills\\nof South Carolina would pour forth their popu-\\nlation to the rescue. And two years and a half\\nlater, during the foreign crisis of the war, in\\nprecisely the same spirit he wrote to Sumner\\nKouse the nationality of the American people.\\nIt is an instinct upon which you can always\\nrely, even when the conscience that ought never", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0212.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 185\\nto slumber is drugged to death. Accordingly\\nin March, 1861, he only repeated what he had\\nwritten in his dispatches to Mr. Adams when\\nhe said to Dr. Russell, of the Times, that\\nif a majority of the people in the seceded\\nStates really desired secession, he would let\\nthem have it but he could not believe in\\nanything so monstrous. Convinced, therefore,\\nthat the South was possessed by a passing mania,\\nhe was himself a victim of the delusion that, by\\na bold and unmistakable appeal to a sentiment\\nof a yet deeper and more permanent character,\\nthe evil spirit then in temporary possession\\nmight be exorcised or, as he a few months be-\\nfore had in the Senate expressed it, citing Jeffer-\\nson as his authority, the States must be kept\\nwithin their constitutional sphere by impulsion,\\nif they could not be held there by attraction.\\nThis idea others shared with him, and it found\\nfrequent expression but in his case, during\\nApril, May, and June, 1861, it amounted to\\nwhat was almost a dangerous hallucination for\\nhe was secretary of state.\\nIn itself a morbid conception, the thought was\\nfurther strengthened by another belief enter-\\ntained by him as to the existence of a latent,\\nbut widespread, Union sentiment at the South,\\nrequiring only a sufficient stimulus to assert it-\\nself and set everything right. This last article", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0213.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "186 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nof faith was immediately due to the great num-\\nber of appealing letters which, after the elec-\\ntion and before the inauguration of Lincoln, had\\npoured in upon him in steady volume from the\\nSouth in general, but more particularly from the\\nborder slave States. While he probably con-\\nstrued their contents liberally, to these he at\\nthe time made continual reference and now he\\nthought to use the sentiment revealed in them\\nas the basis of a great educational movement.\\nIt was the material on which he proposed to\\nwork.\\nThe real condition of public opinion at the\\nSouth, and the amount of Union sentiment there\\nlatent, was, of course, in the spring of 1861, a\\nquestion of fact in regard to which men s judg-\\nment varied according to their means of infor-\\nmation and warmth of temperament. In reality,\\nas Dr. Russell soon afterwards found out and\\nadvised Europe through the Times, and as\\nSeward himself later had to realize, those dwelling\\nin the great region afterwards known as the\\nConfederate States were of one mind. In that\\nregion, even as early as May, 1861, there was no\\nUnion sentiment or, as Russell, while visiting\\nthe Confederacy in April, wrote to the Times\\nAssuredly Mr. Seward cannot know anything\\nof the South, or he would not be so confident\\nthat all would blow over. In point of fact, at", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0214.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 187\\nthe very time Mr. Seward was conjuring up this\\nwidespread, latent Union sentiment in the South,\\nthe life of any man in the South even suspected\\nof Union sentiments would not have been safe.\\nBut in the spring of 1861 a mistaken belief on\\nthe subject was not confined to Mr. Seward.\\nCassius M. Clay, for instance, came from Ken-\\ntucky, a slave State. Having all his life lived\\nthere, his means of information would be sup-\\nposed to have been good, and his judgment pre-\\nsumably correct. Yet so late as May 29, 1861,\\nsix weeks after the fall of Sumter, Cassius M.\\nClay, then on his way to represent the United\\nStates at St. Petersburg, asserted in a communi-\\ncation printed in the London Times of May\\n25th, that the population of the slave States\\nis divided perhaps equally for and against the\\nUnion. More extraordinary yet, weeks later,\\nin his message to Congress when it met on July\\n4, 1861, President Lincoln put himself on\\nrecord to the same effect. It may well be\\nquestioned, he then said, whether there is to-\\nday the majority of the legally qualified voters\\nof any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina,\\nin favor of disunion. There is much reason to\\nbelieve that the Union men are the majority in\\nmany, if not in every other one, of the so-called\\nseceded States. Mr. Seward was not alone in\\nhis hallucination.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0215.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "188 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nIn like manner, on the other point, the ef-\\nfect of a foreign war as a diversion, the Amer-\\nican correspondent of the Times, not Dr.\\nRussell, wrote as follows on May 21st, the\\nvery date of Seward s dispatch No. 10 which\\nso dismayed Mr. Adams: There are those\\nhere, high in influence too, who are actively\\naiming to create a cold feeling between Eng-\\nland and the United States, under the belief\\nthat that will more effectually reconcile North\\nand South than anything else. They argue that\\nthe presence of a foreign foe alone can recon-\\ncile the disintegrated States, and they would\\ncourt a foreign war rather than a civil one.\\nStrange as it may sound, impracticable as it\\nmay appear, I assure you that such ideas are\\nentertained and acted upon in New York. The\\nprevalence of this idea was also well known in\\nEngland, and, on the 15th of June, William E.\\nForster, the stanchest friend America had, de-\\nfended to Mr. Adams the action of the British\\ngovernment in sending out troops to Canada\\nby attributing to our government a desire to\\npick a quarrel with this country in the hopes of\\neffecting by means of it a reunion.\\nThe letter containing the extract just quoted\\nfrom the Times was written from New York,\\nand the feeling in it referred to may not im-\\npossibly have been inspired by the secretary of", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0216.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 189\\nstate. A politician s newspaper feeler, thus re-\\nflecting the dispatch of May 21st. In any event\\nthe presence of such an idea in Seward s mind\\nat that juncture was plainly a grave additional\\nsource of national peril, and it would be inter-\\nesting to trace the manifestations of it. These,\\nhowever, though numerous and unequivocal, are\\nscattered through the press and in official and\\nother publications, and would be inappropriate\\nhere. The essence of them, moreover, was con-\\ndensed in a single remark to Dr. Russell, made\\nby the secretary in course of conversation on\\nApril 4th Any attempt against us by a for-\\neign power, Mr. Seward then said, would re-\\nvolt the good men of the South, and arm all\\nmen in the North to defend their government.\\nThe policy thus assuming shape in the sec-\\nretary s mind was large, vague, visionary. To\\navert the impending issue, he would, as distinctly\\nshadowed forth in his dispatch of May 21st, chal-\\nlenge a yet greater issue. Confidently appealing\\nto the spirit of Americanism and of the age, to\\nliberty, democracy, and the aspirations of the\\ncentury, he was prepared to precipitate a gen-\\neral war, not unlike that of the Napoleonic pe-\\nriod, fully confident that the United States\\nwould emerge from it victorious, purified, and\\nmore than ever consolidated. A great concep-\\ntion, it was also a trifle Corsican and, though an", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0217.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "190 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nable man, Mr. Seward was essentially a New\\nYorker, and not a Napoleon Bonaparte. Under\\nthe circumstances, therefore, it must be con-\\nceded that the scheme had in it elements not\\nconsistent with what is commonly known as\\nsanity of judgment.\\nRecurring to the course of events at Wash-\\nington and in London, a considerable interval\\nelapsed between the two days, close together, on\\nwhich Seward handed to Lincoln his memoran-\\ndum of Thoughts and had the conversation\\njust referred to with Dr. Russell, and that other\\nday on which he wrote the bellicose dispatch\\nNo. 10 to Mr. Adams. The dates were seven\\nweeks apart. In the interval the situation had\\naltogether changed. Fort Sumter had fallen\\nthe President s Proclamation had been issued\\nVirginia and Tennessee had seceded. Another\\ndispatch also had reached the secretary from\\nMr. Dallas announcing the arrival in Europe of\\nthe Confederate Commissioners, and that Earl\\nRussell was disposed to accord them an unof-\\nficial interview. This very contingency had\\nbeen anticipated by Mr. Seward in a dinner-\\ntable talk, at which Dr. Russell was present, be-\\nfore April 1st. He had then declared that the\\nSouthern Commissioners could not be received\\nby the government of any foreign power, offi-\\ncially or otherwise, even to hand in a document", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0218.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 191\\noi to make a representation, without incurring\\nthe risk of breaking off relations with the\\neminent of Uj\u00c2\u00ab: United States/\\nWhen he made this remark must\\nbeen meditating his memorandum of\\nThoughts for t) dent s onsideration.\\ndays \\\\:t-U-r he handed it to Mr. Lincoln.\\nThe latter s considerate method of dealing witij\\nthat document, propo* t did, hi:-, abdica*\\ntion of the functions of his oi Ji ujj J tv,\\nbitute \u00c2\u00a3oj\\none domestic, is matter of history. JJ quietly\\nput it asii waxd\\nevidently Ji i not at jixm abandon Uj scheme\\ntherein outlined. He apparently stiU be)\\nin it as a practical recourse so to speak, i\\\\u-\\nlast and largest 1/ u/ij jj card in Uj hand an J, a\\nlater, i oncluded that\\nthe time to play it \\\\\\\\w\\\\ come. Accordingly he\\nprepared the dispatch of o. 10.\\nDirecting Mr. Adams in certain contingencies\\nto occui afine himself simply\\nto a delivery ji ;i copy of this paper to tin\\n1j j/j it used lang\\nwhich no self-respecting government could sub\\nmit, lai so indecorous and threatening\\nas to be tantamount to a declaration ol\\nIf, lie announce Great Britain shall recognize\\nthe beat onfederate letters of marque as", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0219.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "192 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nbelligerents, and give them shelter from our\\npursuit and punishment, the laws of nations\\nafford an adequate and proper remedy, and we\\nshall avail ourselves of it. When this act\\nof intervention is distinctly performed, we from\\nthat hour shall cease to be friends and become\\nonce more, as we have twice before been forced\\nto be, enemies of Great Britain. We are not\\ninsensible of the grave importance of this occa-\\nsion. We see how, upon the result of the debate\\nin which we are engaged, a war may ensue be-\\ntween the United States, and one, two, or even\\nmore European nations. A war not unlike\\nit between the same parties occurred at the close\\nof the last century. Europe atoned by forty\\nyears of suffering for the error that Great Britain\\ncommitted in provoking that contest. If that\\nnation shall now repeat the same great error the\\nsocial convulsions which will follow may not be\\nso long but they will be more general. When\\nthey shall have ceased it will, we think, be seen,\\nwhatever may have been the fortunes of other\\nnations, that it is not the United States that\\nwill have come out of them with its precious\\nConstitution altered or its honestly obtained do-\\nminion in any degree abridged. 1\\n1 The wrap-the-world-in-flames hallucination seems to have\\ndegenerated into something very like a formula in Mr. Sew-\\nard s speech during the earlier Rebellion period. On the 4th", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0220.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 193\\nIt is not difficult to imagine what would have\\nbeen the effect of a dispatch couched in these\\nterms delivered in June, 1861, to a British gov-\\nernment of which Lord Palmerston was the\\nhead, with England then acting in full under-\\nstanding with France. The Confederacy would\\nhave been recognized, and the blockade of its\\ncoast, at that time hardly more than nominal,\\nwould have been disallowed almost before the\\nAmerican minister had rattled out of Downing\\nStreet. Thus, as originally drawn up, this ex-\\ntraordinary paper of May 21st was nothing\\nmore nor less than a definite commitment of the\\nUnited States to the policy outlined by Seward\\nin the Thoughts of the first of the previous\\nApril, I would demand explanations from\\nof July Russell of the Times had a talk with hira at the\\nState Department. In the course of it, six weeks after writ-\\ning the dispatch of May 21st, the Secretary said We have\\nless to fear from a foreign war than any country in the world.\\nIf any European power provokes a war, we shall not shrink\\nfrom it. A contest hetween Great Britain and the United\\nStates would wrap the world in fire, and at the end it would\\nnot he the United States which would have to lament the\\nresult of the conflict. (My Diary, 381.) More than six\\nmonths later, January 22, 1862, he wrote to Thurlow Weed\\nNevertheless, I do know this, that whatever nation makes\\nwar against us, or forces itself into a war, will find out that we\\ncan and shall suppress rebellion and defeat invaders besides.\\nThe courage and the determination of the American people\\nare aroused for any needful effort any national sacrifice.\\n(Life of Weed, ii. 410.)", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0221.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "194 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nSpain and France, categorically, at once. I\\nwould seek explanations from Great Britain and\\nRussia, and, if satisfactory explanations\\nare not received, would convene Congress\\nand declare war against them. Fortunately the\\nmemorandum of Thoughts, of April 1st,, had\\nforewarned Mr. Lincoln, and the influence of the\\nearlier paper was immediately apparent in his\\ntreatment of the paper of May 21st, now sub-\\nmitted. It was Mr. Seward s ordinary habit\\npersonally to read his dispatches to the President\\nbefore sending them. Mr. Lincoln, detecting\\nthe defects of the paper, retained it, and after\\ncareful scrutiny made such material corrections\\nand alterations with his own hand as took from\\nit all offensive crudeness without in the least\\nlowering its tone but, on the contrary, greatly\\nincreasing its dignity. When the President\\nreturned the manuscript to his hands, Mr. Sew-\\nard somewhat changed the form of the dispatch\\nby [omitting most of the phrases above quoted\\nand] prefixing to it two short introductory para-\\ngraphs in which he embodied, in his own\\nphraseology, the President s direction that the\\npaper was to be merely a confidential instruc-\\ntion, not to be read or shown to any one. 1\\nAnd in this happily modified form it came into\\nthe hands of Mr. Adams. A collision between\\n1 Nicolay and Hay, iv. 269, 270.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0222.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 195\\nthe two countries was thus narrowly, and for the\\nmoment avoided Fortunately, as will presently\\nbe seen, Mr. Seward s views about this time\\nunderwent a change. As a result of the battle\\nof Bull Run two months later, he recovered his\\nmental poise, and, quite dismissing the illusion\\nof a latent Union sentiment to be invoked in\\nthe South, ceased to look upon a more or less\\ngeneral foreign war as a means of escape, both\\nnatural and legitimate, from dissension at home.\\nToo much space has, perhaps, been devoted\\nto this bit of secret history. If so, its interest\\nas well as its importance must be a justification.\\nFor the United States, it was a piece of supreme\\ngood fortune then to have in Great Britain so\\ndiscreet a representative, unimpulsive and bent\\non a maintenance of the peace. It would have\\nbeen very easy at just that juncture to have pro-\\nvoked a crisis, which must have been decisive,\\nthough, as the result showed, wholly unnecessary.\\nSo far as Mr. Adams himself was concerned, no\\nminister of the United States probably ever had\\nso narrow an escape as his then was from a\\nposition which could not have been otherwise than\\nhumiliating to the last degree. It was, too, at\\nthe threshold of a diplomatic life. As to Mr.\\nSeward, it would be useless to philosophize. His\\nmanagement as a whole of the country s foreign\\nrelations during the Rebellion speaks for itself.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0223.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "196 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nIt was a magnificent success. Alone of all the\\ndepartments of the government, the State De-\\npartment proved from the beginning, and to\\nthe end, in every respect equal to the occasion.\\nCarrying things always with a high hand, pre-\\nserving in each emergency a steady and un-\\nbroken front, never betraying sign of weakness,\\nor lowering the national dignity, Mr. Seward\\nextricated the country from whatever difficulty\\nit had to encounter nor were those difficulties\\nfew or slight. His success in so doing was so\\ngreat and so uniform that it seems since to have\\nbeen almost assumed as of course. Scant jus-\\ntice has accordingly been rendered him to whom\\nit was due for, by averting intervention, he saved\\nthe day. The single inexplicable, ineradicable\\nblemish upon the record is contained in that in-\\nconceivable memorandum of Notes handed\\nby Secretary Seward to President Lincoln on\\nApril 1, 1861, and the dispatches numbered four\\nand ten subsequently prepared for Mr. Adams\\nin obvious pursuance of the mad and indefen-\\nsible policy therein outlined.\\nThe day following the receipt of this modified\\ndispatch Mr. Adams sought an interview with\\nLord John. In it he tried to act up to [his]\\ninstructions at the same time that [he] softened\\nas well as [he] could the sharp edges. For-\\ntunately for him, in a previous interview with", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0224.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 197\\nLord John, of which he had already sent a re-\\nport to Washington, he had pressed the foreign\\nsecretary quite as far and as hard as circum-\\nstances justified. In truth, he had written,\\nif I were persuaded that Her Majesty s gov-\\nernment were really animated by a desire to\\nfavor the rebellion, I should demand a categori-\\ncal answer but thus far I see rather division of\\nopinion, consequent upon the pressure of the\\ncommercial classes. So he contented himself\\nwith the highly significant remark to Lord John,\\nthat, if Great Britain entertained any design,\\nmore or less marked, to extend the struggle then\\ngoing on in America, I was bound to acknow-\\nledge in all frankness that, in that contingency,\\nI had nothing further left to do in Great Britain.\\nI said this with regret, as my own feelings had\\nbeen and were of the most friendly character.\\nSecretary Seward seems to have been greatly\\nmollified when advised of this intimation but\\nnow Mr. Adams had again to approach a deli-\\ncate subject. Accordingly he proceeded to in-\\ntimate in all frankness that any further pro-\\ntraction of relations, unofficial though they\\nmight be, with the pseudo -commissioners\\nfrom the Confederate States could scarcely fail\\nto be viewed by us as hostile in spirit, and to\\nrequire some corresponding action accordingly.\\nTo this diplomatically expressed demand, Lord", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0225.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "198 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nJohn, after reviewing the course pursued by\\nGreat Britain in similar cases, concluded by say-\\ning that he had seen the gentlemen once some\\ntime ago, and once more some time since he\\nhad no expectation of seeing them any more.\\nDirectness in dealing was not thrown away on\\nLord John Russell. Mr. Adams now scoi*ed\\nhis first success Messrs. Yancey, Rost, and\\nMann were not again received at the foreign\\noffice. On their side, the commissioners reported\\nto their government that the relations between\\nMr. Adams and the British cabinet are not en-\\ntirely amicable and satisfactory to either, and,\\nboth in his diplomatic and social relations, Mr.\\nAdams is held a blunderer. Mrs. Jefferson\\nDavis took later a different and more practical\\nview of the matter, remarking in her life of\\nher husband The astute and watchful ambas-\\nsador from the United States had thus far fore-\\nstalled every effort, and our commissioners were\\nrefused interviews with Her Majesty s minister.\\nMr. Yancey, thinking the concession of Lord\\nJohn to Mr. Adams s demand was in violation of\\nthe rule of neutrality, to which the British gov-\\nernment had pledged itself, urged his brother\\ncommissioners to respond to Lord John s notice\\nof suspension of interviews by a firm though\\nmoderate protest. But Messrs. Rost and Mann\\nobjecting to this course, the matter was referred", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0226.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "SEWARD S FOREIGN WAR PANACEA 199\\nto the Richmond government nor was it again\\nheard of. The commissioners were presently\\n(September 23d) superseded in their functions,\\nso far as Great Britain was concerned, by the\\nappointment of James M. Mason as the Con-\\nfederate representative in that country.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0227.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XI\\nTHE TREATY OE PARIS\\nThe so-called Declaration of Paris was an\\noutcome of the Crimean war. Up to the time\\nof that struggle the semi-barbarous rules of in-\\nternational law which, during the Napoleonic\\nperiod, had been ruthlessly enforced by all bel-\\nligerents, were still recognized, though in abey-\\nance. As an historical fact, it was undeniable\\nthat, on the high seas, piracy was the natural\\ncondition of man and, when the artificial state\\nof peace ceased, into that condition nations re-\\nlapsed. To ameliorate this, Great Britain and\\nFrance, on the outbreak of the war with Russia,\\nagreed to respect neutral commerce, whether\\nunder their own flags or that of Russia; and,\\nat the close of the war, the Congress of Paris\\nadopted, in April, 1856, a Declaration, embra-\\ncing four heads\\n1. Privateering is and remains abolished.\\n2. The neutral flag covers enemy s goods,\\nwith the exception of contraband of war.\\n3. Neutral goods, with the exception of con-\\ntraband of war, are not liable to capture under\\nenemy s flag.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0228.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE TREATY OF PARIS 201\\n4. Blockades in order to be binding must be\\neffective that is to say, maintained by forces\\nsufficient really to prevent access to the coast of\\nthe enemy.\\nGreat Britain, France, Prussia, Russia, Aus-\\ntria, and Turkey adopted this mutual agree-\\nment, and pledged themselves to make it known\\nto states not represented in the congress, and\\ninvite their accession to it, on two conditions\\n(1) That the Declaration should be accepted as\\na whole, or not at all and (2) That the states\\nacceding should enter into no subsequent ar-\\nrangement on maritime law in time of war\\nwithout stipulating for a strict observance of\\nthe four points. On these conditions every mar-\\nitime power was to be invited to accede, and had\\nthe right to become a party to the agreement.\\nAccordingly nearly all the states of Europe and\\nSouth America in course of time notified their\\naccession, and became, equally with the original\\nmembers, entitled to all the benefits and subject\\nto the obligations of the compact.\\nThe government of the United States was\\nalso invited to accede, and like the other powers\\nhad the right so to do by simple notification.\\nSecretary Marcy informed the French govern-\\nment, July 28, 1856, that the President could\\nnot abandon the right to use privateers, unless\\nhe could secure the exemption of all private", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0229.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "202 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nproperty, not contraband, from capture at sea\\nbut with that amendment the United States\\nwould accede to the Declaration.\\nIn other words, in addition to the points agreed\\non at Paris, the United States contended for\\nthe establishment of the same principle on the\\nsea that obtained on land, to wit the exemp-\\ntion from capture of all private property, not\\ncontraband of war, including ships. The last\\ngreat vestige of the earlier times of normal\\npiracy was, by general consent, to be relegated\\nto the past. With the exception of Great Brit-\\nain, the more considerable European maritime\\npowers made no objection to the Marcy amend-\\nment. Great Britain was understood to oppose\\nit, for obvious reasons connected with her past\\nhistory and present naval preponderance.\\nPresident Buchanan s was essentially an\\nOstend manifesto, or filibuster, administra-\\ntion. When Lincoln succeeded Buchanan the\\naspect of affairs from the United States point of\\nview had undergone a dramatic change. Threat-\\nened with Confederate letters of marque, the\\ngovernment also found itself engaged in, and\\nresponsible for, a blockade of the first magni-\\ntude. Under such circumstances, it was plainly\\nimpossible to forecast all the contingencies which\\nmight arise, and it was altogether dubious what\\npolicy might prove to be the more expedient;", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0230.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE TREATY OF PARIS 203\\nbut, on the whole, it seemed to the adminis-\\ntration wisest to endeavor to conciliate Europe.\\nA circular dispatch from the Department of\\nState was sent out accordingly, bearing date\\nApril 24th. By it the ministers of the United\\nStates were formally instructed to ascertain the\\ndisposition of the various governments to which\\nthey were accredited and, if they found such\\ngovernments favorably disposed, to enter into\\na convention, under the terms of which the\\nUnited States became a party to the Paris\\ncompact. This dispatch, it will be observed,\\nwas prepared and sent out after the fall of Sum-\\nter, and the consequent proclamation of Lincoln\\nand letter-of-marque notification of Jefferson\\nDavis. In view of the widely spread suspicions\\nentertained respecting the methods of the Amer-\\nican secretary of state, the move was one calcu-\\nlated to excite a not altogether unnatural dis-\\ntrust in the minds of diplomats and European\\nstatesmen a distrust which would not have\\nbeen allayed had they been acquainted with the\\ntenor of the memorandum of Notes for the\\nPresident s Consideration submitted to Mr.\\nLincoln by that secretary some three weeks pre-\\nvious.\\nMr. Adams next found himself engaged in a\\nlong, and what he at the time accurately de-\\nscribed as a singular, negotiation on this sub-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0231.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "204 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nject, into the details of which it is impossible\\nhere to enter. It is sufficient to say that it\\nwas marked on the part of the British govern-\\nment by evasions, procrastinations, and vacil-\\nlations by no means creditable. In fact, as the\\ninterviews followed each other, the singular\\ndivergencies of recollections as to facts became\\nso pronounced, that Mr. Adams recorded a frank\\nadmission that the whole conduct of the admin-\\nistration here is inexplicable and, at last, re-\\nlieved himself by declaring (to himself) that it\\nwas difficult to suppress indignation at the\\nmiserable shuffling practiced throughout. In\\nhis opinion at the time all this was attributable\\nto the secret machinations of the Premier but\\nthe real explanation was that Lord John Rus-\\nsell, distrustful of the good faith and ulterior\\npurposes of the Washington government, was\\nafraid of being unwarily entrapped into a posi-\\ntion which would in some way compromise him\\nwith respect to those responsible for depreda-\\ntions under Confederate letters of marque. The\\nBritish government, though it had conferred\\nrights of belligerency on the Confederacy, might\\nbe called on to treat as pirates those sailing\\nunder the Confederate colors. Again, like all\\nEuropean diplomats, Lord John, or Earl Rus-\\nsell, as he now became, looked upon the early\\nrecognition of the Confederacy as inevitable.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0232.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "THE TREATY OF PARIS 205\\nBut, as events developed while the negotiation\\nwent on, recognition might well involve an\\narmed intervention. In case of hostilities, the\\ninterests of Great Britain, as respects the four\\nprinciples of the Treaty of Paris, were not alto-\\ngether clear. The mercantile marine of the\\nUnited States had then grown rapidly. A free\\nhand towards it might be a good thing.\\nWhatever may have been Mr. Seward s ob-\\njects in originally proposing the adhesion of the\\nUnited States to the Paris compact at that par-\\nticular juncture, there can be little doubt that, as\\nthe negotiation progressed, he became sincerely\\ninterested in it. As to Mr. Adams, after ma-\\nture deliberation, he made up his mind, much to\\nthe discomposure of some of the representatives\\nof the United States at other courts, that the\\narticles of the Declaration were sound in prin-\\nciple, and that the party coming in on the basis\\nof liberal ideas [like the new party in Amer-\\nica] would commit itself very badly if it should\\nturn its back on them. He proceeded accord-\\ningly.\\nAt first the British and French secretaries\\nendeavored to have the negotiation transferred\\nto Washington, there to be carried on by the\\nrepresentatives of the two governments, acting\\nin unison. This dangerous move Mr. Seward\\nmost adroitly checked and the matter was sent", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0233.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "206 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nback to Europe. Mr. Adams then took it up\\nwith Earl Russell but it soon became apparent\\nthat the latter was more intent on the course of\\nevents in America than on the business in hand.\\nHence resulted strange misunderstandings and\\ndivergencies of recollection but little pro-\\ngress towards a result. The real trouble was at\\nWashington, whence Lord Lyons was writing to\\nEarl Russell cautioning him against permitting\\nanything to be done without an explicit under-\\nstanding as to the effect which [the acceptance\\nof the Declaration by the American government\\nwas] intended by them to have with regard to\\nthe seceded States. Puzzled, and a little irri-\\ntated, by Earl Russell s parleys and procrasti-\\nnations, Mr. Adams at last determined to force\\nan issue so, acting under instructions from\\nWashington, he notified Earl Russell of the\\nwish of the United States to accede to the prin-\\nciples of the Treaty of Paris in their entirety,\\npure and simple. This, under the terms of\\nthe Treaty entitling other countries to become\\nparties to it merely on notice, would have ended\\nthe matter in the case of any country other than\\nthe United States but, in the case of the United\\nStates, the compact, being with foreign powers,\\nwas in the nature of a treaty, and as such had\\nto be submitted to the Senate for approval. To\\nmeet this constitutional difficulty, the notice", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0234.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE TREATY OF PARIS 207\\nof adhesion had to take the form of a conven-\\ntion and a form of such a convention Mr.\\nAdams submitted. Had Earl Russell been a\\nstatesman of the first class, as quick-witted as he\\nwas far-seeing, he would now, overlooking all im-\\nmediate and petty considerations, have seized the\\nopportunity, and committed the United States,\\nonce for all, to the new principles of belligerency.\\nImmediate complications might have grown out\\nof the American civil war, and those he could\\nin some way have met as they presented them-\\nselves but, so far as the larger and more re-\\nmote interests of Great Britain were concerned,\\nthe case was clear, and he had the game in his\\nhands. The adhesion of the United States to the\\nnew principles would be a great point gained.\\nEarl Russell was not equal to the occasion.\\nInstead of meeting Mr. Adams squarely, he\\nnow had recourse to methods crab-like in the\\nextreme. He asked for a clause to be inserted\\nin the convention, expressly providing that it\\nshould have no bearing: direct or indirect on\\nthe internal difficulties now prevailing in the\\nUnited States. Mr. Adams, of course, then\\nclosed the negotiation and, much to the sub-\\nsequent embarrassment of Great Britain on sev-\\neral occasions, the United States has never yet\\nbecome a party to the Declaration of Paris.\\nThat Mr. Adams erred at the time in attribu-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0235.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "208 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntino- the course of Earl Russell to the secret\\npromptings of Lord Palmerston, has already-\\nbeen intimated. It was unquestionably due to\\nthe misgivings of Lord Lyons, prompted by his\\nconfirmed distrust of Mr. Seward; and to an\\ninability on the part of the British foreign sec-\\nretary himself to understand the real significance\\nof events then taking place in America.\\nThus ended the first of the long succession of\\ndiplomatic struggles between Lord Russell and\\nMr. Adams. In itself it resulted in nothing\\nbut not for that was it unfruitful of conse-\\nquences. The British minister could not but\\nhave felt, as he emerged from it, that he had\\nbeen driven into an equivocal position. His\\nlanguage was on this point silently significant.\\nThe directness of his adversary, moreover, ap-\\npealed to him for in Parliament he had been\\nthrough a lifetime accustomed to give and re-\\nceive blows, and he liked a straightforward, hard-\\nhitting opponent. When Mr. Adams reached\\nLondon Lord John, so far as the Foreign\\nOffice was concerned, had fixed his position\\nas the representative of half an empire, and he\\nhad proposed to hold Mr. Adams in the posi-\\ntion thus in advance assigned to him. He was\\nfast finding the task more difficult than he had\\nsupposed it would be. So he ever grew more\\ncautious, and more wary of his opponent. Mean-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0236.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "THE TREATY OF PARIS 209\\nwhile Mr. Adams, though disappointed and\\npuzzled, had kept his temper and carried his\\npoint but, so far as the assumed friendliness\\nof Earl Russell to the United States was con-\\ncerned, the scales had fallen from his eyes. His\\nfaith in the straightforwardness of any portion\\nof the Palmerston-Russell ministry was gone.\\nHe had only himself, and the shifting fortunes\\nof war, to rely on in future and, so far as the\\nlatter were concerned, the recent experiences at\\nBull Run, though fresh in memory, were the re-\\nverse of assuring. The autumn of 1861 was\\nnot a cheerful period in the rooms of the Amer-\\nican legation at London.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0237.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII\\nTHE TRENT AFFAIR\\nDuring the month of November especially\\nevents of importance followed one close upon\\nanother. The plot thickened fast. On the 8th\\nof that month the Confederate defenses at Port\\nRoyal, in South Carolina, were captured by a\\ncombined naval and military expedition sent out\\nfor that purpose and on the 19th the Con-\\nfederate steamer Nashville gave notice to the\\nworld, dramatically enough, that the flag of the\\nConfederacy was on the ocean, by capturing in\\nthe British Channel the American merchant ves-\\nsel Harvey Birch, and burning her within sight\\nof the English and French shores. Greatly an-\\nnoyed by this last incident, Mr. Adams in his\\ndiary admitted that, in his exultation over the\\nnews from Port Royal, very distinct trem-\\nblings were perceptible as to what tidings\\nof another nature might be in store for him.\\nHis apprehensions, though undefined, were pro-\\nphetic. On the very day upon which General\\nSherman was occupying the hastily abandoned\\nworks at Hilton Head, Captain Wilkes, in com-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0238.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 211\\nmancl of the United States steam sloop-of-war\\nSan Jacinto, some five hundred miles to the\\nsouth and west, was bringing-to the British steam-\\npacket Trent, then on the high seas, bound from\\nHavana, a Spanish harbor, to the island of St.\\nThomas. He then forcibly took from her Messrs.\\nMason and Slidell, two accredited Confederate\\nemissaries, passengers on their way from one\\nforeign port to another. It is curious to look\\nback on this performance from the standpoint of\\nforty years later for, though the over zealous\\nnaval officer is proverbially the international\\nenfant terrible, it is questionable whether in\\nmodern times any naval officer has ever been\\nguilty of a more ill-considered and thoroughly\\nunjustifiable proceeding. Yet, at the moment,\\nit made of Captain Wilkes a hero and popular\\nidol throughout the loyal States of the Union\\nwhile for a brief space of time, without possi-\\nbility of any advantage to be derived therefrom,\\nit caused the issue of the struggle for national\\nexistence to tremble on the verge of irre-\\ntrievable disaster. Already in a most excitable\\nmood, the occurrence fairly swept the Ameri-\\ncan people off their feet. The entire commu-\\nnity was dissolved into a declaiming, hysterical\\nmob, wholly forgetful of the national conten-\\ntions through seventy years a mob to which\\nhigh officials, grave magistrates, and counsel", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0239.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "212 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwho professed to be learned in the law, vied\\nwith each other in ill-considered utterances, as\\nif eager to get themselves into positions from\\nwhich extrication would be at best extremely\\ndifficult. They certainly accomplished that re-\\nsult with marked success.\\nThat the high-handed proceeding of Captain\\nWilkes was altogether unjustifiable, no Ameri-\\ncan will now deny. That it was in manifest vio-\\nlation of the principles of international law for\\nwhich the United States had from the beginning\\nstoutly contended, was admitted at the time.\\nThat, after 1815, the United States, the case\\nbeing reversed, would before the Trent affair,\\nat the moment of it, or at any time since, have\\nsubmitted to similar treatment, no one would\\neven suggest. But the really singular feature\\nof the situation is the utter absence of common\\nsense and business judgment apparent in the\\nnational estimate at the time of any advantage\\nto be gained through Captain Wilkes s act, as\\noffset by the risks thereby incurred. Messrs.\\nMason and Slidell, as the event afterwards\\nshowed, were not magicians, or in any way\\nmore potential for harm than Messrs. Yancey,\\nRost, and Mann, already for months at work\\nin Europe. Yet at the moment throughout the\\nloyal States it was by every one assumed as in-\\ndisputable that some great advantage had been", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0240.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 213\\nsecured for the cause of the Union, some awful\\nperil averted, when a certain dull-witted Vir-\\nginian and a certain acute, intriguing Louisian-\\nian were prevented from getting across the\\nAtlantic. So far as any increased danger, likely\\nto result from their presence in London or Paris,\\nwas involved, they might perfectly well, as was\\nsubsequently seen, have been given their pass-\\nports through New York, and contemptuously\\nhad their passages on a Cunarder paid to Liver-\\npool. Nor, curiously enough, was this hallu-\\ncination over the importance of two insignificant\\nindividuals confined to those who secured forci-\\nble possession of their persons. They absolutely\\nshared it themselves. They were on their way\\nacross the Atlantic commissioned to embroil the\\nUnited States with the two great maritime pow-\\ners of Europe, if they could and now, by an\\nalmost miraculous interposition due to luck and\\nindiscretion combined, the object of their mis-\\nsion was, at its very threshold, being accom-\\nplished through them to an extent they could\\nin their wildest imaginings never have ventured\\nto hope. James M. Mason was a coarse, unin-\\ntelligent man, and that his sodden brain should\\nnot instantly have taken in the significance of\\nwhat was going on is perhaps no occasion for\\nsurprise. Not so John Slidell. His head was\\nclear his mind alert and logical. Greatly ad-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0241.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "214 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ndieted to games of chance, he was quick to catch\\nthe bearing of men s thoughts and acts. It is\\nhard to believe that his heart at least did not\\nswell with secret exultation when, forced over\\nthe side of the Trent, he felt that his antagonist\\nwas playing his hand for him as he never coidd\\nhave played it himself. Yet the evidence is all\\nthe other way. Even Slidell seems to have\\nlabored under the well-nigh inconceivable men-\\ntal delusion that he could be of greater service\\nto the Confederacy in Paris than within the\\nwalls of Fort Warren. At the time the per-\\nformance just failed of being terribly tragic\\nlooked at now, it had in it many elements of\\nthe opera houffe. But, for some weeks subse-\\nquent to the arrival of the news of the seizure,\\nthese latter elements were not conspicuously\\napparent from the point of view of the United\\nStates Legation in London.\\nUp to this time, though Mr. Adams studi-\\nously ignored the fact, his treatment in Eng-\\nland had been the reverse of cordial. Socially,\\nhe had been recognized, so to speak and no-\\nthing more. The sympathies of the aristocracy\\nwere distinctly on the side of the slaveocracy of\\nthe South, as against the democracy of the\\nNorth and this the American minister had\\nbeen caused to feel with a distinctness almost\\npeculiar to London, where the shades and phases", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0242.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 215\\nof social coldness and incivility have long since\\nbeen perfected into a science. Fortunately, Mr.\\nAdams, by nature and bearing, was in this re-\\nspect exactly the man the occasion called for.\\nWhen the Englishman was cold and reserved,\\nMr. Adams was a little colder and a little more\\nreserved than the Englishman. He thus played\\nwell the game to which he found himself called,\\nfor the very good reason that the game was\\nnatural to him.\\nThe English country season was now come\\nand, under ordinary circumstances, or at a later\\nperiod in Mr. Adams s own residence there, he\\nwould have been overwhelmed with invitations\\nto the great houses but in the autumn of 1861\\nsuch was far from being the case. A few of-\\nficials bethought themselves of the American\\nminister and Mrs. Adams but, as a rule, their\\ncompany was not desired, for their presence was\\nobviously a restraint on the freedom of conver-\\nsation, then largely made up of ill-natured and\\nhostile, when not contemptuous, references to\\nAmerica and all things American. Among\\nthose whose social standing in London was un-\\nquestioned, Mr. Richard Monckton Milnes, two\\nyears later created Lord Houghton, was one of\\nthe very few whose sympathies were throughout\\nstrongly enlisted in favor of the United States\\nand he, from the beginning, showed a disposi-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0243.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "216 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntion to be civil. He had accordingly invited\\nMr. and Mrs. Adams to Frystone, the Milnes\\ncountry seat in Nottinghamshire. Thither, little\\nsuspecting what tidings the St. Thomas steam-\\npacket, then fast nearing the English coast, was\\nto precipitate upon them, Mr. and Mrs. Adams\\nbetook themselves, leaving London on Monday,\\nNovember 25th.\\nAs he left the legation Mr. Adams noted that,\\nalmost for the first time since he had been in\\nEngland, the mail from America brought only\\nagreeable news. The party at Frystone Hall\\nwas large and pleasant and the presence of\\nWilliam E. Forster gave evidence of care in its\\nselection, in view of the all absorbing topics of\\nthe day. On Wednesday, the 27th, an excursion\\nhad been arranged to visit the ruins of Pomfret\\nCastle, famous in English annals as the scene\\nof the murder of Richard II. It was a sodden,\\ndull day of the English November type and\\njust as the party was entering the ruins, to\\nquote Mr. Adams, a telegraphic dispatch was\\nput into my hands from [the legation] an-\\nnouncing the startling news that Messrs. Slidell\\nand Mason had been taken by force out of a\\nBritish steamer in the West Indies by one of\\nour steam frigates. The consequences rose up\\nvery vividly in my mind, and prevented me from\\nthinking much of historical associations. Re-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0244.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 217\\nferring to the incident, Mr. Forster the next\\nday wrote to his wife Just as we got into\\nPomfret Castle, Adams said, in his cool, quiet\\nway, I have got stirring news, which indeed\\nwas a telegram with the story. Mr. Milnes, as\\nwell as Mr. Forster, was a good deal impressed\\nby his guest s composure under such very trying\\ncircumstances. The moment he knew the nature\\nof the information contained in the telegram, he\\nnaturally at once arranged for Mr. Adams s re-\\nturn to London. With characteristic cool-\\nness, as Mr. Reid, Lord Houghton s biogra-\\npher, says, the American minister remained\\nquietly at Fry stone, intimating that London\\nwas about the last place to which, under exist-\\ning conditions, he felt any inclination to go.\\nHe was entirely right. A more impulsive,\\nless deliberate man would probably have felt\\neither a desire or an obligation to get to his\\npost. In reality, both he and the interests he\\nhad in charge were the better for his absence\\nfrom it. Most fortunately there was then no\\nAtlantic cable. Not for five years yet did one\\nexist. Had there been such a means of instan-\\ntaneous communication in 1861, the Trent af-\\nfair could hardly have failed to involve the two\\nnations in war. As it was, it required from\\nsixteen to twenty days to send a message from\\nLondon to Washington and receive a reply to", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0245.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "218 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nit. Sixteen days as a minimum afford a good\\ndeal of time in which a popular craze or senti-\\nmental effervescence may subside and when\\nthose sixteen days are doubled, or trebled, by\\nthe necessity of yet further correspondence,\\nthere is a very good chance that reason may re-\\nsume its sway. It proved so now.\\nWhen he received his first telegram at Pom-\\nfret Castle, Mr. Adams knew only that he was\\nwholly without information or instructions from\\nWashington for his guidance. The news of the\\nseizure was brought to England by the La Plata.\\nIt reached London on November 27th, eighteen\\ndays after the event. The San Jacinto, with\\nMessrs. Mason and Slidell on board, made For-\\ntress Monroe on the 15th. The seizure, there-\\nfore, was known in America twelve days before\\nit was known in England. Meanwhile Mr.\\nAdams was in a state of complete ignorance in\\nregard to how it had come about. The natural\\ninference was that Captain Wilkes had acted\\nunder instructions. To an ordinary, well-regu-\\nlated intellect, it was hardly conceivable then,\\nas it would not be now, that a naval officer, in\\ncommand of a ship-of-war on its way home from\\na distant station, should, out of his own head\\nand acting on newspaper information, venture\\non such a performance. As Mr. Adams at this\\ntime wrote referring to other experiences he was", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0246.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 219\\nthen undergoing These naval officers are\\nbad, when too sluggish, like Marchand and\\nworse, when too active, like Wilkes. But if\\nthe Wilkes seizure had been directed from\\nWashington, the first and natural conclusion\\nof Mr. Adams would be that it was in further-\\nance of the aggressive policy outlined in Secre-\\ntary Seward s dispatches of April 27th and May\\n21st, and that a foreign war was to be pro-\\nvoked. Under such circumstances, bewildered\\nas he could not but be at the darkness in which\\nhe had been left, the chief thing for a diplomatic\\nagent to guard against was any hasty action or\\nill-considered utterance. He could safely infer\\nnothing, assume nothing, imagine nothing. He\\nmust possess his soid in patience, be enigmati-\\ncal and wait The situation, altogether in-\\nexplicable, might be trying in the mean while,\\nbut the Washington oracle must at last speak.\\nIn the mean time, silence.\\nIt so chanced, however, that the very exigency\\nthus unexpectedly arisen had already been dis-\\ncussed as a possibility by Mr. Adams with no\\nless a person than the Prime Minister himself.\\nThe incident was curious and interesting be-\\nsides being characteristic of Lord Palmerston,\\nit throws a not unfavorable light on his attitude\\nat that time towards the American struggle. He\\nplainly did not want to have Great Britain in-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0247.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "220 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nvolved in it through any untoward accident.\\nSo far from seeking a pretext for quarrel, he\\nwas anxious to avoid one. Up to this time,\\nthere had been no personal intercourse between\\nMr. Adams and the Premier. They had both\\nbeen present, and both had spoken, at the Lord\\nMayor s dinner on the 9th of November and\\nMr. Adams on that occasion had evidently been\\nsomewhat relieved at the tenor of the Prime\\nMinister s remarks. They were, he wrote, char-\\nacterized by his customary shrewdness. He\\ntouched gently on our difficulties, and at the\\nsame time gave it to be clearly understood that\\nthere was to be no interference for the sake\\nof cotton. Three days later, on the 12th of\\nNovember, Mr. Adams was a good deal sur-\\nprised by receiving a familiar note from\\nLord Palmerston asking him to call at Cam-\\nbridge House, in Piccadilly, the town residence\\nof the latter, and see him at an hour named in\\nthe note. Mr. Adams could not imagine why\\nhe was thus summoned but, of course, kept\\nthe appointment. His reception, he wrote,\\nwas very cordial and frank.\\nLord Palmerston did not then fully explain\\nhis reasons for this unusual interview in fact\\nthey were highly creditable to him. He was\\ngoing out of his way to give the American min-\\nister an intimation of possible impending diffi-", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0248.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 221\\nculty with a view to obviating it. It was then\\nwell known that Messrs. Mason and Slidell were\\non their way to Europe. They were at first\\nsupposed to be on the Nashville but afterwards\\ntheir arrival at Havana was announced, and\\nit was then correctly assumed that they would\\nsail on the Trent. It was further surmised\\nthat the government of the United States had\\nissued orders for intercepting any vessel on\\nwhich the envoys might take passage, and\\nseizing them. Finally, the James Adger, a\\nUnited States ship-of-war under command of\\nCaptain John B. Marchand, had recently ar-\\nrived on the English coast, and was at South-\\nampton, the home port of the Nassau steam-\\npacket line. The times were troubled the\\ncircumstances suspicious. Earl Russell submit-\\nted the facts to the crown lawyers, and had\\nbeen advised that, under British precedents and\\npast contentions, a United States man-of-war\\nfalling in with a British mail-steamer would\\nhave the right to board her, open her mail-bags,\\nexamine their contents, and, if the steamer\\nshould prove liable to confiscation for carrying\\ndispatches from the enemy, put a prize crew on\\nboard, and carry her to a port of the United\\nStates for adjudication. In that case the law\\nofficers thought the captor might, and in their\\nopinion ought to, disembark the passengers on", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0249.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "222 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe mail-steamer at some convenient port. But,\\nthey added, she would have no right to remove\\nMessrs. Mason and Slidell and carry them off as\\nprisoners, leaving the ship to pursue her voy-\\nage. 1 Obviously, if this was the law as deduced\\nfrom British precedents, a very ugly question\\nwas impending, and Her Majesty s government\\nmight find itself in an awkward position. It\\nwould require a great many precedents to make\\npalatable the fact of an American man-of-war\\nsteaming out of Southampton and stopping,\\nsearching, and seizing a British mail-packet in\\nthe British Channel, and in sight of her home\\nport. So, after reflecting over the situation,\\nLord Palmerston had concluded that a little\\nfriendly talk in time with the American min-\\nister might be a sensible way of preventing a\\ntrouble not less unnecessary than serious. Mr.\\nAdams at once transmitted to Secretary Seward,\\nin a dispatch marked confidential, and never\\nprinted, a detailed account of that unofficial\\ntalk. While the essential and characteristic\\nportions of it are here given in full, it is only\\nproper to say that liberal allowance should be\\nmade in the case of some references to Captain\\nMarchand, who, while in professional alertness\\nnot fully up to the ideals of Mr. Adams, was a\\ngallant officer, and subsequently distinguished\\n1 Walpole s Life of Russell, ii. 356, 357.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0250.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 223\\nhimself under Farragut in the battle of Mobile\\nBay. There is no reason to suppose that Lord\\nPalmerston spoke by the letter in what he said\\nof him, but he certainly spoke in genuine\\nPalmerstonian fashion. Mr. Adams wrote as\\nfollows to Secretary Seward He [Palmer-\\nston] received me in his library all alone, and\\nat once opened on the subject then evidently\\nweighing on his mind. He said that informa-\\ntion had come to him of the late arrival of a\\nUnited States vessel of war, the James Adger.\\nShe had put into one or two places, and finally\\nstopped at Southampton, where she had taken\\nin coal and other supplies. But the day before,\\nhis Lordship had understood, the captain had\\ngot very drunk on brandy, after which he had\\ndropped down to the mouth of the river as if\\nabout to sail on a cruise. The impression was\\nthat he had been directed to keep on the watch\\nfor the steamer expected to arrive Thursday\\nfrom the West Indies, in order to take oiit of\\nit by force the gentlemen from the Southern\\nStates, Messrs. Mason and Slidell, who were\\npresumed to be aboard. Now he was not going\\ninto the question of our right to do such an\\nact. Perhaps we might be justified in it, as the\\nsteamer was not strictly a public vessel, or per-\\nhaps we might not. He would set the argument\\naside for those whose province it was to discuss", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0251.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "224 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nit. All that he desired to observe was, that such\\na step would be highly inexpedient in every way\\nhe could view it. It would be regarded here\\nvery unpleasantly if the captain, after enjoying\\nthe hospitality of this country, filling his ship\\nwith coals and with other supplies, and filling his\\nown stomach with brandy (and here he laughed\\nin his characteristic way), should, within sight\\nof the shore, commit an act which would be felt\\nas offensive to the national flag. Neither could\\nhe see what was the compensating advantage to\\nbe gained by it. It surely would not be sup-\\nposed that the addition of one or two more to the\\nnumber of persons, who had already been some\\ntime in London on the same errand, would be\\nlikely to produce any change in the policy al-\\nready adopted. He did not believe that the\\ngovernment would vary its action on that ac-\\ncount, be they few or many. He could not\\ntherefore conceive of the necessity of resorting\\nto such a measure as this, which, in the present\\nstate of opinion in England, could scarcely fail\\nto occasion more prejudice than it would do\\ngood.\\nIt is not necessary here to give the rest of\\nthis interesting but somewhat lengthy dispatch,\\ncovering as it did a half hour s rapid and de-\\nsultory talk. Mr. Adams explained the orders\\nunder which Captain Marchand was acting, and", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0252.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 225\\ntold his Lordship that the James Adger had\\ncome out looking for the Nashville, and was now\\nwatching the Gladiator, and not lying in wait\\nfor the Confederate emissaries or a British mail-\\nsteamer. As for the Gladiator, then being fitted\\nout to run the blockade with a cargo of arms\\nand munitions for the Confederacy, Mr. Adams\\nfrankly told Lord Palmer ston that he had ad-\\nvised Captain Marchand to keep on the track\\nof her, and, the very first moment he could form\\na reasonable conviction of her intent to land\\nanywhere in the United States, to snap her up\\nat once. He wholly disavowed, however, in\\nthe case of the James Adger, the existence of\\nany orders from his government of the nature\\nof those taken for granted by Lord Palmerston.\\nThis conversation took place on the 15th of\\nNovember, and the very thing Lord Palmer-\\nston wished to prevent happening off the harbor\\nof Southampton actually had happened six days\\nbefore in the Old Bahama channel. It was a\\nmere question of distance apprehended within\\nforty miles of Southampton, it happened within\\nfour thousand. In the absence of definite in-\\nformation to the contrary, the inference was\\nnatural, as well as almost irresistible, that the\\ncaptain of the San Jacinto had acted in pursu-\\nance of orders such as Lord Palmerston had as-\\nsumed to exist in the case of the James Adger,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0253.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "226 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nbut which Mr. Adams had denied. This was\\nthe essential point, and the situation was greatly\\ncomplicated. Captain Wilkes had done just\\nwhat Mr. Adams had assured the Prime Minis-\\nter Captain Marchand was not instructed to do,\\nand had no idea of doing. The thing did not\\nhave an honest aspect.\\nMr. Adams returned to London with the re-\\ncollection of this unfortunate talk very fresh in\\nhis mind. It had taken place only a fortnight\\nbefore. Getting back on the evening of the\\n28th, the city was in a state of much excite-\\nment, while in the face and bearing of Lord\\nRussell, from whom he found a summons\\nawaiting him, he noticed a shade more of\\ngravity, but no ill will. Mr. Adams could\\nonly say to the foreign secretary that he was\\nwholly unadvised both as to the occurrence and\\nthe grounds of the action of Captain Wilkes.\\nNor did Mr. Seward seem in haste to enlighten\\nhim for ten days later he wrote The dis-\\npatches came, but not an allusion to the case of\\nthe Trent. Mr. Seward s ways are not those\\nof diplomacy. Here have I been nearly three\\nweeks without positively knowing whether the\\nact of the officer was directed by the govern-\\nment or not. My private letters made me anx-\\nious. Strange to relate, the uniform tone is to\\nsustain the action of Captain Wilkes. On the", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0254.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 227\\n14th, in the midst of the turmoil, Prince Al-\\nbert died a lamentable occurrence, but for the\\nmoment it served as a fortunate distraction.\\nThree days later, on the 17th of December, in\\nthe midst of the mourning, a dispatch at last\\ncame bearing indirectly on the momentous issue.\\nDated on the 30th of November, fifteen days\\nafter the San Jacinto had reached Fortress\\nMonroe, it related mainly to other subjects;\\nbut, at its close, the secretary spoke of the\\nseizure of Messrs. Mason and Slidell, referring\\nto it as a new incident, which was to be met\\nand disposed of by the two governments, if pos-\\nsible in a spirit of mutual forbearance. But\\nit was further significantly intimated that Cap-\\ntain Wilkes having acted without any instruc-\\ntions from the government, the subject is free\\nfrom the embarrassment which might have re-\\nsulted if the act had been specially directed by\\nus. I trust, the secretary then added, that\\nthe British government will consider the subject\\nin a friendly temper, and it may expect the best\\ndisposition on the part of this government.\\nTwo days later, on the 19th, Mr. Adams went\\nby appointment to the Foreign Office and had a\\nlong interview with Earl Russell, in the course\\nof which, after repeating the tenor of the dis-\\npatch, he read it in full, and the two discussed\\nits bearing in a friendly spirit, reaching the con-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0255.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "228 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nelusion that an adjustment could be arrived at\\nwith no great difficulty. The tone of the pa-\\npers, especially the Post, supposed to be the\\npersonal organ of Lord Palmerston, was, how-\\never, then so bitter and uncompromising that\\nMr. Adams was especially anxious to ascertain\\nwhether in any influential quarters war was\\nintended. He, therefore, pressed his inquiries\\nclosely as to the probable action of the gov-\\nernment in case, the demands of Great Britain\\nnot being complied with, Lord Lyons broke off\\ndiplomatic relations at Washington. Lord Rus-\\nsell, in reply, intimated that in such event hos-\\ntilities would not necessarily at once ensue.\\nOne passage in this interview afforded, how-\\never, good evidence of the friendly relations\\nwhich, notwithstanding the unsatisfactory result\\nof the negotiation over the Declaration of Paris,\\nhad now come to exist between the minister and\\nthe foreign secretary. Referring, as the talk\\nwent on, to the precedents in cases similar to\\nthat of the Trent, Mr. Adams observed that\\nthe French government had always been very\\nconsistent in maintenance of the rights of neu-\\ntrals but, in quoting Mr. Adams s language,\\nLord Russell went on to say, he added that\\nhe could not pay our government the same com-\\npliment. Meanwhile, in his turn, Mr. Adams\\nreports that, when certain English precedents", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0256.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 229\\nwere cited, Lord Russell quietly observed that\\nthere were many things said and done by them\\n[the English] fifty or sixty years ago, which he\\nmight not undertake to enter into the defense\\nof now. All which things, as Mr. Adams re-\\nmarked in reporting the conversation, were\\nsaid pleasantly on both sides. Finally, sum-\\nming up the grand result of the interview, Mr.\\nAdams wrote, On the whole I inferred that\\nhis Lordship did not desire war; but that he\\nwas likely to be pushed over the precipice by\\nhis desire to walk too close to the edge. We\\ntalked of the merits of the question very calmly.\\nFinally I took my leave at the door he said\\nthat, if all matters were left between us, he\\nhad no doubt we should soon agree to which\\nI expressed my assent.\\nStrange as it now seems, three entire weeks\\nwere yet to elapse before the tension came to an\\nend, and the surrender of the emissaries was\\nannounced. During those weeks nothing more\\nwas heard in London from the Washington\\noracle. Nothing, in fact, could very well be\\nheard, inasmuch as, to the oracle itself, the\\npolicy the United States might in the end pur-\\nsue was up to the last moment matter of the\\nutmost uncertainty. Into the details of what\\nthen took place in President Lincoln s Cabinet\\nit is not necessary here to enter but, so far as the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0257.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "230 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nlegation in London was concerned, the outward\\nindications did not favor a peaceful solution of\\nthe trouble. The course pursued by the English\\ngovernment at this time has since been criti-\\ncised, 1 and it has been claimed that the tenor of\\nthe dispatch of November 30th and of the in-\\nterview between Earl Russell and Mr. Adams\\nwas carefully concealed from the British public,\\nlest the assurance of a willingness in Washing-\\nton to settle the question in a peaceable manner\\nwould destroy the warlike enthusiasm which\\nthen pervaded the British islands. Indeed the\\nPost, on the 21st of December, published a\\nformal contradiction, supposed everywhere to be\\ninspired, of a rumor which at once got in circula-\\ntion, of the conversation of December 19th. In\\nview of the revelations since made of the debate\\nthen going on in the Cabinet at Washington\\nthis criticism can hardly be accepted as sound.\\nIt is now known that the course the United\\nStates was to pursue long trembled in the bal-\\nance. Members of the Cabinet, as of both\\nHouses of Congress, had noisily committed\\nthemselves to a policy which, under the circum-\\nstances, could end only in war. Such had to be\\nbrought into line. That they would be brought\\ninto line, and no matter with what groans, pro-\\n1 Dana s Wheaton, 504, note 228 (p. 507). Harris s The\\nTrent Affair, 134, 135, 274-277 Rhodes, iii. 534.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0258.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 231\\ntestations, and grimaces, eat their own scarcely\\nuttered words, was to the last moment question-\\nable and, until it was certain, Her Majesty s\\ngovernment, from the British standpoint, had\\nbut one course to take. Those composing it,\\nwhatever individually or in private they may\\nhave intended or wished, must evince an inflex-\\nible determination, an unchangeable purpose.\\nSecretary Seward, it is to be remembered, at\\nthis time commanded the confidence of no Euro-\\npean foreign secretary. It is wholly immaterial\\nwhether the distrust of him then so prevalent was\\nor was not well founded that it existed is indis-\\nputable, and, in this connection, enough. He\\nwas deemed unreliable, in a word, tricky.\\nThe story of the Newcastle insult also was cur-\\nrent, and was undenied yet the Duke of New-\\ncastle was a member of the Palmerston-Russell\\nministry. Moreover, while Secretary Seward\\nwas penning his conciliatory dispatch of No-\\nvember 30th, Dr. Russell was writing to the\\nTimes In the present temper of the Amer-\\nican people, no concession can avert serious com-\\nplications very long, or the surrender [by Great\\nBritain] of all the boasted privileges of the Civis\\nRomanus. I believe the government will\\nretain [Mason and Slidell] at all risks, because\\nit dare not give them up, not being strong\\nenough to do what is right in face of popular", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0259.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "232 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nsentiment. In the same journal, in its issue of\\nDecember 10th, there was another letter from\\nDr. Russell, in which, referring to a rumor cur-\\nrent in Washington when he wrote that Mason\\nand Slidell would be given up, he went on to\\nsay If it be true, this government is broken\\nup. There is so much violence of spirit among\\nthe lower orders of the people, and they are so\\nignorant of everything except their own politics\\nand passions, so saturated with pride and vanity,\\nthat any honorable concession, even in this hour\\nof extremity, would prove fatal to its authors.\\nSuch were the most authentic advices from\\nAmerica, and, only five days before Mr. Adams\\nread to Earl Russell the dispatch of November\\n30th, the Times editorially referred to a\\ngeneral persuasion that upon his ability to in-\\nvolve the United States in a war with England\\nMr. Seward has staked his official existence, and,\\nwhatever may be the consequences to America\\nof a war with this country, to him it has become\\nan article of the very first necessity. As if to\\nemphasize this persuasion, and wholly to dis-\\ncredit the pacific assurances of the secretary,\\nCongress met on the 2d of December, and the\\nsame steamer which brought Mr. Seward s dis-\\npatch brought news also of the official approval\\nof Captain Wilkes s act by the secretary of the\\nnavy, and the unanimous passage of a vote of", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0260.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 233\\nthanks to him by the national House of Repre-\\nsentatives. As the record is gone over now, the\\nnation seems to have been demented. Unques-\\ntionably it so impressed European observers.\\nMr. Thurlow Weed was then in London, and\\na carefully considered letter from him had ap-\\npeared in the Times of December 14th. Mr.\\nAdams, to whom Mr. Weed submitted the let-\\nter before sending it, thought it a little too\\nsmooth and deprecating, and told Mr. Weed\\nit would conciliate no favor. In it the writer\\ntried to smooth over the Newcastle story, merely\\nasserting that by all Americans the badinage\\nof Mr. Seward would have been readily under-\\nstood which, as an explanation, left much to\\nbe desired but he further intimated that the\\nTrent affair might best be disposed of through\\na protracted negotiation, entered into in a\\nneighborly spirit. The inference was inevi-\\ntable that Mr. Weed reflected in this suggestion\\nthe purpose of Mr. Seward, and the latter thus\\nhad in view a long paper discussion when he\\nexpressed the hope that the British government\\nwould consider the subject in a friendly spirit.\\nHowever much Senator Sumner or even Presi-\\ndent Lincoln might incline to it, the govern-\\nment and people of England did not propose to\\nhave that particular affair made the subject of\\na long paper controversy, resulting in an arbi-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0261.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "234 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntration. There can be no possible question that,\\nunder similar circumstances, the American peo-\\nple would even now evince a similar disinclina-\\ntion not less pronounced.\\nThus in London, between the 19th of Decem-\\nber, 1861, and the 8th of January, 1862, it was\\nnot clear what Secretary Seward had in mind\\nwhen he wrote the dispatch of November 30th\\nwhile grave doubts were not unfairly entertained\\nas to whether he really desired to maintain the\\npeace, or, if he did so desire, whether it was\\nwithin his power to control the American situa-\\ntion. Indeed, as matter of fact, when the secre-\\ntary of state penned his confidential dispatch\\nhe did not voice the sentiments of the Cabinet\\nat that date, much less those of Congress, or\\nthe press, or the American people. Thoroughly\\nto sober these, they needed to look the certainty\\nof a foreign war full in the face. Under such\\ncircumstances, it seems somewhat hypercritical\\nto hold to a strict ethical account those English\\nstatesmen who were responsible for great prac-\\ntical results. As Earl Russell not unjustly at\\nthe time remarked to Lord Palmerston, the\\nUnited States government are very dangerous\\npeople to run away from and when peace is\\nthe end in view, that end is not always best\\nsecured by evincing an over-conciliatory spirit.\\nSuch is apt to be construed as a disposition to", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0262.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 235\\nrun away, especially by an over-excited oppo-\\nnent who happens to be thoroughly in the\\nwrong. Certainly when thirty years later, dur-\\ning the administration of Benjamin Harrison,\\na not dissimilar situation arose between Chili\\nand the United States, the latter evinced no\\ndisposition to allow doubts to exist as to the\\ncourse it was intended in certain contingencies\\nto pursue. Studied in the light of that sub-\\nsequent occurrence the course taken and lan-\\nguage used by the government of Great Britain\\nin December, 1861, and January, 1862, stand\\namply justified.\\nMeanwhile on December 3d, four days after\\nhis first interview with Earl Russell on the sub-\\nject of the Trent, Mr. Adams himself had writ-\\nten confidentially to Mr. Seward, setting forth\\nthe situation as he saw it, and in calm, cogent\\nfashion pointed out the extreme undesirability\\nof America now placing herself in the posi-\\ntion which has always heretofore earned for\\nEngland the ill will of the other maritime na-\\ntions of the globe, not excluding ourselves.\\nOn December 21st this letter reached the State\\nDepartment but even then it was in time, for\\nnot until the 23d, two days later, was Earl Rus-\\nsell s leading dispatch of November 30th, de-\\nmanding: the release of the Confederate commis-\\nsioners and a suitable apology, formally handed", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0263.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "236 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nby Lord Lyons to Mr. Seward. It nowhere\\nappears in how far, if at all, Mr. Adams s letter\\naffected the immensely momentous discussion\\ncarried on in the Cabinet room of the White\\nHouse during Christmas Day and the day fol-\\nlowing of this year. Mr. Seward s latest bio-\\ngrapher speaks of the missive as warning and\\nvery impressive, and describes Mr. Adams as\\nbeing for Mr. Seward in that emergency a\\ntower of strength.\\nMeanwhile, in none of the discussions of the\\nTrent affair, many and minute as they have been,\\nis reference anywhere found to the confiden-\\ntial dispatch of Mr. Adams of November 15th,\\nor the report therein given of his interview with\\nLord Palmerston of three days previous. Yet\\non that occasion Lord Palmerston obviously, so\\nto speak, drew the American fire and the de-\\ntailed report of what he said had reached Wash-\\nington, and was lying on Secretary Seward s\\ntable when he penned his dispatch of Novem-\\nber 30th. It could not but have exercised a\\nmost sobering influence, and not impossibly al-\\ntered his whole tone. The contemptuous lan-\\nguage of the British Premier regarding the two\\nmen who at the very time when he spoke had\\nbeen seized, and about whom such a tremendous\\nado was now being made, and his very direct\\nintimations that their presence in Europe would\\nin no wise affect the course of affairs, must,", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0264.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 237\\nnearly a month later, have furnished the presi-\\ndential counselors more or less food for the\\nsaving second thought. In fact, it would seem\\nto be quite impossible that Secretaries Chase and\\nWelles could have listened to that statement of\\nLord Palmerston s views, as good-natured as they\\nwere timely and shrewd, without very unpleasant\\nsecret misgiving s. Theirs was the not unusual\\nfate of the precipitate statesman and a thor-\\noughly false position, never under the most\\nfavorable circumstances pleasant to contemplate,\\nbecomes especially unattractive when made sud-\\ndenly apparent by the words or actions of one s\\nopponent.\\nNot uninfluenced probably from this cause, the\\nsecretary of state had also within the last three\\nmonths otherwise undergone a decided change of\\nheart and of mind. Having recovered his mental\\npoise, he saw things clearly. No longer viewing\\nthem through a distorted medium of Union senti-\\nment in the South, Democracy, Nationality, and\\nAmericanism, instead of challenging a foreign\\nwar, he was earnestly bent on averting it. When\\nMr. Seward first reached this most fortunate\\nrealizing sense of the hard actualities of the sit-\\nuation nowhere appears. The events of July\\nprobably had much to do with his change of\\nheart. Confronted with them, he could not but\\nhave seen that the seaboard States, from Vir-\\nginia to Texas, were united as one man, and,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0265.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "238 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ndeaf to all sentimental appeal, could be dealt\\nwith only by force. For this the blockade was\\nindispensable and the blockade depended on\\nthe control of the ocean. As a maritime power,\\nGreat Britain was at that time irresistible and\\non the issue raised Great Britain was unques-\\ntionably right, excepting always her own bad\\nprecedents and, in the light of strenuous past\\ncontentions, the United States was preposter-\\nously wrong. Could a United States naval of-\\nficer, cruising in the British Channel, stop the\\nDover and Calais mail packet to take from\\nit Confederate emissaries The proposition\\nseemed to carry its own answer. Yet, as the\\nTimes in its issue of December 11th very\\nclearly and correctly pointed out, this, and no-\\nthing else, was claimed. However and when-\\never sobered, the secretary of state now saw all\\nthis as it was, and acted accordingly, persuad-\\ning the President; and, on January 8th, Mr.\\nAdams at last received a telegram to the effect\\nthat Messrs. Mason and Slidell and suite had\\nbeen surrendered. Soon after Mr. Weed came\\nin from the city with confirmatory intelligence,\\nand a later telegram put it beyond doubt. So,\\nhe wrote, the danger of war is at present re-\\nmoved and I am to remain in this purgatory a\\nwhile longer. He took the welcome result\\nvery calmly, merely remarking in his diary that\\nthe settlement left him with an impression of", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0266.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "THE TRENT AFFAIR 239\\nnothing to do. But it had its after-clap for\\nthree days later, he wrote The excitement\\nof the times has given my situation so much\\nprominence that I am a sort of mark for all\\nclasses to shoot at. The newspapers this morn-\\ning are rather lively. The Post insinuates\\nthat I suppressed Mr. Seward s dispatch relating\\nto the Trent case in order to go into the mar-\\nket under cover of Mr. Peabody and speculate\\nin the funds. The News has a very sharp\\nleader putting the Post in a very awkward\\nposition for denying, as if officially, that the dis-\\npatch had ever been communicated. It is a sin-\\ngular proceeding, and makes me doubt whether\\nthat paper is so much of an organ of Lord\\nPalmerston after all. Finally though the re-\\naction from the last craze had now fairly set in\\nand the London Times astonished Messrs.\\nMason and Slidell, fully prepared to pose as in-\\nternational martyrs grateful for rescue, by say-\\ning on the day of their arrival We do sin-\\ncerely hope that our countrymen will not give\\nthese fellows anything in the shape of an ova-\\ntion, in spite of this, the continued optimis-\\ntic tone of the secretary jarred upon the min-\\nister. Our army, he wrote, must do the\\nrest. I had a telegram from Mr. Seward full\\nof promises of what is about to be done. The\\npast future tense will not go down here and\\nhe ought to know it.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0267.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII\\nA BOUT WITH THE PREMIER\\nLord Palmerston bounded like a boy at\\nany cruelty or opj ression. Many years later,\\nduring his second premiership, at the time when\\nthe Federal General Butler outraged public\\nopinion by proclaiming at New Orleans that\\nladies who showed discontent either by their\\ndress or demeanor would be treated like women\\nof the town, he sent to the American minister an\\nindignant letter of remonstrance so strong and\\noutspoken that Mr. Adams refused to receive it,\\nand ran off with it to the Foreign Office in the\\nutmost consternation. 1\\nWith biographers, as with artists, the point\\nof view has a great deal to do with the aspect\\nof the matter or person under consideration.\\nIn writing the life of Lord Palmerston, Mr.\\nEvelyn Ashley thus alluded in a passing way to\\nan incident and correspondence, not known to\\nmany at the time it took place, and since only\\nvaguely referred to by a few writers of diplo-\\nmatic reminiscences of that period. In 1862\\n1 Ashley s Life of Palmerston, ii. 105.", "height": "3252", "width": "1940", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0268.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 241\\nthe occurrence was significant of several things\\namong others, of British wrong-headedness\\nand official insolence of the strong trend of\\nsocial feeling in London during the American\\nstruggle over slavery of the English disposi-\\ntion to take liberties with those not in position\\nto make their resentment immediately effective\\nbut, above all, of the utter inability of the Eu-\\nropean public men to understand American so-\\ncial conditions, and their practical working.\\nThe episode in question occurred in June,\\n1862. The long, depressing winter following\\nthe adjustment of the Trent affair had worn\\nitself away, and the London season was now at\\nits height though over it, socially, the recent\\ndeath of Prince Albert threw a deep gloom.\\nParliament was in session the war in America\\nwas the exciting topic of the day, whether in the\\nclub, on change, or at the dinner-table. From\\nthe outset of his English experience Mr. Adams\\nhad shared to the full in the American dis-\\ntrust of Lord Palmerston. This was largely\\ndue to the well-understood fact that the London\\nMorning Post more immediately reflected the\\nviews of the Prime Minister and, throughout\\nthe war, that journal was noticeable for its bitter-\\nness towards the Washington government and\\nthe loyal cause. There was little in the way of\\ndisparagement that could be said, which the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0269.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "242 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nPost failed to say. Socially, and otherwise,\\nLord and Lady Palmerston had been rather\\nparticularly civil to Mr. and Mrs. Adams and\\nit has already been seen that, following the\\ncourse of the Post closely in connection with\\nthe Trent affair, Mr. Adams had noticed cer-\\ntain slight indications which led him to doubt\\nwhether that paper [was] so much of an organ\\nof Lord Palmerston, after all. The American\\nminister was beginning to incline more favor-\\nably towards the Premier, when suddenly the\\noccurrence of the incident alluded to by Mr.\\nAshley prejudiced the former violently and per-\\nmanently.\\nThe spring had brought to Europe tidings of\\nan almost unbroken series of Union successes,\\nmilitary and naval. The fall of Port Donelson\\nhad followed hard upon the capture of Roanoke\\nIsland and the splendidly dramatic contest at\\nHampton Roads between the Merrimac and the\\nMonitor warned Europe of a complete revolu-\\ntion in maritime warfare. With prudence and\\nenergy for a few weeks longer, it seemed to\\nMr. Adams by no means unreasonable to hope\\nthat we may crush the rebellion before midsum-\\nmer. The tone of the newspapers of pro-\\nnounced Confederate leaning was despondent,\\nand the more prominent and influential rebel\\nsympathizers were fast becoming satisfied that", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0270.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 243\\nthe South would collapse unless soon sustained\\nfrom without. The Post was, if possible,\\nmore outspoken and bitter than ever. At last,\\non Sunday, May 11th, returning home from\\nan afternoon walk in Kensington Gardens, Mr.\\nAdams picked up from the hall table a telegram\\nfrom Mr. Seward, forwarded from Queenstown,\\nannouncing the fall of New Orleans. On go-\\ning upstairs, he wrote, I found Sir Charles\\nLyell talking with Mrs. Adams about the course\\nof the London Times on American affairs, and\\nthe singular way in which its statements are al-\\nways contradicted by the event next announced.\\nIts confidence last week as to the impossibility of\\naccomplishing the capture of New Orleans and\\nthe Mississippi River might, for what he knew,\\nbe dissipated to-morrow. At this I smiled, and\\nanswered that I had news of the event in my\\nhand. This seems to me the finishing stroke of\\nthe rebellion. However this may have proved\\nin the end, the event led immediately to a\\nsharp collision between Lord Palmerston and\\nMr. Adams.\\nGeneral B. F. Butler s memorable order No.\\n28, declaring that the women f New Orleans\\nwho insult any soldiers are to be regarded and\\ntreated as common women plying their vocation,\\nwas made public on May 15, 1862. An English-\\nman s idea of women of the town and the treat-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0271.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "244 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nment accorded them, and the ideas of an Ameri-\\ncan, differed greatly. As respects that class, the\\nLondon of 1862 was, as nearly as a so-called\\ncivilized community could be, positively shame-\\nless. No respectable woman of ordinarily attrac-\\ntive aspect could venture alone in the streets.\\nShe was almost certain to be addressed while\\nmen were invariably and openly solicited. In\\nthe United States, and especially in the cities\\nof the South, it was in both respects altogether\\notherwise. In New Orleans, for instance, the\\ndeference shown to white women was well known\\nand almost excessive. It was the custom of\\nthe country, a custom so well understood\\nthat it had long and frequently excited the\\nnotice of travelers from Europe, and more\\nthan once been the subject of amused comment.\\nThe Southern women were, so to speak, accli-\\nmated to it. Taking it as matter of course,\\nthey often assumed upon it. Especially was\\nthis the case under the excitement of the civil\\nwar and Pollard, the Confederate historical\\nwriter, describes the state of things in this re-\\nspect then existent in terms which, to a Euro-\\npean, would be inconceivable, as implying only\\none thing, and that thing a Saturnalia. The\\nintermingling, he wrote, of the best ladies\\nwith the soldiers was something curious. The\\nusual routine of social life was abandoned, and", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0272.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 245\\na universal interest in the war broke down the\\nbarriers of sex as well as of class. Even those\\nladies who were most exclusively reared, who\\nhad formerly bristled with punctilios of pro-\\npriety, admitted the right of any soldier to ad-\\ndress them, to offer them attentions, and to\\nescort them in the street. The ceremony of an\\nintroduction was not required the uniform was\\nsufficient as such.\\nUnfortunately, when, through the fate of war,\\nthe Union soldier in his federal uniform a lit-\\ntle later on took the place of the Confederate in\\nthose same streets, this female effusiveness as-\\nsumed a quite different though not less demon-\\nstrative form. In the many accounts of a cer-\\ntain famous interview between Queen Louisa of\\nPrussia and Napoleon, in October, 1806, it has\\nnever been suggested that Her Majesty began by\\nbearing herself towards the victor of Jena as if\\nhe were a Corsican dog whose mere presence was\\npollution nor does Marbot, or any other writer\\nof recollections of that period, anywhere mention\\nthat, after Austerlitz, high-born Viennese dames\\ntook occasion to empty the slops out of chamber\\nwindows at the moment when imiformed mar-\\nshals of France were passing on the pavement\\nbelow. In Spain, also, during the earlier years\\nof the century, as in India more recently, it was\\n1 Life, of Jefferson Davis, 133.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0273.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "246 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nnot the custom for the women of captured cities\\nto demean themselves in presence of a victori-\\nous British soldiery with ostentatious contempt.\\nOn the contrary, they generally sought a severe\\nseclusion, preferring for that purpose churches\\nand other holy places, the sanctity of which,\\naccording to high military authority, did not\\nalways afford them an adequate protection.\\nWith the ladies of the Confederacy it was\\naltogether different. Mr. Ashley innocently\\nsuggests that they showed discontent by\\ndress or demeanor. Had they confined\\nthemselves within those limits, at once narrow\\nand unobjectionable, it is quite safe to say that\\nthe women of New Orleans would have had in-\\ncomparably less grounds for outcry than, under\\nsimilar circumstances, did the females of Bada-\\njoz in 1812, or those of Delhi in 1857. As mat-\\nter of historical fact, however, availing them-\\nselves of the habits of deference associated with\\ntheir skirts, the demeanor of the white women\\nof Southern cities occupied by the Union army\\ntowards those wearing the federal uniform was,\\nin the early days of the war, simply both inde-\\ncent and intolerable. Not content with merely\\navoiding any contact with their victors, osten-\\ntatiously and as a contamination, they evinced\\ntheir spirit and patriotism in ways not\\nstrictly indicative of refinement, or even what", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0274.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 247\\nis usually accepted as civility of the commonest\\nkind. In fact the ladies, so called, indulged\\nin grossly insulting speech, and even spat upon\\nthe blue-clad objects of their detestation. More\\nthan this, with an ingenuity truly feline, they\\ntook advantage of the military obsequies of\\ncertain of those stationed over them who had\\nbeen murdered by guerillas, and trained their\\nchildren to cast more than contumely at the\\ncoffins of the dead, while they themselves in\\nthe immediate neighborhood evinced a conspic-\\nuous approval. This, as Butler truly remarked,\\nflesh and blood could not long stand.\\nWomen of the town in New Orleans were\\nmostly mulattoes, or half-breeds and, when\\nfound practicing their calling in public, these\\nwere, under a municipal regulation, arrested by\\nthe police, and put with other criminals in the\\ncalaboose, or lock-up. This was the American,\\nand altogether commendable, significance of\\nGeneral Butler s famous order. Under it no\\nwoman was ever maltreated and, in less than\\ntwenty-four hours, it brought the ladies of\\nNew Orleans to a wholesome realizing sense of\\nthe situation. But in London this order was\\nconstrued in an altogether different way, and in\\naccordance with the quite unmentionable prac-\\ntices then, and indeed still, to be witnessed in\\nthe parks and other public resorts of that city.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0275.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "248 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nAltogether a delicate subject, it was one upon\\nwhich the two communities spoke in different\\nlanguages and, when it was under discussion,\\nthe English simply did not understand what\\nAmericans said or had in mind. Accordingly\\nwhen Butler s order No. 28, intelligible enough\\nin America, was published in England, a storm\\nof indignation swept through the press. No\\nabuse of him who promulgated the order could\\nbe too strong no denunciation of the order\\nitself too quick or emphatic. Parliament was\\nstill in session, and apparently Lord Palmerston\\nthought that, in this matter, it was advisable for\\nhim to make an early record.\\nThe reported details of this obnoxious order\\nappeared in the London papers of June 10 th\\nand were severely commented upon. Return-\\ning from an afternoon walk the following day,\\nMr. Adams found a note which, after hastily\\nreading, he threw across the table to his son,\\nwho was writing on its other side, at the same\\ntime exclaiming What does this mean Does\\nPalmerston want a quarrel The note in\\nquestion, marked confidential, ran as follows\\nBrocket, 11 June, 1862.\\nMy dear Sir, I cannot refrain from taking the\\nliberty of saying to you that it is difficult if not im-\\npossible to express adequately the disgust which must\\nbe excited in the mind of every honorable man by", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0276.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 249\\nthe general order of General Butler given in the en-\\nclosed extract from yesterday s Times. Even when\\na town is taken by assault it is the practice of the\\ncommander of the conquering army to protect to his\\nutmost the inhabitants and especially the female part\\nof them, and I will venture to say that no example\\ncan be found in the history of civilized nations, till\\nthe publication of this order, of a general guilty in\\ncold blood of so infamous an act as deliberately to\\nhand over the female inhabitants of a conquered city\\nto the unbridled license of an unrestrained soldiery.\\nIf the Federal government chooses to be served by\\nmen capable of such revolting outrages, they must\\nsubmit to abide by the deserved opinion which man-\\nkind will form of their conduct.\\nMy dear Sir, Yrs faithfully,\\nPALiTERSTON.\\nC. F. Adams, Esq.\\nIn this extraordinary letter Mr. Adams ap-\\nprehended a latent significance. Like Napo-\\nleon s famous reception of the English ambas-\\nsador, Lord Whit worth, in 1803, it might prove\\nto be the initial step in a far-reaching policy\\nalready decided on. As Mr. Adams wrote the\\nnext day to Mr. Seward, it was in London then\\nvery generally affirmed with more and more\\nconfidence, that the two governments are medi-\\ntating some form of intervention in our struggle.\\nThe rumor now is that M. de Persigny has come\\nfrom Paris exclusively for the sake of consult-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0277.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "250 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ning on that subject. In such a connection, this\\nunprecedented act of the Prime Minister may\\nnot be without great significance. I have long\\nthought him hostile at heart, and only checked\\nby the difference of views in the Cabinet. It\\nmay be that he seeks this irregular method of\\nprecipitating us all into a misunderstanding. If\\nso, I shall endeavor, whilst guarding the honor\\nof the government as well as my own, not to\\ngive him any just ground of offense. It strikes\\nme that he has by his precipitation already put\\nhimself in the wrong, and I hope to be able to\\nkeep him there.\\nThat night Mr. Adams s rest was troubled.\\nDuring the evening he drafted a reply; and,\\nafter most careful consideration, next morning\\nsent it. It was designed to force Lord Palmer-\\nston s hand. If the latter s note was written in\\na private capacity, it was a personal affront, and\\nto be resented as such if as the head of Her\\nMajesty s government, it was a clear infringe-\\nment on the prerogatives of Earl Russell, the\\nforeign secretary. In which category did Lord\\nPalmerston propose to place himself The re-\\nply ran as follows\\nLondon, 12 June, 1862.\\nThe Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston, etc., etc.\\nMy Lord, I have to acknowledge the reception\\nof your note of yesterday, making certain comments", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0278.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 251\\nupon what is stated to be an extract from the Lon-\\ndon Times, which I find enclosed.\\nAlthough this note is marked confidential and pri-\\nvate, I cannot but feel that the fact of my consenting\\nto receive it at all must place me in a most embar-\\nrassing situation. In order that I may the better\\nunderstand my duty, I will ask it as a favor of your\\nLordship to let me know precisely the light in which\\nI am to consider it, whether addressed to me in\\nany way officially between us, or purely as a private\\nexpression of sentiment between gentlemen.\\nI have the honor to be, etc.\\nImmediately after sending the foregoing to\\nthe Prime Minister, Mr. Adams wrote to the\\nforeign secretary, requesting an interview. This\\nwas at once accorded, and Mr. Adams then\\nhanded Lord Palmerston s note to Earl Russell,\\nthe only person connected with the government\\nwhom he officially knew and, remarking that\\nit was entirely unprecedented, asked to be\\ninformed what, if anything, it signified. His\\nLordship, Mr. Adams wrote, said that this\\nwas all new to him, and of course he could say\\nnothing until he had seen Lord Palmerston.\\nHe hoped I would take no further action until\\nafter that.\\nTwo days intervened, when, having heard\\nfrom Earl Russell in the interim, Lord Palmer-\\nston sent the following in answer to the inter-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0279.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "252 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nrogatory contained in Mr. Adams s reply to his\\nprevious letter\\nBrocket, 15 June, 1862.\\nMy dear Sir, I have many apologies to make\\nto you for not having sooner answered your letter.\\nYou are of course at liberty to make such use of my\\nformer letter as you may think best.\\nI was impelled to make known to you my own per-\\nsonal feelings about General Butler s Proclamation,\\nbefore any notice of it in Parliament should compel\\nme to state my opinion publicly.\\nI cannot but hope that the President of the United\\nStates will at once have given peremptory orders for\\nwithdrawing and cancelling the Proclamation.\\nThe Federal Government are making war in order\\nto compel the Southern States to reenter the Union,\\nbut the officers and soldiers of the Federal Govern-\\nment, by their conduct not only at New Orleans but\\nas stated in private accounts which I have seen, are\\nimplanting undying hatred and sentiments of insa-\\ntiable revenge in the breasts of those whom the Fed-\\neral Government want to win back to an equal par-\\nticipation in a free Constitution.\\nMy dear Sir, Yrs faithfully,\\nPalmerston.\\nHon. C. F. Adams.\\nTo the foregoing Mr. Adams next day replied\\nas follows\\nLondon, 16 June, 1862.\\nMy Lord, I have to acknowledge the reception", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0280.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 253\\nof your Lordship s note of yesterday in reply to mine\\nof the 12th inst. I have read it with attention, but\\nI regret to perceive that it inadvertently omits to\\nfavor me with an answer to the question which I\\nrespectfully asked in it.\\nUnder these circumstances the painful embarrass-\\nment in which I am involved is in no way relieved.\\nAlthough it be true that the confidential character of\\nthe first note is now taken off by your Lordship s con-\\nsent, I notice that the word private is still at-\\ntached to both.\\nI trust your Lordship will at once understand how\\nimpossible it is for me, with any self-respect, to en-\\ntertain as private any communications which contain\\nwhat I cannot but consider most offensive imputations\\nagainst the Government which I have the honor to\\nrepresent at this Court. Imputations, too, based\\nupon an extract from a London newspaper on which\\nthe most unfavorable construction is placed without\\na moment s consideration of any other, or any delay\\nto understand the action of the Government itself.\\nI am quite certain that that Government did not\\nsend me to entertain any discussions of this kind\\nhere. It is in my view fully competent to the care\\nof its own reputation, when attacked either at home\\nor abroad. But I know it would visit with just in-\\ndignation upon its servants abroad their tame sub-\\nmission to receive under the seal of privacy any\\nindignity which it might be the disposition of the\\nservants of any sovereign however exalted to offer\\nto it in that form.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0281.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "254 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nUnder these circumstances, I feel myself compelled,\\nfor my own relief, to the painful necessity of once\\nmore respectfully soliciting your Lordship to know\\nwhether your first note of the 11th instant was de-\\nsigned in any way officially, or whether it was simply\\na private communication of sentiment between gen-\\ntlemen.\\nI have the honor to be, my Lord,\\nYr Obedient Serv t.\\nThe Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston, etc., etc.\\nNothing further transpired in the matter un-\\ntil the 19th. Mr. Adams then had a further\\nofficial interview with the foreign secretary on\\nother business after disposing of this, he re-\\nferred to the Palmerston matter which, he said,\\nkept him embarrassed. He informed Earl Rus-\\nsell that Lord Palmerston had not answered\\nmy second note, and it was now four days. His\\nLordship said he had written a note to his Lord-\\nship, to which no answer had been returned.\\nHe would write again. He intimated that the\\nthing was altogether irregular, and could be re-\\ngarded only as a private proceeding. This was\\na great relief to me, for I now saw that I had\\nall the advantage. Another admission of his\\nwas not unimportant, and that was his belief\\nthat the rebellion was drawing to its end, at\\nleast in the open field. He referred to the mo-\\ntion of Mr. Lindsay, to be proposed to-morrow", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0282.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 255\\nin the House of Commons, as one that must\\ncome to nothing. All this indicates a propi-\\ntious change in the temper of the ministry, and\\na sign that Lord Palmerston has overshot his\\nmark. I think it was the most kindly interview\\nI have had.\\nEarl Russell s reference to the motion to be\\nmade the following day in the House of Com-\\nmons probably explains the whole purpose of\\nLord Palmerston. He had contemplated a\\npiece of what can only be designated as par-\\nliamentary claptrap. Taking advantage of\\nthe loud and widespread denunciation of But-\\nler and the order No. 28, he meant to tell an\\napplauding House, in true Palmerstonian vein,\\nhow he, the Premier, had given the American\\nminister a bit of his mind on that subject.\\nUnfortunately, he found that he had, in his pre-\\ncipitation, overshot his mark, as Mr. Adams\\nexpressed it. On the one hand, put in a false\\nposition by the antagonist thus provoked, he\\nhad seriously compromised his personal relations\\nwith the minister of the United States while,\\non the other hand, he had been reminded, some-\\nwhat curtly it may be assumed, by his associate\\nin the ministry, not to meddle in matters within\\nthe latter s province. Altogether, the incident\\nwas not a subject for self-laudation. It had\\nbest be silently dismissed. Mr. Adams, under", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0283.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "256 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe circumstances, was of the same opinion, as\\nthe following diary entry shows\\nFriday, 20th June Sent a closing note to\\nLord Palmerston, assuming his note to be a with-\\ndrawal of the offensive imputations, and declin-\\ning this form of correspondence for the future.\\nI also sent the remainder to the government at\\nhome. My relief at getting out of the personal\\nquestion is indescribable. It is not for me to\\nbecome a cause of quarrel between the two coun-\\ntries at this crisis.\\nThe remainder of the correspondence was as\\nfollows\\nPrivate.\\n94 Piccadilly, 19 June, 1862.\\nMy dear Sir, You repeat in your letter of\\nthe 16th a question which our relative positions\\nmight, I think, have rendered unnecessary, namely,\\nwhether my first letter to you should be considered\\nas a communication between private gentlemen or\\nas bearing an official character.\\nIf I had been merely a private gentleman I should\\nnot have deemed myself entitled to address the Min-\\nister of the United States upon a public matter and\\nif you had been here merely as a private gentleman,\\nI should not, as Head of the Government, have\\nthought it of any use to communicate with you upon\\nany matter which might have a bearing upon the re-\\nlations between our two countries. So much for the\\nfirst part of your question.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0284.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 257\\nAs to the second part, it is well known that the\\nSecretary of State for Foreign Affairs is the regular\\nofficial organ for communications between the British\\nGovernment and the Governments of Foreign States\\nbut it is also well known that it is a part of the func-\\ntions and may sometimes be the duty of the first Min-\\nister of the Crown to communicate with the represent-\\natives of Foreign States upon matters which have a\\nbearing upon the relations between Great Britain and\\nthose States and such communications are often as\\nuseful as those which take place more formally and\\nofficially between the Secretary of State and such\\nrepresentatives.\\nNow the perusal of General Butler s Proclamation\\nexcited in my mind feelings which I was sure would\\nbe shared by every honorable man in the United\\nKingdom, and it required no great sagacity to foresee\\nthat those feelings would not be conducive to the\\nmaintenance of those mutual sentiments of good-will\\nbetween our respective countrymen, which are so\\nmuch to be desired for the interest of both nations.\\nI conceived, therefore, that I was doing good ser-\\nvice to both, by enabling you in such manner as to\\nyou might seem best, to let your Government know\\nthe impression which General Butler s Proclamation\\nhad produced in this country and I thought it bet-\\nter that you should know that impression privately\\nand confidentially from a person who is in a situation\\nto judge what the feelings of the British nation may\\nbe, rather than that you should for the first time learn\\nthem in a more public manner.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0285.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "258 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nI at the same time implied a hope that the United\\nStates Government would not allow itself to be re-\\npresented in such matters by such a person as the\\nauthor of that Proclamation. This hope, I am glad\\nto find, has proved to be well founded for we have\\nlearnt by Dispatches from Lord Lyons that all power\\nover the civil inhabitants of New Orleans has been\\ntaken away from General Butler and has been placed\\nin other hands and it appears that the new civil Gov-\\nernor has issued a Proclamation which, by promising\\nsecurity for the Honor of the inhabitants of the city,\\nvirtually and I may add virtuously annuls the pro-\\nclamation of General Butler. We have also learnt\\nwith satisfaction that the United States Government\\nhave sent to New Orleans an officer specially in-\\nstructed to inquire into and to redress certain out-\\nrageous proceedings of General Butler towards Con-\\nsular Agents of European Powers.\\nYou are pleased to say in your last letter that I\\nhave cast offensive imputations upon, and have offered\\nindignity to your government I entirely deny the\\ncharge and assert that there is nothing in my letters\\nwhich can bear it out. My observations applied to\\nthe Proclamation of General Butler and the United\\nStates Government have shown by superseding him\\nin his civil command that they shared the sentiments\\nwhich I have expressed, and they have thereby done\\nthemselves honor.\\nI am, my dear sir, yours faithfully,\\nPalmerston.\\nThe Hon ble C. F. Adams, etc., etc.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0286.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "A BOUT WITH THE PREMIER 259\\n5 Upper Portland Place, 20 June, 1862.\\nMy Lord, In all the relations which I have had\\nthe honor to hold with her Majesty s Ministers, it has\\nbeen a source of satisfaction to me to be able to say\\nthat I have met with nothing but the utmost courtesy\\nboth publicly and privately. I trust that on my part\\nI have labored not without success to act in the same\\nspirit. Your Lordship s note to me of the 11th in-\\nstant was the first instance in which that line ap-\\npeared to me to be infringed upon.\\nI now understand by the answer to my note of the\\n16th, with which your Lordship has favored me, that\\nin writing that first note you do act as First Minister\\nto the Crown, and that you do address me as the Min-\\nister of the United States. To that extent the case\\nis then resolved into a public transaction.\\nBut, on the other hand, your Lordship has put upon\\nthis apparently public act the special mark of a con-\\nfidential and a private communication, thereby, so far\\nas it may be in your power, laying an injunction of\\nsecrecy upon me, without my consent, which would\\nseem to prevent me from construing your action as\\nthat of the Government which you represent.\\nI now understand your Lordship substantially to\\nwithdraw what I cannot but regard as the precipitate\\nimplications contained in your first note, so far as\\nthey relate to the Government of the United States\\nby denying their existence. I am very happy to\\nbe able to come to that conclusion, inasmuch as it\\ndischarges me from all further responsibility in\\nthe premises. A copy of the correspondence will", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0287.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "260 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nbe transmitted to the Government of the United\\nStates-\\nIt is however no more than proper to add that the\\ndifficulties in the way of this anomalous form of pro-\\nceeding seem to me to be so grave, and the disad-\\nvantage under which it places those persons who may\\nbe serving as diplomatic representatives of foreign\\ncountries at this Court so serious, as to make it my\\npainful duty to say to your Lordship that I must\\nhereafter so long as I remain here in a public capa-\\ncity decline to entertain any similar correspondence.\\nI have the honor to be, my Lord,\\nY r very obed t Serv t.\\nThe Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston, etc., etc.\\nMr. and Mrs. Adams now discontinued their\\ncustomary attendance at the receptions at Cam-\\nbridge House. The manner in which the wily\\nand really good-natured Prime Minister, acting\\nafter his wont in such cases through the skillful\\ncooperation of Lady Palmerston, subsequently,\\nwhen he thought desirable so to do, renewed\\nsocial relations, was interesting and eminently\\ncharacteristic but to recount it is beyond the\\nscope of the present sketch.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0288.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV\\nTHE COTTON FAMINE\\nTino European diplomatic situation from an\\nAmerican point of view was, in the yens L861\\nand L862, sufficiently delicate without being\\nmade more so l y the intervention of either the\\noverzealous naval officer or the overbearing\\nPrime Minister. In the Trent affair and in the\\nButler correspondence both these intruded them-\\nselves on Mr. Adams. In qo respect was his\\nbed one of roses. These difficulties once dis-\\nposed of, the problem reduced itself to its natu-\\nral elements. They were comparatively sim-\\nple. It was a question whether the efforts of\\nthe moneyed, commercial, and aristocratic cir-\\ncles of Great Britain, stimulated by Napoleon\\nIII., to precipitate W^y Majesty s government\\ninto some kind of a participation in che Ameri-\\ncan war, could be held in check until either the\\nmoral, anti-slavery sentiment of England could\\nbe aroused, or the forces of the I nion shoidd\\nassert an indisputable supremacy. To the last\\nresult an effective blockade was indispensable\\nand of course an effective blockade; of the Con-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0289.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "262 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nfederacy implied for Europe the almost com-\\nplete stoppage of its cotton supply.\\nThe supreme test was, therefore, to be applied\\nat the exact point and in the way foreshadowed\\nby B. C. Yancey to his brother, the Confederate\\nEuropean commissioner, at Montgomery, in Feb-\\nruary, 1861. He then, it will be remembered,\\nadvised W. L. Yancey not to go to Europe as\\nthe diplomatic representative of the Confed-\\neracy, relying solely on the efficacy of cotton to\\nproduce all desired results and, while so doing,\\npointed out that in Great Britain Cobden and\\nBright would certainly oppose the recognition\\nof a slaveholders Confederacy. Cobden and\\nBright, he asserted, were the leaders of the la-\\nboring classes, and to the views and wishes of\\nthe laboring classes Her Majesty s government\\nalways in the end paid deep respect. Jefferson\\nDavis, on the other hand, had rested the whole\\nforeign policy, and as a result the domestic\\nfate, of the Confederacy, on the absolute com-\\nmercial, and consequently the political, suprem-\\nacy of cotton. The demand for it would prove\\nirresistible, and so compel European intervention.\\nSix months was the period allotted, in which it\\nwas to assert its supremacy. Mr. Adams was\\nnow, as a most interested spectator, to have a\\nchance to observe once more, on a different field\\nand a larger scale, the struggle between Con-\\nscience and Cotton.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0290.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 263\\nThe parties to the contest on the side of Cot-\\nton have already been referred to. They in-\\ncluded whatever was most in evidence in Great\\nBritain, birth, position, wealth, the profes-\\nsions, and Lombard Street. On the side of\\nConscience the array was meagre. B. C. Yan-\\ncey had specified Messrs. Cobden and Bright\\nonly, as the leaders of the British laboring\\nclasses and Mr. Adams so found them but,\\nso far as America was concerned, both these\\ngentlemen had to yield priority to William E.\\nForster, only three months before elected to\\nParliament as member from Bradford. Through-\\nout the struggle now impending Mr. Forster\\nproved the most earnest, the most courageous,\\nand the most effective friend the United States\\nhad among men prominent in English public\\nlife. 1 Mr. Adams, when he arrived in London,\\nhad absolutely no European acquaintance. Mr.\\nCobden he had met during one of that gentle-\\nman s numerous visits to America, dining in his\\ncompany at the house of John M. Forbes on\\nMilton Hill, in June two years before. He had\\n1 When, seven years later. Mr. Adams was about to return\\nhome at the close of his mission, he requested Mr. Forster to\\naccept from him a set of the Works of John Adams,\\nwhich he had brought out to England, and reserved for the\\nperson whom I most esteem, as well for his stanch and un-\\nvarying support of a policy of good- will to America as for his\\npersonal qualities as I have observed them in private inter-\\ncourse.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0291.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "264 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthen found himself a little disappointed in Mr.\\nCobden. He thought him a man of capacity\\nand information, but without any of the lighter\\ngraces and refinements which are only given\\nby a first-class classical education, a modern\\nEnglishman, of the reform school. John\\nBright he had of course heard of. Mr. Forster\\nhe had never either seen or heard of until, on\\nthe morning of May 14th, the clay after Mr.\\nAdams reached London, that gentleman called\\non him at his hotel, coming at once to talk\\nconcerning the course of the government, and\\nthe mode of meeting the parliamentary action\\nalready initiated by the friends of the Confed-\\neracy. He feared that a proclamation was\\nabout to be issued which, by directly acknow-\\nledging the slave States as a party establish-\\ning its right by force, would tend to complicate\\naffairs very considerably. In the subsequent\\nprotracted struggle, stretching over the next\\nthirty months, Mr. Adams was in constant com-\\nmunication with these three gentlemen, and they\\nrendered the United States services of inesti-\\nmable value. In fact, it is not too much to say\\nthat, but for them, intervention in all prob-\\nability could not have been averted, or the\\nblockade maintained. Yet they were all in the\\ncotton manufacturing interest, representing re-\\nspectively Rochdale, Birmingham, and Bradford.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0292.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "si", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0295.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0296.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 265\\nCuriously enough also, Mr. Cobden, at that\\ntime politically much the most influential of\\nthe three, was on broad general principles op-\\nposed to blockades. He considered them, like\\nprivateering, a survival from a barbarous past,\\nand contended that in future they should, by\\nthe common consent of civilized nations, be\\nlimited in operation to arsenals, dockyards, and\\nmilitary strongholds. 1 He wanted the United\\nStates now to come forward and establish a pre-\\ncedent. So he repeatedly urged on Mr. Adams\\nthe voluntary abandonment by the United States\\nof its blockade of the Confederacy, on the\\nground that it did the Union cause more harm\\nthan good. In taking this position he was\\ndoubtless influenced by his point of view as a\\nmanufacturer, and the representative of cotton-\\nspinners but the fact that his advice was dis-\\nregarded and his commercial interests sacrificed\\nnever deflected his political action. He re-\\nmained absolutely true to his fundamental prin-\\nciples. Temporary suffering and pecuniary loss\\nto the contrary notwithstanding, he set human\\nfreedom and the elevation of the masses of man-\\nkind above the whir of spindles.\\nThe European cotton famine of 1861-63, at\\nthe time a very momentous affair, is now for-\\n1 Speech at Manchester, Octoher 25, 1862. Speeches, 451-\\n454. Morley s Life of Cobden, 575.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0297.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "266 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ngotten yet upon it hung the fate of the Ameri-\\ncan Union. It has already been shown how, in\\nthe diplomatic game of the Confederacy, it was\\nthe one great card in their hand the card sure,\\nin their belief, to win and, as their game grew\\ndesperate, the Confederate leaders played that\\ncard for all it was worth. Of cotton as a great\\ncommercial staple the South enjoyed a practical\\nmonopoly, and the crop of 1800, the largest on\\nrecord, had gone forward in the regular way.\\nThe shipments were practically complete when\\nthe blockade of April, 1801, was declared. By\\nthe spring of 1802, the supply in European\\nports was running ominously low. Estimated\\non May 1, 1801, at nearly 1,500,000 bales, on\\nthe same date a year later it had become\\nreduced to only 500,000. In Liverpool the\\nstock had shrunk from close upon 1,000,000 to\\na little more than 300,000 bales, while the price\\nper pound had risen from seven to thirteen\\npence. The shrinkage, too, was wholly in the\\nAmerican product and the figures relating to\\nthat were most significant as bearing on the\\ngrowing effectiveness of that blockade, which\\nthe Confederate emissaries were in the habit of\\nreferring to, with well-simulated contempt, as a\\nmere paper pretense. But in May, 1802, the\\nefficacy of the blockade was read in the cot-\\nton quotations; for, during the preceding six", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0298.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 2G7\\nmonths, the quantity received from America\\nhad been only 11,500 bales, while in the corre-\\nsponding period of 18G0-61 it had been 1,500,-\\n000, more than one hundredfold the quantity\\nnow received. In Manchester and Liverpool\\nthe distress was already indisputably great, and,\\nmoreover, obviously increasing. One half of\\nthe spindles of Lancashire were idle, and in the\\ntowns of Blackburn and Preston alone over\\n20,000 persons were dependent on parochial aid.\\nOf seventy-four mills in Blackburn in the early\\ndays of September, 18G2, eighteen were run-\\nning full time, sixteen short time, and thirty\\nwere entirely closed the weekly loss of wages\\namounted to one thousand pounds. Blackburn\\nwas typical; other manufaeturing communities\\nwere in scarcely better plight. The newspapers\\nwere full of pitiable cases of individual destitu-\\ntion public meetings were held the subject\\nwas brought before both Houses of Parliament.\\nThe strain on the Poor Laws was so severe that\\ntheir modification was considered but still the\\ndistress was not so great as had before been\\nknown, nor were the local resources exhausted.\\nMeanwhile the period of six months, originally\\nassigned by the Confederate economical authori-\\nties as the extreme limit of European endurance,\\nwas already long passed, and some among them\\nbegan to entertain doubts. Among these was", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0299.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "268 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nWilliam L. Yancey. His observations in Eu-\\nrope had widened his vision and when return-\\ning home in March, 1862, he reached New Or-\\nleans, though in the course of a public speech\\nmade in the rotunda of the St. Charles Hotel,\\nhe intimated a belief that necessity would\\nshortly compel a European raising of the block-\\nade, he significantly added It is an error to\\nsay that Cotton is King. It is not. It is a\\ngreat and influential power in commerce, but\\nnot its dictator.\\nIn the manufacturing districts the situation\\ngrew rapidly worse, became in fact well-nigh\\nunendurable. On the one hand, the looms\\nwhich in 1860 had consumed on an average\\n40,000 bales of American cotton a week, now\\nmight count upon receiving, perhaps, 4000 on\\nthe other hand, the unprecedented price brought\\nby the staple failed, for reasons elaborately ex-\\nplained, to stimulate the production of India\\nand Egypt to the extent necessary to meet the\\ndeficiency. In May, 1862, American cotton\\nruled at thirteen pence per pound. It con-\\ntinued at about that price until July, when it\\nrose to seventeen pence and thence, in Au-\\ngust, shot up first to twenty pence, and after-\\nwards, by speculative leaps and bounds, it went\\nup and up, until, at last, on September 3d, it\\nwas quoted at half a crown a pound. Such", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0300.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 269\\nfigures were unheard of but, even at thirty-\\npence, the fast vanishing supply on hand at\\nLiverpool was depleted by shipments to Havre\\nand New York. The French and American\\nspinners were in the market at any price. Of\\ncourse none but the best equipped mills, turn-\\ning out the finest fabrics, could manufacture\\nsuch costly raw material for, in view of the\\nrelative prices of the raw material and the coarser\\nmanufactured fabric, it was now much more pro-\\nfitable to hold cotton for a rise than to turn it\\ninto cloth. The situation was thus complicated\\nby a wild speculative movement, and the mill-\\nowner, who was fortunate enough to have a stock\\nof cotton on hand, shut down, because he could\\nmake more as a speculator than as a spinner.\\nMeanwhile as he grew rich on an unearned\\nincrement, the idle operatives starved. Thus\\nthe inferior mills closed their gates, while those\\nof the better class ran on reduced time, two,\\nthree, or four days in the week. By the end\\nof September, out of 80,000 operatives in five\\nlocalities in Lancashire, only 14,000 were work-\\ning full time, while the remaining 66,000 were\\nabout equally divided between those working\\non short time and those wholly idle. In twenty-\\nfour unions 156,000 persons were reported as\\nreceiving parochial relief, and the number was\\nthen increasing at the rate of 6000 a week. As", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0301.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "270 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ncompared with the same time in the previous\\nyear, the war then not yet being six months\\nold or the crop of 1860 cotton exhausted, the\\nsituation was deemed very bad the number of\\napplicants for relief had increased nearly three-\\nfold. Before the end of October conditions\\nwere appreciably worse. In the same number\\nof unions 176,000 people were receiving relief\\nin six consecutive weeks 35,668 persons had\\nbecome paupers while the wholly unemployed\\nexceeded those working on full time by nearly\\ntwo to one. At the beginning of 1861, the con-\\nsumption of cotton in Great Britain was esti-\\nmated at 50,000 bales per week at the close of\\n1862 it had fallen to 20,000 bales, of very in-\\nferior weight as well as quality. The weekly\\nloss of wages was computed at $100,000. The\\nlocal resources, municipal and voluntary, were\\nexhausted, or inadequate for the work of relief,\\nand a call for aid went forth. The response\\nwas generous. Not only were large private\\nsubscriptions forthcoming, but collections were\\ntaken up throughout the United Kingdom, while\\nAustralia, Canada, India, and even China sent\\nin their contributions. Between the 9th of\\nJune and the 31st of December the Central\\nExecutive Committee having the work of relief\\nin hand charged itself with no less than \u00c2\u00a3593,-\\n000 received from these sources. Meanwhile,", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0302.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 271\\nin spite of this magnificent giving, the columns\\nof the press teemed with instances of dire suf-\\nfering.\\nIn France the situation was no better; in-\\ndeed, owing to the deeper poverty of the popu-\\nlation at the manufacturing centres, some as-\\nserted that it was worse. At Rouen, of 50,000\\noperatives ordinarily engaged in spinning, weav-\\ning, dyeing, etc., 30,000 were absolutely with-\\nout occupation. In the adjoining country dis-\\ntricts, out of 65,000 hand-looms, one fifth only\\nwere at work. It was estimated that in a single\\ndistrict no less than 130,000 persons, aggre-\\ngating with those dependent upon them a total\\nof some 300,000 souls, were absolutely destitute,\\nall because of the cotton famine. The editor of\\nthe Revue des Deux Mondes declared that a\\nsum of twelve millions of francs was required to\\nmaintain these people for three months, even\\nsupposing that cotton would be forthcoming at\\nthe end of that time. The estimate was of\\ncourse based on the supposition that immediate\\nmeasures would be taken to raise the blockade.\\nThe extraordinary feature in the situation\\nwas, however, the patience of the victims and\\nthe organs of the Confederacy noted with ill-\\nsuppressed dismay the absence of political\\ndemonstrations, to urge upon a neglectful gov-\\nernment its duty towards its suffering subjects,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0303.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "272 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nand to enforce at once the rules of international\\nlaw and the rights of an injured and innocent\\npopulation. A distinctly audible whine was\\nperceptible in their utterances. It is, one of\\nthem said, the great peculiarity of England\\nthat the heart of the country is thoroughly re-\\nligious. The plain issue, then, between the two\\nnations, was therefore naturally overlooked by\\nthose whose programme in America was the law\\nof conscience overriding the law of the land\\nand the prominence they gave to the slave ques-\\ntion was especially directed to the religious pub-\\nlic in England. And well has it answered their\\npurpose. To this very hour the great mass of\\nthe people have no other terms to express the\\nnature of the conflict. It is to no purpose that\\nargument, fact, and experience have shown the\\nutter indifference of the North to the welfare of\\nthe negro the complete appreciation by the\\nslaves themselves of the sham friendship offered\\nthem and, still more, the diabolical preaching\\nof the ministers of God s word, who rely on\\nSharp s rifles to carry out their doctrines. The\\nemancipation of the negro from the slavery of\\nMrs. Beecher Stowe s heroes is the one idea of\\nthe millions of British who know no better, and\\ndo not care to know. In truth, the fundamen-\\ntal sin of the Confederacy had found it out.\\nLiterally, and in no way figuratively, the curse", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0304.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 273\\nof the bondsman was on it. Rarely, indeed, in\\nthe history of mankind, has there been a more\\ncreditable exhibition of human sympathy, and\\nwhat is known as altruism, than that now wit-\\nnessed in Lancashire. The common folk of\\nEngland, Lincoln s plain people, workless and\\nhungry, felt what the wealthier class refused to\\nbelieve, that the cause at issue in America was\\nthe right of a workingman to his own share in\\nthe results of his toil. That cause, they in-\\nstinctively knew, was somehow their cause, and\\nthey would not betray it. So no organized cry\\nwent up to break the blockade which, while it\\nshut up cotton, was throttling slavery.\\nYet not for six months, or until the close of\\n1862, did the distress show signs of abatement.\\nDuring those months the weekly returns of the\\npoor were watched with an anxiety hardly less\\ngreat than if they had been the bills of mor-\\ntality in a time of plague. The quotations of\\ncotton marked unerringly the severity of the\\npressure. Touching thirty pence at the begin-\\nning of September, before the close of the year\\nit ruled five pence lower. A falling market\\nthen put a stop to speculation, and cotton in\\nstore began to find its way to the market. The\\nstaple was no longer hoarded, and the stock on\\nhand was found to be materially larger than\\nhad been supposed. In a speech made by him", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0305.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "274 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nat this time, Mr. Gladstone estimated that of\\nthe entire number of persons concerned in the\\nmanufacture of cotton fabrics, one eighth only\\nwere at full work, three eighths were working\\nshort time, while one half were wholly idle. Of\\nthe unemployed and their families, 250,000 were\\npaupers, and 190,000 dependent to a greater or\\nless degree on the relief societies the entire\\ncharge, public and private, was \u00c2\u00a344,000 per\\nweek. The loss of wages he computed at eight\\nmillions sterling a year. Nevertheless, natural\\ncauses were bringing about a gradual measure\\nof relief. Thus early in January, 1863, the\\nnumber of dependent persons was reported at\\nnearly 457,000 in April this number had fallen\\nto 364,000 and it further feU to 256,666 in\\nJune. At the close of the year it was 180,000\\nand, though the price of American cotton still\\nruled at twenty-six pence, the supply of the\\nstaple from all sources in 1863 was more than\\ntwenty-five per cent, greater than in 1862. By\\nthat time, therefore, all danger from a cotton\\nscarcity was over. The Confederacy had staked\\nits whole foreign policy on a single card and\\nthe card had failed to win. Yet the failure was\\ndue to no sudden contingencies beyond human\\nprevision. It was, on the contrary, a com-\\nplete case of miscalculating overconfidence,\\nthe means were inadequate to the end. The", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0306.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 275\\npressure had been applied to the full extent,\\nand every condition contributed to its severity.\\nThe warehouses were bursting with manufactured\\ngoods, the overproduction of the previous year,\\nwhich alone, through glutted markets, would\\nhave caused a reaction and extreme consequent\\ndullness in the manufacturing centres. This\\nnatural result was vastly aggravated by the\\nblockade, which shut off the raw material from\\nsuch of the mills as would still have kept run-\\nning. The speculator, waiting for the last\\nfarthing of the rise, then held the scanty stock\\non hand unspun. The other cotton-producing\\ncountries responded but slowly to the increased\\ndemand, and then only with a very inferior\\narticle, the spinning of which spoiled the ma-\\nchinery. Finally the Confederacy held its en-\\nemy at arm s length during five times the period\\nevery Southern authority had fixed upon as\\nample in which to establish King Cotton s su-\\npremacy. Nothing sufficed. An alleged dynasty\\nwas fairly and completely dethroned. It was a\\ngreat game, and the leaders of the Confederacy\\nwere skillful gamblers as well as desperate. In\\nthat game, so lightly and confidently entered\\nupon, they held what proved to be a large card\\nbut it was not the absolutely decisive card they\\nthought it and, as is not unusual at the gam-\\ning table, there proved to be in the hands", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0307.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "276 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nengaged other and more than counterbalancing\\ncombinations. The bondsman and nineteenth\\ncentury self-sacrifice had not been sufficiently\\ntaken into account. Conscience carried it over\\nCotton.\\nOne more feature in this episode remains to\\nbe mentioned for it was not without its influ-\\nence on that deep underlying stratum of public\\nopinion which carried the American cause\\nthrough its crisis. By the tales of misery in\\npatient Lancashire, the sympathies of all Eng-\\nlish-speaking communities had been deeply\\nstirred. Contributions poured in from the re-\\nmotest regions of the earth. Within the thir-\\nteen months ending June 30, 1863, charity pro-\\nvided nearly two millions sterling for the relief\\nof distress, in addition to \u00c2\u00a3625,000 derived\\nfrom the local poor rates. Of gifts in kind,\\nclothing and blankets by the bale, coal by the\\nton, and flour by the barrel had come in, each\\nin thousands. On the 6th of December John\\nBright wrote to Mr. Sumner I see that some\\none in the States has proposed to send something\\nto our aid. If a few cargoes of flour could come,\\nsay 50,000 barrels, as a gift from persons in\\nyour Northern States to the Lancashire work-\\ningmen, it would have a prodigious effect in\\nyour favor here. As if in magic response to\\nthe thought, there now came to the Mersey in", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0308.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "THE COTTON FAMINE 277\\nquick succession three food-laden relief-ships\\nfrom New York, the Hope, the George Gris-\\nwold, and the Achilles. America then had its\\nown burdens to bear. The amounts expended\\nfrom public and private sources for the dis-\\ntressed of Lancashire during the fifteen months\\nof famine were computed as reaching the amaz-\\ning sum of $12,000,000, while the aggregate of\\nloss sustained in wages alone was estimated at\\nfifty millions. These were large amounts. They\\nimplied much suffering of a varied nature. Yet\\nthe entire contribution, great and significant as\\nit was, would not have sufficed to cover the ex-\\npenditure and waste involved on the side of the\\nUnion alone in a single month of the trans- Atlan-\\ntic struggle then going on; while the sum total\\nwhether of human suffering or of pecuniary loss\\nsustained throughout Great Britain because of\\nthe cotton famine was less than that endured\\neach fortnight by the combined American peo-\\nple at home and in the field. That in the midst\\nof such stress carnage, wounds, and devasta-\\ntion food by the cargo was forthcoming as a\\ngift from those involved in the real agony of\\nwar to those for whom that war had occasioned\\ndistress, passing though sharp, was neither un-\\nnoticed nor barren of results.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0309.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV\\nTHE CRISIS OF RECOGNITION\\nMeanwhile, in the month of September,\\n1862, during the severest stress of the cotton\\nfamine, the cause of the Union had in Europe\\npassed its crisis, that in which the full recog-\\nnition of the Confederacy, and the consequent\\nraising of the blockade through the armed in-\\ntervention of Great Britain and France, were\\nmost imminent. The secret history of what\\nthen took place, giving to the course of events\\nits final shape, has never as yet been fully re-\\nvealed but, though nervously conscious of the\\nimminence of danger, Mr. Adams could only\\nwatch the developments, powerless to influence\\nthem, except adversely by some act or word\\non his part a mistake.\\nAll through the summer of 1862 the min-\\nisters of Napoleon III. were pressing the British\\ngovernment towards recognition, and the utter-\\nances of English public men of note were be-\\ncoming day by day more outspoken and signifi-\\ncant. Of these, some were of little moment\\nothers meant more. It did not much matter,", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0310.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF RECOGNITION 279\\nfor instance, that the honest, but ill-balanced\\nand somewhat grotesque, John Arthur Roe-\\nbuck, when addressing his constituency at\\nSheffield on August 8th, referred, in the pre-\\nsence of Lord Palmerston, to the United States\\nas a people that cannot be trusted, and to\\nthe Union army as the scum and refuse of\\nEurope. It was not much more to the purpose\\nthat he denounced the North as having put\\nforward a pretense, and declared that they\\nare not fighting against slavery, while the\\nwhole effort to reunite the country was an\\nimmoral proceeding, totally incapable of suc-\\ncess. Finally his appeal to the noble Lord,\\nthen present, to weigh well the consequences of\\nwhat he calls perfect neutrality, would not\\nunder ordinary circumstances have carried much\\nweight with the Premier. The same may be\\nsaid of Mr. Beresford-Hope, who, in his ad-\\ndress about the same time to the electors of\\nStoke-upon-Trent, bewailed the unhappy in-\\nfatuation which had led the North to venture\\nits all upon the cast for empire, misnamed lib-\\nerty, and thus to risk its own moral degra-\\ndation and then pledged himself to vote in\\nParliament to place the Confederate States\\namongst the governments of the world. Nor\\nwas Mr. Lindsay of much greater moment when,\\nat Chertsey, he declared the question practi-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0311.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "280 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ncally settled, and asked Is there one man in\\na thousand in this country who thinks that the\\nbroken Union can be restored then pro-\\nceeding to denounce this wicked, this worthless\\nwar. These men, and men like these, carrying\\nwith them little weight in life, were speedily\\nforgotten when dead. Not so Mr. Gladstone,\\nwho now at Newcastle, on October 7th, was be-\\ntrayed into utterances which he was afterwards\\nat much trouble to explain. There is no\\ndoubt, he said, amid loud cheers from his au-\\ndience, that Jefferson Davis and other leaders\\nof the South have made an army they are\\nmaking, it appears, a navy and they have made\\nwhat is more than either, they have made a\\nnation. We may anticipate with certainty\\nthe success of the Southern States so far as re-\\ngards their separation from the North. I can-\\nnot but believe that that event is as certain as\\nany event yet future and contingent can be.\\nMr. Gladstone was then chancellor of the ex-\\nchequer the date of the utterance was October\\n7th. Both time and utterance were significant\\nnor did the latter pass unchallenged. In the\\nPalmerston-Russell ministry Sir George Corne-\\nwall Lewis held the position of secretary of\\nstate for war. An able, an upright, and a cour-\\nageous public man, Sir George Lewis, in direct\\nresponse to Mr. Gladstone, and almost imme-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0312.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF RECOGNITION 281\\ndiately afterwards, at a meeting at Hereford,\\non the 14th, while admitting that, in the general\\nopinion of Great Britain, the contest woidd\\nissue in the establishment of the independence\\nof the South, went on to declare that it could\\nnot be said the Southern States of the Union\\nhad de facto established their independence,\\nor were in a position to be entitled to recogni-\\ntion on any accepted principles of public law.\\nIt was not without reason that Mr. Lindsay,\\nreferring a few days later to this speech of Sir\\nGeorge Lewis s, remarked that he had reason\\nto believe the barrier that stopped the way [to\\na recognition of the Confederacy] is not any of\\nthe great powers of Europe, is not the unani-\\nmous cabinet of England, but a section of that\\ncabinet.\\nSuch was the fact and the danger was ex-\\ntreme. Lord Palmerston had at last made up\\nhis mind that the time had come. Accordingly,\\non September 14th, he wrote to Earl Russell\\nsuggesting a joint offer by Great Britain and\\nFrance of what is in diplomatic parlance known\\nas good offices. This Earl Russell was now\\nquick to approve. He, too, thought the occasion\\nmeet. I agree with you, he wrote in reply to\\nPalmerston on September 17th, the time is\\ncome for offering mediation to the United States\\ngovernment, with a view to the recognition of", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0313.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "282 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe independence of the Confederates. 1 atrreo\\nfurther that, in case of failure, we ought our-\\nselves to recognize the Southern States as an\\nindependent state He went on to suggest an\\ntarly meeting of the cabinet to pass upon the\\nquestion. On the 28d the Premier acknow-\\nledged the note of the foreign secretary, pro-\\nnouncing the plan of the latter excellent,\\nadding characteristically Of course the offer\\nwould he nuule to hoth t he contending parties at\\nthe same time; for, though the offer would be\\nas sure to he accepted l the Southerners as\\nwas the proposal of the Prince of Wales to the\\nDanish Princess, yet, in the one case as the\\nother, there are certain forms which it is decent\\nami proper to go through. Might it not he\\nwell to ask luissia to join Pngland ami Prance\\nin the off er of mediation? We should be\\nbetter without her, because she would be too\\nfavorable to the North but, oil the other hand,\\nher participation in the offer might render the\\nNorth more willing to accept it. The middle\\nof October was the time he suggested for action.\\nNaturally, the two heads of the ministry took it\\nfor granted that their concurrence would control\\nits action. It proved otherwise; and hence the\\ngreat significance of Sir George Lewis s Here-\\nford utterances in response to those of Mr. (Had\\nstoue. The difference was pronounced the", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0314.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF RECOGNITION 283\\nseveral ministers were admitting the public into\\ntheir confidence. Lord Russell, however, per-\\nsevered. A confidential memorandum, outlin-\\ning the proposed policy, went out and a call\\nwas issued for a cabinet meeting on October\\n23d, for its consideration. The authority of the\\ntwo chieftains to the contrary notwithstanding,\\nthe division of opinion foreshadowed by the\\nremarks of Sir George Lewis proved so serious\\nthat the meeting was not held. The Duke of\\nArgyll and Mr. Milner Gibson were the two\\nmost pronounced Americans in the cabinet\\nand they received a measured support from Mr.\\nC. P. Villiers and Sir George Lewis. The Con-\\nfederate emissaries in London had access to ex-\\ncellent sources of information far better, in-\\ndeed, than those at the command of Mr. Adams.\\nTheir organ, a little later, thus referred to the\\nattitude of the government On matters of\\npublic policy the cabinet must, in some sense,\\nthink alike there must be a cabinet opinion.\\nNow, on many questions, and especially on\\nthe American question, there prevails the great-\\nest disunion of feeling among the members of\\nthe cabinet. Some of them sympathize strongly\\nwith the Confederate States. Others are\\ndevoted to the North. Others, and notably the\\nPrime Minister, care nothing for either party.\\nThey do not care to involve themselves in", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0315.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "284 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nany difficulty foreign or domestic, by siding with\\nthe Confederates and their only wish is to let\\nthe matter alone. At present this party practi-\\ncally determines the action, or rather inaction,\\nof the cabinet which is quite aware that any\\nattempt to have an opinion or lay down a policy\\nin regard to American affairs must be fatal to\\nthe very pretense of accord, and to its official\\nexistence. Therefore the ministry does nothing,\\nbecause nothing is the only thing which the dif-\\nferent sections can agree to do. The question,\\nso far as Great Britain was concerned, thus\\nfrom this time forth became one of internal\\npolitics, social divisions, and parliamentary ma-\\njorities.\\nMeanwhile, following indications closely, Mr.\\nAdams had in July anticipated some such action\\nof the British and French governments as being\\nthen in contemplation not yet matured, he felt\\nsure it was in mind. Mischief to us in some\\nshape, he wrote, will only be averted by the\\nfavor of Divine providence on our own efforts.\\nI wrote a full dispatch to Mr. Seward. In\\nthat dispatch he asked for further and explicit\\ninstructions as to the course he should pursue,\\nif approached by Earl Russell with a tender of\\ngood offices. The response reached him about\\nthe middle of August, a few days only after Mr.\\nRoebuck had orated at Sheffield before his con-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0316.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF RECOGNITION 285\\nstituency and the Prime Minister. So far as\\nexplicitness was concerned, the instructions now\\nreceived were in no way deficient. Carrying the\\nstandard entrusted to him high and with a firm\\nhand, the secretary bore himself in a way of\\nwhich his country had cause to be proud. The\\npaper read in part as follows\\nIf the British government shall in any way\\napproach you directly or indirectly with propo-\\nsitions which assume or contemplate an appeal\\nto the President on the subject of our internal\\naffairs, whether it seem to imply a purpose to\\ndictate, or to mediate, or to advise, or even to\\nsolicit or persuade, you will answer that you are\\nforbidden to debate, to hear, or in any way re-\\nceive, entertain, or transmit any communication\\nof the kind. You will make the same answer\\nwhether the proposition comes from the British\\ngovernment alone or from that government in\\ncombination with any other power.\\nIf you are asked an opinion what reception\\nthe President would give to such a proposition,\\nif made here, you will reply that you are not\\ninstructed, but you have no reason for supposing\\nthat it would be entertained.\\nIf contrary to our expectations the British\\ngovernment, either alone or in combination with\\nany other government, should acknowledge the\\ninsurgents, while you are remaining without", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0317.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "286 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nfurther instructions from this government con-\\ncerning that event, you will immediately sus-\\npend the exercise of your functions, and give\\nnotice of that suspension to Earl Russell and to\\nthis department. If the British government\\nmake any act or declaration of war against the\\nUnited States, you will desist from your func-\\ntions, ask a passport, and return without delay\\nto this capital. I have now in behalf of the\\nUnited States and by the authority of their\\nchief executive magistrate performed an im-\\nportant duty. Its possible consequences have\\nbeen weighed, and its solemnity is therefore\\nfelt and freely acknowledged. This duty has\\nbrought us to meet and confront the danger of\\na war with Great Britain and other states allied\\nwith the insurgents who are in arms for the\\noverthrow of the American Union. You will\\nperceive that we have approached the contem-\\nplation of that crisis with the caution which\\ngreat reluctance has inspired. But I trust that\\nyou will also have perceived that the crisis has\\nnot appalled us.\\nIgnorant of the September correspondence\\nbetween the Prime Minister and the foreign sec-\\nretary, but with this letter of instructions in his\\ndesk, Mr. Adams had on October 8th read the\\nreport of Mr. Gladstone s Newcastle speech.\\nIf he, Mr. Adams wrote, be any exponent", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0318.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF RECOGNITION 287\\nat all of the views of the cabinet, then is my\\nterm likely to be very short. The next day\\ncame more indications and he added: We\\nare now passing through the very crisis of our\\nfate. I have had thoughts of seeking a confer-\\nence with Lord Russell, to ask an explanation of\\nMr. Gladstone s position but, on reflection, I\\nthink I shall let a few days at least pass, and\\nthen perhaps sound matters incidentally.\\nMaking a visit at this time to the Forsters,\\nthan whom, he wrote, no persons in England\\nhave inspired me with more respect and regard,\\nMr. Adams communicated to his host in con-\\nfidence the substance of my instructions. He\\nthought 1 ought to make the government aware\\nof them, before they committed themselves. A\\nfew days later came the speech of Sir George\\nLewis, and Mr. Adams, still anxiously noting\\nthe situation, wrote: I think [Gladstone]\\novershot the mark; but he rightly regarded\\nthe cabinet meeting then called for the 23d as\\nbeing decisive of the policy now to be pursued.\\nI so wrote to the government to-day.\\nExactly what passed in anticipation of this\\ntruly crucial cabinet meeting has remained a\\nstate secret. The Palmerston-Russell ministry\\nfrom the beginning held office by an uncertain\\ntenure it held it, indeed, through the acquies-\\ncence and silent support of a large element in", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0319.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "288 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe ranks of the Conservatives, who recognized\\nin the Prime Minister one of themselves. He\\nhad outlived opposition, and was now accepted\\nas a species of party compromise. He would\\nremain in office as long as he lived, provided\\nalways he presented no strong issue, whether\\ninternal or foreign. He understood the situa-\\ntion perfectly, and held parliamentary reform\\nin abeyance, on the one hand, while, on the\\nother, he did not countenance intervention.\\nThe moral sentiment of Great Britain on the\\nissue of African slavery was not yet fully\\naroused, and from all other sides the pressure\\nfor recognition and the raising of the blockade\\nwas strong. Lord Palmerston, as his correspond-\\nence with Earl Russell shows, was quite ready\\nto yield to the pressure, had it not involved a\\nbreak. But it so chanced that it did involve a\\nbreak and the ministerial ranks were not strong\\nenough to stand a break. Sir George Lewis s\\nutterances, backed by Cobden, Bright, and\\nForster, were very ominous. Probably consider-\\nations prevailed then similar to those which two\\nyears later led the same two chieftains to a re-\\nluctant acquiescence in a like cautious policy\\nin the Schleswig-Holstein imbroglio. As to\\ncabinets, Lord Palmerston then wrote to Earl\\nRussell, if we had colleagues like those who\\nsat in Pitt s cabinet, you and I might have our", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0320.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF RECOGNITION 289\\nown way on most things but when, as is now\\nthe case, able men fill every department, such\\nmen will have opinions, and hold to them.\\nHowever this may have been, Mr. Adams on\\nthe afternoon of October 23d, the date fixed for\\nthe canceled cabinet meeting, had an official\\ninterview with the foreign secretary, at which,\\nafter disposing of some matters of nominal\\nimportance, he got to the real object in\\nthe interview. Referring to the departure of\\nLord Lyons from London for Washington, he\\nhaving in reality been detained by the govern-\\nment until its American policy had been de-\\ncided upon, I expressed, Mr. Adams wrote,\\nthe hope that he might be going out for a long\\ntime. I had, indeed, been made of late quite\\nfearf id that it would be otherwise. If I had en-\\ntirely trusted to the construction given by the\\npublic to a late speech, I should have begun to\\nthink of packing my carpet-bag and trunks.\\nHis Lordship at once embraced the allusion\\nand, whilst endeavoring to excuse Mr. Glad-\\nstone, in fact admitted that his act had been\\nregretted by Lord Palmerston and the other\\ncabinet officers.\\nUnknowingly, and with the narrowest possi-\\nble margin of safety, the crisis had been passed.\\nThree weeks later, Mr. Adams made the follow-\\ning diary entry", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0321.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "290 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nFriday, 14th November, 1862 Some ex-\\ncitement here by the publication of a letter of\\nM. Drouyn de Lhuys, the new minister of for-\\neign affairs in Paris, proposing to the courts of\\nEngland and Russia a joint offer of mediation\\nin the American struggle, to begin with an ar-\\nmistice of six months. This letter is dated on\\nthe 15th of last month, so that it has probably\\nbeen already answered by both governments.\\nThe general impression here is that it has been\\ndeclined. I have a letter from Mr. Dayton to-\\nday, giving the substance of his conference with\\nM. Drouyn de Lhuys, and reporting him as say-\\ning that in case of the other powers declining\\nnothing would be done. It is nevertheless a\\nstrange move.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0322.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVI\\nTHE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION\\nIn the mean time one of the great events of\\nthe century had taken place in America. On\\nSeptember 22d, while the British Prime Minis-\\nter and foreign secretary were corresponding\\nwith a view to the immediate recognition of the\\nslaveholders Confederacy, the Emancipa-\\ntion Proclamation of President Lincoln had\\nbeen made public. Slavery as an issue in the\\nstruggle then going on could no longer be de-\\nnied or ignored. It was there and it was\\nthere to stay. The knot was cut the shackles\\nwere knocked off.\\nThe ultimate influence of this epochal move\\nin Europe, especially in Great Britain, was im-\\nmense but, at the moment, it seemed to excite\\nonly astonishment, mingled with scorn and hor-\\nror. It was not even taken seriously. Indeed,\\na reprint of the editorials of the leading Eng-\\nlish papers of that date would now be a literary\\ncuriosity, as well as a most useful vade mecum\\nfor the race of ready, editorial writers. An in-\\nstructive memorial of human fallibility, it might", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0323.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "292 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\npreserve from many future pitfalls. Not a\\nsingle one of the London journals of 1862 rose\\nto an equality with the occasion. An event oc-\\ncurred second in importance to few in the de-\\nvelopment of mankind the knell of human\\nbondage was sounded, and one more relic of\\nbarbarism ceased yet, having eyes they saw\\nnot, having ears they did not hear. Purblind\\nand deaf, they only canted and caviled. The\\ntone varied from that of weak apology in the\\nfriendly News, to that of bitter denunciation\\nin the hostile Post. The Times charac-\\nterized the Proclamation as a very sad docu-\\nment, which the South would answer with a\\nhiss of scorn. It was instructive merely as\\nproof of the hopelessness and recklessness\\nof those responsible for it while, as an act of\\npolicy, it is, if possible, more contemptible\\nthan it is wicked. The Morning Herald\\npronounced it an act of high-handed usurpa-\\ntion, with no legal force whatever.\\nHad Mr. Davis himself directed the course of\\nhis rival, we do not think he could have dic-\\ntated a measure more likely to divide the North\\nand to unite the border States firmly with the\\nSouth. The Post remarked It is scarcely\\npossible to treat seriously of this singular mani-\\nfesto. If not genuine, the composition would be\\nentitled to no little praise as a piece of match-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0324.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 293\\nless irony. The Standard pronounced the\\nwhole thing a sham intended to deceive\\nEngland and Europe the wretched make-\\nshift of a pettifogging lawyer. The Daily\\nTelegraph accused President Lincoln and his\\nadvisers of having fallen back upon the most\\nextravagant yet most commonplace dodges of\\nthe faction that placed them in power. Mean-\\nwhile, the more kindly disposed News pro-\\nnounced the step thus taken feeble and halt-\\ning, and gave as its opinion that the Procla-\\nmation had not the importance which some\\npersons in England are disposed to attach to\\nit. These extracts are all from the issues of\\nthe leading London journals of a single day\\n(October 7, 1862) but they sufficiently illus-\\ntrate the tone of thought and the state of feel-\\ning in which Mr. Adams was then compelled to\\ndraw the breath of life. It was bitterly, aggres-\\nsively, vindictively hostile.\\nIt was another case of people using the same\\nspeech, and yet talking in different tongues.\\nEven when he honestly wished so to do, the\\nEnglishman could not understand America, or\\nthings American and now he did not wish to.\\nHe had read General Butler s order No. 28, as\\nhe would have read a similar order governing\\nthe action of an English soldiery in India or a\\nFrench soldiery in Spain. It was an invitation", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0325.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "294 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nto outrage. So now he saw in the Proclamation\\neither mere emptiness, or an incitement to ser-\\nvile insurrection. If not, as he believed and\\nhoped, an idle menace, it meant a repetition\\nof the horrors of the Sepoy mutiny, then only\\nfour years gone and fresh in English memory,\\nor a renewal on an infinitely larger scale of the\\nunforgettable atrocities of St. Domingo. That\\nby any possibility it should prove in the result\\nwhat it actually did prove, never at the time\\ndawned on the average cockney brain nor, in-\\ndeed, did the possessors of that brain welcome\\nthe idea when at last it forced its way there.\\nIt is, in fact, difficult now to realize the lan-\\nguage used in 1862-63 towards the men of the\\nNorth by Englishmen who professed the most\\nintimate knowledge of them. For instance, a\\nMr. Cowell, who had at one time lived for sev-\\neral years in the United States as the represent-\\native of no less an institution than the Bank of\\nEngland, but was now residing in apparent re-\\ntirement at Cannes, in a pamphlet published\\nabout this time, in reference to points in the\\nYankee national character which ought to be\\nborne in mind, thus delivered himself The\\nnarrow, fanatical, and originally sincere puri-\\ntanism of their ancestors has, in the course of\\nsix generations, degenerated into that amalgam\\nof hypocrisy, cruelty, falsehood, unconsciousness", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0326.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 295\\nof the faintest sentiments of self-respect, coarse-\\nness of self-assertion, insensibility to the opin-\\nions of others, utter callousness to right, bar-\\nbarous delight in wrong, and thoroughly moral\\nruffianism, which is now fully revealed to the\\nworld as the genuine Yankee nature and of\\nwhich Butler, Seward, etc., who are pure repre-\\nsentative Yankees, afford such finished exam-\\nples. And it was from the government of a\\ncommunity of this character that the Emanci-\\npation Proclamation of 1862 was, among those\\ncomprising certain influential classes of British\\nsociety, supposed to have emanated.\\nTo Mr. Adams, the adoption of the policy\\nset forth in the Proclamation seemed a mere\\nquestion of time. It was emancipation through\\nmartial law that solution of the trouble which\\nhad been predicted by his father time and again\\nin Congress a quarter of a century before and\\nnow, when at last it came, as he observed the\\neffect of its announcement on his British sur-\\nroundings, his feelings found expression in that\\nstern Puritan speech, characteristic of the stock\\nand of the man. Communing, after his wont\\nwith himself, he wrote in his diary I do not\\npretend to peer into the future but this terrible\\nseries of calamities appears as a just judgment\\nupon the country for having paltered with the\\nevil so long. God have mercy on us, miserable\\noffenders", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0327.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "296 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nFor a time after the news of the Proclama-\\ntion reached Europe, the friends of the Confed-\\neracy seemed to have exclusive control of both\\npress and platform. Examples of journalistic\\nutterance have been given those of the average\\ngentleman lecturer and member of Parliament\\nwere scarcely more discreet. Of the former\\nclass, Mr. Beresford-Hope energetically charac-\\nterized the Proclamation as this hideous out-\\nburst of weak yet demoniacal spite, and the\\nmost unparalleled last card ever played by a\\nreckless gambler. Of the latter class, Mr.\\nLindsay hastened to declare that Instead of\\nbeing a humane proclamation, it was, in fact, a\\nspecimen of the most horrible barbarity, and a\\nmore terrible proclamation than had ever been\\nissued in any part of the world. A Mr. Pea-\\ncocke, member from North Essex, towards the\\nclose of October, at a great Conservative de-\\nmonstration at Colchester, went even further than\\nMr. Lindsay, declaring of the Proclamation that,\\nif it was worth anything more than the paper\\non which it was inscribed, and if the four mil-\\nlions of blacks were really to be emancipated on\\nJanuary 1st, then we should be prepared to wit-\\nness a carnage so bloody that even the horrors of\\nthe Jacquerie and the massacres of Cawnpore\\nwould wax pale in comparison. The eman-\\ncipation proclamation, even if it had been in the", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0328.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 297\\ninterest of the negro, would have been a political\\ncrime but when we reflect that it was put forth,\\nnot in the interest of the negro or of civilization,\\nbut that it was merely a vindictive measure of\\nspite and retaliation upon nine millions of whites\\nstruggling for their independence, it was one\\nof the most devilish acts of fiendish malignity\\nwhich the wickedness of man could ever have\\nconceived. The distress of these gentlemen\\nshould have been greatly alleviated when, at\\nabout this time, the special correspondent of\\nthe Times, writing from the Confederacy on\\nthe effect of the Proclamation, but exercising the\\ncommon capacity for self-deception to another\\nend, gravely assured the British public that,\\nAgain and again the slaves have fled from the\\nYankee army into the swamp to escape a com-\\npulsory freedom and there is abundant evidence\\nthat if a being so morally weak and nerveless as\\nthe African could be made to fight for anything,\\nhe would fight for slavery much rather than for\\nliberty.\\nA few days later, with characteristic blunt-\\nness, Mr. Bright said in a letter, I applaud\\nthe proclamation; and for the United States to\\nemerge from the contest leaving the slave still\\na slave will expose [it] to the contempt of the\\ncivilized world. The Confederate or\u00c2\u00ab;an in\\n1 London Times, December 1, 1862.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0329.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "298 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nLondon, commenting on this letter, spoke with\\nmeasurable accuracy when it announced in reply-\\nthat every organ of a considerable party\\npronounced the edict infamous, and that a\\nsimilar opinion of it was entertained by every\\neducated and nearly every uneducated English-\\nman.\\nBut, as the weeks went on they at last brought\\nwith them significant indications of a deep un-\\ndercurrent of opposing sentiment and on Jan-\\nuary 2, 1863, a gentleman from Manchester\\nthe great city of Lancashire, and the centre of\\nthe cotton famine, then at its worst called on\\nMr. Adams, bringing him a copy of an address\\nto the President from a meeting of workingmen\\nheld on the last day of the previous year. I\\nwas glad to seize the occasion to express my\\nsatisfaction with it, wrote Mr. Adams. It\\nwas quite a strong manifestation of good feel-\\ning. There certainly is much sympathy felt\\nin the lower classes, but little or none by the\\nupper. On the 16th a committee called to\\npresent the resolutions of the British Emanci-\\npation Society on the Proclamation, which had\\nbeen confirmed as finally operative by the mails\\nof three days before. Even then, so dubious\\nwas the chairman of the organization as to the\\neffect of the step on public opinion, that he\\nevinced a strong disposition to defer action.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0330.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 299\\nBut, wrote Mr. Adams, later in the day,\\n[when] the committee came, it proved so numer-\\nous and respectable that I heard no more of\\nMr. Evans s scruple. He, as chairman, pre-\\nsented to me the resolutions after which Mr.\\nP. A. Taylor, member of Parliament from\\nLeicester, the Rev. Baptist Noel, Rev. Newman\\nHall, and Mr. Jacob Bright made some remarks,\\nall expressive of earnest sympathy with Amer-\\nica in the present struggle. There can be little\\ndoubt that now is the time to strike the popular\\nheart here and the effect may be to checkmate\\nthe movement of the aristocracy. In other\\nwords, Mr. Adams was now working on the very\\nelements in Great Britain which, two years be-\\nfore at Montgomery, B. C. Yancey had pointed\\nout to his brother as fatal to the chances for\\nrecognition of a slaveholders Confederacy.\\nSoon the addresses began to pour into the\\nLegation in a steady and ever-swelling stream.\\nIt is clear, wrote Mr. Adams, that the cur-\\nrent is now setting strongly with us among the\\nbody of the people. This may be quite useful\\non the approach of the session of Parliament\\nor, as B. C. Yancey had expressed it Suffrage\\nhad not then been enlarged to reach the labor-\\ning classes, but the government was scarcely\\nless respectful of their wishes on that account.\\nOn January 29th a meeting was held in Exeter", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0331.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "300 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nHall, reported as one of the most extraordi-\\nnary ever made in London, proving to Mr.\\nAdams conclusively the spirit of the middle\\nclasses here as well as elsewhere. For the\\nfirst time since he had been in England, he had\\nthe cheering consciousness of sympathy and\\nsupport. It will not change the temper of the\\nhigher classes, he wrote, but it will do some-\\nthing to moderate the manifestation of it.\\nFour days later the delegation from the Exeter\\nHall meeting called to present the address. I\\nreceived them, wrote Mr. Adams, in my din-\\ning-room, which was very full. The body\\nseemed to be clergy but all looked substantial\\nand respectable. The chairman made some re-\\nmarks explanatory of the difficulties previously\\nin the way of a movement of this kind. Then\\ncame remarks from different speakers, some\\nvery good, and others quite flat [but] there\\nwas no mistaking the tone, which was strong\\nand hearty in sympathy with us. I think there\\ncan be little doubt that the popular current now\\nsets in our favor. They left me with hearty\\nshakes of the hand, that marked the existence\\nof an active feeling at bottom. It was not the\\nlukewarmness and indifference of the aristo-\\ncracy, but the genuine English heartiness of\\ngood-will.\\nThe organ of the Prime Minister at this time", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0332.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 301\\neditorially referred to the Exeter Hall meeting\\nas a great disgrace to the Christian religion,\\nand an egregious blunder as a step towards\\nemancipation. In so doing, it voiced the sen-\\ntiments of the ruling class. Cobden voiced\\nthose of the laboring classes and Cobden now\\nwrote to Sumner I know nothing in my\\npolitical experience so striking, as a display of\\nspontaneous public action, as that of the vast\\ngathering at Exeter Hall, when, without one\\nattraction in the form of a popular orator, the\\nvast building, its minor rooms and passages, and\\nthe streets adjoining, were crowded with an\\nenthusiastic audience. That meeting has had a\\npowerful effect on our newspapers and politi-\\ncians. It has closed the mouths of those who\\nhave been advocating the side of the South.\\nAnd I now write to assure you that any un-\\nfriendly act on the part of our government\\nno matter which of our aristocratic parties is in\\npower towards your cause is not to be appre-\\nhended. If an attempt were made by the gov-\\nernment in any way to commit us to the South,\\na spirit would be instantly aroused which would\\ndrive that government from power. The tri-\\nbune of the British people and the organ of the\\nPrime Minister of England thus saw the thing\\nfrom different points of view. The result shortly\\n1 The Morning Post, Saturday, 31st January, 1863.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0333.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "302 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nshowed which was right. From this time on\\nnothing but an outburst of patriotic, warlike\\npassion, provoked by some untoward incident\\nlike that of the Trent, could have sufficed to\\nmaster the rising voice of English conscience.\\nIt was the final demonstration of the soundness\\nof the advice his brother gave Mr. Yancey, two\\nyears before, so often already alluded to\\nUnless the (Confederate) government should\\nsend a Commission (to Europe) authorized to\\noffer commercial advantages so liberal that the\\nExeter Hall influence could not withstand them,\\nthe British government, however well disposed,\\nwould not venture to run counter to the anti-\\nslavery feeling by recognition of the Confederate\\nStates. Cobden and Bright, B. C. Yancey had\\nadded, were the leaders of the laboring classes\\nand Cobden and Bright would oppose the\\nrecognition of a slaveholders Confederacy. 2\\nParliament assembled February 5th, only two\\ndays after the Exeter Hall delegation had pre-\\nsented the address to Mr. Adams, and six days\\nbefore Mr. Cobden wrote to Mr. Sumner, setting\\nforth its significance. The most marked in-\\ndication, wrote Mr. Adams, respecting Amer-\\nican affairs, was the course of Lord Derby and\\nMr. D Israeli [in] the debate on the address,\\nwhich decidedly discouraged movement. On\\n1 Life and Times of W. L. Yancey, 588, 589.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0334.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 303\\ntheir minds the effect of the President s procla-\\nmation on public sentiment here has not been\\nlost. Nor had its effect on that sentiment\\nbeen lost on the Times. The utterances of\\nthe Thunderer on the contrary were now\\nmore than ever significant, and expressive of\\nthe views of those among whom it circulated.\\nEead in the light of forty years after, they have\\nan interest still\\nThough there is little homage to principle\\nin the President s proclamation, any attempt on\\nthe part of the American government, however\\ntardily, reluctantly, and partially made, to\\nemancipate any portion of the negro race, must\\nhave an effect on the opinion of mankind, and\\ntend to what we have never doubted would in\\nsome way or other be the final result of this\\nwar, the abolition of slavery. But our exulta-\\ntion is by no means without misgivings.\\nIf the blacks are to obtain the freedom he pro-\\nmises them, it must be by their own hands.\\nThey must rise upon a more numerous, more in-\\ntelligent, better-armed, and braver community\\nof whites, and exterminate them, their wives\\nand children, by fire and sword. The President\\nof the United States may summon them to this\\nact, but he is powerless to assist them in its ex-\\necution. Nay, this is the very reason why they\\nare summoned. Mr. Lincoln bases his act", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0335.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "304 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\non military necessity, and invokes the consider-\\nate judgment of mankind and the judgment of\\nAlmighty God. He has characterized his own\\nact mankind will be slow to believe that an\\nact avowedly the result of military considera-\\ntions has been dictated by a sincere desire for\\nthe benefit of those who, under the semblance\\nof emancipation, are thus marked out for de-\\nstruction, and He who made man in His own\\nimage can scarcely, we may presume to think,\\nlook with approbation on a measure which, un-\\nder the pretense of emancipation, intends to re-\\nduce the South to the frightful condition of St.\\nDomingo. In the midst of violent party\\ndivisions, in ostentatious contempt of the Con-\\nstitution, with the most signal ill success in war,\\nhe is persisting in the attempt to conquer a na-\\ntion, to escape whose victorious arms is the only\\ntriumph which his generals seem capable of\\ngaining. Every consideration of patriotism and\\npolicy calls upon him to put an end to the hope-\\nless contest, but he considers the ruin is not\\ndeep enough, and so he calls to his aid the ex-\\necrable expedient of a servile insurrection.\\nEgypt is destroyed but his heart is hardened,\\nand he will not let the people go.\\nAnd thus the slave-owners, and not the slaves,\\nwere in London, in the early days of 1863,\\nlikened unto the children of Israel escaping", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0336.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 305\\nfrom the land of bondage while Abraham Lin-\\ncoln figured, somewhat incongruously, as the\\ngreat and only American Pharaoh As he read\\nday by day these effusions of vindictive cant and\\nsimulated piety, it is small matter for surprise\\nthat, restrained in expression as he habitually\\nwas, Mr. Adams impatiently broke out in his\\ndiary Thus it is that the utter hollowness of\\nthe former indignation against America for up-\\nholding slavery is completely exposed. The\\nmotives of that censure, as for the present emo-\\ntion, are jealousy, fear, and hatred. It is im-\\npossible for me to express the contempt I feel\\nfor a nation which exhibits itself to the world\\nand posterity in this guise. It is a complete\\nforfeiture of the old reputation for manliness\\nand honesty.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0337.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVII\\nTHE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS\\nCaptain James H. Bulloch, formerly of\\nthe United States navy, but later the duly ac-\\ncredited naval agent in Europe of the Confed-\\neracy, had at this time long been busy negotiat-\\ning with the shipbuilders and shipowners of\\nGreat Britain, and sending out to the Confed-\\nerate ports large consignments of munitions of\\nwar. Coming direct from Montgomery, he had\\nreached Liverpool on June 4, 1861. Through\\nhis indefatigable efforts, the keel of the Oreto,\\nafterwards famous as the Florida, had, within a\\nmonth of his arrival, been laid and, on August\\n1st following, he closed a contract with the\\nMessrs. Laird, large Liverpool shipwrights, for\\nthe construction of the Alabama, or 290, as\\nshe was called, that number simply designating\\nher order among the vessels constructed in the\\nLaird yards at Birkenhead. The Alabama was\\nnot launched until the 15th of May, 1862. She\\nwas then put in course of rapid preparation for\\nsea.\\nThe purpose for which the 290 was de-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0338.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 307\\nsigned was at Liverpool matter of common town\\ntalk. She was to be a Confederate commerce-\\ndestroyer. The British Foreign Enlistment Act\\nhad been examined by counsel on behalf of the\\nConfederate agent, and its provisions riddled.\\nThere was no question whatever that the act\\nwas designed to provide against the fitting out\\nof warlike expeditions in the ports of Great\\nBritain, and especially to prevent those ports\\nbeing made the base of naval operations against\\nfriendly powers or, in the language of the en-\\nactment, the fitting out, equipping, and arming\\nof vessels for warlike operations. Counsel\\nlearned in the law now, however, advised that\\nthere was nothing in the act which made illegal\\nthe building of a warship as one operation\\nand nothing which prevented the purchase of\\nthe arms and munitions to equip such vessel,\\nwhen built, as another operation. But the two\\nmust be kept distinctly separate. If, then, hav-\\ning been thus kept separate, they subsequently\\ncame together, this combination constituted no\\nviolation of the law, provided the result a\\nman-of-war, armed, equipped, and in every way\\nready for service was brought about in some\\nforeign waters more than one marine league\\nfrom the British coast. Subsequently this con-\\nstruction of the statute was gravely propounded\\nin Parliament by ministers and law repre-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0339.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "308 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nsentatives of the crown, and, at last, for-\\nmally laid down for the guidance of juries by\\nthe Lord Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer.\\nObviously, the law and its administration were\\ntogether brought into contempt and any gov-\\nernment official, from the Prime Minister down,\\nwho might endeavor to enforce the manifest in-\\ntent of the statute, or honestly to regard the\\ninternational obligations of the country, must do\\nso at his peril, and with a distinct understand-\\ning that any jury before which the case might\\nbe brought would find heavy damages against\\nhim. The construction of vessels, built avowedly\\nfor war purpose, and designed as Confederate\\ncommerce-destroyers, seemed, therefore, likely\\nto prove an industry at once safe and lucrative.\\nIf a delivery to the party ordering them was\\nprevented, the government would have to in-\\ndemnify every one.\\nNaturally, this extremely technical and thor-\\noughly characteristic construction of the Neu-\\ntrality Act failed to commend itself to the repre-\\nsentatives of the United States in Great Britain.\\nThat it was at the time highly acceptable to the\\nParliament, the press, and the moneyed and com-\\nmercial classes of that country was apparent. It\\nwas looked upon also as an exceeding good joke.\\nIndeed, it had its side of broad humor. The pas-\\nsengers on English packets, which a little later", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0340.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 309\\nfell in with the Alabama, cheered her vociferously\\nand to the echo. Was she not a Mersey-built\\nship, armed with English guns, manned by Brit-\\nish sailors She was destroying the commerce\\nof the United States and yet in her construction\\nand equipment, judge, counsel, and ministers\\nwere all agi-eed that no law had been violated, nor\\nhad any disregard been shown to Her Majesty s\\nProclamation of Neutrality. The Yankee had\\non this occasion at least been fairly outwitted.\\nNone the less, while the shipbuilders, the law-\\nyers, and the government officials were busy over\\nthe preliminaries of this elaborate international\\nburlesque, and before the final perpetration of\\nthe joke, the gradual completion of the 290\\nwas watched with sleepless eyes by Mr. Dudley,\\nthe very efficient United States consul at Liver-\\npool, and Mr. Adams was kept fully advised as\\nto her state of preparation. He, in his turn,\\nbombarded the Foreign Office with depositions\\nand other evidence in regard to her. These\\nHer Majesty s government had under constant\\nconsideration but they were uniformly advised\\nby the crown lawyers that a sufficient case\\nagainst the vessel had not been made out.\\nCaptain Bulloch, meanwhile, was fully in-\\nformed as to the movements of Mr. Dudley and\\nMr. Adams, and prepared to balk them. The\\ncrew of the Enrica, as the 290 was called, was", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0341.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "310 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nengaged, but not all shipped, lest their num-\\nber and indiscreet talk should attract notice,\\nfurnishing further evidence against her. She\\nwas to meet her consort, carrying her muni-\\ntions and armament, including an additional\\nsupply of coal, in the Azores, at the Bay of\\nPraya. No precautions calculated to evade the\\nprovisions of law had been omitted.\\nIn July, 1862, heavy military reverses both in\\nVirginia and Tennessee had followed the Union\\nsuccesses of the spring of that year, and the\\nspirits of those sympathizing with the Confeder-\\nates, a vast majority of the English people, had\\nso rallied that Mr. Adams well-nigh despaired\\nof being able much longer to counteract the\\nhostile influences. There is not, he despond-\\ningly wrote, much disguise now in the temper\\nof the authorities. As to the government\\nauthorities at Liverpool, there was certainly\\nno disguise, or pretense even of disguise,\\nso far as their individual sympathies were con-\\ncerned. They were pronounced in their Con-\\nfederate leanings though, as matter of course,\\nthe usual protestations were made as respects the\\nimpartial performance of what in such cases is\\nusually denominated duty. Unfortunately, it\\nwas not a question of common town talk or pub-\\nlic notoriety for probably not one human being\\nin Liverpool who had given any attention to the", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0342.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 311\\nmatter questioned for an instant that the war-\\nvessels then under forced construction at Birken-\\nhead were intended for the service of the Con-\\nfederacy. On this head the collector of the\\nport, Mr. S. Price Edwards, unquestionably-\\nentertained as little doubt as either the Laird\\nBrothers or Captain Bulloch. When, however,\\nit came to evidence of the fact, the man willfully\\nshut his eyes, and would not be convinced by\\nanything possible to obtain. The imputation\\nand strong circumstance which led directly to\\nthe door of proof were nothing to Mr. Edwards\\nhe wanted ocular demonstration, and that of\\ncourse Mr. Dudley could not furnish. It was\\nafterwards suggested by high authority that the\\nAmerican agents should have then gone directly\\nto the Messrs. Laird, and asked them frankly if\\nthey did not propose to violate the law and, in\\nsuch case, the high character of these gentle-\\nmen would doubtless have insured either a refus-\\nal to answer or a truthful answer. This ex-\\ntremely ingenuous method of procedure probably\\nnever occurred to Consul Dudley and, on his\\nside, the collector would seem to have deemed\\nnothing short of the open admission of a crimi-\\nnal intent by the parties in interest as sufficient.\\nImputations of corruption were subsequently\\n1 Opinion of Sir Alexander Cockburn in the Geneva arbi-\\ntration. Papers Belating to the Treaty of Washington, iv. 453.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0343.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "312 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ncurrent, involving Mr. Edwards and it was\\neven whispered that he was the private but\\nmost reliable source from which the Confed-\\nerate agents received the confidential intima-\\ntions which enabled the Alabama to escape de-\\ntention. There is no evidence whatever that\\nsuch was the case. On the contrary, Mr. Col-\\nlector Edwards would appear to have been simply\\nan honest but obtuse man, of decided Confeder-\\nate proclivities, who thought to protect him-\\nself against official responsibility by insisting\\non the impossible. It is doubtful, however,\\nwhether even he could have had the effrontery\\nto propose to the American consul the unique\\nmethod of securing evidence afterwards sug-\\ngested by Lord Chief Justice Cockburn. While\\nthe statute law of the realm was unquestionably\\nbeing turned into a manifest farce, everything\\nwas done gravely and in an orderly way and it\\nwould have been manifestly unbecoming to in-\\nject into the performance at its then stage\\nbroad practical jokes of a distinctly side-split-\\nting character.\\nIt is not necessary here to enter into a detailed\\naccount of what now took place, and the efforts,\\nstrenuous and sustained, put forth by Mr. Adams\\nto induce the British government to respect its\\nown laws and its treaty obligations. The groimd\\nhas since that time been most thoroughly trav-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0344.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 313\\nersed, and the printed matter relating to it\\namounts to a literature in itself. It is sufficient\\nto say that not only did British ministries repre-\\nsenting both parties in the state subsequently\\nconcede that the course then pursued by those\\nresponsible for the government could not be\\njustified, but Earl Russell himself within a year,\\nand while still foreign secretary, admitted to\\nMr. Adams that the case of the Alabama was a\\nscandal, and, in some degree, a reproach\\nto the laws of Great Britain. Finally, while as\\na history the work of James F. Rhodes is marked\\nby a sobriety of tone not less commendable than\\nthe good temper and thoroughness of research\\nthroughout evinced in it, yet when he came to\\nmaking a summary of the performances connected\\nwith this incident, that grave author felt moved\\nto remark that, while to do justice to them com-\\npletely baffles the descriptive pen of the histo-\\nrian, they would have been most useful and sug-\\ngestive to the writer of an opera-bouffe libretto,\\nor to Dickens for his account of the Circumlocu-\\ntion Office. 1\\nIt is sufficient here to say that after represen-\\ntation on representation, accompanied by endless\\ndocuments and affidavits, designed to prove that\\nwhich every one knew, had been for months for-\\nwarded to the Foreign Office, and there pro-\\n1 History of the United States, iv. 88.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0345.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "314 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nnounced defective or inadequate, the American\\nminister on July 23d addressed another com-\\nmunication to Lord Russell, so that the refusal to\\nact may be made as marked as possible. Two\\ndays earlier, on the 21st, Collector Edwards had\\nby letter notified the Commissioners of Customs\\nat London that the ship appears to be ready\\nfor sea, and may leave at any hour she pleases.\\nDirectly appealed to by the American consul,\\nthe Commissioners of Customs, on the 23d, with\\nthis letter of their Liverpool subordinate before\\nthem, declined to act. This was on Wednesday.\\nBefore the close of the week the papers from\\nthe Foreign Office relating to the case, covering\\nevidence strong and conclusive in the words\\nof Mr. Adams, and backed by a still stronger\\nopinion of leading English counsel, had, in\\nthe bandying process, reached the table of the\\nQueen s advocate, Sir John Harding. He just\\nthen broke down from nervous tension, and\\nthereafter became hopelessly insane. His wife,\\nanxious to conceal from the world knowledge of\\nher husband s condition, allowed the package to\\nlie undisturbed on his desk for three days,\\ndays which entailed the destruction of the Amer-\\nican merchant marine and it was on the first of\\nthese days, Saturday, July 26, 1862, that Captain\\nBulloch, at Liverpool, received information\\nfrom a private but most reliable source that it", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0346.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 315\\nwould not be safe to leave the ship at Liverpool\\nanother forty-eight hours. On the following\\nMonday accordingly the Alabama, alias the\\n290, alias the Enrica, was taken out of\\ndock, and, under pretense of making an additional\\ntrial trip, steamed, dressed in flags, down the\\nMersey, with a small party of guests on board.\\nIt is needless to say she did not return. The\\nparty of guests were brought back on a tug,\\nand the Enrica, now fully manned, was, on the\\n31st, off the north coast of Ireland, headed sea-\\nward in heavy weather. A grave international\\nissue had been raised, destined to endure and\\nbe discussed throughout the next ten years.\\nShortly before the 290, subsequently world-\\nrenowned as the Alabama, thus evaded the ex-\\ntremely sluggish crown officials, instructions had\\nreached Captain Bulloch from the Confederate\\nnaval department forthwith to contract for two\\nironclad ships of war, of the most formidable\\ndescription then built and the sum of one mil-\\nlion dollars in cash had been placed at his dis-\\nposal to be used in payment for the same. This\\nsum, it was promised, should, later on, be in-\\ncreased by an equal amount. Contracts were\\nat once closed with the firm of Laird Brothers,\\nand by the middle of July, 1862, work on both\\nships had fairly begun. Fully equipped for sea,\\nbut without batteries or munitions of war, these", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0347.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "316 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nships were to cost \u00c2\u00a393,750 each, and they were\\nto be ready, the one of them in March and the\\nother in May, 1863. Naval architecture at that\\ntime was developing rapidly. Five years later,\\nin July, 1867, Mr. Adams attended the great\\nnaval review at Portsmouth in honor of the\\nSultan of Turkey, and, among the ironclad, tur-\\nreted leviathans there arrayed, one of the two\\nfamous Laird rams was pointed out to him.\\nHer day was already gone as I looked on\\nthe little mean thing, he wrote, I could not\\nhelp a doubt whether she was really worthy of\\nall the anxiety she had cost us. None the less,\\nbuilt on the most approved models of that time,\\nand designed to be equipped with formidable\\nbatteries and every modern appliance of war,\\nthe Laird rams were naval creations with which\\nneither steam wooden ships nor the monitors\\nin use in 1863 could successfully cope. With\\nthe rams, acting in concert, it was intended to\\nbreak and raise the blockade of the Southern\\nports, and thus secure for the Confederacy for-\\neign recognition. If necessary to secure this\\nresult, New York and Boston were to be in-\\nvaded, and those cities put under requisition.\\nThis scheme, as feasible apparently as it was\\ndangerous, it devolved on Mr. Adams to balk, if\\nin any way possible. Its success involved a for-\\neign war.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0348.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 317\\nMeanwhile the experience of the Alabama\\nshowed how difficult the task before him was, and\\nthe agents of the United States were in a\\ncondition of complete discouragement. The\\nQueen s proclamation to the contrary notwith-\\nstanding, parties in Great Britain were en-\\ngaged in both constructing and equipping a\\nformidable Confederate navy. Nevertheless,\\nthough the life had been construed out of the\\nstatute, and the agents of the United States\\nwere in a demoralized condition, these last\\nkept Mr. Adams well advised of everything\\ngoing on, and the consequent pressure brought\\nsteadily to bear on the Foreign Office was by\\nno means unproductive of results. In 1863 the\\nAlabama was in her full career of destruction,\\nand so much of the American merchant marine\\nas was not sent in flames to the bottom was fast\\nseeking protection under foreign flags. With a\\nview to increasing the pressure, therefore, Mr.\\nAdams now formally opened his long and mem-\\norable Alabama correspondence with Earl Rus-\\nsell. While work was actively going on in the\\nBirkenhead yards, the receipt of controversial\\ndispatches served as a constant reminder to the\\nForeign Office, both of its proven shortcomings\\nin the past and its possible future delinquencies.\\nAs to neither was Earl Russell to be given rest.\\nIn March, 1863, this correspondence was pub-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0349.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "318 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nlisted in the London papers, and much com-\\nmented upon. That Great Britain should be\\nasked to pay for the ruin wrought by the\\ncommerce-destroyers let loose on a friendly na-\\ntion through her lax administration of her own\\nlaws, was a new view of the subject, a view\\nalso which, at this stage of proceedings, savored,\\nto the average British mind, of what they loved\\nto refer to as Yankee impudence and cute-\\nness. A huge joke, even Captain Raphael\\nSemmes, C. S. N., commanding the Alabama,\\nstopped in the midst of his burnings to enjoy\\na quiet laugh over it. That little bill, he\\nwrote from Bahia to Captain Bulloch, on May\\n21, 1863, which the Yankees threaten to pre-\\nsent to our Uncle John Bull, for the depre-\\ndations of the Alabama, is growing apace, and\\nalready reaches $3,100,000. The Yanke e\\nhas not generally been deemed deficient in a\\nsense of humor but this joke, of an intensely\\npractical kind, he failed to appreciate and\\nso war between the two countries was now\\nregarded as imminent, and the great mercan-\\ntile houses of London were taking precautions\\naccordingly. Mr. Adams, however, did not de-\\nspair. I shall, he wrote, as he noted down\\nthe gathering indications, do my best to avoid\\nit. It was the dark hour of the long night\\nbut, for him, it preceded the dawn.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0350.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 319\\nThe pinch now came. More and more clearly\\nthe issue of the American struggle depended on\\nthe blockade. On the other hand, the machin-\\nery for breaking the blockade was almost per-\\nfected. Owing to delays in construction at first,\\nand later to complications growing out of legal\\nproceedings instituted by Mr. Adams in other\\nsimilar cases, the first of the two rams was not\\nlaunched until July 4th, instead of in March, as\\nhad been originally agreed and the other was\\ndelayed until the end of August. Early in Sep-\\ntember Mr. Adams forwarded fresh represen-\\ntations. The work for which the vessels were\\ndesigned was matter of notoriety but still the\\ngovernment could find no evidence upon which\\nto proceed in stopping them. How much the\\ngovernment of Jefferson Davis counted on the\\nshrewd stroke thus in preparation for the\\nYankee, and the importance they gave to it,\\ngreater than that set on any victory in the\\nfield, was shown in the references to the rams\\nof Mr. S. R. Mallory, who in the Richmond cabi-\\nnet held the position of secretary of the navy.\\nWriting to Mr. Slidell, in Paris, on the 27th of\\nMarch, 1863, Mr. Mallory said Our early\\npossession of these ships, in a condition for ser-\\nvice, is an object of such paramount importance\\nto our country that no effort, no sacrifice, must\\nbe spared to accomplish it. Whatever may be", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0351.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "320 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthe conditions of placing them at our command\\nwill be promptly met. A year later, when\\nthe action of the British government in detain-\\ning the rams proved to be final, Mr. Mallory\\nwrote concerning the event to Captain Bulloch\\nin language which sounded like a wail. He\\nreferred to it as a great national misfor-\\ntune, and spoke of his own hopes, shared by\\nthousands around me, as prostrated by the\\nintelligence. He then dwelt on the bitterness\\nof his disappointment. Had the Confederate\\ngovernment, President Davis in his turn de-\\nclared, been successful in getting those vessels\\nto sea, it would have swept from the ocean the\\ncommerce of the United States [and] would\\nhave raised the blockade of at least some of our\\nports.\\nThose in charge of the navy of the Union and\\ncoast defenses of the United States were cor-\\nrespondingly alarmed. As the result of careful\\ninquiry, they described the two ships as of the\\nmost formidable character, and equal, except in\\nsize, to the best ironclads belonging to the\\nBritish government. So urgent was the occa-\\nsion deemed that two private gentlemen of high\\ncharacter and reputation for business and execu-\\ntive capacity were secretly sent out to England\\nat the shortest possible notice to outbid the\\nConfederacy, if possible, and buy the ships for", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0352.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 321\\nthe United States. Ten millions of dollars in\\nfreshly issued government bonds were put in\\ntheir hands to be used as they saw fit for this\\npurpose. Diplomatically, it was a most danger-\\nous course, as the United States now proposed\\nsecretly to do just what its accredited re-\\npresentative in Great Britain was strenuously\\nclaiming that the Confederacy had no right to\\ndo. The emergency alone could justify the\\nproceeding but the emergency was thought\\nto be extreme. You must stop [the Laird\\nrams] at all hazards, wrote Captain Fox, the\\nassistant secretary of the navy, as we have\\nno defense against them. Let us have them for\\nour own purposes, without any more nonsense,\\nand at any price. As to guns, we have not one\\nin the whole country fit to fire at an ironclad.\\nIt is a question of life and death. No-\\nthing came of this dangerous mission, as the\\ntwo emissaries, being shrewd and practical men,\\nsoon became satisfied that to offer to buy the\\nironclads without success, would only be to\\nstimulate the builders to greater activity, and\\neven to building new ones in the expectation of\\nfinding a market for them from one party or\\nthe other. They therefore, like the American\\nofficials in Europe, quite discouraged, returned\\nhome before the ironclads were launched,\\nbringing with them the greater part of their", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0353.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "322 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nten millions of bonds, which were taken back to\\nWashington in the original packages, with the\\nseals of the Treasury unbroken. 1 Mr. Adams\\nwas prudently kept uninformed as to the errand\\nof these gentlemen and the steps they took in\\npursuance of it.\\nHis own instructions from the State De-\\npartment were at this crisis explicit. As re-\\nspects also the course the United States gov-\\nernment proposed in certain contingencies to\\npursue, they left no room for doubt. In line\\nof thought and even in expression, they fol-\\nlowed closely the memorable dispatches Nos. 4\\nand 10 of April and May, 1861. If the law\\nof Great Britain be construed by the gov-\\nernment in conformity with the rulings of the\\nchief baron of the exchequer, then there will be\\nleft for the United States no alternative but to\\nprotect themselves and their commerce against\\narmed cruisers proceeding from British ports,\\nas against the naval forces of a public enemy.\\nCan it be an occasion for either surprise\\nor complaint that, if this condition of things is\\nto remain and receive the deliberate sanction of\\nthe British government, the navy of the United\\n1 Hughes, Letters and Recollections of J. M. Forbes, ii. 1-66\\nChittenden, Recollections of President Lincoln, i. 194-211;\\nProceedings of Massachusetts Historical Society, Second Series,\\nxiii. 177-179.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0354.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 323\\nStates will receive instructions to pursue these\\nenemies into the ports which thus, in violation\\nof the law of nations and the obligations of\\nneutrality, become harbors for the pirates? The\\nPresident very distinctly perceives the risks and\\nhazards which a naval conflict thus maintained\\nwill bring to the commerce and even to the\\npeace of the two countries. If, through the\\nnecessary employment of all our means of\\nnational defense, such a partial war shall become\\na general one between the two nations, the\\nPresident thinks that the responsibility for that\\npainful result will not fall upon the United\\nStates.\\nWith dispatches of this character on his table\\nMr. Adams, as the weeks rolled by, watched anx-\\niously the dreaded vessels nearing completion.\\nWork in the yards of the Laird Brothers had\\nbeen pushed steadily forward all through the win-\\nter, sheds lighted with gas having been erected\\nover the rams so as to insure additional hours of\\nlabor upon them. But, alarmed by the depreda-\\ntions of the Alabama and the demands of the\\nUnited States government on account thereof,\\nthe British officials were now exercising a de-\\ngree of surveillance which caused Captain Bul-\\nloch much anxiety and, before the close of\\n1862, he expressed himself as apprehensive of\\ngreat difficulty in getting the vessels out of Brit-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0355.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "324 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nish jurisdiction. This apprehension increased\\nsteadily. The object for which armored ships,\\nprovided with formidable steel beaks, must be\\nintended, was too evident to admit of dis-\\nguise and Captain Bulloch, confessing himself\\nmuch perplexed, became satisfied at last that\\nthe government was prepared to resort to an\\norder in council to override the ordinary rules of\\nlaw. So great was the sympathy in Liverpool and\\nvicinity that he felt quite confident of his ability\\nto overcome all ordinary opposition and\\nhe assured the Confederate secretary that no\\nmere physical obstruction could have prevented\\nour ships getting out, partially equipped at\\nleast. But Earl Russell had been irritated by\\nthe evasion of the 290, of which it had even\\nbeen asserted that he was cognizant in advance\\nand he now let it be known that he did not pro-\\npose to have that performance repeated. So,\\nunless a change should take place in the politi-\\ncal character of the ministry, Captain Bulloch\\nwas obliged to confess that the hope of getting\\nthe ships out seems more than doubtful, in-\\ndeed, hopeless. This was towards the close of\\nJanuary, 1863, six months nearly before the\\nfirst of the rams left the ways.\\nMessrs. Mason and Slidell at this point be-\\ncame factors in the course of proceedings. They\\nshared in the views of Secretary Mallory, deem-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0356.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 325\\ning the early possession of the ships of para-\\nmount importance, a result for the attain-\\ning of which no effort, no sacrifice, must be\\nspared and now the European plan of cam-\\npaign, in cooperation with that which was to\\ntake place in America, gradually assumed shape.\\nJohn Slidell was its originating and directing\\nmind, and throughout it was marked by his\\npeculiar characteristics. Mr. Slidell acted, of\\ncourse, in cooperation with James M. Mason,\\nand of Mr. Mason something will presently be\\nsaid; but at this stage of proceedings Mr. Sli-\\ndell came distinctly to the front. The field of\\nfinal operations was in Great Britain but there\\nMr. Slidell, directing his campaign from Paris,\\nwas as immediately opposed to Mr. Adams as,\\nin America, Lee was opposed to Hooker, and\\nMeade or Grant to Johnston or Pemberton.\\nThe two men were in curious contrast for\\nwhile Mr. Adams was essentially a Puritan, Mr.\\nSlidell certainly could by no possibility be so\\nclassified Mr. Adams, simple, direct, cool and\\nreticent, in manner chill and repellent, was in-\\ncapable of intrigue Mr. Slidell, adroit and no\\nless cool, friendly in manner and keenly observ-\\nant of men, was at intrigue an adept.\\nIt is not probable that either Mr. Slidell s\\npapers or those of Mr. Mason will ever see the\\nlight, and the fact is on every ground much to", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0357.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "326 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nbe regretted for Mr. Slidell now evinced great\\ndiplomatic skill. In the Senate of the United\\nStates he had, in the years immediately preceding\\nthe Rebellion, been accounted one of the ablest\\nof the Southern leaders. Dr. Russell, of the\\nTimes, met him in New Orleans in May, 1861,\\nand was much impressed. I rarely, he then\\nwrote, have met a man whose features have\\na greater finesse and firmness of purpose than\\nMr. Slidell s his keen gray eye is full of life\\nhis thin firmly set lips indicate resolution and\\npassion. He is not a speaker of note, nor\\na ready stump orator, nor an able writer but he\\nis an excellent judge of mankind, adroit, perse-\\nvering and subtle, full of device, and fond of in-\\ntrigue one of those men who, unknown almost\\nto the outer world, organizes and sustains a\\nfaction, and exalts it into the position of a party,\\nwhat is called here a wire-puller. In the\\nEuropean field Mr. Slidell now not only sus-\\ntained the reputation he had gained in the United\\nStates Senate, but he also made good in all its\\ndetails Dr. Russell s pointed characterization.\\nHaving, in January, 1863, been a year on the\\nground, he had become familiar with it, skill-\\nfully ingratiating himself with influential circles\\nin France, social as well as political. He ap-\\nparently had access everywhere. In the utter\\nabsence of his correspondence or of any authen-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0358.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 327\\ntic memoir of him, the scheme he now devised can\\nbe traced only in outline but a careful study\\nof Mr. Adams s papers, taken in connection\\nwith the public documents and what elsewhere\\nappears, sufficiently discloses its main features.\\nA far-reaching, formidable conception, it was\\nwell designed to accomplish the ends the Con-\\nfederate authorities had in view, and neither in\\nits formation nor development did Mr. Slidell\\nfail apparently to avail himself of any con-\\ndition or circumstance which seemed likely to\\ncontribute to success.\\nThat the scheme was large and partook of the\\ncharacter of a complicated intrigue, success in\\nwhich depended on many contingencies and much\\nindividual cooperation, is undeniable. Had it\\nbeen otherwise, it would not have commended\\nitself to John Slidell but, in this case, it was\\nso from necessity. The situation was neither\\ncompact nor simple. Men and events in Europe\\nwaited on events and men in America and, from\\nnecessity himself located in France, the Con-\\nfederate envoy had to operate through French\\ninstrumentalities on England. The conditions\\nwere not of his selection. They were imposed\\nupon him. The cards were dealt to him it was\\nfor him to play a hand in the game. He failed,\\nand failed completely, partly because of the skill\\nand conduct of his opponent, partly from the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0359.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "328 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ncourse of events beyond his power to control\\nbut the game was a great one, and it nowhere as\\nyet appears that he played his hand otherwise\\nthan skillfully, and for all it was worth.\\nIn the present sketch, it is only possible to\\noutline what the Confederate agents now at-\\ntempted. While, in the absence of authentic\\ninformation, much would in any case have to be\\nsurmised, space does not suffice for the full use\\nof even such material as is now accessible. The\\nends Mr. Slidell had in view are obvious. They\\nwere twofold, the recognition of the Con-\\nfederacy by England and France acting in uni-\\nson, and the breaking of the blockade. To bring\\nabout the recognition of the Confederacy, he had\\nto force the hand of the Palmerston-Russell min-\\nistry through the action of a strongly sympa-\\nthetic Parliament, compelling the resignation of\\nEarl Russell as foreign secretary. To insure the\\nconsequent breaking of the blockade, in case\\nrecognition fell short of intervention, he had to\\nprevent any interference by the English govern-\\nment with the Laird rams. To this end he\\nwas forced to resort to every conceivable de-\\nvice calculated to cover up their ownership.\\nHis mind was fertile in expedients and he had\\nnow assured himself of the efficient cooperation\\nof the Emperor, an immense point in favor of\\nthe Confederacy. Secure in this quarter, and", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0360.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 329\\nwith more than mere intimations of protection,\\nhe early in the year summoned Captain Bul-\\nloch to Paris, and there arranged for the\\ntransfer of the rams to foreign ownership.\\nThereafter the Lairds were to know as their\\nprincipals only the Messrs. Bravay Co., a\\nFrench firm, supposed to be acting for the\\nPasha of Egypt, or other unknown governments.\\nThe papers were formal and complete, the trans-\\nfer legal in all its details the real fact being\\nthat the Messrs. Bravay bought the ships for a\\nspecified amount, and then privately engaged to\\nre-sell them beyond British jurisdiction for an-\\nother amount, which should include a handsome\\ncommission for their house. The Laird Brothers\\nthemselves seem to have been imposed upon by\\nthis transaction. They, too, received a commis-\\nsion, amounting to some \u00c2\u00a35000, on account of\\nthe transfer.\\nThis matter disposed of, Mr. Slidell next,\\nthrough the house of Erlanger Co., negotiated\\na Confederate cotton loan. Bonds to the amount\\nof \u00c2\u00a33,000,000 were floated at ninety per cent,\\nputting some twelve or thirteen millions of dol-\\nlars in cash at the disposal of the Confederacy.\\nThe sinews of war were thus supplied. So far\\nall went well. Much was accomplished but\\nthe last and most difficult portion of the far-\\nreaching programme was yet to be carried out.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0361.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "330 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nAn aggressive American policy was to be im-\\nposed upon the British government, and recogni-\\ntion compelled. To this end Earl Russell was to\\nbe driven to resign from the ministry. Here the\\nadroit, secret management of Mr. Slidell came\\nin sharp contrast with Mr. Mason s bungling\\nmethods of procedure. In the skillful hands\\nof the Confederate envoy at Paris, the Emperor\\nand his ministers now seem to have become\\nhardly more than manikins. The touch of Sli-\\ndell could everywhere be traced. Two mem-\\nbers of the English Parliament were at this\\njuncture conspicuous for their advocacy of the\\nConfederate cause, John Arthur Roebuck,\\nof the Sheffield scum of Europe speech of\\nAugust, 1862; and W. S. Lindsay, of this\\nwicked, this worthless war speech at Chertsey.\\nCuriously enough, Mr. Lindsay was a friend of\\nRichard Cobden while Roebuck only a few\\nyears before had, with characteristic savageness\\nof speech, denounced Napoleon III. as a per-\\njured despot. None the less, in view of the\\ngreat parliamentary campaign now in prepara-\\ntion, Messrs. Lindsay and Roebuck, towards the\\nend of June, 1863, were induced to go over to\\nParis, where they conferred freely with the Em-\\nperor, dining at the Tuileries, and receiving\\nassurances from him of the most outspoken char-\\nacter. He professed himself ripe and eager for", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0362.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 331\\ninstant recognition and, as both his guests as-\\nseverated, authorized them so to state in the\\nHouse of Commons. Mr. Slidell nowhere ap-\\npears, but there can be little question of his\\nagency behind the scene. Messrs. Roebuck and\\nLindsay did not go to Paris wholly on their own\\nmotion the Confederate envoy was marshaling\\nhis forces.\\nThen came the parliamentary demonstration.\\nThe lead in this devolved on Mr. Roebuck.\\nLike Mr. Adams in other years, Mr. Slidell was\\nforced to do with what he had but it is scarcely\\npossible that he should not have felt grave mis-\\ngivings as respected the impulsive member for\\nSheffield. Nevertheless, on the 30th of June,\\nthat gentleman spoke in the Commons in sup-\\nport of his motion that the government be in-\\nstructed to enter into negotiations with the\\nGreat Powers of Europe for the purpose of ob-\\ntaining their cooperation in the recognition of\\nthe Confederacy. Into the details of this de-\\nbate, and the struggle that then took place in\\nand out of Parliament, it is impossible here to\\nenter. Mr. Adams watched events coolly, but\\nnot without anxiety. Throughout, understand-\\ning the situation well, he saw Slidell s hand.\\nThe manipidation bespoke the master. The\\ndrive was at Earl Russell, and at one time\\nhis resignation was rumored London was pla-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0363.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "332 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ncarded with representations of the conjoined\\nConfederate and British ensigns fully three\\nquarters of the House of Commons were avow-\\nedly in sympathy with the Rebellion on the 4th\\nof July, before a large company at Lord Wyn-\\nford s table in London, Mr. Mason oracularly\\nannounced the absence of any doubt in his own\\nmind that General Lee, then in reality shat-\\ntered at Gettysburg, was in possession of\\nWashington.\\nUnfortunately for Mr. Slidell, most fortunately\\nfor Mr. Adams, Mr. Roebuck handled his cause\\nwretchedly. He made to the House an avowal\\nof amateur diplomacy which forced the ministry\\nto array itself solidly against him, and brought\\nupon him not only a measured rebuke from Pal-\\nmerston, but an exemplary castigation from John\\nBright. The effect of Tuesday night s de-\\nbate, wrote Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward, was\\nvery severe on Mr. Roebuck. His extraordinary\\nattempts to influence the action of the House by\\nthe use of the authority of the Emperor of the\\nFrench, as well as his presuming to make him-\\nself the medium of an appeal to Parliament\\nagainst the conduct of the ministry, have had\\nthe consequences which might naturally be ex-\\npected by any one acquainted with the English\\ncharacter. Thus it happened that Mr. Roe-\\nbuck, though addressing an assembly a great", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0364.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0367.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0368.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 333\\nproportion of whom sympathized with him in\\nhis object, demolished his cause whilst, on the\\nother hand, Mr. Bright, even whilst running\\ncounter to the predisposition of most of his\\nhearers, succeeded in extorting a general tribute\\nof admiration of his eloquent and convincing\\nreply. This whole episode was one which Mr.\\nRoebuck s biographer afterwards thought it ex-\\npedient to pass over very lightly. Referring\\nto the dinner at the Tuileries and the subse-\\nquent debate, Mr. Leader says The inevi-\\ntable result of amateur diplomacy followed.\\nNone of the parties to the interview agreed as\\nto what actually took place. The Emperor dis-\\navowed, or declined to be bound by, the version\\nMr. Roebuck gave to the House of Commons of\\nthe conversation. The amazement and amuse-\\nment, with which this mission to the perjured\\ndespot of a few years ago was received by the\\ngeneral public, were expressed in very pregnant\\nsarcasm by speakers like Lord Robert Montagu\\nand Mr. Bright so that, thoroughly discom-\\nfited, Mr. Roebuck on the 13th of July very\\nreluctantly withdrew his motion without in-\\nsisting on a division. The carefully nurtured\\nmovement of Mr. Slidell had failed, and Earl\\nRussell remained at the head of the British For-\\neign Office.\\nBut Mr. Slidell was none the less a danger-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0369.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "334 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nous opponent. He neglected no opportunity for\\nattack, as Mr. Adams himself had occasion to\\nrealize. The episode of the Howell-Zerman let-\\nter now occurred. Altogether a very entertain-\\ning and characteristic incident, the letter referred\\nto caused at the moment great commotion, and for\\na brief space threatened gravely to compromise\\nMr. Adams but the affair soon passed over,\\nleaving no trace behind. Reference only can be\\nmade to it here. Mr. Slidell, however, did not\\nfail to avail himself of it as a possible element\\nof discord and again the imperial manikins\\nwent through the requisite motions in obedience\\nto the skillful touch of Russell s adroit wire-\\npuller. Representations from the French For-\\neign Office were received at the State Depart-\\nment in Washington, indicating the grave\\ndispleasure of the Emperor at the spirit shown\\nby Mr. Adams in regard to the former s pro-\\nceedings in Mexico and English newspaper\\ncorrespondents from New York, of Confederate\\nleanings, dilated on the latter s extraordinary\\nstupidity, and the really clever ability of all\\nthe rebel agents. Again Mr. Slidell s blow\\nfell short; but it was well directed, and its\\norigin was plain, at least to Mr. Adams.\\nThe first of the Laird rams took the water at\\nBirkenhead on the 4th of July Mr. Roebuck\\nwithdrew his motion for recognition on the 13th", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0370.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 335\\non the 16th arrived news of a three days bat-\\ntle at Gettysburg and on the morning of the\\n19th Mr. Adams wrote When I came down\\nI found on my table a private telegram, which,\\nas usual, I opened with trepidation. It proved\\nto be an announcement from Mr. Seward that\\nVicksburg had surrendered on the 4th. Thus\\nhas this great object been accomplished.\\nOur amiable friends, the British, who expected\\nto hear of the capture of Washington, are cor-\\nrespondingly disappointed. In London, the\\ndisappointment was, indeed, intense, and only\\nexceeded by the surprise. That whole commu-\\nnity social, commercial, political had set-\\ntled down into a conviction that the Confederate\\narms were on the verge of a triumph not less\\ndecisive than brilliant, and that Lee, scarcely\\nless of a hero in London than in Richmond,\\nwas in firm possession of the national capital.\\nWhy then, they argued, intervene Had not\\nthe South worked out its problem for itself\\nThe first revulsion of feeling was angry. Per-\\nhaps, wrote Mr. Adams, the most curious\\nphenomenon is to be seen in the London news-\\npapers, which betray the profound disappoint-\\nment and mortification of the aristocracy at the\\nresult. The incredulity is yet considerable.\\nIt is the strongest proof how deep-seated is the\\npassion in the English breast. The Eng-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0371.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "336 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nlish are almost up to the pitch of yielding ac-\\ntive aid. Luckily, the aspect of affairs on the\\nContinent [in the Polish insurrection] is so\\nthreatening that the government is disposed to\\nact with much prudence and self-restraint as to\\nembroiling us.\\nThat the elaborate plan of operations of Mr.\\nSlidell had now received a serious setback was\\napparent, but still there was one feature in it\\nleft. The Laird rams were French property,\\nand, as such, rapidly nearing completion. A\\ngreat card, they at least were still in reserve.\\nThey constituted a card also which might well\\nwin the game. Mr. Adams, on the other hand,\\nnot unduly elated by the tidings from across the\\nAtlantic, watched his opponent coolly and wa-\\nrily. He was at his best. Lord Russell\\nhigh-toned, well-intentioned, cautious, even hes-\\nitating held the key of the situation. It was\\nhe who must be worked upon. Fortunately\\nMr. Adams s immediate opponent, Mr. Mason,\\nhaving none of the finesse of Slidell, now played\\ndirectly into the American minister s hands.\\nMr. Mason was a thorough Virginian of the\\nmid-century school, that old slave dealer,\\nas Cobden contemptuously described him. Ob-\\ntuse, overbearing, and to the last degree self-\\nsufficient and self-assertive, he was a poor in-\\nstrument with which to work. Still, he was", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0372.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 337\\nthere and Slidell was forced to use the tools he\\nhad. The whole effort of Mr. Mason now was,\\nin the language of Mr. Adams, to concen-\\ntrate the attacks upon Lord Russell, as if he\\nwere the chief barrier to the rebel progress in\\nthe cabinet. To that end the labors of the\\npresses conducted by rebel sympathizers have\\nbeen directed to casting odium upon his Lord-\\nship as acting too much under my influence.\\nThis is doing me far too much honor. Lord\\nRussell is too old and skillful a politician not to\\nunderstand the necessity, for his own security,\\nof keeping the minds of his countrymen quite\\nfree from all suspicion of his being superfluously\\ncourteous to any foreign power. Mr. Adams\\nthen added, with a touch of humorous sarcasm\\nnot usual with him From my observation of\\nhis [Russell s] correspondence since I have\\nbeen at this post, I should judge that he seldom\\nerred in that particular.\\nWiser than Mr. Mason, better informed, and\\nfar stronger in his simple directness than Mr.\\nSlidell, Mr. Adams, unconsciously to himself,\\nnow braced up for the final and vital grapple.\\nTo that end he quietly assumed control of oper-\\nations. The instructions from Secretary Seward,\\nalready referred to, were on his table. They\\nwere to the last degree rasping and minatory.\\nMr. Adams put them in his pocket, and kept", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0373.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "338 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nthem there. He simply advised the secretary,\\nin most courteous and diplomatic terms, that,\\nas minister and on the spot, he thought he\\nunderstood the men and the situation Lest, and\\naccordingly he would assume the responsibility\\nof acting on his own judgment and as circum-\\nstances might seem to require. Most fortu-\\nnately, there was no Atlantic cable then.\\nThe days now passed rapidly on, and the\\nrams were as rapidly made ready for sea. In\\nthe language of Mr. Gladstone the year before,\\nthe rebels were making, it appears, a navy.\\nVery courteous but very firm in his communica-\\ntions with Earl Russell, Mr. Adams carefully\\nabstained from anything which could be con-\\nstrued into a threat. Outwardly his communi-\\ncations breathed the most abiding faith in the\\ngood intentions of the government while in\\nprivate he impressed upon Mr. Cobden his\\nsense of the very grave nature of this case,\\nand his conviction that it would end in war\\nsooner or later. Then he added in his diary\\nMr. Cobden is really in earnest in his efforts,\\nbut the drift is too much for him. Through\\nMr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Cobden was, however,\\nin close communication with the cabinet.\\nMr. Adams next visited Scotland, for it was\\nnow August, and the dead season in London.\\nHe was there the guest of Mr. Edward Ellice,", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0374.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 339\\nas also was Mr. Mason at about the same time.\\nHis host was a very old man, and a Confederate\\nsympathizer. Mr. Ellice, Mr. Adams wrote,\\ntalked as fast as ever, occasionally running\\nfull butt into American affairs. I met him\\nthere with profound silence. This is my only\\nsafeguard. A few days later Mr. Adams was\\nthe guest of the Duke of Argyll, at Inverary.\\nThe Argylls throughout those trying times were\\ntrue well-wishers to the Union but it shows\\nhow well Mr. Slidell had covered up the Con-\\nfederate tracks, that the Argylls now were al-\\nmost persuaded that the rams were really being\\nbuilt on French account and only a few days\\nbefore, the Duchess had intimated as much in\\na letter to Mr. Sumner. The Duke was a mem-\\nber of the cabinet, and Mr. Adams availed him-\\nself of this opportunity to impress on his grace\\nhis sense of the situation as grave and critical\\nand he further intimated that his instructions\\non the subject [were] far more stringent than\\n[he] had yet been disposed to execute. That\\nevening the Duke was much absorbed in letter-\\nwriting, and Mr. Adams could not help wonder-\\ning whether the foreign secretary was among\\nthose to whom the letters were addressed.\\nMeanwhile Earl Russell was in great per-\\nturbation of mind. An honest, high-minded\\ngentleman, he wished to do right he was vexed", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0375.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "340 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nby the course of the rebel emissaries, and mor-\\ntified as well as irritated by the recollection of\\nhis treatment in the case of the Alabama but\\nhe was staggered by the confident assertion of\\nFrench ownership of the vessels, which the\\nLairds corroborated, perhaps not dishonestly,\\nand moreover the law, as expounded in the\\nCourt of Exchequer, was plainly against inter-\\nference. If it acted, the government must do\\nso on grounds of prerogative, against public\\nopinion, regardless of the advice of counsel, and\\nprepared to be heavily mulcted by a jury. The\\nsituation was certainly trying and yet it is\\nnow manifest that Earl Russell earnestly desired\\nto do his duty to the crown, and whatever inter-\\nnational obligations demanded. Like Shake-\\nspeare s noble Moor, he was, being wrought\\nupon, perplexed in the extreme.\\nAssuredly, so far as Mr. Adams was concerned,\\nLord Russell was now sufficiently wrought\\nupon. At six o clock on the morning of Sep-\\ntember 3d, being, as he did not fail at the time\\nto note, the thirty-fourth anniversary of his\\nwedding day, Mr. Adams, just from the West-\\nmoreland lake region, found himself on the\\nsteps of his house in London. He was anxious.\\nThe government could not be got to act, and\\nthe rams were now almost ready to steam down\\nthe Mersey, of course, like the Alabama, only", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0376.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 341\\non a trial trip After long wavering and\\nhesitation, he wrote, there are signs that the\\nministry will not adopt any preventive policy.\\nTheir moral feebleness culminates in cowardice,\\nwhich acts like the greatest daring. It precipi-\\ntates a conflict. My duty is therefore a difficult\\none. Without indulging in menace, I must be\\nfaithful to my country in giving warning of its\\nsense of injury. Nothing must be left undone\\nthat shall appear likely to avert the danger. To\\nthat end I addressed a note to Lord Russell at\\nonce. The attack on Charleston [Gilmore s\\nswamp angels is going on with great vigor,\\nand the cries of the Richmond press indicate\\nsuccess. Barring the conduct of foreign pow-\\ners, I shoidd say the rebellion would collapse\\nbefore New Year s, but the pestilent malignity\\nof the English and the insidious craft of Napo-\\nleon are not yet exhausted.\\nThe diary written at the time tells what now\\nensued far more effectively than would be possi-\\nble for any biographer\\nFriday, 4th September A notice from Mr.\\nDudley that the war vessel was about to depart\\ncompelled me to address another and stronger\\nnote of solemn protest against the permission of\\nthis proceeding by the government. I feared,\\nhowever, that it would be of little avail, and my\\nprognostications proved but too true for I re-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0377.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "342 CHAKLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nceived at four o clock a note announcing that\\nthe government could find no evidence upon\\nwhich to proceed in stopping the vessel. This\\naffected me deeply. I clearly foresee that a\\ncollision must now come of it. I must not, how-\\never, do anything to accelerate it and yet must\\nmaintain the honor of my country with proper\\nspirit. The issue must be made up before the\\nworld on its merits. The prospect is dark for\\npoor America. Her trials are not yet over.\\nLuckily the difficulties do not all come together.\\nA telegram received to-night announces the\\ndestruction of Fort Sumter, and the shelling of\\nthat pestilent nest of heresy, Charleston. This\\nwill produce a great effect in Europe. It may\\ngo so far as to save us from imminent danger\\npressing both here and in France. I had a\\nvisit from Colonel Bigelow Lawrence, who is on\\nhis way to America but I fear I was not in a\\nmood for easy talk.\\nThe following day it was that, after a night\\nof anxious reflection over what yet might by\\npossibility be done, he wrote and forwarded to\\nEarl Russell, then in Scotland, the dispatch of\\nSeptember 5th, a facsimile of the first rough\\ndraft of which is herewith given. It was the\\ndispatch containing the expression afterwards\\nso famous It would be superfluous in me to\\npoint out to your lordship that this is war.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0378.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "X\\n:3^ga!\\n-r C 3 -~*_^\\n_ 2\\no s\\nS 1 1 O\\nc\\ns s\\n_ 3. if 9 s o\\nV\\nI\\nS", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0379.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "4-\\nV\\ni\\ni\\nr\\n*L", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0380.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "THE ALABAMA AND THE LAIRD RAMS 343\\nThe heavy sense of responsibility and utter\\ndreariness of spirit under which he penned this\\ndispatch, almost unique in diplomatic corre-\\nspondence, exactly fitting to the occasion,\\nappears in his corresponding diary record made\\nthe evening of the day he transmitted it\\nSaturday, 5th September My thoughts\\nturned strongly upon the present crisis, and the\\ndifficulty of my task. My conclusion was, that\\nanother note was to be addressed to Lord Rus-\\nsell to-day. So I drew one, which I intended\\nonly to gain time previous to the inevitable re-\\nsult. I have not disclosed to Lord Russell those\\nportions of my instructions which describe the\\npolicy to be adopted by the government at home,\\nbecause that course seemed to me likely to cut off\\nall prospect of escape. Contenting myself with\\nintimating [their] existence, I decided upon\\nawaiting further directions. This will give a\\nmonth. After I had sent the note, I received one\\nfrom his lordship, in answer to my two previous\\nones of Thursday and Friday, saying that the\\nsubject of them was receiving the earnest and\\nanxious consideration of the government. There\\nis, then, one chance left, and but one.\\nTuesday, 8th September In the Morning\\nPost there was a short article announcing that\\nthe government had decided on detaining the\\nvessels, in order to try the merits in court. It", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0381.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "344 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nhad an official aspect and yet I could scarcely\\nput faith in it, while I had no notice myself.\\nLater in the day, however, a brief notification\\ncame from Lord Russell to the effect that orders\\nhad been given to prevent their departure. I\\nknow not that even in the Trent case I felt a\\ngreater relief.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0382.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVIII\\nTHE TEARS OF FRUITION\\nMore than twenty-three years later, referring\\nto the events just narrated, of which he was very\\ncompetent to speak, James Russell Lowell said\\nof Mr. Adams None of our generals in\\nthe field, not Grant himself, did us better or\\nmore trying service than he in his forlorn out-\\npost of London. Cavour did hardly more for\\nItaly.\\nPeace hath her victories\\nNot less renowned than war.\\nCertainly no victory ever won by Grant was\\nmore decisive and Grant s victories were nu-\\nmerous, and many of them most decisive than\\nthat won by Mr. Adams, and recorded so quietly\\nin the diary entry just quoted in full. There is\\nno more unmistakable gauge of the importance\\nof any movement made or result gained in\\nwarfare than the quotations of the stock ex-\\nchange. The deadly character of the blow\\nthen inflicted on the Southern cause was imme-\\ndiately read in the stock list. During the week\\nending the 27th of August, the bonds of Mr.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0383.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "346 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nSlidell s Confederate cotton loan had been ac-\\ntive at 79 during the week ending the 10th of\\nSeptember, they were lifeless at 70. The rams\\nwere officially detained on the 9th of Septem-\\nber; they were seized by the government, and\\nthe broad arrow affixed, a month later, on\\nthe 9th of October. That action extinguished\\nhope. The bonds then fell to 65. On the 9th\\nof July they had been quoted at 99, having\\npreviously risen to a slight premium the news\\nof the repulse of Lee at Gettysburg depressed\\nthem only two points, to 97, at which figure\\nthey stood firmly. Then followed the fall of\\nVicksburg, the loss of the control of the Missis-\\nsippi, and the withdrawal of the Roebuck mo-\\ntion in Parliament all which together broke the\\nprice to 87. In other words, the combined mili-\\ntary and parliamentary disasters of the Confed-\\neracy during July affected the barometer thirteen\\npoints while the detention and seizure of the\\ntwo vessels, still, in pursuance of a solemn farce,\\ndesignated El Tousson and El Monassir, reduced\\nit fourteen points, notwithstanding that the mili-\\ntary news then received from America was re-\\ngarded as distinctly favorable to the Confederacy.\\nThat this should have been so seems inexplica-\\nble, until it is remembered that the stoppage of\\nthe rams meant more, a great deal more, than\\nthe continuance of the blockade, it meant the", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0384.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 347\\ncontinuance of peaceful relations between the\\nUnited States and the great maritime powers of\\nEurope. The departure of the rams from the\\nMersey, it was well understood, would involve\\nserious complications between the United States\\nand Great Britain, resulting almost inevitably in\\nthe recognition of the Confederacy by the latter\\ncountry acting in unison with France. This\\nhad been confidently anticipated and the anti-\\ncipation buoyed up the cotton loan. When at\\nlast the broad arrow was actually affixed to the\\nunfinished ironclads, the sympathizers with the\\nConfederacy realized what that meant. The\\nUnion need no longer apprehend any foreign\\ncomplication, while the Rebellion was obviously\\nsinking under the ever increasing pressure\\nbrought to bear upon it. It was this unexpressed\\nconclusion which was clearly read in the quota-\\ntions of the cotton loan. A decisive Union\\nadvantage had at last been secured.\\nAlready badly deranged by the parliamen-\\ntary fiasco of July, followed by the military re-\\nverses in Pennsylvania and on the Mississippi,\\nMr. Slidell s diplomatic programme his great\\nEuropean campaign, so well conceived, so far-\\nreaching, so carefully matured, so warily con-\\nducted had now come to naught on the vital\\nissue. A great lover of cards, Mr. Slidell was\\nan adept in their use. He rarely played save to", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0385.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "348 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwin. But this, the great game of his life, was\\nnow over and he left the table a loser. Prob-\\nably his knowledge of the well-known puritanic\\ntraits of his opponent did not serve to alleviate\\nthe bitterness of defeat.\\nAs for Mr. Adams, though hardly a note of\\nexultation could be detected in his diary, much\\nless in his correspondence, he did not fail to\\nrealize the momentous importance of what had\\nnow taken place. Describing the course of\\nevents in a familiar letter written a few days\\nlater to his brother-in-law, Edward Everett, he\\nsaid Friday [September 4th] I gave up all\\nfor lost, and made preparation for the catas-\\ntrophe. On Saturday I got news of a prospect\\nof a change. And yesterday [Tuesday] there\\ncame a notice that the departure of the two\\nvessels (for the other had been launched in the\\ninterval) had been prevented. This is rather\\nclose shaving. Even now I scarcely realize the\\nfact of our escape.\\nNotice of the detention of the rams reached\\nMr. Adams on the 8th of September, 1863. On\\nthe 18th of July, fourteen months before, Wil-\\nliam E. Forster had hurried to his house in great\\ndistress, bringing a telegram, just received from\\nQueenstown and printed in the Times, an-\\nnouncing that General McClellan, with all his\\narmy, was negotiating for a capitulation. The", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0386.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 349\\nnews, wrote Mr. Adams, spread like wildfire,\\nand many eagerly caught at it as true. The\\nevident satisfaction taken in the intelligence is\\none of our delectations. It almost equals the\\ndays of Bull Run. Things had then gone\\nsteadily from bad to worse Pope s ridiculous\\nfiasco the disasters in Tennessee and Kentucky\\nthe Confederate invasion of Maryland the battle\\nof Fredericksburg the repulse of Chancellors-\\nville the failures before Vicksburg. At last,\\nin June, 1863, the Army of Virginia crossed the\\nPotomac and fairly carried the war into the\\nfree States. On July 16th of that year, tidings\\nreached London of severe but indecisive fight-\\ning at Gettysburg yet so strong was the\\ntendency of feeling developed under the news\\nof the invasion, that it infected even friendly\\nAmericans. Mr. Lampson was a full be-\\nliever that by this time Washington must be\\ntaken and when, the other day, I exposed\\nthe absurdity of it to him, I saw that he was not\\nconvinced. This comes from what may be de-\\nnominated the atmospheric pressure of opin-\\nion as generated in England by the London\\nTimes. It is difficult even for me to put\\nmyself above it. This was on July 17th.\\nThen the day broke in one great burst of light.\\nExactly six weeks later, the European victory\\nwas won. The tribulation of fourteen months", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0387.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "350 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nhad come to an end and thenceforth all went\\nwell. Mr. Adams had now established his own\\nposition, as well as the position of his country,\\nat the Court of St. James nor was either again\\nchallenged. The adversary even abandoned\\nthe field for, less than two weeks after the\\ndetention of the rams was officially announced,\\nMr. Mason, in a not undignified letter ad-\\ndressed to Earl Russell, shook the dust of inhos-\\npitable England from his feet and withdrew to\\nmore sympathetic Paris. The Times, wrote\\nMr. Adams to Secretary Seward, briefly noti-\\ncing the occurrence, distinctly admits this to be\\na relief to the government though I confess\\nmyself at a loss to understand how he annoyed\\nthem. The selection of Mr. Mason to come\\nhere was an unfortunate one from the outset.\\nI can scarcely imagine an agency to have been\\nmore barren of results. He was not heard\\nfrom again. Remaining in Europe, sometimes\\nin France and sometimes in England, until the\\nclose of the war, Mr. Mason then returned to\\nhis native Virginia by way of Canada, and,\\nbroken in spirit as in fortune, there died in 1871.\\nMore fortunate than his Virginian colleague, in\\nthat he had been shrewder in the transfer be-\\ntimes of a share of his worldly possessions\\nfrom the Confederacy to Europe, Mr. Slidell\\nnever returned to America. He was not again", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0388.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "THE YEAKS OF FRUITION 351\\nheard of in the field of diplomacy, except, later\\nin 1863, in connection with the summary sei-\\nzure by the Emperor Napoleon of various war\\nvessels, which that potentate had about a\\ntwelvemonth before encouraged the Confederates\\nto contract for at Bordeaux and Nantes. His\\nEnglish defeat had followed Mr. Slidell into\\nFrance. He never emerged from its shadow\\nbut, after the final suppression of the Rebellion,\\ntransferring his residence to England, he there\\ndied in 1871, surviving his brother envoy, with\\nwhom his name will always be so closely asso-\\nciated, by only three months.\\nHaving in remembrance the judgment of the\\nCourt of Exchequer in the Alexandra case, the\\nBritish ministry had no hope of obtaining a fa-\\nvorable verdict as the outcome of a suit brought\\nagainst its agents for the detention of the rams.\\nIt was futile for it to hope to prove a valid\\nseizure for a valid cause of forfeiture. It only\\nremained to settle the matter on the best terms\\nattainable. This finally was done and, no other\\npurchaser being found, the two rams the next\\nyear passed into the hands of the government,\\nand were named the Wivern and the Scorpion.\\nThe sum paid for them was \u00c2\u00a3225,000.\\nMr. Adams remained in London until the\\nspring of 1868, when, the war being long over,\\nhe insisted on the acceptance of his resignation.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0389.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "352 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nMeanwhile, after he had achieved his great suc-\\ncess in securing the detention of the rams, his\\nposition as respects the authorities at Washing-\\nton was greatly changed. There too, as well as\\nin Great Britain, it became assured. His expe-\\nrience in this matter greatly resembled, indeed,\\nthat of certain generals in the field during the\\ncivil war. It will be remembered how they\\nwere at first constantly hampered and thwarted\\nby interference from Washington. While in\\nthis respect Mr. Adams had little, comparatively\\nspeaking, to complain of, and while his chief in\\nthe State Department never failed to give him\\nfull rein and undeviating support, yet Secretary\\nSeward was wholly without diplomatic expe-\\nrience himself, and, moreover, set a politician s\\nundue estimate on the importance of indirect\\nmeans and influences. Accordingly, until Mr.\\nAdams had thoroughly established himself in\\nhis position by success in stopping the rams, he\\nwas encumbered with a great deal of assistance\\nwith which he would gladly have dispensed.\\nSecretary Seward failed to realize how much\\nthe irregularly accredited envoy tends to dis-\\ncredit the regularly accredited minister.\\nFortunately, there were two sides to this an-\\nnoyance for his opponents seem to have suf-\\nfered from it quite as much, or more even, than\\nMr. Adams. In September, 1862, for instance,", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0390.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 353\\nCaptain Bulloch wrote thus from Liverpool to\\nSecretary Mallory I do not hesitate to say\\nthat embarrassment has already been occasioned\\nby the number of persons from the South who\\nrepresent themselves to be agents of the Con-\\nfederate States government. There are men so\\nconstituted as not to be able to conceal their\\nconnection with any affairs which may by chance\\nadd to their importance, and such persons are\\nsoon found out and drawn into confessions and\\nstatements by gossiping acquaintances, to the\\nserious detriment of the service upon which they\\nare engaged. The unfortunate experience of\\nMr. Slidell, as the result of the amateur diplo-\\nmacy he initiated between the two itinerant\\nmembers of the Commons, Messrs. Lindsay and\\nRoebuck, and the Tuileries, has already been\\n1 described.\\nDuring the early years of his mission, indeed\\nuntil the autumn of 1863, Great Britain was,\\nfor reasons which at once suggest themselves,\\nthe special field of American diplomatic activity,\\nand the minister at London was at last driven\\nto active remonstrance. These emissaries were\\nof four distinct types (1) the roving diplomat,\\nirregularly accredited by the State Department\\n(2) the poaching diplomat, accredited to one\\ngovernment, but seeking a wider field of activity\\nelsewhere (3) the volunteer diplomat, not ac-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0391.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "354 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ncredited at all, but in his own belief divinely\\ncommissioned at that particular juncture to\\nenlighten foreign nations generally, and Great\\nBritain in particular and (4) the special agent,\\nsent out by some department of the government\\nto accomplish, if possible, a particular object.\\nMessrs. J. M. Forbes and W. H. Aspinwall,\\nalready referred to as sent out by the Navy De-\\npartment in 1863, to buy the rams, were of the\\nlast description, as also was Mr. William M.\\nEvarts and they were men of energy, tact, and\\ndiscretion. Accordingly they had the good sense\\nto confine themselves to the work they were in\\nEngland to do, and did not indulge in a per-\\nnicious general activity. With his rare tact,\\nshrewd judgment, and quick insight into men,\\nThurlow Weed also made himself of use both in\\nGreat Britain and on the Continent, and rela-\\ntions of a most friendly and lasting character\\ngrew up between him and Mr. Adams. Of\\nother diplomats, roving, poaching, and volun-\\nteer, Mr. Adams, as is evident from his diary\\nrecords, had grave and just cause of complaint;\\nthey were officious, they meddled, and they were\\nto the last degree indiscreet. They were pecul-\\niarly addicted to the columns of the Times,\\nin which their effusions appeared periodically\\nbut not always did they confine themselves to\\nill-considered letter-writing, or mere idle talk.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0392.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 355\\nThis annoyance reached its climax in the\\nspring of 1863. Special emissaries of the Trea-\\nsury and of the State Department then arrived\\nin quick succession, and naturally the news-\\npaper correspondents of Confederate leanings got\\nscent of their missions, and set to work to make\\ntrouble. One of them, writing from New York\\nto the London Standard over the signature\\nof Manchester, spoke of Messrs. Forbes and\\nAspinwall as delegates about to be followed\\nby eight other men of note, one being Mr.\\nEvarts, all of whom would regulate our affairs\\nabroad, and Mr. Adams is ordered to be their\\nmouthpiece. This correspondent then pro-\\nceeded as follows [Mr. Evarts] is a particu-\\nlar friend of W. H. Seward. The latter, it\\nis well known, has lost all confidence in Mr.\\nAdams, who, but for his name, would have been\\nrecalled long ago. Mr. Seward expresses him-\\nself on all occasions, early and late, that the real\\nsource of bad feeling in England towards the\\nNorth has been caused by the extraordinary\\nstupidity of Mr. Adams, our minister, and the\\nreally clever ability of all the rebel agents.\\nThis particular letter Mr. Adams never saw\\nuntil his attention was called to it by an em-\\nphatic private denial from Mr. Seward of the\\nstatements contained in it. None the less,\\nthough outwardly he gave no sign, the regularly", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0393.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "356 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\naccredited minister to Great Britain chafed\\nsorely in private over these efforts at advice and\\nsupervision. It cannot be denied, he wrote,\\nthat ever since I have been here the almost\\nconstant interference of government agents of\\nall kinds has had the effect, however intended,\\nof weakening the position of the minister. Most\\nof all has it happened in the case of Mr. Evarts,\\nwhom the newspapers here have all insisted to\\nhave been sent to superintend my office in all\\nquestions of international law. I doubt whether\\nany minister has ever had so much of this kind\\nof thing to contend with. Mr. Adams prob-\\nably had grounds for this doubt. Meanwhile,\\non the other hand, few foreign ministers at any\\ntime, and certainly none ever from the United\\nStates, occupied such a difficult and responsible\\nposition at so critical a period.\\nAfter the stoppage of the rams, Mr. Adams\\nsuffered no more annoyance from this source\\nthan did General Grant from interference of a\\nsimilar kind after the fall of Vicksburg and\\nfrom the same reason. But, as a mere function\\nof state, the position of minister had no at-\\ntraction for him indeed, its duties were dis-\\ntasteful. He yearned to be at home in New\\nEngland, referring continually to his prolonged\\nresidence in Europe as an exile. Yet in\\nfact no American representative, before or", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0394.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 357\\nsince, has ever enjoyed a position equal to\\nthat held by him during the remaining four\\nyears of his service. He had, under trying\\ncircumstances, won the confidence of all parties.\\nThe cause and country he represented had,\\nmoreover, been brilliantly successful and cer-\\ntainly not less in Great Britain than elsewhere\\nsuccess counts for much.\\nThe correspondence in relation to the so-called\\nAlabama claims was renewed in 1864, and car-\\nried on at great length through 1865, Earl Rus-\\nsell being still the foreign secretary. It at-\\ntracted much attention, both in Europe and at\\nhome, and the conduct of his share in it greatly\\nenhanced the reputation of Mr. Adams. Sub-\\nsequently it became the basis of the American\\ncase in the Geneva arbitration.\\nLater, and after the close of the civil war,\\noccurred the Fenian disturbances in Canada\\nand Great Britain, throwing on the London\\nlegation a good deal of business the reverse\\nof agreeable. The blowing up by dynamite of\\nhistoric public edifices as well as police stations,\\nand the murdering of the constabulary while in\\nthe performance of its duties as such, are\\ncriminal acts, even when committed in Europe\\nby those naturalized in America. This purely\\nprosaic and matter-of-faet view of the case did\\nnot, however, during the years 18G5-67, altogether", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0395.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "360 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nseats, however, though empty at the moment, all\\nbelonged to individuals by ticket just as rigidly\\nas if it was a theatre, and I was beginning to\\ndespair, when a civil, plain-looking man met us\\nand offered two seats in the front gallery, vacant\\nby reason of the non-attendance of two of his\\ndaughters, which I accepted with pleasure. This\\nposition gave us the opportunity to see the entire\\naudience after it was assembled, and the slow\\nbut the steady process of accumulation, until,\\nfrom top to bottom, including the very highest\\npoint under the roof, not an empty place was\\nto be found, not excepting any of the aisles or\\npassageways. It is estimated that the house\\ncan hold seven thousand people at the lowest.\\nThe spectacle was striking, for the people were\\nevidently almost all of the pure middle class of\\nEngland, which constitutes the real strength of\\nthe nation, and yet which in religion relucts at\\nthe inanimate vacuity of the ministrations in the\\nEstablished Church, and grasps at something\\nmore vigorous and earnest than forms. Mr.\\nSpurgeon is a short, thickset man, thoroughly\\nEnglish in matter and manner, yet without\\nphysical coarseness, so common an attendant of\\nthe frame after youth. There was no pulpit.\\nHe stood on a raised platform under the first\\ngallery, projecting sufficiently to admit of several\\nrows of seats behind, and between flights of steps", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0396.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 361\\non each side which led down to the body of the\\nhall. A slight railing ran before him, which\\ncontinued on the stairs to the bottom. A table\\nat one side, and a chair. This was the appear-\\nance. The service was in the usual simple form\\nof the dissenting churches. A rather short\\nprayer. The hymns were read aloud, and sung\\nby the whole congregation without accompani-\\nment. Then the sermon from the text 3 Ephe-\\nsians xv., Of whom the whole family in\\nheaven and earth is named. He discoursed\\nupon this with great fluency, moving from time\\nto time to one or the other side. His topics were\\ndrawn from the three significant words of his\\ntext, the link word, as he called it, which was\\nChrist, as referred to from the antecedent in the\\nverse before then the key-word, which was the\\nfamily and lastly the password, which comprised\\nall its members. Everything else, however, was\\ngrouped around the single centre of the family\\nthe head and father of the members, liviug and\\ndead, recognized by the name of Christ, no mat-\\nter what the superadded denomination. There\\nwas breadth and grandeur in his images, not a\\nlittle heightened by the mode of singing before-\\nhand a Wesleyan hymn developing the idea of\\nthe solemn march of the host, never breaking its\\nranks even in crossing the narrow river that sep-\\narates this and the other world. The family con-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0397.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "362 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntinued one, going on to its reward for its faithful\\ndevotion to its chief. And, although professing\\nhimself a Baptist and a Calvinist, he disavowed\\nall narrowness of sectarian bigotry, and com-\\npared the effect of the distinctions between them\\nto that produced by the prenomen among bro-\\nthers and sisters. His division was lucid, and\\nhis treatment remarkably effective, of a few\\nsimple ideas. For there was no very character-\\nistic thought nor novel reasoning. His power\\nconsisted in sympathy with the current of human\\nfeeling in all ages on the solemn topic of moral\\nresponsibility to a higher power both here and\\nhereafter. During his whole address, the atten-\\ntion was profound, and the emotion at times con-\\nsiderable. How singular is the sway of the hu-\\nman voice when guided by a master of its tones\\nAs the great multitude finally poured itself in a\\nquiet, orderly channel out of the edifice, I could\\nnot but speculate upon the new view of English\\nsociety that had here been opened to me. Here\\nis visible the kernel that cracked the hard outer\\nshell of conventional formalities in the days of\\nthe Reformation. Here lie, but partially awak-\\nened, the elements of moral revolution whenever\\nthe corruption of the privileged classes shall\\nhave reached a point that renders submission no\\nlonger tolerable. 1 This crowded auditory is the\\n1 When the intelligence came that the emancipation policy", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0398.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 363\\nstanding protest of the city of London against\\nthe monotonous vacuity of the teaching of the\\nEstablished Church. Well it will be for the\\nsafety of all if they never fall into hands more\\ndangerous than those of Mr. Spurgeon. I con-\\nfess I was very agreeably disappointed in this\\nvisit.\\nAnother entry, and of a gathering of a wholly\\ndifferent character, was that of Wednesday,\\nFebruary, 1865. Mr. Adams had then been\\nnearly four years in England, and, owing to the\\ndelicate health of a daughter, the physicians\\nrecommended for her a winter in Italy. Un-\\nable to leave his post, for those were the closing\\ndays of the civil war, Mr. Adams accompanied\\nhis family only to Folkestone. It was a soft\\nof the President was confirmed by the supplementary procla-\\nmation of January 1st, the demonstrations of support [in Eng-\\nland] were greater than had been known for any movement\\nsince the uprising for the abolition of the duties on corn.\\nOn a Sunday Spurgeon thus prayed before his congregation of\\nmauy thousands Now, O God we turn our thoughts across\\nthe sea to the terrible conflict of which we knew not what to\\nsay but now the voice of freedom shows where is right. We\\npray Thee, give success to this glorious proclamation of liberty\\nwhich comes to us from across the waters. We much feared\\nthat our brethren were not in earnest, and would not come to\\nthis. Bondage and the lash can claim no sympathy from us.\\nGod bless and strengthen the North give victory to their arms\\nThe immense congregation responded to this invocation in the\\nmidst of the prayer with a fervent amen. Rhodes, History\\nof the United States, iv. 350, 351.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0399.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "364 CHAKLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nspring day, with light vapor clouds; a gentle\\nbreeze from the west slightly rippled the sur-\\nface of the Channel as he watched the reced-\\ning packet from the head of the pier. The\\nsteamer grew smaller and smaller, and I re-\\nflected that I was alone, and now what to\\ndo next? The solitary house in London did\\nnot seem attractive, and Mr. Adams gradually\\nbethought himself of Canterbury. He had\\nnever visited Canterbury. So he resolved to\\nget all the benefit he could from his trip by\\nseeing one more cathedral town. Of the cathe-\\ndral itself he wrote Although not perhaps so\\nfull of striking effects as some of the others,\\nthere are parts which are very imposing, and\\nwhich become far more so to the visitor from\\nthe historical associations with which they are\\nconnected. The greatest of all is what is called\\nBecket s corona. It was the blundering passion\\nof Henry which made the fortune of the edifice\\nwhere the crime of Becket s murder was commit-\\nted. For many generations following, the reli-\\ngious heart of the Christian community continued\\nto respond to the call made upon it in the name\\nof the slaughtered martyr. Here was the shrine\\nwhich pilgrims came from afar to visit, and to\\ncover with the most costly of presents. The\\ncounter-clap of the Reformation came to knock\\nit all away, so that nothing now remains but the", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0400.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 365\\nstone to mark the site where the act was com-\\nmitted, and the corona built up in his honor.\\nHere, too, is the effigy of Edward, the Black\\nPrince, in brass, in remarkable preservation,\\na slight built, youthful figure, considerably below\\nthe medium size. Henry the Fourth and his\\nsecond wife are also here. There is a spacious\\nchapter house, and cloisters which go all round\\nthe square. Plow imposing all this must have\\nbeen five centuries ago There are plenty of\\nmonuments of archbishops down to Cardinal\\nPole, the last of the Catholics, whose sarco-\\nphagus, as compared with the rest, sufficiently\\nshows the change that the public mind had\\nundergone. Nobody resisted the eighth Henry s\\nruthless desecration of Becket s holy shrine. In\\nthis day the great cathedral finds itself sadly\\nout of place. The archbishop lives in London,\\nand seldom pays it more than a formal visit.\\nThe town is a quiet, little, mean-looking one,\\nstrangely contrasting with the stately and spa-\\ncious central structure. Its general effect is not\\nequal to that of York or Lincoln, or even Dur-\\nham.\\nHaving thus accomplished my object, I re-\\nturned to the Fountain Hotel to dine. A\\nquiet, country inn but clean and good, and\\nwithout any pretension. Having my evening\\non my hands, I inquired of the waiter if there", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0401.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "366 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nwas any public amusement here. He answered\\nthat a concert of the Catch Club was to be held\\na few doors from there. It would be very full,\\nand admission could be had only through mem-\\nbers. But if I wished to go, Mr. Fine, the land-\\nlord, who was a member, would pass me. I went,\\nand paid my shilling entrance fee without having\\noccasion to name Mr. Fine. The spectacle to\\nwhich I was introduced was curious, and to me\\nnovel in this country. It was a good-sized hall,\\nat one end of which was a platform for the per-\\nformers, and at the other a gallery. The women\\ncongregated in both places, where they sat apart\\nby themselves. On one side, and close to the\\nwall, was a small box, in which sat the chairman\\nand other officers. Along the body of the hall\\nwere three rows of tables, with chairs on both\\nsides of each. Here were the men of Canter-\\nbury, I should think fair specimens of the middle\\nclass of the small towns. Every man had either\\na pipe or a cigar, smoking all the evening, and\\nbefore him was a glass of spirits and hot water,\\nwhich was supplied from waiters carried around\\nby servants. These were renewed as often as\\nemptied, each one costing sixpence, which was\\npaid on the spot. As I can take neither of\\nthese luxuries, my position was singular, but it\\nelicited no remark. The music was composed\\nof two catches for four voices, two solos, two or", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0402.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 367\\nthree concerted pieces for instruments, and three\\nballads by Mr. McKnew, a nigger minstrel fan-\\ntastically dressed. Among them all, the latter\\nincontestably carried away the honors. He was\\napplauded noisily, and each time called back to\\nsing again. But he never repeated. The buf-\\nfoonery was poor, occasionally bordering the\\ncoarse. A burlesque of a speech of thanks was\\nsheer nonsense. Yet everything was accepted\\nas droll, laughed at, and boisterously approved.\\nYet in the midst of this steam of hot liquor\\nthere was no disorder or irregularity of deport-\\nment. The general aspect was gravity. The\\nconversation was from neighbor to neighbor.\\nNo voices raised high. No appearance of undue\\nexcitement. The brandy or rum or gin was per-\\nceptible on the surface of the outer cuticle, but\\nit rather dulled than stimulated the eye. These\\npeople were evidently happy after their fashion.\\nBut that fashion, before it was over, became so\\nintolerable to me that I was obliged to take my\\nleave of the stifling atmosphere at the cost of\\nmissing the latter part of the entertainment. I\\nsuppose that this is about the summit of pleasure\\nduring the winter season to English people of\\nthis type. I knew they drank freely, but I had\\nno idea smoking was so universal among them.\\nWent back to my hotel, and soon to bed but\\nI slept very partially, hearing at intervals the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0403.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "368 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nhowling of the wind, as well as tho raindrops\\nboating against the window, and 1 congratulated\\nmyself on having expedited tho travelers,\\nIn onrious contrast with tho foregoing was an\\naooount of a breakfast at Mr. Gladstone s, some\\nfifteen mouths later, Mr. Gladstone was thou\\nohanoellor of tho exchequer and Leader of tho\\nHouse of Commons in tho brief Russell ministry,\\nfollowing tho death of Lord Palmerston. Tho\\nColonel Holmes referred to was Oliver Wendell\\nHolmes, Jr., thou fresh from tho army after tho\\noloso of tho Rebellion; now JS^) tho Chief\\nJustice o( Massachusetts, In Juno, tho London\\nSeason was at its height and tho Russell min-\\nistry, in oonsequenoe of adverse majorities in\\ntho Commons on tho reform hill it had intro-\\nduced, resigned on tho 26th of tho mouth.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Thursday. 7th June, 1866 The other even-\\ning at tho Queen s hall Mrs. Gladstone asked\\nmo. as from her husband, to come to breakfast\\nthis morning, at tho same time that Colonel\\nHolmes was invited. At first I hesitated on tho\\nscore of various engagements and arrears of\\nwork hut. on consideration that this was tho\\nsecond time of such an overture, I decided to go.\\nI found no cause to regret tho decision, for tho\\ncompany was very pleasant. The Duke and\\nDuchess of Argyll, Lord Littleton, Lord Hough-\\nton, Lord Frederick Cavendish with his wife, and", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0404.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "THE VKAliS OF FRUITION 369\\none \u00c2\u00bbi his ancles, and several whom I did not\\nknow. I forgot Lord Dufferin. We sat at two\\nround tables, thus dividing the company but\\nMr. Gladstone took ours, which made all the\\ndifference in the world. II is characteristic is\\nthe most extraordinary facility of conversation\\non almost any topic, with a great command of\\nliterary resources, which at once gives it a high\\ntone. Lord Houghton, if put to it, is not with-\\nout aptness in keeping it up; whilst the Duke of\\nArgyll was stimulated out of his customary in-\\ndifference to take his share. Thus we pas led\\nfrom politics, the House of Commons, and Mr.\\nMill, to English prose as illustrated from the\\ntime of Milton and BaCOll down to this day and\\ncontrasted with German, which has little of\\ngood, and with French. In the latter connec-\\ntion Mr. asked me if I had read the Conscrit\\nof Erckmann-Chatrian. Luckily for me, who\\nhave, little acquaintance with the light current\\nliterature, I could say Yes, and could contrast\\nit favorably with the artificial manner of Hugo.\\nIt is a cause of wonder to me how :i man like\\nGladstone, so deeply plunged in the current of\\npolitics, and in the duties of legislation and offi-\\ncial labor, can find time to keep along with the\\nephemeral literature abroad as well as at home.\\nAfter an hour thus spent we rose, and on a\\nquestion proposed by Colonel Holmes respecting", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0405.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "370 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\na group of figures in china, which stood in a\\ncorner, Mr. Gladstone launched forth into a dis-\\nquisition on that topic, which he delights in, and\\nillustrated his idea of the art by showing us\\nseveral specimens of different kinds. One a\\ngrotesque but speaking figure in Capo di Monte,\\nanother a group of combatants, two of whom\\nwere lying dead with all the aspect of strained\\nmuscle stiffening and lastly, a very classical and\\nelegant set of Wedgwood ware, certainly finer\\nthan I ever saw before. He might have gone\\non much longer, but we were separating, and\\nI was obliged to hurry home in order to com-\\nplete the week s dispatches. This is the plea-\\nsantest and most profitable form of English\\nsociety. I have not met with much of it since\\nI have been here, and hence infer that it is rare.\\nIt reminds me a little of my father s breakfasts\\n[in Washington] when he was Secretary of\\nState and I a boy.\\nThe following are Mr. Adams s descriptions of\\nthe funeral obsequies of two of the most distin-\\nguished of the public men with whom he came\\nin contact while in England, Richard Cob-\\nden, the most influential of those who, during\\nthe period of rebellion stress, sympathized\\nwith the Union, though not more courageous or\\noutspoken than Bright or Forster; and Lord\\nPalmerston, the jaunty Premier, to whose really", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0406.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 371\\nstrong points and attractive attributes Mr. Ad-\\nams, it must be conceded, did scant justice. Mr.\\nCobden died on the 2d of April, 1865, the very-\\nday of the capture of Richmond and the fall of\\nthe Confederacy. Lord Palmerston, still Prime\\nMinister at the great age of eighty-one, fol-\\nlowed him on the 18th of October.\\nFriday, 7th April, 1865 To Midhurst [in\\nSussex, some fifteen miles from the south coast\\nof England], which we reached at noon. We all\\ngot out and walked perhaps a mile to the point at\\nwhich the immediate procession would pass from\\nthe house to the church of Larington, where the\\nbody was to be buried here we were to fall in\\nand follow. I saw Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Villiers,\\nand Mr. Milner Gibson, of the ministers, and\\nperhaps sixty members of Parliament. Lord\\nKinnaird, the only peer, and I walked together.\\nBesides which there were deputations from sev-\\neral of the great towns of the north, Manches-\\nter and Birmingham, Bradford and Rochdale,\\nand Liverpool. The day was lovely, and the\\nscenery of that peculiarly quiet, English charac-\\nter seen nowhere but in this little island. It\\nhas not, however, that defect of flatness and\\nover-culture which robs so many parts of all in-\\nterest. There is irregularity of surface, and in\\na degree roughness of wood and wild to make\\nthe picturesque. We wound along a road grad-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0407.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "372 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nually ascending until we came to a steep rise,\\nwhich brought us to the little church. The site\\nis thus high and from it the eye wanders over\\na wide space terminating in a range of distant\\nhills, all rural and quiet. Here the last cere-\\nmonies were completed. The land is thrown up\\nin glacis, on the highest of which was the tomb\\ninto which the body was finally placed to re-\\npose. In front were the pall-bearers and near-\\nest relatives. On one side were the members\\nof Parliament, and at the back I stood, with\\nmany more, thus making three sides of a square,\\nthe fourth side left open at the corner of the\\nsloping terrace. There was emotion shown by\\nnone so much as by Mr. Bright. No pageant\\ncould have touched me so much. I felt my eyes\\nfilling from mere human sympathy. The de-\\nceased statesman had fought his way to fame\\nand honor by the single force of his character.\\nHe had nothing to give. No wealth, no honors,\\nno preferment. A lifelong contempt of the\\nruling class of his countrymen had earned for\\nhim their secret ill-will, marked on this day by\\nthe almost total absence of representatives here.\\nAnd, of all foreign nations, I alone, the type of\\na great democracy, stood to bear witness to the\\nscene. The real power that was present in the\\nmultitude crowding around this lifeless form\\nwas not the less gigantic for all this absence.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0408.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 373\\nIn this country, it ma}^ be said to owe its ex-\\nistence to Mr. Cobden. He first taught them\\nby precept and example that the right of gov-\\nernment was not really to the few, but to the\\nmany. He shook the pillars of the aristocracy\\nby proving that he could wield influence with-\\nout selling himself to them, or without recourse\\nto the arts of a demagogue. Thus he becomes\\nthe founder of a new school, the influence of\\nwhich is only just beginning to be felt. In the\\nnext century the effects will become visible.\\nSuch were my meditations as I drew away from\\nthe spot, and sauntered along a quiet cross-road\\nby myself back to the little town of Midhurst,\\nold, with narrow streets, but neat as possible,\\nand substantial-looking. No dilapidation, or\\nsymptom of dirt or poverty. An aspect of com-\\nplete repose, as it were Pompeii after an en-\\ntombment of centuries. Presently Mr. Forster\\novertook me. We soon afterwards returned in\\nthe train which got to town at six. Thus passed\\nthe day. I was glad I went, for it seemed to\\nbe very acceptable. Besides which, it was an\\nevent to mark in a lifetime.\\nFriday, 27th October. According to the\\nprogramme, my carriage and servants were sent\\nat eleven o clock to Cambridge House, to make\\na part of the escort of the corpse to Westmin-\\nster Abbey, whilst I went directly to the Abbey", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0409.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "374 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nat noon. A stall in the choir was assigned to\\nme, from which I had a good opportunity to\\nsee everything of the ceremony in the interior.\\nThe Prince of Wales and the Duke of Cam-\\nbridge came in successively, and each had a stall\\nassigned next to the desk of the subdeans.\\nOnly Mr. Musurus, of the ambassadors, and\\nMessrs. D Azeglio, Biilow, Wachmeister, Ne-\\ngrete, and myself, of the ministers, with several\\nsubordinates, supposed to represent their prin-\\ncipals, and Baron Blome. The members of Par-\\nliament, many of the Lords and other officials,\\nhad places on a raised platform placed in the\\nPoets Corner. Spectators heads were visi-\\nble peering out from every arch or window base,\\neven to the very roof, where they looked little\\ndots but it gave no idea of a great crowd.\\nPresently came in the usual assortment of city\\norganizations, with their comical livery dresses,\\nand the maces, which make the bathos of every\\npublic demonstration of this kingdom. After\\nthese had been carefully disposed of in the space\\njust before the altar, the choir came in, preceding\\nthe body, and chanting the opening sentences\\nof the burial service, I am the resurrection and\\nthe life, and I know that my Redeemer liveth.\\nTo me, this was the most impressive moment of\\nthe whole ceremony. The singers slowly filed\\noff into their places in front of me, making way", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0410.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "THE YEARS OF FRUITION 375\\nfor the body, borne in apparently by the chief\\nmembers of the old cabinet, with the new Pre-\\nmier at the head, Lord Russell. Just in ad-\\nvance was a man bearing on a velvet cushion\\nthe empty coronet, a good type of the vanity of\\nthe bauble. Then followed the mourners and\\nattendant followers, who filled the remaining\\nseats in the choir. Of the whole mass, the only\\nblood relations were two persons of the name of\\nSullivan, never heard of in his day of power,\\nand therefore probably of very modest preten-\\nsions in the social scale but there were many\\nof his wife s descendants. The ceremony went\\non in customary form until the moment for\\nmoving to the grave. We then all filed out in\\norder, and made a circle around the grave. The\\neffect was fine in the midst of the monuments\\nto the great men of other times, Chatham and\\nFox and Pitt and Canning, each of whom was\\na much greater man than Palmerston yet not\\nso much so, but that he might properly enough\\nbe permitted to repose at their feet. Many are\\nresting around him who were not half so de-\\nserving as he. Dean Stanley read the remain-\\nder of the services clearly and with effect, but\\nthere was nothing to stir emotion. Then came\\nHandel s hymn, His body is buried in peace,\\nvery well sung in the midst of a sudden change\\nof light caused by heavy rain outside, which", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0411.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "376 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ngave a touch of gloom that did not form any\\nmarked feature of the ceremony before. So it\\nended. Imposing, but not affecting. Lord\\nPalmerston s career was one of success which\\ndrew myriads of friends of a certain sort about\\nhim, but he was the incarnation of the passions\\nof this world. Hence when he vanishes he\\nleaves nothing but a historical memory. I could\\nnot but recall the moment when I stood, only a\\nfew months ago, by the grave of a greater, be-\\ncause a more single-hearted and truthful, states-\\nman, and witnessed the simple but earnest trib-\\nute paid to his worth by hundreds of men who\\nwere drawn to the spot by no idea but the sole\\ndesire to sprinkle [it] with their tears. At\\nthat time I, though a stranger, felt the moisture\\nspontaneously rising in my eyes. At this, I\\nnot only stood myself unmoved, but saw no one\\nanywhere who looked less calm than I. The\\nhistorical scene was over and Palmerston is no\\nlonger a word of charm for any perhaps but the\\nwidow, who served him faithfully in his days of\\npride, and who in his loss will daily realize the\\nchange that has come over herself and her own\\nambition. The mainspring is gone.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0412.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIX\\nTHE GENEVA ARBITRATION\\nWhen he returned to America in June, 1868,\\nMr. Adams was in his sixty-first year, and\\nmuch future public usefulness might have been\\nexpected of him. He was, however, not only,\\nso to speak, out of touch with both the great\\npolitical parties which divided the country, but\\nhe came back to a country quite different from\\nthat which he had left. Between the United\\nStates of 1861 and that of 1868 a great gulf\\nintervened and Mr. Adams was a man who\\nadjusted himself but slowly to new conditions.\\nMoreover, the rough, crude policy of recon-\\nstruction, inaugurated in opposition to President\\nAndrew Johnson by the more radical element\\nof the Republican party, now in complete as-\\ncendency, offended all his ideas both of public\\nmorality and constitutional law on the other\\nhand, not only was the record of the Democratic\\nparty objectionable, but he could not help see-\\ning much to criticise in its present attitude and\\npolitical methods. Still, he came back with a\\ngreat reputation. Throughout the war he had", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0413.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "378 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nbeen brought in conflict with those representing\\nforeign nations only. Thus he was in no way\\nassociated in men s minds with domestic strife,\\nand consequently he was in a strong position to\\nrender public service. He evinced, however,\\nno disposition to take part in political affairs,\\navoiding all public expression. While the ac-\\ntive politicians the workers and schemers of\\nboth parties looked at him somewhat askance,\\nregarding him as an unknown and to a degree\\na questionable factor, he betook himself at once\\nto Quincy, and, busying himself with the family\\npapers, quietly resumed the life he had aban-\\ndoned when he went to Washington ten years\\nbefore. Naturally, he did not find the change\\nhealthful, or his work exhilarating. He under-\\nstood at last his father s dislike, in his latter\\nyears, to raking over stale political excite-\\nments.\\nThough, at the presidential election which fol-\\nlowed his return, Mr. Adams cast a silent vote\\nfor the Republican candidate, General Grant,\\nas representing a policy of peace and restored\\ngood feeling, he took no part whatever in the\\ncanvass. The radical element repelled him.\\nAfter the election, however, and when the cabi-\\nnet of the coming President was in discussion,\\nhis name was much canvassed in connection with\\nthe Department of State but there is no reason", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0414.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 379\\nto think that Grant ever seriously considered\\nthe appointment. When Mr. Adams left for\\nEngland in 1861, the now incoming President\\nwas a compulsorily retired captain, unknown\\nand quite discredited nor could anything have\\nmore emphasized the change the intervening\\nyears had wrought than, a few months after\\nhis return, to be introduced to this personage,\\nbecome, as if by magic, the most exalted char-\\nacter in the land. The two met for the first\\ntime at a Boston dinner-table, early in Decem-\\nber, 1869. They doubtless each scrutinized the\\nother with curiosity it is questionable whether\\non either side the conclusion was altogether fa-\\nvorable.\\nHarvard University was then looking for a\\nPresident in place of Thomas Hill, recently re-\\nsigned. Mr. Adams was somewhat in the line\\nof safe precedent, and the members of the cor-\\nporation accordingly turned towards him. In\\nMarch, 1869, a formal tender of the position\\nwas made. Mr. Adams declined to consider it.\\nHe saw in himself no especial fitness for\\nthe office and to accept it would, as he wrote,\\ninvolve a necessity of breaking up all my ar-\\nrangements, and the abandonment of plans to\\nexecute which I had given up public life. The\\nconclusion was not less wise than clear and,\\nMr. Charles W. Eliot being the next choice,", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0415.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "380 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nneither Mr. Adams nor the University had oc-\\ncasion subsequently to regret it.\\nMeanwhile the questions at issue between the\\nUnited States and Great Britain, left unsettled\\nby Mr. Adams, were rapidly being brought to a\\nhead. Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, had\\nsucceeded Mr. Adams at London. A treaty,\\nsubsequently known as the Johnson-Clarendon\\ntreaty, had been negotiated by Mr. Johnson\\nwith Lord Clarendon, the British foreign sec-\\nretary in the first Gladstone administration,\\nand, in the last month of Andrew Johnson s\\nterm, was submitted to the Senate for its ap-\\nproval. Carried over as unfinished business\\ninto Grant s first term, on April 13th it was\\nrejected by a vote practically unanimous. It\\nwas on this occasion that Mr. Sumner, then\\nchairman of the senate committee on foreign\\naffairs, introduced into the case the element of\\nindirect claims. The practical effect of\\nthis proceeding, wrote Mr. Adams on the day\\nMr. Sumner s speech was published, is to raise\\nthe scale of our demands of reparation so very\\nhigh that there is no chance of negotiation left,\\nunless the English have lost all their spirit and\\ncharacter. A few days later Mr. Motley, then\\nrecently appointed, and on his way to succeed\\nReverdy Johnson at London, called on Mr.\\nAdams. He seems anxious to do his best,", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0416.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 381\\nwrote Mr. Adams but his embarrassment is\\nconsiderable in one particular which never af-\\nfected me, and that is having two masters. Mr.\\nSeward never permitted any interference of the\\nSenate, or Mr. Sumner, with his direction of\\nthe policy.\\nThere is not space in the present work to\\nenter in detail into the history of the treaty of\\nWashington. Very interesting, it is replete with\\nindividual characteristics but Mr. Adams was\\nconcerned only in its results. He took no part in\\nthe negotiations, nor was he more than inciden-\\ntally consulted as they progressed. To expect\\nan agreement of the two sides on the numer-\\nous and intricate questions in dispute was alto-\\ngether unreasonable and so, in the end, a series\\nof references to arbitration was agreed on, one\\nof which, and incomparably the most important,\\ncovered the Alabama claims. The really no-\\nticeable feature in the treaty, however, the\\nfeature unprecedented in diplomacy, was a\\nconfession of wrongdoing on the part of one of\\nthe contracting parties, incorporated in the pre-\\namble. Her Britannic Majesty s representatives\\nthere declared themselves authorized to ex-\\npress in a friendly spirit the regret felt by her\\nMajesty s government for the escape, under\\nwhatever circumstances, of the Alabama and\\nother vessels from British ports, and for the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0417.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "382 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ndepredations committed by those vessels, an\\nadmission which, eight years before, it would\\nhave seemed to Lord Palmerston and Earl Rus-\\nsell well-nigh inconceivable that England ever\\nwould descend to make.\\nThree rules for the guidance of the arbitrators\\nin their disposal of claims in dispute were then\\nformulated. Through these rules the principles\\nof international law theretofore recognized were\\ndistinctly developed and defined and to this re-\\nsult the clear and detailed record, so laboriously\\nmade up by Mr. Adams in his correspondence\\nwith Earl Russell, greatly contributed. The ar-\\nbitrators, five in number, were to be named\\none by each of the two nations concerned one\\nby the King of Italy one by the Emperor of\\nBrazil and one by the President of the Swiss\\nConfederation. Count Frederic Sclopis, the\\nBaron dTtajuba, and Mr. Jacob Staempfli were\\nduly designated by the three foreign countries.\\nGreat Britain appointed Sir Alexander Cock-\\nburn, Chief Justice of the Court of Queen s\\nBench Mr. Adams was appointed on behalf of\\nthe United States. It was further provided that\\nthe tribunal should meet at Geneva at the\\nearliest convenient day after appointment,\\nwhich was subsequently settled as some time in\\nDecember, 1871. None of those with whom he\\nthus found himself about to be associated had", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0418.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 383\\nMr. Adams ever met Sir Alexander Cockburn\\nnot having actively participated in English social\\nlife during the period of Mr. Adams s London\\nresidence.\\nMeeting at Geneva at the time fixed, the\\nBoard organized by the selection of Count\\nSclopis as its presiding member, and then ad-\\njourned for six months to give the several arbi-\\ntrators the time necessary to master, as best they\\ncould, the elaborate arguments already in print,\\namounting almost to a literature. Being the only\\none among them thoroughly familiar with the\\nsubject in all its aspects, Mr. Adams felt himself\\ncomparatively at leisure. Going from Geneva\\nto the Riviera and thence to Italy, he was medi-\\ntating a trip to Egypt, when, suddenly, he found\\nhimself recalled to America. A new and serious\\ndifficulty had arisen in the path of the arbitra-\\ntion. Sir Alexander Cockburn, the British ap-\\npointee on the board, had never regarded the\\nproposed plan of settlement with favor and he\\nleft Geneva distinctly prejudiced against it. He\\nwould have liked to find some good and suf-\\nficient pretext for bringing the arbitration to an\\nend nor, in his search for such a pretext, did he\\nhave far to go. It was found in the American\\ncase, under the head of Indirect Damages.\\nThe generically so-called Alabama claims, as\\nadvanced originally by Mr. Adams in his cor-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0419.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "384 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nrespondence with Earl Russell, and as subse-\\nquently provided for in the Johnson-Clarendon\\ntreaty, included only the direct losses resulting\\nfrom the depredations of such of the Confederate\\ncruisers as, during the civil war, escaped from,\\nor found refuge and comfort in, British ports.\\nSo many ships had been destroyed so much\\ndamage inflicted. It all admitted of enumera-\\ntion and proof it was definite and measurable\\nany jury could have passed upon it, and assessed\\na verdict under well-established rules of compu-\\ntation applied in accordance with recognized\\nprinciples of law. Something more than this\\nhad first been foreshadowed by Mr. Sumner in\\nhis speech, already referred to, on the rejection\\nof the Johnson-Clarendon treaty in April, 1869.\\nVague, intangible, admitting neither of measure-\\nment nor of computation, this something sub-\\nsequently became known as the claim for indi-\\nrect or consequential damages. A single item\\nonly, that of diminution of tonnage in the car-\\nrying trade, was computed by Mr. Sumner in\\nhis speech at a hundred and ten millions of dol-\\nlars; while he vaguely intimated that an ad-\\nditional two thousand millions, or thereabouts,\\nsomething more or a trifle less, might be fairly\\nchargeable in the same way on account of the\\nprolongation of the war. Obviously, among rea-\\nsonable or reasoning men, such a claim was not", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0420.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 385\\nentitled to serious consideration. Preposterous\\non its face, the suggestion of it was calculated\\nto excite derision. Even Mr. Sumner probably\\ndid not look upon it as a thing convertible into\\nfigures, or to be measured in pounds and pence.\\nHis mind was then working in another direc-\\ntion. He meditated conjuring the British flag\\nout of the entire Western Hemisphere and\\nthis was the spectre with which he proposed to\\nexorcise. 1 A result wholly visionary, except at\\nthe close of a decisive trial of strength, was\\nthus to be brought about through an impossible\\ncomputation of quantities which did not admit\\nof ascertainment. The device was in every re-\\nspect characteristic. Of course it does not need\\nto be said that no nation not wholly crushed and\\nhelpless would, any more than an individual,\\nsubmit to be mulcted in this fashion. The pro-\\nposal was an insult, and its discussion would be a\\nhumiliation. The United States had but to con-\\nsider what its own feelings would be if it were\\ninsolently confronted with such a proposition.\\nThe consequences are readily imaginable, there-\\nfore, when, on the distribution of what was\\nknown as the American case at Geneva on\\n1 See the extraordinary memorandum submitted by Mr.\\nSumner to Secretary Fish on the 17th of January, 1871,\\nprinted by Professor Moore, International Arbitrations, i. 525\\nalso, Sumner s Works, xiii. 127-130.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0421.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "386 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nFebruary 15th, an examination disclosed the fact\\nthat this claim for indirect and consequential\\ndamages had in it been advanced. In the pre-\\nsentation, too, there was not a sign of humor, nor\\nan indication of a sense of absurdity. On its\\nface the claim was made seriously. It is need-\\nless at this point to enter into any elaborate\\ndiscussion of why this thing was done, by whom\\nit was inspired, or to what end it was designed.\\nThat it was there, was at the time both plain\\nand sufficient. The treaty was endangered.\\nThe London press at once seized on the matter.\\nThe Morning Advertiser opened on January\\n4th by asking whether it was possible that\\nimbeciles and fools could have so conducted\\nnegotiations as to put it in the power of any\\ntribunal, even by possibility, to award our na-\\ntional degradation and financial ruin if they\\nhad, it only remained for the nation at once to\\nresume a faculty it had so fatally delegated to\\nsuch crass incompetency. The chorus then\\nbecame general and, in its turn, Great Britain\\npassed into a condition of hysteria not unlike\\nthat experienced by the Northern communities\\nof the United States when they heard of the\\nTrent performance of Captain Wilkes.\\nThe ministry bowed to the storm. Signifi-\\ncantly referred to in the Queen s speech at the\\nopening of Parliament on February 9th, the", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0422.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 387\\nindirect claims became at once matter for\\nparliamentary discussion and diplomatic cor-\\nrespondence. Mr. Disraeli, the leader of the\\nopposition, characterized them as preposterous\\nand wild, equivalent to a tribute from a con-\\nquered people and the Prime Minister, Mr.\\nGladstone, in reply, referred to this language as\\nrather under the mark than an exaggeration,\\nand was loudly cheered when he went on to\\ndeclare that we must be insane to accede to\\ndemands which no nation with a spark of honor\\nor spirit left could submit to even at the point\\nof death. 1 The British commissioners in due\\ntime each rose in his place, whether the House\\nof Lords, or Exeter, or the Oxford lecture-room,\\nand expressed their astonishment at the con-\\nstruction put upon their handiwork while pre-\\nsently Lord Granville began to exchange notes\\non the subject with General Schenck, now the\\n1 This debate occurred in February, 1872. By the terms\\nof the treaty of Versailles, which, in February, 1871, exactly\\ntwelve months before, brought the Franco-Prussian war to a\\nclose, France, besides the loss of Alsace and Lorraine, had\\nbeen forced to submit to the payment of a war indemnity of\\none thousand millions of dollars. This precedent, very fresh\\nat the time, was obviously present in the minds of those who\\ntook part in the debate. The suggestion of some enormous\\nmoney payment was, therefore, less absurd than it would\\notherwise have seemed, and much more offensive. Great\\nBritain was to undergo a fate similar to that of prostrate\\nFrance.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0423.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "388 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nAmerican minister to Great Britain, and Sir\\nEdward Thornton with Secretary Fish.\\nThe really unfortunate feature in the thing\\nlay in the discreditable turn it gave to what had\\nup to that point been a most creditable negoti-\\nation, one good in itself, and promising yet bet-\\nter in what it might lead to as a precedent. As\\nthe Earl of Derby intimated, it gave the im-\\npression on the part of the Americans of a\\ngood deal of acuteness, I will not call it by\\na harsher name, not pleasant to contemplate.\\nThe real fact, however, would seem to be that\\nthe indirect claims were inserted in the Ameri-\\ncan case by those who prepared it, not be-\\ncause of any faith in them or a hope that they\\nmight possibly be entertained, but in order to\\nget rid of them, and as a species of political\\nestoppel. They had been advanced by Senator\\nSumner and advocated by General JB. F. Butler,\\nboth factors in Washington not to be disre-\\ngarded. They could not, therefore, well be\\nabandoned, while they were certain to be over-\\nruled. They were accordingly brought into the\\ncase, and presented as clearly, fully, and vigor-\\nously as possible, with a view to forestalling\\nhome criticism. Meanwhile the British com-\\nmissioners, understanding the situation of their\\nAmerican associates, had assumed a tacit aban-\\ndonment and the language of the treaty was", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0424.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 389\\nintentionally so framed that, without any ex-\\npress renunciation of consequential damages, it\\ncould be construed so as to exclude them. 1 As\\na result, in order to avert a possible subsequent\\ndanger, the one side presented with all possible\\nearnestness and apparent conviction a claim\\nwhich it knew to be preposterous and intended\\nto have overruled while the other, taking the\\nthing seriously, gave way to an outburst of in-\\ndignation at what was assumed to be an attempt\\nto overreach.\\nPassing through London in February, on his\\nway home, Mr. Adams found the British mind\\nin much the same condition of ferment that he\\nrecalled so vividly during the December of ten\\nwinters before. Forming a tolerably clear idea\\nof the situation, he left for New York, arriving\\nthere on February 21st, and going at once to\\nWashington to confer with the President and\\nMr. Fish. Thence he returned to Boston, where\\nhe remained until the following May, when he\\nembarked once more for Europe.\\nMeanwhile a new contingency arose, and, to\\nhis own great surprise, Mr. Adams suddenly\\nfound himself a prominent candidate for a presi-\\ndential nomination. The history of the move-\\nment which culminated in the Cincinnati con-\\n1 This subject is very clearly and fully dealt with by Pro-\\nfessor Moore, International Arbitrations, i. 629-639.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0425.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "390 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nvention of May, 1872, and the nomination of\\nHorace Greeley as the opposing candidate to\\nPresident Grant in the canvass of that year, is\\ncurious, and not without its humorous as well as\\ninteresting features. It can, however, here only\\nbe alluded to. President Grant s first adminis-\\ntration, as it drew to its close, was not generally\\nregarded as a success. Many of the recognized\\nRepublican leaders men like Sumner, Schurz,\\nTrumbull, and Greeley were in open insurrec-\\ntion, and they were supported by the most in-\\nfluential portion of the independent press. The\\nDemocratic party was demoralized by repeated\\ndefeat, and ready to accept any candidate who\\nmight bring with him reasonable assurance of\\nsuccess. Any one to beat Grant was the\\ncry. Under these circumstances, Mr. Schurz,\\nthen a senator from Missouri, conceived a bril-\\nliant political coup. By summoning a conven-\\ntion of the independent elements early in the\\ncanvass, he proposed to forestall the action of\\nthe Democrats, and to unite the entire opposi-\\ntion under one generally acceptable candidate,\\nas against the reelection of the President. From\\nevery point of view, character, experience, iso-\\nlation from party, known political views, and\\nfreedom from recent controversies, Mr. Adams\\nwas, as a candidate, the natural and logical out-\\ncome of such a movement. It was so intended", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0426.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 391\\nby those most active in it. The more influential\\nDemocrats expected and desired it. Everything\\npointed to it. When, suddenly, at the last mo-\\nment, through one of those ingeniously devised\\npolitical manipulations for which New York has\\nfrom time immemorial been famous, Horace\\nGreeley was, as if by some sleight-of-hand trick,\\nsubstituted for Mr. Adams as the presidential\\ncandidate of those political elements includ-\\ning reformers of the civil service, free-traders,\\nthe Jacksonian Democracy, and the remnants\\nof the Southern oligarchy to which Horace\\nGreeley had throughout his active and prominent\\ncareer been as objectionable as any man who\\ncould have been named. The blunder, brought\\nabout in the idea of some supposed superior\\navailability, was irretrievable, and resulted in\\na political fiasco and personal tragedy. In No-\\nvember, the dazed and beaten opposition pulled\\nitself out of a slough of defeat in time to look\\nstolidly on while its odd and wholly uncongenial\\ncandidate was borne to his grave. Mr. Adams\\nhad then just returned home from the suc-\\ncessful performance of his last public service.\\nHe had simply been saved from either a political\\ndefeat, or a presidency predestined from its\\ncommencement to failure. This he fully real-\\nized.\\nMeanwhile it is a fact, curiously illustrative", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0427.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "392 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nof Mr. Adams s political isolation and the per-\\nsonal respect in which he was at this time held,\\nthat in April, 1872, when his name was most in\\ndiscussion as the probable nominee of the Cin-\\ncinnati convention, then actually gathering, di-\\nrect overtures were made to him to induce his\\nacceptance of the second place on the ticket\\nwith Grant. These emanated from no less a\\nperson than Roscoe Conkling, and in the name\\nof the New York delegation to the Republican\\npresidential convention, to whom was to be\\ngiven the choice of a vice-presidential candi-\\ndate. Mr. Adams declined to consider the pro-\\nposition, and Henry Wilson was subsequently\\ndecided upon.\\nMr. Adams sailed for Europe on April 24th,\\none week before the day fixed for the meeting\\nof the convention at Cincinnati. The first news\\nhe heard on reaching London was of his own\\ndefeat, and the nomination of Greeley. This,\\nhe wrote, was odd enough. The unexpected is\\nwhat mostly turns up. This completely over-\\nsets all the calculations of the original authors\\nof the convention, for success with such a can-\\ndidate is out of the question. My first sense is\\none of great relief in being out of the melee.\\nIt was now very questionable whether the ar-\\nbitration would proceed. The British attitude\\nwas one of distrust, uncertainty, with a ten-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0428.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 393\\nclency to defiance. A novel feature in the arbi-\\ntration had been the presence in the tribunal of\\na nominee of each of the high contracting parties.\\nThe f ramers of the treaty probably had recourse\\nto this expedient in order to meet the obvious\\nobjections to confiding a reference of such im-\\nportance to a board composed of individuals\\nwhose familiarity with the English language was\\nnot less a matter of uncertainty than was their\\nknowledge of the principles of law involved. To\\nboth parties it seemed desirable to reserve some\\nmeans of insight into the methods of procedure\\nof a tribunal thus made up. This expedient now\\nsaved the arbitration. Mr. Adams, no less ear-\\nnest to bring a great and novel experiment to a\\nsuccessful issue than the Anglo-American con-\\ntroversies to a close, proved equal to the occa-\\nsion. The result turned on him.\\nSir Alexander Cockburn now regarded the\\narbitration as dead. So confident was he of\\nthis that he dismissed the matter from his mind,\\nand went back to Geneva without putting him-\\nself to the inconvenience of making a study of\\nthe case. As he subsequently expressed it in\\nthe conferences of the board, he had not\\nknown what Mr. Adams proposed to do. Mr.\\nAdams proposed, somehow, to carry the thing\\nthrough and he did it. The British counter-\\ncase once filed, as he told W. E. Forster, at that", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0429.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "394 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntime in Gladstone s ministry, when they parted\\nin London, my business is to go to Geneva.\\nIn case Great Britain should decline to appear\\nthere, I shall urge the other arbitrators to go on\\nnevertheless to decide on the issues now made\\nup. Reaching Geneva at the time appointed\\nfor the reassembling of the arbitrators, he found\\neverything uncertain. A brief survey of the\\nsituation satisfied him that there was but one\\ncourse to pursue. The knot had to be cut.\\nWe must, he wrote, decide upon rejecting\\nthe whole question of indirect damages and I\\nmust set it in motion, or nothing will come of\\nit. He proceeded accordingly.\\nThe English counsel were then communicated\\nwith. What, said Lord Tenterden, does\\nMr. Adams want? If he means business he\\nmust go further. He must have the indirect\\nclaims rejected. Adroitly seeing his colleagues\\non the tribunal, one by one, Mr. Adams now ar-\\nranged the method of procedure. After a pre-\\narranged formal adjournment of the board on\\nthe 17th, the five arbitrators remained together\\nfor consultation. The French of Mr. Adams s\\nRussian childhood now asserted its value and\\ngradually, by a process which he described in\\ndetail at the time, the reluctant Cockburn was\\nled up to intimating that an extra-judicial\\nopinion might be made, which, if satisfactory", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0430.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 395\\nto the United States so far as to extinguish their\\ndemand, would not be disputed by Great Britain.\\nI saw at once the opening, wrote Mr. Adams,\\nand asked him directly whether such a step\\ntaken here would, in his opinion, satisfy the gov-\\nernment, and remove all obstacles to immediate\\nprogress. He said he thought it would. I said\\nthat, in that event, I was prepared to make\\na proposition. I shoidd be assuming a heavy\\nresponsibility but I should do so, not as an ar-\\nbitrator representing my country, but as repre-\\nsenting all nations. The English member of\\nthe Board then absenting himself from its next\\nmeeting, the claim for indirect damages was,\\nunder the lead of Mr. Adams, summarily ruled\\nout of consideration, as opposed to the prin-\\nciples of international law. This obstacle be-\\ning thus removed, and the decision accepted as\\nfinal by the United States, the requests for yet\\nfurther delay made on behalf of the British\\nwere disallowed, and the arbitration proceeded.\\nA few days afterwards, as Mr. Adams was leav-\\ning the Geneva Salle des Manages, the chamber\\nin which the meetings of the arbitrators were\\nheld, one of the newspaper correspondents\\nhanded him a slip from the London Times,\\nin which the whole success in saving the treaty\\nwas attributed to his efforts. Thus it goes\\nforth; he wrote, the Chief Justice only", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0431.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "396 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nechoed the voice of Great Britain. Well, I sup-\\npose I must take that responsibility. Such a\\nsuccess is far more precious to me than any nom-\\nination or election to the place of President.\\nAt that day s session the Chief Justice, or Sir\\nAlexander Cockburn, had begged for delay in\\nwhich to prepare himself, on the ground that,\\nuntil then, he had not supposed that anything\\nwould come of the arbitration. He was not\\nin Mr. Adams s situation, he said nor could\\nhe foresee what Mr. Adams was about to do to\\nremove all difficulties. The victory was com-\\nplete.\\nInto the subsequent history of the arbitration,\\nwhich, whether measured by the gravity of\\nthe questions at issue, or by the magnanimous\\nand enlightened statesmanship which conducted\\nthem to a peaceful determination, was justly\\nregarded as the greatest the world had ever\\nseen, 1 there is not space here to enter. The\\naward ($15,500,000) there secured in favor of\\nthe United States was, for Mr. Adams s public\\nlife, what Cromwell called the crowning\\nmercy. Of his judicial carriage in securing\\nthat result, the agent of his government subse-\\nquently wrote I must bear testimony to the\\nperfect and dignified impartiality with which,\\nthroughout the proceedings, Mr. Adams main-\\n1 Moore, International Arbitrations, i. 652, 653.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0432.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "THE GENEVA ARBITRATION 397\\ntained his position as a judge between the two\\ncontending nations. Of him, at least, it may\\nbe said that his love of country never controlled\\nhis sense of justice, and that at no time did he\\nappear as an advocate.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0433.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XX\\nCLOSING YEABS\\nThe days passed at Geneva were among the\\nmost satisfactory and happiest of Mr. Adams s\\nlife. Everything combined to cause him to en-\\njoy them, scenery, climate, occupation, social\\nsurroundings, and, above all, success. On the\\nlast day (September 14th) of the sessions of\\nthe tribunal, and when its presiding member\\nhad declared it dissolved, Mr. Adams wrote\\nThus closed this great experiment, with as\\nmuch of success as could possibly have been\\nexpected. I walked home, musing. It is now\\neleven years since this mission was given to me.\\nThrough good report and through evil report,\\nmy action has been associated with its progress\\nand, now that it is ended, I have only to return\\nmy humble thanks to the Disposer of events for\\nthe blessing He thought fit to confer upon me in\\ncarrying the matter to its end. I may hope to\\nconsider it as an honorable termination to my\\npublic career.\\nOn the 31st of October following, after ten\\ndays of weather than which he declared he had", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0434.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "CLOSING YEARS 399\\nnever seen anything more dismal, Mr. Adams\\ntook his departure from London, though, I\\npresume, never to see it again, with little re-\\ngret. Yet, he added, I leave [Europe]\\nwith no painful associations. To me it is con-\\nnected with the only brilliant part of my career.\\nThus it is well it should rest in my memory.\\nThe active public life of Mr. Adams practi-\\ncally ended, as he had surmised it might, with\\nthe Geneva arbitration. It had extended over\\njust thirteen years. It covered the whole period\\nof the civil war, including the process of recon-\\nstruction and he was, in all respects, singularly\\nhappy in the share of work allotted to him. It\\nwas important it was work for which he was\\nby nature peculiarly adapted it was done amid\\ncongenial surroundings it was complete and\\nit was successful. A public man could ask for\\nnothing more. The contentions in which he was\\nengaged were of surpassing magnitude, and in-\\nvolved momentous consequences they extended\\nthrough a long period of time they were carried\\non wholly with foreign nations and, in their\\nconduct, he came in collision with some of the\\nforemost of European public men. Yet his suc-\\ncess was as final as it was complete and unques-\\ntioned. When he landed in New York on No-\\nvember 13, 1872, he had a right to exclaim,\\nas he did, Io Triumphe for every issue be-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0435.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "400 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\ntween Great Britain and the United States\\ngrowing out of the great civil war either was\\ndefinitely settled, or was in course of early set-\\ntlement. His work was done and done thor-\\noughly.\\nReturning to Boston in November, immedi-\\nately after the second election of Grant, Mr.\\nAdams found the business portions of his native\\ncity a mass of smoking ruins, the great Boston\\nfire having occurred during the previous week.\\nHe at once resumed his former mode of life,\\nnor was it again disturbed. He was now at just\\nthe age when his grandfather had left the presi-\\ndency to rust out his declining years in the\\ndreary monotony of a dignified retirement\\nat just the age also when his father, rebelling\\nat the idea of a similar fate, had flung himself\\ninto that congressional career which proved the\\nmost brilliant and active portion of his active\\nand brilliant life. Had he been fully and\\nkeenly disposed, or had circumstances proved\\npropitious, Mr. Adams might, in the ordinary\\ncourse of nature, have yet had before him ten\\nyears at least of active public service years in\\nwhich, aided by the experience he had gathered\\nand the reputation he had won, he might most\\nadvantageously have influenced the course of\\nevents. In his case this was not to be.\\nNot that he probably would have disliked", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0436.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "CLOSING YEARS 401\\nanother term of place and power for with him\\ntoo, as he one day wrote, public life was a\\nvery fascinating occupation, but like drinking\\nbrandy. The more you indulge in it, the more\\nuncomfortable it leaves you when you stop.\\nAccordingly, he would now have not been dis-\\npleased to hear that unequivocal call which\\nwould have summoned him back to activity\\nbut, though only just past the climacteric,\\nthough four years younger than Lord John\\nRussell when they first faced each other at Pem-\\nbroke Lodge, he was now an old man. Ma-\\ntured early, he grew old early. Even in 1875,\\nonly three years after he got back from Geneva,\\nwhile his name was still common in men s\\nmouths and in the newspapers in connection\\nwith the senatorship in succession to Sumner\\nand Wilson, with the governorship of Massa-\\nchusetts, with the Department of State, with the\\npresidency itself after Grant s second term had\\nrun out, even then Mr. Adams was no longer\\nfit to bear the burdens of office. Responsibility\\nweighed upon him work troubled him trifles\\nworried him. His powers, physical and mental,\\nhaving long since attained their growth, had\\nbegun to decay and the consciousness of it\\nsaddened him.\\nHe had also early in life assigned to himself\\na task not yet wholly performed and once", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0437.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "402 CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS\\nmore he turned to the family papers. Arrang-\\ning old letters, and, in the evening of life, read-\\ning diaries, written by those now dead, of days\\nlong past but still remembered, is at best to no\\nman exhilarating. So Mr. Adams now found.\\nImmediately after the return from Geneva he\\nhad set to work on the publication of portions of\\nhis father s diary, which he entitled Memoirs.\\nThe first volume appeared in 1874. At last, on\\na certain day in August, 1877, he found the final\\nvolume lying on his table. The labor imposed\\non himself nearly forty years before in connec-\\ntion with his grandmother, his grandfather, and\\nhis father was completed and, laying down the\\nvolume, he wrote I am now perfectly willing\\nto go myself. My mission is ended, and I may\\nrest.\\nMr. Adams died in Boston on the 21st of No-\\nvember, 1886. Mrs. Adams outlived her hus-\\nband two years and a half, dying in Quincy on\\nthe evening of June 6, 1889. Their married\\nlife covered over fifty-seven years and five\\nchildren, four sons and one daughter, survived\\nthem.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0438.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "INDEX", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0439.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0440.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAbolitionists, begin agitation, 29,\\n30 hold meeting at Faneuil Hall\\nto denounce murder of Lovejoy,\\n34 accused of instigating negroes\\nto rise, 38 their place in anti-\\nslavery struggle, 55-57 a symp-\\ntom of vitality in society, 5G\\npreach disunion and lose influence,\\n57, 75 not of much importance\\nafter 1844, 58, 59.\\nAdams, Abigail, takes charge of her\\ngrandsons in 1817, 10; reverenced\\nby them, 10, 11 her letters\\npublished by C. F. Adams, 40, 41.\\nAdams, Charles Francis, ancestry,\\n1, 2 birth, 3 early education in\\nRussia and France, 4, 5 in Paris\\nduring the Hundred Days, 7 goes\\nto school in England, S, 9 learns\\nto understand English character,\\n9, 10 under tutelage of his grand-\\nmother, 10, 11 education at Bos-\\nton Latin School and in Harvard,\\n11; lives in Washington, 12; stud-\\nies law under Daniel Webster, 12\\nadmitted to bar and married, 13\\nobjects to his father s returning\\nto political life, 14, 10 later sup-\\nports him earnestly, 16 j attends\\nto his father s financial affairs, 16,\\n17; contributes to North Ameri-\\ncan Review, 18 urges his\\nfather to write a life of John\\nAdams, 19 publishes pamphlet\\nagainst the Patronage Bill of 1835,\\n26-28 rejoices at gaining recog-\\nnition independent of his father s\\nreputation, 28 disapproves at\\nfirst of abolitionists, 30 laments\\nhis father s share in congressional\\nstruggle, 30, 31 impressed by\\nChanning s argument, 31, 32\\nstill slow to approve of agitation,\\n32 enraged at Bostoniau coldness\\nover Lovejoy s murder, 33, 34\\ndescribes Faneuil Hall meeting to\\nprotest, 34-36 indignant at Aus-\\ntin s defense of the murder, 35,\\n36 regrets his inability to agree\\nwith abolitionists, 36 from ob-\\nserving Southern congressmen\\ngrows increasingly anti-slavery,\\n37, 38 writes articles on current\\npolitics, 38, 39 reads his grand-\\nfather s letters, 39 publishes\\nLetters of Mrs. Adams, 40,\\n41.\\nMember of Massachusetts Legis-\\nlature. Declines nomination to\\nlegislature in 1839, 42 accepts to\\nplease his father in 1840, 42 a\\nDemocrat in 1836, a Whig in 1840,\\n43 elected in spite of supposed\\nfamily unpopularity, 43, 44 his\\nfather s advice, 44 developed in\\ncharacter by his legislative career,\\n46 considers state legislation\\nnarrowing, 46, 47 sums up his\\ncareer and influence, 47, 48.\\nLeader of Conscience Whigs.\\nAgrees with others to found a\\nnewspaper, 50, 51 ignorant of\\nnewspaper management, 64 an\\neditor of the old-fashioned type,\\n67 his name does not appear\\nupon the paper, 68 receives no\\npay, 69 opposes a third party, but\\ndemands abolition of slavery, 69\\ndenounces Winthrop s vote for\\nthe Mexican war, 71 condemned\\nby regular Whigs as indecorous,\\n73; attacks Lawrence and Apple-", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0441.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "406\\nINDEX\\nton for refusing to sign remon-\\nstrance against admission of\\nTexas, 76-78; describes Webster s\\npart in Massachusetts Whig Con-\\nvention of 1846, 80; depressed at\\ndefeat of Conscience Whigs, 82;\\non Sumner s poor speech in Whig\\nConvention of 1847, 84; realizes\\nhis lack of success as an editor,\\n87; grows weary of the enterprise,\\n88; relieved at abandoning the\\npaper, 88.\\nFree-Soil Leader, Plans a bolt\\nfrom Whig nomination of Taylor,\\n89; appointed delegate to Buffalo\\nConvention, CO; dreads nomina-\\ntion of Van Buren, 90 chairman\\nof convention, 91 nominated for\\nVice-President, 91; gratified at\\nsize of Free-Soil vote in Massa-\\nchusetts, 92; gains a reputation\\nindependent of his ancestors, 93\\nsensitive to sneers on this point,\\n93-95 confronted with his own\\nutterances on Van Buren, 95, 96\\nhis opinion of Van Buren in 1848,\\n96; his position as supporter of\\nVan Buren illogical, 97; turns\\nfrom politics to editing the Works\\nof John Adams, 100, 101 passes\\nseveral years in privacy, 101, 102;\\nin danger of becoming worn out\\nas a public man, 103 mentioned\\nto succeed his father, but supports\\nHorace Mann, 103 defeated for\\nCongress in 1852, 104; not sup-\\nported by the Democrats, 104\\nopposed by native Americans,\\n105.\\nMember of Congress. Nomi-\\nnated in 1858 for Congress, and\\nelected, 105 engages a house in\\nWashington, 106 neglects Gid-\\ndings s advice and fails to ask for\\na good appointment on commit-\\ntees, 111 given the merely hon-\\norary succession to his father s\\ncommittee position, 111, 112 re-\\nluctant to speak in the House,\\n112 urged by constituents, makes\\na set speech, 113 tribute of Cobb\\nto his moderation, 113 substance\\nof his speech, 113, 114 favors\\nnomination of Seward, 114 de-\\npressed by nomination of Lincoln,\\n114; his opinion of Lincoln in 1860,\\n115; his part in campaign of 1860,\\n115; does not claim to have fore-\\nseen secession, 117 astounded\\nwhen it comes, US later says it\\ncould have been stifled by prompt\\naction, 128 realizes necessity for\\na conciliatory attitude, 129, 130;\\nsees necessity of preventing out-\\nbreak until after March, 1861, 130,\\n131 favors conciliatory measures\\nto gain time, 131 hopes to hold\\nborder states, 131 represents Mas-\\nsachusetts in Committee of Thir-\\nty-three, 132 j not disappointed at\\nfailure of committee, 132, 133 at\\noutset induces Southern extrem-\\nists to show their plans, 134\\nhopes in this way to put South in\\nthe wrong, 134 does this by pro-\\nposing compromise measures, 136,\\n137 upon refusal of South to be\\nsatisfied ceases to urge compro-\\nmise, 139 sums up his course,\\nhis success, 139, 140 his speech\\nof January 31, 140-142; his\\nspeech conciliates moderate men,\\n142; urged for Treasury Depart-\\nment, 143 net considered by Lin-\\ncoln for any position, 143, 144\\nhis appointment to English mis-\\nsion secured by Seward, 144\\nvisits Seward and Lincoln to con-\\nsult on instructions, 145 scan-\\ndalized at Lincoln s indifference,\\n146.\\nMinister to England. On arrival\\nin London visited by Bates, 147\\nsurprised at proclamation recog-\\nnizing Confederacy as belligerent,\\n148 situation on his arrival, 158;\\nignorant of Seward s proposed\\nvigorous foreign policy, 167 an-\\nnoyed by talk of Seward s hos-\\ntility to England, 168; secures", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0442.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n407\\ninterview with Russell, 175\\ncompared with Russell, 175, 176\\nastounded at Seward s dispatch\\nNo. 10, 17G determines to pre-\\nvent war if possible, 178; inspires\\nrespect and confidence in England,\\n178, 179 does not realize Seward s\\ndesire for a foreign war, 179 nar-\\nrowly escapes a humiliating situa-\\ntion, 195 tries to follow instruc-\\ntions without giving offense, 19G,\\n197 protests against further Eng-\\nlish dealings with Confederate\\ncommissioners, 197 Confederate\\nopinions of, 198 condemns shuf-\\nfling policy of Palrnerston, 203,\\n204 offers accession of United\\nStates to Treaty of Paris, 205, 20G;\\nprepares the form of a conven-\\ntion, 207 on Russell s demurring\\ncloses negotiations, 207 makes\\nit difficult for Russell to treat\\nhim as representative of North\\nonly, 208 loses faith in honesty\\nof Palrnerston administration,\\n209 annoyed by depredations\\nof Nashville, 210 suffers from\\nsocial coldness in England, 214,\\n215 outdoes English at their own\\ngame, 215 seldom invited out,\\n215; visits Milnes, 215, 21G\\nlearns of seizure of Mason and\\nSlidell, 216, 217 remains away\\nfrom London, 217 ignorant as\\nto details of episode, 21S; his un-\\neasy situation, 219 asked by\\nPalrnerston to call, 220 describes\\nPalmerston s suggestion not to\\nenrage England by naval seizures\\nin the Channel, 222-225; denies\\nany intentions of interfering with\\nBritish mailships, 224, 225 left\\nwithout instructions in Trent af-\\nfair, 226 discusses facts of affair\\nwith Russell, 227 tries to dis-\\ncover whether hostilities are prob-\\nable, 228; feels that Russell does\\nnot wish war, 228, 229; thinks\\nletter of Weed too deprecating,\\n233; sends dispatch urging sur-\\nrender of Mason and Slidell, 235\\nhis message not referred to in\\ncabinet, 236 receives news of\\ndecision to surrender, 238 at-\\ntacked in London papers, 239\\ndistrusts Palrnerston, 241 gradu-\\nally thinks better of him, 242\\nhopes in 1S62 for end of war, 242,\\n243 receives furious protest from\\nPalrnerston against Butler s New\\nOrleans order, 248 suspects it\\nshows intention to pick a quarrel,\\n249 asks Palrnerston whether it\\nis an official protest or not, 250,\\n251 shows protest to Russell, 251\\nagain receives protest from Pal-\\nrnerston, 252 answers, defending\\nthe United States and insisting on\\na reply to his previous question,\\n254 told by Russell to consider\\nit a private matter, 254 sends\\ntelling reply to Palmerston s final\\nnote, 259 breaks off social inter-\\ncourse with Palrnerston, 260\\nfinds Cobden, Bright, and Forster\\nfriendly to North, 263 warned\\nby Forster of purpose of recog-\\nnizing Confederate belligerency,\\n2G4; not so well informed of Eng-\\nlish cabinet opinions as Confed-\\nerates, 283 suspects joint action\\nof French and English, 284 asks\\nand receives instructions how to\\nmeet an offer of mediation, 284\\nalarmed by Gladstone s menacing\\nspeech, 286, 287 tells the Forsters\\nsubstance of his instructions, 287;\\nsecures interview with Russell,\\n289 learns that cabinet does not\\nsupport Gladstone, 289 reports\\nproposal of joint mediation by\\nDrouyn de Lhuys, 290 welcomes\\nEmancipation Proclamation as\\nfulfillment of his father s prophe-\\ncies, 295 gratified by an address\\nin its favor from Manchester\\nworkingmen, 298 receives a de-\\nputation after the final proclama-\\ntion, 299 receives increasing\\nnumber of addresses, 299 for the", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0443.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "408\\nINDEX\\nfirst time conscious of any cordial-\\nity in England, 300; receives depu-\\ntation of clergymen, 300; thinks\\nthe meetings influenced Parlia-\\nment against intervention, 302\\nfeels unmeasured contempt for\\nEnglish cant, 305 warned of\\nprogress of the 290, 309; after\\nConfederate successes in 1862,\\ndespairs of preventing hostile\\naction, 310 fails to induce Eng-\\nlish to prevent infractions of neu-\\ntrality, 312 submits evidence to\\nRussell, 314; learns of construc-\\ntion of Laird rams, 316 tries to\\nincrease pressure on Russell, 317;\\ndetermines to prevent war if pos-\\nsible, 318 forwards fresh evi-\\ndence about the rams, 319 not\\naware of attempt of United States\\nto buy the rams, 322 receives\\nsharp instructions, 322 efforts\\nof Slidell to counteract, 325; sus-\\npects intrigue of Slidell in at-\\ntempt to force the ministry to\\nrecognize the Confederacy, 331\\ndescribes Roebuck s failure in the\\nCommons, 332, 333 complained\\nof by French Foreign Office, 334;\\nreceives news of Gettysburg and\\nVicksburg, 335 describes anger\\nand incredulity of English, 335,\\n336 on Mason s attempt to break\\ndown Russell, 337 puts aside\\nSeward s threatening instructions,\\n337 assumes responsibility, 338\\ncontinues ostensibly to believe in\\ngood faith of English, 338 declines\\nto discuss American affairs with\\nConfederate sympathizers, 339\\nimpresses Argyll with gravity of\\nsituation, 339 fears government\\nwill permit departure of rams,\\n340, 341 sends protests to Rus-\\nsell, 341 hears that government\\nwill not stop the vessels, 342;\\nsends last solemn protest, 342,\\n343; notified that his protest suc-\\nceeds, 343, 344 importance of\\nhis action, 345 realizes without\\nexultation the meaning of his\\nsuccess, 348 reports English de-\\nlight iu reports of Confederate suc-\\ncess, 348, 349 now unchallenged\\nby Confederate intrigues, 350 on\\nMason s departure, 350 insists\\non resigning after the war, 352\\nhampered by irregular emissaries\\nduring term, 352, 354 his friendly\\nrelations with Weed, 354 at-\\ntacked in newspapers, 355 com-\\nplains of annoyances, 356 does\\nnot enjoy diplomatic service, 356;\\nholds high position during last\\nyears, 357 continues Alabama\\ncorrespondence, 357 his part in\\nFenian trials, 358 denounced by\\nextremists, 35S describes visit to\\nSpurgeon s services, 359-363 his\\nopinion of English middle classes,\\n362; visits Canterbury, 364-368;\\ndescribes the Cathedral, 304, 365\\nvisits a concert of middle class,\\n366-368 describes breakfast at\\nGladstone s, 368-370 describes\\nCobden s funeral, 371-373; on\\nCobden s influence in England,\\n372, 373 describes Palmerston s\\nfuneral, 373-376 calls it impos-\\ning but not affecting, 375, 376.\\nIn the Geneva Arbitration. Re-\\nturns to America, 377 finds a\\nnew political world, 377 opposes\\ncongressional reconstruction, 377;\\ndislikes Democrats, 377 not\\ninvolved iu any political strife,\\n378 returns to Quiucy and pri-\\nvate life, 378 takes no part in\\ncampaign of 1868, 378 meets\\nGrant at Boston, 379; declines\\nPresidency of Harvard, 379 on\\neffect of Sumner s advocacy of\\nindirect claims upon England, 380;\\nvisited by Motley, 380 not con-\\ncerned with negotiations preced-\\ning Treaty of Washington, 381\\nappointed arbitrator for the\\nUnited States, 382 meets board\\nat Geneva, 383; recalled to Amer-\\nica, 383 finds English enraged at", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0444.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n409\\nindirect claims, 380; mentioned\\nas candidate to beat Grant, 390\\nnot nominated, 391 at same time\\ndeclines offer of vice-presidency\\nwith Grant, 392 returns to Eu-\\nrope, 392 decides to induce ar-\\nbitrators to throw out indirect\\nclaims, 393, 394; consults with\\narbitrators, 394; secures admis-\\nsion from Cockburn that if in-\\ndirect damages be ruled out the\\narbitration may proceed, 394, 395;\\nleads board to rule out indirect\\ndamages, 395 scores victory over\\nEnglish and secures success of\\narbitration, 395, 396 his behav-\\nior and services during the pro-\\nceedings, 39G, 397 his reflections\\non the closing of the tribunal, 398;\\nreturns to America, 398 survey\\nof his public career, 399 remains\\nin retirement from this time on,\\n400; mentioned for various offices,\\n401 his powers decay early, 401\\nresumes work and completes his\\nfather s Memoirs, 402; his\\ndeath, 402.\\nPersonal traits. Ambition, 28,\\n92, 35G, 400; coldness, 33, 4G, 93,\\n112, 215; diplomatic ability, 175,\\n19G, 208, 255, 289, 345, 357, 395;\\nearly maturity and decay, 11, 4G,\\n401 editorial ability, 64, 67, 87,\\n88; financial ability, 17 literary\\nability, 18, 27, 38-41, 141 pride,\\n93-95, 111, 255 relations with his\\nfather, 14, 16, 31, 82, 86; self-\\ncommand, 217, 358 self-esteem\\n44, 47 sincerity, 178, 396.\\nPolitical opinions. Abolitionism,\\n30, 31, 33, 3G, 37 compromise in\\n1861, 134-138, 140; election of\\n1872, 392 Emancipation Procla-\\nmation, 295 English character,\\n8, 305, 335, 341 English middle\\nclass, 298, 300, 302, 360-363, 367,\\n372 France, policy of, 249, 290;\\nFree-Soil party, 90, 96 indirect\\nAlabama damages, 380, 394, 395;\\nLincoln, 145, 146 Mexican war,\\n71 neutrality of England, 309,\\n317 Palmerston s policy, 204,\\n208, 220, 242, 37G political anti-\\nslavery action, 43, 69, 77 recon-\\nstruction, 377 removals from\\noffice, 26, 27 Republican party,\\n113, 114; Russell s policy, 175,\\n204, 209, 337; secession, 117,\\n128 Seward s war policy in 1861,\\n176-178 Treaty of Paris, 205\\nTrent affair, 219, 228, 235.\\nAdams, John, efforts of C. F. Adams\\nto induce his father to write life\\nof, 19; his old love letters read by\\nhis grandson, 39; his Life and\\nWorks published by Adams, 101.\\nAdams, John, son of J. Q. Adams,\\nstudies in England, 8; his repartee\\nto English boys, 8.\\nAdams, John Quincy, marries Louisa\\nJohnson, in London, 2 returns to\\nAmerica, chosen to United States\\nSenate, 3 christens his third sou,\\nCharles Francis, 3, 4 minister to\\nRussia, 4 familiar with French,\\n5 appointed peace commissioner,\\n5 describes Holland in a letter to\\nhis son, 6; minister to England,\\n7; describes repartee of John\\nAdams, his son, 8; returns to\\nAmerica to be secretary of state,\\n10; aided in his career by his son,\\n13, 14 reluctant to go into re-\\ntirement, 14 less mature in dis-\\nposition than his son, 14 accepts\\nnomination to Congress, 15; his\\ncareer up to 1828 steadily success-\\nful, 15; then undergoes political\\ndefeat, family loss, and financial\\nruin, 15, 16; his success in the\\nHouse of Representatives, 16\\ncareless in money matters, 16\\nhis affairs straightened out by his\\nson, 17; unwilling to write life of\\nhis father, 19, 20; his opinion of\\nJackson, 20 his strong opinions\\non national authority lead him to\\nsupport Jackson in 1835, 20-25\\nindignant at Senate s attempt to\\ncontrol patronage, 22; foresees", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0445.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "410\\nINDEX\\ndangers of Calhoun s bill, 23 de-\\nnounces Webster for supporting\\nthe bill, 24, 25; his argumenta-\\ntive style surpassed by his son in\\npamphlet on the patronage issue,\\n26, 27; his fame overshadows his\\nson, 28, 29; his participation in\\nslavery controversy deplored by\\nhis son, 30, 31 his successful de-\\nfense against Southern members,\\n31; again attacked, 32, 33; sug-\\ngests that C. F. Adams write a\\nlife of his grandmother, 39; af-\\nfected by C. F. Adams s memoir\\nof Abigail Adams, 41 induces his\\nson to enter legislature, 42; his\\nadvice to his son on entering pub-\\nlic life, 44; has a paralytic shock,\\n82; leaves Quincy for last time,\\n85; his career of seventy years,\\n86 votes for Winthrop for\\nspeaker, 86 his death, 87 leader\\nof anti-slavery sentiment until\\n1895, 98; his Memoirs completed\\nby C. F. Adams, 402.\\nAlabama, construction of, 309-314\\nescape of, from Liverpool, 315; its\\ncareer as a commerce destroyer,\\n317 arbitration concerning, 392-\\n397. See Diplomatic History.\\nAlbert, Prince, death of, 227.\\nAllen, Charles, at Whig Convention\\nof 1847, 83; at National Whig\\nConvention refuses to support\\nTaylor, 89.\\nAnderson, Robert, commands at\\nFort Sumter, 124.\\nAppleton, Nathan, leading Boston\\nbusiness man, 74 opposes slavery\\nagitation, 74 wishes to save\\nSumner, 75 refuses to sign pro-\\ntest against Texas, 76 lashed by\\nPalfrey, 76, 77.\\nArgyll, Duke of, in the cabinet op-\\nposes recognition of Confederacy,\\n283 visited by Adams, 339 im-\\npressed by Adams with gravity of\\nsituation, 339 at breakfast with\\nGladstone and Adams. 368.\\nAshley, Evelyn, his version of Pal-\\nmerston s break with Adams, 240,\\n246.\\nAshrnun, George, at Whig Conven-\\ntion of 1847, 83.\\nAspinwall, W. H., sent to buy Laird\\nrams, 354 false importance as-\\nsigned to, 355.\\nAustin, James T., at meeting in\\nFaneuil Hall justifies murder of\\nLovejoy, 34, 35.\\nAustria agrees to Declaration of\\nParis, 201.\\nBanks, Nathaniel P., discarded by\\nLincoln in favor of Welles for\\nNavy Department, 143.\\nBarnburners, revolt from Cass s\\nnomination, 91 agree to unite\\nwith Conscience Whigs if Van\\nBuren be the candidate, 91 re-\\njoin Democrats in 1849, 98.\\nBates, Joshua, head of Baring\\nBrothers, visits Adams on his\\narrival, 147.\\nBecket, Thomas, observations of\\nAdams on, 364.\\nBennett, James Gordon, type of\\nnew editor, 67.\\nBeresf ord Hope, denounces the\\nNorth, 279 denounces the Eman-\\ncipation Proclamation, 296.\\nBorder States, do not favor seces-\\nsion, 120 necessity for North to\\nkeep them until March 4th, 120,\\n121 hope of Adams to retain,\\n131, 134, 139 affected by Adams s\\nspeech, 142 appealing letters\\nfrom, to Seward, 186 secede in\\npart, 190.\\nBoston Centinel, papers of\\nAdams in, 26, 38.\\nBoston Latin School, studies of\\nAdams at, 11.\\nBoston Whig, taken as an anti-\\nslavery organ by Adams, 50, 51,\\n63, 67 its small circulation, 67\\nits appearance, 68 its political\\nattitude, 69 has difficulty in ex-\\nisting, 82, 87 a burden to Adams,\\n87, 88.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0446.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n411\\nBravay Co. intermediaries in\\nSlidell s scheme to gain the Laird\\nrams, 329.\\nBright, Jacob, applauds Emancipa-\\ntion Proclamation, 299.\\nBright, John, surprised at indiffer-\\nence of North, 150, 157; certain\\nto oppose a slave power, 2G2\\nsuggests an American food con-\\ntribution for English working-\\nmen during cotton famine, 27G\\napplauds the Emancipation Pro-\\nclamation, 297 lashes Roebuck\\nin Parliament, 332, 333 his emo-\\ntion at Cobden s funeral, 372.\\nBrooks, Abigail Brown, marriage to\\nC. F. Adams, 13 her discoura-\\nging criticisms on his life of Abi-\\ngail Adams, 40; her death, 402.\\nBrooks, Peter Chardon, father-in-\\nlaw of C. F. Adams and Edward\\nEverett, 13.\\nBrown, James, publishes Letters\\nof Mrs. Adams, 40.\\nBuchanan, James, failures of his\\nadministration, 107 vacillates\\npitiably in 18G1, 119; his filibus-\\ntering foreign policy, 202.\\nBuckingham, Joseph T., editor of\\nCourier, 69.\\nBuffalo Convention of 1848, 90, 91.\\nBulloch, James H., secures build-\\ning of vessels in England for Con-\\nfederacy, 30G; plans to balk ef-\\nforts of Adams to detain them,\\n309 warned that vessel must\\nleave at once, 314 makes con-\\ntracts for two ironclads, 315\\nalarmed by increase of English\\nsupervision, 323 thinks their es-\\ncape hopeless, 324 arranges with\\nSlidell their sale to a French\\nfirm, 329 annoyed by number of\\nConfederate agents, 353.\\nButler, General Benjamin F., issues\\norder regarding New Orleans\\nwomen, 243 his action justified,\\n24G, 247; abused in England, 248;\\nprotested against by Palmerston,\\n249, 252, 257 superseded, to\\nEnglish satisfaction, 258 urges\\ndemand for indirect Alabama dam-\\nages, 388.\\nCalhoun, John C, introduces bill to\\ngive Senate control of patronage,\\n23 not a disuuiouist, 61 uses\\nthreat of disunion to coerce the\\nNorth, 61, 62.\\nCambridge, Duke of, at Palmer-\\nston s funeral, 374.\\nCanterbury, Adams s visit to and\\nimpressions of, 3G3-3G8.\\nCass, Lewis, nominated by Demo-\\ncrats in 1848, 90 desire of Barn-\\nburners for vengeance upon, 91\\nresigns secretaryship of state in\\n1861, 134.\\nCavendish, Lord Frederick, at\\nbreakfast with Gladstone and\\nAdams, 368.\\nChanning, William Ellery, his pam-\\nphlet on slavery impresses C. F.\\nAdams, 31 his part in meeting\\nto protest against Lovejoy s mur-\\nder, 33, 34.\\nChase, Salmon P., a logical candi-\\ndate for Free-Soil party, 99 his\\nposition in Republican party in\\n1858, 108 reported as willing to\\naccept secession, 150 has to eat\\nhis words in Trent affair, 237.\\nCherokee Treaty debated in Con-\\ngress, 37.\\nChoate, Rufus, argues for return\\nof fugitive slaves, 60 sneers at\\nAdams in 1848, 94.\\nCincinnati Convention in 1872, 390,\\n392.\\nClarendon, Lord, negotiates treaty\\nabout Alabama claims, 380.\\nClay, Cassius M. asserts equal divi-\\nsion in South between uuionists\\nand secessionists, 187.\\nClay, Henry, denounces Mexican\\nwar bill as a falsehood, 73 vote\\nfor, in Whig Convention of 1848,\\n89.\\nClemens, Sherrard, asks Adams to\\ndeclare himself in 1861, 140.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0447.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "412\\nINDEX\\nClifford, John H., congratulates\\nAdams on his speech in 1861, 141.\\nCobb, Howell, compliments Adams,\\n113 resigns Treasury, 133.\\nCobden, Richard, astonished at\\nevents of 1861, 156, 157 certain to\\noppose a slaveholding Confeder-\\nacy, 262 meets Adams in United\\nStates, 263 opposes blockades,\\n265 urges upon Adams the aban-\\ndonment of blockade, 265 but\\nholds to North in spite of the con-\\ntinuance of blockade, 265 de-\\nscribes to Sumner the Exeter\\nHall meeting to applaud emanci-\\npation, 301 on Mason, 376 in-\\nformed by Adams of danger of\\nwar over the Laird rams, 338\\nhis death, 371 his funeral de-\\nscribed by Adams, 371 373\\nAdams s estimate of, 372, 373\\ncompared by Adams with Palmer-\\nston, 376.\\nCockburn, Alexander, says that\\nDudley should have asked the\\nLairds about the 290, 311 on\\nGeneva arbitration board, 382\\nwishes to break off negotiation,\\n383 regards arbitration as a\\nfailure and neglects to prepare\\nhis case, 393 reluctantly admits\\nthat if indirect claims are rejected\\nthe arbitration may go on, 394,\\n395; complains that he had not\\nforeseen Adams s course, 396.\\nCompromise of 1850, 102.\\nConfederacy, question of recogni.\\ntion of its belligerency by Eng-\\nland, 148-171 purpose to coerce\\ndenied by Seward and others, 151\\nsends agents to England, 158 its\\nforeign policy, 159, 161-164 ex-\\npects to force European aid\\nthrough cotton, 161-163 puts\\ndiscriminating tax on cotton to\\nforce a European famine, 163\\nbelligerency of, recognized by\\nEngland, 170, 171 hopes of\\nSeward to win back by a foreign\\nwar, 184, 185, 188, 189 thought\\nby Seward to be imposed on\\nSouth by a minority, 185, 187;\\nreally unanimous in 1861, 186,\\n187, 195 its emissaries not re-\\nceived after first by Russell, 198\\nnecessity for North to blockade,\\n261 unable to send cotton to\\nEurope, 266, 267 dismayed at\\nfailure of laborers to force inter-\\nvention, 271, 272 its hope of\\nruling England through cotton\\nfails, 275, 276; praised by Glad-\\nstone, 280 denied by Lewis to\\nhave achieved independence, 281\\nhas naval vessels built in Eng-\\nland, 306, 315 proposes to use\\nrams to break blockade, 316, 319,\\n320; its agents try to secure rams\\nby intrigue, 324-337 its bonds\\nsell at 90 per cent., 329 its credit\\nbadly damaged by events of 1863,\\nand by detention of rams, 345-347;\\ndamaged by irregularly accredited\\nagents, 353.\\nConkling, Roscoe, in House in\\n1859, 109 offers Adams vice-\\npresidency on Grant ticket, 392.\\nConstitution, in relation to power\\nof removal from office, 21-29.\\nCorwin, Thomas, a possible Free-\\nSoil candidate, 98; chairman of\\nCommittee of Thirty-three, 132.\\nCourier, second daily paper in\\nBoston, 05.\\nCowell, describes Yankee\\ncharacter, 294, 295.\\nCurtis, George T., at Whig Conven-\\ntion of 1847, 83.\\nDaily Advertiser of Boston, 44;\\norgan of Webster, 65.\\nDallas, George M., instructed by\\nSeward to prevent recognition of\\nConfederacy, 157 sends assur-\\nance to Seward that Russell will\\nwait Adams s arrival, 158 in-\\nformed by Russell of arrival of\\nYancey, 169 induces Russell to\\nagree to wait for arrival of\\nAdams, 169 presents proclama-", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0448.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n413\\ntion of blockade to Russell, 171\\nhis dispatch causes indignation in\\nWashington, 174.\\nDanirell, William S., elected to Con-\\ngress by Know-Nothings, 104\\nreelected, 105.\\nDana, Francis, C. F. Adams named\\nfor, 4.\\nDana, Richard H., shocked at\\nabolitionist fanatics, 56.\\nDavis, Isaac P., regrets Adams s re-\\nfusal to accept nomination to\\nlegislature, 42.\\nDavis, Jefferson, offers Yancey\\nchoice of positions, 159 his un-\\nwisdom in selecting Yancey as\\nEuropean agent, 159 ignorant\\nof foreign countries, 1G1 over-\\nestimates influence of cotton,\\n161 despises the military capa-\\ncity of North, 162 expects to\\nstarve England into recognition,\\n163; offers letters of marque\\n171 praised by Gladstone, 280\\non what Laird rams would have\\naccomplished, 320.\\nDavis, Reuben, calls Committee of\\nThirty-three in 1861 a deception,\\n133.\\nDayton, William L. reasons for his\\nappointment to French mission,\\n144.\\nDeclaration of Paris, its formation,\\n200 attempt of United States to\\naccede to, 201-207.\\nDemocratic party, defeated in 1840,\\n42 nominates Cass, 90; bolt of\\nBarnburners from, 91 dislikes\\nAdams, 104 split in, over Kan-\\nsas question, 107 disapproved of\\nby Adams in 1868, 377 foolishly\\nnominates Greeley in 1872, 391;\\nbadly beaten, 391, 392.\\nDerby, Lord, opposes taking ac-\\ntion in regard to America, 302\\naccuses United States of trickery\\nin pushing indirect claims, 388.\\nDickens, Charles, laughs at Boston\\nreformers, 56.\\nDiplomatic history, mission of Dana\\nto Russia, 4 mission of J. Q.\\nAdams to England, 7-10 con-\\ntroversy with France over spoli-\\nation claims, 21 Ashburton\\ntreaty, 4S Adams s mission to\\nEngland, 147-376 recognition of\\nbelligerency of Confederacy, 148-\\n171 effort of Dallas to prevent\\nEnglish recognition of Confeder-\\nate belligerency, 157, 158, 169\\nMcLeod case, 165 joint action of\\nFrance and England, 169; dealing\\nof Yancey and Rost with Russell,\\n170 English proclamation of\\nneutrality, 171 first conference\\nof Adams and Russell, 175\\nSeward s proposed foreign policy\\nin 1861, 179-195; protest of\\nSeward against reception of Con-\\nfederate commissioners, 190, 191\\nSeward s career as secretary of\\nstate, 196 negotiations between\\nAdams and Russell regarding\\nConfederate emissaries, 197, 198;\\nthe Treaty of Paris, 200, 201; re-\\nfusal of United States to accede\\nto, in 1856, 201, 202 attempt of\\nAdams to secure adhesion of\\nUnited States to Declaration\\nevaded by England, 203-207; re-\\nfusal of Seward to permit dual\\nnegotiation between France and\\nEngland, 205; the Trent affair,\\n211-238 preliminary conference\\nbetween Adams and Palmerston,\\n219-226; disavowal of Wilkes by\\nSeward, 227; friendly conference\\nof Adams and Russell, 228, 229;\\nrefusal of England to negotiate,\\n233; England demands release of\\nprisoners and an apology, 235;\\nsurrender of Mason and Slidell,\\n238 protests of Palmerston to\\nAdams against Butler s order,\\n248-260; England prevented from\\nrecognizing Confederacy by dis-\\ncord in cabinet, 281-290; instruc-\\ntions of Seward as to repudiation\\nof any mediation, 285, 2S6; at-\\ntempts of Adams to influence", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0449.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "414\\nINDEX\\ncabinet indirectly, 287, 289; de-\\ncision of cabinet not to take any\\nsteps, 288; protests of Adams\\nagainst construction of Alabama,\\n309, 312-314; renewed protests\\nagainst construction of Laird\\nrams, 317-323; attempt of Slidell\\nto force retirement of Russell\\nand secure rams, 324-337; further\\nefforts of Adams in regard to\\nrams, 337, 338 Adams s solemn\\nprotest, 341-343 end of Mason s\\nmission, 350 irregular Confed-\\nerate and Federal envoys, 353-\\n356 further correspondence over\\nAlabama claims, 357 negotiation\\nover Fenian disturbances, 357,\\n358; Johnson-Clarendon treaty\\nmade and rejected, 380; Motley s\\nmission to England, 380; Treaty\\nof Washington, 381, 382 Geneva\\narbitration, 382-389, 392-397 or-\\nganization of board, 382, 383:\\nrepudiation by England of indirect\\nclaims, 383-389 reasons for in-\\nclusion of indirect claims, 384,\\n385, 388 rejection of indirect\\ndamages by board, 393-395 suc-\\ncess of arbitration, 396, 397.\\nDisraeli, Benjamin, opposes English\\nintervention in American war,\\n302; denounces indirect Alabama\\nclaims as preposterous, 387.\\nDistrict of Columbia, agitation for\\nemancipation in, 32.\\nDouglas, Stephen A., splits Demo-\\ncratic party with his popular\\nsovereignty doctrine, 107.\\nDowning, Charles, his speech in\\nCongress objected to by C. F.\\nAdams, 37.\\nDrouyn de Lhuys, proposes joint\\nmediation of England and Russia,\\n290.\\nDudley, informs Adams of\\nprogress of the vessel 290,\\n309; unable to induce collector of\\nthe port to detain it, 311; warns\\nAdams that one ram is about to\\nsail, 341.\\nEdwards, S. Price, knows character\\nof the 290, 311; refuses to de-\\ntain her without ocular proof of\\nher destination, 311; accused of\\ncorrupt connivance, 311 his real\\nmotives, 312; notifies vessel that\\nit may sail, 317.\\nElection of 1840, 42 election of\\n1S44 a turning point in abolition\\nhistory, 57, 58; election of 1872,\\n389-392.\\nEliot, Charles W., elected President\\nof Harvard, 379.\\nEllice, Edward, entertains Adams\\nand Mason, 338.\\nEmerson, Rev. William, baptizes\\nC. F. Adams, 3; pastor of First\\nCongregational Church, 13.\\nEngland, first sojourn of Adams in,\\n8-10 Palmerston ministry in,\\n152-154 expectation of Davis to\\ncoerce into alliance through cot-\\nton, 161-164; takes lead of\\nEurope in matters relating to\\nAmerica, 164 supposed hatred\\nof Seward for, 164 war with,\\nproposed by Seward as a remedy\\nfor secession, 168, 180-195 re-\\ncognizes Confederate belligerency,\\n171 denounced by Americans,\\n172 its policy partly justifiable,\\n173, 174 danger of Seward s\\npolicy toward, 193, 195 agrees\\nto Declaration of Paris, 200, 201\\nblocks effort of United States to\\nwiden scope of Declaration, 202\\nblocks attempt of United States\\nto accede in 1861, 204-207 cau-\\ntious about committing itself in\\nview of possible war, 204 would\\nhave been involved in war with\\nUnited States had there been a\\ncable in 1861, 217 refuses to\\nnegotiate Trent affair, 233 its\\npolicy justifiable, 234, 235; its\\ndemands for reparation, 235;\\nfolly of war with, realized by\\nSeward, 238; suspected by Adams\\nof purpose to force a quarrel, 249,\\n250; cotton famine in, 265-271;", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0450.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n415\\nforced to feed laborers, 269-271,\\n276, 277 end of famine in, 273,\\n274 strong movement in, for\\nrecognition of Confederacy, 279,\\n280 prevented from recognizing\\nConfederacy by discord in cabinet,\\n281-289 vessels built in, for Con-\\nfederacy, 306, 307 law of, per-\\nmits neutrality to be evaded, 307,\\n308 obliged to supervise Laird\\nrams more closely, 323, 324\\nfinally decides to detain rams,\\n343, 344 buys the rams, 351\\nhigh position of Adams in, after\\nthis, 357 society in, described by\\nAdams, 366-371 scenery of, 371,\\n373 makes Johnson-Clarendon\\ntreaty, 380; makes Treaty of\\nWashington, 381, 382 apologizes\\nfor escape of Alabama, 381 ac-\\ncepts Geneva award, 395, 396.\\nEnglish, their character understood\\nby Adams, 9; learn of America\\nfrom Times, 151 aristocracy\\namong, rejoice at disruption of\\nUnited States, 155 their canting\\ncriticism of the North, 155, 156\\nmiddle class dismayed at indiffer-\\nence of North, 156, 157 their\\nhostility foreseen by Yancey, 160;\\nsuspect Seward as tricky, 164\\nbelieve stories of his purpose to\\ninsult England, 165, 166, 178 re-\\ngard Adams as sincere, 178 show\\ncoldness to Adams, 214, 215 ex-\\ncited over news of Trent affair,\\n226 believe United States wishes\\nwar, 230-232 undergo reaction\\nagainst Mason and Slidell, 239;\\nmisunderstand Butler s order re-\\ngarding New Orleans women, 243-\\n248; their shamelessness regard-\\ning women of the town, 244, 247;\\nregard Butler s order with horror,\\n248 laboring classes of, favor\\nUnited States, 263-265; suffer\\nfrom cotton famine, 267-271\\nlaborers, although starving, still\\nfavor the North, 272, 273 upper\\nclasses denounce United States,\\n279, 280; denounce Emancipation\\nProclamation, 291-296; do not\\nunderstand motives nor results\\nof proclamation, 294, 297; middle\\nclasses of, applaud Emancipation\\nProclamation, 297-302 anger of\\nAdams at cant and hypocrisy of\\nleaders of, 305 applaud failure\\nof Neutrality Act to prevent con-\\nstruction of Confederate war ves-\\nsels, 308, 309; refuse on techni-\\ncalities to retain Alabama, 311,\\n312 amused at idea of paying\\nfor Alabama s damage, 318;\\nangry and disappointed at Gettys-\\nburg and Vicksburg, 335, 336;\\neager to believe news of Northern\\ndefeats, 349; excited over indirect\\nAlabama claims, 386-3S8.\\nEvarts, William M., sent abroad as\\nspecial agent, 354; false impor-\\ntance ascribed to, 355, 356.\\nEverett, Alexander, editor of\\nNorth American Review, 18.\\nEverett, Edward, brother-in-law of\\nC. F. Adams, 13; urges him to\\nenter legislature, 42; congratu-\\nlates him on his speech in 1861,\\n141.\\nFaneuil Hall, meeting at, to de-\\nnounce murder of Lovejoy, 33-\\n36.\\nFaulkner, Charles J., minister to\\nFrance in 1861, 157.\\nFillmore, Millard, becomes Presi-\\ndent, 99.\\nFish, Hamilton, secretary of state,\\ncorresponds with Thornton re-\\ngarding indirect Alabama dam-\\nages, 3S8; confers with Adams,\\n389.\\nForbes, John M., visited by Cobden\\nand Adams, 263; sent to buy\\nLaird rams, 321, 322, 354 false\\nimportance ascribed to, 355.\\nForster, William E., friendly to\\nUnited States in 1861 surprised at\\nevents, 156, 157; attributes to\\nUnited States a desire to pick a", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0451.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "416\\nINDEX\\nquarrel with England, 188; de-\\nscribes Adams s coolness at time\\nof Trent affair, 216, 217 the most\\neffective friend of the North, 263;\\nvisits Adams on his arrival, 264;\\nhis services, 264; told by Adams\\nof his instructions not to receive\\nany offer of mediation, 287;\\nbrings rumor of McClellan s sur-\\nrender, 348; at Cobden s funeral,\\n373.\\nFort Sumter, question of its reten-\\ntion in 1861, 124-128.\\nFox, G. V., on danger to United\\nStates navy from the Laird rams,\\n321.\\nFrance, expected in United States\\nto sympathize with North, 154,\\n172; really favors disunion, 154;\\nhopes of Davis to coerce by means\\nof cotton, 162; agrees to act with\\nGreat Britain, 164, 169; agrees to\\nDeclaration of Paris, 200, 201;\\nconsults with England as to joint\\nintervention, 249, 261; cotton\\nfamine and destitution in, 271;\\nurges joint recognition, 278, 290;\\ninfluence of Slidell in, 326, 327,\\n334; protests against Adams s at-\\ntitude, 334; follows England in\\nseizing. Confederate war vessels,\\n351.\\nFree-Soil party, elements of, 90-92;\\nformed at Buffalo Convention, 91,\\n92; its vote in 1848, 92, 93; its\\nnomination of Van Buren illogical\\nand ineffective, 96, 97; breaks up\\nin 1849, 98; ought to have nomi-\\nnated a real anti-slavery man, 99;\\ncasts small vote in 1852, 102.\\nFremont, John C, Republican can-\\ndidate in 1856, 102; recognized\\nin 1858 as incompetent, 107, 108;\\nplanned by Lincoln for French\\nmission, objected to by Seward,\\n144.\\nFrothingham, Nathaniel L., brother-\\nin-law of C. F. Adams, 13.\\nGarrison, William Lloyd, mobbed in\\n1835, 29; enrages slaveholders, 57;\\nceases to lead after 1844, 58; really\\nhinders anti-slavery cause, 08, 59;\\nadvocates disunion, 75.\\nGeneva, arbitration at. See Diplo-\\nmatic History.\\nGibson, Milner, in Palmerston s\\ncabinet opposes recognition of\\nConfederacy, 283 in communica-\\ntion with Cobden, 338; at Cobden s\\nfuneral, 371.\\nGiddings, Joshua B., consults with\\nAdams before Buffalo Convention,\\n90 advises Adams not to stand\\non his dignity in Congress, 111.\\nGladstone, William Ewart, chancel-\\nlor of exchequer in 1861, 153; on\\nthe results of the cotton famine,\\n274; proclaims success of the\\nConfederacy, 280; comments of\\nAdams on, 286, 289; disavowed by\\nRussell, 289; his social ability de-\\nscribed at length by Adams, 368-\\n370; at Cobden s funeral, 371\\ncalls indirect Alabama claims im-\\npossible, 387.\\nGould, Benjamin Apthorp, head\\nmaster of Boston Latin School,\\n11; regard of C. F. Adams for, 11.\\nGrant, Ulysses S., his services com-\\npared by Lowell with Adams s,\\n345 not hampered by govern-\\nment after fall of Vicksburg, 356;\\nsupported by Adams in 1868, 378\\nmeets Adams at Boston, 379 con-\\nfers with Adams, 389 liberal\\nmovement against, in 1872, 390,\\n391.\\nGranville, Lord, corresponds with\\nSchenck on indirect Alabama\\nclaims, 387.\\nGreeley, Horace, contrasted as ed-\\nitor, with Adams, 67 nominated\\nfor President to beat Grant, 390,\\n391.\\nGreene, Charles G., editor of\\nPost, 65.\\nGregory, W. H., secures unofficial\\nreception of Yancey and Rost by\\nRussell, 170.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0452.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n417\\nGrow, Galusha A., in Congress in\\n1859, 110.\\nHale, John P., a logical candidate\\nfor the Free-Soilers, 99.\\nHale, Nathan, edits Daily Adver-\\ntiser, C5, 67.\\nHall, Newman, applauds Emancipa-\\ntion Proclamation, 299.\\nHamlin, Hannibal, consults with\\nLincoln as to cabinet appoint-\\nments, 143.\\nHarding, Sir John, breaks down and\\nfails to examine Alabama evi-\\ndence, 314.\\nHarrison, Benjamin, dealings with\\nChili under his administration,\\n235.\\nHarvard University, offers Adams\\nposition of President, 379 on his\\nrefusal elects Eliot, 379.\\nHenry II., observations of Adams\\nupon, 364.\\nHill, Thomas, resigns presidency of\\nHarvard, 379.\\nHillard, George S., at meeting to\\nprotest against Lovejoy s murder,\\n34; praises Adams s speech in\\n1801, 142.\\nHoar, Samuel, expelled from\\nCharleston, 48.\\nHolland, description of, by J. Q.\\nAdams for his son, 6.\\nHolmes, Oliver Wendell, Jr., visits\\nGladstone, 368, 369.\\nHoughton, Lord, at breakfast with\\nGladstone and Adams, 308-370.\\nHouse of Representatives, slavery\\nstruggles in, over right of petition,\\n30-33; votes that war exists by act\\nof Mexico, 73; election of Adams\\nto, 105; composition of, in 1859,\\n108 to 110 speakership contest\\nin, 110, 111 services of Adams in,\\n111-114; committees in, 112; ap-\\npoints special committee of thirty-\\nthree, 132 discusses compro-\\nmises without result, 132; Adams s\\nspeech in, 140-142 thanks Wilkes,\\n232.\\nItajuba, Baron de, on Geneva arbi-\\ntration board, 382.\\nJackson, Andrew, elected President,\\n14, 15 supported in his policy\\ntoward nullification on French\\nclaims and on power of removal\\nfrom office by J. Q. Adams, 20-\\n25.\\nJohnson, Joshua, consul in London,\\n2; grandfather of C. P. Adams, 2.\\nJohnson, Louisa Catherine, mother\\nof C. F. Adams, marries J. Q.\\nAdams, 2; familiar with French,\\n5; remains with her son in Russia,\\n5; joins her husband in Paris, 6,\\n7; presides over White Hou6e, 12;\\nkindness of Winthrop to, in 1848,\\n87.\\nJohnson, Reverdy, negotiates treaty\\non Alabama claims, 380.\\nJohnson, Thomas, relative of C. F.\\nAdams, his career in the Revolu-\\ntion, 1 member of Supreme\\nCourt, 2.\\nKeitt, Laurence M., in House in\\n1859, 110.\\nKinnaird, Lord, the only peer at\\nCobden s funeral, 371.\\nKuow-Nothiugs, carry Massachu-\\nsetts, 104; oppose Adams s nom-\\nination, 105 dead in 1858, 108.\\nLaird Brothers, build vessels for\\nConfederacy, 306, 315 imposed\\nupon by Slidell s scheme, 329.\\nLamar, L. Q. C, in House in 1859,\\n110.\\nLampson, believes Washington\\ntaken by rebels, 349.\\nLawrence, Abbott, representative\\nBoston man, 74 his submissive\\nattitude toward slavery, 74-76;\\nassailed by Adams for refusing to\\nsign protest against Texas, 77,\\n78 supported by Webster in\\nWhig Convention, 79, 80.\\nLee, Robert E., said in London to\\nhave captured Washington, 332.", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0453.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "418\\nINDEX\\nLetcher, John, Governor of Vir-\\nginia in 1861, 125.\\nLewis, Sir George Cornewall, secre-\\ntary for war in 1861, 153 an-\\nnounces Queen s proclamation\\nof neutrality, 171; thinks South\\nmay win but ought not yet to be\\nrecognized, 281, 283.\\nLiberator, represents extreme\\nabolitionists, 65.\\nLiberty party, disapproved of by\\nConscience Whigs, 69.\\nLincoln, Abraham, his debates with\\nDouglas, 107 not prominent in\\n1858, 108; his nomination causes\\nsurprise in Washington, 114; after\\nMarch 4, more interested in dis-\\ntributing offices than in crisis,\\n126; decides appointment of cab-\\ninet, 143 on consultation with\\nHamlin, passes over Adams to\\ngive Navy Department to Welles,\\n143; selects Dayton and Fremont\\nfor English aud French missions,\\n144; finally yields to Seward and\\nappoints Adams to England, 144\\nvisited by Seward and Adams,\\n145 declines any thanks from\\nAdams, 146 astonishes and dis-\\ngusts Adams by his careless be-\\nhavior, 146; calls for troops,\\n149 proclaims blockade, 170\\nmodifies Seward s belligerent dis-\\npatch, 179; his ability not real-\\nized in 1861, 181 develops\\nunder trial, 182 considered weak\\nby Seward, 182 his undignified\\nrejection of Seward s resignation,\\n183 asserts that a minority forced\\nsecession in South, 187 rejects\\nSeward s policy of foreign war,\\n191 wishes to protract Trent\\nnegotiations, 233 issues Emanci-\\npation Proclamation, 291 de-\\nnounced by English press, 292,\\n293 applauded by middle classes,\\n299-302; judgment of the Times\\nupon him, 303, 304.\\nLindsay, W. S., demands recogni-\\ntion of Confederacy, 280 speaks\\nof recognition as deferred only by\\ndivisions in the cabinet, 281; de-\\nnounces the Emancipation Pro-\\nclamation, 296; used by Slidell\\nto attack Russell, 330 visits\\nNapoleon III., 330.\\nLittleton, Lord, at breakfast with\\nGladstone aud Adams, 368.\\nLondon Times, on dissolution of\\nUnion in 1861, 150 on Trent\\naffair, 231, 232, 233, 238; pro-\\nphesies Confederate victories, 243\\ndenounces Emancipation Procla-\\nmation, 292, 303, 304 on Adams s\\nsuccess in securing Geneva arbi-\\ntration, 395.\\nLovejoy, Elijah P., murdered in\\n1837, 33; excitement over his case\\namong abolitionists, 33, 34; his\\nmurder justified by the attorney-\\ngeneral of Massachusetts, 34, 35.\\nLovejoy, Owen, in Congress in 1859,\\n110.\\nLowell, James Russell, on value of\\nAdams s services, 345.\\nLyell, Sir Charles, on the perverse\\npredictions of the Times, 243.\\nLyons, Lord, sends blockade pro-\\nclamation, 171 warns Russell\\nagainst allowing United States to\\naccede to Treaty of Paris, 206\\npresents English demand in Trent\\naffair, 236 detained in London\\nby ministry, 289.\\nMcLean, John T., a possible Free-\\nSoil candidate, 98.\\nMadison, James, appoints J. Q.\\nAdams minister to Russia, 4 his\\ninterpretation of appointing power\\nof President doubted by Webster,\\n24 compliments C. F. Adams on\\nhis pamphlet on executive patron-\\nage, 28.\\nMallory, S. R., on the importance\\nof the Laird rams, 319, 320.\\nMaun, Horace, succeeds J. Q. Adams\\nin Congress, 103 has controversy\\nwitli Webster, 103.\\nMarchand, John B-, commands", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0454.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n419\\nUnited States vessel at Southamp-\\nton, 221 his naval ability, 222\\naccused of drunkenness by Pal-\\nmerston, 223, 224 his instructions\\nto watch the Gladiator and not to\\ncatch Mason and Slidell, 226.\\nMarcy, William L., as secretary of\\nstate, informs France of refusal\\nof United States to accede to\\nTreaty of Paris, 201.\\nMason, James M., appointed by\\nConfederacy to English mission,\\n199 taken by Wilkes from the\\nTrent, 211 exaggerated impor-\\ntance assigned to, 212 his lack\\nof ability, 213 surrendered, 238\\nsurprised at cold reception in\\nEngland, 239; says that Lee has\\ncaptured Washington, 332 unfit\\nfor task of persuading Russell to\\nlet Laird rams go, 336 tries to\\nattack Russell in press, 337\\nvisits Ellice, 339 leaves England,\\n350 his subsequent career, 350.\\nMassachusetts, centre of anti-slavery\\naction, 62 Free-Soil vote in, 92\\ncarried by Know-Nothings,\\n104, 105.\\nMassachusetts, legislature of, elec-\\ntions to, 43, 45 services of Adams\\nin, 45-49 passes resolutions op-\\nposing slavery, 48.\\nMexican war, brought on by Polk,\\n62 voted for by Cotton Whigs,\\n63 attacked by Cotton Whigs,\\n71 denounced by Clay, 73.\\nMilnes, Richard Monckton, shows\\ncivility to Adams, 215 impressed\\nby Adams s coolness at news of\\nTrent affair, 217.\\nMontagu, Lord Robert, attacks Roe-\\nbuck in Commons, 333.\\nMorrill, Lot M., in Congress in\\n1859, 110.\\nMotley, John Lothrop, consults\\nAdams on his way to English mis-\\nsion, 380.\\nNapoleon I., seen by C. F. Adams\\nduring the Hundred Days, 7.\\nNapoleon III., plans Mexican\\nschemes, 154; favors disruption\\nof United States, 154 urges Eng-\\nland to intervene, 261, 278; co-\\noperates in Slidell s scheme to se-\\ncure the Laird rams, 328 confers\\nwith Roebuck and Lindsay, 330\\ndeclares himself ready for inter-\\nvention, 331; disavows Roebuck,\\n333 at Slidell s instigation com-\\nplains of Adams s attitude to-\\nward French measures in Mexico,\\n334 seizes vessels he has encour-\\naged Confederates to contract for,\\n351.\\nNational Intelligencer, Mexican\\nwar bills denounced by, 73.\\nNelson, T. A. R., affected by Ad-\\nams s speech in 1861, 142.\\nNewcastle, Duke of, Seward s al-\\nleged revelations to, 165-167.\\nNew Orleans, Butler s order regard-\\ning women of, 243 social privi-\\nleges of women in, 244, 245 But-\\nler s administration of, justified,\\n247, 248.\\nNews, of London, apologizes for\\nEmancipation Proclamation, 292,\\n293.\\nNewspapers, character of, in 1846,\\n64; leading ones in United States,\\n65-67 small circulation of, 66\\ncountry press, 66 tone of it, in\\n1846, 72, 73.\\nNew York Courier and Enquirer,\\nits small circulation, 66.\\nNew York Evening Post, its\\nsmall circulation in 1842, 66.\\nNew York Herald begins sensa-\\ntional journalism, 66, 67.\\nNicholas, Dr., studies of Adams\\nboys at his school, 8.\\nNoel, Rev. Baptist, applauds Eman-\\ncipation Proclamation, 299.\\nNorth, does not realize difficulty of\\nslavery question, 54 prevalence\\nof isms in, 56; dazed in\\n1860-1861, 118, 122 does not ex-\\npect secession, 119 without a\\nleader in 1861, 123, 124 considers", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0455.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "420\\nINDEX\\nSouth Carolina a firebrand, 124\\nbound to act on defensive as re-\\ngards Fort Sumter, 127 does\\nnot understand Adams s delaying\\npolicy, 133 hopes of Adams s to\\nunite by showing extravagance of\\nSouthern demands, 134. See\\nUnited States.\\nNorth American Review, its\\ncharacter and editors, 18; contri-\\nbutions of Adams to, 18.\\nNullification, Jackson s attitude to-\\nward, supported by J. Q. Adams,\\n20, 21.\\nOrr, James L., on absence of a\\nConfederate foreign policy, 158.\\nPalfrey, Dr. John G., editor of\\nNorth American Review, 18\\nconsults with Adams about found-\\ning Boston Whig, 50, 51; at-\\ntacks Appleton for calling Texas\\nquestion settled, 76 has difficulty\\nin securing election to Congress,\\n81 at Whig Convention of 1846,\\n83; offers resolution to preclude\\nsupport of Taylor, 85 refuses to\\nvote for Winthrop as speaker, 86.\\nPalmerston, Lord, premier in 1861,\\n153 inclined to favor secession-\\nists, 153 his management of\\nopium war, 157; held respon-\\nsible by Adams for evasions of\\nEngland in 1861, 204 does not\\nwish war, 219 his remarks\\nsatisfy Adams, 220; asks Adams\\nfor a private interview, 220\\nforesees and wishes to avoid diffi-\\nculties over possible American\\nseizures of Confederate emissaries\\non English vessels, 220-222 sug-\\ngests that such be avoided as\\nneedless, 223, 224 reassured by\\nAdams, 225 good results of his\\nconversation during Trent affair,\\n236, 237 distrusted by Adams,\\n241; represented by the Morn-\\ning Post, 241 polite socially to\\nAdams, 242 writes furious letter\\nto Adams denouncing Butler, 248;\\nsuspected by Adams of trying to\\nforce a quarrel, 249, 250; Adams s\\nreply to, 250 repeats his denun-\\nciation of Butler in a second let-\\nter, 252 again asked by Adams\\nto state whether he is acting offi-\\ncially or not, 253, 254 his real\\nmotives, 255 put in a false posi-\\ntion by Adams, 255 explains his\\naction to have been public, 256-\\n258 denies having cast imputa-\\ntions on the United States, 258;\\nAdams s last reply to, 259, 260;\\nafter a break succeeds in renew-\\ning social intercourse with the\\nAdamses, 260; appealed to by\\nRoebuck to recognize Confeder-\\nacy, 279 thinks time has come to\\nintervene, 281 suggests methods\\nof intervention, 282 holds pre-\\nmiership outside of party, 288\\nacquiesces reluctantly in necessity\\nof doing nothing, 288; rebukes\\nRoebuck, 332 his death, 371 his\\nfuueral described by Adams, 373-\\n376 Adams s judgment of, 376.\\nParliament, attempt of Slidell to\\nforce resignation of Russell by\\nproceedings in, 330-333 really\\nsympathizes with South, but dis-\\ngusted with Roebuck s attitude,\\n334.\\nPeacocke, 6. M. W., denounces\\nEmancipation Proclamation, 296.\\nPennington, William, chosen speaker\\nin 1859, 110 assigns Adams to a\\nsham committee, 112.\\nPersigny, M. de, said to have visited\\nLondon to plan Anglo-French in-\\ntervention, 249.\\nPersonal Liberty bills complained\\nof by South, 136-138.\\nPhillips, Stephen C, consults with\\nAdams about publishing Boston\\nWhig, 50 takes two fifths inter-\\nest, 51 his connection with Free-\\nSoil party, 52 at Whig Conven-\\ntion of 1847, 83 at Buffalo Con-\\nvention, 95.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0456.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n421\\nPhillips, Wendell, his speech at\\nFaneuil Hall meeting after Love-\\njoy affair, 3G made prominent by\\nSouthern abuse, 57; really hinders\\nanti-slavery cause after 18-14, 58,\\n59.\\nPierce, Edward L., describes Mas-\\nsachusetts politics, 70 describes\\nWhig Convention of 1846, 79.\\nPierce, Franklin, election of, 102.\\nPolk, James K., sends message an-\\nnouncing Mexican war, 62.\\nPost, organ of Massachusetts\\nDemocrats, 65.\\nPost, organ of Palmerston, 230,\\n241 accuses Adams of stock\\nspeculation during Trent affair,\\n239 its bitterness toward North,\\n241, 243 denounces Emancipa-\\ntion Proclamation, 292 denounces\\nExeter Hall meeting, 300 an-\\nnounces detention of rams, 343.\\nPreston, William, minister to Spain\\nin 1861, 157.\\nPryor, Roger A., in House in 1859\\n110.\\nPrussia, agrees to Declaration of\\nParis, 201.\\nQuincy, Edmund, becomes an aboli-\\ntionist, 36.\\nRepublican party, its origin, 102\\nelects a majority of House in\\n1858, 102; socially at a disadvan-\\ntage in Washington, 106; makes\\na mistake in nominating Fremont,\\n107, 108; candidates for nomina-\\ntion of, 108; its existence defended\\nby Adams, 113; nominates Lin-\\ncoln, 114; succeeds in election of\\n1860, 115, 116; bound in 1860 to\\nput South in the wrong, 122;\\nnecessity of its changing tone in\\ntime of triumph, 129, 130; ready\\nto disavow purpose to interfere\\nwith slavery in the States, 137;\\nits reconstruction policy disliked\\nby Adams, 377, 378; dissatisfac-\\ntion in with Grant, 390; bolt of\\nIndependents from, 390, 391;\\nwins election easily, 390 offers\\nvice-presidency to Adams, 392.\\nRoebuck, John Arthur, abuses the\\nNorth and urges intervention,\\n279; abuses Napoleon, 330; by\\nSlidell s management, visits Na-\\npoleon, 330; moves in Parliament\\nto force recognition of Confed-\\neracy, 331; mismanages attempt,\\n332; ruins his case by telling of\\nhis dealings with Napoleon, 332,\\n333; lashed by opposition, 333;\\nwithdraws his motion, 333.\\nRost, P. A., Confederate agent, ob-\\ntains interview with Russell, 158,\\n169, 170; refused further recep-\\ntion, 198; declines to protest, 198.\\nRussell, George S., withdraws from\\ncontest for Republican nomina-\\ntion in favor of Adams, 105.\\nRussell, Lord John, his speech on\\nrecognition of Confederacy sur-\\nprizes Adams, 147; foreign secre-\\ntary in 1861, 153; expected to\\nfavor the North, 153; assures\\nDallas of his intention to wait\\narrival of Adams before announ-\\ncing attitude of Great Britain,\\n158; confers with Dallas on re-\\nports of a blockade and on arri-\\nval of Confederate agents, 169;\\nagrees to postpone action until\\narrival of Adams, 169; receives\\nYancey and Rost, 170; announces\\nrecognition of Confederate belli-\\ngerency, 170; finding himself in\\nwrong, grows cautious, 173 has\\ninterview with Adams, contrast\\nof the two men, 175, 176; veiled\\nthreat of Adams to, 197 says he\\nhas no intention of receiving\\nYancey and Rost, 178; refuses\\nto make England responsible\\nfor Confederate privateers, 204;\\nlooks upon recognition of Confed-\\neracy as inevitable, 204 annoys\\nAdams by delays and quibbles,\\n206; asks United States to except\\npresent difficulties from Treaty", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0457.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "422\\nINDEX\\nof Paris, 207; does not under-\\nstand significance of situation,\\n208; likes Adams s directness,\\n208; grows more cautious con-\\ntinually, 208; asks advice of\\ncrown lawyers on right of a\\nUnited States vessel to board a\\nBritish mail steamer, 221 shows\\nno ill-will after Trent affair, 226;\\ndiscusses Seward s dispatch, 227;\\nsays hostilities not certain, even\\nin case of a diplomatic rupture,\\n228; disavows English precedents,\\n229; his attitude pleases Adams\\n229; on necessity for firmness\\ntowards United States, 234; sends\\ndispatch demanding release of\\nprisoners, 235 surprised at Pal-\\nrnerstou s Butler letter, 251 tells\\nAdams to regard it as private,\\n254; pleases Adams by his atti-\\ntude, 255; agrees with Palmerstou\\nthat time has come to intervene,\\n281; calls cabinet meeting to\\nconsider matter, 283; tells Adams\\nthat Gladstone does not speak\\nfor the cabinet, 289; admits the\\nAlabama case to be a scandal,\\n313; harassed by Adams s argu-\\nments, 317 irritated by escape\\nof 290, 324; attempt of Slidell\\nto force out of cabinet, 330; his\\nresignation rumored, 331; re-\\nmains in office, 333 accused by\\nMason of subservience to Adams,\\n337 continued pressure of Adams\\nupon, 338 wishes to prevent\\nsailing of rams, yet finds politi-\\ncal obstacles, 340 appealed to\\nby Adams on September 3d, 341\\nreceives renewed and stronger\\nappeals, 342, 343; determines to\\ndetain the vessels, 344 last pro-\\ntest of Mason to, 350 negotiates\\nregarding Alabama claims, 357;\\nat Palmerston s funeral, 375.\\nRussell, Dr. William H., sent by\\nTimes to America in 1861,\\n151 impressed with carelessness\\nof people about disunion, 151,\\n152; reports popular ideas in\\nNew York as to attitude of France\\nand England, 154 on Southern\\nfaith in influence of cotton, 162;\\non Seward s fatuous optimism,\\n186 says American government\\ndare not surrender Mason and\\nSlidell, 231, 232.\\nRussia, action against, proposed by\\nSeward, 180; agrees to Declara-\\ntion of Paris, 201.\\nSchenck, General, American minis-\\nter to England, 387.\\nSchurz, Carl, opposes reelection of\\nGrant, 390; tries to unite all ele-\\nments by calling Liberal Republi-\\ncan Convention, 390.\\nSclopis, Count Frederic, on Geneva\\narbitration board, 382; elected\\npresident of board, 383.\\nScott, Winfield, visits J. Q. Adams\\nin London, 8; remembers youth-\\nful question of C. F. Adams, 9.\\nSeaton, William W., type of old-\\nfashioned editor, 67.\\nSemmes, Raphael, amused at idea\\nof England s being called upon\\nto pay for Alabama s damages,\\n318.\\nSenate, proposal of Calhoun to give\\nit power over removals from\\noffice, 21-23; its encroachments\\non executive foreseen by J. Q.\\nAdams, 23 rejects Johnson-Clar-\\nendon treaty, 380.\\nSeward, William H., a proper Free-\\nSoil candidate in 1848, 99; the\\nonly Republican to show hospital-\\nity in Washington, 106 ought to\\nhave been nominated in 1856,\\n108; unable to control Republi-\\ncans, 108 fails to secure nomina-\\ntion in 1860, 114; makes long\\nstumping tour in campaign, 115\\nrelieved when Virginia refuses to\\nsecede, 126 wishes Fort Sumter\\nabandoned, 127; urges Adams s\\nappointment to English mission,\\n143, 144; introduces Adams to", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0458.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n423\\nLincoln, 145 talks freely about\\nimpossibility of coercion, 150,\\n151 instructs Dallas and others\\nto prevent recognition of Confed-\\neracy, 157 distrusted in England\\nas unfriendly and unscrupulous,\\n164 his action in McLeod case,\\n1G5; said to have joked with\\nDuke of Newcastle on official\\nnecessity of insulting England,\\n165-167; proposes foreign war in\\nhis Thoughts submitted to\\nLincoln, 167, 168 sends circular\\nregarding Confederate privateers,\\n171 indignant at attitude of Eng-\\nland, 174; sends belligerent dis-\\npatches, 174, 176; astonishes\\nAdams, 177, 179 his dispatch\\nmodified by Lincoln, 179 willing\\nto provoke a foreign war, 179\\n180 expects to be head of ad-\\nministration, 182, 183 asserts\\nthat South is not in earnest, 183\\nbelieves that in a foreign war the\\nSouth would aid the North, 184,\\n185 believes in a strong Union\\nsentiment in the South, 186\\npossibly inspires article in the\\nTimes, 188 repeats statement\\nto Russell, 189 willing to bring\\non a world war, 189 announces\\nthat reception of Southern com-\\nmissioners would be an un-\\nfriendly act, 190, 191; after re-\\njection of his policy by Lincoln,\\ncontinues to believe in it, 191 in\\ndispatch No. 10, threatens war,\\n191, 192; expects a general war,\\n192, 193; his dispatch modified\\nby Lincoln, 194; instructs minis-\\nters to announce adhesion of\\nUnited States to Treaty of Paris,\\n203, 205 refuses to let England\\nand France act in union, 205\\nvery slow to enlighten Adams\\nafter Trent affair, 226; finally\\nsays that Wilkes acted without\\ninstructions, 227 his reputation\\nfor trickiness prevents England\\nfrom making any concessions,\\n231 still asserted to be trying to\\nbring on war, 232 defended by\\nWeed in a public letter, 233 his\\nconciliatory dispatch not in agree-\\nment with American feeling, 234;\\nrelies on Adams in whole affair,\\n236 recovers mental poise at\\nthis time, 237 annoys Adams by\\noptimism, 239; sends news of\\ncapture of New Orleans, 243;\\ntells Adams to refuse to entertain\\nany proposal to mediate, 284-286;\\ninstructs him to withdraw in case\\nEngland recognizes the Confed-\\neracy, 286 his instructions to\\nAdams regarding the Laird rams,\\n322 announces surrender of\\nVicksburg, 335 his instructions\\ndisregarded by Adams, 337, 338;\\nalways supports Adams, 352 yet\\nat first annoys him by irregular\\nenvoys, 352 denies reputed dis-\\nsatisfaction with Adams, 355.\\nSherman, John, in House in 1859,\\n109 candidate of Republicans\\nfor speaker, 110.\\nSlavery, its situation in 1846, 53\\nview of Conscience Whigs regard-\\ning, 54-59 evidently not going\\nto die out in 1844, 59 attacked\\nin Lincoln s Emancipation Pro-\\nclamation, 291.\\nSlave trade, proposal of South to\\nreopen, 135.\\nSlidell, John, taken by Wilkes\\nfrom the Trent, 211 exaggerated\\nimportance assigned to, 212, 213\\ndoes not realize value to Confed-\\neracy of his seizure, 213, 214\\nsurrendered by United States,\\n238; surprised at cold reception\\nin England, 239 begins intrigue\\nto secure escape of Laird rams,\\n324, 325; contrasted with his\\nopponent, Adams, 325; his abil-\\nity, 326; gains good position in\\nFrance, 326; operates through\\nFrance on England, 327 aims to\\nforce resignation of Russell in\\norder to secure recognition of", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0459.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "424\\nINDEX\\nSouth, 328 aims to break block-\\nade by escape of rams, 328 ar-\\nranges sale of Laird rams to a\\nFrench firm, 329 induces Napo-\\nleon III. to assure Roebuck and\\nLindsay of his desire for inter-\\nvention, 330 his influence recog-\\nnized by Adams, 331 instigates\\nFrench attack on Adams, 334;\\nstirs up Mason to renew attack\\non Russell, 336, 337 fails in his\\nEuropean intrigue, 347, 348; his\\nsubsequent career, 350, 351.\\nSouth, aroused at first whisper of\\nabolitionists, 29, 51 expects to\\ncoerce North by threat of dis-\\nunion, 61 refuses to support\\nDouglas, 107 agitated by John\\nBrown raid, 109 not believed by\\nthe North to be in earnest, 118\\nnot unanimous in favor of seces-\\nsion, 120 necessity for North to\\nkeep it divided until March 4th,\\n121 extreme leaders of, wish to\\nforce a conflict, 121 well led in\\n1861, 123 distrusts South Caro-\\nlina as extreme, 124 would have\\nbeen united by any attack on\\nSouth Carolina, 127 not likely\\nto have been cowed by a show of\\nvigor in 1860, 128, 129; efforts of\\nAdams to put leaders of in posi-\\ntion of refusing concessions, 134\\nits real plans in 1861, 135 its\\nwrongs as stated in 1861, 136\\nembarrassed by Adams s offer of\\ncompromise, 137 its leaders\\ndrop mask and avow desire for\\nmore territory, 138, 139. See\\nConfederacy.\\nSouth Carolina, expels Hoar, 48\\nforced to deal with Fort Sumter,\\n124 generally regarded as ex-\\ntreme, 124 prevents relief of\\nSumter, 125 commits error in\\nattacking Sumter, 128.\\nSpain, action against, proposed by\\nSeward, 180.\\nSpoils system, proposal of Calhoun\\nto prevent, by the Patronage\\nBill, 23 under Lincoln, 126, 146,\\n182.\\nSpurgeon, Charles H., his religious\\nservices described by Adams, 359-\\n363 prays for the success of the\\nNorth, 363.\\nStaempfli, Jacob, on Geneva arbi-\\ntration board, 382.\\nStanley, Dean A. P., reads service\\nat Palmerston s funeral, 375.\\nStevens, Thaddeus, in House in\\n1859, 109.\\nSumner, Charles, consults with\\nAdams and others about Boston\\nWhig, 50, 51 has sharp corre-\\nspondence with Winthrop, 78 at\\nWhig Convention of 1847, 83;\\nmakes a poor speech, 84 gains\\nprominence in Massachusetts, 100\\naids in securing nomination of\\nAdams in 1858, 105 lives in\\napartments at Washington, 106\\non possibility of stifling secession\\nin 1861, 128; considers modera-\\ntion weakness, 130, 134 reported\\nas willing to accept secession,\\n150; wishes to protract Trent\\nnegotiations, 233 introduces in-\\ndirect claims into Alabama ques-\\ntion, 380, 384 his motives for so\\ndoing, 385 his action nearly ruins\\nnegotiations, 388; opposes reelec-\\ntion of Grant, 390.\\nTaylor, P. A., congratulates Adams\\non the Emancipation proclama-\\ntion, 299.\\nTaylor, Zachary, his candidacy fore-\\nseen in 1817, 85; nominated by\\nWhig Convention, 88; refusal of\\nConscience Whigs to support, 89\\nhis death in office, 102.\\nTenterden, Lord, English counsel\\nin Geneva arbitration, 394.\\nTexas, admitted to Union, 62 final\\nprotest against, in Massachusetts,\\n76.\\nThornton, Sir Edward, protests to\\nFish against indirect Alabama\\nclaims, 388.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0460.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n425\\nTrumbull, Lyman, opposes Grant s\\nreelection, 390.\\nTurkey, adopts Declaration of Paris,\\n201.\\nUnited States, public conscience of,\\nin 1840-1SGO, 53 European atti-\\ntude toward in 1SG1, 148, 151, 152;\\nbefore April lath, seems inclined\\nto permit secession, 149, 150\\nits careless attitude surprises Eng-\\nlish, 151, 192; expects sympathy\\nfrom France but not England,\\n154 despised by South, 1G2 en-\\nraged at English recognition of\\nConfederate belligerency, 172\\nrefuses to accede to Treaty of\\nParis, 201, 202; wishes under Lin-\\ncoln to accede, 202; enthusiasm\\nin, over Wilkes s seizure of Mason\\nand Slidell, 211, 226 disavows\\nWilkes, 227 believed by English\\nto wish war, 230-232; folly of\\npopular feeling in, 233-235 its\\nrespect for women not realized\\nin England, 244 furiously de-\\nnounced on account of Butler s\\nNew Orleans order, 249, 252\\nsends food ships for English cot-\\nton workers, 276, 277; abused by\\nEnglish, 279, 280; alarmed at pro-\\nspect of two Confederate rams,\\n320; tries to purchase the rams,\\n321 feeling in, with regard to\\nAdams s attitude in Fenian nego-\\ntiations, 357, 358; changed be-\\ntween 18G1-1868, 377; its claim\\nfor indirect damages an insult to\\nEngland, 385.\\nVallandigham, Clement L., in House\\nin 1859, 110.\\nVan Buren, John, leads Barnburners\\nback into Democratic party, 98.\\nVan Buren, Martin, defeated for\\nPresident in 1840, 42 condemned\\nby Adams for subserviency to the\\nSouth, 43 nominated by Barn-\\nburners, 90, 91 his followers\\nwish revenge on Cass, 91 nomi-\\nnated by Buffalo Convention, 91\\nhis candidacy damages Free-Soil\\nticket, 92, 95, 99 opinions of\\nAdams concerning, 96; no more\\nlogical as a candidate than Web-\\nster, 97, 99.\\nVilliers, C. P., in cabinet opposes\\nrecognition of Confederacy, 283\\nat Cobden s funeral, 371.\\nVirginia, decides not to secede in\\n1860, 125, 126; calls Peace Con-\\nference, 126 secedes, 190.\\nWales, Prince of, at Palmerston s\\nfuneral, 374.\\nWar of Rebellion, events in autumn\\nof 1861, 210 beginning of Confed-\\nerate privateering, 210 Union\\nsuccesses in spriug of 1862, 242,\\n243 Confederate successes in\\nsummer, 310 effect of news of\\nVicksburg and Gettysburg in Eng-\\nland, 335 siege of Charleston,\\n341, 342.\\nWashburn, Elihu B. in Congress in\\n1859, 110.\\nWashburn, Cadwallader C, in Con-\\ngress in 1859, 110.\\nWashburn, Israel, in Congress in\\n1859, 110.\\nWashington, social life of Congress-\\nmen in, 106.\\nWebster, Daniel, advises C. F.\\nAdams to study law, 12 takes\\nhim as a student, 12 supports\\nCalhoun s Patronage Bill against\\nJackson, 23, 24 denounced by\\nAdams, 24, 25; uses Advertiser\\nas mouthpiece, 65 his uncertain\\nattitude on Mexican war, 71\\nbrought to aid of Cotton Whigs\\nin Massachusetts Convention, 79,\\n80 at Convention of 1847, claims\\nWilmot Proviso as his thunder,\\n83, 84 indorsed for presidency,\\n84, 85 does not realize hopeless-\\nness of his candidacy, 85 vote\\nfor, in Whig Convention of 1848,\\n89 sullenly supports Taylor, 89\\nAdams s attitude toward, 97 in", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0461.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "426\\nINDEX\\nCompromise struggle, 102 has\\ncontroversy with Mann, 103.\\nWebster, Fletcher, at Whig Con-\\nvention of 1846, 79.\\nWeed, Thurlow, Seward s agent,\\n143 writes letter to Times in\\nTrent affair, 233 announces sur-\\nrender of Mason and Slidell, 238\\nmakes himself useful to Adams,\\n354.\\nWelles, Gideon, reasons for his ap-\\npointment to Navy Department,\\n143 approves action of Wilkes,\\n232 probably realizes uselessness\\nof Wilkes s action, 237.\\nWhig party, succeeds in 1840, 42\\nin Massachusetts, opposes slavery\\nin 1845, 47 Conscience and\\nCotton factions in, 59, 60, 62 as\\na whole, ready to yield anything\\nfor sake of union, 61, 74-78 sav-\\nage controversy in, over attitude\\nof Cotton Whigs, 76-78; holds\\nstate convention in Massachusetts,\\n78-80 controlled by Cotton Whigs\\nthrough Webster s influence, 80,\\n81; its state convention of 1847,\\n82-85; attempt of Webster to\\nunite both wings of, 83, 84 in-\\ndorses Webster for president, 85;\\nin national convention nominates\\nTaylor, 88, 89 bolt of Conscience\\nWhigs from, 89; dies in 1854,\\n102.\\nWilkes, Captain Charles, seizes\\nMason and Slidell, 210, 211 be-\\ncomes a popular hero, 211 his\\nact unjustifiable, 212 and need-\\nless, 212, 218, 219; contradicts\\nprevious confident assertions of\\nAdams, 226; disavowed by Sew-\\nard, 227 approved by Welles, 232\\nthanked by House, 233.\\nWilson, Henry, consults with Adams\\nand others regarding Boston\\nWhig, 50, 51; describes Massa-\\nchusetts politics, 70 bolts party\\nat National Whig Convention, 89;\\ndevotes himself to politics and\\ngains prominence in Massachu-\\nsetts, 100; nominated for Vice-\\nPresident, 392.\\nWinthrop, Robert C, regrets\\nAdams s rejection of nomination\\nto legislature, 42; votes in favor\\nof Mexican war, 63 denounced\\nby Adams for this vote, 71 his\\nsharp correspondence with Sum-\\nner, 78 struggles to retain sup-\\nport of Whig State Convention,\\n79 reelected to Congress, 81 at\\nWhig Convention of 1847, 83, 84;\\nhis success, 84 becomes leader of\\nMassachusetts Whigs, 85 secures\\ndefeat of Palfrey s resolution, 85\\nelected speaker of House, 86; re\\nfusal of Palfrey to vote for,\\nhis courtesy to Mrs. J. Q. Adams\\n87 failure of attack upon him\\n87, 88; congratulates Adams on\\nhis speech in 1861, 141.\\nWise, Henry A., fortunately not\\ngovernor of Virginia in 1861, 125.\\nWood, Fernando, proposes secession\\nof New York city, 150.\\nWoodbury, Levi, impressed by C. F.\\nAdams s pamphlet on the Patron-\\nage Bill, 26.\\nWynford, Lord, shows hospitality\\nto J. M. Mason, 332.\\nYancey, B. C, advises his brother\\nnot to go on European mission\\nfor Confederacy, 160 points out\\nthat laboring classes in Great\\nBritain will oppose a slave power,\\n262, 299, 302.\\nYancey, W. L., offered choice of\\npositions by Davis, 159; impolicy\\nof his selection as European\\nagent, 160 advised against\\ngoing, 161, 162 reaches England,\\n169 received by Russell, 170\\nnot received again, 198; wishes\\nto protest, 198; superseded by\\nMason, 199 admits that cotton\\nalone is not dictator of commerce,\\n268.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0462.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0463.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "\u00c2\u00a5-6\\nBLECTROTYPED AND PRINTED\\nBY H. O. HOUGHTON AND CO.\\n@tfte firtjcr?ibe $rz\\nCAMBRIDGE, MASS., U. S. A.", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0464.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0465.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3283", "width": "1930", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0466.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3252", "width": "1951", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0467.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3346", "width": "2257", "jp2-path": "charlesfrancisad02adam_0468.jp2"}}