{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2974", "width": "1877", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.\\nFT^~\\nChap Copyright No\\nShelf..\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "2917", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "THE WORKS OF\\nEDWARD EVERETT HALE\\nILibtarg JEMtlon\\nVolume VI\\nA NEW ENGLAND BOYHOOD\\nBITS OF AUTOBIOGRAPHY", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "A New England\\nBoyhood\\nAND OTHER\\nBits of Autobiography\\nBY\\nk^\\nEDWARD EVERETT HALE\\nBOSTON\\nLITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY\\n1900", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0013.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "rv\\nTWO COPXES HECEIVEo\\nt\u00c2\u00a5ftR9H900\\nfffttr of Copyfj^jhj^\\n56161\\nCopyright, i8g3,\\nBy Cassell Publishing Company\\nCopyright, igoo.\\nBy Little, Brown, and Company\\nAll rights reserved\\nSECOND COr Y,\\n^ntbctsitg ^rrss\\nJohn Wilson and Son, Cambridge, U.S. A", "height": "2917", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0014.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nTO THE EDITION OF 1900\\nIT seems to me almost by accident that I\\nhave ever written the pages of autobiography\\nwhich the reader will find in this volume. He\\nwill see that they have been gathered from many\\ndifferent sources they have been written under\\nvarious conditions for different classes of readers,\\nand they make no pretence, therefore, at unity of\\nmethod or literary style.\\nBut I do not like to leave the sketch of Boy-\\nhood which was published under the title of A\\nNew England Boyhood, as if my life ended when I\\nwas seventeen years old. That sketch, as the reader\\nwill see, was written for the Atlantic Monthly, at\\nrequest of its editor Mr. Scudder, to be, in its\\nway, a companion for the admirable study called\\nA New England Girlhood, by my charming kins-\\nwoman Miss Lucy Larcom. It ends with the\\nday when I took my first degree at Harvard Col-\\nlege. Before and after it was written, I had fur-\\nnished one and another account of experiences in\\nmy life, at the request of one or another editor, or\\nother friends.", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "vi Preface\\nIn preparing the volume now in the reader s\\nhands, it has proved possible to rescue these narra-\\ntives from the dust of whatever graves they were\\nburied in, to arrange them in chronological order,\\nand then to connect them by a few stitches, or,\\nshall one say, by a few pair of hooks and eyes.\\nThere are few people who do not like to talk\\nabout themselves, if they are approached with\\nsufficient craft by listeners who want to hear,\\nand I find that almost always the fragment of\\nautobiography which a man has written, for his\\nchildren, or for his grandchildren is the most\\nentertaining part of the published history of his\\nlife. I notice also that after a man has written\\none such autobiography, you might catch him\\nagain, when he did not remember much of it, and\\nhe would write another, quite as entertaining, but\\nquite different from the first. I know very well\\nthat something like this would happen, say if I\\nshould write the New England Boyhood over\\nagain this winter. But this I shall not do. I do\\nnot even want to do it. I have only to ask the\\nreader to remember, as he reads, that the state-\\nment, opinion, or hopes of a man at one date in\\nhis life may rightfully differ from those written\\ndown at another date. Mr. Emerson has taught\\nus all, if we did not know it before, that for any\\nman who lives long, there is no desire so foolish,\\nor so mean as the desire for Consistency.\\nHow well I have told my part of the story, I\\ncannot pretend to say. But I may say, that the", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "Preface\\nVll\\nyears which have passed since 1822, when I\\nuttered my first appeal to a waiting world, have\\nbeen crowded full of interest. And I may add,\\nthat the Massachusetts in which most of my active\\nlife has been spent, has done her full share in mak-\\ning these years interesting. I do not think that\\npeople of our race have much of that faculty,\\nso hard to describe, of making their memoirs\\ninteresting. For that faculty we have to go to\\nFrance. But whoever has lived here in New\\nEngland in the last seventy or eighty years has\\nenough to tell, if only he knows how.\\nEDWARD E. HALE.\\nRoxBURY, Mass., December 2, 1899.", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nA New England Boyhood p^^^\\nIntroduction xi\\nChapter\\nI. Tis Seventy Years Since i\\nII. School Life 8\\nIII. The Swimming School 40\\nIV. Life at Home 42\\nV. Out of Doors 64\\nVI. The Books in the Attic 92\\nVII. Social Relations 103\\nVIII. The World near Boston 137\\nIX. The World beyond Boston 156\\nX. At College 166\\nSixty Years of My Life\\nWanderjahre 211\\nFreedom in Texas 221\\nAppendix 233\\nBoston in the Forties 239\\nWorcester for Ten Years 255\\nNew England in the Colonization of Kansas 257", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "X Contents\\nPage\\nA Church in the War 289\\nEditorial Duty 313\\nLiterary and Editorial Work 336\\nHarvard Revisited 340\\nThe Ministry of the Gospel and Permanent\\nPeace 365\\nA Permanent Tribunal 399\\nThe High Court of America 401\\nA Permanent Tribunal 406\\nThe High Court of Nations 417\\nA Permanent Tribunal 435\\nThe Mt. Vernon Dinner-Party 449\\nThe Old Diplomacy, and the Permanent\\nTribunal 460\\nThe Emperor of Russia and His Circular 474\\nMatunuck\\nMy Summer Home on the Piazza 490", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION\\nTO A NEW ENGLAND BOYHOOD\\nA CHARMING writer, Miss Lucy Larcom,\\npublished a few years ago a charming\\nbook called A New England Girlhood. She\\ndescribed in it her own early life, first in Beverly,\\nopposite Salem on the seashore of Massachusetts,\\nwith its gardens and beaches and fishing boats;\\nthen in Lowell in its infant days, with its river and\\nwaterfalls and Arcadian cotton factories.\\nMr. Horace Scudder, editor of the Atlantic\\nMonthly, was as much attracted by this pleasant\\nbook as the rest of us. It suggested to him the\\npossibility of another book, which should deal with\\nthe same years, now becoming mythical, as a New\\nEngland boy saw life in the little New England\\ncity of those days the only city of New Eng-\\nland which took that name before 1826, excepting\\nthe city of Vergennes in Vermont, that of Hartford\\nin Connecticut, and in old days York in Maine.\\nQuite leaving Hartford and York out, in my\\nearliest days it was always a joke at home, if any-\\none spoke of Boston as the only city, for some\\none to say, Boston and Vergennes. Vergennes\\nwas incorporated in 1788, by the legislature of", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "xii Introduction\\nVermont, which was then an independent nation,\\nnot belonging either to the Confederacy of the\\nUnited States or sharing in the dehberations for\\nthe new constitution,\\nMr. Scudder asked me to furnish some chapters,\\nwith the attractive title of A New England Boy-\\nhood, from my own memories, in such form that\\nthey might be published in the Atlantic MoiitJily.\\nAnd this I was glad to do. Those chapters, pub-\\nlished in that magazine in 1892, make more than\\nhalf of the book now in the reader s hands.\\nI have to say this by way of introduction,\\nbecause here is the only excuse for what else\\nseems the conceit of introducing little bits of per-\\nsonal experience into my story, of no earthly\\nvalue to anybody but myself and my children,\\nexcepting as they illustrate the simplicity and\\nease of a phase of New England life, which has\\nnow wholly passed away. I do not flatter myself\\nthat I have succeeded in presenting to the reader\\nthe simplicity and the dignity of that life, so curi-\\nously combined as simplicity and dignity were.\\nThose people, in the little seaport of Boston, lived\\nand moved as if they were people of the most\\nimportant city of the world. What is more, they\\nmeant to make Boston the purest, noblest, and\\nbest city in the world. And they lived there in\\nsome forms of social life which would have become\\nprinces of sixty-four quarterings, with some which\\nwere identical with those of the log-cabin. Every\\nman of them was an American, and believed to", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "Introduction xiii\\nthe sole of his feet that there was no fit govern-\\nment for men but that of a repubhc. All the\\nsame, their leaders, men and women, were digni-\\nfied, elegant, and gracious in their bearing and\\nmanner and there was no prince in the world\\nwho better understood the bearing and the cus-\\ntoms of gentlemen and gentlewomen.\\nIt was a good place in which to be born, and a\\ngood place in which to grow to manhood.\\nFrom 1630, when Boston was founded by an\\nimportant branch of Winthrop s colony, to 1S26,\\nwhen these reminiscences begin, it had grown,\\nslowly and not very regularly, from a little hamlet\\nof settlers, sick and half starved, to a brisk com-\\nmercial town of about forty-five thousand people.\\nThere is no better description than Mr. Emerson s,\\nwhich I heard him read, fresh from his own notes,\\non the platform of Faneuil Hall, on the centennial\\nof the Boston Tea-Party, December 16, 1873. It\\nwas said that he had written the last verses in the\\ntrain as he rode from Concord. The notes in his\\nhand were on various bits of paper, and I believe\\nthat the poem was born on that day.\\nThe rocky nook, with hill-tops three,\\nLooked eastward from the farms,\\nAnd twice each day the flowing sea\\nTook Boston in its arms.\\nThe wild rose and the barberry thorn\\nHung out their summer pride,\\nWhere now on heated pavements worn\\nThe feet of millions stride.", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "xiv Introduction\\nFair rose the planted hills behind\\nThe good town on the bay,\\nAnd where the western hills declined\\nThe prairie stretched away.\\nEach street leads downward to the sea,\\nOr landward to the west.\\nThe first certain description of the place is that\\nin Bradford We came into the bottom of the bay\\nbut being late we anchored and lay in the shallop,\\nnot having seen any of the people. The next\\nmorning we put in for the shore. There we found\\nmany lobsters that had been gathered together.\\nThis camping ground is Copp s Hill at the very\\nnorthern end of the peninsula. The lobsters were\\ntaken near the landing of the ferry, which afterward\\ntook men to Charlestown. If Tom, Dick, and\\nHarry had been left to their own devices, if no\\npaternal or fraternal government had protected\\ntheir industries and done better for them than\\nnature did, if successive generations had been left\\nto do what nature bade, as is now the theory of\\nthe let alones, making head again in the midst\\nof our matchless prosperity a few hundred of\\nus, who had survived in the struggle for existence,\\nwould be trapping lobsters at the North End to-\\nday. Where the other hundred thousand people\\nwould be, who now inhabit the old peninsula, I do\\nnot know or, indeed, if they would have been at\\nall. This I know, that no considerable body of\\nmen had ever inhabited it before 1630.", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "Introduction xv\\nA peninsula it was but no geographer in his\\nsenses would give that name now to the bulging\\ncape which has expanded on either side of the old\\nalmost island. At high tides, in gales, the water\\nwashed across what was then called the Neck, and\\nis still called so by old-fashioned people. Three\\nhills, of which the highest was 138 feet high from\\nthe sea, broke the surface of the peninsula, and of\\nthese the top of the highest was broken again by\\nthree smaller hills. This highest hill is Beacon\\nHill. Copp s Hill was at the north, and Fort Hill\\non the east. For the convenience of trade Fort\\nHill has been entirely removed, and a little circular\\nbit of greensward marks the place where, in my\\nboyhood, was a hill fifty feet high.\\nIn old days a canal was cut across the town,\\nseparating the Copp s Hill elevation from those\\nsouth of it. A tidal mill was arranged here, by\\nretaining the water at high tide in the mill-pond,\\nand letting it dribble out when the tide had fallen.\\nThe average rise and fall of the tide in Boston is\\nabout ten feet, so that this contrivance gave pov\\\\ er\\nenough for grinding corn when there was corn to\\ngrind. The mill-pond was filled up about the\\nperiod to which the reminiscences in this book\\nbelong.\\nIf this book should stray into the hands of per-\\nsons who do not know the physical Boston of\\nto-day, or the physical Boston of history, it may\\nbe worth while, for the greater caution, as the\\nlawyers say, to give an outline map of both. In", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "xvi Introduction\\nthe sketch in the margin the white nucleus repre-\\nsents the Boston which Bradford found, and where\\nwe should have been catching lobsters had there\\nbeen no paternal government or other govern-\\nment, until to-day. The outline of the larger\\ncape, as I have called it, is the outline of Boston\\nnow, when what we called the flats have been\\nfilled in by successive improvements if improve-\\nments they are. Any person, who desires to\\nknow my opinion on such improvements, may\\nconsult the study I have made on similar subjects\\nin my book called Sybaris. I am, however, an\\noptimist, and after a thing has been done I accept\\nit. I dictate these words as I lie on my back on\\na comfortable sofa in a comfortable room in the\\nvestry of the church which stands where, in boy-\\nhood, I could have skated, or could have caught\\nsmelts for the next day s breakfast. For the tem-\\nperature outside, at this moment, is ten degrees\\nabove zero, a temperature which was very favor-\\nable for the catching of smelts in those days.\\nPolitically or socially, the period between 1820\\nand 1835 belongs to the period when Boston was\\nturning to internal commerce and the develop-\\nment of manufacture, and was relinquishing that\\nmaritime commerce which had created her. The\\nSouthern and Western leaders of the country, not\\ndisinclined to thwart the maritime industries of\\nNew England, had attempted to build up what\\nMr. Clay called the American system of home\\nmanufacture. So soon as this system established", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "Introduction xvii\\nitself, the New Englanders adapted themselves to\\nthe new conditions, and set up their manufac-\\ntories on the borders of their streams Pawtucket,\\nVValtham, Lowell, and, afterwards, Manchester,\\nLawrence, and Holyoke came into being. The\\nnecessity of closer communication with the interior\\nwas as distinctly felt in New England as in the\\nMiddle States. The Middlesex Canal, an elabo-\\nrate system of turnpikes, and, later yet, the present\\nsystem of railroads were established. But in the\\nyear 1830 Boston still retained a large East Indian\\nand European commerce. It is interesting to see\\nhow largely the exports were still products of the\\nforests and the fisheries.\\nAnd, not to smirch the pages of this little book\\nwith any of the ashes of theological controversy\\nwhich is long since dead, it may be mentioned\\nthat, in the years between 1820 and 1840, Boston\\nwas the centre of theological discussion, which\\nundoubtedly greatly quickened the religious life\\nof New England. In those years there was a\\ncertain expectation of a speedy improvement, not\\nto say revolution, in social order, such as men do\\nnot often experience. Dr. Channing was preach-\\ning the gospel of the divinity of man. Dr.\\nTuckerman, Frederick Gray, Charles Barnard, and\\nRobert Cassie Waterston, with others, were intro-\\nducing practical illustrations of improvement.\\nThere was plenty of money, and the rich men of\\nBoston really meant that here should be a model\\nand ideal city. The country was prosperous;\\nb", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "xviii Introduction\\nthey were prosperous, and they looked forward to\\na noble future.\\nAt the same time they had the advantage of\\nhaving a university close under their lee, which\\nthey were themselves managing. They had started\\ntheir Athen?eum, with collections of pictures and\\nstatues, and a good library. They had a good\\ndeal of leisure and a certain interest, not wholly\\nthe interest of dilettanti, in fine arts and literature,\\ngave distinction to their little town.\\nInto such a community it was my good fortune\\nto be born, on the morning of the 3d of April,\\n1822.\\nI do not attempt anything so ambitious as an\\nautobiography. But a man sees with his own\\neyes, and a boy even more than a man and what\\nI remember of a New England boyhood is what\\nmine was, not what anyone else lived through in\\nthe same time. There will be a certain conveni-\\nence, then, to the reader if he knows a little of\\nthe household and family in which that boyhood\\nwas spent which in these chapters is described.\\nIn the ship Lion, in the voyage of Winthrop s\\nfleet, came to Boston Robert Hale, who was, I\\nsuppose, of the Hales of Kent. Searching in the\\nwills of that time in Canterbury, in Kent, I found\\nthis\\n7. To my Sonne John Hales, five pounds and\\nmy best silver guilt sword, yet nevertheless and on\\nthis condition that he do not intercept the\\nexecution of the rest of the will.", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "Introduction xix\\nAnd I have a fancy that that son was cut off\\nwith a guilt sword because he was a Puritan,\\nwhile the rest of the Hales, or Haleses, were very-\\nHigh Church. So High Church have they been\\nin later times that it was one of them, Sir James\\nHales, who accompanied James H. into exile.\\nSomehow I connect him with the throwing the\\nGreat Seal into the Thames. Within my mem-\\nory Hales Place, near Canterbury, has become the\\nseat of a Jesuit school for training priests. I sup-\\npose Robert Hale to have been of his blood.\\nThis Robert Hale is called a blacksmith, and he\\nsettled at Charlestown, opposite Boston. He\\nseems to have had the taste for surveying or engi-\\nneering which crops out in alternate generations\\nin the family. He was of the party which was sent\\nto VVinnipiseogee to run the northern line of Mas-\\nsachusetts. The stone which they set there is to\\nbe seen to this day. He married Joanna Cutter.\\nHe sent his son John Hale to Harvard College,\\nwhere he was the fourth in social rank of his class\\nof eight. He became the minister of Beverly, is\\nthe John Hale who went to Quebec as chaplain\\nand was taken prisoner, and the John Hale of the\\nSalem witchcraft. A missal given him by a Catho-\\nlic priest in Quebec is in the library of Harvard\\nCollege to this day. He was the grandfather, by\\nhis oldest son, of King Hale, as Robert Hale (H.\\nC, 1686) was familiarly called in Beverly; and by\\nhis fourth son, Samuel, was grandfather of my\\nfather s grandfather, Richard Hale, who moved to", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "XX Introduction\\nCoventry, Conn., and died there in 1802. This\\nRichard Hale was father of Captain Nathan Hale of\\nRevolutionary history, and of Enoch Hale, my\\ngrandfather, alluded to in chapter vii. of this book.\\nIn 1636 Richard Everett, or Everard, appears\\nin Watertown, and afterwards in Springfield and\\nDedham. In Dedham he died. From him came\\na line of farmers, who are called captain, deacon,\\nand so on till we come to Ebenezer Everett of\\nTiot, now called Norwood, formerly South Ded-\\nham. He was father of Rev, Oliver Everett (H.\\nC, 1772), who was minister of the New South\\nChurch in Boston, and was my grandfather on my\\nmother s side.\\nFor my father, Nathan Hale, oldest son of Rev.\\nEnoch Hale above, on a day to be marked with\\nvermilion with me and mine, namely, September\\n5, 1 8 16, married Sarah Preston Everett, my\\nmother, daughter of Rev. Oliver Everett. On\\nthat day she was twenty years old he was thirty-\\ntwo.\\nIt is pity of pities that we never made him write\\nA New England Boyhood as he saw it. For\\nhe was born in 1784, the year after the peace with\\nEngland, He grew up in the very purest condi-\\ntions of the simplest and, indeed, the best life of\\nNew England. His father had been for eight\\nyears the minister of a frontier town, Westhampton,\\nin the days when the minister was chosen by the\\ntown in open town meeting, was paid by the town,\\nand regarded himself as personally responsible", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "Introduction xxi\\nfor the moral and spiritual life of everybody in the\\ntown.\\nHoeing corn or potatoes one day in the summer\\nof iSoo my father, a boy of sixteen, was called into\\nhis father s study, where he found Dr. Fitch, then\\nthe president of Williams College, which had been\\nestablished as a college seven years before. Dr.\\nFitch had stopped in a journey across country, to\\naccept the hospitalities of the parsonage. The\\nboy was told to show Dr. Fitch how well he could\\nread Latin then he read to him from the Greek\\nTestament, and Dr. Fitch said he was ready to\\nenter Williams College. His father and he had\\nnot expected that he would enter until the next\\nyear. But this fortunate visit of the president\\ncarried him to Williamstown that summer, and he\\ngraduated there in the class of 1804.\\nHe and the other boys from that region used to\\nride across Berkshire County on horseback when\\nthe college terms began. A younger boy drove\\nthe horses back in a drove, and, when vacation\\ncame, took them to the college again for the stu-\\ndents to ride back upon. A part of the road was\\na turnpike where tolls were collected. When they\\napproached the gate they would all dismount, and\\non foot drive the horses in front of them, and\\ndemand the right of passing at the rate for a drove\\nof horses or cattle. Nothing, as they said, was\\nsaid about saddles or bridles. When I asked once\\nif the toll-keeper submitted meekly to this, I was\\ntold that they generally had to pay the full toll,", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "xxii Introduction\\nbut that the tollman expected to treat them to\\ncider all round.\\nThe college was divided into two societies the\\nPhilomathian and the Philotechnian. I think the\\nlatter exists in Williamstown in some form still.\\nI have seen the records of debates Ques-\\ntion, Whether the purchase of Louisiana is desir-\\nable. Decided in the negative, 17 to i. For\\nthey were high and hot Federalists.\\nI have my father s part when he graduated. It\\nis on the improvements in social order made in\\nthe last fifty years.\\nSo soon as he left college he engaged as tutor\\nin the family of John J. Dickinson in Troy, not far\\nfrom Williamstown. But he went home first, and\\non his way to Troy went to the city of New York\\nfor the first time. The population was only about\\nseventy-five thousand. It was three years before\\nFulton s Clermont, his first steamboat, went up the\\nHudson, and the tradition in our family is that my\\nfather went up the river in a sloop to Troy, was a\\nfortnight in going, and read through Gibbon s\\nDecline and Fall on the way.\\nJudging from his accomplishments Williams\\nCollege must have done its work well. He read\\nLatin well and with pleasure to the end of his life.\\nHe did not keep up his Greek with the same in-\\nterest, but he was an accurate Greek scholar. He\\nwas a mathematician of high rank in the mathe-\\nmatics of those days, and was afterward quite the\\npeer in those lines of the engineers with whom he", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "Introduction xxiii\\nworked on the great public works of which he had\\nthe charge. He studied some Hebrew in college,\\nand could always read a little. I asked him once\\nif this was with any thought of being a minister,\\nbut he said, No, but there was nothing else to\\nstudy. He had to learn his French and German\\nafterward, and did. I think that in my boyhood\\nthere were perhaps more German books in our\\nhouse than in any other house in Boston. But that\\nis saying very little as late as 1843 I could buy\\nno German books, even in Pennsylvania, but\\nGoethe and Schiller and the Lutheran hymn-book.\\nAfter a year in Troy he received the appoint-\\nment of preceptor in mathematics in Exeter\\nAcademy in New Hampshire. He crossed\\nMassachusetts to Boston on his way to Exeter.\\nPlere is a memorandum of the way in which this\\nwas done\\nThe arrangement of the stages was that if the stages\\ncoming from Springfield and Northampton had more\\npassengers than could go on one stage some of them had\\nto stop and those who got on last were the ones who\\nhad to stop.\\nI arrived at Brookfield at night, having left North-\\nampton in the morning. The person who had come the\\nshortest distance was a lady. She was in great distress\\nthat she could not go on. I had a sort of desire to stay\\nthere to see Howe and Henshaw, but I should not have\\nthought of staying a day but to let this lady go on.\\nAt Exeter, in the charming society of that place,\\nhe met the Peabodys and Alexander Hill Everett,", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "xxiv Introduction\\nwho was the other preceptor, the preceptor of\\nGreek and Latin, He graduated at Harvard in\\n1806. These two young men became very fond\\nof each other, and when, in 1808 my father deter-\\nmined to leave Exeter and come to Boston to\\nstudy law, he became acquainted with all Mr.\\nEverett s Boston friends.\\nMeanwhile, when he was twelve years old, my\\nmother had been born, in Dorchester, now a part\\nof the municipality of Boston. Her father, in deli-\\ncate health, had left his charge in 1792. Her\\nmother was a Boston girl, one of the daughters\\nof Alexander Sears Hill and Mary Richey of Santa\\nCruz, The tradition was that Alexander Sears\\nHill had gone to Philadelphia for a milder climate\\nin winter, had fallen in love with Mary Richey, and\\nthat they had married without the knowledge of\\ntheir parents. A handsome couple they were, as\\nthe full-length portraits by Copley attest to this\\nday. They both died young, I have the love-let-\\nters which passed between Lucy Hill and Oliver\\nEverett; it was a happy marriage until his death,\\nbut he died in consumption in 1802. After this\\nthe family lived sometimes in the North End of\\nBoston, sometimes in the old house in Dorchester.\\nIn 18 12 Edward Everett, the third son, was or-\\ndained minister of Brattle Street Church in\\nBoston. He was not married was, indeed,\\nbut twenty years old. His mother and sister\\nmoved into the parsonage in Court Street,\\nwhere are now the offices of Adams Express.", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "Introduction xxv\\nMr. Everett left that church in the year 1815,\\nand my grandmother and her family established\\nthemselves in a house in Bumstead Place a\\ncourt which exists no longer and there my\\nmother was married.\\nThe newly married couple lived first in Ash-\\nburton Place, then called Somerset Court, in a\\nhouse now standing. A year or two after they\\nremoved to Tremont Street to a house which has\\nbeen absorbed by Parker s Hotel, the second from\\nwhere the Tremont Theatre was built in 1827.\\nHere I was born. The family afterwards lived\\nat the corner of School Street in a house which\\nalso has been absorbed by Parker s. In 1828 we\\nremoved to No. i Tremont Place, a house still\\nstanding; and in 1833 to one of Mr. Andrews s\\nhouses in Central Court, a property now covered\\nby Jordan Marsh s, just behind where old Judge\\nSewall lived most of his hfe. It is in the four\\nhouses last named that the scenery of the home\\nlife described in these chapters is to be placed.\\nTo this introduction, written in 1893, I need\\nonly add a few words in 1899.\\nLike other people interested in the subject, I\\nnow suppose that we were all mistaken, who sup-\\nposed, with Dr. Young and the older writers, that\\nBradford landed at and ate his lobsters at Copp s\\nHill. M. C. F. Adams has shown that the bluff", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "xxvi Introduction\\nhere described was that at Squantum. There is\\nno reference to the landing of any man on this\\npeninsula before William Blaxton. We do not\\nknow when he landed. We only know that he\\nlived here.\\nThe chapters of A New England Boyhood,\\nfirst printed in 1893, bring up the biographical nar-\\nrative to 1839. I^or sixty years between that date\\nand this, I add, in this edition, several papers, writ-\\nten and printed since then, which are, in a way,\\nbiographical.\\nEDWARD E. HALE.\\nJuly, 1899.", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood\\nCHAPTER I\\nt is seventy years since\\nTHE reader and I ought not to begin with-\\nout my reminding him that the Boston of\\nwhich I am to write was very different from the\\nBoston of to-day. In 1825 Boston was still a large\\ncountry town. I think someone has called it\\na city of gardens but that someone may have\\nbeen I. As late as 18 17, in a description of\\nBoston which accompanied a show which a\\nFrenchman had made by carving and painting the\\nseparate houses, it was said, with some triumph,\\nthat there were nine blocks of buildings in the\\ntown. This means that all the other buildings\\nstood with windows or doors on each of the four\\nsides, and in most instances with trees, or perhaps\\nlittle lanes, between as all people will live when\\nthe Kingdom of Heaven comes. To people in this\\nneighborhood to-day, I may say that the upper\\npart of the main street in Charlestown gives a\\nvery good idea of what the whole of Washington\\nStreet south of Winter Street was then. And, by", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "2 A New England Boyhood\\nthe way, Washington Street was much more often\\ncalled Main Street than by its longer name.\\nThe reader must imagine, therefore, a large,\\npretty country town, where stage-coaches still\\nclattered in from the country, and brought all\\nthe strangers who did not ride in their own\\nchaises. Large stables, always of wood, I think,\\nprovided for the horses thus needed. I remem-\\nber, as I write, Niles s stable in School Street,\\na large stable in Bromfield Street, afterward\\nStreeter s, the stables of the Marlborough Hotel\\nin Washington Street, and what seemed to us very\\nlarge stables in Hawley Street all in the very\\nheart of the town, and on a tract which cannot be\\nmore than twelve acres. When, in 1829, it was\\nreported that the new Tremont House was to have\\nno special stables for its guests, the announcement\\nexcited surprise almost universal; and to us chil-\\ndren the statement that there was to be a tavern,\\nor a hotel, without a sign, was still more extra-\\nordinary. We were used to seeing swinging signs\\non posts in front of the taverns. Thus I remem-\\nber The Indian Queen in Bromfield Street,\\nThe Bunch of Grapes in State Street, The\\nLamb I think where the Adams House now is,\\nThe Lion where the Boston Theatre is, and\\nnearly opposite these the Lafayette Tavern. This\\nmeans that large pictures of an Indian queen, a\\nbunch of grapes, a lamb, a lion, and of Lafayette\\nswung backward and forward in the wind. There\\nwas a sign in front of the Marlborough Tavern,", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 3\\nand one nearly opposite, south of Milk Street, but\\nI do not remember what these were. All these\\ninns would now be thought small. They were\\nthen called taverns, and to New Englanders\\nseemed very large. Of course they were large\\nenough for their purpose. When I was nine or\\nten years old my father, who was thought to be a\\nfanatic as a railroad prophet, offered in Faneuil\\nHall the suggestion that if people could come\\nfrom Springfield to Boston in five hours an\\naverage of nine people would come every day.\\nThis prophecy was then considered extravagant.\\nI have told the story, in the Introduction, of his\\ncoming to Boston for the first time, in 1805, when\\nthe Northampton passengers joined the Spring-\\nfield passengers at Brookfield. There was room\\nin the carriage for six only. He therefore gave\\nup his seat to a lady who had pressing duties, and\\nwaited in Brookfield twenty-four hours to take his\\nchances for the next stage.\\nThe more important business streets of this\\ntown of Boston were paved in the middle with\\nround stones from the neighboring beaches, then\\nas now called cobble-stones I do not know why\\nbut an accomplished friend, who reads this in man-\\nuscript, says that the lapstone on which a cobbler\\nstretches his leather is a cobble-stone. I recom-\\nmend this etymology to Dr. Murray and Dr.\\nWhitney. The use of bricks for sidewalks was\\njust coming in, but generally the sidewalks were\\nlaid with flat slates or shales from the neighbor-", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "4 A New England Boyhood\\nhood, which were put down in any shape they\\nhappened to take in spHtting, without being\\nsquared at the corners. Bromfield Street, Winter\\nStreet, Summer Street, and Washington Street\\n(old Marlborough Street) between School and\\nWinter seem to us now to be narrow streets, but\\nthey have all been widened considerably within\\nmy memory. Bromfield Street was called Brom-\\nfield s Lane.\\nOn the other hand, so far as I remember the\\nhouses themselves and the life in them, every-\\nthing was quite as elegant and finished as it is\\nnow. Furniture was stately, solid, and expen-\\nsive. I use chairs, tables, and a sideboard in\\nmy house to-day, which are exactly as good\\nnow as they were then. Carpets, then of Eng-\\nlish make, covered the whole floor, and were\\nof what we should now call perfect quality.\\nIn summer, by the way, in all houses of which\\nI knew anything, these carpets were always\\ntaken up, and India mattings substituted in\\nthe living-rooms. Observe that very few\\nhouses were closed in summer. Dress was cer-\\ntainly as elegant and costly as it is now; so\\nwere porcelain, glass, table linen, and all table\\nfurniture. In the earlier days of which I write,\\na decanter of wine would invariably have stood\\non a sideboard in every parlor, so that a glass\\nof wine could readily be offered at any moment\\nto any guest. All through my boyhood it\\nwould have been matter of remark if, when", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 5\\na visitor made an evening call, something to\\neat or drink was not produced at nine o clock.\\nIt might be crackers and cheese, it might be\\nmince pie, it might be oysters or cold chicken.\\nBut something would appear as certainly as\\nthere would be a fire on the hearth in winter.\\nEvery house, by the way, was warmed by open\\nfires and in every kitchen cooking was done\\nby an open fire. I doubt if I ever saw a stove\\nin my boyhood except in a school or an office.\\nAnthracite coal was first tried in Boston in\\n1824. Gas appeared about the same time. I\\nwas taken, as a little boy, to see it burning\\nin the shops in Washington Street, and to\\nwonder at an elephant, a tortoise, and a cow,\\nwhich spouted burning gas in one window.\\nGas was not introduced into dwelling-houses\\nuntil Pemberton Square was built by the\\nLowells, Jacksons, and their friends, in the years\\n1835, 1836, and later. It was a surprise to every-\\none when Papanti introduced it in his new Pa-\\npanti s Hall. To prepare for that occasion the\\nground-glass shades had a little rouge shaken\\nabout in the interior, that the white gaslight might\\nnot be too unfavorable to the complexion of the\\nbeauties below. Whether this device is still\\nthought necessary in ballrooms I do not know;\\nbut I suggest it as a hint to the wise.\\nA handsome parlor then, differed from a hand-\\nsome parlor now, mostly in the minor matters of\\ndecoration. The pictures on the walls were few,", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "6 A New England Boyhood\\nand were mostly portraits. For the rest, mirrors\\nwere large and handsome. You would see some\\ncopies from well-known paintings in European gal-\\nleries, and any one who had an Allston would be\\nglad to show it. But I mean that most walls were\\nbare. In good houses, if modern, the walls of par-\\nlors would invariably be painted of one neutral tint\\nbut in older houses there would be paper hangings,\\nperhaps of landscape patterns. The furniture of\\na parlor would generally be twelve decorous heavy\\nchairs, probably hair-seated, with their backs against\\nthe walls a sofa which matched them, also with its\\nback against the wall and a heavy, perhaps\\nmarble-topped centre table. There might be a\\nrocking-chair in the room also but, so far as I re-\\nmember, other easy-chairs, scattered as one chose\\nabout a room, were unknown.\\nTry to recall, dear reader, or to imagine, the con-\\nditions of a town without any railroads, and without\\nany steam navigation beyond fifteen miles. The\\nfirst steamboat in Boston harbor went to Nahant\\nand back again, about 1826. The first steam rail-\\nway ran trains to Newton, nine miles, in 1833.\\nPlease to remember also that everybody lived in\\nBoston the year round, excepting a handful of\\nrich people who had country places in Dorchester,\\nRoxbury, Newton, Brookline, Watertown, Waltham,\\nBrighton, Cambridge, Charlestown, or Medford,\\naccessible by a horse and chaise. What we call\\nbuggies were unknown, and a gentleman and lady\\nwould certainly ride in a chaise, which was not the", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 7\\nEnglish chaise, but a two-wheeled covered vehicle,\\nhung on C-springs. In such a town the supplies\\nof food, unless brought from the immediate neigh-\\nborhood, came from the seaboard or the Western\\nrivers in sloops or schooners. We drew our flour\\nfrom points as far south as Richmond. I remem-\\nber that, in more than one winter, when my grand-\\nmother, in Westhampton, had sent us a keg or two\\nof home apple-sauce, the sloop which brought the\\ntreasure was frozen up in Connecticut River below\\nHartford, so that it was four or five months before\\nwe hungry children enjoyed her present. Great\\nwagons with large teams of horses brought from the\\ninterior such products as did not come in this way.\\nFor these horses and wagons there were, on\\nthe Neck and beyond, great sheds and stables.\\nThe country teamster left his horses and his load\\nthere while he came into town to make sure where\\nit was to be delivered. To pick up the stray corn\\nwhich was scattered in these sheds great flocks of\\npigeons congregated, of whom a wretched handful\\nsurvive to this day. I mention these little details\\nto give some idea of the country fashion of our\\nlives. Two or three weeks out of town in sum-\\nmer was a large allowance of vacation. Nobody\\ndreamed of closing a church in summer. The\\nschool vacation was a fortnight and three days\\nin August, to which, in later days, was added\\nfirst one week, and then two weeks in June. The\\nsummer break-up which now divides everybody s\\nBoston year was then wholly unknown.", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood\\nCHAPTER II\\nSCHOOL LIFE\\nAfter studying with great care Mr. Howell s\\nBoy s Town and Miss Larcom s New Eng-\\nland Girlhood, I have determined not to follow\\na strict order of time. For better, for worse,\\nI will throw in together in one chapter a set of\\nschool memories which range from about 1824 for\\nten years. At my own imprudent request, not to\\nsay urgency, I was sent to school with two sisters\\nand a brother, older than I, when I was reckoned\\nas about two years old. The school was in an\\nold-fashioned wooden house which fronted on a\\nlittle yard entered from Summer Street. We\\nwent up one flight of narrow stairs, and here the\\nnorthern room of the two bedrooms of the house\\nwas occupied by Miss Susan Whitney for her\\nschool, and the southern room, w^hich had win-\\ndows on Summer Street, by Miss Ayres, of whom\\nMiss Whitney had formerly been an assistant.\\nMiss Whitney afterwards educated more than one\\ngeneration of the children of Boston families. I\\nsupposed her to be one of the most aged, and\\ncertainly the most learned, women of her time.\\nI believe she was a kind-hearted, intelligent girl\\nof seventeen, when I first knew her. I also sup-\\nposed the room to be a large hall, though I knew\\nit was not nearly so large as our own parlors at", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 9\\nhome. It may have been eighteen feet square.\\nThe floor was sanded with clean sand every\\nThursday and Saturday afternoon. This was a\\nmatter of practical importance to us, because\\n,vith the sand, using our feet as tools, we made\\nsand pies. You gather the sand with the inside\\nedge of either shoe from a greater or less dis-\\ntance, as the size of the pie requires. As you\\ngain skill, the heap which you make is more and\\nmore round. When it is well rounded you flatten\\nit by a careful pressure of one foot from above.\\nHence it will be seen that full success depends\\non your keeping the sole of the shoe exactly\\nparallel with the plane of the floor. If you find\\nyou have succeeded when you withdraw the shoe,\\nyou prick the pie with a pin or a broom splint\\nprovided for the purpose, pricking it in whatever\\npattern you like. The skill of a good pie-maker\\nis measured largely by these patterns. It will\\nreadily be seen that the pie is better if the sand\\nis a little moist. But beggars cannot be choosers,\\nand while we preferred the sand on Mondays and\\nFridays, when it was fresh, we took it as it came.\\nI dwell on this detail at length because it is\\none instance as good as a hundred of the way in\\nwhich we adapted ourselves to the conditions of\\nour times. Children now have carpets on their\\nkindergarten floors, where sand is unknown; so\\nwe have to provide clay for them to model with,\\nand put a heap of sand in the back yard. Miss\\nWhitney provided for the same needs by a sim-", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "lo A New England Boyhood\\npier device, which I dare say is as old as King\\nAlfred.\\nI cannot tell how we were taught to read, for I\\ncannot remember the time when I could not read\\nas well as I can now. There was a little spelling-\\nbook called The New York Spelling-Book,\\nprinted by Mahlon Day. When, afterwards, I\\ncame to read about Mahlon in the book of Ruth,\\nmy notion of him was of a man who had the\\nsame name as the man who published the spell-\\ning-book. My grandfather had made a spelling-\\nbook which we had at home. Privately, I knew\\nthat, because he made it, it must be better than\\nthe book at school, but I was far too proud to\\nexplain this to Miss Whitney. I accepted her\\nspelling-book in the same spirit in which I have\\noften acted since, falling in with what I saw was\\nthe general drift, because the matter was of no\\ngreat consequence. For reading-books we had\\nMrs. Barbauld s First Lessons, Come hither,\\nCharles, come to mamma and we had Popu-\\nlar Lessons, by Miss Robbins, which would be\\na good book to revive now, but I have not seen\\nit for sixty years.\\nThe school must have been a very much go-\\nas-you-please sort of place. So far it conformed\\nto the highest ideals of the best modern systems.\\nBut it had rewards and punishments. I have now\\na life of William Tell which was given me as a\\nprize when I was five years old. By way of\\nshowing what was then thought fit reading for", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 1 1\\nboys of that age I copy the first sentence\\nFriends of liberty, magnanimous hearts, sons of\\nsensibility, ye who know how to die for your\\nindependence and live only for your brethren,\\nlend an ear to my accents. Come hear how\\none single man, born in an uncivilized clime, in\\nthe midst of a people curbed beneath the rods of\\nan oppressor, by his individual courage, raised\\nthis people so abashed, and gave it a new being\\nand so on, and so on. My brother Nathan\\nhad Rasselas for a prize, and my sister Sarah\\nhad a silver medal, To the most amiable, which\\nI am sure she deserved, though the competition\\nextended to the whole world.\\nBut these were the great prizes. In an old\\ndesk, of which the cover had been torn off, in\\nthe closet at the left of the fireplace, were a\\nnumber of bows made of yellow, pink, and blue\\nribbon. When Saturday came, every child who\\nhad been good during the week was permitted\\nto select one of these bows, choosing his own\\ncolor, and to have it pinned on his clothes under\\nhis chin to wear home. If, on the other hand,\\nhe had been very bad, he had a black bow affixed,\\nwilly nilly. I hardly dare to soil this page with\\nthe tale, but there was an awful story that a boy,\\nwhom I will call Charles Waters, unpinned his\\nblack bow and trod it in the dirt of the street.\\nBut I hasten to add, that in that innocent com-\\nmunity no one believed this dreadful story. In-\\ndeed, it was whispered from one to another, rather", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "12 A New England Boyhood\\nas an index of what terrible stories were afloat in\\nthe world than with any feeling that it could pos-\\nsibly be true.\\nIt is certainly a little queer that in after years\\none remembers such trifles as this, and forgets\\nabsolutely the weightier matters of the law how\\nhe learned to read and write how he fought with\\nthe angel of vulgar fractions and compelled him\\nto grant a blessing; how, in a word, one learned\\nanything of importance. But so it is and thus,\\nas I have said, I have no memory of any time\\nwhen I could not read as well as I can now.\\nPerhaps that is the reason why I am too apt to\\nrank teachers of elocution with dancing-masters\\nand fencing-masters, and other professors of de-\\nportment. Dear Miss Whitney must have taught\\nus well, or we should have remembered the pro-\\ncess more sadly.\\nIf this is a book of confessions I ought to tell my\\ncrimes, and one sin I certainly committed at Miss\\nWhitney s school. But alas, I do not know what\\nit was, and I never did. Only this I know. We\\nwere all too small to go home through Main Street\\nalone. Fullum came for us at twelve, and again\\nat five in the afternoon. Who Fullum was shall\\nappear by and by. One day, when Fullum came\\nat noon, he found me seated in a large yellow\\nchair in the middle of the school-room. I was\\nreading a book with perfect satisfaction. So soon\\nas Fullum appeared, I was lifted from the chair\\nand my things were put on. When we were", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 13\\nin the street Fullum said, What have you been\\ndoing that was naughty, doctor? I told him, with\\nperfect sincerity, that I had done nothing wrong.\\nBut this he did not believe. He reminded me of\\nwhat I then recollected, that that yellow chair was\\nalways a seat of punishment. I had certainly\\nnever seen any one in it before unless it were\\nMiss Whitney herself excepting the sinners of\\nthe school, placed there for punishment. But\\nalas, it had not occurred to any one to tell me why\\nI was put there and as my own conscience was\\nclear, I have not known from that day to this what\\nmy offence was.\\nI could probably without much difficulty make\\na volume on Miss Whitney s school, and the\\nvarious aspects of life as they there presented\\nthemselves to me. But these papers must be\\nseverely condensed, and I omit such details. To\\nme personally they have a little value, as bearing\\non the question how far back our memory really\\nruns. There is a Frenchman who says that he\\nrecollects the relief produced on his eyes when he\\nwas a baby, thirty-six hours old, and a nurse\\nlowered a curtain to screen him from the light. I\\nam not able to fix any facts as early as this but\\nI am interested in the observation that, among\\nthese early recollections of Miss Whitney, there is\\nnot included the slightest memory of my first inter-\\nviews with her. I had a brother and two sisters\\nolder than myself, who were my home playmates.\\nI saw them go to school from day to day, and I", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "14 A New England Boyhood\\nfinally cried because I wanted to go with them.\\nMiss Whitney was therefore persuaded to receive\\na pupil two years old at the school. It speaks\\nwell for her, I think, that she found it possible to\\nadapt such a young gentleman to the exercises of\\nthe academy.\\nThis makes me think, as I have said, that those\\nexercises must have been conducted on the indi-\\nvidual plan. But my chief memories of the school\\nare of conducting observations, similar to Tyn-\\ndall s, on the effect produced by sunlight upon\\ndust floating in the air. Such luxuries as window-\\nshades or blinds were unknown; if the sun shone\\nin on the south side of the room you shut an\\ninside shutter. This reminds me that inside shut-\\nters are almost wholly unknown to the rising gen-\\neration, but then every house of which I knew\\nanything had them. At the top of ,this shutter,\\nwhich was of panelled wood, a heart was cut, so\\nas to let a little light into the room when the shut-\\nters were closed. It will readily be seen that this\\nheart made very curious forms on the floating\\ndust in the school-room. What with the manu-\\nfacture of sand pies and other enterprises going\\non, there must have been a good deal of dust in\\nthe school-room, and I remember far better the\\naspects of this dust, as the sun lighted it and as it\\nfloated in different currents, than I do any single\\nlesson which I acquired from books.\\nIt will give some idea of the simplicity of man-\\nners and of the quietness of the little town if I tell", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i 5\\nhow we four by which I mean the four\\noldest children of my father s family went to\\nschool and returned, in the winter.\\nIn winter Fullum put my two sisters, my brother,\\nand myself into a little green sleigh which he had\\nhad made, in which he dragged us over the snow\\nto school. I believe that if any Fullum of to-day\\nshould start from the upper door of the Parker\\nHouse, and drag four little children down School\\nStreet, through Washington Street, to Summer\\nStreet, and stop at a door opposite Hovey s, he\\nwould attract a fair share of attention. But there\\nwas room enough for all then. The main street\\nwas what the chief street of a good country town\\nwould be now, and this equipage seemed strange\\nto nobody.\\nSchool kept only in the morning on Satur-\\nday, and Thursday afternoon was always a holi-\\nday, in memory of the Thursday lecture. But\\nas the lecture was delivered at eleven o clock\\n1 The Thursday lecture was a regular function, in which one of\\nthe Congregational ministers of Boston addressed such audiences\\nas came together on Thursday. At this time the congregation\\nconsisted simply of the ministers of the town and neighborhood,\\nand such ladies, generally past youth, as liked to go to hear the\\ncity clerk read the intentions of marriage. The law then required\\nthat these intentions should be read three times before some\\npublic assembly, and the Thursday lecture was dignified by the\\nname of a public assembly. But in older times the lecture had\\nbeen much more important. To tell the whole truth, the restric-\\ntions in England, on such week-day addresses as were made by\\ndistinguished preachers, drove the particular thorn in the side of\\nthe Puritan which did most to drive him to his new home in the\\nWest. Cotton and the other preachers had all been imprisoned,", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "1 6 A New England Boyhood\\nin the morning, and every school kept until twelve,\\nthere was, of course, no real connection between\\nthe holiday and the lecture. The half-holiday was\\nchanged to Wednesday, a few years later than the\\ntime I am speaking of. It is on this account that\\nWednesday and Saturday appear to me, to this\\nmoment, the happiest days of the week. For I\\nmay as well say, first as last, that school was\\nalways a bore to me. I did not so much hate it, as\\ndislike it, as a necessary nuisance. I think all my\\nteachers regarded it as such I am sure they\\nmade me so regard it.\\nJust before I was six years old I was transferred\\nfrom Miss Whitney s school to another school\\nwhich was in the immediate neighborhood, being\\nin the basement of the First Church, which was\\nthen in Chauncy Street. It stood, I think, just\\nwhere Coleman Mead s great store stands.\\nThere were three or four large rooms under the\\nchurch, which were rented as school-rooms and\\nit being thought that I was large enough to go to\\nor threatened with being imprisoned, because they would deliver\\nthese week-day lectures. The people who emigrated were abso-\\nlutely determined that they would hear them, and that is probably\\nthe reason why the reader and I are in this country because\\nour ancestors chose to go to church in the middle of the week.\\nWhen they came here they established the Thursday lecture.\\nCotton s fame and eloquence were such that the Thursday lecture\\ngave Boston its pre-eminence in the Bay, a pre-eminence which it\\ndid not have before Cotton arrived. So that the Thursday lecture\\nhas a definite historical interest to a Boston born man. But the\\naverage Boston man long since ceased to go to hear it, and it is\\nnow discontinued.", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 17\\na man s school, I was sent there, to my great\\ndelight, with my friend Edward Webster. We\\nwere very intimate from days earlier than this, of\\nwhich I will speak in another chapter, and it was a\\ngreat pleasure to us that we could go to school\\ntogether. He had been at Miss Ayres s, so that\\nonly an entry parted us. There was no thought\\nof sending me to a public school.\\nMy father and mother had both very decided,\\nand, I have a right to say, very advanced,\\nviews on matters of education; and advanced\\neducation was then a matter everywhere in the\\nair. The Boston Latin School had been made a\\nfirst-rate school for preparing boys for college,\\nunder the eye and care of Benjamin Apthorp\\nGould, some ten years before. But there was\\nno public school of any lower grade, to which my\\nfather would have sent me, any more than he\\nwould have sent me to jail. Since that time I have\\nheard my contemporaries talk of the common\\nschool training of the day, and I do not wonder at\\nmy father s decision. The masters, so far as I\\nknow, were all inferior men there was constant\\ntalk of hiding and cow-hides and ferules\\nand thrashing, and I should say, indeed, that\\nthe only recollections of my contemporaries about\\nthose school-days are of one constant low conflict\\nwith men of a very low type. So soon as a boy\\nwas sent to the Latin School and he was sent\\nthere at nine years of age all this was changed\\ninto the life of a civilized place. Why the Boston", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "1 8 A New England Boyhood\\npeople tolerated such brutality as went on in their\\nother public schools I do not know, and never\\nhave known but no change came for some years\\nafter.\\nFor the next three years the only object, so far\\nas I was concerned, was to have me live along and\\nget ready for the Latin School. I have always\\nbeen glad that I was sent where I was to a\\nschool without any plan or machinery, like Miss\\nWhitney s, very much on the go-as-you-please\\nprinciple, and where there was no strain put upon\\nthe pupil. I disliked it, as I disliked all schools;\\nbut here, again, I regarded the whole arrangement\\nas one of those necessary nuisances which society\\nimposes on the individual, and which the individ-\\nual would be foolish if he quarrelled with, when he\\ndid not have it in his power to abolish it. I had\\nno such power, and therefore went and came as I\\nwas bidden, only eager every day to exchange the\\nmonotonies of school life for the more varied and\\nlarger enterprises of the play-room or of the\\nCommon,\\nI have said that advanced education was in the\\nair. It will be hard to make boys and girls of the\\npresent day understand how much was then ex-\\npected from reforms in education. Dr. Channing\\nwas at his best then, and all that he had to say\\nabout culture and self-culture impressed people\\nintensely more intensely, I think, than was good\\nfor them. There were rumors from Europe of\\nFellenberg s school at Hofwyl. At Northampton", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 19\\nthe Round Hill School was started in 1823 on some-\\nwhat similar plans. In England Lord Brougham\\nand the set of people around him were discussing\\nthe march of intellect, and had established a\\nSociety for the Promotion of Useful Knowledge,\\nwhose name has lived after it. I may say here, in\\na parenthesis, that the first time I ever heard of\\nthe march of intellect was when I saw a very\\nfunny play, in which a clever boy named Burke\\nwas the hero in the march of intellect. He ap-\\npeared in half a dozen characters, to teach half a\\ndozen subjects and it was a capital satire on the\\nidea that everything could be taught by profes-\\nsors. Mr. Webster, Mr. Edward Everett, my\\nfather, and other gentlemen in their position es-\\ntablished the Useful Knowledge Society of\\nBoston. The reign of Lyceums and Mechanics\\nInstitutes had begun. Briefly, there was the real\\nimpression that the kingdom of heaven was to be\\nbrought in by teaching people what were the rela-\\ntions of acids to alkalies, and what was the deriva-\\ntion of the word cordwainer. If we only knew\\nenough, it was thought, we should be wise enough\\nto keep out of the fire, and we should not be burned.\\nSo it was that any novelty, when it was pre-\\nsented at a school-room door, was even more apt\\nto be accepted than it is now; and, as every reader\\nof these lines knows, such things are accepted\\npretty willingly now. So I remember that I was\\ntaught geometry when I was six years old\\nor that I thought I was from a little book called", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "20 A New England Boyhood\\nThe Elements of Geometry. I could rattle off\\nabout isosceles triangles when I was six, as well as\\nI can now. And I had other queer smattering\\nbits of knowledge, useful or useless, which were\\npicked up in the same way.\\nAt school there was a school library, from\\nwhich we borrowed books, because we liked the\\nmechanism of it. We had much better books at\\nhome; but of course it was good fun to have your\\nname entered on a book, and to return them once\\na week, and so on.\\nMy father was one of the best teachers I ever\\nknew. When he had a moment, therefore, from\\nother affairs to give to our education, it was\\nalways well used and we doubtless owed a great\\ndeal to him which we afterwards did not know\\nhow to account for. Among other such benefac-\\ntions, I owe it that for these three or four years,\\nwhen really I had nothing to do but to grow\\nphysically, I was placed with a simple, foolish man\\nfor a teacher, and not with one of the drivers, who\\nhad plans and would want to make much of us.\\nAmong other notions of my father, right or wrong\\nas the case may be, was this that a boy could\\npick up the rudiments of language quite early in\\nlife. So the master was told that Edward Webster\\nand I, and perhaps some other boys, were to be\\ntaught the paradigms of the Latin grammar at\\nonce. We also had given to us little Latin books,\\nwhich we spelled away upon. One was a transla-\\ntion of Campe s German version of Robinson", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 21\\nCrusoe into Latin. It was thought that the\\ninterest of the book would induce us to learn the\\nmeaning of the words. But the truth was, we\\nwere familiar with Defoe s Robinson Crusoe,\\nand regarded this as a low and foolish imitation,\\nof which we made a great deal of fun. All the\\nsame, the agony with which some boys remember\\ntheir first studies of avio, amas, atnat, is wholly\\nunknown to me. I drifted into those things\\nsimply, and by the time I was sent to the Latin\\nSchool the point had been gained, and I knew my\\npemta, pennce, pejiiicB and my aniOy amas,\\namat, as well as if I had been born to them.\\nThe Latin School stood, at that time, where the\\nlower part of Parker s Hotel is now, in School\\nStreet. School Street received its name from this\\nschool. At the beginning the school was on the\\nother side of the street, where the Franklin statue\\nnow stands. But when the King s Chapel people\\nhad increased so much, that they wanted to enlarge\\ntheir little wooden tabernacle and carry their\\nchurch farther down the street, about the middle\\nof the last century, they applied to the town for\\nthe use of the school-house lot.\\nThis was the occasion of a fierce battle in more\\nthan one town meeting. Really, the question\\ndivided the old line Puritans, or the people who\\nheld to their traditions, from the new people, who\\nwere either conscientious members of the Episcopal\\nChurch or were quite indifferent to the matter.\\nBut the town gave its consent, by a very small", "height": "2922", "width": "1773", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "22 A New England Boyhood\\nmajority, to the removal of the school-house, and\\nthe King s Chapel people had to build a new\\nschool-house for the town on the southern side\\nof the street. This stood till 1814, when a larger\\nhouse was built in the same place. This school-\\nhouse made the side of what is now known as Chap-\\nman Place but in my time this was called Cooke s\\nCourt, in honor of a certain Elisha Cooke, who\\nwas a very eminent man in colonial times. There\\nwere one or two old wooden houses in the court,\\none of which was covered with Virginia creeper,\\nthe first I ever saw. I remember thinking that\\nthe berries of the Virginia creeper were, in some\\nsort, discovered by me, and that no one had known\\nof their existence before, and I was disappointed\\nthat they proved to be such poor eating.\\nAbove the school, on School Street, was a\\nwooden house, with a garden in front of it, and\\nfurther up still a new brick house, where, in the\\nearly part of these reminiscences, my father s\\nfamily lived. From the back windows of this\\nhouse, when I was a very little boy, I used to\\nlook out and see the boys at play. It will amuse\\nthe boys of the present generation to know that\\nin summer most of them wore long calico gowns,\\nquite like the gowns which ministers sometimes\\nwear now, only without the flowing sleeves.\\nBoys were then admitted into the Latin School\\nwhen they were nine years old. They were exam-\\nnied so far as to see if they could spell decently and\\nwhether they had some slight knowledge of arith-", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 23\\nmctic. As for writing, we were expected to learn\\nthat after we entered the school. Once there we\\nwere all put into the same class, and were set to\\nstudying our Latin grammar.\\nWe always came to school early, all of the fun\\nof the school being enjoyed before the bell rang.\\nDifferent classes grouped in different corners of the\\nneighborhood, and talked of the school news or\\nthe news of the day with the other fellows. We\\nhad some South End boys, who came to school\\nhighly excited one day with the announcement\\nthat an omnibus had been put upon Washing-\\nton Street. No one had ever seen an omnibus\\nbefore. This omnibus was called the Governor\\nBrooks, and it had four horses, and it was twice\\nas long as any omnibus which any Boston boy has\\nseen in our streets now for twenty years. I felt,\\nafterwards, quite sure that I rode up the long hill\\nat Granada in Spain in the same omnibus, and I\\nwas terribly afraid that the linchpin might give\\nway, but this may have been a delusion of mine.\\nThe first omnibus in the world was put on its\\nwork in Paris. It was called La Dame Blanche,\\nfrom the White Lady of Scott s novel of The\\nMonastery, about the year 1821,\\nWe had not much room for playing, but we\\nmight take a turn at tag or some other out-door\\ngame before the school-bell rang. But at last, at\\neight o clock in summer and at nine in winter, the\\nbell began to ring. It rang for five minutes, and\\nbefore the end of the five minutes every boy must", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "24 A New England Boyhood\\nbe in his place. The masters, four or five of them,\\nhad been standing in the meanwhile on the side-\\nwalk in front of the school door as the bell rang\\nthey bowed to each other and repaired one by one\\nto their rooms.\\nAbout this bell there were various traditions,\\nand its experience had, indeed, been somewhat\\nsingular. I believe it had been the bell of the\\nHuguenot Church lower down on the same street.\\nIt hung, as church bells do, on the wheel in the\\ncupola, but it had long since been found that no\\nrope on the wheel would give to the bell the\\nregular stroke which for some reason was thought\\ndesirable. Some strong, quick boy was therefore\\nsent up into the belfry, and he took hold of the\\ntongue and struck it rapidly and sharply on the\\nside of the bell. It may readily be seen that to\\ndo this for five minutes was quite an exhausting\\nbit of physical labor, but, for all that, it was rather\\na privilege to be permitted to ring the bell. For,\\nin compensation for doing so the boy was awarded\\ncertain credits on his conduct or recitation lists;\\nand the boy who found himself going to the bad,\\nin his studies or by any other bad marks, would\\nask to be assigned to the bell that he might work\\noff these misdemeanors by the diligence of his\\nbell-ringing. Some boys rang the bell well, some\\nrang it badly, and a certain distinction attached\\nto the business. I remember perfectly that, when\\non some occasion the bell-boy was absent, Mr.\\nDillaway, looking around for a substitute, sent me", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 25\\nup into the belfry; but I made wretched work of\\nthe bell, and was not sorry to be relieved before a\\nminute was over by some more stalwart boy who\\nwas more used to the business.\\nBy the time the bell struck its last stroke every\\nboy would be in his seat. The boys of the pres-\\nent generation have little idea what such seats\\nwere. At first they were simply long benches\\nwith what we call long forms in front. About\\nmidway of my school career, there were substi-\\ntuted for these benches separate desks, somewhat\\nlike what boys have now, but with the very hard-\\nest and smallest seat which was ever contrived for\\nan unfortunate boy to wriggle upon. Still we\\ncould open the desks and support them with our\\nheads while we pretended to be arranging our\\nbooks. No school-boy who has ever had the\\nfelicity of such a desk, needs to be told what\\nvarious orgies we could carry on under such\\nshelter of protection.\\nA certain good-natured courtesy assigned to\\nour school as a teacher of penmanship one of the\\nold masters who was supposed to have outlived\\nhis usefulness in the grammar school. This\\nwas Mr. Jonathan Snelling. We used to call\\nhim familiarly Old Johnny Snelling, but we\\nalways treated him with the respect which was\\ndue to an old man. The days of quill pens had\\nnot gone by, and it was then a part of a boy s or\\ngirl s education to know how to make a pen well\\nan accomplishment which, I am afraid, is not", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "26 A New England Boyhood\\nnow possessed by all the readers of these lines.\\nJohnny Snelling had his own little room apart\\nfrom the room of the head-master, and the boys\\nin that room went in to him to write; but the\\nother boys wrote in different hours assigned for\\nthe purpose, and Johnny Snelling went from room\\nto room to give them their instruction. For me,\\nI wrote wretchedly, and was always marked very\\nlow on the calendar, but I would persuade this\\ngood old gentleman to assign to me copies in\\nGerman text or old English or the other varia-\\ntions from the deadly monotony of the copybook,\\nrather in the hope that I might conciliate the\\nmasters, by the enterprise of this break out into\\nnew fields. At all events this was some variety,\\nand as I have said it was on the monotony of\\nschool life that my dislike of it was founded. I\\nwas eventually taught how to write decently by a\\nman named Munyan who came to Boston when I\\nwas in college.\\nI entered the school in 1 831, being then nine\\nyears old. That was the minimum for the en-\\ntrance of boys at that time, and the course was\\nfive years. I saw Mr. Leverett, who was the prin-\\ncipal when I was admitted, but in the course of\\na few weeks he left the school to the charge of\\nMr. Charles Knapp Dillaway, who is well remem-\\nbered by everyone who has had anything to do\\nwith education in Boston for the last sixty years.\\nI may say in passing that I was permitted to speak\\nat his funeral, and I could not but remember then", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 27\\nthat, from the time when he entered the Latin\\nSchool in 181 8 till he died in 1889, he had been\\npersonally connected more or less distinctly with\\nour system of public education. He had, there-\\nfore, seen the working of that system for more\\nthan a quarter part of the period since it was\\nestablished by Winthrop and his companions in\\n1635-\\nThe system of the school was rigid, but I do\\nnot think boys object to rigidity. It carried to\\nthe extreme the cultivation of verbal memory.\\nWe had a very bad Latin grammar, which I sup-\\npose was the best there was, made by Mr. Gould\\nhimself from Principal Adam s Latin Grammar,\\nwhich was used in all English schools. Prin-\\ncipal Adam is the Edinburgh Adam of whom\\nyou read in Walter Scott and other Scotch books.\\nThe late Joseph Gardner, laughing about such\\nthings a few years ago, said to me, I can remem-\\nber the block on which I was standing in the\\nPlace Vendome in Paris, when, as by a revela-\\ntion, it occurred to me that Andrews and Stod-\\ndard s Latin Grammar was made from the\\nLatin language, and that the Latin language was\\nnot made from Andrews and Stoddard s grammar,\\nas up to that moment I had always supposed.\\nI am quite clear that I went well through the\\nLatin School with the distinct feeling that Adam s\\ngrammar stated the eternal truth with regard to\\nthe language, and that Cicero and the rest of\\nthem had had to adapt themselves to it. I can-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "28 A New England Boyhood\\nnot think that the masters thought so, but I doubt\\nif they cared much about it, and certainly they\\nleft that impression on the minds of the pupils.\\nThe first year of the little boys was spent in com-\\nmitting the words of this grammar to memory.\\nUnless a boy were singularly advanced he had\\nno school-book in hand from September to the\\nnext August excepting this Latin grammar. I\\ncannot conceive of any system more disposed to\\nmake him hate the language and in fact about\\nhalf the boys withdrew from the school, as not\\nhaving a gift for language, before they had\\nbeen there two years. These were generally the\\nboys of quick and bright minds, who went off\\ninto business, as it was called, because they\\nwere thought not fit to be scholars. The pro-\\nfessional lines of life thus lost those who would\\nhave been ornaments in whatever profession they\\nhad chosen, simply because those lads had not\\nthe verbal memory to remember and recall long\\nlists of words, which Adam had noticed, such, for\\none instance in a thousand, as had or had not an\\nbefore tun in the genitive plural.\\nI will say in passing, what I have often had\\noccasion to say in public, that it would be easy\\nto prepare a bright boy or girl of sixteen years of\\nage to pass the Harvard Greek entrance examina-\\ntion in four months of interested study.\\nBut I do not propose to go into the niceties of\\neducation in these papers. Thanks to the pre-\\nscience of my father, of which I have spoken, I", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 29\\nwas put in with the ten-year-old boys, who had\\nground through this mill. Till this moment I am\\ntheir inferior in certain of those details of words\\nto which I have referred, but I enjoyed life at\\nschool a great deal better than they did.\\nThe march of intellect fad had not swept\\nover Boston without bringing in the German\\nnotions about gymnasiums. Dr. Francis Lieber\\narrived, an exile from Germany, with Dr. Charles\\nBeck, who was also an exile, and they established\\na swimming school where Brimmer Street is now,\\nand a gymnasium in Tremont Street then called\\nCommon Street at the corner of West Street.\\nThat place was then called the Washington\\nGardens. Mr. Hartwell, in his recent interesting\\nessay on gymnastics in Boston, says that the first\\nyear Lieber s gymnasium in the Washington Gar-\\ndens had two hundred pupils, which increased to\\nfour hundred in the second, and in the third year\\nhe had four pupils. These figures show only too\\nfatally what was the fall of the athletic thermometer.\\nMore learned people than I must say, whether\\nthe system of gymnastics carried on by fixed\\nmachinery ever maintains its popularity for a long\\ntime, unless it is seconded by athletics such as we\\nnow class under that name, and by a certain\\nrivalry.\\nMy brother Nathan, to whom I owe most of\\nwhat I am and have been in the world, was entered\\nas one of the pupils in the Washington Gar-\\ndens gymnasium. It must have been in the year", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "30 A New England Boyhood\\n1827, or possibly 1828, that he took me with him\\nthere. All that I remember about it is my terror\\nwhen I had climbed up a ladder and cut ofif my\\nretreat. I had seen the other boys climb between\\nthe rounds and slide down the pole which sup-\\nported the ladder, and I wished to do this. I got\\nthrough the rounds and then was afraid to slide.\\nBut a competent teacher came up, instructed me\\nin the business, and I won the high courage by\\nwhich to loosen my feet from the rounds and slide\\nsafely down. I went home to tell this story with\\ndelight, but never repeated the experiment.\\nAt the same time and I think this shows the\\ncourage with which our education was carried on\\nI made my first essays in riding on horseback.\\nMy father owned a handsome horse, with which\\nhe took our mother and some one of the children\\nout to ride on half-holidays. On some occasions\\nanother horse, which was called the Work-\\nbench from his quiet habits white, I recollect\\nwas taken with us, saddled. This was that we\\nboys might learn to ride. We were not per-\\nmitted to ride in the streets in town, and father\\nwould ride the horse out so far, while my mother\\ndrove the chaise. But once in the country the\\nboy mounted, and followed the chaise for the\\nafternoon tour. At five years old I was so small\\nthat my feet would not reach the stirrups, and I\\nrode with my feet in the straps which sustained the\\nstirrups. All went well till, in South Boston, as\\nwe came home, some boys stoned my horse, and", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 31\\nhe ran and I was thrown. I remember repeating\\nthe experiment with the same success and faikirc,\\nand it ended in my poor father having to ride the\\nWork-bench home, while I ignominiously re-\\nturned in the chaise as I had started.\\nThe drift for athletics had swept over the Latin\\nSchool also, and the square yard behind the school,\\nwhich seemed immense, but could have been only\\nthirty feet in each measurement, was fitted up with\\na vaulting-horse, parallel bars, and so on. But,\\nas the fad wore itself out, the boys were permitted\\nto destroy these things and when I entered the\\nschool, in 1831, there were only the vaulting-horse\\nand, perhaps, a pair of parallel bars left; and\\nthese gradually disappeared from the curriculum.\\nThis play-ground was the only play-ground of the\\nschool, and was accessible only to the boys in the\\nlowest room. Upstairs we were confined to a\\nvery limited passage-way, I might call it, at recess,\\nin which we used to play tug-of-war, though we\\nnever called it by that name. Practically the\\nrecesses were very short, for the simple reason\\nthat they did not like to have us in the street.\\nEarlier than this, I can remember, when I was\\nonly four or five years old, that we looked from\\nthe windows of the house out upon the street, to\\nsee the sports of the boys there, when rather more\\nliberty was granted them. Among these sports I\\nremember distinctly seeing the older boys kick\\ntheir pails to pieces at the end of the school term.\\nThey would subscribe for pails in which to keep", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "32 A New England Boyhood\\nthe water which they wanted to drink in the hot\\ndays and when the term was done, not wishing to\\nleave the pails to their successors, they kicked\\nthem about the sidewalk and street until they\\nwere ruined.\\nTo this school we repaired at eight o clock in\\nthe morning for the months between April and\\nOctober, and at nine o clock from the ist of Octo-\\nber to the 1st of April. School lasted till twelve\\no clock, excepting for the little boys, who, in the\\nlatter part of my time, were let out at eleven\\no clock. School began again at three, and lasted,\\nin winter, as long as there was light, and in sum-\\nmer till six o clock. I remember the terror which\\nwe had one afternoon, which must have been in\\nMay, 1833, when two of us were to go and see\\nFanny Kemble in the evening. As it happened,\\nthe school committee chose to come that after-\\nnoon for an examination, and our class was kept\\nin for the completion of the examination after six\\no clock. We sat there terrified, in fear the exam-\\nination would last until the play began in the\\nTremont Theatre, hard by. I am afraid the boys\\nof to-day would consider it rather hard lines, if\\nthey were ever kept at school till the beginning\\nof their theatrical entertainment.\\nIn James Freeman Clarke s autobiography there\\nis a charming passage about his stay at this school.\\nHe does not in the least overstate the admirable\\ndemocratic effect of the whole thing. We were\\nside by side with the sons of the richest and most", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 33\\nprominent men in Boston; we were side by side\\nwith the sons of day-laborers, I suppose. The\\nodd thing about it is that we did not know, and\\nwe did not care, whose sons they were. They\\nwere all dressed alike, they spoke equally good\\nEnglish, their hands were equally clean, and what\\nwe knew of them was that one fellow was at the\\nhead of the class, and one was not. There was a\\ncharming boy named Carleton Charles Muzzey\\nCarleton who was at the head of my class. He\\nwas a pure, manly, upright, gentlemanly fellow,\\na much better boy than any of the rest of us were,\\nand we therefore chose to nickname him Piety\\nCarleton. I am afraid we made him very unhappy\\nby the nickname, but he bore himself in just as\\nmanly a way in spite of it. I have been glad to\\nknow since these pages were first printed that he\\nstill lives, none the less prosperous or happy for\\nour brutal unkindness.\\nIt was a queer transition time for schools. The\\npresent murderous and absurd system of exam-\\ninations was wholly unknown. Each master\\ngot along as well as he could with his boys, and\\nthe boys got along as well as they could with the\\nmaster. There was one head-master, a sub-mas-\\nter, and two others, who were called ushers on the\\nprinted catalogue, but were never so called by the\\nboys. Whatever the age of these gentlemen,\\nthey were always called old. It was Old\\nDillaway, Old Gardner, Old Streeter, or Old\\nBenjamin. I now know that the oldest of them\\n3", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "34 A New England Boyhood\\nwas not thirty-five, and that most of them were\\nnot twenty-five.\\nWe were changed from room to room, seldom\\nstaying in one room more than three months, but\\nthe highest class was always with the head-master.\\nI remember one occasion I was about ten years\\nold when, to our delight, we were ordered\\nupstairs from the English room. We were\\npleased because it was known that the new master\\nthere was very easy, and that the fellows did as\\nthey chose. It was so, indeed. I recollect my\\namazement when I saw Hancock cross the room\\nwithout leave, make a snowball from the snow in\\na pail, and carry it back ostentatiously to place it\\non the front of his desk. The snow was provided\\nfor use on the stove, where there was a provision\\nfor a pan of water. From this he then made little\\nsnowballs with which to pelt the other boys, all\\nwithout interruption from the master.\\nBut other things went on with the same free-\\ndom, which were of more import. I was seated\\nnext to Hayward, whom I then met for the first\\ntime, and who has since been a life-long friend.\\nHis class was reading Cicero s orations. He asked\\nme what I knew about Cicero and, when I told\\nhim I knew nothing, he kindly went into a some-\\nwhat elaborate history of his life and analysis of\\nhis character as they appeared to a boy of his\\nage. He has forgotten this, but I remember it\\nperfectly. It seems to me that this extempore\\nprivate lecture must have lasted the whole after-", "height": "2891", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 35\\nnoon. The poor master made no sort of interfer-\\nence with it, probably glad if two of his scholars\\nwere doing nothing worse than talking.\\nBut alas, and alas this paradise of King Log\\ncame to an end in a day or two. This amiable\\ngentleman, whose name I have forgotten, was\\nremoved, and Francis Gardner was put in his\\nplace. For forty years after he was master in that\\nschool, and is now well known as a distinguished\\nclassical teacher and editor. That was his baptism\\nin a school-master s life, and a baptism of fire it\\nwas. We were afterwards intimate friends, and he\\ntold me once that his first month, when he was\\nbringing those wild-cat boys into order, was the\\nhardest experience of his life.\\nIn the English room, according to the absurd\\ntheory of many schools, the whole class was kept\\ntogether, without any reference to what they knew\\nof the subject. That is to say, we were classed for\\nour knowledge of Latin, and nobody seemed to\\ncare how much or how little we knew of arithmetic.\\nI used to do the sums and write down the\\nnumerical answers in advance, so far as my slate\\nwould hold them. I was fond of arithmetic, and\\nso I would be days ahead of the class. Such was\\nalso the case with Richard Storrs Willis, the\\neminent musician, who sat by me. He brought\\nto school Kettell s Specimens of American\\nPoetry, a book of that time, in three closely\\nprinted octavo volumes. We read the three\\nvolumes through, and a deal of trash there is", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "36 A New England Boyhood\\nin them. Still it was better than doing nothing\\nand so I suppose the master thought, for he never\\ninterfered.\\nTo me this was all a curious double life. I\\nwas on perfect terms of companionship with the\\nfellows in school in recess and in the few minutes\\nbefore school. But as soon as school was over\\nI rushed home, without these companions, to join\\nmy brother Nathan, who has been spoken of, for\\nthe occupations vastly more important, which I\\nwill describe in another chapter. The other\\nfellows would urge us to go down on the wharves,\\nas they did. The fathers of most of them were in\\nmercantile life, for Boston was still largely a ship-\\nping town. I can remember asking one of them\\nwhat we should do on the wharves, with a horrified\\nfeeling which I have to this day about any vague\\nfuture entertainment of which the lines are not\\nindicated. He said, Oh, we can go about the\\nvessels, we can talk with the men. Perhaps they\\nwould be landing molasses, and we could dip\\nstraws in the bung-holes; or once a cask had\\nbroken open, and the fellows had gathered up\\nbrown sugar in their hands. To this day, when\\nI hear of persons going abroad or anywhere else\\nin search of an undefined amusement, I imagine\\nthem dipping straws into casks of West India\\nmolasses, and then drawing those straws through\\ntheir mouths.\\nFor me and my brother such temptations were\\nidle. Till the last year of my school life we had", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 37\\nmore attractive work at home. In that year\\nEdward Renouf, the Dr. Renouf of to-day, told us\\nthat he had access to the wood wharves on Front\\nStreet, near where the United States Hotel now\\nstands. He said there were no other fellows\\nthere. For some reason not known to me there\\nwere no wharfingers or other attendants. With\\nhim, and possibly with Atkins, we used to spend\\nhours on those wharves. The Boston reader will\\nplease observe that Beach Street means a street\\non the beach, and that Harrison Avenue, then\\ncalled Front Street, was the front of that part of\\nthe town. Why there were no keepers on those\\nwharves I never asked, and do not know.\\nWhether what we did were right or wrong in the\\nview of magistrates I do not know. I do know\\nthat it was morally and eternally right, because we\\nthought it was. That is one of the queer things\\nabout a boy s conscience. I do not remember\\nthat, till the time when I dictate these words, for\\nnearl} sixty years, it has once occurred to me to\\nask whose was the property we used on these\\noccasions, or what the owners would have said to\\nour use of it. But they did not suffer much, if at\\nall. There were great stacks of hemlock bark,\\nwhich was then coming into use in winter as\\nkindling for anthracite coal. You could take one\\nof these pieces of bark, three or four feet long,\\nbore three holes for masts, and fit this hull with\\nthree masts made from shingles or laths. Stiff\\nwrapping-paper made good sails, and writing-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "38 A New England Boyhood\\nbooks were big enough for topsails. Then you\\ncould sail them from wharf to wharf, on voyages\\nmuch more satisfactory than the shorter voyages\\nof the Frog Pond. I do not knovv but that, with\\nfavorable western winds, one might come out at\\nSallee, on the coast of Morocco, with the location\\nof which we were familiar from the experience of\\nRobijison Crusoe and Xiiry. We knew much more\\nof that port than of Lisbon, Oporto, or Bordeaux.\\nBut this is an excursus which belongs rather to\\nthe chapter on amusements. The home rule was\\nabsolute, and always obeyed, that we must report\\nat home as soon as school was done. This rule\\nundoubtedly interfered with excursions to the\\nwharves, which, indeed, had my father been a\\nshipping merchant, might have been more fre-\\nquent. School life of itself had httle to relieve it\\nof its awful monotony. Saturday was better than\\nthe other days, because we all went upstairs into\\nthe master s room to hear the declamations.\\nEvery boy spoke from the stage once a month.\\nAnd here I have heard William Evarts, Fletcher\\nWebster, Mayor Prince, Thomas Dawes ah\\nand many others who have been distinguished\\nsince as orators. Phillips, Hillard, Sumner, and\\nthe Emersons were a little before my time, but I\\nhave seen the prize exercises of all of them among\\nthe treasures of the school.\\nI remember perfectly the first time I spoke. It\\nmust have been in September, 1831. At my\\nmother s instigation I spoke a little poem by Tom", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 39\\nMoore, long since forgotten by everybody else,\\nwhich I had learned and spoken at the other\\nschool. It is a sort of ode, in which Moore\\nabuses some poor Neapolitan wretches because\\nthey had made nothing of a rebellion against the\\nAustrians. I stepped on the stage, frightened,\\nbut willing to do as I had been told, made my\\nbow, and began\\nAy, down to the dust with them, slaves as they are\\nI had been told that I must stamp my foot at\\nthe words, Down to the dust with them, and I\\ndid, though I hated to, and was sore afraid.\\nNaturally enough all the other boys, one hundred\\nand fifty of them, laughed at such an exhibition of\\npassion from one of the smallest of their number.\\nAll the same, I plodded on but alas I came\\ninevitably to the other line\\nIf there linger one spark of their fire, tread it out!\\nand here I had to stamp again, as much to the\\nboys amusement as before. I did not get a\\ngood mark for speaking then, and I never did\\nafterwards. But the exercise did what it was meant\\nto do, that is, it taught us not to be afraid of the\\naudience. And this, so far as I know, is all of\\nelocution that can be taught, or need be tried for.\\nIn college, it was often very droll when the time\\ncame for one of the Southern braggarts to speak\\nat an exhibition. For we saw then the same\\nyoung man who had always blown his own trum-\\npet loudly, and been cock of the walk in his own", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "40 A New England Boyhood\\nestimation we saw him with his knees shaking\\nunder him on the college platform because he had\\nto speak in the presence of two hundred people,\\nI owe to the public school, and to this now de-\\nspised exercise of declamation, that ease before an\\naudience which I share with most New Englanders.\\nThis is to say that I owe to it the great pleasure of\\npublic speaking when one has anything to say. I\\nthink most public men will agree with me that this\\nis one of the most exquisite pleasures of life.\\nCHAPTER III\\nTHE SWIMMING SCHOOL\\nJoy, joy, joy! Of a hot summer day in June,\\nwhen I was nine years old, I was asked how I\\nwould like to learn to swim. Little doubt in the\\nmind of any boy who reads this what my answer\\nwas. I and my elder brother, who was twelve,\\nwere to be permitted to go to the swimming\\nschool. This was joy enough to have that year\\nmarked with red in our history.\\nAs I have said. Dr. Francis Lieber, who had been\\nexiled from Germany a few years before, had\\ncome to Boston, and had established first his\\ngymnasium and then his swimming school.\\nSwimming schools were and are thoroughly estab-\\nlished on the continent of Europe, and the Ger-\\nmans have a special reputation for skill in swim-\\nming. With the gymnasium I had little or noth-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 41\\ning to do but what I have told. I was, indeed,\\nquite too small to be put through its exercises.\\nThe swimming school was in water which\\nflowed where Brimmer Street and the houses\\nbehind it are now built. It was just such a build-\\ning as the floating baths are now which the city\\nmaintains, but that it enclosed a much larger\\nspace. Of this space a part had a floor so that\\nthe water flowed through the depth was about\\nfive feet. To little boys like me it made little\\ndifference that there was this floor, for we could\\nbe as easily drowned in five feet of water as if\\nthere were fifteen.\\nWith great delight I carried down my little\\nbathing drawers, which were marked with my\\nown number so that they might always hang upon\\nmy peg. With the drawers and my towels I\\nproceeded to a little cell, just such as the bathers\\nat South Boston have now, with the great\\nadvantage, however, that its door was made of\\nsail-cloth. You selected a cell on the northern\\nside, so that when you went into the water you\\ncould draw your sail-cloth into the sun, and the\\nsun would heat it well through; then, after your\\nbath, you stood wrapped up in this warm linen\\nshroud, and the luxury was considered exquisite.\\nSo soon as you were undressed and ready\\nand this meant in about one minute you took\\nyour turn to be taught. A belt was put around\\nyou under your arms; to this belt a rope was\\nattached, and you were told to jump in. You", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "42 A New England Boyhood\\njumped in and went down as far as gravity chose\\nto take you, and were then pulled up by the rope.\\nThe rope was then attached to the end of a long\\nbelt, and you were swung out upon the surface of\\nthe water. Then began the instruction.\\nO-n-e; two, three: the last two words\\nspoken with great rapidity one spoken very\\nslowly. This meant that the knees and feet were\\nto be drawn up very slowly, but were to be dashed\\nout very quickly, and then the heels brought to-\\ngether as quickly.\\nBoys who were well built for it and who were\\nquick learned to swim in two or three lessons.\\nSlender boys and little boys who had not much\\nmuscular force and such was I were a whole\\nsummer before they could be trusted without the\\nrope. But the training was excellent, and from\\nthe end of that year till now I have been entirely\\nat home in the water. I think now that scientific\\nand systematic training in swimming is a very\\nimportant part of public instruction, and I wish we\\ncould see it introduced everywhere where there is\\nresponsible oversight of boys or girls at school.\\nCHAPTER IV\\nLIFE AT HOME\\nI AM certainly not writing my autobiography; but\\nI cannot give any idea of how boys lived in the\\ndecade when I was a boy that is, in the years", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 43\\nbetween 1826 and 1836 without giving a chap-\\nter to home Hfe as I saw it. In passing I will say\\nthat I first remember the figures 1826, thus com-\\nbined, as I saw them on the cover of Thomas s\\nAlmanac of 1827. Here Time, with the figures\\n1827 on his head, was represented as mowing in a\\nchurchyard, where a new stone with the figures\\n1826 was prominent; 1825, 1824, and the others\\nwere on stones somewhat overgrown by grass and\\nsunken in the ground. The conceit seemed to\\nme admirable, and the date fixed itself on my\\nmemory.\\nI was born in a house which stood where\\nParker s larger lunch-room now fronts the Tre-\\nmont House. We moved from this house to that\\non the corner of School Street, lately purchased\\nby Mr. Parker to enlarge his hotel, and in 1828 we\\nmoved again to the new house, which was, and is,\\nNo. I Tremont Place. It is now two or three\\nstories higher than it was then but some parts of\\nthe interior are not changed. Behind it was a\\nlittle yard, with a wood-house, called a shed,\\non top of which the clothes were dried. This\\narrangement was important for our New England\\nchildhood.\\nI was the youngest of four children who made\\nthe older half of a large family. By a gap between\\nme and my brother Alexander, who afterwards\\nwas lost in the government service in Pensacola,\\nwe four were separated from the three\\nlittle ones. It is necessary to explain this in", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "44 A New England Boyhood\\nadvance, in a history which is rather a history of\\nyoung Hfe in Boston than of mine alone.\\nMy father, as I have said, was an experienced\\nteacher in young life, and he never lost his interest\\nin the business of education. My mother had a\\ngenius for education, and it is a pity that, at an\\nepoch in her life when she wanted to open a girls\\nschool, she was not permitted to do so. They\\nhad read enough of the standard books on educa-\\ntion to know how much sense there was in them,\\nand how much nonsense. Such books were about\\nin the house, more or less commented on by us\\nyoung critics as we grew big enough to dip into\\nthem.\\nAt the moment I had no idea that any science\\nor skill was expended on our training. I supposed\\nI was left to the great American proverb which I\\nhave already cited Go as you please. But I\\nhave seen since that the hands were strong which\\ndirected this gay team of youngsters, though there\\nwas no stimulus we knew of, and though the touch\\nwas velvet. An illustration of this was in that\\nwisdom of my father in sending me for four years\\nto school to a simpleton.\\nThe genius of the whole, shown by both my\\nfather and mother, came out in the skill which\\nmade home the happiest place of all, so that we\\nsimply hated any engagement which took us else-\\nwhere, unless we were in the open air. I have\\nsaid that I disliked school, and that I did not want\\nto go down on the wharves, even with that doubt-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 45\\nfill bribe of the molasses casks. At home we had\\nan infinite variety of amusements. At home we\\nmight have all the other boys, if we wished. At\\nhome, in our two stories, we were supreme. The\\nscorn of toys which is reflected in the Edgeworth\\nbooks had, to a certain extent, its effect on the\\nhousehold. But we had almost everything we\\nwanted for purposes of manufacture or invention.\\nWhalebone, spiral springs, pulleys, and catgut, for\\nperpetual motion or locomotive carriages; rollers\\nand planks for floats what they were I will ex-\\nplain all were obtainable. In the yard we had\\nparallel bars and a high cross-pole for climbing.\\nWhen we became chemists we might have sul-\\nphuric acid, nitric acid, litmus paper, or whatever\\nwe desired, so our allowance would stand it. I\\nwas not more than seven years old when I burned\\noff my eyebrows by igniting gunpowder with my\\nburning-glass. My hair was then so light that\\nnobody missed a little, more or less, above the\\neyelids. I thought it was wisest not to tell my\\nmother, because it might shock her nerves, and I\\nwas a man, thirty years old, before she heard of it.\\nSuch playthings as these, with very careful restric-\\ntions on the amount of powder, with good blocks\\nfor building, quite an assortment of carpenter s\\ntools, a work-bench good enough, printing ma-\\nterials ad libitum from my father s printing-office,\\nfurnished endless occupation.\\nBefore I attempt any account of the home life\\nwhich grew out of such conditions I must make a", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "46 A New England Boyhood\\nlittle excursus to describe the domestic service of\\nthose days, quite different from ours. I wish par-\\nticularly to describe Fullum, who outlived the class\\nto which he belonged, and had, when he died, in\\n1886, long been its last representative.\\nThe few New England children who still read\\nthe Rollo books will have pleasant remembrances\\noi Jonas and Beechmit, in whom Mr. Jacob Abbott\\nhas presented for posterity the hired boy of New\\nEngland country life. In life in a little town like\\nBoston this hired boy might grow to be the hired\\nman, and, as in Fullum s exceptional case, might\\ngrow to be a hundred years old, or nearly that,\\nwithout changing that condition. If that happened\\nhis presence in a family became a factor of impor-\\ntance to the growing children. In the case of\\nFullum, if, as he supposed, he was born in 1790,\\nhe was thirty-two years old when, in 1822, he took\\nme in his arms before I was an hour old.\\nFullum, then, had been a country lad, who came\\ndown from Worcester County to make his fortune.\\nI do not know when, but it was before the time of\\nthe short war with England. He expected to be,\\nand was, the hired boy and hired man in one and\\nanother Boston family. Early in the business he\\nwas in Mr. William Sullivan s service. He was\\ndriving Mr. Sullivan out of town, one day, when\\nthey found Roxbury Street blocked up by the roof\\nof the old meeting-house, which had been blown\\ninto the street by the gale of September, 181 5.\\nAfterward he was in Daniel Webster s service, and", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 47\\nhere also he took care of horses and carriages.\\nHe was a born tyrant, and it was ahvays intimated\\nthat Mr. Webster did not fancy his rule. Anyway\\nhe came from the Websters to us, I suppose when\\nMr. Webster went to Congress, in the autumn of\\n1820. And, in one fashion or another, he lived\\nwith our family, as a most faithful vassal or tyrant,\\nfor sixty-six years from that time. I say vassal\\nor tyrant, for this was a pure piece of feudalism\\nand in the feudal system., as I have often had to\\nsay, the vassal is often a tyrant, while the master is\\nalmost always a slave. So is it that the memories\\nof my boyhood are all mixed up with memories of\\nFullum.\\nI have spoken of him in connection with Miss\\nWhitney s school. Here was a faithful man Fri-\\nday, who would have died for any of us, so strong\\nwas his love for us, yet who insisted on rendering\\nhis service very much in his own way. If my\\nfather designed a wooden horse for me, to be run\\non four wheels, after the fashion of what were\\ncalled velocipedes in those days, he would make\\nthe drawings, but it would be Fullum s business to\\ntake them to the carpenter s and see the horse\\nmade. If w^e were to have heavy hoops from\\nwater-casks, Fullum was the person who conducted\\nthe negotiation for them. There was no harm in\\nthe tutorship to which we were thus intrusted.\\nHe never used a profane or impure word while he\\nwas with us children; and as he was to us an\\nauthority in all matters of gardening, of carpentry,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "48 A New England Boyhood\\nof driving and the care of horses, we came to\\nregard him as, in certain lines, omniscient and\\nomnipotent. If now the reader will bear in mind\\nthat this omniscient and omnipotent person, at once\\nthe Hercules and the Apollo of our boyhood, could\\nnot read, write, or spell so well as any child four\\nyears old who had been twelve months at Miss Whit-\\nney s school, that reader may understand why a cer-\\ntain scorn of book-learning sometimes stains these\\npages, otherwise so pure. And if the same reader\\nshould know that this same Fullum always spoke\\nin superlatives, and multiplied every figure with\\nwhich he had to do by hundreds or by thousands,\\nhe may have a key to a certain habit of exaggera-\\ntion which has been detected in the present writer.\\nThey was ten thousand men tryin to git in. But\\nold Reed, he would n t let um. This would be\\nhis way of describing the effort of four or five men\\nto enter some place from which Reed, the one\\nconstable of Boston, meant to keep them out.\\nThe reader must excuse this excursus, for I\\nthink it necessary. I think it necessary for the\\ncivilized child to be kept in touch, in his childhood,\\nwith animals and with savages. Fullum was the\\nperson through whom savage life touched ours.\\nTo Fullum, largely, we owed it that we were neither\\nprigs nor dudes. We had no cats, nor dogs, nor\\nbirds; and FullunVe place in these reminiscences\\nis far more important than is that of any pet, any\\nschool-master, or any minister.\\nThe oldest child of us four was but four years", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 49\\nand nine months older than the youngest. She\\nhad, as I have said, received, and deserved, at\\nMiss Whitney s a medal given to the most amia-\\nble. Next to her came a boy, then another girl,\\nand then this writer. The movements of us four\\nhad much in common; but at school and in most\\nplays the boys made one unit and the girls another,\\nto report every evening to one another. It is to\\nthe boyhood experiences that these pages belong.\\nBut it was a Persian and Median rule of that\\nhousehold, which I recommend to all other house-\\nholds, that after tea there were to be no noisy\\ngames. The children must sit down at the table\\nthere was but one and occupy themselves\\nthere till bedtime. It has been well said that the\\nferocity of infancy is such that, were its strength\\nequal to its will, it would long ago have ex-\\nterminated the human race. This is true. And\\nit is to be remarked, also, that the strength of\\ninfancy, and of boyhood and girlhood, is very\\ngreat. Thus is it that, unless some strict rules\\nare laid down for limiting its use and the places of\\nits exhibition, and kept after they are laid down,\\nthe death of parents, and of all persons who have\\npassed the age of childhood, may be expected at\\nany moment. One of such rules was this of which\\nI have spoken.\\nEverybody of whom we knew anything dined\\nat one or two o clock in Boston then. After dinner\\nmen went back to their places of business. At six,\\nor possibly as late as seven in the summer, came\\n4", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "50 A New England Boyhood\\ntea. After tea, as I have said, the children of\\nthis household gathered round the table. Fullum\\ncame in and took away the tea things, folded the\\ncloth and put it away. Our mother then drew up\\nher chair to the drawer of the table, probably with\\na baby in her arms awaiting the return of its nurse.\\nWe four drew up our chairs on the other sides.\\nThen we might do as we chose teetotum games,\\ncards of all sorts, books, drawing, or evening\\nlessons, if there were any such awful penalty\\nresulting from the sin of Adam and Eve. But\\nnobody might disturb anyone else.\\nDrawing was the most popular of the occupa-\\ntions, and took the most of our time and thought.\\nThe provisions for it were very simple, and there\\nwas only the faintest pretence at instruction.\\nThere was one particular brand of lead pencils, sold\\nby one particular grocer in West Street at twelve\\ncents a dozen. These were bought by us at this\\nwholesale rate, and kept in the drawer. One piece\\nof India rubber was also kept there for the crowd.\\nAs we gathered at the table, a quarter-sheet of\\nfoolscap was given to each child and to each\\nguest as regularly as a bit of butter had been\\ngiven half an hour before and one pencil.\\nThe reader must imagine the steady flow of\\nvoices. Who s got the India rubber? Here\\nit is under the Transcript. This horse looks as\\nif he were walking on foot-balls. Oh, you\\nmust n t draw his shoes you never see his shoes\\nI wish I knew how to draw a chaise. I don t", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 51\\nsee how they make pictures of battles. My smoke\\ncovers up all the soldiers. Battle pieces, indeed,\\nwere, as usual with children, the favorite com-\\npositions. We were not so far from the last war\\nwith England as the children of to-day are from\\nthe Civil War.\\nPerhaps two of us put together our paper, folded\\nit and pinned it in the fold, and then made a mag-\\nazine. Of magazines there were two The New\\nEngland Herald, composed and edited by the two\\nelders of the group, and TJie Public Informer, by\\nmy sister Lucretia and me. I am afraid that the\\nname Public Informer was suggested wickedly\\nto us little ones, when we did not know that those\\nwords carry a disagreeable meaning. But when\\nwe learned this, afterwards, we did not care. I\\nthink some of the Everetts, my uncles, had had\\na boy newspaper with the same name. When\\nthings ran with perfect regularity The New Eng-\\nland Herald was read at the breakfast-table one\\nMonday morning, and The Public Informer the\\nnext Monday morning. But this was just as it\\nmight happen. They were published when the\\neditors pleased, as all journals should be, and\\nmonths might go by without a number. And\\nthere was but one copy of each issue. It would\\nbe better if this could be said of some other\\njournals.\\nOnce a year prizes were offered at school for\\ntranslations or original compositions. We always\\ncompeted, not to say were made to compete, by", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "52 A New England Boyhood\\nthe unwritten law of the family. This law was\\nsimply that we could certainly do anything if we\\nwanted to and tried. I remember a long rhyth-\\nmical version I made of the story of the flood, in\\nOvid, and another of Phaeton. Where Dryden\\nmakes Jupiter say, Short exhortations need, I\\nremember that my halting line jumbled along into\\nthe ten syllables, Long exhortations are not\\nneeded here. I stinted myself in this translation\\nto four lines before dinner and four lines after\\ntea; and by writing eight lines thus, in fifty days\\nI accomplished the enterprise. I would come\\nhome from the swimming school ten minutes\\nearlier because this translation was to be made;\\nand, while Fullum was setting the table for din-\\nner, I would stand at the sideboard. There was\\nalways an inkstand on it, with two or three quill\\npens. I took out the poem from the upper\\ndrawer of the sideboard, which I never see to\\nthis moment without thinking of Ovid. Then I\\nwrote my four lines, such as they were, put the\\nmanuscript away again, and proceeded to dinner.\\nOther boys and other girls liked to come in to\\nsuch an evening congress as I have described, but\\nnothing was changed in the least because the vis-\\nitor came, excepting that room was made at the\\ntable. He or she had a quarter-sheet of foolscap,\\nlike the others.\\nThis literature is connected with that of the\\nworld by one reminiscence, which belongs as late\\nas some of the very last of these evening sessions.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 53\\nOne evening my father came in from his room,\\nwhich was next to that we sat in, with the London\\nMorning CJiro7iiclc. He pointed out an article\\nand said: Read that to them, Edward; it will\\nmake them laugh. And I read the first account\\nof Sam Wcller as he revealed himself to Mr. Pick-\\nwick. Of course we all laughed, as thousands\\nhave done since. But I said sadly What a\\nshame that we shall never hear of Savi Wellcr\\nagain This must have been in the college\\nvacation of the spring of 1837.\\nI must not give the idea, however, by speaking\\nof these evenings thus that our lives were spe-\\ncially artistic or literary. They were devoted to\\nplay, pure and simple, with no object but having\\na good time. The principal part of the attics\\nor, as we called them, garrets in every house\\nwe lived in was surrendered to us boys. In Tre-\\nmont Place we had the valuable addition of a dark\\ncockloft over the garret chambers. It had no\\nwindows, but was all the better place to sit and\\ntell stories in. Then we controlled the stairs to\\nthe roof, and we spent a good deal of time, in\\nthe summer days, on the ridge-pole. There were\\nnot twenty houses in Boston on higher land, so\\nthat from this point we commanded a good view\\nof the harbor. I was amused the other day when\\nan infantile correspondent of a New York news-\\npaper asked how Napoleon could have used a\\ntelegraph before what is called Mr. Morse s in-\\nvention, for as early as 1831 we read all the tele-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "54 A New England Boyhood\\ngraphic signals of all the vessels arriving in Boston\\nharbor, and the occasional semaphoric signals on\\nthe lookout on Central Wharf.\\nAbout the year 1830, under the pressure of the\\nmarch of intellect, were published some books\\nfor young children from which the present gener-\\nation is profiting largely. There were The Boy s\\nOwn Book, The Girl s Own Book, The\\nAmerican Girl s Own Book, and The Young\\nLady s Own Book, each of them excellent in its\\nway. I think The Boy s Own Book, which has\\nsince been published with the double title An\\nEncyclopaedia for Boys, led the way in this\\naffair; and I still regard it as rather the best of\\nthe series. It had subdivisions for indoor games,\\noutdoor games, gymnastics, chemistry, chess, rid-\\ndles, riding, walking, and I think driving, boxing,\\nand fencing. Perhaps there were more heads, but\\nthese were those which occupied our attention\\nmost. Somebody made me a New Year s present\\nof this book in the year 1830 or 1831, and from\\nthat moment it was the text-book of the attic.\\nProfessor Andrews and President Eliot would feel\\ntheir hair growing gray, if for five minutes they\\nwere obliged to read the chemistry which soaked\\ninto us from this book. Whoever wrote it still\\nused the old nomenclature a good deal. We\\nknew nothing of HO, and little of the proportions\\nin which they go into the constitution of things.\\nWe read of oil of vitriol and muriatic acid,\\nand had other antiquarian names for agents and", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 55\\nreagents. All the same, the book gave us experi-\\nments which we could try taught us how to\\nmanufacture fireworks in a fashion, and even sug-\\ngested to us the painting of our own magic lantern\\nslides. Our apparatus was of the most limited\\nkind. It was a high festival day when one went\\ndown to Gibbens s grocer s shop and bought for\\nthree cents an empty Florence flask; this was\\nthe retort of that simple chemistry. In connec-\\ntion with this, like all other boys of that time\\nknown to me, we made what were called electrical\\nmachines, which gave us good sparks and Leyden\\njar shocks quite sufficient to satisfy the guests\\nwho visited us.\\nIt is in connection with one of these machines\\nthat I remember one of my mother s gospels. I\\nwas trying to catch a fly, to give him an electric\\nshock, and she would not permit me. I pleaded\\nin vain that it would not hurt him, but she said\\nIt would certainly not give him pleasure, and it\\nmight give him pain.\\nMy father was a civil engineer, somewhat in\\nadvance of his time. He was the first person to\\npropose the railroad system of Massachusetts;\\nand that system would not be what it is, but for\\nhis work for it, in season and out of season. I\\ncannot remember the time when we did not have\\na model railway in the house in earlier years it\\nwas in the parlor, so that he might explain to\\nvisitors what was meant by a car running upon\\nrails. I can still see the sad, incredulous look,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "56 A New England Boyhood\\nwhich I understood then as well as I should now,\\nwith which some intelligent person listened kindly,\\nand only in manner implied that it was a pity that\\nso intelligent a man as he should go crazy. His\\ncraziness, fortunately, led his associates, and in the\\nyear 183 1, after endless reverses, a charter was\\ngiven for the incorporation of the Boston and\\nWorcester Railway. In the earlier proposals for\\nsuch work it was always suggested that horses\\nshould be the moving power. In point of fact\\nthe first railway, which carried the Ouincy granite\\nfrom Quincy to the sea, was operated by the\\nweight of the descending trains, which pulled up\\nthe empty cars. I was with him, as a little boy,\\nsitting on a box in the chaise, when he drove out\\nonce to see the newly laid Quincy track, and I per-\\nfectly remember his trying with his foot the steadi-\\nness of the rail where it crosses the road to\\nQuincy. His tastes, of course, led ours. There\\nwas a lathe in the house, which we were permitted\\nto run under severe conditions and we very early\\nmade our own locomotives, which were propelled\\nby whalebone springs.\\nBut the carriage we liked most was the float.\\nI have never seen it in the plays of other boys,\\nthough perhaps it is well known. For a good\\nfloat you want a board a foot wide, an inch thick,\\nand four feet long. You want two rollers, which\\nhad better be of hard wood, each a foot long and\\nan inch or more in diameter; two inches would be\\nbetter than one, but you take what you can get;", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 57\\na broomstick furnishes two or three good ones.\\nPlacing these rollers two feet apart on the ground,\\nyou put the float upon them, with one roller at\\nthe end, and the other in the middle. You then\\nseat yourself carefully on the board, having\\ntwo paddles in your hands, made from shingles.\\nWith these two paddles you will find that you can\\npropel yourself over any floor of reasonable\\nsmoothness. You can even pass a threshold, and\\nyou can run into the most unexpected corners. If\\nyou have a companion on another float in the\\nsame room, you can have naval battles, or you\\ncan go to the assistance of shipwrecked crews.\\nYou can go forward or you can go backward,\\nevery now and then running a roller out, but\\nskilfully placing it under the float at such an angle\\nas will direct you in the way in which you wish to\\ngo afterwards. For this game or sport you should\\nnot have too many companions; you should have\\na good large attic or barn floor, and you should\\nhave unlimited patience. You can make a float,\\nof course, out of a museum door, or out of any\\nplank that happens to be going. I remember\\nonce, when we were hard pressed, one of my com-\\npanions went to sea in a soap box. But what I\\nhave described is the ideal float for young people.\\nWe played all the tame games, such as checkers,\\nchess, loto, battledoor and shuttlecock, graces,\\nvingt-et-un, cup and ball, coronella, and the like,\\nbut I think under a certain protest. For that\\nmatter, I danced under the same protest. I re-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "58 A New England Boyhood\\ngarded all these as concessions to the social order\\nin which we lived, and I obeyed that social order\\nas I did in going to school. But precisely as I\\nlooked upon school with a certain sense of con-\\ndescension, I think we all looked upon these games\\nas being something provided for an average\\npublic, while we supposed that all children of\\nsense invented their own games.\\nI have never, by the way, seen in print the state-\\nment that our teetotum games of that day were a\\nsurvival of games of the same kind running well\\nback into the dark ages. In the great German\\nmuseum at Nuremberg I saw such games of as\\nearly a date, I think, as the year 1300. Any boy\\nwho will look at his teetotum game of to-day, if\\nsuch things still exist, will probably find that it\\ncomes out at 63. This means that 6^ is the\\ngrand climacteric, in the old theory of the\\nclimacterics and then, if he will look back, he will\\nfind that at 7, 14, 21, 28, and so on are the other\\nclimacterics. All this belongs to those happy\\nages which knew nothing of modern science.\\nI have stated already the absolute rule that we\\nmust report at home before we went anywhere\\nto play after school. I think this rule affected\\nour lives a great deal more than my mother meant\\nit should in laying it down. She simply wanted\\nto know at certain stages of the day where her\\nchildren were. I do not recollect that she ever\\nforbade our going anywhere, where we wanted to.\\nBut practically the rule worked thus We rushed", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 59\\nhome from school, very hkely with a plan on foot\\nfor the Common, or for some combined movement\\nwith the other boys. We went into the house to\\nreport. There was invariably gingerbread ready\\nfor us, which was made in immense quantities for\\nthe purpose. This luncheon was ready not only\\nfor us, but for any boys we might bring with us.\\nWhen once we arrived at home the home attrac-\\ntions asserted themselves. There was some chem-\\nical experiment to be continued, or there was\\nsome locomotive to be displayed to another boy,\\nor there had come in a new number of Juve-\\nnile Miseellajiy. In a word, we were seduced up\\ninto the attic, and up in the attic we were very apt\\nto stay. I once asked my mother what she sup-\\nposed the mothers of the other boys said who\\ncame home with us and partook of luncheon and\\nentered into our aftairs. She simply said that that\\nwas their lookout, it was not hers. She was per-\\nfectly ready to provide luncheon for the crowd.\\nI rather think that the other mothers knew that\\nthe boys were well off.\\nThere were but few companions who were\\nadmitted into the profoundest mysteries of the\\nattic. Edward Webster was one, who afterward\\ndied in command of a regiment in the Mexican\\nWar. My cousin John Durivage was one, and\\nthere were others whose companionship was not\\nas long or as steady as that of these two. In\\nthe year 1829 my brother Nathan, who, as I have\\nsaid, was my adviser, teacher, companion, and", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "6o A New England Boyhood\\ninspirer in everything, being three years older\\nthan myself, went to the newly established English\\nHigh School for two years. Here his smattering\\nof science and taste for mechanics were fostered,\\nand from such a laboratory as was there he\\nbrought home suggestions for our workshop.\\nI have always known that I am thus largely\\nindebted, at second hand, to the suggestions which\\nhe received from Mr. Miles and Mr. Sherwin\\nthere. And this is not a bad instance of the way\\nin which the power of a great educator extends\\nitself beyond the lives of the pupils whom he has\\nunder his eye at school.\\nMy father was editor of the Daily Advertiser\\nand in that day this meant that he owned the\\nwhole printing plant, engaged all the printers,\\nand printed his own newspaper. He was never a\\npractical printer, but, with his taste for mechanics,\\nhe understood all the processes of the business.\\nNot unnaturally this grew into his establishing a\\nbook printing-office, which did as good work in\\nits time as was done anywhere. The first\\nAmerican edition of Cicero s Republic, after\\nthe discovery of that book in a Pompeian\\nmanuscript by Mai, was printed by him.\\nNaturally he went forward into the study of\\npower-press printing, and, at his suggestion,\\nDaniel Treadwell made the first power presses\\nwhich worked to advantage in this country. In\\nthe years between 1820 and 1825 the Boston\\nMill-dam was constructed, for the purpose of", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 6i\\nmaking a water power out of the tide power of\\nthe Back Bay. My father then introduced power-\\npress printing there, and that printing-office was\\nmaintained until the year 1836. When the time\\ncame he was president of the first type foundry\\nin New England, perhaps in America. All the\\narrangements for these contrivances were, of\\ncourse, interesting to his sons. So, as I have\\nsaid, we had type from the printing-office, and\\nwe all learned to set type and to arrange it.\\nWhen, in 1834, my brother went to college, and\\nI was left alone, I used to repair every day to the\\nbook office for my printing, and there learned the\\ncase and all the processes of imposing scientifi-\\ncally. I used to work off my own books on a\\nhand press. I have never lost the memories of\\nthe case, and am rather fond of saying now that,\\nif it were necessary, I could support my family\\nas a compositor.\\nI would not have gone into this detail but that\\nI am always urging people to let their boys\\nhave printing apparatus in early life, because I\\nthink it is such a good educator. The absolute\\naccuracy that is necessary is good for a boy.\\nThe solid fact that 144 ems will go into a certain\\nspace, and will require that space, and that no\\nprayers nor tears, hopes nor fears, will change\\nthat solid fact this is most important. I do not\\nmean the mere convenience to an author of being\\nable to talk familiarly with the compositor who\\nhas his book in hand that is a good thing. But", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "62 A New England Boyhood\\nI mean that human hfe in general has lessons to\\nteach which every compositor requires which few\\nother experiences of life teach so well. I think\\nalso that, as a study of English style, the school\\nof Franklin and Horace Greeley is a good one.\\nFor home reading we had the better magazines\\nof that day, including the English New Monthly,\\nwhich was then under the editorial charge of\\nCampbell. We had the weekly literary news-\\npapers which were beginning, such as the Nczu\\nWor/d, edited by Park Benjamin the Spirit of\\nthe Times, which had a great deal of sporting\\nnews the Albion, a weekly which was made\\nup of extracts from good foreign papers. I\\nremember the issue of the last of Scott s novels\\nAnne of Geierstein, Castle Dangerous, and,\\nCount Robert of Paris. There was a sort of\\ngrief in the family, as if a near friend had died, or\\nas if some one had gone crazy, when Castle\\nDangerous and Count Robert appeared,\\nbecause they were so poor. The last part of\\nHarry and Lucy was published within our day,\\nand we read of those children almost as if they\\nwere personal friends a good deal as a younger\\ngeneration has read of Rollo and Jonas, and a\\ncertain Susy in the Susy books. Of course the\\nphysical science in Harry and Lucy had its\\npart in our philosophical experiments. Miss Edge-\\nworth s Helen was published within my memory,\\nand we had friends who occasionally brought in\\nletters from the Edgeworths and read them.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 63\\nWe were all instinct with the love of nature and\\nof the country, and of our excursions outside the\\nold peninsula of Boston I will say something in\\nanother chapter. But we could hardly have\\nlived without some sort of gardening at home\\ncertainly not under my mother s lead. In the\\nyard at the corner of School Street there was\\na very, very little space where we could plant\\nseeds, and did. I still regard bur-cucumber as my\\nown discovery, as I do the berries of Virginia\\nCreeper, and I look upon it as Sir Stamford\\nRaffles may have looked on Rafflesia. But when\\nwe came to Tremont Place there was no such\\nspace, and we were obliged to do as they did\\nat Babylon. We each, therefore, had on the\\nshed, which was made for the drying of clothes,\\na raisin box filled with earth for our horticultural\\nexperiments. You can do a good deal with a\\nraisin box, if you are careful and not too\\nambitious. Practically I planted morning-glories\\nalong one long side, with sweet peas between.\\nThese were to climb up on the posts. There is\\na tradition in the family that, when I w^as a boy\\nof eight, I threw over a morning-glory to a baby\\nsix or eight months old, who was being carried\\nby in the street, whom I married twenty-two years\\nafter. I need not say that this tradition, well\\nfounded as a matter of art, was invented by\\nmyself, has no foundation in fact excepting that\\nit might have been. Behind the vines divide\\nyour box into even parts. The right-hand side", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "64 A New England Boyhood\\nis for agriculture there you will plant your\\nradishes and pepper-grass. The left-hand side\\nis for flowers: here you can put in four rows;\\nfor instance, touch-me-nots, flytrap, Venus s look-\\ning-glass, and ten-week stocks. I think we\\ngenerally selected our seeds from something\\nwhich seemed romantic in the name more than\\nwith any reference to what would be produced.\\nI do not mean that one had the same things one\\nsummer which he had the year before.\\nThese gardens, covering perhaps a square foot\\nand a half each, were of the greatest interest to us.\\nI remember we were very much amused when some\\nchildren on the other side of the way, who lived in\\none of those elegant houses where the Bellevue\\nnow stands, whose terraces ran up the grades of\\nthe old Beacon Hill, said to us that they envied us\\nour raisin boxes on the shed. From the same\\nshed I observed the annular eclipse of the sun in\\nthe spring of 1829.\\nCHAPTER V\\nOUT OF DOORS\\nWe were close by the Common. The Common\\nwas still recognized as\\n1. A pasture for cows.\\n2. A play-ground for children.\\n3. A place for beating carpets.\\n4. A training ground for the militia.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 65\\nIt had served these purposes, or some of them,\\nfor two hundred years, since Blackstone had first\\nturned in his cows among its savins and black-\\nberries and rocks to pick up a scanty Hving. In\\nmodern days it had not been fenced until 1815,\\nAfter the war with England there was some money\\nleft from a popular subscription for fortifying the\\nharbor, which the Virginian dynasties had, in their\\nway, neglected. This money was used for making\\na wooden fence around the Common. The rails\\nof this fence were hexagonal two or three inches\\nin diameter, perhaps. If a flat side were on top,\\nas was generally the case, it made a good seat for\\nboys, as they sat on the top rail with their feet on\\nthe second. If the corner came uppermost it was\\nnot so good. The fence was double inside the\\nmall and outside. When a muster took place, or\\nArtillery Election, or when the Sacs and Foxes\\ndanced on the Common, the space within the in-\\nner fence was cleared. Then boys and girls sat on\\nit to witness the sports within, and those taller stood\\nin rows behind.\\nThere cannot be a square yard of the Common\\non w hich I have not stood or stepped, and the\\nsame could be said of most boys of that time. As\\nfor the cows, we saw but little of them. I cannot\\nthink that in our time there were ever fifty at once\\nthere. They retired to the parts near Charles\\nStreet, with which we had less, though much, to\\ndo. So did the people who beat carpets. Practi-\\ncally the Common was ours to work our own sweet\\n5", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "66 A New England Boyhood\\nwill upon. On musters, and on the two election\\ndays and Independence Day, we shared it with the\\nrest of the town. On those days Old Reed\\nwould appear with his constable s pole; but on\\nother days it was ours, and ours only.\\nEven Mrs. Child, in her Juvenile Miscellany,\\ngave the impression that the coasting scene, in\\nwhich the Latin School boys defied General Gage,\\nbegan with coasting on the Common. But she\\nwas wholly wrong there. In 1775 no boy went\\nout of town to coast on the Common. And the\\nfamous embassy which the Latin School boys sent\\nto General Haldimand, to complain that their rights\\nwere violated, negotiated about a coast which went\\ndown Beacon Street, across Tremont Street, and\\ndown School Street, opposite their school. The\\nstory was told me by Mr. Robins, the last survivor\\nof the delegation, in the j^ear 18\\nFifty-five years later we coasted on Beacon Street\\nwhen we dared. But this was in face of the ordi-\\nnances of the young city. In one of Dr. Jacob\\nBigelow s funny poems, printed in the Advertiser\\nin 1820, he made himself our spokesman:\\nMr. Heyward, Mr. Heyward, be a little kinder.\\nCan t you wink a little bit, or be a little blinder\\nCan t you let us coasting fellows have a little fun\\nWere you born old, or was t your way all childish sports to\\nshun\\nDid you ne er know how slick it is to coast from top to\\nbottom\\nAnd can t we use our ironers and planers, now we ve got em", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 67\\nFive dollars makes our pas look cross that s proper bad,\\nyou know\\nOur youth will soon be gone, alas! and sooner still the\\nsnow.\\nCaleb Heyward was the police officer of the day,\\nfollowed at a later time by Old Reed. The\\ntown needed but one.\\nPractically we went to the Common for coasting.\\nThe smaller boys made a coast on Park Street\\nmall. But the great coast was from the foot of\\nWalnut Street, where a well-marked path runs\\nnow, leaving the great elm on the right as you\\nwent down.\\nThis may be my last chance to put on paper a\\nnote of Lord Percy s encampment. His brigade,\\nin the winter of 1775-76, and perhaps of the pre-\\nvious year, was encamped in tents, in a line stretch-\\ning south-west from the head of West Street. As\\nthe weather grew cold the tents were doubled, and\\nthe space between the two canvas roofs was filled\\nwith straw. The circles made by such tents and\\nthe life in them showed themselves in a different\\ncolor of the grass for a hundred years after Percy s\\ntime. The line is now almost all taken up by what\\nI may call the highway from the Providence station\\ndown town.\\nAs the snow melted, and the elms blossomed,\\nand the grass came, the Common opened itself\\nto every sort of game. We played marbles in\\nholes in the malls. We flew kites everywhere, not\\ntroubled, as boys would be now, by trees on the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "68 A New England Boyhood\\ncross-paths, for there were no such trees. The\\nold elm and a large willow by the Frog Pond,\\nwere the only trees within the pentagon made by\\nthe malls and the burial-ground. Kite-flying was,\\nas it is, a science and on a fine summer day, with\\nsouth-west winds, a line of boys would be camped\\nin groups, watching or tending their favorite kites\\nas they hung in the air over Park Street. Occa-\\nsionally a string would break. It was a matter of\\nhonor to save your twine. I remember following\\nmy falling kite, with no clue but the direction in\\nwhich I saw it last, till I found that the twine\\nwas lying across a narrow court which opened\\nwhere the Albion Hotel is now. There were two\\nrows of three-story houses which made the court,\\nand my twine festooned it, supported by the\\nridge-poles of the roofs on either side. I rang\\na door-bell, stated my case, and ran up, almost\\nwithout permission, into the attic. Here I climbed\\nout of the attic window, ran up the roof as Teddy\\nthe Tyler might have done, and drew in the coveted\\ntwine. For the pecuniary value of the twine we\\ncared little; but it would have been, in a fashion,\\ndisgraceful to lose it.\\nBoats on the Frog Pond were much what they\\nare now. The bottom of the pond was not paved\\nuntil 1848. There were no frogs, so far as I know,\\nbut some small horned pout were left there, for\\nwhich boys fished occasionally. The curb around\\nthe pond was laid in Mr. Quincy s day, in 1823;\\nI mean when he was mayor. To provide the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 69\\nstone the last of the boulders on the Common\\nwere blasted. In old days, as appears from\\nSewall, they were plenty; he blasted enough\\nfor the foundations of a barn. I think the old\\nHancock House was built from such boulders.\\nAmong those destroyed was the Wishing Stone.\\nThis stood or so Dr. Shurtleff told me where\\ntwo paths now join, a little east of the foot of\\nWalnut Street. If you went round it backward\\nnine times, and repeated the Lord s Prayer back-\\nward, whatever you wished would come to pass.^\\nI once proposed to the mayor and aldermen to go\\nround the Frog Pond nine times backward and\\nwish that the city debt might be reduced fifty per\\ncent. But they have never had the faith to try.\\nMr. Quincy proposed that the Frog Pond should\\nbe called Crescent Lake. But nobody ever really\\ncalled it so. I have seen the name on maps, but\\nit is now forgotten.\\nCharles Street was new in those days, and the\\nhandsome elms which shade the Charles Street\\nmall were young trees, just planted, in 1825. By\\nthe building of the mill-dam, about that time, the\\nwater was shut out from the southern side of\\nCharles Street. There existed a superstition\\namong the boys that law did not extend to the\\nflat, because it was below high-water mark. On\\nA charming friend tells me that to repeat the prayer back-\\nward, is not to say, Amen, ever and forever, glory and power,\\netc., etc., but to say, Thou who art not our Father, who dost\\nnot live in heaven, may thy name be cursed, etc., etc.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "70 A New England Boyhood\\nholidays, therefore, there would be shaking of\\nprops and other games of mild gambling there,\\nwhich Old Reed did not permit on the upland.\\nThis was, of course, a ridiculous boyish supersti-\\ntion. In those days, however, we had a large\\nnumber of seafaring men, who brought with\\nthem foreign customs. Among others was the\\nuse of props, a gambling game which the boys\\nhad introduced perfectly innocently as an element\\nin playing marbles. I dare say people played\\nprops for money on the dried surface of the Back\\nBay.\\nOf all the entertainments of the Common, how-\\never, nothing, to our mind, compared with the\\nfacilities which the malls gave for driving hoop and\\nfor post-ofhces. The connection of the two may\\nnot be understood at first, and I will describe it.\\nWhen the season for driving hoops came round\\nfor, as Mr. Howells has remarked, such things are\\nregulated by seasons as much as is the coming of\\napple blossoms we examined last year s hoops,\\nand, if they had come to grief, Fullum negotiated\\nsome arrangements by which we had large hoops\\nfrom sea-going casks. I see none such now.\\nThese hoops were as distinguished in their way as\\nSuiiol is to-day in hers (1892). My hoop was\\nnamed Whitefoot. With these hoops it was our\\nbusiness to carry a daily mail.\\nThe daily mail was made chiefly from small\\nnewspapers, which were cut from the leading\\ncolumns of larger ones. In an editor s house we", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 71\\nhad plenty. The Quebec Gazette was specially\\nchosen, because its column head was a small copy\\nof its larger head, and squares cut from that\\ncolumn made very good little papers. With a\\nsupply of these folded, we started at the head of\\nPark Street, two or three of us, secret as the grave,\\nto leave the day s mail.\\nNo, I will not, even after sixty years, tell where\\nthose post-offices were. I have no doubt that the\\nashes of the Quebec Gazette are now fertilizing\\nsome of those elms. But one was near Joy Street,\\none was in a heart which some landscape gardener\\nhad cut in the turf near Spruce Street, one was\\nhalf-way along Charles Street. They were holes\\nin the ground, or caches between the roots of trees.\\nAt each was a box or, in one case, two tight-\\nfitting oyster shells which received the mail.\\nFrom it the yesterday s mail was taken to the next\\nofhce.\\nWhen the mail-riders with their hoops arrived at\\none of these post-offices they threw themselves\\nnegligently upon the ground, as if tired but one\\ndug with care for the box buried below. Of\\ncourse he found it, unless some fatal landscape\\ngardener, of whom the Common knew but few,\\nhad interfered. When found, the paper or letter\\nfrom the last office was left here, the sods or stones\\nor sand were replaced, and the cautious mail-riders\\ngalloped on. At the end of a winter the chances\\nwere worse for finding a mail, or after a long rain\\nor vacation.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "72 A New England Boyhood\\nThere was then no mall on Boylston Street.\\nThe burial-ground, with a brick wall, ran close to\\nthe street, and there was no sidewalk on that side,\\nso that we generally crossed by the line of Percy s\\nencampments. And to all boys, I imagine, that\\nlittle corner where the deer park is was compara-\\ntively little known.\\nIt is, however, a waste of honest paper to be\\ntelling of such trifles about the Common, when its\\ngreat importance was as a training field, or for\\nholidays, as one may read in Sewall s Diary, and\\nin the old votes of the town. There were four\\nholidays in the year Lection proper, Artillery\\nElection (generally called Tillery Lection), the\\nFourth of July (called Independence Day, I think,\\nmore than it is now), and, in October, Muster, or\\nthe Fall Training. By good luck, of course,\\nLafayette might come along, or General Jackson,\\nor the Sacs and Foxes might dance, but these\\ncould not be expected.\\nSince I first printed these notes, a dozen letters\\nhave informed me that people have forgotten who\\nthe Sacs and Foxes were. The Sacs and Foxes\\nwere an important branch of the great Chippewa\\nrace, and they lived in Northern Illinois, in the\\nregion which is now called Wisconsin, and farther\\nnorth. Under the lead of Black Hawk, a famous\\nfighter, and Keokuk, they made head against the\\nsettlers in that region, and their power was only\\nbroken by a military campaign, in which the\\nUnited States Army repressed them. It was then", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 73\\nthought that it would be a good thing for the\\nIndians of the frontier to show them the greatness\\nof the cities of the East. So Black Hawk and\\nKeokuk and some other braves were brought\\nround from Washington to the Northern cities,\\nand they appeared in Boston in the autumn of\\n1838. Governor Everett received them at the\\nState House, and they made speeches to him, and\\nhe made speeches to them. After this they\\ndanced a war dance, or what was called such, on\\nthe Common, to the great delight of all the people\\nof the neighborhood.\\nAnd alas! by a utilitarian revolution, in 1831,\\nthe real old Election Day was changed from the\\nlast Wednesday in May to the ist of January.\\nWhen my father confessed to me that he had him-\\nself voted for the change in the constitution of\\nMassachusetts, I think he did it with a certain\\nshame. I was at that time nine years old, so that\\nI could not rebuke him as the vote seemed to\\nrequire. But he knew, and they all knew, that if\\nthe vote had been submitted to the children of\\nBoston, no such innovation would have been made.\\nUnlearned readers, unhappily not born in\\nMassachusetts, must be informed that, under the\\nfirst charter of Massachusetts, yearly once in the\\nyear forever after, namely, the last Wednesday in\\nEaster term yearly, the Governor, deputy gover-\\nnor, and assistants of the said company, and all\\nother officers shall be in the General Court duly\\nchosen. Under the charter of the province,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "74 A New England Boyhood\\ngiven by William and Mary, the last Wednesday\\nin May was fixed for the beginning of the political\\nyear and when the constitution of the State was\\nmade, in 1779, the same date was retained. The\\nGeneral Court then met that is the name to\\nthis day of the legislature of Massachusetts in\\nthe first charter it meant what we should call a\\nstockholders meeting. In old days the General\\nCourt elected the Governor on this day; so Win-\\nthrop, Dudley, and all the early governors were\\nelected. Under the constitution the election re-\\nturns were examined on this day, and perhaps\\nreported on. Anyway the legislature met, re-\\nferred them to a committee, and, under escort of\\nthe Cadets, who were the Governor s guard, they\\nmarched to the Old South Meeting-House to hear\\nthe election sermon.\\nWith these intricacies of government I need not\\nsay the boys of Boston had nothing to do. What\\nwas truly important was the festivity, principally\\non the Common, of Election Day. Early in the\\nmorning, perhaps even Tuesday evening, hucksters\\nof every kind began to put up their tables, tents,\\nand stalls on each side of the Tremont Street mall,\\nand, to a less extent, on the other malls. On the\\nCommon itself a mysterious man in a mysteri-\\nous octagonal house painted green and red, as I\\nremember displayed camera views of the scene.\\nOf these I speak from hearsay, for I never had\\nmoney enough to pay for admission to this secret\\nchamber.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 75\\nI found in Hawthorne s English Note-book\\nsome curious bits of information about fairs in\\nEngland, which reminded me, queerly, of some of\\nthese customs of our New England holidays on\\nthe Common.\\nTo prepare for these festivities every child in\\nBoston expected Lection money. Lection\\nmoney was money given specifically to be spent\\non the Common on Election Day. The day be-\\nfore Election my mother sent Fullum to the office\\nfor three or four dollars worth of silver; for she\\nknew that all her train of vassals, so far as they\\ncould pretend to be children, would expect Lec-\\ntion money from her. First, she had her own\\nchildren, to whom she gave twelve and a half\\ncents each. There was a considerable number of\\nnephews and nieces who might or might not look\\nin but if they did, each of them was also sure to\\nhave a ninepence, which was the name given to\\nthe Spanish piece which was half a quarter\\ndollar. American silver coinage was still very\\nrare.\\nIt may be of use to young orators, getting ready\\nto speak on the silver question, to know that when,\\nin 1652, the colony of Massachusetts Bay assumed\\nthe royal privilege of the mint and coined its own\\nsilver, the leaders thought they could keep this\\nsilver at home by making the coin two-thirds the\\nweight of the king s silver. The Massachusetts\\nshilling, therefore, was two-thirds the weight of\\nthe English shilling. Six shillings went to the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "76 A New England Boyhood\\nSpanish dollar. It proved that Spanish coin\\nbecame very largely the currency of the colonies,\\nand so of the States, for long years after indepen-\\ndence. We took the Spanish dollar for our unit\\nwhen we made a national currency. Twelve and a\\nhalf cents of that currency, the old Spanish real\\npiece, became worth ninepence in the Massachu-\\nsetts standard and fourpence-halfpenny and nine-\\npence, the half-real and real of the early time,\\nwere the coins most familiar to children. The\\npiece of eight in Robinson Crusoe is a dollar\\npiece, amounting to eight of our ninepences.\\nOld-fashioned New Englanders will to this hour\\nspeak of seventy-five cents as four-and-six-\\npence, or of thirty-seven and a half cents as\\ntwo-and-threepence. These measures are in\\npine-tree currency.\\nTo come back to Election money. Other\\nretainers expected it. There were families of\\nblack children, who never appeared at any other\\ntime, who would come in with smiling faces and\\nmake a little call. Mother would give each one\\nhis or her ninepence. On the other hand, if in the\\nstreet I happened to meet an uncle, he would ask\\nme if I did not want some Election money, and\\nproduce his ninepence. I never heard of tipping\\nin any other connection, except when a boy held\\nwater for a horse as you rode anywhere; then\\nyou always gave him a bit of silver or a few\\ncents.\\nThus provided with the sinews of war, we went", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood jj\\nup on the Common with such company as might\\nhave happened along girls with girls, and boys\\nwith boys. The buying and selling were confined\\nalmost wholly to things to eat and drink; though\\nthere is a bad story told of me, that, having gone\\nout with a quarter of a dollar one morning, I spent\\nthe whole of it for a leather purse, into which, for\\nthe rest of the day, I had nothing to put. This is\\nmy experience of Ben Franklin s whistle. Certain\\nthings were sold there which we never saw sold\\nanywhere else, and which we should never have\\nthought of buying anywhere else. Boston was\\nthen in active trade with the West Indies, more\\nthan it is now. You could not bring bananas in\\nthe long schooner voyages of that time, but we\\nhad cocoanuts in plenty, and occasionally a bit of\\nsugarcane. I do not think I had ever seen a\\nbanana when I was twenty years old.\\nIt happened oddly enough that tamarinds, in\\nthe curious original packages, were always for\\nsale, and dates, of which we did not see much on\\nother occasions. At home we never had oysters,\\nI believe because my father did not like them\\nbut on the Common we could buy two oysters for\\na cent, and we ate them with rapture. To this\\nday I doubt if a raw oyster is ever as good, as it\\nwas when eaten under the trees of Park Street\\nmall, with vinegar and pepper and salt ad libitum,\\nand this in May Candy of all kinds then known\\nwas for sale, but the kinds were limited. There\\nwas one manufactured form which, I am sorry to", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "78 A New England Boyhood\\nsay, has died out. One or two dealers sold large\\nmedals of checkerberry stamped with a head.\\nWhom this originally represented I do not know,\\nbut very early we all said it was John Endicott,\\nbecause he was the first Governor of Massachu-\\nsetts Bay, and we called them John Endicotts.\\nI advertised in a newspaper, a few years ago, for\\nanybody who knew how to make these things, but\\nI had no answer. You would see sailor-looking\\nmen eating lobsters, but those we were quite sure\\nof at home. Ginger beer and spruce beer were\\nsold from funny little wheelbarrows, which had\\nattractive pictures of the bottles throwing out\\nthe corks by their own improvised action. You\\nmight have a glass of spruce beer for two cents,\\nand, to boys as impecunious as most of us were,\\nthe dealers would sell half a glass for one cent.\\nWhy we did not all die of the trash which we ate\\nand drank on such occasions I do not know. But\\nwe are alive, a good many of us, to tell the story\\nto this hour.\\nIn all this we had little thought or care for the\\nelection itself. Independence Day passed in much\\nthe same fashion. I remember, as I returned\\nhome from the Common, having expended every\\ncent of my money, one Independence Day, I saw\\na procession of children going into Park Street\\nChurch. To see a church open on a week-day\\nwas itself extraordinary. To see children going\\nin procession into a church was more extraordi-\\nnary. With a disposition to find out what was", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 79\\ngoing on I followed in the train, and went into the\\ngallery. We were not orthodox at our house, but\\nI had been in that meeting-house before. I soon\\nperceived that this was a Sunday-school enter-\\ntainment, at which I remained as long as seemed\\npleasing to me, and then retired. I have no recol-\\nlection of anything that passed there, but, by\\nputting the dates together, I am fond of believing\\nthat then and there I heard Dr. Smith s national\\nsong, My Country, t is of Thee, sung for the\\nfirst time that it was ever sung in public. Possibly\\nmy untrained voice joined in the enthusiasm of the\\nstrain.\\nIt was at one of the first of the elections after\\nthe anniversary had been changed to January that\\nan event took place which made quite a mark in\\nthe local history, and to which boys attached\\nimmense importance. Governor Lincoln had been\\nescorted to the Old South Meeting-House by the\\nCadets, whose force was not large at that time.\\nThe escort had opened to the right and the left\\nfor the civic procession to pass in, and then, instead\\nof following them, had repaired to the Exchange\\nCoffee-House for refreshment. The commander\\nhad left a messenger, who was to inform him when\\nthe sermon approached its close, so that he might\\nbe ready with the escort at the door of the church\\nto go back with the Governor to the State House.\\nUnfortunately the preacher wound up too sud-\\ndenly, the hymn which followed the sermon was\\ntoo short, and when the Governor, who was the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "8o A New England Boyhood\\nprince of punctilio in such matters, came, with the\\ncouncil and the legislature, to the door, there was\\nno escort. Governor Lincoln walked up Winter\\nStreet with the gentlemen of his personal staff, but\\nwithout any Cadets. The colonel of the Cadets\\narrived at the church a minute too late. He put\\nhis men at double quick, and they fairly ran up\\nBromfield Street, and came to the corner of the\\nCommon in time to meet the Governor, and pre-\\nsented arms. But the Governor declined to\\nrecognize his escort, and proceeded on the side-\\nwalk to the State House or his lodging-house, with\\nthe melancholy Cadets following as they might.\\nA court-martial ensued, of which the proceedings\\nare in print; and military circles and the circles of\\nschool-boys were highly excited about it. It was\\none of the fortunate events of my early life that I\\nstumbled on the Governor and his staff as they\\nwalked up Winter Street on that fatal occasion.\\nOn the evening of Independence Day there was\\nsometimes a display of fireworks on the Common;\\nbut the science of pyrotechnics was then but little\\nadvanced in America, and there was much more\\nwaiting than there was exhibition. My recollec-\\ntions of these displays are of our always leaving to\\ngo home, tired out, before the successful pieces\\nwere shown. To the boys and girls of to-day it\\nwill be interesting to know that the pieces were set\\nup either for spectators who stood on the hill and\\nlooked down toward St. Paul s Church, or near the\\nfoot of Walnut Street for groups of spectators", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 8i\\nbelow, who were to look up to them there. The\\nentire absence of trees from the Common inside\\nthe malls, enabled those in charge to make the\\nstages for the fireworks just where they pleased.\\nThe military system of the State in those days\\nrequired two annual parades, in which every mili-\\ntiaman should appear with his gun and other\\nequipments. It is by a comparatively modern\\narrangement that the State or the United States\\nfurnishes the arms for the militia. Under the\\nsimpler arrangements of the colony, and of the\\nState at the beginning, every man who considered\\nhimself a man was obliged to have a gun, a car-\\ntridge-box, a belt, a primer, and the other\\nnecessaries for an infantry soldier. We therefore\\nhad, in the attic, Fullum s gun, cartridge-box, and\\nprimer, which made good properties, in any\\ntheatricals which required the presence of an\\narmy. My father had been a member of the New\\nEngland Guards, but his gun was kept in their\\narmory.\\nThese arms the militiaman bought with his own\\nmoney, and he must produce them once a year\\nfor inspection. I believe that they were shown at\\na certain spring meeting, to which comparatively\\nlittle attention was given by boys. But in the\\nautumn, every man between the ages of eighteen\\nand forty-five, unless he were on the list of\\nexempts, had to appear in person, with his gun,\\nbelt, and cartridge-box, to show that the common-\\n1 Pronounce i as in pine.\\n6", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "82 A New England Boyhood\\nwealth had him as a soldier, and that he knew\\nsomething of the art of arms.\\nYoung men who had a real interest in the mili-\\ntary art did as they do now. They volunteered\\ninto what were called the volunteer companies,\\nor sometimes the flank companies. These\\ncompanies had uniforms, had generally their own\\nseparate charters as fusileers, rangers, light in-\\nfantry, or guards; they were proud of their his-\\ntory the State or somebody provided them with\\narmories generally over Faneuil Hall and\\nthey had frequent parades, while they had suffi-\\ncient instruction for keeping up their military dis-\\ncipline. All this was precisely as uniformed\\nmilitia companies exist to-day. But now the\\nother militiamen are simply on a certain register,\\nwhich they never see and of which they know\\nnothing though they are counted to the credit\\nof Massachusetts in the quota which exists at\\nWashington. Then, the militiaman had to appear\\nand show himself; and this he did at the annual\\ntraining. A man knew to what company he be-\\nlonged. He was notified that he must attend at a\\ncertain place on the morning of the Fall Muster\\nhe did attend there, and thence he marched to the\\nCommon for the fall training.\\nThe military zeal of the War of 1812 had not\\nwholly died out, but there was beginning to be a\\nsuspicion that the conditions of peace were such\\nthat it was not necessary for every man to be\\ntrained to arms. A certain ridicule, therefore,", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 83\\nattached itself to what was called the militia in\\ndistinction from the volunteer companies. Oc-\\ncasionally a militia company, under spirited lead,\\ntried to distinguish itself by its drill, but this sel-\\ndom happened. Old Boston people will remember\\na joke of that time about the Berry Street Rangers.\\nThe particular company, which met in front of\\nDr. Channing s church in Berry Street, chose one\\nyear as their captain a gentleman who, they\\nthought, would let them off lightly. But he inter-\\nested himself at once in bringing up the company s\\nequipment and drill, and gave them the name of\\nthe Berry Street Rangers, so that for some years\\nwe heard of their exploits in one way or another.\\nThe interest among young men which now goes\\nlargely to the keeping up of military companies\\nwas then expended in great measure on the volun-\\nteer fire department. Still, when the fall training\\ncame, the interest of the boys was naturally in the\\ncompanies which were in uniform and when the\\nparade was formed on the Common these com-\\npanies always held the right of the line, either by\\ncourtesy or because they were entitled to it by\\nlaw. According as the major-general commanding\\nhad more or less enthusiasm there would or would\\nnot be a sham fight. The whole Common was\\ncleared for these exercises. Of course a consider-\\nable detail of melancholy sentinels was required\\nto keep the boys from running in, and the princi-\\npal fights, sham or real, on these occasions, were\\ntheir contests with these sentinels. But as the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "84 A New England Boyhood\\narmy to be reviewed really amounted to nearly\\none-third of the men of Boston, even after this\\nlarge detail of sentries, there would be a consider-\\nable force in the field. It seems to me that the\\nline always extended, with its back to the Tremont\\nStreet mall, for the whole length of that mall.\\nThe reviewing officers would pass it, as in any\\nreview to-day, and then the sham fight would\\nbegin. We boys, sitting on the fence, criticised\\nthe manceuvres of this Waterloo, with such infor-\\nmation on tactics as we had got from reading\\nBotta s History of the American Revolution or\\nCaesar s Commentaries on the War with Gaul.\\nI recollect a sham fight in which the hill still\\nfortified, as I have said was defended against an\\nattack. It appears to me, however, that the attacks\\nwere generally made by the whole force against\\nan unseen enemy. This mode of fighting has its\\nadvantages. Practically, however, after the Ran-\\ngers had been thrown out as skirmishers, and the\\ndifterent companies had moved backward and for-\\nward across the Common, at about five in the\\nafternoon the whole line was formed again, and a\\ndischarge of blank cartridges began, which lasted\\ntill all the cartridges of all the soldiers were burned\\nup. I say all the cartridges, but we would solicit\\nFullum to slip one or more cartridges into his\\npocket instead of firing them off, and on rare\\noccasions he succeeded in doing this. Then there\\nwere superstitions that individual soldiers were\\nafraid to burn their cartridges, and dropped them", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 85\\nsurreptitiously on the grass, so that, the next\\nmorning, we ahvays went over to the Common to\\nsee if we could not find some of these. I cannot\\nrecollect that any boy ever did. The actual pres-\\nence of war, as it showed itself in this discharge of\\npowder, was of course very attractive, and Mus-\\nter had a certain value which belonged to none\\nof the other holidays of the year.\\nThere was great antipathy in the ruling circles\\nat our house to boating, in any of the forms then\\npursued in the harbor. On the other hand, my\\nfather and mother were both country bred, and,\\nas I believe I have said, my mother was very fond\\nof flowers. As soon as spring opened, in the\\nearlier days, father and mother went to drive very\\noften on Thursday and Saturday afternoons. This\\ndrive was taken in the chaise, and, for the purpose\\nof the ride, a little seat was fitted in, which was in\\nfact a trunk, in which mother brought home any\\nwild flowers which she picked. On this trunk one\\nof us four went, in a regular order laid down\\nby the ]\\\\Icdes and Persians. This entertainment\\nof a holiday was one of the great joys of my early\\nlife. But, for the half-holidays which were not\\nthus provided for, my brother and I took care by\\nusing the means which God and nature put into\\nour hands. That is to say, we walked out of\\ntown to such woodland generally as we had not\\nexplored before, until we were personally ac-\\nquainted with the whole country for a circle of\\nfive miles radius around the State House.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "86 A New England Boyhood\\nAn enterprising English surveyor named John\\nG. Hales had lived in Boston long enough to make\\na good working map of the suburbs of Boston.\\nHe printed a little book, still known to the curious,\\non that region. He was rather in advance of the\\ntimes, I suppose, and when he succumbed to\\nadversity, my father bought from him all the\\nplates and drawings of his different maps. Among\\nthese was the map of Boston and vicinity, which\\nis still a good map, and is still regularly stolen\\nfrom by anybody who wants to publish such a\\nmap, without much regard to any copyright which\\nexisted in the original surveys. Two or three\\ntimes new editions of this map were published,\\nand in such a case we four generally had more\\nor less to do with the painting of the different\\ntowns, so that their lines might be the better\\ndesignated. It thus happens that at this moment\\nI could pass, with some credit, any competitive ex-\\namination which should turn on the township lines\\nof the various towns within fifteen miles of Boston.\\nBut the personal knowledge, gained by tramp-\\ning through the interior circle of such towns, was\\nworth much more than the painting. The Hales\\nmap indicated the several pieces of scrub wood-\\nland which were then left, and to such woodland we\\nboys regularly repaired. I need not say that such\\nexpeditions were encouraged at home. Whenever\\nwe chose to undertake one, two cents were added\\nto our allowance for the purchase of luncheon.\\nWe always kept for such expeditions what were", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 87\\nknown as phosphorus-boxes, which were the first\\nsteps in the progress that has put the tinder-boxes\\nof that day entirely out of sight. Most of the\\nyoung people of the present day have not so\\nmuch as seen a tinder-box, and I do not know\\nwhere I should go to buy one. But, in the work-\\ning of the household, the tinder-box was the one\\nresource for getting a light. We boys, however,\\nwith the lavishness of boys, used to buy at the\\napothecary s phosphorus-boxes, which were then\\ncoming in. We had to pay twenty-five cents for\\none such box. These boxes were made in Ger-\\nmany; they were of red paper, little cylinders\\nabout four inches high and an inch in diameter.\\nYou could carry one, and were meant to carry it,\\nin your breast pocket. In the bottom was a little\\nbottle which contained asbestos soaked with sul-\\nphuric acid, and in the top were about a hundred\\nmatches, made, I think, from chlorate of potash.\\nOne of these you put into the bottle, and pulled it\\nout aflame. We never should have thought of\\ntaking one of these walks without a phosphorus-\\nbox. When we arrived at the woodland sought\\nwe invariably made a little fire. We never cooked\\nanything that I remember, but this love of fire is\\none of the earlier barbarisms of the human race\\nwhich dies out latest. I suppose if it had been\\nthe middle of the hottest day in August we should\\nhave made a fire.\\nSo soon as the morning session of school was\\nover, in the summer or autumn months, if it were", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "88 A New England Boyhood\\na half-holiday, we would start on one of these\\nrambles. Sometimes, if the walk were not to a\\ngreat distance, we invited, or permitted, the two\\ngirls to come with us. We had a tin box for\\nplants, and always brought home what seemed\\nnew or pretty. On rare occasions, when we had\\nmade up a larger party, we took the truck with\\nus, that we might treat any weaker member of the\\nparty to a ride. The truck was quite a fashion-\\nable plaything at that time I do not see it much\\nnow, excepting in the hands of boys who have to\\nuse it for freight. But in those days boys rode\\non trucks a good deal, A truck was a pair of\\nwooden wheels on a stout axle generally not\\nstout enough with two thills, in which the boy\\nharnessed himself by the simple process of taking\\nhold of them with his hands. If he chose to be\\njaunty he had twine reins passed under his arms,\\nthat the person who sat on the seat of the truck\\nmight pretend to be driving.\\nWhen, in 1833, the Worcester Railroad was\\nopened, this walking gave way, for a family as\\nlargely interested in that railroad as we were, to\\nexcursions out of town to the point where the\\nwalk was to begin. The line to West Newton\\nwas opened to the public on the 7th of April,\\n1833, but from the day when the Meteor, which\\nwas the first locomotive engine in New England,\\nran on her trial trip, we two boys were generally\\npresent at the railroad, on every half-holiday, to\\ntake our chances for a ride out upon one of the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 89\\nexperimental trips. We knew the engine-drivers\\nand the men who were not yet called conductors,\\nand they knew us. My father was the president\\nof the road, and we thought we did pretty much\\nas we chose. The engine-drivers would let us\\nride with them on the engine, and I, for one,\\ngot my first lessons in the business of driving an\\nengine on those excursions. But so soon as the\\nroad was open to passengers, these rides on the\\nengine dropped off, perhaps were prohibited.\\nStill we went to Newton as often as we could in\\nthe train, and afterwards to Needham. There\\nwere varied cars in those days, some of them\\nopen, like our open trolley-cars of to-day, and all\\nof them entered from the side, as in England up\\nto the present time. After this date our long\\nwalks out of town naturally ceased. Nothing\\nwas more common in our household than for the\\nwhole family to go out to Brighton or to Newton,\\nand, with babies and all, to establish ourselves in\\nsome grove, where we spent the afternoon very\\nmuch as God meant we should spend it, I sup-\\npose returning late in the evening with such\\nspoils of wild flowers as the season permitted.\\nMore methodical excursions out of town took\\nforms quite different from what they would take\\nto-day. At our house the custom was to deride\\ncanals in proportion as we glorified railroads. All\\nthe same, I think in the summer of 1826 still\\nrecollected as the hottest summer which has been\\nknown in this century in New England it was", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "90 A New England Boyhood\\nannounced one day that we were going to Chelms-\\nford, and that we were going by the canal. I have\\nno recollection of the method by which we struck the\\nMiddlesex Canal; I suppose that we had to drive\\nto East Cambridge and take the General Sullivan\\nthere. The Ge?ieral Siillivaji was what was known,\\nI think, as a packet-boat, which carried passen-\\ngers daily from Boston to the Merrimac River,\\nwhere the name Lowell had just then been\\ngiven to a part of the township of Chelmsford.\\nMr. Samuel Batchelder, the distinguished engi-\\nneer and manufacturer, to whom New England\\nowes so much, was one of my father s most inti-\\nmate friends. He was engaged in some of the first\\nworks at Lowell, and, by way of escape from the\\nheat, father had arranged with him that the whole\\nfamily should go down to the tavern at Chelms-\\nford and spend a few days.\\nThe present generation does not know it, but\\ntravelling on a canal is one of the most charming\\nways of travelling. We are all so crazy to go fifty\\nmiles an hour that we feel as if we had lost some-\\nthing when we only go five miles an hour. All\\nthe same, to sit on the deck of a boat and see the\\ncountry slide by you, without the slightest jar, with-\\nout a cinder or a speck of dust, is one of the ex-\\nquisite luxuries. The difficulty about speed is\\nmuch reduced if you will remember, with Red\\nJacket, that you have all the time there is.\\nAnd I have found it not impossible to imagine\\nthat the distance over which I am going is ten", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 91\\ntimes as great as in fact the statistical book would\\nmake it. Simply I think a man may get as much\\npleasure out of a journey to Lowell on a canal\\nwhich is thirty miles long as he may out of a jour-\\nney of three hundred miles by rail between Albany\\nand Buffalo, But this leads into metaphysical con-\\nsiderations which do not belong to the boyhood\\nof New England.\\nWhat did belong to it was a series of very early\\nreminiscences which have clung to me when more\\nimportant things have been forgotten. Fullum, of\\ncourse, was of the party. He would spring from\\nthe deck of the General Sullivan upon the tow-\\npath, and walk along collecting wild flowers, or\\nperhaps even more active game. I have never for-\\ngotten my terror lest Fullum should be left by the\\nboat and should never return. When he did re-\\nturn from one of these forays he brought with him\\nfor us children a very little toad, the first I had\\never seen. My mother put him in her thimble he\\nwas so small. Not long after we heard that a deli-\\ncate friend of hers had taken cold because she put\\non her thimble when it was damp. With a child s\\nfacility, I always associated the two thimbles with\\neach other; and I think I may say I never see a\\nlittle toad now, without imagining that he is carry-\\ning the seeds of catarrh or influenza to some deli-\\ncate invalid.\\nWe stayed at the old tavern on the Merrimac,\\nwhich, I suppose, was long ago pulled down. A\\nstory of that time tells how Mr. Isaac P. Davis,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "92 A New England Boyhood\\nwho was, I think, one of the proprietors of the locks\\nand canals which made Lowell, went to this same\\nhotel with a party, and inquired what they were\\nto have for dinner. The keeper said that a good\\nsalmon had come up the river the night before,\\nand he proposed to serve him with which answer\\nMr. Davis was well pleased. Later in the morning\\nhe said he should like to see the salmon. But the\\nman only expressed his amazement at such folly\\non the part of a Boston man. You don t sup-\\npose I would take him out of the water, do you?\\nHe is in the water at the foot of the falls, and has\\nbeen there since last night. When it is time to\\ncook him, I shall go out and catch him.\\nCHAPTER VI\\nTHE BOOKS IN THE ATTIC\\nThere were, in ordinary life, but six books in our\\nattic. The house, below us, was full of books.\\nMost of the books published in America were\\nsent to my father for review in the Daz/f Adver-\\ntiser. There were not as many books published\\nin the world then as are published now. He also\\nhad a well-selected library of general literature.\\nIn this collection we roved at will, and when we\\nwere downstairs we read everything.\\nBut upstairs, in our attic, which was exclusively\\nours, we had but six books, or, for one period,\\nseven. We did not select them. They selected", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 93\\nthemselves. They came there by the Divine Law\\nof Selection. Indeed, there was not room for many\\nmore, certainly not time.\\nFor the attic was our workroom and playroom.\\nNo lights were permitted there. Practically, ex-\\ncept on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons, we\\nwere at school till dark. We never went to the\\nattic on Sundays. So that, for all we had to do,\\nthere were only the two hours before dinner and\\nafter twelve, and the holy Wednesday and Satur-\\nday afternoons holy indeed, holidays in which\\nwas so much to be done You do not read many\\nbooks when there is so little time. Think of it,\\nonly two half-holidays in a week, with so much\\nto do!\\nDo you wonder that we always disliked schools\\nHow horrible it was when once in two winters\\ndancing-school came in and gobbled up Wednes-\\nday and Saturday I have hated waltzing, from\\nthis association only, since those days. So much,\\nto do, and to have to go to school Wednesday and\\nSaturday afternoons\\nNor was there much room for books. I have\\nlately revisited the attic, by the kindness of a\\ngentleman who now occupies it as a part of his\\narchitect s office. It was fifteen feet square. It\\nhad then a sloping roof, and in a part of it one\\ncould not sit erect. What matter! he could lie\\non his back, if he had to be there. In the higher\\npart a pair of parallel bars, for exercise, occu-\\npied a space eight feet by three. A Luthern", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "94 A New England Boyhood\\n(JLtizerne) window gave the most available space.\\nIf the printer will kindly make for me a little map\\nthough I know he will hate to: have I not set\\ntype myself? if he will kindly make me a little\\nmap from twelve em-dashes, I can explain how\\nthe floor of the attic divided itself.\\nFill\\nLiU\\nC. Hall of entrance.\\nA. Luthern window.\\nB. Under sloping roof.\\nD. Parallel bars.\\nGive about seven feet square for each of these im-\\nagined subdivisions, and you will see that there\\nwas not much room for books in the attic.\\nNor was much room needed. There were but\\ntwo of us with occasional sisters. Ocasionally,\\nalso, we had John and Tom as guests, and welcome\\nguests. I remember others as unwelcome. They\\ndid not fit in, and things had to be explained to\\nthem. Where there w^as so little time and so\\nmuch to do, we wanted only those who could\\ncatch on, as John and Tom could.\\nFor we had perpetual motion to discover; we\\nhad to make locomotives from whalebone, ribbon\\nrollers, and spools we had the dolls school-room\\nto furnish many magnetical discoveries to make\\nwith black sand anticipating Tesla and Roent-\\ngen; we had to illuminate the room with gas", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 95\\nmade sometimes from turpentine, sometimes from\\nsea coal, as, like Shakespeare, we called it.\\nWe had to make Leyden jars and to communi-\\ncate by telegraph, sometimes across the attic,\\nsometimes with Point Alderton, ten miles away.\\nWe had plays to act, scenery to paint, parts to\\nlearn, to abridge, and to expand. We had two\\nweekly newspapers to edit. We had many experi-\\nments to try on the strength of materials. We\\nhad to calculate the weight of air so that our bal-\\nloons should be of the right size. We had naval\\nbattles to fight in floats on the floor. We had to\\npaint portraits on the walls of our belles and their\\nfriends, and landscapes representing the places we\\nvisited in summer. There was no regular order\\nassigned for these duties. But, like all duties,\\nthey were imperative.\\nIt will be seen that they required some books of\\nreference. But, as has been said, there was not\\nroom for many.\\nFor these purposes by the law of selection,\\nas has been said also six books had provided\\nthemselves. They were\\n1. Scott s minor poems one thin volume in\\nboards of which the longest was Search after\\nHappiness.\\n2. Scientific Dialogues.\\n3. Harry and Lucy.\\n4. [One hesitates before he writes so great a\\nname.] The Boy s Own Book.\\n5. The Treasury of Knowledge.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "96 A New England Boyhood\\n6. That Central Book in Modern Literature,\\nthe book which explains all other books to those\\nwho cannot understand them without; the book\\nwhich should have for itself a separate table, shelf,\\nor case,\\nRobinson Crusoe.\\nSometimes there was a stray second volume of\\nDon Quixote. I do not know where it came\\nfrom, or where it went to. But there it was and\\nit did its part, and did it well.\\nIt is of these six books, or, if you please, these\\nsix and a half, that you may now read a few words,\\nif you choose.\\nI. And, very briefly as we say in sermons\\nof dear Sir Walter, save him God\\nThe Critics may pooh-pooh as they choose.\\nHe has been, is, and ever will be Poet of Boys\\nand that is what he would wish to be.\\nOf course we knfew half Marmion by heart,\\nand a quarter of The Lady of the Lake. VVe\\ncapped verses a great deal with the girls, and in\\nstress of E s we were glad to give\\nEach had a boar-spear, tough and strong\\nit was good enough poetry for us. It told what\\nwas. But most boys had not read The Sultan of\\nSerendib and MacGregor s Lament, and knew\\nPibroch of Donald Dhu only because it was in\\nMother Goose. Why? Heaven only knows\\nI have never seen another copy of that Phila-\\ndelphia edition of those Poems. Ours was yellow,", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 97\\nwith many stains on the covers from wet retorts\\nwhich had been set on it when they were cooHng.\\nBut though it was dirty, it was good. And we\\ndid not have our books for their covers. Glory\\nand honor and immortaHty be to dear Sir Walter\\n2. Scientific Dialogues had been used in the\\nHigh School. It had been extolled in Harry\\nand Lucy. Even then we knew that half of it\\nwas wrong. Now I suppose that they have proved\\nthat half the other half is wrong.\\nBut certain Eternal Truths, made out by Isaac\\nNewton and others, will always prove true. And\\nthese were in Joyce s Scientific Dialogues\\nare now, if a copy lingers in any archaeological\\nmuseum.\\nAnd a few Eternal Truths are excellent for boy\\nor man to possess and build upon.\\n3. Harry and Lucy. Not the first part.\\nThat is only for children. The last three volumes,\\npublished in 1825 for the first time. The volumes\\nwhich have JOY, JOY, JOY in them, and the tragic\\nnarrative of Harry s burn.\\n4. The Treasury of Knowledge was a very\\ncurious collection, published by Connor Cook\\nin New York, in the infancy of American publica-\\ntion. I never saw the first volume till I picked it\\nup a few years ago in a second-hand book-store.\\nBut the second volume contained a Dictionary of\\nQuotations, Sir Richard Phillips s Million of\\nFacts, and Knapp s American Biography\\nthree wholly different books bound in one volume.\\n7", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "98 A New England Boyhood\\nIt was the Million of Facts which we loved\\nmost. Into the Million of Facts somebody, I\\nknow not who, had crowded a brief and inaccurate\\nsketch of American History, and a history of\\nAmerican Literature. For these we did not care\\nbut the hocus-pocus of what were called facts,\\non what was called Opticks with a k, and Chymis-\\ntry with ajj/; on the Vegetable Kingdom and the\\nAnimal Kingdom on Mathematicks and Physicks,\\nboth with yl s on Astronomy and Atmospheric\\nPhenomena on Acousticks and Physical Geogra-\\nphy; in fact, on everything in the heavens above,\\nand the earth beneath, and the waters under the\\nearth this million of facts found their fit\\nplaces in youthful minds.\\nTruth is truth, and truth knows truth so that\\nfully nineteen-twentieths of these facts, being in-\\naccurate lies of the lowest order, sank to their\\nplaces. Gradually notes in pencil, by different\\nauthors, got themselves written in above and\\nbelow, on the right hand and on the left hand.\\nThe inconsistencies of the book itself were thus\\nexplained, as when on one page the w^eight of air\\nwas represented as a thousand times as much as\\non another page. But, take it for all in all, it was\\nan excellent thing that we had this brief book of\\nreference, which would answer our questions, or\\nwould try to answer them in its poor dumb way,\\nwithout our having to go downstairs to bother\\nour mother or Fullum. My heart warmed to\\nJacob Abbott when I learned that his children", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 99\\nhad a cyclopaedia of their own. The existence of\\nthat cyclopsedia, which I dare say had its demerits,\\naccounts for the Abbott family of this generation,\\nand for much of the generation bred by him and\\nthem.\\n5. Now let me speak, with bated breath, of the\\ndear Boy s Own Book, If I had seen Nansen\\nbefore he started, I would have asked him to look\\nat the North Pole to see if there were a copy there,\\nfor I cannot find a copy anywhere now in the\\nworld. There is another book with the same\\nname, but it is not the dear Boy s Own Book.\\nThe accurate Allibone omits it from his catalogue\\nit is always out when I go for it to the Public\\nLibrary. My copy, I suppose, has long since fed\\nthe eagles and the condors, and apparently nothing\\nis left of it but these loving impressions which it\\nhas made on grateful memory. Who made the\\nBoy s Own Book I do not know, and I wish I\\ndid I would write his grandson the most grateful\\nletter that he has ever received. Some poor book-\\nhack, I suppose, in London, was hired by some\\nunsentimental publisher, who gave to him this\\nadmirable name which sombody else had invented,\\nand bade him make this cyclopaedia, as it was\\ncalled, of all knowledge for boys.\\nSo, somewhat in the inaccurate style, let me\\nF confess, of dear Sir Richard Phillips s Million of\\nJ Facts, the Boy s Ov/n Book told us what boys\\nshould know. It told about checkers and chess\\nand magic lanterns. It told about fencing and", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "100 A New England Boyhood\\nswimming and riding and walking. It told about\\nmaking carriages that would run up hill or down\\nhill, as they were wanted to. It had its chapters\\non chemistry, as the other book had and the\\nchemistry was such as to make the technological\\nschools of to-day go crazy But we did not care\\nwhether it spoke of the oil of vitriol or of sulphuric\\nacid; under one name as under the other the\\nmagic liquid would make holes in our clothes, or\\nstain Sir Walter Scott\\nThis unknown hack, as I irreverently call him,\\nhad put at the head of the respective chapters\\nsome charming verses. None of these verses are\\nnow to be found in Bartlett, I do not know why.\\nI shall say to Mr. Bartlett, the first time I see him,\\nthat he would have been well employed if he had\\nhunted them all to their origin.\\nTo teach his grandson draughts, then,\\nHis leisure he d employ,\\nUntil at last the old man\\nIs beaten by the boy.\\nThis with a charming little drawing I wonder if\\nGeorge Cruikshank himself did not make it of\\nthe boy pointing scorn in the grandfather s face.\\nThen these wonderful lines:\\nSomebody and Somebody, Effingham and Doyle,\\nIn their own sphere by Biddle were outdone.\\nThey all with pen or pencil solved their problem,\\nHe with no aid but wondrous memory.\\nThey in maturer years acquired their fame,\\nHe lisped in numbers, for the numbers came.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood loi\\nBidder, be it known to this generation, was an\\neminent boy calculator of the beginning of the\\ncentury. He appears, alas in no biographical\\ndictionary that I can put my hand upon. Who\\nEffingham and Doyle were I know no more than\\nthis reader, nor do I care, nor who were the Some-\\nbodies, whose names I have forgotten. The math-\\nematical problems which this chapter started us\\nupon, and the encouragement which it gave to\\nyoungsters as, indeed, the whole book did\\nall this is as fresh now as it was then. It was\\nwhispered that in the English edition there were\\nchapters which were left out in the American\\nedition and one day Edward Webster brought\\nround the English edition, to our astonishment.\\nBut little did we heed this there was more in the\\nAmerican edition than we could digest with our\\nlimited resources. We imagined ourselves riding\\non those matchless chargers. We tried the swim-\\nming experiments at Braman s Baths or whenever\\nwe were in the country. In short, if we were not\\nAdmirable Crichtons, all of us, it was not because\\nthe Boy s Own Book did not show us how. Let\\nme hope that the boys of to-day have books half\\nas good I am sure that they have none better.\\n6. As for Robinson Crusoe, this writer has de-\\nvoted many separate articles to explain to an un-\\ngrateful world how much it owes, has owed, and\\nwill owe to that central book of the literature of\\nEngland. There is a new Life of Daniel Defoe\\nevery five years, of which the first object is to", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "I02 A New England Boyhood\\nshow that the last Life is all wrong. You might\\nsay that one school of English critics think that\\nDefoe was either a fool, a liar, or a knave, while\\nthe other school thinks that England owes to him\\nmore than she does to any other man. But both\\nschools have to admit that he wrote Robinson\\nCrusoe. I believe that Robinson Crusoe is the\\nonly book of which, in the great libraries, they do\\nnot attempt to give a history of the editions.\\nThere are too many editions for that. Every\\npublisher in England or America who receives\\norders from retail dealers finds it worth his while\\nto have his own plates of Robinson Crusoe, from\\nwhich to execute his own daily orders, without send-\\ning to any other manufacturer for the book. Some\\npeople would think it dangerous to ask whether\\nmore copies have been printed of the English\\nRobinson Crusoe or of the English Bible. No-\\nbody need be alarmed, for there is not one word\\nin Robinson Crusoe but is pure and strong, and\\nalive with that Life which it is the best business of\\nthe Bible to quicken. It turns out, as I send\\nthis page to press, that the book has its value in\\nthe Venezuelan Controversy.\\nDefoe himself said that Robinson Crusoe was\\nbut a parable relating the changes of his own\\nmoral and spiritual growth. But no one has\\nbeen able to work this out indeed, I do not\\nthink the modern biographers love their hero\\nenough to try to.\\nIt is very curious that Robinson Crusoe lands", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 103\\nupon his island at the very moment when the Eng-\\nlish Commonwealth expires and that he returns\\nto England, after his stay of nearly a year in Lisbon,\\nthe week before William III. s Convention Parlia-\\nment assembled. This is a very remarkable coin-\\ncidence. It seems to imply that Defoe meant to\\ntake Crusoe away from England for all the years\\nwhen England was under the rule of Monk or of\\nthe Stuarts.\\nA friend to whom I read these lines says, Rob-\\ninson is a man without a country, not only because\\nhe went back on his country, but because his\\ncountry went back on him.\\n7. As for the half-book, the second volume of\\nDon Quixote, I will not trust myself to say any-\\nthing now. Mr. Sedgwick, in his charming article\\npublished in the Atlantic has shown, better\\nthan I could show, the value of that great romance\\nin the forming of the character of boys. I will\\nnot add a word to his admirable criticism.\\nCHAPTER VII\\nSOCIAL RELATIONS\\nI AM painfully aware that, to the diligent reader of\\nthe last two parts of this historical study, it may\\nseem as if the boys described were a sort of Rob-\\ninson Crusoe and man Friday who lived alone on\\ntheir happy island. I feel as if I had spoken as\\nthough there were an occasional invasion of sav-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "I \u00c2\u00a94 A New England Boyhood\\nages or Spaniards, but that practically we had little\\nto do with the outside world. This is by no means\\ntrue, and I will now try to give some idea of the\\nsocial conditions which surrounded boyhood in\\nBoston in the years between 1826 and 1837. For\\nwe were in the swim, as the current expression\\nputs it, and no countenance would have been given\\nto us, either in any shyness or for any arrogance\\nwhich kept us out of it.\\nI have already said that, while on the most cor-\\ndial terms with our school companions, it seemed\\nas if we left them in another world as soon as\\nschool was over. As I have said, I think the\\nreason was that most of the fathers of the other\\nboys were in mercantile pursuits, and the boys\\nbusiness, therefore, called them quite regularly to\\nthe wharves to inspect the large foreign trade of\\nBoston. As it happened, our father was in other\\naffairs, and, as naturally, these attracted us.\\nIn an old New England family, church-going, of\\ncourse, was an element which had a great deal to\\ndo with social life. I was carried to meeting on\\nthe fourth Sunday after I was born, and was chris-\\ntened at the same time with two or three other\\nchildren. I afterwards knew their names. They\\nwere in fLimilies with whom we were well ac-\\nquainted, and to this hour that mystic tie seems\\nto form a relationship between me and them and\\ntheir children. I have to this moment a little bit\\nof yellow paper which is, I fancy, the first docu-\\nment but one among the memoirs which form my", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 105\\nbiography. It is the bill of the stable man who\\nsent his carriage on this occasion. For canying\\nthree to meeting, sixty cents. My poor nine or\\nten pounds of avoirdupois went as nothing to the\\nhack-driver, and no estimate is made of the cost to\\nhim or to the community of the carrying to meet-\\ning of the person who was, as I must still say, the\\nmost important individual in the transaction.\\nIn those days children were taken to church for\\nregular attendance very early. I do not see any\\nchildren in my own church who are as young as\\nthose who went or were taken then. On our\\nannual visits to VVesthampton we were always\\ninterested because the young mothers carried\\ntheir babies to meeting, at all ages. They did\\nnot like, I suppose, to stay at home when all the\\nmen went to meeting, and accordingly they went\\nwith the children. If a baby cried the mother got\\nup, carried it out, and sat on the steps of the meet-\\ning-house until the ebullition of feeling was over,\\nwhen she returned. But this was rather edifying\\nas an interesting curiosity to us Boston children.\\nNo babies were carried to Brattle Street Church\\nexcept for baptism; but as soon as the children\\ncould walk, and be relied upon not to cry, I should\\nthink the custom began. Such reliance was some-\\ntimes misplaced. I am so unfortunate that I do\\nnot remember ever hearing Dr. Channing preach;\\nbut it is among the disgraceful records of my life\\nthat once, when my mother thought she would\\nhear him, and, because Brattle Street Church was", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "io6 A New England Boyhood\\nbeing painted, went to Federal Street, she took\\nme with her. She sat with friends, far forward in\\nthe broad aisle, and I, dissatisfied with the interior\\narrangements of the church, I suppose probably-\\ndissatisfied because I was not where I was used to\\nbe on Sunday wept with such loud acclaim that\\nin the middle of the service she was obliged to\\nrise and take me out of the church. I think it\\nwas the last experiment of the sort that she tried.\\nIn fact, we were very loyal to our church. I think\\nall people were loyal to the churches they went to.\\nAnd to such unfortunate loyalty I owe it that, while\\nI knew Dr. Channing personally, and he was very-\\nkind to me as a boy, I never had the pleasure of\\nhearing him preach, excepting on the occasion\\nnamed, although I was twenty years old when he\\ndied. I have, more than once, lieard him speak,\\nbut never from the pulpit.\\nWe went to meeting morning and afternoon\\nalways, and so, I am apt to think, did all respect-\\nable people certainly in the earlier part of those\\nyears. I know that I never observed any distinc-\\ntion between the size of the congregation in the\\nafternoon and that of the morning. I know that\\nany person who had been seen driving out of town\\non Sunday, either in the morning or in the after-\\nnoon, would have lost credit in the community.\\nFrequently Mr. Palfrey, the minister, would say,\\nat the end of the morning s sermon, I shall con-\\ntinue this subject in the afternoon. He did so\\nwith the perfect understanding that he would have", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 107\\nthe same hearers. I wonder, in passing, whether\\nthat phrase my hearers is as familiar to young\\npeople now as it was then. It was a bit of pulpit\\nslang, such as one never hears in a lecture-room\\nor in a political meeting. The people, instead of\\nbeing addressed as you or as friends, or as\\nmembers of the Church of Christ, were spoken to\\nas hearers. I doubt if I ever hear that word now\\nwithout giving it a certain ecclesiastical connection.\\nIt was a wonder to me then, and has been ever\\nsince, why the hour and a quarter spent in meet-\\ning of a Sunday morning seemed as long as the\\nfour hours spent in school every other morning.\\nI was early aware of the curiously interesting fact,\\nwhich nobody has ever explained to me, that the\\nafternoon service was ten minutes shorter than the\\nmorning service but why that hour and five min-\\nutes should seem as long as the three hours spent\\nin school of an afternoon I have never known, and\\ndo not know now. Besides these two services, we\\nhad the Sunday-school. It seems to me it was\\nalways after the afternoon service I know it was\\nin the earlier days. A Sunday-school then was a\\nvery different thing from what it is now. Then\\nyou were expected to learn something, and you\\ndid. For my own part, I have often said, and I\\nthink it is true, that fully one-half of the import-\\nant information which I now have with regard to\\nthe Scriptural history of mankind with regard\\nto the history of the Jews, for instance, or the\\ntravels of Paul right and left, or anything else", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "io8 A New England Boyhood\\nwhich can be called the intellectual side of the\\nBible was acquired in Brattle Street Sunday-\\nschool before I was thirteen years old. We had\\nlittle books which contained facts on these subjects.\\nWe had to study these books as we did any other\\nschool-books, and we recited from them as we re-\\ncited any other lesson, I do not think there was\\nmuch said or thought about making Sunday-school\\nagreeable to the children. We were told to go,\\nand we went we were told to learn a lesson, and we\\nlearned it. As I observe Sunday-schools now, this\\nhas been driven out, and driven out, I believe, by the\\npressure of the week-day school system a pressure\\nwhich I am always fighting against in every quar-\\nter without any success. For myself, I liked to go\\nwhere my brother and sisters went. They went\\nto the Sunday-school, so I expressed a wish to go.\\nPupils were received there then, on the 1st of\\nJanuary, and on the first Sunday of the year 1827\\nI presented myself with the rest. But it proved\\nthat the rule of the school was that no one should\\nbe admitted before he was six. I suppose they did\\nnot want children who could not read. I could\\nread as I have said, as well as I can now, and I was\\ndisgusted, therefore, when I was rejected on exam-\\nination. I rather think I was the only child in New\\nEngland who was ever told that he must not go to\\nSunday-school, But I was sent away on the ground\\nthat I was not six years old. I went home with the\\nothers, saying, It is a pretty way to hear a fellow\\nsay his catechism by asking him, How old are", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 109\\nyou? How old are you How old are you?\\nAnd I was not permitted to go for the next year.\\nI had already taken the first steps in the catechism.\\nI had learned in words what I probably knew al-\\nready all, indeed, that is very important to learn\\nin the business of theology.\\nSuch was going to meeting on Sunday. I sup-\\npose the sons of Episcopalian families spoke of\\ngoing to church, but we did not in my earlier\\nchildhood. I make the note here, however, for the\\nbenefit of Notes and Queries, that, in Boston,\\nthe meeting-houses were always called churches\\nfrom the very beginning. I think they were not\\nin other parts of Massachusetts. In Hales s map\\nof this neighborhood, of the date of 1826, you will\\nsee Rev. Mr. Gray s M. H., Rev. Mr. Gile s M.\\nH., meaning meeting-house in each instance.\\nOf week-day exercises connected with churches\\nBoston knew almost nothing, not even in Evangel-\\nical circles. The fact was known that there was\\na chandelier in the Old South Church, but I do\\nnot think the chandelier was often lighted. When\\nPark Street Church was built, as a sort of banner\\nof a stricter dispensation for latitudinarian Boston,\\nit had arrangements for lighting the church for\\nan evening service. But this was all a heresy to\\nthe old Boston Puritan, whether he were Evangel-\\nical or Unitarian.\\nFor the original theory of the Puritans is that\\nthe family is the church, and that each family is a\\nchurch. The father of each family is a priest,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "I lo A New England Boyhood\\nand is competent to carry on worship. Accord-\\ningly he does carry on worship in the morning\\nand in the evening; and any proposal for an even-\\ning service anywhere else was regarded by the old\\nPuritans as being, to a certain extent, an innova-\\ntion, because it broke up that family worship\\nwhich was so essential in their plan. I think that\\nin every family of which I had any acquaintance\\nthe forms of family worship were maintained in\\nthis earlier period every morning certainly, and\\nprobably every evening. When, therefore, the\\nreligion of Connecticut was introduced into Boston\\nby the building of Park Street Church, and by\\nthe arrival of my children s great-grandfather,\\nLyman Beecher, and the custom of an occasional\\nevening service on Sunday or on a week-day came\\nwith it, it was considered as an entire innovation\\nby old-fashioned Boston. It was quite as much\\nan innovation as calling an Episcopal minister a\\nrector is now to old-fashioned Episcopalians, or\\nas having lighted candles in the daytime would be\\nat Trinity. To the last moment of its conscious\\nexistence the West Church was never arranged for\\nevening service and at this moment you will find,\\nin old Boston families, the habit of going to visit\\none another on Sunday evening, but not of going\\nto church. Where people go to church steadily on\\nSunday evening you may generally guess that they\\nare not of old Boston or Essex County blood.\\nIn the interior of the State, as at my grand-\\nfather s, for example, the observance of the Sab-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 1 1 1\\nbath stopped at sunset. For instance, we\\nwatched at his house for the sun to go down on\\nSunday afternoon, and then brought out our Httle\\ncannons and fired a feu dc joic in honor of its\\ndeparture. We then played blindman s-buff all\\nSunday evening, and this in the parsonage of a\\nstiff Calvinistic minister. No such excesses as this\\nwould have been permitted in Boston. But grad-\\nually Sunday evening concerts came in, if only\\nthey were religious concerts and the Handel and\\nHaydn Society, I think, would hardly have been\\nin existence now but for the midway opportunity\\nwhich Sunday evening gave for their perform-\\nances. The theatres, on the other hand, were\\ncompelled to be closed on Saturday evening and on\\nSunday, until a period later than that I am describ-\\ning, when some of the more enterprising managers\\ndefied the State and the city, and our statutes were\\nchanged so that performances on Saturday evening\\nwere possible. After they had gained the point as\\na matter of right I think they generally found it\\nmore convenient to have the performances of Sat-\\nurday in the afternoon. Our present statute, which\\ndefines the Lord s Day as from midnight to mid-\\nnight, is as late as 1844. Before that time there\\nwere certain restrictions on Saturday evening, such\\nas the theatrical licenses indicated.\\nPerhaps the great central day which gave dis-\\ntinction and hope to the duty of going to meeting\\nwas the proclamation of Thanksgiving, Let me\\ndescribe a scene in Brattle Street Meeting-House.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "112 A New England Boyhood\\nThe time is the middle of November, on a Sun-\\nday morning. A boy of four years old, who has\\nthe fortunate privilege of sitting on the cross-seat\\nof the pew, is the person who describes, after\\nsixty-six years, what he remembers. Be it under-\\nstood by architectural readers that Brattle Street\\nMeeting-House was a fine old church in Boston,\\nbuilt after the best traditions of Wren s churches\\nin London. It has been vvell said that in the\\nsocial life of London in the days of Wren there\\nwere reasons for the high walls, as they might be\\nbe called, which in those churches concealed the\\nworshippers in one pew from those in the next.\\nWhatever was the reason, such high pew walls were\\nthe effect. The little boy, whose self and suc-\\ncessor is now trying to reproduce him, could sleep,\\nif he chose, extended on the cross-seat with his\\nhead in his mother s lap, while she listened to the\\nminister. I will not say that on this particular\\nday, he, or I, had been asleep. What is impor-\\ntant to the present business is that she whispers to\\nhim that he had better listen now, for the minister\\nis going to read the proclamation. The boy stands\\nup on his seat, and with that delight with which\\neven conservative childhood sees any custom\\ndefied watches with rapture Mr. Palfrey unfolding\\nthe large paper sheet, which might have been a\\nlarge newspaper, and sees the sheet cover even\\nthe pulpit Bible.\\nMr. Palfrey is a young man of thirty or there-\\nabouts, who is afterwards to be the distinguished", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 1 1 3\\nDr. Palfrey, a leader of the Anti-Slavery opinion\\nof Massachusetts. He reads the Governor s pro-\\nclamation with sense and feeling, so that even a\\nchild follows along, about the taking care of the\\npoor, the happiness of home, but specially about\\nthe success of the fisheries. It is only in the latest\\ntimes that any Massachusetts Governor is so dis-\\nloyal to that ocean from whose breasts she has\\ndrawn her life that he fails to mention The Fish-\\neries in his proclamation. But home, poor people,\\nfisheries, and all sink into their own insignificance\\nwhen with resonant voice the minister ends with\\nthe grand words\\nGiven in the Council Chamber at Boston, in the year of\\nour Lord, 1826, and of the Independence of the United\\nStates the fiftieth.\\nLevi Lincoln, Governor.\\nThis fine relationship between Thanksgiving\\nDay and Independence Day, of which the\\nglories, six months ago, are a certain hazy dream,\\nis not lost upon the child. And then follow the\\nwords, most grand in all rituals:\\nBy his Excellency the Governor, with the advice and con-\\nsent of the Council.\\nEdward D. Bangs, Secretary.\\nGOD SAVE THE COMMONWEALTH OF\\nMASSACHUSETTS!\\nThat words so inspiring, pronounced with such a\\nclarion voice, should be uttered in a church on\\nSunday this was indeed something to fill high", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "114 New England Boyhood\\nthe cup of wild, intoxicating joy. That Edward\\nD. Bangs, the secretary, should be sitting himself,\\nwatching, as it were, his own petard, on the other\\nside of the aisle, with his finger resting on his right\\near, in a peculiar manner such as was unknown to\\nothers he clad in a brown coat with a velvet\\ncollar that he should see and hear all this\\nunmoved this added to the grandeur and solem-\\nnity and high dignity of the whole. A certain\\nemphasis on the D added to the effect. The\\nminister said that, in accordance with the instruc-\\ntions of the Executive, the church would be open\\non Thanksgiving Day, and that, before that day\\nnamely, on the next Sunday a contribution\\nwould be taken for the poor. The boy asked his\\nmother if he might bring some money and was\\ntold that he should have a fo pence for the\\noccasion. Fo pence in the language of the\\ntime meant fourpence-halfpenny of the currency\\nof New England. But New England, though she\\ncoined threepences with her own pine-tree, never\\ncoined fourpence-ha penny pieces. She used in-\\nstead the half-real of the Spanish coinage. The\\nboy was to put in the box, and did put in for many\\nyears at Thanksgiving, one of these coins, small to\\nkings, but almost the largest known in familiar\\nuse to children.\\nPassing by the contribution, and the vague\\nideas which the children had of the immense re-\\nsults to be obtained by the distribution of their\\nwealth among the poor, I will come directly to", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 1 1\\nThanksgiving Day itself. Had we children been\\nasked what we expected on Thanksgiving Day wc\\nshould have clapped our hands and said that we\\nexpected a good dinner. As we had a good\\ndinner every day of our lives this answer shows\\nsimply that children respect symbols and types.\\nAnd indeed there were certain peculiarities in the\\nThanksgiving dinner which there were not on\\ncommon days. For instance, there was always a\\ngreat deal of talk about the Marlborough pies or\\nthe Marlborough pudding. To this hour, in any\\nold and well-regulated family in New England, you\\nwill find there is a traditional method of making\\nthe Marlborough pie, which is a sort of lemon pie,\\nand each good housekeeper thinks that her grand-\\nmother left a better receipt for Marlborough pie\\nthan anybody else did. We had Marlborough pies\\nat other times, but we were sure to have them on\\nThanksgiving Day; and it ought to be said that\\nthere was no other day on which we had four kinds\\nof pies on the table and plum pudding beside, not\\nto say chicken pie. In those early days ice\\ncreams or sherbets or any other kickshaws of that\\nvariety would have been spurned from a Thanks-\\ngiving dinner.\\nEvery human being went to meeting on the\\nmorning of Thanksgiving Day, the boy of four\\nyears included. At that age he did not know\\nthat the sermon was, or might be, political. Still\\nan attentive ear might catch words from the\\npulpit which would not have been heard on Sun-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "1 16 A New England Boyhood\\nday. It was when all parties came home from\\nmeeting that the real festival began. Not but\\nwhat frequent visits to the kitchen the day before\\nhad familiarized even Young Boston with the\\ngigantic scale on which things were conducted.\\nFor it was the business of the kitchen, not simply\\nto supply the feast in that house but the other\\nfeasts in the houses of feudal dependents of differ-\\nent colors, who would render themselves for their\\npies and their chickens.\\nThe hours absolutely without parallel in the\\nyear were the two hours between twelve and two.\\nWe were in our best clothes and it was Thanks-\\ngiving Day. We therefore did not do what we\\nshould have done on other days, and we were the\\nleast bit bored by the change. On other days we\\nshould have gone and coasted had the snow\\nfallen; or we should have gone into the garret\\nand fought an imaginary battle of Salamis on the\\nfloats. But this was Thanksgiving Day, and we\\ntherefore went into the best parlor, not very often\\nopened, and entertained ourselves, or entertained\\neach other, by looking at picture-books which we\\ncould not always see. The Hogarths were out,\\nthe illustrated books of travel, the handsome\\nannuals which were rather too fine for our hands\\nat other periods. We were in the position of the\\nboy and girl invited to a party where they know\\nnobody, standing in a corner and pretending to be\\ninterested by photographs. But before a great\\nwhile the cousins would begin to arrive, and then", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 1 1 7\\nall would be well. The cousins also were in their\\nbest clothes, to which we were not accustomed.\\nBut if we could show them the Hogarths, or they\\ncould tell us some experience of theirs in private\\ntheatricals, then the joys of society began. And\\nat two the party, larger than we ever saw it at\\nany other time, went into the back parlor, where\\nthe large table was set. Observe that this large\\ntable never appeared, unless the club met with\\nmy father, except on Thanksgiving Day. Christ-\\nmas Day, as a holiday of this sort, was absolutely\\nunknown in this Puritan family.\\nThere would be a side-table for the children at\\nwhich the oldest cousin in a manner presided, with\\nhis very funny stories, with his very exciting lore\\nabout the new life on which he was entering,\\neither in the first class at the Latin School or\\npossibly after he had left the Latin School.\\nOccasionally the revelry at the side-table became\\nso loud that it had to be suppressed by a word\\nfrom the elders. At the elders table great talk\\nabout genealogy whether Gib Atkins did or did\\nnot leave a particular bit of land to certain\\nsuccessors who now own it whether the Picos\\nand the Robbs were on good terms after the\\nmarriage of one of them to an Everett. I will say,\\nin passing, that, as we grew older, we children had\\nthe wit to introduce these subjects for the purpose\\nof seeing the mad rage with which different aged\\ncousins advanced to the attack, as a bull might to\\na red flag.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "1 1 8 A New England Boyhood\\nIt may readily be imagined that, with twenty or\\nthirty guests and the innumerable courses, the\\ncompany, who were indeed in no haste, sat a good\\nwhile at the table. This was one of the marvels\\nto us children, that it was possible to be at dinner\\ntwo hours. There was no desire to slip down\\nfrom the chair and go off to play. There was no\\nsoup dreamed of, and I think, to this day, that\\nthere never should be any at a Thanksgiving\\ndinner. Neither did any fish follow where no\\nsoup led the way. You began with your chicken\\npie and your roast turkey. You ate as much as\\nyou could, and you then ate what you could of\\nmince pie, squash pie, Marlborough pie, cranberry\\ntart, and plum pudding. Then you went to work\\non the fruits as you could. Here, in parenthesis,\\nI will say to young Americans that the use of\\ndried fruits at the table was much more frequent\\nin those days than in these. Dates, prunes,\\nraisins, figs, and nuts held a much more prominent\\nplace in a handsome dessert than they do now.\\nRecollect that oranges were all brought from the\\nWest Indies or from the Mediterranean in sailing\\nvessels, and were by no means served in the profu-\\nsion with which they are served now. It has not\\nmuch to do with a Thanksgiving dinner, but bana-\\nnas as I have said above, somewhere, were wholly\\nunknown.\\nWith such devices the children at the side-table\\nand the elders at the large table whiled away the\\ntime till it was quite dark, and it might well be", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 1 1 9\\nthat the lamps were lighted. Observe, gas was\\nwholly unknown in private residences. And when\\nat last the last philopoena had been given between\\ntwo of the children, or the last roast turkey had\\nbeen broken out of an English walnut and saved\\nas a curiosity, all parties slid from their chairs, or\\nrose up from them, as the length of their legs\\nmight be, and adjourned to the large parlor again.\\nAt the bottom of my heart I think that here\\ncame a period in which the elders quailed. I\\nthink it was rather hard for them to maintain the\\nconversation about genealogy and lost inheri-\\ntances. But we children nev^er quailed. We either\\nreturned to the picture-books or we sat in the\\ncorner and told stories, or possibly the expert\\ncousins, who were skilled in the fine arts, drew\\npictures for us. I have not the slightest recollec-\\ntion, either at that first Thanksgiving or on any\\nsubsequent Thanksgiving of childhood, of any\\nmoment of tediousness or gloom, such as I have\\nsince found to hang over even the bravest in the\\nmidst of a high festivity. Before long we would\\nbe in the corner playing commerce, or old maid,\\nor possibly slap everlasting or the Game of\\nHuman Life would be produced, with the teeto-\\ntum, and one would find himself in the stocks, or\\nin a gambling-room, or in prison perhaps, or hap-\\npily, at the age of sixty-three years, in glory.\\nMemorandum: It is seven years since I passed\\nthat grand climacteric of 7 x 9 with which the tee-\\ntotum games ended, and I am not in glory yet,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "I20 A New England Boyhood\\nunless the beauty of an October day, when leaves\\nof gold shine out between me and the blue heav-\\nens may be considered glory enough for one who\\nbelieves that this world was made by a good God.\\nThere was nothing to prevent blind-man s-buff,\\nbut that the elders had to have their share of the\\nroom. In later days charades came in, and it is\\nnow forty years since I have assisted at a Thanks-\\ngiving, without annually acting the part of Young\\nLochinvar, or Lord Ullin, or of the Captain bold\\nof Halifax. But this I did not do when I was\\nfour years old. Of those first Thanksgiving Days\\nmy memories are simply of undisguised delight.\\nI wonder now that I did not die the day after the\\nfirst of them from having eaten five times as much\\nas I should have done. But there seems to be a\\ngood Providence which watches over boys and\\ngirls, as over idiots and drunken people. This is\\nsure, that I have survived to tell the story.\\nSocial existence in all forms of civilization\\nrequires a certain knowledge of dancing; and in\\nconventional civilization this dancing is, alas, not\\nleft to the spontaneous joy of children, but, will-\\ningly or unwillingly, they have to be taught to\\ndance. This fell upon us as upon other children,\\nand to the very end of his life Mr. Lorenzo Papanti,\\ncordial, graceful, and dignified old man, remem-\\nbered kindly that I was one of the first four pupils\\nwhom he had in Boston. He has become so far\\nan historical character to many of the best in", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i 2 1\\nBoston that the reader will excuse me if I give a\\nfew words to his dancing-school. It was in Mont-\\ngomery Place, now Bosworth Street; I think in the\\nvery house which was removed to open the pas-\\nsage through to what we called Cooke s Court, and\\nwhat the present generation calls Chapman Place.\\nIt was in the third story of that house, where a\\npartition had been cut away to make a hall large\\nenough for a dancing-school. The papering at\\none end still differed from the papering at the\\nother. To this hall of Terpsichore I repaired with\\nthree others, and we were the only pupils on the\\nfirst Thursday afternoon of our attendance. On\\nthe next Saturday there arrived more, one of them\\none of my brothers in baptism, of whom I have\\nalready spoken and from that time the school in-\\ncreased, and, as one is glad to say, maintains at this\\nmoment, under the direction of another genera-\\ntion, the high and well-deserved regard and esteem\\nof everybody in Boston who knows anything about\\nit. This hall was near our house, so that we could\\nalways go on foot. But there was a rather tragic\\nstory in the family of the school of M. Labasse, to\\nwhich my older brother and sister went, which was\\nso far away that they had to be sent in a carriage.\\nUnfortunately in the jolting of the carriage they\\nwere shaken off the seats, and they were so small\\nthat they could not climb up on them again before\\nthey arrived at their destination. Thus early was\\nthe art of graceful movement impressed upon them.\\nFor me, dancing-school shared in the dislike", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "122 A New England Boyhood\\nwith which I regarded all other schools. Dear\\nMrs. Papanti I remember her with gratitude to\\nthis moment did her best for me, but never was\\na pupil less likely to add to the reputation of an\\ninstitution. The school was afterwards removed\\nto Bulfinch Place, where the Papantis had an ele-\\ngant house. I was at that time bribed to attend\\nby being told I might take a book with me to\\nread. One afternoon, when the boys were carry-\\ning on awfully, dear Mrs. Papanti bore down upon\\nus, and said, Why is it that Master Hale is so\\nquiet, while Master Champernoon behaves so\\nbadly? and looked over my shoulder, to see that\\nI was reading Guy Mannering. Ah! she\\ncried, I will give Master Champernoon a set\\nof the Waverley novels if he will behave as\\nwell as Master Hale does But alas, Master\\nChampernoon was one of the boys who enjoyed\\ndancing, and wanted to dance, and had unwar-\\nranted arrangements with the girls with regard to\\npartners, and so on, while Master Hale detested\\nthe whole thing. Good soul, she did her best in\\ndragging me about, as a favorite pupil, in the\\nwaltz but my poor head swam, and I think\\nmy partners, from that day to this, have gener-\\nally preferred to stand through a waltz, when\\nthey have found the alternative was sharing it\\nwith me.\\nAll this led, of course, to little evening parties\\nof the boys and girls, just as it does now. The\\nboys would stand at the foot of the stairs and in", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 123\\nthe entries, just as they do now, and maiden aunts\\nwould make incursions upon them to tell them\\nthat they must take partners, just as they do now.\\nThey took these partners, and then retired from\\nthe field to similar clusters, to be broken up again,\\njust as they do now.\\nI have tried to describe in my story East and\\nWest the way in which refreshments were gener-\\nally served at evening parties, unless these were\\non the grandest scale. There would frequently\\nbe such a party without a proper supper-table. I\\nbelieve this was largely due to the fact that, in\\nvery few houses in Boston then, was there a\\nspecial dining-room. People dined in their back\\nparlors, and when the house was given up to\\ndancing the back parlor was not available as a\\nsupper-room. At the simpler parties to which\\nboys and girls went, in place of the supper a\\nlittle procession of servants brought in large trays\\nwith cake of different kinds, even with ice cream,\\nperhaps with jelly or blanc mange, with wine or\\nlemonade and these processions recurred half a\\ndozen times in the course of the evening.\\nAnother function which brought young people\\ntogether, and brought them together with older\\npeople, was the arrangement for evening lectures.\\nThese were much more familiar and homelike than\\nthe lectures of to-day, to which we go hardly with\\nany idea of social enjoyment. But, as I have\\nintimated, the march of intellect had begun.\\nOne feature of the march of intellect was the in-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "I 24 A New England Boyhood\\ntroduction of lectures for people who wanted to\\nlearn something. They were exactly what is\\ncalled the university extension system to-day,\\nwhich I observe, however, is spoken of every-\\nwhere as if it were an entirely new invention, A\\nlecture course is now undertaken by a director,\\nor cjitrepreneiir, who means to provide entertain-\\nment for the people. He does not pretend to\\nteach the people he proposes to entertain them.\\nTherefore, if his course consists of eight lectures,\\nhe provides eight different entertaining speakers\\nand this makes almost a class of men, each of\\nwhom has a few entertaining addresses prepared\\nwith this definite purpose. But in the earlier\\ndays of what we called the lecture system, or\\nthe lyceum, a body of public-spirited men, who\\nreally wanted to improve the education of the\\ncommunity, banded themselves together into a\\nsociety for that purpose. This society, among\\nother instrumentalities, established courses of\\nlectures, generally in the winter, for the instruc-\\ntion of the people.\\nIn Boston such lectures had been heralded by\\ncourses arranged by individuals. Dr. Jacob Bige-\\nlow had courses on botany; Henry Ware gave\\na course of very popular lectures on Palestine;\\nEdward Everett delivered lectures on Greek an-\\ntiquities; and there were other similar courses,\\njust as there might be now, if anybody would\\nattend them. The success of these courses\\nshowed that a systematic arrangement might be", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 125\\nmade for courses of popular lectures in the even-\\nings, and such were, in fact, carried on by dif-\\nferent societies for a period of years. They\\nculminated in the great success which Mr. John\\nLowell, Jr. achieved, in the establishment of the\\nLowell Institute; and I suppose it was this foun-\\ndation which broke down at once all weaker\\nfoundations with the same purpose. It does its\\nwork so well that nobody in Boston need have\\nany tears for them. I remember the Society for\\nthe Promotion of Useful Knowledge, the Mercan-\\ntile Library Association, the Mechanics Appren-\\ntices Association, the Natural History Society,\\nand the Historical Society, as maintaining such\\ncourses of lectures as I describe. There would\\nbe from ten to fifteen lectures in a course. The\\ntickets for the cheapest were fifty cents a course;\\nfor the others they were a dollar, or even two\\ndollars. At our house this made no difference,\\nbecause tickets to everything concerts, lectures,\\nand the rest were sent to the newspaper office,\\nand practically we children went to any such\\nentertainments as we liked.\\nOne of these societies would arrange a course\\nof lectures. The whole course might be on\\nchemistry. I remember such a course from Pro-\\nfessor Webster. It was conducted with all his\\nbrilliant power of experiment, and listened to\\nwith enthusiasm by four or five hundred people.\\nI remember another course by John Farrar on\\nthe steam-engine. I heard in the Useful Knowl-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "126 A New England Boyhood\\nedge course several of Mr. Waldo Emerson s bio-\\ngraphical lectures. The Useful Knowledge course\\nwould be perhaps on Tuesday evening, the Mer-\\ncantile Library on Wednesday, the ]\\\\Iechanics on\\nThursday. Eventually halls were built specially\\nfor such lectures. There was one favorite hall in\\nthe Masonic Temple, which is now occupied, as\\nrebuilt, by Messrs. Stearns. I suppose this hall\\nwould hold five hundred people. The seats rose\\nrapidly, as in the lecture-room of a medical col-\\nlege, so that people could see all the experiments\\nor pictures on the platform.\\nTo such an entertainment you went, and if you\\nwere old enough you took a friend of the other\\nsex. You arrived there half an hour before the\\nlecture began, and walked from seat to seat,\\ntalking with the people whom you found there.\\nAfter the lecture had gone on half an hour or\\nmore there was a recess, and again you walked\\nabout from seat to seat, perhaps chose another\\nseat, if the first had not been satisfactory. At the\\nend of a lecture of maybe an hour and a half in\\nlength you went home with anybody who chose\\nto invite you. At the house you went to there\\nwas the invariable dish of oysters, or crackers and\\ncheese, or whatever was the evening meal of that\\nparticular evening. And thus the lyceum lecture\\nof that time played a quite important part in the\\nsocial arrangements of growing boys and girls.\\nOf its advantage as a system of instruction\\nI can say hardly too much. Of course the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i 27\\ninstruction given was superficial. I have lived\\nseventy years in the world, and I have never\\nfound any instruction that was not superficial.\\nBut it was instruction it was instruction given by\\nfirst-rate men, who knew how to teach and it\\nwas systematic instruction. The lecturer of to-day\\ntakes an epigrammatic phrase for his subject, as\\nhe calls it; it is the Philosophy of Mathematics,\\nor it is the Mathematics of Philosophy. He\\nspeaks well, he brings in interesting stories, he\\ngives a little information, and the public which\\nsees him and hears him is amused. Someone\\nasked James Russell Lowell once whether he\\nsupposed that the average audience of an interior\\ntown in New York cared much for Beaumont\\nand Fletcher. He said very frankly: I do not\\nsuppose they care for Beaumont and Fletcher at\\nall. But I suppose they have heard of me and\\nwant to see me, and a good way to see me is to\\npay for my lecture, sit in front of me, and see\\nand hear me for the hour in which I am reading\\nsomething which interests me. This is very\\ngenuine; it is all right; it is a good bit of public\\nentettainment for people who have been tired to\\ndeath by the work of the day. But it is\\nnot instruction. Dear Starr King used to say:\\nA lyceum lecture consists of five parts of sense\\nand five of nonsense. There are not more than\\nfive people in New England who know how to\\nmix them. But I am one of the five. All\\nlecturers do not keep to his recipe.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "I 28 A New England Boyhood\\nOn the other hand, I believe that if we could\\nwipe out the whole nonsense of the evening\\nlessons from the school curriculum; if we could\\nmake teachers teach, where now they simply hear\\nthe lesson which somebody else has taught;\\nif then we would reserve our evenings for instruct-\\ning intelligent boys and girls in the fundamental\\nprinciples of a good many things which are best\\ntaught by lectures, I believe that we should\\nimprove the system of public instruction to-day.\\nIt would require a good deal of work on the part\\nof a great many intelligent people. Possibly some\\ntime there will be a school committee which will\\nthink such an enterprise worthy of attention.\\nA few years ago I looked in, late in the evening,\\nupon a pretty little party of one of the largest\\nclasses in my own Sunday-school. I met there\\nperhaps thirty of the sweetest and most charming\\nof the younger women in Boston. They had\\nassembled at the invitation of their teacher, who\\nhad recently travelled in the East, and they had\\nbeen spending the evening in conversation with\\none another and with her, and in examining the\\ncuriosities, and especially the photographs, which\\nshe had brought from Egypt, Syria, and Greece.\\nIn this large and brilliant company I was the\\nonly gentleman. At half-past ten, after a little\\nsupper, we all gathered to go home. Comparing\\nthe detail of Boston life with what it would have\\nbeen fifty years before, I was interested to see that\\nthese young ladies all went home without escort", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i 29\\nfrom the other sex. Some of them had ordered\\ntheir carriages; many took street cars, which\\npassed the house in one direction or the other,\\nand which would leave them within a block of\\ntheir own residences. It is certainly highly\\ncreditable to Boston that a body of women,\\nyoung or old, can use the evening in such a way,\\nand can disperse to their homes at such an hour\\nwith no companionship but what they give to one\\nanother, and with no hazard of insult.\\nBut I thought then, and I have often said since,\\nthat such a social order was wholly unlike the\\nsocial order in which I grew up. When I was\\na boy of eight, or nine, or ten, no sister of mine\\nwould have gone to take tea with a friend but one\\nof her brothers would have been detailed to go for\\nher and bring her home at eight or nine o clock.\\nI am quite clear that in those days the Hfe of\\nyoung people involved a great deal more of the\\nvisiting of both sexes together than it does now.\\nI do not mean to speak of the life of boys of fif-\\nteen years old and over. I speak of the life of\\nboys of all ages, from five or six years upward.\\nThe function of tea-parties was quite difi erent\\nfrom that of dinner-parties. You would invite two\\nor three boys and girls who were friends of your\\nchildren to come and take tea, where now you\\nwould hardly invite children of the same age to\\ncome and dine. Now if this function happened to\\nbe exercised in the house of old-fashioned people\\nit had some rather queer attendants or what\\n9", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "130 A New England Boyhood\\nwould seem queer to the boy of the present day.\\nFor instance, one of the rehcs of Revolutionary\\ntimes was the general impression that no boy could\\never serve his country, unless he were trained as a\\npublic speaker. I think this is true now, and it was\\nknown to be true then. Consequently when you\\nwere at such a party as I have described, the\\nevening s entertainment of playing old maid, teeto-\\ntum games, jack-straws, or whatever might occupy\\nthe young people, would be interrupted, from time\\nto time, by an appeal to the boys of the party to\\nspeak a piece for the benefit of the elders.\\nThere was a certain compliment implied in being\\nasked to speak a piece, but it was not a great\\ncompliment, for every boy was asked, not to say\\ncompelled, to do so. It would have been bad\\nform to decline to speak, quite as much as it would\\nbe to sit at a dinner-table and decline to eat any-\\nthing before you, as if it were of a quality poorer\\nthan that to which you were accustomed.\\nAccordingly you had one or two pieces in\\nmind which you were prepared to speak.\\nWhen you were called upon when the old\\nladies, at their side of the room, had made up\\ntheir minds that it was time for this exercise to go\\nforward you were told, Master Edward (or\\nMaster Oliver, or Master Alexander), the com-\\npany would like to have you speak a piece. You\\ndemurred as little as you could, you went into a\\ncorner, you made a bow, and you spoke a piece.\\nYou then went back to your cards or other enter-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i 3 1\\ntainment. I do not remember that the girls sang\\nsongs, as it seems to me they should have done,\\nunder the circumstances.\\nAt such a little party, again, invariably the tray\\nwas brought in as the evening went by, and you\\nate the nuts and raisins or figs, which were gener-\\nally something you did not have at home. Per-\\nhaps this is always one of the charms of social\\nlife.\\nThere may be, by the way, no other opportunity\\nin these papers to quote the amusing passage\\nfrom Dr. Palfrey on salt codfish. It is in his\\nadmirable chapter on New England life, in which\\nhe followed the example of Macaulay s cele-\\nbrated chapter describing the family institutions of\\nEngland.\\nForty years ago I was so situated as to know uncom-\\nmonly well the habits of different classes of people in\\ndifferent parts of the country. Till a later period than\\nthis the most ceremonious Boston feast was never set\\nout on Saturday (then the common dinner-party day)\\nwithout the dunfish at one end of the table abundance,\\nvariety, pomp of other things, but that unfailingly. It\\nwas a sort of New England point of honor and luxuri-\\nous livers pleased themselves, over their nuts and wine,\\nwith the thought that, while suiting their palates, they\\nhad been doing their part in a wide combination to\\nmaintain the fisheries and create a naval strength.\\nThere was one function of those days which has\\nbeen admirably improved in the customs of later", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "132 A New England Boyhood\\ndays. Franklin left a small fund to the city, to be\\nexpended in medals for the most deserving\\nscholars. The Franklin medal was first awarded\\nin 1792, is awarded to the present time, and is a\\ngood badge of honor to the genuine Boston boy.\\nThe school committee and the government of the\\ncity dined together, on the day of the school anni-\\nversary, in Faneuil Hall, and the boys who received\\nthe Franklin medals were then first initiated into the\\nforms of a public dinner. There must have been\\nsome sort of a procession I do not know, for I\\nnever had a Franklin medal and the boys sat in\\nFaneuil Hall and heard the speaking. But as\\nyears went on, after the time of which I speak,\\nand particularly after the girls began to receive\\ncity medals, it was seen that a much pleasanter\\nentertainment could be devised for the children\\nthan a feast at which the officers of the city govern-\\nment took the principal part, and in which almost\\nall parties drank more wine than was good for\\nthem. And in these later days the mayor holds a\\ngreat reception in the large Mechanics Hall he\\ngives to every graduating girl a bouquet, and the\\nboys and girls dance together to music which the\\ncity provides. I mention the contrast, because I\\nam quite sure that in the years between 1826 and\\n1837 there would have been a religious prejudice\\nin some quarters against dancing, which would\\nhave prevented any such public celebration.\\nThe boys were in touch with the large public\\nin their unauthorized and unrecognized connection", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 133\\nwith the fire department. Boston was still a\\nwooden town, and the danger of fire was, as it is\\nin all American cities, constantly present. There\\nhung in our front entry two leather buckets; in\\neach of them was certain apparatus which a person\\nmight need if he were in a burning house.\\nStrange to say, there was a bed-key, that he might\\ntake down a bedstead if it were necessary. These\\nwere relics of a time when my father had been a\\nmember of one of the private fire companies. In\\nthose associations each man was bound to attend\\nat any fire where the property of other members\\nof the association was in danger; and there were\\ntraditions of father s having been present at the\\ngreat Court Street fire, for instance. But these\\nfire clubs either died out or became social institu-\\ntions, as the Fire Club in Worcester exists to this\\nday and nothing was left but the bucket as a sort\\nof memorial of a former existence.\\nBefore our day the volunteer fire department\\nsystem of Boston had been created, and there\\nwere similar systems in all large cities. Of\\ncourse we boys supposed that ours was the best\\nin the world; each boy in Boston supposed that\\nthe engine nearest his house was the best engine\\nin the world, and that, on occasion, it could throw\\nwater higher than any other engine. It could\\nlikewise, on occasion, pump dry any engine that\\nwas in line with it. I need not say that these\\nnotions of the boys were simply superstitions,\\nwholly unfounded in fact. Our engine was the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "I 34 A New England Boyhood\\nNew York. The engine-house was one of a curi-\\nous mass of pubHc buildings that occupied the\\nplace where Franklin s statue now stands, in front\\nof what was the court-house of that day. There\\nwas no electric fire alarm in those early days. The\\nmoment a fire broke out everybody who had any\\nlungs ran up the street or down the street, or both\\nways, crying Fire and as soon as the churches\\ncould be opened, all the bells in Boston began to\\nring. Then the company which was to drag the\\nNew York to the fire began to assemble at its house,\\nand naturally there was great pride in seeing that\\nyour engine was first in place. You learned where\\nthe fire was, not by any signal, but by the rumor\\nof the street. It was at the North End, or at the\\nSouth End, or on the wharves, or on Nigger\\nHill. As soon as boys and men, of whatever con-\\nnection, arrived, sufficient in combined strength to\\ndrag the engine, it started, under the direction of\\nsuch officer of the company as might be present.\\nThe members of the company had no uniforms, so\\nfar as I remember; they joined the lines as quickly\\nas they could, but there were always enough people\\nto pull. As I have intimated, it was everybody s\\nbusiness to attend at the fire.\\nWhen you arrived at the spot there would be a\\ngeneral caucus as to the method of attack, yet I\\nthink there were people in command. Afterwards\\na gentleman named Amory, highly respected by\\nall of us, was chief engineer. Whatever the cau-\\ncus directed was done, with as much efficiency as", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 135\\nwas possible under such democratic institutions.\\nBut, in the first place, the probabilit}^ was that there\\nwas no water near. The Jamaica Pond aqueduct\\ncarried water in log pipes to the lower levels of the\\ncity but, for fully half the city, there was no such\\nsupply, and wells had to be relied upon. Every\\nengine, therefore, which was good for anything,\\nwas a suction engine, as it was called that is,\\nit was able to pump from a well, as well as able to\\nthrow water to an indefinite height. The engine\\nthat arrived first repaired to the well best known in\\nthat neighborhood, or, if the occasion were fortu-\\nnate, to the sea, and began to pump. The engine\\nthat arrived next took station next to this, and\\npumped from it through a long line of hose; and\\nso successive engines carried the water to the place\\nwhere some foreman directed it upon the flames.\\nIt was thus that the different engines attained their\\ncelebrity, as one pumped the tub of another dry,\\nwhile the unfortunate members were working\\nthe brakes to their best to keep it full.\\nThe buckets of which I have spoken were the\\nremains of a yet earlier period, when people formed\\nthemselves in line to the well or to the sea, and\\npassed buckets backward and forward full if they\\nwere going toward the fire, empty if they were\\ngoing away; and the water was thus thrown\\nupon such flames as chose to wait for it.\\nWhen one writes this, one wonders that Boston\\nwas not burned down four times a year; indeed,\\nthere were many bad fires in those days. The", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "136 A New England Boyhood\\nsystem called out some of the most energetic and\\npublic-spirited young fellows of the town, and after\\na while they were exempt from service in the\\nmilitia. Well they might be, for their service as\\nfiremen was far more valuable to the community,\\nand far more oppressive in time and health, than\\nany service in the militia of those days. They felt\\ntheir power, and asserted it once too often. In the\\nmayoralty of Mr. Samuel A. Eliot a company did\\nsomething it should not have done, or refused to\\ndo something it was told to do with a firm hand,\\nhe turned them all out, and created the system of\\nthe fire department of to-day, in which every man\\nis paid for his services, and may be regularly called\\nupon, whether he will or no, as a servant of the\\ncity. The introduction of steam fire-engines, and\\na sufficient supply of water, would in themselves\\nhave been enough to revolutionize the whole of\\nthe primitive method of extinguishing fire, had no\\nsuch revolt of the fire-companies compelled a rev-\\nolution.\\nI need hardly say that the old method interested\\nto the full every boy in town. If his father and\\nmother would let him, he attended the fire, where\\nhe could at least scream Fire if he could not\\ndo anything else. If a boy were big enough he was\\npermitted almost to kill himself by working at the\\nbrakes. This was the most exhausting method for\\nthe application of human power that has been con-\\ntrived but there was power enough to be wasted,\\nand, until the introduction of steam, it was every-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 137\\nwhere used. It is still used on board ships which\\nhave no steam power. Every enterprising boy re-\\ngarded it as the one wish of his life that he might\\nbe eighteen years old, so that he could join the\\nfire-company in his particular neighborhood; and\\neven if he had not attained that age, he attached\\nhimself to the company as a sort of volunteer aid,\\nand, as I say, was permitted, as a favor, to assist in\\nrunning through the streets, dragging at the long\\nrope which drew the engine.\\nCHAPTER VIII\\nTHE WORLD NEAR BOSTON\\nThe Broad Street Riot, so called, on the afternoon\\nof June II, 1837, was an event which of course\\nhad great interest for the boys of the period. It\\nwas the fortune of very few of them, however, who\\nwere decently brought up, to have any hand in\\nthat conflict; for, as I have said in another chapter\\nof these recollections, people in those days went\\nto meeting as regularly in the afternoon as\\nthey did in the morning.\\nIf there should be need to-day for the sudden\\nappearance of the military forces of Boston on a\\nSunday afternoon, I think that the officers of those\\nforces would be looked for quite as readily at the\\nBrowning Club or a chess club, or possibly even\\nexercising their horses somewhere within ten miles\\nof Boston, as at any place of public worship. But", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0173.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "138 A New England Boyhood\\nmy whole personal recollection of the Broad Street\\nRiot is that, of a sudden, the bell of Brattle Street\\nChurch struck backward, and the gentlemen\\nwho were of the First Regiment rose and left their\\nseats, and went down to the armory at Faneuil\\nHall to join their companies, not to say lead them.\\nIt was said, and I believe truly, that a sergeant\\nformed the first men who arrived in skeletons of\\ncompanies, and in a skeleton of a regiment.\\nGeorge Tyler Bigelow, afterwards chief justice of\\nthe Supreme Court, was the first commissioned\\nofficer who arrived. He was a lieutenant in the\\nNew England Guards or the Light Infantry. He\\nordered the regiment out of the armory, and com-\\nmanded it till he met a superior officer. The\\nstory was that the command changed half a dozen\\ntimes before the regiment reached Broad Street,\\nwhere firemen and Irishmen were fighting. Of\\nwhich I saw and remember nothing. But the\\ndeparture of those gentlemen from church, whom\\nwe would have joined so gladly, fixed the whole\\nafTair in our memories. In a boy journal of the\\ntime, I find the comment, after I had read the\\nnewspaper account, The Irish got well beaten,\\nbut the firemen appear to have been as much in\\nthe wrong as they.\\nIn all these reminiscences I am well aware that\\nour lives were much less affected by the daily\\nnews from abroad than are the lives of people\\nnow. Certainly Boston regarded itself more as a\\nmetropolis than it does now. And for this there", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0174.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i 39\\nwas good reason for Boston had much less con-\\nnection with the rest of the world than it has now.\\nIt had a foreign commerce, and the average boy-\\nexpected to go to sea some time or other. But I\\nrecollect times when a vessel from England brought\\nthirty-five days news all through the time of\\nwhich I am writing it took three days for a letter\\nto go to Washington and although people no\\nlonger offered prayers for their friends when they\\nwere going to New York, still a journey to New\\nYork was comparatively a rare business. In my\\nthird year in college I wanted to send a parcel of\\ndried plants to a botanist in New York. There\\nwas no proper express, and I asked it as a per-\\nsonal favor of a young man named Harnden,\\nwhom I knew as a conductor on the Boston and\\nWorcester Railroad, that he would give the parcel\\nto someone who would give it to someone else\\nwho would give it to my correspondent. It was\\nbecause Mr. Harnden had so many such personal\\nfavors in hand that he established Harnden s\\nExpress, which was, I think, the first of the organ-\\nized expresses which existed in this country.\\nI find it difficult to make the Boston boy or girl\\nof to-day understand how different was Boston life,\\nthus shut in from the rest of the world, from our\\nlife, when, as I suppose, at least one hundred\\nthousand people enter Boston every day, and as\\nmany leave it for some place outside.\\nAs late as May, 1845, ^vhen I was twenty-three\\nyears old, I had an engagement to go from Boston", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0175.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "140 A New England Boyhood\\nto Worcester Saturday afternoon. I was to preach\\nthere the next day. When, at three o clock, I\\ncame to the station of the Worcester road, there\\nwas an announcement that, from some accident on\\nthe hne above, no train would leave until Monday.\\nThe three o clock train, observe, was the latest\\ntrain of Saturday. I crossed Boston to the Fitch-\\nburg station and took the train for Groton or\\nLittleton. There I took a stage for Lancaster,\\nwhere I slept. In the morning, with a Worcester\\nman who had been caught in Boston as I was, I\\ntook a wagon early, and we two drove across to\\nWorcester. That is to say, as late as 1845 there\\nwere but two men in Boston to whom it was nec-\\nessary that they should go to Worcester that after-\\nnoon. And this was ten years after railroad\\ncommunication had been established.\\nBefore railroad communication was open, inter-\\ncourse with other States, or with what now seem\\nneighboring cities, was very infrequent. In 1832\\nmy father went to Schenectady to see the Albany\\nand Schenectady Railroad, and, I believe, to order\\nsome cars for the Boston and Worcester road.\\n1 As I write these notes, in September, 1S92, just as we have\\nheard of Mr. Whittier s death, there is a certain interest in saying\\nthat it was on this occasion that I first met him. As the handful\\nof passengers entered the stage which was to take us to Lancaster,\\nMr. Whittier was one of the number. He did not tell his name\\nto anyone, and it was many years before I knew that he was one\\nof those whose pleasant conversation enlivened the dark ride. I\\ncan hardly say that I saw him, but he was kind enough afterwards\\nalways to remember that I made his acquaintance on that occa-\\nsion.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0176.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 141\\nHe also went to New York City on the business\\nof that road. I think he had been to that city but\\nonce since 1 805, when he went there on his way\\nfrom Northampton to Troy. Yet if anybody was\\nto travel he would have been apt to. He was a\\njournalist, intensely interested in internal improve-\\nment. He had a large business correspondence\\nin New York, and was well known there. I was\\nmyself nineteen years old when I first visited New\\nYork.\\nIn 1 841 I had a chance to overhaul the old\\nregister at the hotel at Stafford Springs in Con-\\nnecticut. Stafford Springs was, and is, a watering-\\nplace of a modest sort, where is a good, strong\\niron spring good for boys with warts, and indeed\\nfor anyone who needs iron in his blood. It was\\nquite the fashion to go to Stafford Springs from\\ndifferent parts of New England, in the earlier part\\nof the century. In this old register it was inter-\\nesting to see how universal was the custom by\\nwhich people came there in their own carriages.\\nWhat followed was that people who had no car-\\nriages of their own hardly travelled for pleasure\\nat all.\\nSo was it that, in the years of my boyhood,\\nBoston people, with very few exceptions, lived in\\nBoston the year round. People did not care to\\ngo to the theatre in midsummer, and I think the\\ntheatres were generally closed for six or eight\\nweeks when the days were longest. Perhaps\\nBoston used the matchless advantages of her bay", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0177.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "142 A New England Boyhood\\nmore when she had httle communication with\\npoints beyond it. Perhaps the entertainments of\\nthe bay seemed more important because there\\nwere few, if any, excursions for pleasure excepting\\nthose which the water offered.\\nNahant was seized upon as a seashore resort as\\nearly as 18 19. The sea serpent had appeared in\\n1 817. The hotel on the southeastern point, long\\nsince burned down, was a pretty, piazza-guarded\\nbuilding; and, as the steamboat Hojisatonic went\\ndown to Nahant every morning, and came back\\nevery night, a day at Nahant made a charming\\nsummer expedition, which we young folks relied\\nupon at least once a year. At Nahant, at\\nChelsea Beach, at Nantasket, at Sandwich, and\\nat Gloucester I made my acquaintance with the\\nreal ocean. At Nahant I made my first acquaint-\\nance with the joy of the bowling alley, and\\nfirst saw the game of billiards. By the way, I\\nremember that, in lecturing to my class in college,\\nas late as 1837, Professor Lovering had to tell the\\nclass, as a fact which half of them did not know,\\nthat when one billiard-ball strikes another it may\\nstop itself, while it communicates its motion to\\nthe other. I doubt if half the young men who\\nheard him had ever seen a billiard-table at that\\ntime.\\nThere were but one or two steamboats in the\\nharbor, so that the excursion of to-day was\\nvery infrequent. But all the more would people\\ngo down the bay for fishing-parties, on sailing", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0178.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 143\\nvessels more, I should think, than they do now.\\nPerhaps there was something in foreign commerce\\nwhich gave to those engaged in it a sort of\\nabsolute freedom sometimes, sandwiched in with\\nhard work at others, in an alternate remission\\nof work and play, which the modern merchant\\nseldom enjoys. Your ship came in from Liver-\\npool or from Calcutta, and you and all your staff,\\ndown to the boy who swept out the office and\\ntrimmed the lamps, were busy, morning, noon,\\nand night, till her cargo was disposed of, and\\nperhaps till she was fitted for another voyage.\\nBut then, if no other of your ships arrived, there\\nwould be a lull; and if Tom, Dick, or Harry came\\nin to propose a fishing-party you were ready.\\nHowever this may be, the history and expe-\\nriences of such parties made a considerable\\nelement of summer life. The anecdote of General\\nMoreau belongs to them, and I will print it,\\nthough it was told a generation before my time.\\nWhen General Moreau was in exile from France\\nhe came on his travels to Boston. Among other\\nentertainments he was taken down the bay on a\\nfishing-party. As they dined, or after dinner,\\nexcellent Colonel Messenger, whose singing is\\nstill remembered with pleasure, was asked to favor\\nthe company with a song, and he sang the fine\\nold English song of To-morrow. The refrain\\nis in the words\\nTo-morrow, to-morrow,\\nWill be everlasting to-morrow.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0179.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "144 New England Boyhood\\nThe French exile did not understand English\\nas well as he did the art of war, and when Colonel\\nMessenger came to these words, at the end of\\neach verse, he supposed, naturally enough, that\\nhe was hearing a song made in his own honor:\\nTo Moreau, to Moreau,\\nJe n entends pas bien, mais to Moreau.\\nAnd so he rose, as each verse closed, put his hand\\nto his heart, blushed, and bowed gratefully, as to\\na personal compliment. And his hosts were too\\ncourteous to undeceive him.\\nThe Harvard Navy Club, an institution long\\nsince dead, used to go down, as the abbreviated\\nphrase was, every year. Go down was short\\nfor go down the bay and fish. The Navy Club\\nwas a club of those men Avho received no college\\nhonors. The laziest man in a class was the Lord\\nHigh Admiral the next to the laziest was the\\nAdmiral of the Blue, and so on.\\nPerhaps there are not so many fish in the bay\\nas there were then. Perhaps I am not so much\\ninterested in the boys who take them. But I\\ndo not see, when I cross the bridge to East\\nCambridge, any boy patiently sitting on the rail\\nwaiting to catch flounders, as I have done many\\na happy afternoon. Perhaps, as civilization has\\ncome in, the flounders have stayed lower down\\nthe bay.\\nTravelling, in short, was done by retail in those\\ndays, and such combinations as those of to-day, by", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0180.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 145\\nwhich a hundred thousand people are thrown\\nupon Boston daily, and as many taken away, were\\nw^holly unknown, not to say not dreamed of.\\nRetail travelling, if we are to use that expression,\\nhad some points of interest which do not enliven\\nthe career of a traveller who is boxed up in a train\\nwith three hundred and ninety-nine others, all of\\nthem to be delivered, right side up with care,\\nat the place they wish to go to, while none of\\nthem have what John Locke would call an ade-\\nquate idea of the places on the way, if indeed\\nany of them have any idea.\\nThe first of such expeditions which I remember,\\nexcepting one on the Middlesex Canal, which has\\nbeen referred to, was in August and September of\\n1S26, when my father took all of us that is, my\\nmother and four children to Sandwich, where\\nhe was going to enjoy a week s shooting. The\\nother gentlemen of the party were Daniel Webster,\\nJudge Story, and Judge Fay. Mr. Webster took\\nhis family with him 1 think the other gentlemen\\ndid not take theirs. All of us stayed at Fessen-\\nden s tavern charmingly comfortable then, I\\nfancy, as I know it was afterwards. My early\\nmemories of the expedition are quite distinct. It\\nwas here and then that I first fired the gun which\\nis the oldest sporting gun here at Matunuck; and\\na good gun it is, if people are not above an old-\\nfashioned percussion cap. But in those days it\\nhad a flintlock. The general use of what are now\\nunknown to young sportsmen, percussion caps,\\n10", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0181.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "146 A New England Boyhood\\nbelongs some years later. The bigger boys,\\nFletcher Webster and my brother Nathan, would\\nbe taken out with the gentlemen to hold the\\nhorses (in chaises, observe) on the beach, while\\ntheir fathers walked about and shot what they\\nmight. But we little fellows stayed at home, to be\\nlifted to the seventh heaven if a loaded gun were\\nbrought home at night which we might aim and\\nfire at a shingle. For us and the girls the princi-\\npal occupation, I remember, was playing dinner\\nand tea with the pretty glassware which the Sand-\\nwich works were just beginning to make. I\\nbelieve I have somewhere at this day some speci-\\nmens of their work for children.\\nOn this expedition we went and returned, some\\nin the stage and some in my father s chaise\\nmaking the journey, I think, in a day. But gen-\\nerally, with so large a host as ours which\\nincluded Fullum we went on the summer jour-\\nney, whatever it was, in what was then, as it is\\nindeed now, called a barouche. The names\\nlandau, victoria, and the like were, I think,\\nunknown. As this business was by no means pecu-\\nliar to our family, and as it belongs to a civilization\\nquite unlike ours, I will describe it in detail.\\nWe were to go to Cape Ann, and for perhaps a\\nweek to take such comfort as the great tavern\\nat Gloucester would give. Observe that the word\\ntavern was still used, as I think it now is where\\na tavern exists in the heart of New England, for\\nwhat the Englishman calls an inn. We talk", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0182.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 147\\nnow of the Wayside Inn, the Wayland Inn, and so\\non, but this is all in a labored, artificial, and indeed\\nforeign speech introduced from England within a\\ngeneration past. To prepare for such an expedi-\\ntion Fullum would be sent from stable to stable\\nto hire the best barouche he could find, and a\\nspan of horses. Happy the boy who selected him-\\nself, or was selected by destiny, to accompany\\nhim on this tour of inspection When the happy\\nmorning arrived Fullum brought round his car-\\nriage and horses early, fastened on the trunk\\nbehind for I think there never was but one;\\nand the two elders, and in this case of Cape Ann\\nthe five children, with books and hand baggage,\\nalways with maps of the country, were packed\\naway in and on the carriage. Both of us boys,\\nof course, sat on the box with Fullum, who drove.\\nIf, on any such occasion, there were a very little\\nboy, Fullum would arrange a duplicate set of reins\\nfor the special use of the youngster, which were\\nattached, not to the horses bits, but to the rings\\non the pads. In this particular expedition to\\nCape Ann we stopped at the Lynn Mineral Spring\\nHotel, long since abandoned, I think, and reached\\nGloucester only perhaps on the second day.\\nWhat happened to the old people there I am\\nsure I do not know. To us children there were\\nthose ineffable delights of playing with the ocean,\\nthe kindest, safest, and best playmate which any\\nchild can have. Sandwich had given us only the\\nfirst taste of it. Here we had our first real knowl-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0183.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "148 A New England Boyhood\\nedge of what sea-urchins are, and what people call\\nsand dollars, horseshoe crabs, cockles, rays*\\neggs, and the various sea-weeds, from devil s\\naprons up or down. The cape had not assumed\\nthe grandeur of a summer watering-place. The\\nmodern names were unknown. There was no\\nRockport or Pigeon Cove to go to. It was Sandy\\nBay or Squam to which one drove. I remember\\nthe ejaculation of some fishermen s children, as\\nthey saw the barouche for the first time What\\nis it? It ain t the mail, and it ain t a shay.\\nAt that time, and certainly as late as 1842, a\\ngroup of children in the country, if they saw a\\ncarriage approaching, would arrange themselves\\nhastily in a line on one side of the road and make\\ntheir manners. That is, they would all bow as\\nthe carriage passed. The last time that I remem-\\nber seeing this was in 1842, in Hampshire County,\\nas the stage passed by. It was done good-\\nnaturedly, with no sign of deference, but rather, I\\nshould say, as a pleasant recognition of human\\nbrotherhood in a lonely region as two men, if\\nthey were not Englishmen, might bow to each\\nother, wherever they were far from other men.\\nIn our particular family an annual journey was\\nmade to my grandfather s house in Westhampton,\\na pleasant town among the hills in Hampshire\\nCounty, where my father was born. He took his\\nwife there in his chaise when they were married,\\nin 1816, and hardly a summer passed, until 1837,\\nwhen he did not make the same journey with his", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0184.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 149\\nwhole family. This then numbered seven chil-\\ndren, besides himself and my mother, and of\\ncourse Fullum. To my father it was a matter\\nof pride that on the last of these journeys we went\\non his own railroad to Worcester. In 1835 the\\ncarriage was taken on a truck on the passenger\\ntrain, in which we rode but I need not say that\\nFullum preferred to sit in the carriage all the way,\\nand did so.\\nThere was a charm in such half-vagrant journey-\\ning about which the Raymond tourist knows\\nnothing. There was no sending in advance for\\nrooms, and you took your chances at the tavern,\\nwhere you arrived, perhaps, at nine o clock at\\nnight. It may be imagined that the sudden\\nappearance at the country tavern of a party of\\nten, of all ages from three months upwards, was\\nan event of interest. In those times the selectmen\\nknew what they meant, when they said that no\\nperson should dispense liquor who did not provide\\nfor travellers. Practically it was a convenience to\\nany village to have a place w^here travellers could\\nstay; and practically the people of that village\\nsaid to the man whom they licensed to sell liquor,\\nIf you have this privilege, you must provide a\\ndecent place of entertainment for strangers. One\\nman kept the tavern, perhaps, for his life long.\\nIt had its reputation as good or poor, and you\\navoided certain towns because So-and-So did not\\nkeep a good house. The practical difficulty of\\nsuch travelling in New England now, is that you", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0185.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "150 A New England Boyhood\\nare by no means sure of finding a comfortable\\nplace to sleep when your day s journey is over.\\nThe New England tavern of the old fashion held\\nits own to the most advantage in later times in\\nthe State of Maine, on the roads back into the\\nlumber region, and I dare say such comfortable\\nhouses for travellers may be found there now.\\nThese country taverns always had signs, gener-\\nally swinging from a post with a cross-bar, in front\\nof the house. The sign might be merely the name\\nof the keeper; this was a sad disappointment to\\nyoung travellers. More probably it was the picture\\nof the American eagle or of a rising sun. Neptune\\nrising from the sea was a favorite device. I remem-\\nber at Worcester the Elephant. The portrait of\\nGeneral Wolfe still hangs at the Newburyport\\ntavern, and there remain some General Washing-\\ntons. After I was a man I had occasion to travel\\na good deal one summer in Northern Vermont,\\nwhere the tavern signs still existed. Almost with-\\nout exception their devices were of the American\\neagle with his wings spread, or of the American\\neagle holding the English lion in chains, or of the\\nlion chained without any American eagle. These\\nwere in memory of Macomb s and McDonough s\\nvictories at Plattsburg and on the lake. They\\nalso, perhaps, referred to the fact that most of\\nthese taverns were supported by the wagons of\\nsmugglers, who, in their good, large peddlers\\ncarts, provided themselves with English goods\\nin Canada, which they sold on our side of the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0186.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 151\\nline. In our generation one is more apt to see\\na tavern sign in a museum than hanging on a\\ngallows-tree.\\nMeandering along through Leicester, Spencer,\\nBelchertown, Ware, Amherst, Northampton, or\\nsome of these places, we arrived at my grand-\\nfather s pretty home in Westhampton on the\\nmorning of the third day. Then, for three or\\nfour days, came absolute and infinite joy. We\\nhad cousins there just our own ages of whom we\\nwere very fond. For the time of our visit they\\ngave themselves, without stint or hindrance, to\\nthe entertainment of their friends from Boston.\\nFirst of all, horses were to be provided, and\\nsaddles, that we boys might ride. Little did the\\ncountry boys understand what joy it was to us\\nto find ourselves scampering over the hills. Then\\nthere was the making of traps for woodchucks.\\nIf it chose to rain we were in the great workshop\\nof the farm, using such tools as we had never seen\\nat home. In the evening there were hunt the\\nslipper and blind-man s-buff, the latter an\\nentertainment which we could follow even on Sun-\\nday evening, as I believe I have said, and follow\\nthen with more enthusiasm than on other evenings,\\nbecause other cousins and the children of neigh-\\nbors came in to join with us. In that New England\\nparsonage never so called, by the way the old\\nConnecticut customs prevailed, and the Sabbath\\nbegan promptly as the sun went down on Saturday\\nnight, and was well ended when the sun set on", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0187.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "152 A New England Boyhood\\nSunday. The hills of Westhampton are high, and\\nsunset on Sunday evening came early.\\nSo it was that the great joy of life was the visit\\nat grandfather s every summer. My grandfather\\nwas the minister of this town for fifty-seven years.\\nI think I saw the dear old gentleman last in 1834.\\nIt must have been in 1837, after his death, that we\\nmade the last visit there, when my grandmother\\nwas still living. I did not myself return to West-\\nhampton for fifty years, when it was to preach in\\nhis pulpit. It was pleasant to find that, after two\\ngenerations, the people of the town remembered\\nhim fondly, I found the pulpit of the meeting-\\nhouse and the chancel behind it decorated with\\nflowers, and the word Welcome, wrought in\\nflowers, hung above me. So I went back to the\\nhappiest days of my New England boyhood.\\nI have already alluded to the infrequency of\\ncommunication between this country home for\\nit was such to all of us children and the home\\nin Boston. The cousins in the country, when\\nautumn came, would not forget us in Boston,\\nand would crack butternuts and walnuts for us,\\nof kinds they thought we should not have, pick\\nout the great meats, and pack them carefully to be\\nsent down. Such a box would be sent to North-\\nampton, and put on board a boat which went to\\nHartford. There it would be put on board a sloop,\\nin which it was to sail out of the Connecticut River\\nand around Cape Cod to Boston. In the same\\nsloop was perhaps a keg of my grandmother s", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0188.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 153\\napple sauce, or some other treasure from the\\nfarm. Great joy for us if all these pleasant\\nmemorials arrived in time great sorrow if a\\nletter came, stating that the sloop was frozen\\nup opposite Lyme, or somewhere else in the\\nConnecticut River, and would not appear with\\nits precious cargo until the next spring. Such\\nwere the difficulties of sending a box one hundred\\nand ten miles across Massachusetts in the year\\n1830.\\nTo putting an end to such difficulties by the\\nrailroad system, my father gave much of the\\nactive part of his life, as I have before said.\\nWhen it was thought crazy to talk about such\\nthings he talked about the possibilities of a\\nrailroad westwards. When it was necessary to\\ninduce men of capital to subscribe, with infinite\\ndifficulty he obtained a subscription of a million\\ndollars capital for the Boston and Worcester\\nRailroad. He was the first president and first\\nsuperintendent of that railroad, and had the\\ngreat joy of importing its first engine from\\nLiverpool. This, as I have said, was the Meteor\\nshe was ordered from George Stephenson himself,\\nimmediately after the success of the Rocket in the\\nfamous railway trial between Liverpool and Man-\\nchester in 1830. The arrival of the Meteor in\\nBoston, with the engine-driver who was to set her\\nup and to run her first trips, was a matter of great\\njoy to us boys. At the same time the Yankee was\\nbuilt by a company in Boston, at their works", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0189.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "154 A New England Boyhood\\nat the cross-dam of the Mill-dam; and an engine\\nalways called the Colonel Long was built for the\\nBoston and Worcester Railroad at Philadelphia,\\nunder the auspices of the same Colonel Long\\nwho gave the name to Long s Peak at the West.\\nHe was in the engineer service of the United\\nStates, and this engine was built to burn anthra-\\ncite coal.\\nThe Meteor was at once set up in Boston, and\\nstarted on her experimental trips. It is easy to\\nsee how much this would interest the men who\\nhad looked forward to her success, and, equally,\\nhow much it would interest their sons. The\\nengine-driver was good to my brother and me, and\\nwe had the great pleasure of making some of the\\nearliest of her trips with him. I have spoken of\\nthe opening of the road to West Newton. I think\\nthey must still have there the sign which was put\\nup on David s Hotel, representing the engine and\\ncar of the period. It ought to be preserved in\\nsome historical collection there. Boston roused\\nitself to the new interest, and every afternoon\\neight cars went out to Newton and back, that\\npeople might say they had ridden on the new rail-\\nroad. Many a straw hat was burned through by\\nthe cinders which lighted upon it, and many\\nnotions were gained for the future.\\nWhat is now called the American system of the\\ninterior arrangement of cars, was first tried in the\\ncars built for the Worcester Railroad at Worcester,\\nby the founder of the present firm of Bradley. The", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0190.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 155\\nsuggestion was made, I believe, by my father he\\nsaw very early the difficulty of the old system, in\\nwhich the conductor ran around on a platform on\\nthe outside. I remember, as among the close\\napproaches to death which in any man s life stand\\nout distinctly, that, when I was in college, I ran\\nafter a train on which I was to go to Natick,\\nsprang upon it when in motion, and felt myself\\nfalling. I supposed that the last instant of my\\nlife had come while I fell for the first few inches.\\nThen I found myself astride of the long, narrow\\nplatform on which I had intended to stand. Risks\\nlike this were what all the conductors of the early\\nrailroads ran; and I suppose, indeed, the English\\nguards may have to run them, to a certain extent,\\nto the present day.\\nThe Boston and Worcester station in 1833, and\\nfor some time after, was on the ground now\\noccupied by Indiana Street and by Brigham s milk\\ndepot, between Washington Street and Tremont\\nStreet. Tremont Street had just been laid out on\\nthe level of the salt marshes. It was at the in-\\nstance of the Worcester Railroad that its grade\\nwas raised, many years after, and that com-\\npany was obliged to take the cost of lifting the\\nhouses which had been built on the lower level.\\nIt is to that change of level that we owe it that the\\nwhole South End of Boston is now built on the\\nlevel above the marsh, instead of being built, as\\nthe few houses originally on it were, scarcely\\nabove the level of hi2:h tide.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0191.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "156 A New England Boyhood\\nCHAPTER IX\\nTHE WORLD BEYOND BOSTON\\nAll boys, from the nature of their make-up, are\\ngreat politicians. The boys of sixty years ago\\nwere not unHke boys of to-day in this matter, and,\\nwhen an election day came around, we were glad\\nto spend as much time as we could at the places\\nwhere people were voting. Happy the boy to\\nwhom some vote distributor would give a handful\\nof votes, and happier he who could persuade\\nsomeone to take a ballot from those which he had\\ngiven to him. This, by the way, was not very\\nlong after the time when a certain superstition\\nheld in Massachusetts by which every ballot was\\nwritten. Early in the century gentlemen inter-\\nested in an election would call on the women of\\nthe family, if they could write well, to write out\\nballots which could be used at the polls. But I\\nnever saw such written ballots.\\nThe separation between Boston and the rest of\\nthe world affected a good deal the political com-\\nbinations. I do not suppose that our present\\ncompact system of national political parties could\\npossibly exist without the convenience of the tele-\\ngraph and the railroad. I should say, historically,\\nthat it began in the great convention of young\\nmen which was held in the city of Baltimore in\\nthe year 1840 by way of advancing the election of", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0192.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 157\\nPresident Harrison. Independent and sovereign\\nas Massachusetts was in the election of 1836, her\\nNational Republicans, as they called themselves,\\nnominated Mr. Webster as candidate for Presi-\\ndent, though nobody else nominated him, and the\\nelectoral votes of Massachusetts were given for\\nhim and for Mr. Granger. The leaders of any\\nAmerican party would hesitate before they should\\nmake such a separate demonstration now. And\\nthis habit of separation shows itself more distinctly\\nin the newspaper of the time.\\nI have already said that I was a great deal in\\nthe printing-office of the Daily Advertiser, which\\nmy father edited, as well as in his book printing-\\noffice. He maintained with care and interest the\\nold system of apprenticeship, and always had one\\nor more bright boys, whom he had taken into his\\noffice that they might learn the whole art and\\nmystery of printing and what concerned the pub-\\nlication of a newspaper. One of these young men,\\nto whose counsels and help we boys were largely\\nindebted, still lives, honored in the community\\nwhere he has been known for many years, as the\\nthe director of the Barnstable Patriot Mr. Syl-\\nvanus Phinney.i To have a boy a little older\\nthan yourself as your comrade in the office, to\\nhave him show you what you could handle and\\nwhat you could not handle, was in itself a piece of\\neducation.\\n1 Mr. Phinney died, universally respected, at his home in Barn-\\nstable, 1899.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0193.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "158 A New England Boyhood\\nMr. Phinney could perhaps tell better than I\\ncan, a newspaper story, not of my boyhood, but of\\ngirlhood in Boston. In the year 1820 the conven-\\ntion met which revised the constitution of Mas-\\nsachusetts. The Advertiser published the full re-\\nport of the proceedings, and this report was made\\nup in my father s workroom, in the lower story of\\nthe house in Tremont Street. He was suffering at\\nthat time from an accident by which he nearly lost\\nthe sight of one of his eyes, and all his writing was\\ndone at home by my mother. So it would happen\\nof an evening that the gentlemen most interested\\nin the convention would look in at the house to\\nrevise the reports of their own speeches, and per-\\nhaps to consult about the work of the next day.\\nMr. Webster and Judge Story were two of the\\nprominent leaders of that convention. They were\\non terms of the closest intimacy at our house, and\\nwould come in almost every evening for this pur-\\npose. Mother would be sitting in the room to do\\nany writing which might be required, and, lest she\\nshould be called away to the baby of the time, the\\nbaby lay asleep in the cradle while the work of\\ndictation went on. Speeches were made, proofs\\ncorrected, baby rocked, and undoubtedly a great\\ndeal of the fun of such bright young people passed\\nto and fro with every evening.\\nAfterwards, in friendly recognition of the hard\\nnight-work of the winter, when the convention\\nwas well over, and its proceedings were published\\nin a volume which is now one of the cherished", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0194.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 159\\nnuggets of the collectors, mother had a great cake\\nmade for the workmen at the office. She frosted\\nit herself, and dressed it with what in those days\\nthey used to call cockles of sugar. These\\ncockles generally had little scraps of poor verses,\\nwhich were supposed to be entertaining. But in\\nthis case she had cut out from the proofs the\\nepigrams of the convention debates, and as the\\napprentices and journeymen ate their cake they\\nfound, to their amusement, that the work of their\\nown hands had furnished what were called the\\nmottoes.\\nThe journalist of to-day thinks he is much ahead\\nof the journalist of that time, and in many regards\\nhe is; but there were certain excitements which\\nbelonged to newspaper life then which do not\\nbelong to it now. The day when the Unicorn\\narrived in Boston, the first in the line of Cunard\\nv^essels which have arrived regularly from that day\\nto this, was one of these exciting days. My father\\nwent over in person upon the Unicom, talked with\\nthe officers, and came back with English news-\\npapers almost as fresh as he had ever seen. I\\nsay almost as fresh, because the passage of the\\nUnicorn was, I think, twenty days, and we had\\ntraditions in the office of rapid runs of Baltimore\\nclippers or other fast vessels which had come over\\nin less time. It was after this that, in a winter\\npassage, the Great Western at New York brought\\nnews which was thirty-five days later than the\\nlatest news which we had from Europe. In", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0195.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "i6o A New England Boyhood\\nearlier times there would be many instances of\\nlonger periods when neither continent knew any-\\nthing of the other.\\nUnder such circumstances the newspaper editor\\ndepended much more upon his foreign corre-\\nspondent than he does now. The foreign corre-\\nspondent of to-day digests news of which he knows\\nthe details have already gone by telegraph. He\\nis in some sort a foreign editor, but he does not\\nexpect to send the detail of news. And there was\\nan element of chance about the arrival of sailing\\nvessels which added to the curiosity of your morn-\\ning paper. In our office Mr. Ballard, who had the\\ncharge of the ship news, might board a vessel\\nbelow in the harbor, whose captain had no idea\\nthat he had brought the latest news. Then this\\npoor captain would be beset to hunt up every\\nnewspaper that he had on board. Perhaps he\\nhad been so foolish that he had not bought the\\nlast paper of the day on which he started.\\nWhether he had or had not it was the business\\nof the boat which boarded him first to get every\\npaper he had, so that no other paper in town\\nmight have a word of his intelligence. Per-\\nhaps all these papers arrived at the office but a\\nlittle while before you went to press then it was\\nyour business to make the best show you could of\\nthe news, and possibly it was your good fortune to\\nbe able to say that no other paper had it.\\nI remember that we had the news of the French\\nRevolution of 1830, which threw Charles X. from", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0196.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i6i\\nthe throne, on a Sunday morning. When such\\nthings happened the foreman in the office made up\\nwhat was really an Extra by throwing to-\\ngether, as quickly as he had them in type, a few\\ngalleys of the news in that case probably rapidly\\ntranslated from the French papers. Then these\\ngalleys would be struck off on a separate hand-\\nbill, and such hand-bills were circulated as\\nExtras. And it is to this habit that the present\\nabsurd nomenclature is due by which one buys\\nevery day an Extra which is published at a\\ncertain definite time. All this is fixed upon my\\nmind, because, when I came home from meet-\\ning on that particular Sunday, I was told the\\nnews that there was another revolution in France,\\nand had the Extra given me to carry down\\nto Summer Street, where one of my uncles lived.\\nThere is a certain picturesqueness about the\\nreceipt and delivery of news, when it comes in\\nsuch out-of-the-way fashions, which the boy or\\ngirl of to-day finds it hard to understand.\\nOf course with type as much as we wanted, and\\nall the other facilities for home printing, we\\nprinted our own newspapers. I do not think that\\nat our house we did it so much as boys would to\\nwhom the making-up of a newspaper was not a\\nmatter of daily observation, involving a good deal\\nof errand running and other work which was any-\\nthing but play. But we older boys had the Fly,\\nwhich was our newspaper, and my brother\\nCharles, not long after, started the Coo7i, in the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0197.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "1 62 A New England Boyhood\\nmidst of the Harrison campaign, which survived\\nfor a good many years.\\nI believe that the last issue of the Fly is that\\nwhich records the death of Lafayette, in 1836.\\nWe had not type enough then to print more than\\none page at a time. Three pages of the Fly had\\nbeen printed, and the fourth was still to be set up\\nwhen the news of Lafayette s death arrived. This\\nwas too good a paragraph to be lost, and we knew\\nwe could anticipate every other paper in Boston\\nby inserting it. But unfortunately the w s had\\ngiven out. We had turned upside down all the\\nti s, we had, still they too had given out. Also,\\nstill more unfortunately for printers in this diffi-\\nculty, Lafayette had chosen to die of an in-\\nfluenza, which disease was at that moment assert-\\ning itself under that name in France. It had not\\nyet been called la grippe, which would have\\nsaved us. We succeeded in announcing the death\\nof the good, generous, noble Lafayette, although\\ngenerous needed one n and one n, and noble\\ntook one of the last s. The paragraph went on\\nto say that the death was caused by, and the\\nlast u was devoured by caused. Then came the\\nword influenza. The boldest held his breath for\\na time. But we were obliged ignominiously to go\\nto press with the statement that his death was\\ncaused by a cold. This was safe, and required\\nno n and no Alas in the making-up of the\\nform the precious 11 of the word noble fell out;\\nand any library which contains a file of the Fly", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0198.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 163\\nwill show that its last statement to the world is\\nthat of the death of the good, generous, oble\\nLafayette caused by a cold. Such are the\\nexigencies of boy printers in all times.\\nI have gone into detail as to the communica-\\ntions between the people in the country and the\\npeople who lived in Boston, in the hope of mak-\\ning the reader feel distinctly the isolation which\\nseparated Boston from the rest of the world.\\nThat isolation has left its marks on the character\\nof Boston till this day. It explains the amusing\\ncockneyisms of Boston which make other people\\nlaugh at us, and a certain arrogance of provincial-\\nism which crops out very oddly among people\\nwho have sons and daughters in every part of the\\nworld, and whose communication is now so free in\\nevery direction. In the beginning it was not\\nso. The people of Boston had a very large\\nforeign trade from its origin till comparatively\\nrecent times. Now they have a little, and more\\nthan half their population is of a stock which\\ncame very recently from Europe or Canada. But\\nin the beginning of this century there was very\\nlittle immigration from Europe. Indeed, what\\nthere was was looked upon with a certain dis-\\ntrust About the time I went to college, or a\\nlittle later, a society of the most intelligent\\npeople in Boston was organized for the express\\npurpose of keeping out foreign immigration.\\nWe purists made a battle against that word. Pro-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0199.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "164 A New England Boyhood\\nfessor Edward Channing would have resented the\\nuse of it in a college theme with the same bitter-\\nness with which Mr. Webster resented in our\\nmidst a phrase which, I am sorry to say, you\\nmay now find almost everywhere. One of the\\nmost intelligent gentlemen in Boston was ap-\\npointed to the business of keeping out immi-\\ngrants a business which can only be compared\\nto Mrs. Partington s determination to sweep out\\nthe tide when it was rising in the English Chan-\\nnel He had his office on Long Wharf, and\\nwrote and forwarded circulars to Ireland to ex-\\nplain to the people of Ireland that they had better\\nnot come to this country. At the same moment\\nthe very people who paid his salary were build-\\ning up a system of manufacturing and internal\\nimprovements which was actually impossible with-\\nout the immigration which they had appointed\\nhim to check.\\nThere was at that time, however, a distinct\\ndetermination on the part of the best people in\\nBoston that it should be absolutely a model city.\\nThey had Dr. Channing preaching the perfecti-\\nbility of human nature they had Dr. Joseph\\nTuckerman determined that the gospel of Jesus\\nChrist should work its miracles among all sorts\\nand conditions of men they had a system of\\npublic education which they meant to press to its\\nvery best and they had all the money which was\\nneeded for anything good. These men subscribed\\ntheir money with the greatest promptness for any", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0200.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 165\\nenterprise which promised the elevation of human\\nsociety.\\nIn speaking of the lecture system I have already\\nstated their notion that if people only knew what\\nwas right they would do what was right. So they\\nfounded first the Massachusetts Hospital, then its\\nannex for the insane; then they made the State\\ncontribute to the deaf and dumb asylum in Hart-\\nford they established their asylum for the blind\\nat South Boston. Indeed, they expected to\\ntrample out every human ill, exactly as the most\\noptimistic young medical expert in New York at\\nthe moment when I write these lines expects to\\ntrample out every cholera bacillus who shall pre-\\nsent its little head in sight of the lens of the\\nmost powerful microscope. What these excel-\\nlent people might have done had Boston re-\\nmained the funny little town it was in the year\\n1820 I do not know. But it did not remain any\\nsuch place. The population was then 43,298 in\\n1830 it was 61,392. The increase in ten years\\nis forty-one per cent of the population at the\\nfirst enumeration an increase which would be\\nthought very remarkable in the growth of any\\nold city now. It indicates great prosperity. In\\nthe same ten years the population of the city of\\nNew York increased from 123,706 to 202,589,\\nan increase of sixty-four per cent. Such figures\\nshould be remembered, by the way, by people\\nwho tell us that the present rate of the increase\\nof cities is without precedent.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0201.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "1 66 A New England Boyhood\\nThe growth, though rapid, and on the whole\\nencouraging for the manufacturing system of New\\nEngland, tended to divert capital to a certain ex-\\ntent from that foreign commerce which had been\\ncreated and nourished by European wars. So\\nsoon as capital placed itself in one or another\\nsite of the interior, as Lowell, Manchester, Fall\\nRiver, Holyoke, and the rest came into existence,\\nso soon, of course, the Boston boy found out that\\nthere was a world outside of State Street and Milk\\nStreet. And now that Boston capital loves to\\nplace itself at any point where capital is needed,\\nbetween Lockwood s Cape in 82\u00c2\u00b0 north latitude\\nand Terra del Fuego on the outside of the Strait\\nof Magellan, there is no longer an opportunity for\\na Boston boyhood to be spent in the conditions\\nwhich surrounded me. These were physically\\nalmost the same as those which surrounded the\\nboyhood of Samuel Sewall in the seventeenth cen-\\ntury, or Henry Knox in the eighteenth.\\nCHAPTER X\\nAT COLLEGE\\nI WAS but thirteen years and five months old when\\nI entered Harvard College, so that these memories\\nof a New England boyhood carry us into college\\nlife. For as early an entrance as this was not un-\\nusual in those days. My friend Dr. Andrew Pres-\\nton Peabody entered college as sophomore in his", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0202.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 167\\nthirteenth year at the precise age of twelve years\\nand six months Edward Everett, twenty years be-\\nfore, entered at the age of thirteen. The first\\nscholar of my own class, Samuel Eliot, afterward\\npresident of Trinity College, was but a few months\\nolder than I. I think we were the two youngest\\nmembers of the class,\\nI have no idea that my father would have sent me\\nto college so young but that my older brother was\\nalready there. We had always been together, and\\nwere absolutely attached to each other. In point\\nof fact, as I have intimated already, at this moment,\\nI should find it hard to think of any real knowl-\\nedge of any sort which I have ever had, on any\\nsubject, of which I did not trace the origins to\\nhim. I suppose my father thought that he was\\nthe best adviser and instructor that I could have.\\nCertainly he could not have sent me to Europe\\nwith any private tutor, with nearly the advantage\\nwhich I received from being sent to Cambridge to\\nlive with my brother. Accordingly to Cambridge\\nI was sent, although everybody knew that this was\\nat a younger age than would be otherwise advis-\\nable. I should not certainly advise anyone to\\nsend a boy to Cambridge at thirteen years of age\\nnow, though I believe there would be no difficulty\\nin passing the Cambridge examinations at that\\nage now, if a boy had been sensibly brought up,\\nby teachers who understood what that examination\\nis and is not. But the college was not then what\\nit is now, and life after one left college was not", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0203.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "1 68 A New England Boyhood\\nquite what it is now. I have certainly never re-\\ngretted that after I left college I had six clear\\nyears for seeing the world, before there was even\\nan apparent necessity of my binding myself to the\\nregular work of my profession. Now this could\\nhardly have been had I entered college at the age\\nof sixteen or seventeen, which was, I suppose, the\\nage of most of my classmates.\\nIt must have been on a morning in the end of\\nAugust that this brother of mine and I started to-\\ngether, in my uncle s chaise, which had been bor-\\nrowed for the occasion, that I might present myself\\nat six o clock at University Hall for examination.\\nThe examinations are absurd enough now, but I\\nthink they do not make them begin at six in the\\nmorning. At that time, however, morning prayers\\nwere at six o clock as soon as the term began, and\\nit was considered proper that we should be intro-\\nduced into the college routine at the beginning.\\nThe examination was to last from six in the\\nmorning to seven in the evening on that day, and\\nfrom six till two on the next day; and with the\\nexception of an hour for dinner we were kept in\\nthe various recitation rooms all the time. After\\ntwo on the second day we loafed round the yard,\\nkeeping near enough to the door of University\\nHall to know when we were called, one by one.\\nEach person as he was called then entered what\\nwe afterwards called the corporation room,\\nwhere he found the president and members of\\nthe faculty, and each one received the announce-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0204.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 169\\nment of his success or of his faikire. You were\\nadmitted on probation, as it was called, there being\\na theory that you were not matriculated until the\\nend of the first term. But we all knew that every-\\nbody who was admitted was matriculated and\\nthis was merely one of a set of traditional forms\\nof which I will speak in another place.\\nI rather think that I derived a certain contempt\\nwhich I have always felt for these mechanical func-\\ntions called examinations from my experience on\\nthis occasion. As it happened, my brother and I\\narrived, in the chaise alluded to, early enough in-\\ndeed, but later than the great body of the candi-\\ndates, of whom there were about eighty. For\\ninstance, my own classmates of the Latin School\\nhad come out in an omnibus, which had been\\nengaged to come at that early hour. We found,\\ntherefore, that they were already registered on\\nthe list of applicants, while my name came in at\\nthe very end, with certain other boys who had ar-\\nrived separately. It is an illustration of the sim-\\nplicity of those days that one of these boys at least\\nhad ridden twenty miles that morning, with his\\nfather, in the chaise in which they had come from\\nBerwick in Maine. This was Francis Brown\\nHayes; his place in the alphabet brought him\\nnext to me in all the lists of our class, and we\\nwere intimate friends till the end of his life.\\nSamuel Longfellow, another of my nearest\\nfriends, who has lately died, was another of\\nthese sporadic persons; he had come with his", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0205.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "170 A New England Boyhood\\nfather in a chaise from Portland in Maine, by a\\ntwo days journey.\\nWe were told off into twelve sections, and pro-\\nceeded to the examination. It was on much the\\nsame lines on which the examination is conducted\\nnow, with perhaps less of writing and more oral\\nquestions. There was, however, no examination\\nin French or in German. I think the Latin and\\nGreek and mathematics went as far as the required\\nexamination does now; but if a person wanted to\\nenter in advance he presented himself on another\\nday. In every class there were a great many per-\\nsons in those days who entered sophomore, as\\nthe phrase was. That is to say, the course was\\nabridged to three years by these boys who had re-\\nmained for two freshman years in the preparatory\\nschool. I believe that the persons most competent\\nin the university are very glad to have some such\\ncourse as this taken now it is an easy way of\\nsolving the question whether the undergraduate\\ncourse should be three years or four, and how\\nmuch work should be thrown upon the prepara-\\ntory schools.\\nI afterwards knew as teachers most of the gentle-\\nmen who conducted that examination. But there\\nwas one of them, who assigned us our places, gave\\nus all general directions, and, in short, looked after\\nus through the two days in the kindest manner\\npossible, whom I did not meet again for many\\nyears. I now think it was Theodore Parker,\\nwhom I did not know personally till long after", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0206.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 171\\nthis time. I have ever since liked to think of him\\nas showing such friendly sympathy and untiring\\nconsideration for the needs of seventy or eighty\\ndazed and bewildered boys.\\nTo us Latin School boys the examination was\\neasy enough in most of its details. I know I went\\nto it, and through it, with the light-hearted spirit\\nin which it is best to meet life always, taking it for\\ngranted, that is, that I was at least equal to the\\naverage, and that, with good luck, I should come\\nout better than the average. There was not one\\nof us who had the slightest idea that he should\\nnot pass the examination. In fact, the only ques-\\ntion I remember is the question whether Amster-\\ndam were north of London; this was put to a\\ndozen or more of us, in a good-natured friendly\\nway, by George F. Simmons, afterwards an inter-\\nesting and valuable preacher. Everyone of the\\ntwelve answered the question wrong. We were not,\\nhowever, conditioned on geography, although I do\\nnot remember that any other such questions were\\nput to me than this, on which I came out so badly.\\nWhen the examination was over it proved that\\nbut six of the eighty had passed without condi-\\ntions that was the phrase then, as I think it is\\nnow. Rather to the disgust and mortification of\\nthe five best scholars of our Latin School class,\\nthey were all conditioned. They were the five\\nhighest of the six Franklin Medal boys, and a\\nFranklin Medal is a type of the highest scholar-\\nship in a Boston school. Perkins, who was the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0207.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "172 A New England Boyhood\\nsixth Franklin Medal boy, and I, who never had a\\nFranklin Medal, were the two from our school who\\npassed without any conditions. I am disposed, as\\nI say, to think that to this accident for it was a\\nmere accident I owed the suspicion which I\\nentertained as early as that period of my life that\\nall these examinations are in a large measure\\nhumbugs. The persistence in them is one of the\\nfollies of our time, which will drop out, as various\\nother follies drop out, from one generation after\\nanother. It seems to belong where patches on a\\nlady s face belong, or similar customs, which one\\nage thinks important and another age laughs at.\\nOf course I went home very light-hearted, not to\\nsay proud and from that day to this day I have\\nnever dreaded any of these formal functions, in\\nwhatever shape they have presented themselves.\\nI am glad to think that my children have inherited\\nsomething of the same light-hearted readiness to\\naccept, without protest, any folly of the time, so it\\ndo not involve an essential principle.\\nBut when the business of actually going to\\ncollege began I had none of this light-hearted\\nfeeling. It was all very pleasant to go around\\nwith Fullum to furniture stores, with money\\nenough to buy the chairs, and carpet, and wash-\\nbowl, and other apparatus with which one was to\\nbegin independent life. It was interesting to go\\nout with him to 22 Stoughton, and assist in putting\\nthe carpet down, in hanging the curtains, and in\\ndetermining where my desk should be, and where", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0208.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 173\\nmy brother s should be, and so in beginning upon\\nhousekeeping. But when all this was over, when\\nI had been to morning prayers for the first time,\\nand had gone through the routine of morning\\nrecitations, and the first recitation of the afternoon\\nrecitations which were all child s play to boys\\nwho had been as well trained as we when I sat\\nin the broad window seat, and looked out on the\\nsetting sun, behind Mount Auburn, as it happened,\\nthen the bitterness of the situation revealed itself to\\nme. I was thoroughly and completely homesick.\\nI said to myself, perhaps I said aloud, This is\\none day of three hundred and sixty-five, and that\\nwill make one year. At the end of that year I\\nshall have gone through one of four such years.\\nAnd I wondered how I ever could survive the\\ndeadly monotony of such a service. It was not\\ntill the next year that I read, in Miss Martineau s\\nTravels, that happy anecdote of the Jersey\\napprentice boy, who, when nine years old, was\\nforever wishing for the Fourth of July. Someone\\nasked him why he was so eager to have the Fourth\\nof July come, and he said When that has come\\nI shall have only eleven more years to serve. I\\nrepeat this tale of homesickness because, although\\nit was an exaggerated feeling, it expresses well\\nenough my dislike for the routine of college, a dis-\\nlike which accompanied me to its very close.\\nOther fellows took the thing more simply and\\nphilosophically. Newton, of my own class, a fine\\nfellow who died young, said to me once that he", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0209.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "174 A New England Boyhood\\nattended every chapel exercise, morning and even-\\ning through the whole time he was in Cambridge.\\nWhy should I not? he said. I had not the\\nattractions which you had in Boston Cambridge\\nwas my home. The rule was to be in chapel\\ntwice a day I might as well be there as anywhere\\nelse. He was undoubtedly the happier and, I\\nthink, the better man, because he could accept the\\nroutine of life with such good nature.\\nAs for the business which took us to college,\\nmore than half of us soon found out that we had\\nbeen too well prepared. As Hayward used to say,\\nWe had overrun the game. That is the great\\nmerit of the elective system, if it holds in the\\nfreshman year of a college that a boy or young\\nman can take hold where he is prepared to go for-\\nward. For us, however, we were set on reading\\nLivy and Xenophon. These authors are easier\\nafter you have the hang of it than the Latin\\nand Greek which we had been reading for some\\ntime before at school. We could almost read them\\nat sight. Our teachers in these two languages\\nregarded the whole thing as a bore they were\\npreparing for other fields in life, and they had\\ntaken their tutorships by the way, without any\\nidea that they were to interest us in language or\\nthat there was much interest in it; at least that\\nis the impression which they left upon our minds.\\nIt was simply a dull school exercise. It may be\\nsaid in passing that one of the great difficulties of\\nour present college system comes from the fact", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0210.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood J75\\nthat in general boys, for the last year they are in\\nthe preparatory school, have been under the care\\nof a gentleman of spirit, and intelligence, and\\neagerness in education, who makes them his com-\\npanions, who gives them such enthusiasm as he\\nhas in the studies which they are pursuing. For\\nthen they pass into the hand of some instructor\\nwho has just graduated, who does not know much,\\nand very likely does not know how to teach what\\nhe knows. Thus, from a superior, picked man,\\none of the best educators in the country, perhaps,\\na boy passes under the direction of a frightened\\nnovice, with whom the college is trying an experi-\\nment whether he will or will not succeed. Of\\ncourse, in theory, the best educators ought to have\\nthe charge of those pupils who need education\\nmost. But in practice, I fancy, it is very hard, in\\nthe charge of colleges, to make the professors of\\nmost ability take those elementary duties upon\\nthemselves. Certainly in very few colleges do\\nthey take any such duty.\\nIn the business of mathematics the whole thing\\nwas different. I find by the Quinquennial\\nCatalogue that Professor Peirce, now well\\nknown as one of the most distinguished math-\\nematicians of the century, was appointed two\\nyears before this time as Hollis Professor of\\nMathematics. He was but twenty-six years of age.\\nIt has been the custom to say that he was not a\\ngood teacher of mathematics, because his insight\\nwas so absolute that he made one long step where", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0211.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "ij6 A New England Boyhood\\na pupil needed to make four or five, and that he\\ncould not understand the difficulty of the boy who\\ndid not see what he saw. I suppose this is true;\\nbut, on the other hand, he was an enthusiast in\\nhis business, he was sympathetic and kind where\\nhe saw real interest in the pupil, and he devised\\nthe best method for the handling of a class which\\nI have ever seen. In his case, certainly, there\\nwas no right to complain that an inferior teacher\\nwas put in charge of novices. At two o clock in\\nthe afternoon we went into one of the large dining-\\nrooms of University Hall, which was not needed\\nfor commons. As one went into the room he\\ntook from a pile of manuscript books his own\\nbook, as he had left it the day before. In this\\nbook he found a slip of paper with the problem\\nof geometry which he was to work out that day.\\nNow if he had failed the day before the problem\\ngiven him would be one on the lesson of the day\\nbefore if he had not failed it would take him on\\nin the regular order.\\nOf course it happened, before many weeks were\\nover, that the different members of the class were\\nin different places; but it also was sure, that\\nnobody had been advanced any farther than he\\nhad understood what he was about. In point of\\nfact, only six or eight members of the class went\\nthrough without any failures at all, and the others\\nstraggled along in their places behind. If you\\nhad any real hitch, and did not understand the\\nthing, you were encouraged in every way to sit", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0212.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 177\\ndown by Mr. Pcirce and work out the problem\\nwith him. We came to be, from that very\\nmoment forward, on terms of a certain sort of\\nintimacy with him, which did not exist with five\\nother teachers in college. He was very cordial\\nand sympathetic, if anybody used his own brains\\nenough to work out the problem in a way different\\nfrom that in the book and I doubt if I have ever\\nreceived any honor in life which I prized more\\nthan the words excellent and original, which\\nonce or twice he wrote at the bottom of my\\nexercise. Probably I hardly need say that this\\nsort of intimacy led to a cordial friendship\\nbetween him and me, which lasted till the very\\nend of his distinguished life.\\nBut there is a queer thing about this recitation\\nwith him, which shows the absolute indifference\\nof the American world of the first half of this\\ncentury to matters of physical health. When, in\\nthe year before, Francis Lieber was intrusted with\\nthe preparation of the fundamental rules for\\nGirard College, he prepared a curious code of\\nsuch rules, in which he made this his Article 227:\\nNo scientific instruction proper should be given with-\\nin a full hour after dinner. The contrary leads to vice.\\nIn utter indifference to any such rule as this\\nprobably in utter ignorance that there was any\\nconnection between body and mind worth notice\\nour whole class was ordered into this math-\\nematical exercise at two o clock, after we had\\n12", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0213.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "178 A New England Boyhood\\ndined at a dinner beginning at one. It was not\\ntill five years afterwards that I stumbled on\\nLieber s axiom, which is based on absolute\\nexperience and I think one may doubt whether\\nanybody at Cambridge cared whether there were\\nany such axiom or not. Take, for another instance,\\nthe morning recitations. We went into chapel at\\nsix, to a perfunctory service which lasted rather less\\nthan ten minutes. Half the class then went at\\nonce into a recitation whatever happened to be\\nconvenient although breakfast was not to be\\nserved until twenty minutes past seven. All\\nthrough the college year this same distance\\nbetween breakfast and prayers prevailed what\\nwas called the half-hour bell being rung half\\nan hour after prayers were over, so that some\\nsections went in then, as some sections had gone\\nin immediately on the close of chapel. The\\nabsolute wickedness of working the brains of boys\\nwho had taken no food perhaps since five o clock\\nin the afternoon before, did not seem to occur to\\na human being in the administration.\\nMy friend the late Dr. Muzzey, who was in\\ncollege a dozen years before me, told me that,\\nuntil he was a senior in college, nobody had ever\\ntold him that students ought to take physical\\nexercise daily. He told me that he lived in the\\ncollege yard, at work on his studies, day in and\\nday out, without thinking that physical exercise\\nwas necessary for any reason, and that nobody\\ntold him that it was. It was not till he broke", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0214.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 179\\ndown, in a confirmed dyspepsia, from the results\\nof which he suffered till the end of his days, that\\nsome physician explained to him that he ought\\nto have taken some physical exercise every day\\nof his life. It was true that Dr. John Ware,\\na person eminently fit for the duty, delivered\\nlectures on the art of preserving health, to which\\nwe were obliged to go in our senior year. But\\nthe joke was that we did not go till our\\nconstitutions were destroyed.\\nThrough the freshman and sophomore years\\nit was impossible for any boy of more than\\naverage training and sense to spend more than\\nthree hours a day in preparing for recitations.\\nLectures, observe, were almost wholly unknown\\nin those years. Then the college required three\\nhours of recitation, on some rare occasion\\npossibly four. Here were six hours taken up by\\nstudies of the university. Supposing you slept\\nnine hours out of the twenty-four (and I certainly\\ndid) here were nine hours to be got rid of in\\namusement of whatever kind, where we were\\nabsolutely our own masters. The requisition was\\nsimply that we should attend these recitations and\\nchapel twice a day. In the summer half of the\\nyear chapel was at six in the morning, as I have\\nsaid. As the sun began to rise later than six, the\\nchapel was pushed forward so that the exercises\\nmight be carried on by daylight, for it had been\\nproved, by sad experience, that the under-\\ngraduates took measures to put out the candles", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0215.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "i8o A New England Boyhood\\non which the chapel then depended for its light,\\nif there were not light from the heavenly bodies.\\nGiven these requisitions, we might do as we chose\\nfor the rest of the time.\\nFor many of us certainly for me a consid-\\nerable part of this time was used in the library.\\nThe library then consisted of about fifty thousand\\nvolumes, which occupied the second story of Har-\\nvard Hall. With perhaps twenty exceptions every\\none of these books might be taken down by every\\ncomer and read, so only he remained in the library\\nwhile reading. I think Mr. Emerson refers some-\\nwhere to the facility thus given and to the use of\\nit, as the best advantage which a college has to\\noffer. I remember that there was a proposal made\\nonce that he should reside in Cambridge, with a col-\\nlege appointment, as director of the reading of the\\nundergraduates. Without any director or direc-\\ntion we browsed over the whole range of English\\nliterature, and, when we could, dipped into other\\nlanguages, I wonder, when I look back on the\\nmiscellaneous reading of those days, that even\\ntwo or three hours a day gave time for it. But,\\npractically, when you had nothing else to do\\nbetween ten and four, you went into the library.\\nYou sat at the great table, where was Rees s\\nCyclopaedia, and you read the articles which you\\nfancied or needed. You worked up your themes\\nand forensics there. For me, I know I dipped\\nthrough the Gentleman s Magazine, from 1720\\ndown. I remember reading the folios of adventure", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0216.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood i 8 1\\non the North-west coast, so that ten years after-\\nwards I was not unprepared for Sutter, the Sacra-\\nmento, the wreck of the Peacock, and the dis-\\ncovery of gold. It had, in fact, been discovered\\nby Shelvocke in 1718.\\nFor home reading, that is, reading in our rooms,\\nwe had the society libraries. All this has changed\\nsince you can buy a paper-covered novel for ten\\ncents. The society assessments were not large\\nperhaps two dollars a year. For sixty members\\nthis gave an income of one hundred and twenty\\ndollars, to be spent on the two-volume novel of\\nthe period, generally in Carey Lea s Philadel-\\nphia reprint. Cooper s later novels, James s novels,\\nMrs. Trollope s, Mrs. Gore s, and plenty more, of\\nwhich names and authors are now forgotten, were\\nregularly bought and ready for distribution at our\\nmutual circulating libraries. The first of Dickens s\\ncame in my time, and Bulwer still held the field.\\nI and my brother were entitled to four such novels\\na week eight volumes. I doubt if I averaged\\nmore than four volumes a week. But I am sure I\\nread as many as that, and I think they did me\\nmuch more good than hurt. The novelists of\\nthat day did their best in conversation, and for\\nease in conversation I doubt if there is better\\ntraining than the reading of good novels of that\\nschool. Of course we went back to the older\\nbooks. Scott still reigned supreme. I knew\\nMiss Austen by heart, almost, and we read every-\\nthing else which the law of selection had preserved.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0217.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "1 82 A New England Boyhood\\nThe necessity of these Hbraries a necessity\\nwhich no longer exists kept the hterary soci-\\neties alive. The clubs, like the Hasty Pudding\\nand the Porcellian, were a different thing; they\\nhad their libraries also.\\nThe I. O. H. and the Institute were the fresh-\\nman and sophomore societies the Union and\\nthe Hasty Pudding came later. There was the\\nslightest possible pretence of rivalry between the\\nsocieties of the Institute and the I. O. H., but it\\namounted to nothing. In practice each society\\nmet once a fortnight, and the Tuesdays of meet-\\nings alternated with each other. In each society\\nthe exercises began with a lecture, so called, which\\nlasted five or ten minutes. You had to get up\\nsome subject, and make it as interesting as you\\ncould, and read it to the assembled thirty or forty\\nfellows. Then there was a debate, to which two\\nor three speakers were assigned on the affirmative,\\nand two or three on the negative. The fellows\\nsat round the tables, which were built into the\\nfloor, for use when they should be needed in com-\\nmons, and, after the regular speakers, anybody\\nmight join in the discussion. The discussions\\nwere of course as good and as bad as the discus-\\nsions of boys generally are. But we were all\\ntrained by them to think on our feet, and all\\nlearned there to stand without our knees shaking\\nunder us, and that is the great thing to be learned.\\nFor the rest, if a man has anything to say he\\nwill be very apt to find out how to say it", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0218.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 183\\nI am always sorry when I hear of any college\\nthat there is no interest in debating societies.\\nSomehow or other you want to have Americans\\nused to face an audience, and to tell the truth in\\nas simple a way as it can be told and I know\\nof no training so good for this as that of the\\ndebating club. I am glad to see that, under\\nthe auspices of the Lyceum League,^ there is a\\nchance that the old-fashioned debating club may\\nbe revived.\\nOnce or twice a year there was a more formal\\nfunction in society life. You celebrated Wash-\\nington s birthday, or something else which it was\\nconvenient to celebrate, by an oration and a\\npoem. Then you invited the members of the\\nother societies to come in.\\nThe Davy Club had been in existence some\\nyears, under one and another name, before my\\nday, and had the north-east corner room in the\\nbasement of Massachusetts for a laboratory. Dr.\\nWebster, who was the professor of chemistry, gave\\nus the most good-natured and kindly assistance.\\nMany a bit of old apparatus, for which substitutes\\nhad been found in the college laboratory, was\\ntransferred for our use; and we might, at any\\nmoment, run over to him for advice or informa-\\ntion. We had quite a little store of chemicals,\\nand, on the whole, the facilities of the Davy labo-\\nratory were so much better than those which we\\ncould concoct in our own wash basins and what\\n1 Alas in 1S99 the Lyceum League also is a back number.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0219.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "1 84 A New England Boyhood\\nwere called the studies the Httle closets by\\nthe sides of our chimney-places that we ordi-\\nnarily stained our trousers and our fingers in that\\nlaboratory rather than in our own rooms.\\nIn my senior year a dramatic event crossed the\\ndeadly monotony of college life, which sent a knot\\nof us into the laboratory for the whole of one\\nSunday. At morning chapel President Quincy,\\nwith a good deal of emotion, told us that break-\\nfast at commons must be delayed a little while on\\naccount of an accident which had happened in the\\nkitchen. It proved that two of the waiters had\\ngone to sleep, in one of the rooms in the base-\\nment which was assigned for their bedroom, with\\na pan of charcoal burning. They had only been\\ndiscovered just before the chapel service, and both\\nof them were unconscious. At that moment the\\ndoctors were with them, hoping to re-arouse the\\nvitality which was almost gone. When we came\\nto breakfast a message came upstairs from this\\nsick room, to know who there was at breakfast\\nwho could make oxygen. I ran down at once,\\nand Dr. Wyman and Dr. Webster explained to me\\nthat they wanted to try the experiment of feeding\\nthe exhausted lungs with pure oxygen. When I\\nfound that it was not for immediate use only, but\\nthat the treatment was to be continued through\\nthe day, I told Dr. Webster that we should have to\\nstart the furnace in the Davy Club laboratory, and\\nhe bade me do so. With two or three others of\\nthe men most interested in chemistry I went up to", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0220.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 185\\nthat laboratory, and till ten o clock in the even-\\ning we were sending down rubber bags of oxygen\\nfor these poor fellows to breathe. Whether it did\\nthem any good or not I do not know; eventually\\none of them recovered and the other died.\\nI remember that our feet were wet through with\\nthe overflow of our pneumatic troughs; and, when\\nwe were notified that our work was needed no\\nlonger, I brought the whole crew up into my\\nroom in the third story of the same building to\\ndry their feet and to take something warming\\nwithin. We sat together for some time, and then\\nthey bade me good-night; but in two minutes one\\ncame rushing back for my water pails. It proved\\nthat the intense heat from our furnace, through the\\nday, had cracked off the plaster in the chimney of\\nold Massachusetts, and had exposed a timber\\nwhich the careless builders of the year 1720 had\\nonly protected by rough-cast. Our fellows had\\nprudently looked in at the laboratory as they\\nwent by, to see that all was safe, and had found\\nthemselves blinded with smoke. W^e went to work\\nwith a will to extinguish the fire we had lighted,\\nbut it was wholly shut in and was quite too much\\nfor us. That was the only night when I ever\\nheard the traditional call of Harvard. Some-\\none ran out and called Harvard, Harvard, Har-\\nvard two or three times lustily, and in two\\nminutes we had all Harvard to help us. But all\\nwould not do. We had to call in the Cambridge\\nfire department, to our great shame and grief;", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0221.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "1 86 A New England Boyhood\\nand it was not till, with their axes, the firemen\\nhad cut away the chimney that we got at the\\nbeam to which we had set fire. Fortunately the\\nold building was thus saved from destruction by\\nthe care of the men Henry Parker is the one\\nwhom I remember who looked in to see that\\nall was safe after our day s work.\\nAnother of these out of the way dabblings in\\nscience was our observations for meteors in the\\nwinter of 1838-39. This was organized by Wil-\\nliam Francis Channing, now so well known as an\\nelectrician. The New Haven astronomers had\\nmade the suggestion, which has since been gener-\\nally accepted, that on the 12th of November annu-\\nally the earth passes through a belt of meteors.\\nChanning had had some conversation with Pro-\\nfessor Lovering, who had told him that it was\\ndesirable that in November, 1838, there should\\nbe a careful observation on this subject; and we\\nmade a club of eight, which we called the Octag-\\nonal Club, for the special purpose of making these\\nobservations. We sent a table and five chairs out\\nto the Delta. We met there in a squad at mid-\\nnight and after, and, back to back, sat, all wrapped\\nup, looking at the clear sky. We were quite in-\\ncredulous as to the Novembreity of the shower\\nwe said that there would be as many on any clear\\nnight; and we undertook to demonstrate it. So,\\nmonth by month, that winter, when there was no\\nmoon, we met on the Delta in the same way to\\nhunt for meteors.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0222.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 187\\nWe have all been pleased since to see that\\nthose observations are referred to in the careful\\nstudies of this business. We certainly fixed the\\nfact on the minds of the astronomers that on\\nany fine winter night two or three hundred me-\\nteors may be seen in our clear sky, if there\\nare enough people to look for them. I doubt\\nif this was generally believed before the interest\\naroused by the meteoric shower of November\\n12, 1833.\\nThe recent observation, which seems to be now\\ngenerally accepted, that there are black meteors,\\nor moving bodies which reflect almost no light\\nto our world, has recalled to me these nights of\\nobservation. There were three or four of us who\\ninsisted upon it that now and then we saw black\\nmeteors. The others, of course, said this was\\nmerely the reaction of the retina, and all that.\\nBut it was one of the jokes which found expres-\\nsion in the little jingling poetry which among us\\nwe composed on those nights of observation\\nWhile Morison and Parker\\nIn south-east cry, Marker,\\nOne jet black and darker\\nFrom zenith above\\nBut Adams and Longfellow,\\nWatching the throng below,\\nWon t all night long allow\\nBlack meteors move.\\nI think it was in the Natural History Society\\nhowever, that more of us were personally inter-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0223.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "i88 A New England Boyhood\\nested from day to day, than any other of these\\noutside occupations. In imitation of the Davy\\nClub we applied very early for one of the recita-\\ntion rooms in the basement of Massachusetts,\\nwhich the government cordially gave us, because\\nthey liked to help in such plans. Eventually we\\noccupied all four of those rooms between the two\\nentries. The whole basement is now given up to\\na large lecture room, the same which is used by\\nthe Phi Beta Kappa at its annual dinners. We\\nwere as poor as rats, and why we did not ask the\\ncollege to furnish these rooms for us I am sure I\\ndo not know; I do not doubt they would have\\ndone it willingly. But we assessed ourselves terri-\\nbly for the cases in which we were to keep our\\ncollections. And half my recollections of the\\nNatural History Society are not of botany or\\nmineralogy, but of bargains with carpenters and\\npainters and other people who were to work for\\nus in such details. I remember, on one occasion,\\nwe were very anxious to have the new rooms ready\\nfor a college exhibition, but two days beforehand\\nthe painters had not come. When they came I\\nstood over them and made them promise that the\\npaint should be dry by nine o clock the next\\nmorning. They explained to me that if enough\\nturpentine were used it would certainly be dry,\\nand dry it was but whether the fair friends whom\\nwe took to see our exhibition enjoyed the smell\\nof the turpentine I have always since doubted.\\nAnd thus I am reminded that I have said noth-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0224.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 189\\ning about college exhibitions. They have died out\\nin the face of the pressure of modern life, I think\\nfrom the difficulty that it was impossible to secure\\nan audience. Probably the great festivity of class\\nday takes the place of all such minor festivities.\\nBut in these prehistoric times of which I write the\\nminor festivities held their own, and at the three\\nexhibitions and at commencement there were large\\nparties of ladies and gentlemen who visited the\\ncollege, and who were entertained with more or\\nless festivity. Exhibitions were divided into junior\\nand senior exhibitions. This meant that the high-\\nest part in the junior exhibition was taken by the\\nhighest junior, while in the two senior exhibitions\\nthe highest parts were taken by the second and\\nthird seniors. This shall be explained more fully\\nhereafter.\\nNow, as will appear, if you were in the upper\\ntwenty-four of the class you spoke twice before\\ncommencement came, and at commencement you\\nhad another part oration, dissertation, disquisi-\\ntion, or a Latin or Greek part, according to your\\nability. So much was matter of college regula-\\ntion; but the custom was that men who spoke\\ninvited their friends out to hear them, and as there\\nwere sixteen speakers at each exhibition, this made\\na company of two or three hundred ladies and\\ngentlemen, who came out to see the colleges\\non those particular days. On those days there\\nwere no other college exercises generally the\\nPierian was in attendance, and they made pretty", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0225.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "190 A New England Boyhood\\nfetes on a small scale, as class day makes one of\\nthe grandest events of the year now. If you had\\na part you rehearsed for it, of course, with the\\nteacher of elocution. What was quite as impor-\\ntant, you went down to see Ma am Hyde, who had\\na little shop on Dunster Street, and you hired your\\nsilk gown. You paid her fifty cents for a day s use\\nof it. She had enough of these gowns to answer\\nfor the whole class, and unless a boy was the son\\nof a clergyman, or otherwise connected with a\\ngood silk gown, he hired one of these for use.\\nThey were very sleazy silk, and certainly would\\nnot stand alone, but they answered the purpose.\\nThe exhibition itself began with a Latin saluta-\\ntory, in which you said civil things about the pretty\\ngirls, and thanked the professors and the president\\nfor their kindness to you. Then went on discus-\\nsions and dissertations and dialogues and one Ora-\\ntion. And after every four or five numbers there\\nwould be music by the Pierian Sodality. While\\nthe music went on you walked around and talked\\nwith your pretty friends, or your uncles, or your\\naunts, and invited them to the spread at your own\\nroom; but the word spread was not then in-\\nvented. So the sixteen numbers pulled through,\\nevery speaker bowing to the president and then to\\nthe audience, making his speech, bowing again,\\nand retiring. There were certain silent parts,\\nus they were called, because the mathematical and\\nchemical departments wanted to show who were\\ntheir best men, irrespective of general college", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0226.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 191\\nrank. These were assigned to three or four men,\\nwho wrote them out and tied them up in rolls with\\nhighly colored ribbon, and when their time came\\nmarched across the stage, made a bow to the\\npresiding officer, gave the roll to him, made\\nanother bow to the president, and again retired.\\nThis will be as good a place as any to tell the\\nvarying fortunes of class day itself, of which I\\nhappen to remember one of the most important\\ncrises. Class day seems to have originated as\\nearly as the beginning of the century. The class\\nitself chose a favorite speaker as orator, and some-\\none who could write a poem, and had its own\\nexercises of farewell. There grew up side by side\\nwith those farewell exercises the custom by which\\nthe class treated the rest of the college, and event-\\nually treated every loafer in Cambridge. As I\\nremember the first class days which I ever saw,\\nthey were the occasions of the worst drunkenness\\nI have ever known. The night before class day\\nsome of the seniors I do not know but what all\\nwent out to the lower part of the yard, where\\nthere was still a grove of trees, and consecrated\\nthe grove, as the phrase was, which meant drank\\nall the rum and other spirits that they liked. Then,\\non the afternoon of class day, around the old elm\\ntree, sometimes called Rebellion Tree and some-\\ntimes Liberty Tree, which stood and stands behind\\nHollis, all the college assembled, and every other\\nmale loafer who chose to come where there was a\\nfree treat. Pails of punch, made from every spirit", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0227.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "192 A New England Boyhood\\nknown to the Cambridge innkeepers, were there for\\neverybody to drink. It was a horrid orgy from end\\nto end, varied, perhaps, by dancing round the tree.\\nWith such memories of class day President\\nQuincy, in 1838, sent for my brother and one or\\ntwo others of the class of that year in whom he\\nhad confidence, to ask what could be done to\\nbreak up such orgies. He knew he could rely on\\nthe class for an improvement in the customs.\\nThey told him that if he would give them for the\\nday the use of the Brigade Band, which was then\\nthe best band we had in Boston, and which they\\nhad engaged for the morning, they felt sure that\\nthey could change the fete. The conditions,\\nobserve, were a lovely July day, the presence in\\nthe morning at the chapel, to hear the addresses,\\nof the nicest and prettiest girls of Boston and\\nneighborhood with their mammas, and the chances\\nof keeping them there through the afternoon.\\nMr. Ouincy gladly promised the band, and when\\nthe day came, it became the birthday of the\\nmodern class day, the most charming of fetes.\\nWord was given to the girls that they must come\\nto spend the day. In the chapel Coolidge deliv-\\nered a farewell oration. Lowell, alas was at\\nConcord, not permitted to come to Cambridge to\\nrecite his poem; it had to be printed instead.\\nWhen the ode had been sung the assembly moved\\nup to that shaded corner between Stoughton and\\nHolworthy. The band people stationed them-\\nselves in the entry of Stoughton, between 21 and", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0228.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 193\\n24, with the window open, and the dancing on\\nthe green, of which there are still traditions,\\nbegan. The wind instrument men said afterward\\nthat they never played for dancing before, and\\nthat their throats were bone dry; and I suppose\\nthere was no girl there who had ever before\\ndanced to the music of a trombone. When our\\nclass came along, in 1839, we had the honor of\\nintroducing fiddles. I shall send this paper to\\nthe charming lady the belle of her time with\\nwhom I danced in the silk gown in which I had\\nbeen clad when I delivered the class poem of my\\nyear. Docs she remember it as well as I do?\\nCommencement was a function far more impor-\\ntant than the exhibitions or than class day, which,\\nto speak profanely, were side shows. No audi-\\nence can ever be persuaded to sit six hours or\\nmore to hear perhaps thirty addresses. So now,\\nwdiile a certain theory is maintained that certain\\nof the best scholars in the large graduating class\\nprepare addresses, by far the larger number of\\nthem are excused, and only five or six speakers,\\nrepresenting four or five branches of the univer-\\nsity, actually address the audience. No one has\\nto be in the theatre more than two hours.\\nBut in the first half of the century the function\\nconsumed the day. People had more time, and,\\nwith a certain ebb and flow of the assembly of\\nauditors, the First Church was kept full all day.\\nOriginally there was a recess in the middle of the\\nday for dinner, I think, but of this I am not sure.\\n13", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0229.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "194 New England Boyhood\\nIn our day about twenty-five of the graduating\\nclass spoke, and tliere were one or two addresses\\nby speakers who represented the Masters, that\\nis, those who took tlieir second degree, three years\\nafter they graduated.\\nA Master might have fifteen minutes, I think,\\nTlie three seniors who had orations, that is, the\\nliighest scholars in the graduating class, had ten\\nminutes. In order of rank there followed disserta-\\ntions, disquisitions, and, if anybody could write\\nverse, a poem. A dissertation was eight minutes\\nlong, and a disquisition four. Of all this you were\\nnotified when you were appointed.\\nMy sophomore year began at the time when the\\nhigh consulting powers had determined to cele-\\nbrate the second centennial of the college. It was\\ntwo hundred years since the granting of the\\ncharter, and that was, fairly enough, taken as the\\nbirthday.\\nPreparations were made to illuminate the build-\\nings, and a great tent, in which two thousand\\npeople might dine, was pitched near where Presi-\\ndent Eliot s house now stands. The president s\\nhouse then was what we now call Wadsworth,\\nthe house built for Benjamin Wadsworth by the\\nprovince when he came from the First Church in\\nBoston to be president of the college in 1726.\\nStudents would not be students if they did not\\nconnect some utter absurdity with every function\\naccordingly there was circulated among us a\\nrumor, for which there was not the slighest founda-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0230.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 195\\ntion, that, in revenge for the burning of the Ursu-\\nline convent two years before, the Irish of Boston\\nproposed to attack the college and destroy the\\nilluminations the night before the celebration. To\\nprepare for this attack the undergraduates met,\\nand chose their officers for a night watch to pro-\\ntect the university. We took our turns as patrols\\nall round the college yards, challenging every\\npoor night wanderer who passed, and making him\\ngive the countersign. If he did not know it we\\nbid him pass, and thanked God we were rid of a\\nknave. It was, of course, an admirable prepara-\\ntion, worthy of our years, for a very fatiguing day\\nof festival, thus to knock out three or four hours\\nof sleep from the night before. The military com-\\npany, called the Harvard Washington Corps,\\nThe hybrid band of Mercury and Mars,\\nhad been extinct for some years, but there lin-\\ngered still, as transmittenda, a few guns, sashes,\\nand belts, with a sword or two, which served for\\nthe equipment of our officers. I doubt if there\\nwere a pound of powder among us all; certainly\\nnot a bullet, flint, or percussion cap.\\nPresident Quincy delivered a historical address\\nat this celebration which makes the opening chap-\\nter of his History. I think it was on this occa-\\nsion that the old motto Veritas was first drawn\\nout from a manuscript record and used across the\\nface of the three open books which are the bear-\\ning on the college seal.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0231.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "196 A New England Boyhood\\nAt the dinner Mr. Webster, Mr. Everett, and\\nJudge Shaw spoke, and I had, for the first time,\\nthe joy of hearing Wendell Holmes recite his own\\nverses\\nLord how the seniors kicked about\\nThat freshman class of one.\\nPerfect as they are to the reader, they are more\\nthan perfect when he stands on a bench at a col-\\nlege dinner and, with all his overflow of humor, of\\npathos, and of eloquence, recites them. Of how\\nmany Phi Beta dinners has he been the joy and\\ncrown It is the first business of a Phi Beta presi-\\ndent to make Dr. Holmes say he will come to the\\nannual dinner, and the next is to catch any other\\ncelebrity who may have been a guest at com-\\nmencement. Phi Beta is so free and easy that\\nit is at that table that the brightest things are said.\\nI remember to have heard there Lord Dufi erin,\\nLord Ashburton, and Sir Edward Thornton among\\nthe travellers, and of our home orators Mr. Everett,\\nMr. Sumner, Mr. Hillard, Mr. Emerson, all the\\nOuincys yes, and so many more.\\nAll this gossip implies that we were kept alive\\nand in motion for four years, but I have not told\\nhow the machine was fed and oiled. In earlier\\ndays every student ate his breakfast and supper in\\nhis room, taking a size from the buttery, and\\ndining in commons. But we took all three meals\\nin commons or at some private boarding-house.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0232.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 197\\nUniversity Hall had been built twenty-seven\\nyears before, for the general purpose of chapel,\\ncommons, and for providing reading-rooms. It\\nwas then supposed that one of the four large halls\\nwhich crossed the building on the first floor would\\nbe used by each class in commons. But when I\\nwas in college only two halls were thus used the\\ntwo at the ends of the building, and the middle\\ndining halls, as they were called, were reserved for\\nlarge recitation rooms. It was in one of these that\\nwe recited to Mr. Peirce. As freshmen we all met\\nfor meals in the northern hall with the juniors.\\nAbout half the undergraduates at that time lived\\nin commons. Looking back on the fare which was\\nserved us I am rather surprised that they were able\\nto do so much for us as they did, and do it so well.\\nThe bill of fare appears rather Spartan to young\\nmen of the habits of most of the young men who\\nmeet in Cambridge to-day. But the quality of our\\nfood was always good, and the quantity was such\\nas would have satisfied a savage of the plains. I\\nremember to have observed that I lost weight in\\nvacations and gained weight during the months of\\nterm time.\\nThe tables were firmly fixed into the floor, as if\\nin memory of some time when, in rage, the guests\\nhad turned the tables up and flung them out of the\\nwindow. We went to commons three times a day,\\nthe custom of men serving their own breakfasts\\nand suppers in their own rooms having been given\\nup not many years before. The buttery, as it was", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0233.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "198 A New England Boyhood\\ncalled, used to be at the east end of Harvard Hall,\\nwhere a slight trace of the roof of that temporary-\\nbuilding may, I think, still be seen but in our days\\nthere was no buttery, and it was not necessary for\\nany person to cook in his room. Everything which\\nwe really needed was provided for us at commons.\\nEighty minutes after the morning prayer bell\\nstopped we were rung in to breakfast. The break-\\nfast was coffee or milk ad libitum, hot and cold\\nbread, and butter. I think no meat was served at\\nbreakfast. We knew what would be the variety of\\nthe hot bread it was made in different rolls or\\nbiscuits for difterent days, and the order was never\\nchanged. Dinner was at one, and always consisted\\nof one sort of meat, potatoes, and something called\\npudding. Here, again, the bill of fare was as ab-\\nsolute as if it had been laid down by the Medes and\\nPersians, and never changed. I think it is burned\\nin on my memory so that, to this day, when cer-\\ntain provisions appear on certain days of the week,\\nI take it as something preordained. For meats,\\nSunday was roast beef, Monday was corned beef,\\nTuesday was roast veal, Wednesday was beefsteak,\\nThursday was roast lamb or mutton, Friday meat-\\npie with fish, Saturday was salt fish. I think we\\nnever had pork in any form, either fresh or in\\nthe shape of ham. To make the Friday dinner\\nmore substantial meat-pie was added I suppose\\na house-keeper would tell us that it was made out\\nof such meat as had not been eaten in the preced-\\ning days. We remember it because after eating", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0234.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 199\\nthis solid meat-pie we went to our rooms to write\\nour Friday themes. The puddings were boiled\\nrice, baked rice, hasty pudding, baked Indian pud-\\nding, apple pudding, and, on one day, some sort\\nof pie took the place of pudding. Every now and\\nthen there would be a complaint that the butter\\nwas bad in that case we did not stand it. Some-\\nbody went right round to the president and told\\nhim, and he sent for the contractor and gave him\\na blowing up. We always pretended at home and\\nelsewhere that the fare was not good, but it was\\ngood.\\nNow the wonder to me is that they managed to\\nfeed a set of ravenous wolves for that is what\\nwe were on such a bill of fare, at the prices at\\nwhich food was then sold in Eastern Massachusetts,\\nFlour ranged in those years from $4.90 a barrel to\\n$11.50, But we paid only $1.90 a week for our\\nboard in the first year when I was in college, and\\n$2.25, for every year afterwards. It must be\\nremembered that this charge involved for the con-\\ntractor no expenses for crockery, silver, knives and\\nforks, rent, or fuel. The college had these to see to.\\nThe table at which I sat became, in fact, a club\\ntable we were the same little company from the\\nbeginning to the end of our college life. While\\nwe were in college Dickens s books began to\\nappear, and we made it a rule that the table\\nshould buy the serial parts for its own use one\\nman bought the first number, the next man the\\nsecond, and we passed them round. We intro-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0235.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "200 A New England Boyhood\\nduced into commons the institution of salt-spoons.\\nUp to our time every man put his knife into the\\nsalt-cellar; but we subscribed twenty-five cents\\nand bought two salt-spoons made of bone, which\\nwe used through our college course. It was agreed\\nthat they should be given to the man who was first\\nmarried. Six years after, our excellent friend\\nWatson of Plymouth was married, and we sent\\nhim the salt-spoons, set in silver in a careful design\\nmade by Richard Greenough, who was the friend of\\nall of us. Longfellow and I were intrusted with\\nthe business of mounting the salt-spoons, and we\\ndid so. The inscription was from Lucian, sug-\\ngested by Longfellow: AXcov eKOLvoivov/xev\\nWe have shared each other s salt.\\nIt is a little unsentimental, perhaps, to have\\nspent so much space on the physical business of\\nfeeding the engines. Still it must be confessed\\nthat in all human life armies have to be fed, and\\neven the future poets, philosophers, statesmen,\\nand men of affairs of a country have to be fed for\\nthe same reasons. In point of fact, we were a\\nhealthy and a happy race. I have said, I believe,\\nalmost nothing about our athletic amusements\\nbut there were enough of them, although they\\nwere conducted with utter lack of system, and\\nwould bring scorn, I suppose, on any one of us,\\nor any eleven, who should reproduce them to-day.\\nWe had foot-ball in tumultuous throngs; we had\\nbase-ball, in utter ignorance that there were ever\\nto be written rules for base-ball, or organized clubs", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0236.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 201\\nfor playing it and we had cricket, in a way. So\\nwe wrought through the four years, which for me\\nwere, as I have said, tedious, as I had expected\\nthey would be. But every one of us made friends\\nto whom he has clung through life, and we got an\\noutlook into a larger world, even if we did not\\nlook into the largest. The jest with regard to\\nCambridge is that nobody who lives in Cambridge\\nknows anything five miles from the sound of the\\ncollege bell. This is not true now, and it was not\\nany more true then we acquainted ourselves with\\nfriends from all parts of the United States we\\ngot broader views of politics and society than\\nthose we had picked up at home and we certainly\\nleft college willing to do our duty.\\nThe great functions of college life which attract\\nthe outside world are now in the hands of the\\nstudents. They are the boat races, or the ball\\nmatches, or the other athletic events or they\\nare, perhaps, the theatrical performances of the\\nHasty Pudding, the concerts of the glee clubs, or\\nthe great annual festival of class day. In our\\ntime this was hardly so when strangers came to\\ncollege they came at the invitation of the govern-\\nment. There were three annual exhibitions, and\\ncommencement day was still the great festival of\\nall. The exhibitions, as I have said, were arranged\\nwith deference to precedent and with mathemat-\\nical care, so that you might know what was\\nthe precise grade of scholarship to which each\\nstudent had attained, if he only belonged to the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0237.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "202 A New England Boyhood\\nupper half of the class. Upper half was\\nnot a strictly accurate expression, but was suffi-\\nciently so to include the twenty-four men who had\\nhad the highest rank on the numerical scale to\\nwhich everything bent. In this scale every person\\nwas marked for every recitation. If you made a\\nperfect recitation your mark was 8 if you\\ndeaded, as the phrase was that is, if you\\nfailed absolutely the mark was o; and the mark\\ntook any figure between, according as the teacher\\nthought you were well prepared. For certain\\nexercises the mark was higher; for instance, a\\nperfect theme, such as Longfellow used to write,\\nwas marked 48, and a theme might bear any mark\\nbelow. Of these marks a great total was kept.\\nIf you were absent from any recitation, eight was\\ndeducted from your total. If you were absent\\nfrom chapel I think two was deducted; every\\noffence and every success had its correlative\\nweight on this absolute standard.\\nI used to say, and it was quite true, that if\\na man entered college perfectly well fitted, so\\nthat at his first recitation he received 8 for every\\nexercise, and from that moment declined in morals,\\nin scholarship, and in intelligence, so that at his\\nlast recitation he received o for everything, his\\nrank on the college scale the day he graduated\\nwould be absolutely the same as that of some un-\\nfortunate who, having got into the college by\\nmistake, received o for every mark on his first\\nrecitation, and then by assiduous study, virtue.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0238.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 203\\nand intelligence rose so that at the end of his\\ncourse he received the highest mark for e\\\\ ery-\\nthing, and was the best scholar in his class. This\\nstatement was absolutely correct. The rank list,\\nso called, of all colleges simply gives a miserable\\naverage of what a person has been in a certain\\nperiod of time, and does not reveal, to men or to\\nangels, anything of his present capacity or his\\npresent wish and intention.\\nBy such a rank list, however, we were all meas-\\nured. I think the result was a very great indiffer-\\nence to college rank on the part of most of the\\nstudents. But in the bosoms of our families there\\nwas a great respect for it everybody knew who the\\nfirst scholar was, and there were traditions of the\\nfirst scholars of a hundred years before us, so that\\na certain interest attached to knowing who the first\\nscholar was. This interest was met in our case, and\\nit would have been in the case of all other classes\\nof our time, when what was called the sophomore\\nexhibition, which has been already alluded to, came\\non. With us it was at the end of the college year\\nof 1836-37. On a certain morning in May eight\\nof our fellows were sent for to go to the president.\\nThey had little slips of paper given them, telling\\nthem what parts were assigned them for the exhi-\\nbition, which was to take place just before the end\\nof the college year. These parts were translations\\ninto Latin and Greek, or from Latin and Greek\\ninto English but these eight then knew that they\\nwere the eight highest scholars in our class. For", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0239.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "204 A New England Boyhood\\nthe same exhibition one English oration was as-\\nsigned, with which the exhibition closed. The\\njunior who received this part knew that he was\\nthe highest scholar in his class then; unless he\\nfailed badly in the next year this man would be\\nsure to receive the highest honor at commence-\\nment.\\nThere were, as I have said, three of these exhibi-\\ntions in a year, and at each exhibition eight of one\\nclass and eight of another were appointed, making\\nsixteen in all. The exhibition consisted of declaim-\\ning these parts, of which the half were translations\\nand half were original, in English, Latin, or Greek,\\nbefore such an audience as chose to come together.\\nMost of the students were at that time from the\\neastern part of Massachusetts it would therefore\\nhappen that sixteen students might call together\\ntwo or three hundred of their friends to hear their\\nperformances on such occasions. You spoke, in\\nblack silk gown, for four minutes, for six minutes,\\nfor eight minutes, or for twelve, according to your\\nrank; you delivered a poem, or a disquisition, or\\na dissertation, or an oration, or you had your part\\nin a forensic, or perhaps simply declaimed in a\\ndialogue which you had translated from some\\nEnglish drama into Greek or Latin. After the\\nexhibition you asked your friends to your room,\\nwhere there was a modest entertainment provided\\nthe word spread is now used for such enter-\\ntainments, but that has come in since my time.\\nAt the end of the whole business, when your", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0240.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 205\\nboyhood was all but over, and your manhood was\\nabout to begin, the college commencement ended\\nthe whole. Still it was rightly enough named, for\\nit was the beginning of life. To prepare for this\\nthe president s freshman carried round, not sixteen\\nnotes, but twenty-four or more, to call to the pres-\\nident s study the seniors who were highest in rank\\nof the class which was to graduate. They were to\\nreceive their bachelor s degree. You went round to\\nthe president, and he gave you a slip of paper\\nJones, a disquisition, four minutes\\nor,\\nSmith, an English dissertation, eight minutes\\nor,\\nBrown, an English oration, twelve minutes.\\nThen you had the summer term to get up this\\npart. You carried it down to Mr. Channing, who\\nstruck out its exuberant rhetoric, you rehearsed it\\nto the teacher of elocution, you hired your black\\nsilk gown of Mrs. Hyde, and all was ready. The\\nmorning of commencement, before daylight, there\\nbegan a queer procession from Boston of people,\\nwho were generally black people, with little\\ncovered handcarts or other vehicles, with which\\nthey established themselves around the Cambridge\\nCommon to feed the thirst and the hunger of the\\nloafers of that town. With them and theirs, how-\\never, students had little or nothing to do. But,\\nfor the multitude of Cambridge, commencement\\nwas thus made much more a public holiday than\\nwas any other day in the year.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0241.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "2o6 A New England Boyhood\\nAt eight o clock in the morning the Governor\\nrode out from the State House in a barouche with\\nan escort of cavalry; the officers and the corpora-\\ntion rendered themselves and at the First Church,\\nwhich had been fitted up with a platform, the\\nexercises began at nine o clock. Lucky was the\\nclass and lucky were the spectators if they were\\ndone at half-past three in the afternoon. Perhaps\\none or two speakers had been added to the twenty-\\nfour who had had parts at exhibitions. It was\\ngenerally considered that, out of respect to the nine\\nMuses, if you had a poet of marked excellence in\\nthe class, he had a part whether he had or had\\nnot earned it by being one of the first twenty-four.\\nSome fellow who wrote Latin decently well made\\na Latin salutatory. He said something funny\\nabout the girls, he complimented the professors,\\nand told the Governor that all men considered\\nthemselves fortunate that the Commonwealth of\\nMassachusetts was under his direction. Then in\\nstages of four or five parts at a time you went for-\\nward and satisfied yourself whether Alexander\\nthe Great were or were not a robber, whether\\nliterature would or would not flourish in America,\\nand whether Julius Caesar or Napoleon were the\\ngreater general. For glimpses of relief, as these\\nnumbers flowed on, the band performed some\\nmusic, and people who could not stand it any\\nlonger then got up and went out, and people who\\nhad been waiting outside came in. So the exer-\\ncises flowed on in a steady stream till, as I say.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0242.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "A New England Boyhood 207\\nbetween three and four o clock, when the president\\nwas ready to give the degrees. He gave the\\nbachelor s degree to these youngsters who had\\nbeen speaking the pieces and to the rest of the\\nclass. The classes, on an average, were about\\nsixty at that time. Then he called up those who\\nwere to be admitted as Masters. This was simply\\na file of such of the graduates of three years\\nbefore as chose to pay the fee for another diploma.\\nAll the same, they were represented in the speak-\\ning by someone who delivered what was known\\nas the Master s oration. It was rather longer\\nthan the other orations, and was supposed to be\\nmore manly.\\nI may say in passing that I think the only trib-\\nute to college rank which I have ever known con-\\nferred by this active world of America was in\\nconnection with one of these Masters orations.\\nA man whom I knew rather well when I was in\\ncollege had the Master s oration of his year. Ten\\nyears afterwards, as it happened, he was in a dis-\\ntant city, where, he told me, he had gone to see\\nthe lady whom he was afterwards to marry.\\nRather to his surprise, he found himself quartered\\nin his hotel in what was known as the Governor s\\nroom, a handsome parlor on the first floor, with\\nall the conveniences of bedroom on one side, a\\nbathroom, and the rest, such as in those days were\\nnot often dispensed in a travellers hotel. When\\nhe paid his bill he asked to what accident he owed\\nthis distinction. And the gentlemanly clerk at", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0243.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "2o8 A New England Boyhood\\nthe office said I heard you speak your Master s\\noration at Cambridge ten years ago. So it seems\\nthat feudal institutions did linger in America\\nalmost as late as the middle of this century, and\\nthat the men of the carnal world had still some\\nhonors to confer on those who had in any sort\\nbeen favored by the Muses.\\nAnd with this distribution of degrees college\\nlife ended. The degree is in Latin, and it does\\nnot promise much. It does give you the privilege\\nof speaking in public whenever anybody asks you\\nto. This privilege is one apt to be claimed by the\\nAmerican boy or the American man when he has\\nnot studied in a university. That is to say, any\\nman may hire a hall. There is, perhaps, a sat-\\nisfaction in being authorized to do so in a lan-\\nguage which few people understand, by a body of\\nmen who have received from the commonwealth\\nthe right to give such authority. However that\\nmay be, it is quite true that at the moment when\\none receives a piece of parchment which gives\\nhim this privilege his boyhood may be said to end\\nand his manhood to begin.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0244.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "SIXTY YEARS OF MY LIFE\\nWANDERJAHRE\\n14", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0245.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0246.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "WANDERJAHRE\\n[Biographical Note. The memoranda such as they are,\\nin the New England Boyhood end before boyhood is gen-\\nerally thought to end. I was seventeen years and five months\\nold when I received my bachelor s degree. Our first scholar,\\nSamuel Eliot, so honorably connected with the higher education\\nof New England and with its noblest charities, was but little\\nolder. But what is written is written. I make no attempt, in\\nthe summer of 1899, to recast the papers which I have collected\\nas a sort of supplement to the little book which makes the first\\nhalf of this volume. The greater part of them have been printed\\nin one or another journal, and in sending them to the press I\\nhave made such explanations as will prove, I hope, sufficient.\\nE. E. H.]\\nThere is no more interesting writing than auto-\\nbiography, for the person who whites it. You\\nmight test the same man, at intervals of two or\\nthree years, after he had passed sixty set him to\\nwriting his autobiography, and each record should\\nbe quite different from that of the time before.\\nIn the case of A New England Boyhood, my\\nexperience was perhaps unusual. At Mr. Horace\\nScudder s request, I wrote several numbers for the\\nAtlantic Monthly; they were suggested, as has\\nbeen said, by Miss Larcom s admirable book, A\\nNew England Girlhood, and I should be glad if\\nI thought they had anything of the charm of that", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0247.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "2 1 2 Sixty Years\\nvolume. I padded them afterward, to use the\\nphrase of the ungodly, to make a separate book\\nof them, which was to be published by the Cassell\\nCompany, of New York City.\\nUnfortunately for me, shall I say, for the world?\\non the day on which the book was to go out\\nfor the instruction of mankind, the principal\\ndirector in that New York firm departed for parts\\nunknown, where he has never since been identified,\\nand carried such funds as were available for pur-\\nposes of publication. I have a right to say, there-\\nfore, that that book, until this year, has never\\nbeen published, and whatever advantages it might\\nhave brought to a waiting world have never been\\ndeveloped.\\nIt ends, a little abruptly, with the end of college\\nlife. How well I can recollect that hour when I\\nfound myself in my pretty attic study in my father s\\nhouse in Franklin Street, when I had arranged my\\nfew books there and looked forward upon life I\\nsaid to myself, This is the last vacation which I\\nshall ever enjoy. I had already agreed that early\\nin September I would enter the service of the\\ncity of Boston as what we still call an usher in\\nthe Boston Latin School, the school in which I\\nhad myself been trained. I had delivered on class\\nday at Cambridge the class poem I had six weeks\\nbefore me in which to prepare an oration, which\\nI was to deliver on commencement day. I had\\nthese six weeks before me, and with the forecast of\\na prophet I said to myself, I shall not be a free", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "Wanderjahre 2 1 3\\nman again in my life. Sixty years have passed,\\nand it is not until the month in which I write\\nthese lines, that I have come back to that happy\\nfreedom,\\nI had not been long installed in my home\\nquarters when my uncle, Alexander Hill Everett,\\nwho was always kindness itself to me, was sent to\\nChina as United States minister. He permitted\\nme to have the use of his personal library for the\\nyears of his absence and with a good deal of diffi-\\nculty I placed this collection of books on shelves\\nin different parts of my father s house. My own\\nbedroom was fairly walled with books. These\\nwere the collections which Mr. Everett had made\\nbetween the years 1S06 and 1840, mostly in his\\ndiplomatic residences in Russia, in the Nether-\\nlands, in France, and in Spain. I think it worth\\nwhile to speak of this piece of good fortune because\\nmy life, absolutely in the midst of such books, was\\nfor many years largely influenced by them. The\\ndaily use of such a collection brought me into\\ntouch with the studies of the century, particularly\\nin the years just before my time. I had begun on\\nthe line of reading which for many years I followed\\nby reading through the English Annual Register\\nfrom the year 18 16 to the year 1835 for I had al-\\nready observed that for any man the most difficult\\nperiod for the study of history is the generation\\nimmediately preceding his personal recollection.\\nThose twenty years of Annual Register annals\\nwere a good webwork in which to embroider", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "214 Sixty Years\\nwhat I found among the German, French, and\\nSpanish writers to whom I had easy access through\\nMr, Everett s kindness. In the same years the\\nChampollions, Rossellini, and Lepsius were at\\nwork on the Egyptian hieroglyphics. I dabbled\\na good deal in that matter, and, like the other\\nmen of my time, was of course interested in the\\nstudies, comparatively new, which we now call\\nstudies of comparative religion, this phrase had\\nnot then been invented.\\nMy first articles for the periodicals were written\\nat this time. I had a few articles in the North\\nAmericaji, a good many in my father s and my\\nbrother s journals, and was much pleased when\\nDr. Gannett inserted an anonymous article from\\nmy pen in the Christian Examiner. Of that jour-\\nnal I was afterwards one of the assistant editors.\\nFor two years I did my best in teaching Latin\\nin the Latin School, serving under Epes Sargent\\nDixwell, who was the head of that school, and\\nFrancis Gardner, who was the sub-master. It\\nis a pleasure to write down the names of these two\\nmen. The elder of them is still living, honorable\\nand honored. The loyalty with which he sustained\\nhis subordinates in every issue and in every diffi-\\nculty entitled him always to their regard.\\nAt the end of these two years I resigned. I\\nresigned because I found I was often, at night,\\ndreaming of my duties. I said that I was willing\\nto give the city of Boston my days, but I would\\nnot give to it my nights. But, as I have found, it", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "Wanderjahre 215\\nwas life I was quarrelling with. For never since\\nhave I been engaged in any duty of long continu-\\nance, where the work was worth the doing, but I\\nhave dreamed of it by night as I have thought of\\nit by day.\\nSo soon as I broke off in 1841, I joined my\\ncollege friend William Francis Channing as junior\\nassistant in the geological survey of New Hamp-\\nshire. Returning from this, I lived at home,\\nfollowing up with a certain vigor the studies to\\nwhich my teachers directed mc, in the way of\\npreparing for the Christian ministry.\\nI do not remember the time in my life when I did\\nnot suppose that I was to enter on that noble ser-\\nvice. My study in this direction was now directed\\nby my own minister, Samuel Kirkland Lothrop,\\nand his predecessor John Gorham Palfrey, men to\\nwhom I was then and am still very largely indebted.\\nAt the same time, for the three years 1840, 1841,\\n1842, my father was publishing the Monthly\\nChronicle in 1842 my brother was editing the\\nBoston Miscellanj my father and my brothers\\nwere editors of the Daily Advertiser; and, from\\n1 84 1 to 1846, my life was largely mixed up with\\neditorial and newspaper duties. I wrote short-\\nhand badly, and I often worked on the staff of the\\nAdvertiser. I remember especially that I did my\\nshare when we reported the speeches at the com-\\npletion of Bunker Hill Monument, when Mr.\\nChoate delivered his eulogy on General Harrison,\\nwhen Mr. Webster made what was called his great", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "2i6 Sixty Years\\nFaneuil Hall speech of September, 1842. To my\\ngreat regret through my life, by a mere accident I\\nfurnished the report of his unhappy speech to a\\ncrowd of people around the Revere House, when\\nhe said, Massachusetts must conquer her preju-\\ndices. But for the misfortune that I was there,\\nthose words would not now be preserved to the\\nworld.\\nAny average doctor of divinity would say that\\nthis was a very preposterous course of preparation\\nfor the modern pulpit. For the general drift of\\nmodern habit in America almost compels young\\nmen of college training to follow up that training\\nby three years more of scholastic life at a theo-\\nlogical school, if they mean to be preachers. But\\nperhaps they are exactly the persons who need to\\nlook at life more in its active relations. However\\nthis may be, I have often said that the six months\\nof training for my profession, which have proved\\nof most value to me, were spent as the hard-work-\\ning private secretary of my father, when he was\\nengaged in Pennsylvania in important work re-\\ngarding the railroads and canals, bearing on the\\nresumption of payment on the interest on the\\nPennsylvania debt. My note-books of that time\\nshow the oddest intermingling of notes on the\\nstrength of wire cables, of memoranda on Ammon-\\nRa and Thoth, of accounts of visits to prisons,\\nand the briefs of newspaper articles on taxation.\\nI think that the man who is to preach to men of\\naffairs must live among them, read what they", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "Wanderjahre 2 1 7\\nread and, to a certain extent, know what they\\nknow.\\nIn October, 1842, I received a license to\\npreach. This is the old-time phrase of the\\nCongregational order in Massachusetts. From\\nthat time till April, 1846, I used to go to preach\\nwherever I was sent, always making the proviso\\nthat I did not choose to be permanently settled.\\nThis gave me a nomad life, from which I am sure\\nI profited. In those years I preached in North-\\nampton, in Greenfield, in Albany, in Cambridge,\\nin Washington, and in New Bedford.\\nThe winter which I spent in Washington was\\nthe Texas winter, the winter of 1844-5. I\\ncame into Washington early, of a Sunday morn-\\ning, by the B. and O. train, having an engagement\\nto preach on that day. I had lost my connections\\nat Baltimore, or I should have arrived the night\\nbefore. Unfortunately, I had lost my elegant\\nstov^e-pipe hat also, the day before, in the\\nNorthern Canal of Pennsylvania, just outside of\\nHarrisburg. For in those days we still travelled\\nby canals, and a low bridge had knocked that\\nhat into the water. With the aid of a boat-hook I\\nhad rescued it; but it was not in a condition to\\nwear, and so made my first appearance on the\\nsteps of the church in which I was to find my Sun-\\nday home from October to March, in a Scotch\\ntravelling-cap. The most of my possessions, in-\\ncluding almost all my sermons, were on board the\\nschooner, Mozart, which had sailed from Boston", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "21 8 Sixty Years\\nto Washington the week before. The Mozart was\\na month on her passage. So I and my congrega-\\ntion were in no danger of old sermons in that\\ninterval we had to get our spiritual food off the\\ndays and weeks as they passed us.\\nI soon discovered that if Washington were the\\ncapital of a great nation, it was also an agreeable\\ncountry town. Among other things, there were\\ngood saddle-horses there. And one of the\\nchanges, not for the better, which half a century\\nhas made, has been the destruction of some lovely\\nwoods, and so of the pretty lawns they half hid.\\nAfter Congress met, as many as fifty of the\\nmembers generally rode in the saddle from their\\nhomes to the Capitol. On a pleasant day, when\\nyou went to the Capitol, if Congress were in\\nsession, you saw fifty horses at as many posts in\\nthe great court-yard fronting the building, waiting\\nunder the care of some mild police, till the\\nsession was over.\\nThe first thing that struck me as a youngster in\\nWashington was the ease of its social arrange-\\nments. And it is immensely creditable to the\\nsensible people who live there that they have\\nsucceeded in maintaining the simplicity to a\\ncertain extent, in the midst of the temptations\\nto imitate Europe, and the pressure of the\\ngovernment of an empire. What do I mean by\\nsimple social arrangements? I mean that, of\\nan afternoon, when I was taking my constitu-\\ntional with George Abbott, he would say,", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "Wanderjahre 2 1 9\\nWhere shall we have our tea? I would say,\\nI have not been in at the Seatons for a week or\\ntwo and we would go round, ring the door-bell\\nat that charming house, and go in, to find perhaps\\ntwenty or thirty visitors, three quarters of whom\\nwere gentlemen, in those hospitable parlors.\\nThis would not be on the day when they\\nreceived particularly; the house was open,\\nwith a cordial hospitality, to the large circle of\\nMr, and Mrs. Seaton s friends. And this was\\nnot exceptional. I was once scolding about the\\nstiffness of Boston society at the Examiner Club,\\nand told this story. And I said, Is there any\\nMrs. Seaton in Boston where I could do that\\nthing? My companion answered with perfect\\nfrankness, If there were any such person, she\\nwould move out of town to-morrow.\\nOr take another illustration. We had what we\\ncalled a gymnasium, which was an open lot,\\nfenced in, I think, with plank, which must have\\nbeen about where Connecticut Avenue crosses\\nK Street. All the machinery of our gymnasium\\nwas a bowling-alley, where anybody who belonged\\nto the club went and rolled ten-pins. Now\\nPresident Tyler was in his last year of office.\\nOf an autumn afternoon he would walk across\\nand roll ten-pins with the gentlemen of this club.\\nI think I never met him there, but I have rolled\\nten-pins with Mrs. Madison, I a youngster of\\ntwenty-three, and she a lady of well-nigh eighty.\\nWe had the greatest difficulty, I remember, in", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "2 20 Sixty Years\\ngetting her balls down the alley, and there was\\nvery elaborate old-fashioned compHmenting about\\nher overthrowing the king.\\nIf you wanted, in those days, to see the Presi-\\ndent, or the ladies of his family, you went round\\nto the White House and rang the door-bell and\\nasked if Mr. Tyler were in, or Mrs. Tyler were in,\\nexactly as you would ask if it had been at No.\\n999 H. Street. You went in and you sat down,\\nand the visit was exactly like the visit at any other\\nhouse in the evening.\\nThe winter which I spent in Washington was,\\nas I have said, the winter of the annexation of\\nTexas. I hope I need not say that I was present\\nat every important debate on that subject in the\\nHouse of Representatives and in the Senate.\\nOn the 2d of March I returned home. I called\\non Mr. Choate, as the Massachusetts senator, in\\nthe Senate. I called him out and asked him\\nwhat I should say to my father. Tell him we\\nare beaten, said Mr. Choate, Magno prcelio victi\\nsumus. Texas was annexed the next day.\\nI came home to Boston wild with the excite-\\nment of the defeat. I wrote a pamphlet, and\\nprinted it at my own charge, which I called,\\nHow to Conquer Texas before Texas Conquers\\nus. I thought it would be possible to rouse the\\nanti-slavery men of the North to an emigration\\ninto Texas. I meant to go with them, to fulfil\\nany duty which I could discharge there. I was\\nyoung enough and green enough to suppose that", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 221\\nthe people who had so earnestly expressed their\\nconviction that Texas should not be annexed,\\nwould join in such an enterprise to make Texas\\na free State. Had I been older I should have\\ntried to take the lead of such an enterprise myself.\\nAs it was, I printed my pamphlet, which so far as\\nI know no one read. Of this I am certain, that\\nno one ever spent five cents for a copy, and the\\nedition was upon my hands. I have always been\\nproud that I wrote it, and a few years afterward\\nI entered into similar enterprises for emigration\\nto Kansas. I now reprint this pamphlet as finding\\nits best place among these Biographical Sketches.\\nFREEDOM IN TEXAS\\n[Published in March, 1845.]\\nWhat shall we do?\\nThe Senate has passed the annexation resolu-\\ntions.\\nThe House has assented to the compromise\\namendment, which compromises nothing but the\\nintegrity and honor of two Senators.\\nMr. Tyler has signed the resolves.\\nMassachusetts and New England have resolved,\\nin this emergency, not to withdraw from the Union.\\nThey have resolved rightly. They have preferred\\nstill to do in the Union, what measure of good", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "22 2 Sixty Years\\nthey might, although the instrument of union is\\nthus rudely attacked and wounded.\\nMassachusetts, or again let us say New England,\\ndesires to do what of good may still be done, not-\\nwithstanding this reckless action of a partisan\\nCongress.\\nThe scene of action, however, is now removed.\\nNew England can no longer hope to effect any\\nthing by the eloquence of her statesmen in Con-\\ngress. Texas itself is the proper scene for her\\nfuture efforts. Good men and true have now to\\nlabor in and on Texas, to avert the dangers of\\nannexation.\\nThose dangers were manifold. They included\\nI. The injury inflicted by the measure on the\\nFederal Constitution.\\nII. The weakness of the Federal Government,\\nmore dangerous as the extent of territory of the\\nUnion increases.\\nIII. The continuation, through an undefined\\ntime, of slavery, in a region adapted to it as Texas\\nis by its position.\\nIV. The destruction of the balance of power\\nbetween free and slave States, and Atlantic and\\nWestern States.\\nV. The introduction into the Union of an un-\\nprincipled population of adventurers, with all the\\nprivileges of a State of naturalized citizens.\\nVI. The creation of an enormous State, in time\\n1 See Appendix A.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 223\\nto become the real Empire State of the country.\\nTexas, with three hundred and ten thousand\\nsquare miles of territory, is admitted as one State,\\ninto the Union. If she remain such, she will prove\\nthe Austria of the confederacy, to overrule all\\nopposition.\\nOf these evils, the two first are now past remedy.\\nThey were inflicted, and inflicted forever, when\\nMr, Tyler set his name to the Joint Resolutions.\\nThe other evils, however, all suppose a condi-\\ntion which it is still in the power of Northern men\\nto overthrow.\\nThey suppose, that is, that the population of\\nTexas, with the rapid increase which it shall gain\\nwhen united to this confederacy, is to be a slave-\\nholding population; a population of the same\\nviews and principles with that which first colo-\\nnized the country, and which now holds it.\\nIn the ordinary course of emigration, this sup-\\nposition would prove true. Must it prove true,\\nhowever? May not Northern men, Northern\\ncapitalists, Northern emigrants, Northern fathers\\nand mothers. Northern teachers and pupils,\\nchange this condition? May not the North pour\\ndown its hordes upon these fertile valleys, and bear\\ncivilization, and Christianity and freedom into their\\nrecesses? Northern energy has peopled and civ-\\nilized southern countries heretofore may it not\\nagain?\\nSee Appendix B.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "2 24 Sixty Years\\nWe ask to these questions the attention of all\\nconsiderate men, who view the admission to the\\nUnion of Texas, as Texas now is, an evil. We\\nmay not, we ought not to leave Texas as it is.\\nWe ought, by acting in Texas, by our emigrants\\nin Texas, by our moral influence in Texas, by our\\nvotes in Texas, to continue there the contest of\\nfreedom, in the first skirmish of which we have\\nbeen defeated. We ought thus to prevent the\\nfour last evils which have been named. We\\nought to hasten the end of slavery in Southeast-\\nern Texas, and make Northern and Western Texas\\nfree. We ought to restore the balance of power\\nbetween the free and slave States. We ought\\nto place in Texas a population of high principle,\\nif we can and we ought to attain such influence\\nin Texan councils, that Texas shall be from time\\nto time subdivided, as need may be. Such a sub-\\ndivision will never take place, if all Texas is to\\nhold slaves, unless the federal Union pay roundly\\nfor it. Why should it? Why should Texas sub-\\ndivide herself, if she be a State of homogeneous\\ninterest, and if by remaining whole she can control\\nthe Union?\\nThere can be no question that Texas, particularly\\nthe upper country of Texas, is naturally one of the\\nfinest agricultural countries in the world.\\nThe country, says Iken, is naturally divided\\ninto three separate regions which in many re-\\nspects differ from each other. The first, a level\\nregion, extends along the coast, with a breadth in-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 225\\nland varying from one hundred miles where\\ngreatest, in the centre, to seventy and thirty miles,\\nbeing most contracted towards the southwest\\nextremity. The soil of this region is a rich allu-\\nvium, with scarcely a stone, yet singularly free\\nfrom stagnant swamps. Broad woodlands fringe\\nthe banks of the rivers, between which are ex-\\ntensive pasture lands. The second division, the\\nlargest of the three, is the undulating or rolling\\nprairie region, which extends for one hundred and\\nfifty or two hundred miles farther inland, its wide\\ngrassy tracts alternating with others that are\\nthickly timbered. These last are especially pre-\\nvalent in the east, though the bottoms and river-\\nvalleys throughout the whole region are w^ell\\nwooded. Limestone and sandstone form the com-\\nmon substrata of this region; the upper soil con-\\nsists of a rich friable loam, mixed indeed with sand,\\nbut seldom to such an extent as to prevent the\\nculture of the most exhausting products. The\\nthird, or mountainous region, situated principally\\non the west or southwest, forms part of the great\\nSierra Madre, or Mexican Alps, but little explored,\\nand still unsettled.\\nOf the midland district, the English traveller,\\nMrs. Houston, speaks, from the observations of\\nthose who had seen it, in these words\\nTo the lowlands, which are certainly not\\nhealthy, but wonderfully rich and productive, suc-\\nceed the beautifully undulating rolling prairies.\\nNothing can surpass this portion of Texas in natu-\\n15", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "2 26 Sixty Years\\nral attractions its ever verdant prairies resemble\\nour most beautiful parks; magnificent clumps of\\ntimber are scattered over its surface, and its val-\\nleys are watered by quick-running streams.\\nIt will be remembered that in the whole of this\\nRepublic there are not now, at the largest compu-\\ntation, more than three hundred thousand persons.\\nIts population is about that of the State of New\\nHampshire. The most thickly settled portion of\\nthe district is the lowland. Most easily culti-\\nvated, most fit for that barbarous rudeness of labor,\\nwhich alone is possible in a slave country, this\\ndistrict, if we are rightly informed, has filled up\\nmost rapidly. To freemen, however, the midland\\ndistrict offers equal or superior advantages. The\\nclimate is better; the cooler air, and consequent\\nvigor and health, give an advantage which the\\nslight ease of tillage gained on the sea-coast does\\nnot counterbalance. It is already an extensive\\ngrazing country, and it would seem that the\\nagricultural product can scarcely be named which\\nmay not be raised there. Maize, rye, barley, and\\noats; peaches, melons, figs, and in the warmer\\nsections olives, dates, pine-apples, oranges, and\\nlemons; the sugar-cane, tobacco, and short-sta-\\npled cotton are all mentioned among successful\\ncrops in this midland region.\\nIt is not wild nor Utopian to hope that, by a\\nsystematic and united effort, free emigration, and\\nfree labor, and free institutions, may attain a pre-\\ndominance in this territory. As we have said,", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 227\\nit is as yet thinly settled. The inland parts of\\nTexas, and more especially those directly west of\\nLouisiana, and south and west of our Indian terri-\\ntory, 1 do not now contain an individual to the\\nsquare mile. In those parts, if Northern settlers\\nwill turn thither, if Northern capitalists will assist\\nthem, if Northern associations will unite them, if\\nChristian principles will rule them, in those\\nparts may be planted freedom in Texas. Those\\nparts of the country may one day be its wealth-\\niest, its strongest, and its most populous parts.\\nThose parts may at no distant day supply, by their\\nlooms and their workshops, the manufactures\\nwhich their slave-holding neighbors need. Those\\nfree States shall hem in, shall discountenance, shall\\nwork the end of the dojncstic institution. Their\\ninstitutions of learning, their schools and colleges,\\nand libraries, shall enlighten Texas. And it is not\\nimpossible that this result may come soon. It is\\nnot extravagant to hope for it.\\nThere does not need any spasmodic exertion,\\nany self-sacrifice, any crusading spirit, to effect it.\\nThe means are already at work which may com-\\npass it, if principle, and morals, and religion can\\ndirect them. Those means are found in the\\nimmense emigration now in progress, from free\\nStates. The only labor necessary to those who\\n1 The territory to which the Indians have been removed by the\\nUnited States Government, comprises the districts west of\\nArkansas and Missouri. It has been ceded to the removed\\ntribes forever.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "2 28 Sixty Years\\nwould free Texas, or a part of Texas, is in turning\\na comparatively small part of this emigration\\nthither. Some farther pains will be needed, that\\nsuch settlers shall not forget their Northern feelings\\nbeneath a southern sun that they shall retain the\\nlove of labor and the hatred of slavery, which they\\nfeel sincerely when they leave their homes. A\\ncalculation, based on the censuses of 1830 and\\n1840,-^ gives us a view of the emigration from\\nfree States during that period, which we may\\nfairly take for the basis of calculation for the\\npresent time. That emigration has doubtless in-\\ncreased with the increase of the population of the\\ncountry. The westward emigration of that period\\nwas at the average rate of two per cent of the\\npopulation of the old free States at its commence-\\nment. If that average were precisely correct at\\nthe present time, the westward emigration of\\nthe present year, 1845, would be 129,261 indivi-\\nduals. The emigration of ten years, between\\n1840 and 1850, from the old free States, to the\\nnew free States and territories, will probably prove\\nto be about 1,300,000 persons. That of the ten\\nyears between 1830 and 1840 was something more\\nthan 1,000,000 persons.\\nNow, cannot Northern Texas, south of the ridic-\\nulous compromise line, be included among\\nthese free States and territories? It is what Wis-\\nconsin was five years since. Cannot some part of\\nthis emigration of Northern free men and women\\n1 See Appendix C. 2, See Appendix D.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 229\\nbe led thither? If only a tenth part took that\\ncourse, there would be in 1855 a population of\\n150,000 free men in those districts. There would\\nbe a half or a quarter of that number of slave-\\nholders. Place free and slave labor together,\\non fair ground, with no prejudice to favor the one\\nor the other, and as sure as God s word is true, as\\nsure as truth is stronger than falsehood, as sure as\\nhope is stronger than fear, as sure as the soul,\\nand the heart, and the mind, have more power\\nthan passions or terrors, in inducing men to\\nlabor, so surely will free labor obtain a hold\\nin any country, and drive out the forced labor\\nof slaves.\\nThough the space allowed in this pamphlet\\nscarcely permits allusion to any but the political\\nand moral inducements to such a turn of emigra-\\ntion, it offers a full display of temptations to the\\nsettler, even had he not such views as these. So\\nhe be assured that the new States to be made in\\nNorthern Texas shall be free States, that his chil-\\ndren and his children s children shall grow up in a\\ntruly free land, he will find in Texas a thousand\\nadvantages which neither Michigan, nor Wisconsin,\\nnor Iowa, nor Illinois can offer. The climate is\\nmilder, the variety of timber is greater, and it is\\nmore generally dispersed; the soil is as good as\\nany in the world. The published accounts of the\\nmidlands of Texas, from which we have already\\nquoted a few words, will show them to be as fine\\nterritory as the world affords.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "230 Sixty Years\\nTo bodies of settlers from the Eastern States, it\\nwould scarcely be more difficult to reach these\\ndistricts than to remove themselves to Wisconsin\\nor Iowa. Galveston, or New Orleans, give ready\\naccess to them New Orleans to the Red River\\nlands, or Galveston to those in other parts of\\nTexas. Freight and passage to either of these\\nports may at all times be readily obtained in any\\nof the Atlantic seaports and once arrived at\\neither, the remainder of a settler s journey is less\\narduous than would be the close of it, if he went\\nwholly by land to a Northwestern State.\\nSuch being the ease of emigration, it does not\\nseem absurd to hope that a part of the army of\\nsettlers who are leaving their homes this year,\\nwho will leave their homes for years to come,\\nwill march into the fertile prairies and woodlands\\nof Texas.\\nIs it too much to hope that they will carry\\nwith them the principles of their first homes? Is\\nit too much to ask them to live there, to die there,\\nand to vote there, freemen and never to surrender\\nthemselves in bondage to the most corrupting\\ninstitution that the world knows? Surely there is\\nno reason to fear that if they are surrounded by a\\nlarge enough number of persons of their own feel-\\nings and sympathies, they will fall back to the\\ncustoms which now unfortunately rule the country\\nwhere they are to settle Such an effort to intro-\\nduce free labor and free institutions on the virgin\\nsoil of a new republic must command the sympa-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 231\\nthy of freemen and of Christians the world over.\\nIt must arouse to the full the zeal of those who arc\\nembarked in it. They would labor not only as\\nadventurers in a new land, but as the pilgrims who\\nwere the pioneers there of a great principle. And\\nthrough these means they would receive the bless-\\ning of that Providence which, though it employ\\nhuman means, always smiles on such high prin-\\nciple, and guides it to success.\\nThe result of such an emigration as has been\\nsupposed, on the basis suggested, would be speedy\\nand important. If one tenth of the settlers who\\nwill leave the old free States, within the ten next\\nyears, should settle in Texas, there would be a\\npopulation in the midlands and uplands of Texas,\\nat the end of that time, and probably before, of\\nmore than 200,000 people. A great majority of\\nthese would be attached to free institutions. Here\\nwould be the material for two new free States, who\\nwould have such a voice in the Texan legislature,\\nas to compel their separation when they should\\ndemand it, and who would be ready to join this\\nUnion as separate and independent States, before\\nmore than one slave State could be carved out of\\nthe remainder of Texas. On the ordinary calcu-\\nlation that five persons compose a family, the emi-\\ngration from the old free States of 12,000 men,\\nwho would take with them their families, or collect\\nthem around them in Texas, would be a stock,\\nwith those whom they would find there, from\\nwhich would spring at once a new State, to be", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "232 Sixty Years\\nindependent of other Texan influence, and to be\\nfree in its institutions and manners.\\nSuch an emigration is not extravagant or impos-\\nsible. It is for young men and women who propose\\nto go westward, to remember the cause of freedom\\nand of their country, and travel southward rather\\nthan northward; to turn to Texas and its mild\\nclimate rather than Wisconsin and its more inclem-\\nent air. Let them associate together, and they\\nmay have at once the strength and comfort of a\\nvillage in their new home. It is for the organiza-\\ntions which have opposed the admission of Texas\\nto take measures for the same end, now that that\\nadmission is sure. A twentieth part of the peti-\\ntioners against the annexation may strip the\\nannexation of its worst evils. It is for men of\\ncapital to look to the interest of the Union, and\\nmake such purchases of land in Texas that they\\nmay assist the poor settler who has no money to\\nestablish himself there but who has a true heart,\\nand will have a true vote, when he arrives there.\\nAnd if these will labor in the cause, God will\\nwatch the issue and the conquest of Texas, by\\nthe peaceful weapons of truth, of freedom, of\\nreligion, and of right, will be sure.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 233\\nAPPENDIX\\n(A.) We take from the Boston Advertiser the follow-\\ning computations of the present and future balance of\\npower between the States.\\nIt is the common habit of the people of this country, to look\\nforward with complacency to the prospect of the future\\ngrowth of the country in numbers, wealth, and power and\\ntherefore an increase of territory, especially if it be such a\\nterritory as is capable of sustaining a thinking population,\\nis conceived to be, as a matter of course, a desirable acqui-\\nsition. There are many who are accustomed to make cal-\\nculations of the rate of increase, by which the country will\\nbecome, in the course of a few years, one of the most power-\\nful nations, not merely of the Western continent, but of the\\ncivilized world. The ratio of increase which has governed\\nthe growth of our population since the declaration of inde-\\npendence, will, according to these calculations, in the space\\nof another fifty years, swell the population of the country to\\n80,000,000.\\nLong before this period shall arrive, they argue that the\\nseat of power, and the centre of population, will be trans-\\nferred from the Atlantic States to the Western side of the\\nmountains.\\nTo give the proper extension to the vast empire of which\\nthis rich country is to become the seat, and to give it, as\\nwell as the territory of the United States, a more regular\\nconformation, the annexation of Texas is necessary. By\\nthis annexation, also, the object is expedited and rendered\\nmore sure, of transferring the centre of population and influ-\\nence to the banks of the Mississippi. With this addition,\\nand without allowing any great preponderance to Oregon,\\nthe precise centre will be upon the father of waters, and in", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "2 34 Sixty Years\\na very few years there will be no contest for the supremacy,\\nbetween the East and the West. The only contest for the\\nseat of empire will be between St. Louis and perhaps Mem-\\nphis, or some other city to be erected upon the banks of the\\nMississippi, instead of retaining it where the seat of govern-\\nment is now placed, upon the banks of the Potomac.\\nThe present number of States being 26, the bills now re-\\nported in the House of Representatives, providing for the\\nadmission of Iowa and Florida, with a provision for a future\\nsubdivision of the latter into two States and Wiscon.sin\\nbeing now by its population entitled to admission whenever\\nit shall request it, we have 30 States, independently of Texas.\\nShould the proviso for the subdivision of Florida be rejected,\\n[as it since has been,] the number of States will be 29; with\\nthe addition of six States from Texas the number will be 35,\\nand with another from Florida, 36. The balance of States\\nwill then be as follows\\nINCLUDING TEXAS\\nNumber of States. Square miles.\\nWestern States 21 or 20 990,000\\nAtlantic States 15 321,400\\nSlaveholding States, inc. Delaware 21 or 20 883,400\\nFree States 15 438,000\\nEXCLUSIVE OF TEXAS\\nWestern States 15 or 14 672,000\\nAtlantic States 15 321,000\\nSlaveholding States 15 or 14 565,400\\nFree States 15 438,000\\nIt will be observed, that the States bordering on the Gulf\\nof Mexico are classed with the Western States, and that the\\nWestern Territories not yet entitled to admission as States,\\nwith Oregon, are not included in this computation.\\n(B.) The injury which we have last mentioned is\\nthat most dwelt on by Mr. Benton, in his conclusive", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "Freedom in Texas 235\\nspeech against Mr. Brown s resolution. That resolu-\\ntion admits Texas as one State. By the constitution of\\nthe United States, no States can be subdivided without\\nthe consent of its own authorities. The subdivision of\\nGeorgia from its original size was only obtained after long\\ndelay, by grants to that State of land, and of services in\\nremoving Indians, from the federal government, amount-\\ning, according to Mr. Benton, eventually, to more than\\n$20,000,000. This became, then, he said in closing, a\\nmatter of calculation. If it required twenty years, and\\n$20,000,000, to induce Georgia, without debt as she was,\\nto give up territory for one State, how long and how\\nmuch will it take to induce debt-ridden Texas, to cede\\nterritory for four or five States?\\n(C.) In 1830, the population of the United\\nStates was 12,866,020\\nIn 1840 17,068,666\\nIncrease 4,202,646\\nOf this increase, about 600,000, probably, was due to\\nforeign emigration. The increase of population from other\\ncauses, then, was 3,602,646, or about 28 per cent of the\\npopulation in 1830. We take 28 per cent, therefore, as the\\nratio of natural increase of population, in ten years.\\nIn 1S30 the population of the free Western\\nStates and Territories was 1,470,018\\nIn 1840 it was 2,967,840\\nThe increase was 1,497,822\\nOf this increase, the portion not resulting from\\nemigration may be taken at 411,604\\nthat being 28 per cent of the population in 1830.\\nThe increase by emigration into those States\\nis then 1,086,218", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "236 Sixty Years\\nThis emigration was almost wholly from old free States,\\nor through free States. The population of the old free\\nStates in 1830, was 5,536,779. The emigration westward\\nin the next ten years was about 20 per cent of that num-\\nber. We take two per cent of the population of the old\\nStates, therefore, as the proportion which shows the\\nannual emigration from them.\\n(D.) The resolution which admits Texas, provides\\nthat there shall be no slavery in that portion north of\\n36\u00c2\u00b0 30 the Missouri compromise Hne. Mr. Adams\\nand Mr. Brinkerhoff have both declared in Congress,\\nthat no pretension as to the territory of Texas ever\\ncarried it within a hundred miles of that line. Mr. Adams\\nsays that he never knew that it was thought by anyone\\nto extend further north than 34\u00c2\u00b0. The government map\\ncarries a strip of it up to the line of 42\u00c2\u00b0. But whether\\nthis section be included eventually in Texas, or not, there\\nis no question that it is a mountainous and desert region.\\nThe reasoning which we have attempted to press in this\\npamphlet relates only to territory farther south.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "BOSTON IN THE FORTIES", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "BOSTON IN THE FORTIES\\nI HAVE tried two or three times to describe in print\\nthe Boston in which I went and came as a teacher\\nin the Latin School, as a reporter for the Daily\\nAdvertiser as sub-editor of the Advertiser and of\\nthe two magazines which have been named, and\\nin all this as a student trying to prepare himself for\\nthe ministry. The people of the nineties do not\\nmuch believe that there was any such idealistic\\nwave as several of us have tried to describe. In\\na book called Lowell and his Friends, I said that\\nin the Boston of that day everybody knew every-\\nbody. One of the younger critics supposed that\\nthis was a snobbish statement that the upper\\nsix hundred all knew each other. This simply\\nshows that in the Boston of half a million people\\nyou cannot make men understand what a small,\\nactive town is. To say everybody knew every-\\nbody does not imply that people in broadcloth\\nknew people in broadcloth, or people in silks knew\\npeople in silks it means that as you walk through\\nthe streets of a town which has in it not more than\\ntwenty thousand active men, which does not receive\\non any day more than a few hundred people from\\nthe outside, you do know, perhaps not by name,\\ni6", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "240 Sixty Years\\nbut by sight or sympathy, everybody you see.\\nYou recognize every hackman in such a town.\\nYou know the dififerent hand-cart men by sight,\\nthough you cannot say whether one is named\\nNahum Prince or another Asaph Allen. The\\nevident snobbishness in the paper to which I\\nrefer was the snobbishness of the critic, and not\\nof the person he criticised.\\nUpon this simple life village life, if you please\\nan ocean of foreign emigration was about to fall;\\nand the Boston of to-day, more than half European\\nby birth, does not recognize the homogeneous\\npopulation of the Boston of 1840. There was a\\nqueer little colony of blacks over on the back of\\nwhat was familiarly called Nigger Hill. There\\nwas a very strong sentiment of the whites, un-\\nfavorable to them. And I have heard it said since,\\nwhat I never knew at the time, that on holidays\\nthey were not permitted to advance beyond cer-\\ntain limits on the Boston common. I doubt the\\naccuracy of this statement myself; but it shows\\nhow stern was the feeling then that people of\\nAfrican origin were not Americans.\\nWith these comments I will now print two pas-\\nsages, one from the Outlook and one from my\\nown Life of James Freeman Clarke, which will\\nperhaps give some impression of the atmosphere\\nof those six years. I will venture, however, to\\nsay that the period seems to be a curious period\\nto all people who are fond of Boston, and that\\nthere have been many efforts to describe it. Dear", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "Boston in the Forties 241\\nMrs. Howe has touched upon it in her remin-\\niscences; Dr. Holmes s letters refer to it; Dr.\\nLothrop published some reminiscences which\\nthrow light upon it all the biographies of Emer-\\nson have reference to it the lives of Lyman\\nBeecher, Prescott, Ticknor, and Hawthorne cover\\nthe same period; Mr. Harding s very curious\\nEgistography gives some glimpses of it; Mr.\\nHigginson s Cheerful Yesterdays discusses it;\\nthere are anecdotes of it in Sam Longfellow s life\\nof his brother, and in Octavius Brooks Froth-\\ningham s Recollections whenever Mr. Edward\\nEverett s life shall be published that will throw light\\nupon it. There can be no history of the religious\\ndevelopment of New England, of its literary tri-\\numphs, of the utter change in its political system,\\nor any discussion of the revolution which made\\nover the New England of the first half of the cen-\\ntury and changed it into the New England of the\\nsecond half, which does not recur constantly for\\nillustration or for explanation to these ten years in\\nBoston, between 1840 and 1850.\\nWhen I left college, I found myself in the\\nmidst of the curious wave of feeling, the value of\\nwhich was felt in all New England. It was more\\nfelt in Boston than anywhere else. Different\\npeople have spoken of it as the Transcendental\\nmovement, or as the Philanthropic movement.\\n16", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "242 Sixty Years\\nIt passed on, and left its alluvial soil behind it.\\nIt did no harm, it did much good and, generally\\nspeaking, it is now forgotten.\\nDr. Channing, since the year 1803, had been\\npreaching in Boston the possible perfection of\\nhuman nature, or the divinity of man. He began\\nto preach in a little, rather forlorn church, which\\nwas the remnant of a foreigners church, a\\nchurch of Scotch Presbyterians, of which Johnny\\nMoorhead was the minister in the years before\\nthe Revolution. Channing had gone to this\\nchurch because it was small and weak, and\\nbecause he was weak and small but from the\\nmoment when his oracles were uttered there, the\\nbest people in Boston determined to hear him.\\nAnd in 1840 Boston was led by the people who\\nhad been led by him. The foreign merchants of\\nBoston, the men who were beginning to make\\nBoston a manufacturing centre, the men who were\\nplanning the great railroad system which now\\nspreads over this nation, were people who believed\\nin the ideas which Channing proclaimed, namely,\\nideas centring in the divinity of man.\\nThese people showed their faith in various ways.\\nThey did or did not go to anti-slavery meetings in\\nwhich Dr. Channing was interested. They did or\\ndid not think he was a fanatic when he proclaimed\\nthe wickedness of human slavery. But, all the\\nsame, they were men who believed in an Idea.\\nIn one way or another they showed their faith in\\ntheir works. There were among them men who", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "Boston in the Forties 243\\nwere used to victory. For instance, such men had\\ncreated the fur trade on the northwest coast of\\nAmerica. This meant that they had sent out\\nvessels loaded, you would say, with nothing, which\\ncame back after a three years voyage filled with\\nthe most costly silks and spices and teas. They\\nwere men who remembered the time when they\\ndid the carrying trade for Europe, and when\\nNapoleon himself had not been able to control\\nthem. They were men who knew that all things\\nare possible to one who believes.\\nThe population of Boston in 1840 was ninety-\\nthree thousand. It was to the statistician an\\ninsignificant commercial town. But the people\\nwho Hved in Boston went and came like princes.\\nMany of them had stood unawed before kings.\\nAnd the leaders of them really believed that they\\ncould make the city of Boston the city of God,\\nand they meant to do so.\\nBy which I mean that when they had an enter-\\nprise in hand, the pattern for it was made full\\nsize. It was made on the largest scale. If they\\ncreated the Massachusetts Hospital, it was to be\\nlarge enough for the needs of all the people in the\\nState of Massachusetts. When they created the\\nInstitution for the Blind, it was to be large enough\\nfor all the blind people in Massachusetts. When\\nthey established a House of Reformation, they\\nreally supposed that the vagrant boys in that\\nHouse of Reformation were to be definitely and\\nthoroughly Re-Formed. They knew no reason", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "244 Sixty Years\\nwhy they should not go forth to do such work as\\nBenjamin FrankHn had done in the world.\\nSuch people, and the people under their lead,\\ntook an interest in what we should now call\\nidealistic or sentimental enterprises such as has\\nnot been paralleled in what I have known of other\\ncities. They were a little tired of the old drama,\\nso they bought their old Boston Theatre and\\nchanged it into the Odeon. They arranged for\\nthe performance there of Beethoven s symphonies\\nwithin fifteen years after Beethoven s death. Two\\nthousand people crowded this building whenever\\nthese symphonies were performed. At the same\\ntime, one of these leaders whom I have described\\ndied in his Eastern travels. This man, John\\nLowell, Jr., left a fund of three hundred thousand\\ndollars for the establishment of a popular univer-\\nsity in Boston, which has lasted from that day\\nto this. It provides for the delivery of free\\nlectures, by the best men in the world, on the\\nmost important subjects of human knowledge.\\nIn the years 1840, 1841, and 1842, to give a\\nsingle instance of what this meant, one of these\\ncourses of lectures was on The Being and\\nAttributes of God. It was delivered by James\\nWalker, afterwards President of Harvard College.\\nIn a town of forty or fifty thousand people\\nwho, you might say, were of the lecture-going\\nage, more than two thousand people regularly\\nattended on these thoughtful, recondite, scientific\\ndiscourses.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "Boston in the Forties 245\\nAt the same time, every vision of the future\\nwhich was thrown upon the screen was watched\\nand studied with eager enthusiasm. The anti-\\nslavery people, the temperance people, the people\\nwho wanted to suppress Sunday, the Fourierites,\\nall other Socialists, were sure of audiences at their\\nconventions. You can open Faneuil Hall to-day,\\nif fifty people sign a petition for the purpose, for\\nthe utterance of any reform fanatic but when he\\nand the janitor come there, they will find that\\nthere are not present twenty-five of the people\\nwho signed the call. In those days, if the call was\\nuttered, people came.\\nIt would be hard to say that there was any\\ncentre to this eager movement. But a picturesque\\nplace, where one who was wise enough might\\nwatch some of its currents, was the modest book-\\nshop, kept in a private house. No. 12 West Street,\\nby Miss Elizabeth Peabody, her sisters and her\\nfather. Miss Peabody had been a teacher of a\\ngirls school. I think that it did not know much\\nof the mechanism of modern school teaching, but\\nI think there was there a good deal of the spirit\\nof faith and hope and love. Perhaps people were\\ntired of the school; I do not know. But she\\nwas herself on the very front edge of all advance\\nmovements, and somehow or other she and her\\nsisters afterwards Mrs. Horace Mann and Mrs.\\nNathaniel Hawthorne opened a foreign circu-\\nlating library, and a book-shop for the sale of\\nGerman and French books, in what was the front", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "246 Sixty Years\\nparlor of the house I have named. A counter\\nran across the parlor, the books of the circulating\\nlibrary stood on shelves in brown-paper covers,\\nand such few books as they had in stock were\\npretty much anywhere as you looked around.\\nI am afraid that the subscription to the library\\ndid not amount to much; I am afraid that the\\nsales of books did not amount to much. But\\nwhat happened was this if you had a vacant ten\\nminutes, you went in there, for it was just in the\\nmiddle of the Boston of that time. You met\\nthere, as might happen, Bronson Alcott, James\\nFreeman Clarke, Waldo Emerson, Nathaniel\\nHawthorne, Horace Mann, George Bancroft,\\nOliver Wendell Holmes, Frederick Hedge, even\\nAndrews Norton, Margaret Fuller, Lydia Maria\\nChild or her husband, John Dwight, afterwards\\nto be the musical critic Christopher Cranch,\\nbetter remembered as a painter than as a preacher;\\nGeorge Ripley, and all the leaders of Brook Farm,\\nJames Lowell, William Story, William B. Greene,\\nor the charming lady who was afterward his wife.\\nWho was there that you did not meet who was\\nwide awake and was interested in the future?\\nYou stood and talked there gossiped if you\\nplease with such people; and you carried off\\nthe Revue de Deux Mondes of the month\\nbefore, or you looked between the leaves of\\nStrauss s Leben Jesu, or something else which\\nhad appeared from Europe.\\nPerhaps somebody told you that Margaret", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "Boston in the Forties 247\\nFuller s conversation of that week would be on\\nthe myth of Juno, or the myth of Ceres, and\\nwould n t you like to come round on Thursday\\nevening? Or somebody told you that Mr. AUston\\nwould be at home on Tuesday evening, and did\\nyou not want to walk out to Cambridge and see\\nhim Or somebody said that thus-and-so would\\nbe going on in the preparations for Brook Farm.\\nOr somebody asked you how you felt disposed\\ntoward the Anti-Sabbath Convention. Or you\\nwere asked to put your name down to a petition\\nfor the abolition of slavery in the District of\\nColumbia, If you had that ten minutes in the\\nmidst of a workaday life, and looked in at 12\\nWest Street, you were made sure, if you had not\\nknown it before, that this world has a future, and\\nthat very probably it was true that the kingdom\\nof God was at hand.\\nI do not know if young people of both sexes in\\nBoston, in New York, or Chicago, have any such\\nloafing-place now, where they can meet at hap-\\nhazard, where a walk can begin or can end. Let\\nthe people of the small cities remember that it\\nis their great joy that such simple things are\\npossible with them. You met Margaret Fuller or\\nDr. Holmes or Mr. Bancroft, or some John or\\nMary, some Alva or Zebedee unknown to fame.\\nAre you going to walk? or Would you like\\nto go round the common? or Are you taking\\nyour constitutional? And you two took your\\nconstitutional together. Some of Miss Fuller s", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "248 Sixty Years\\nconversations which have been made famous by\\nthe interest which attaches to her life were in\\nthe parlors upstairs. I do not recollect any\\nmachinery of tickets or of formal invitations.\\nIt seems as if the company were selected by\\nthe law of attraction. This was the central\\nphrase in Fourier s plans, then popular in all\\nsuch circles, but now forgotten. I think the\\nBrook Farm people all made their regular head-\\nquarters at the Foreign Circulating Library.\\nI am afraid that the helter-skelter in which every-\\nbody availed himself of its hospitalities did not\\npromote its pecuniary success.\\nWhoever deals with the local history of the\\ntown in these years has to attempt the description\\nof a certain local ferment, involving eager expec-\\ntation and a readiness for new things, which cer-\\ntainly does not characterize the Boston of to-day,\\nand did not characterize the Boston of the begin-\\nning of the century. The anti-slavery leaders\\nwere at their best; they had a mountain to cast\\ninto the sea, and they were loyally going about\\nthat business, with little but faith to sustain them.\\nReformers of every school had broken with all\\nthe bonds which the church, in various organiza-\\ntions, had contrived for their repression. In\\nspeculation, morals, and the philosophy of the\\nintellect, as in the consideration of religion, the\\nword transcendental had begun to be heard,\\nand with it came the suspicion that the higher law,\\nnay, the highest law, might be found available as", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "Boston in the Forties 249\\nan everyday direction. Into the midst of the\\nenthusiasm thus aroused came the prophecies of\\nthe psychical experimenters of whatever name,\\neach one generally adopting a new one, and\\nthey brought their fascinating suggestion that by\\nrightly developing the fit organs of the brain, we\\nmight produce, almost to order, poetry better\\nthan Dante s or Milton s, and science more accu-\\nrate than Newton s or La Place s. In a word,\\nprophecy was in order, not to say in fashion.\\nThere was a general sympathy with Saint Paul and\\nGeorge Fox and people of that type who did not\\ntravel in the steps of Pharisees or of priests. Mr.\\nBrisbane, by admirably conducted propaganda,\\nwas bringing into notice Charles Fourier s plans\\nand dear Robert Owen, not meaning to be for-\\ngotten, came from England with his own. In\\nBoston, by a sort of natural law, the prophets of\\nnew beliefs or new suspicions made rendezvous.\\nWhen, in 1842, the friends of Bronson Alcott\\nthought to give him, and indeed themselves, a\\nlittle rest, by sending him to Europe on a summer\\nouting, as he landed at Liverpool he met some\\ncorrespondents who with him instantly held a con-\\nvention at a school which had been named Alcott\\nLodge in his honor. At this convention it was at\\nonce voted that the United States of America was\\nthe fittest place for the redemption of mankind to\\nbegin. And so, before the summer was over, he\\nreturned, with a certain Mr. Lane and Mr. Wright,\\nwith spirits far more excited than his own, to", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "250 Sixty Years\\nundertake that redemption. They held new con-\\nventions, and established the experiment of Con-\\nsociation to redeem society from the institution\\nof property. They were quite successful in this\\neffort, so far as the property-holding members of\\ntheir own number are to be regarded. This move-\\nment was a little later in time than the associa-\\ntions which had tried other social experiments at\\nBrook Farm, at Hopedale, and at Florence, not\\nto mention places outside of New England.\\nMeanwhile, the idolatry of the letter of Scripture\\nbore legitimate fruit in the proclamation by William\\nMiller that the world would end in the year 1843,\\non or about the 20th of March. The mathematical\\ninstinct of New England especially approved of\\nthe additions and subtractions of figures which\\nwere found in the books of Daniel and the Revela-\\ntion, which, beginning with dates in Rollin s His-\\ntory, came out neatly, by the older calendar, at\\nthe beginning of 1843. The Latter-Day Saints,\\ngenerally known as Mormons, also had an estab-\\nlishment in Boston, where the Golden Book was\\nexpounded.\\nIn more decorous quarters, the ferment created\\nby the Oxford Movement in England was scarcely\\nless. The most striking tracts and papers in the\\nEnglish controversy were reprinted in America;\\nand on a smaller scale the Protestant Episcopal\\nChurch here repeated the discussions, and tried\\nthe experiments in ritual, which were thrilling the\\nEstablished Church of England.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0286.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "Boston in the Forties 251\\nMr. Emerson s career as a lecturer was just\\nbeginning. It is hard to say that he was at his\\nbest at one period of his Hfe more than at another.\\nBut it is on record that I\\\\Ir. Emerson said that\\nthe usual experience is that a man thinks his\\nbest thoughts between thirty and forty. When\\nthe impulse of youth is on the man he sees most\\nclearly. In the same years, or a little later,\\nWilliam Henry Channing spent some months in\\nBoston, and called together a sympathetic religious\\nsociety. If he had told us to take any bootblack\\nfrom the street into our homes and clothe him in\\npurple and fine linen, we would have done so,\\nthese are the words of one of his admirers. For\\nthe pure and simple gift of eloquence, so far as it\\nconsists in seizing the right word at the right\\ninstant, and speaking with all the passion of per-\\nsonal conviction, Mr. Channing had no rival among\\nthe men around him.\\nMargaret Fuller, too, had begun her series of\\nConversations in Boston. The description of\\nthem in the Life of her by Freeman Clarke,\\nWilliam Henry Channing, and Emerson, is from\\nChanning s pen and her own. Her conduct of\\nthese classes, as they were called for want of a\\nbetter name, was excellent, to take Mr. Emer-\\nson s phrase. She sat at one end of the room,\\nand the body of visitors, or assistants, arranged\\nthemselves as they could, so that they might see\\nand hear her. Nine-tenths of them w^ere in the\\nmood of people paying homage, which indeed she", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0287.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "252 Sixty Years\\nwell deserved. But she would not and did not\\naccept it. The skill, the tact, with which she\\nthrew back the ball of conversation, so as to start\\nthis listener or that, and the success with which\\nshe made him speak and say his best, were clear\\ntokens of her real genius, and, more than anything\\nshe said herself, showed that she was the mistress\\nof the company and of the occasion.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0288.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "WORCESTER", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0289.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0290.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "WORCESTER\\nThese Wanderjahre ended on the 29th of April,\\n1846, when I became the minister of the Church\\nof the Unity in Worcester. Worcester had been\\na quiet shire town, but was just awakening to its\\nposition as centre of a great raihvay system. My\\nfather had built the railway to Worcester, and had\\ndirected the initial surveys of that to Albany. My\\nfriend Frederic Greenleaf, the Harry Wadsworth\\nof Ten Times One, told me that with his own\\nhand he threw the switch which opened the way\\nto Springfield of the small four-wheeled car which\\ncontained all the freight which Boston had to send\\nto the west on that day. I have always called\\nWorcester a western town in the heart of New\\nEngland. I found there an admirable parish of\\npeople earnestly religious, but utterly unecclesias-\\ntical. Without any feeling that I was protesting\\nagainst anybody s else course, I always supposed\\nmyself a minister of the town as well as the min-\\nister of one particular parish and while I always\\nenjoyed parish duty and parish life, I had always\\non hand, in close connection with them, a set of\\noccupations which had to do with all the people", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0291.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "256 Sixty Years\\nof the town. I was asked to serve on the school\\ncommittee as other clergymen were. I said very\\nfrankly that I had rather be on the Overseers of\\nthe Poor, and the nominating committee took me\\nat my word and placed me there. Everything was\\nin a tangle then, in Massachusetts, because the\\nState had not defined its position with regard to\\nforeign paupers. This led me to write and pub-\\nlish my Letters on Irish Emigration in the\\nwinter of 1851-52. These suggested the present\\nbasis of our State legislation; and the present\\nsystem of State almshouses is founded on those\\nsuggestions. Worcester was forming itself rapidly\\nto be the well organized city that it is. I think I\\nwas able to be of some use in the formation of\\nthe Natural History Society and the Public Library.\\nAs early as 1845, when I returned from Wash-\\nington after listening to the great Texas debate,\\nI printed, as I have said, a pamphlet on emigration\\nto Texas called How to conquer Texas before\\nTexas conquers us. At that time, I would have\\ngladly joined any colony which took the good\\nadvice there given. But my plan attracted no\\nattention. When, however, in 1852 Mr. Eli Thayer,\\nof Worcester, with the foresight of a statesman,\\nmade his great plans for emigration to Kansas,\\nwhich saved Kansas as a free State, I was close at\\nhis side, and I tried to render material assis-\\ntance in that effort. My father gave us the full\\nuse of the Daily Advertiser, which was the lead-\\ning paper of New England. Mr. Greeley, in the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0292.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 257\\nTribtme, published our articles as editorials. A\\ndozen other leading newspapers favored the\\ncause of emigration in the same way. I went\\nalmost everywhere in New England, addressing\\naudiences on Kansas, and the way to it. I was\\non the executive committee of the Emigrant\\nAid Company, which for years kept a close\\nconnection with the new-born State. The com-\\npany had the satisfaction of seeing Kansas ad-\\nmitted as a free State in 1861.\\nIt is because for some years my life was all mixed\\nup with this Kansas emigration that I include in\\nthis collection a paper on the history of that\\nmovement, written by me in 1897. I ow\\nthe president of the New England Emigrant Aid\\nCompany, of which at that time I was one of the\\ndirectors.\\nNEW ENGLAND IN THE COLONIZATION OF\\nKANSAS\\n[First published in Hurd s New England States, 1897]\\nThe great Missouri question of 18 19 and 1820\\nagitated New England to the very heart. But\\nour generation has forgotten the excitement of\\nthe great Missouri controversy; indeed, every\\ngeneration has to repeat the experiences and\\nlessons of its founders.\\nThe compromises of the Constitution, as they\\n17", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0293.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "258 Sixty Years\\nhave been called, were intended to quiet the discus-\\nsion on the slavery issue between the North and the\\nSouth. In a way they did so for thirty years. But\\nthe South was always jealous of the North, and in the\\nconcession of powerto the three Virginian dynasties,\\nwhich held the executive office from 1801 to 1825, a\\nSouthern policy, which looked always first to the\\ninstitution of slavery, governed the national ad-\\nministration. When, therefore, in the year 18 19,\\nthe question came up of the admission of Missouri\\nas a slave State, the Southern party seems to have\\ntaken it for granted that the existence of slavery in\\nthat new State would be permitted. On the other\\nhand, the Northern States resented this claim, and\\nthe heated Missouri discussion of 1819 followed,\\nprecisely as if a like question had not been dis-\\ncussed thirty years before.\\nThe people of Massachusetts, almost unani-\\nmously, opposed the extension of slavery into the\\nnew State. On the 3d of December, 18 19, a great\\npublic meeting of the inhabitants of Boston and\\nvicinity was held in the Doric Hall of the State\\nHouse in Boston. Daniel Webster presided, and in\\nhis speech on that occasion uttered what was\\nundoubtedly the real conviction of his life, as to\\nthe danger of the farther extension of slavery.\\nA committee was formed, of which he was the\\nchairman, to prepare a memorial to Congress on\\nthis subject; and that memorial is a strong\\nargument in favor of confining slavery to the\\nStates already in existence. There is no more", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0294.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 259\\nscandalous illustration of the falsehood of written\\nhistory than the entire omission in Curtis s Life\\nof Daniel Webster, of all reference to the part\\nwhich he took in the protest of the North on that\\noccasion.\\nIn the treaty with France, regarding the sale to\\nthe United States of the territory of Louisiana, no\\nreference had been made to any supposed rights as\\nto slavery of the handful of whites who were on the\\nwestern side of the Mississippi. And so little idea\\nhad Mr. Jefferson or his advisers of the value of\\ntheir great purchase that Robert Livingston, who\\nmade the bargain with Napoleon, in 1803 wrote\\nhome to Mr. Jefferson that he had assured every-\\none whom he met that not an emigrant would be\\nsent across the Mississippi River in the next hun-\\ndred years. So little did the statesmen of that\\ntime anticipate the necessity of making arrange-\\nments for the social condition of those who should\\nemigrate.\\nThe agitation on the subject was for a moment\\nnumbed, and a certain status qtw was attained by\\nthe passage of what has always been known as the\\nMissouri Compromise. When matters seemed at\\na deadlock in Washington, Henry Clay introduced\\nthis compromise, which provided that the State of\\nMissouri, then seeking for existence, should be\\nadmitted with the toleration of the institution of\\nslavery, but that in all future time the territory\\nnorth of the parallel of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 which is the\\nsouthern line of Missouri, should be free terri-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0295.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "26 o Sixty Years\\ntory. This granted to the slaveholders the future\\nState of Arkansas and, by impHcation, perhaps, the\\nfuture State of Florida at that moment there was\\nno question with regard to Texas. With the an-\\nnexation of Texas to the country, the whole ques-\\ntion, of course, recurred for the whole of Texas\\nis south of the line of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 The Southern\\npower, with its accustomed alliance in the State\\nof New York, succeeded in carrying the day in\\nthat great controversy, and, to the disappointment\\nof the Northern States, the whole territory of Texas\\nwas given over to slavery.\\nFlushed by this triumph and by the virtual\\ntriumph which the South won in what were\\ncalled the Compromise Measures of 1850, the\\nhandful of men who led the South to its ruin^\\nsupposed that they could achieve anything they\\nchose in the future. And accordingly, on the 4th\\nday of January, 1854, Mr. Douglas reported from\\nthe Committee on Territories in the United States\\nSenate, the famous Nebraska Bill, providing for a\\nnew territory, which was to be named as Nebraska,\\ninto which territory slavery might be introduced\\nby persons who owned slaves.\\nHere was a distinct disavowal of the Missouri\\nCompromise of thirty-four years previous. This\\nact of bad faith was all that was needed to give\\nunanimity to the whole North on this subject. Up\\nto that time the leaders of political parties at the\\nNorth had spoken of the Missouri Compromise\\n1 Mr. Edward Everett used to say that there were nine of them.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0296.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 261\\nas a sort of ultimatum, and with bated breath.\\nThey had conscientiously felt that their fathers had\\nmade an arrangement, from which, in a certain\\nway, the North had profited, and that they were\\nbound in honor to respect the conditions of that\\narrangement. But if this compromise was to be\\ntorn to pieces, this point of honor no longer existed.\\nThe only difficulty was to know what was the most\\npractical way in which to act.\\nThis difficulty was met promptly by a proposal\\nfrom Mr. Eli Thayer, a member of the Massachu-\\nsetts legislature. Mr, Thayer introduced into the\\nlegislature of 1854 a petition for the incorporation\\nof the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company.\\nThe act is in the following words\\nCOMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.\\nIn the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty-Four.\\nAn Act,\\nTo Incorporate the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company.\\nBe it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-\\ntives, in General Court assembled, and by the authority\\nof the same, as follows\\nSect. I. Benjamin C. Clark, Isaac Livermore, Charles\\nAllen, Isaac Davis, William G. Bates, Stephen C. Phillips,\\nCharles C. Hazewell, Alexander H. Bullock, Henry\\nWilson, James S. Whitney, Samuel E. Sewall, Samuel\\nG. Howe, James Holland, Moses Kimball, James D.\\nGreen, Francis W. Bird, Otis Clapp, Anson Burlingame,\\nEli Thayer, and Otis Rich, their associates, successors", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0297.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "262 Sixty Years\\nand assigns, are hereby made a corporation, by the name\\nof the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company, for the\\npurpose of assisting enigrants to settle in the West and,\\nfor this purpose, they shall have all the powers and privi-\\nleges, and be subject to all the duties, restrictions, and\\nliabilities, set forth in the thirty-eighth and forty-fourth\\nchapters of the Revised Statutes.\\nSect. II. The capital stock of said corporation shall\\nnot exceed five millions of dollars. Said capital stock\\nmay be invested in real and personal estate provided,\\nthe said corporation shall not hold real estate in this\\nCommonwealth to an amount exceeding twenty thou-\\nsand dollars.\\nSect. III. The capital stock of said corporation shall\\nbe divided into shares of one hundred dollars each but\\nno more than four dollars on the share shall be assessed\\nduring the year eighteen hundred and fifty-four, and no\\nmore than ten dollars on the share shall be assessed in\\nany one year thereafter.\\nSect, IV. At all meetings of the stockholders, each\\nstockholder shall be entitled to cast one vote for each\\nshare held by him provided, that no stockholder shall\\nbe entitled to cast more than fifty votes on shares held\\nby himself, nor more than fifty votes by proxy.\\nSect. V. This act shall take effect from and after its\\npassage.\\nThe boldness of this proposal at once arrested\\nattention, and the act was printed in all parts of\\nthe country. In point of fact, none of the\\nWestern work was eventually done under its\\nprovisions. It exists as a splendid monument of", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0298.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 263\\nthe prompt action of the State of Massachusetts\\nbut the subsequent action of the friends of Kansas\\nand Nebraska was taken under other arrangements\\nfor incorporation. All the same, it did what it\\nwas meant to do. The word ran through the\\ncountry, North and South, that Massachusetts\\nwas going to place five million dollars in the\\nnew territory, and was going to send men there\\nwho would know how to spend it. Attention was\\nimmediately arrested upon the possibilities of\\nemigration into the beautiful region west of\\nMissouri emigration which would be real emi-\\ngration, and which would keep out the threatened\\ninvasion of slaveholders with their slaves.\\nThe names given as petitioners for this corpora-\\ntion are enough to show how thoroughly the best\\nlife of Massachusetts engaged itself in the great\\nenterprise.\\nBenjamin C. Clark was a philanthropic merchant\\nwhose name in the next generation has been iden-\\ntified with prompt action for the help of suffering\\nand poverty.\\nIsaac Livermore was a leading merchant in\\nBoston, at the head of that department of busi-\\nness which deals in wools.\\nCharles Allen was for years a member of Con-\\ngress from the Worcester district. He had been a\\njudge of high rank in Massachusetts, and was\\nuniversally respected.\\nStephen C. Phillips was for many years the\\nrepresentative in Congress from the Essex district.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0299.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "264 Sixty Years\\nCharles C. Hazewell was a distinguished writer\\nfor the press.\\nAlexander H. Bullock is the same who was\\ngovernor of Massachusetts in the years 1866-68.\\nHenry Wilson was to be the Vice-President of\\nthe United States.\\nSamuel E. Sewall had been a leader in the aboli-\\ntion movement from the beginning.\\nSamuel Griswold Howe was the founder of the\\nInstitution for the Blind in Boston; an early\\nfriend of Greece in her struggles always in the\\nadvance where effort was needed for the rights of\\nmen.\\nOtis Rich was a member of the Massachusetts\\nHouse of Representatives he was chairman of the\\ncommittee who reported the charter.\\nMoses Kimball was a leader in the Whig Party;\\nat this time a member of the State Senate. For\\nmany years after this time he was the most prom-\\ninent member of the House of Representatives of\\nMassachusetts.\\nJames D. Green was a member of the House,\\nafterwards the mayor of Cambridge.\\nFrancis W. Bird was a noble type of a class of\\nmen, fortunately leaders in Massachusetts, who\\nare themselves entirely indifferent to public office\\nor public honor, but who are determined that Mas-\\nsachusetts shall do right and shall lead. Mr. Bird\\nwas prominent in the Anti-slavery party of that\\ntime.\\nOtis Clapp, born of the best blood of New Eng-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0300.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 265\\nland, was member of the House, a merchant in\\nBoston, whose name was identified with efforts\\nfor temperance and good government.\\nAnson Burhngame was the same who went to\\nWashington the next year and challenged Preston\\nBrooks, the would-be assassin who had struck\\nCharles Sumner in the Senate chamber. Brooks\\ndeclined the challenge.\\nThese names, probably, are simply the first\\nfifteen names by which Mr. Thayer could readily\\nhead his petition. It is almost safe to say that the\\nfirst fifteen men in Massachusetts whom he could\\nhave asked would have joined him. The plan,\\nhowever, was his, and for a long time the work\\nwas his. This list brings together persons who\\nhad acted in very different ways in opposition to\\nslavery. Some of them took no active part in the\\nsubsequent movement. Among these were Mr.\\nSewall and Mr. Bird; excepting them the list\\nincludes the names of none of those whom we\\nnow call the old Anti-slavery war-horses. Those\\ngentlemen distrusted any action which did not\\nlook to the destruction of the Union. The gentle-\\nmen whose names Mr. Thayer brought together in\\nthis act of incorporation which is now historical,\\nwere willing to meet the general government on\\nits own terms, which already foreshadowed what\\nwas known as squatter sovereignty. With names\\nas suggestive as these of the determination of the\\nState, Mr. Thayer, whose own name is last but one\\nupon the list, presented it to the House of Rcpre-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0301.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "266 Sixty Years\\nsentatives, in which he was a member from the city\\nof Worcester.\\nThe bill asked for went immediately through the\\nrequisite forms. The charter of the Massachusetts\\nEmigrant Aid Company was signed by Governor\\nWashburn on the 26th of April, and took effect\\nimmediately. The moral effect of this act througli\\nthe whole country can hardly be described. It\\ncannot be overstated. It was like what one sees,\\nwhen, at a given moment, watched for and prayed\\nfor, a great vessel, which seems likely to miss stays\\nin her voyage, feels, happily, one strong gust of a\\nfavoring gale, and sweeps forward in her career as\\nher master has determined. Instantly, through\\nthe whole North, it was known through every eager\\nhamlet that Massachusetts had taken up the glove\\nwhich in Washington had been thrown down.\\nMassachusetts was about to send twenty thousand\\nfreemen into Kansas, and to spend five million\\ndollars in establishing them there. It may be\\nobserved that the charter for this company passed\\nthe hand of the Governor of Massachusetts and\\nreceived her great seal on the 26th day of April.\\nThe act, under which Kansas and Nebraska were\\ncreated territories, was not approved by Franklin\\nPierce, the President, until the 30th of May.^ On\\nthe 4th of May the petitioners who have been\\nIt is an interesting note of the public opinion of the time\\nregarding a person now well-nigh forgotten, that in the volume\\nwhich I take from the Boston Public Library to verify the dates\\nin the statement above, I find this memorandum written by some", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0302.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 267\\nnamed met at the State House in Boston and\\naccepted their charter. Massachusetts may be\\nsaid then to have picked up the gauntlet before\\nit was thrown down.\\nWhen the corporators accepted this charter,\\nthey appointed a committee to report a plan of\\norganization; this committee consisted of Eli\\nThayer, Alexander H. Bullock, Richard Hildrcth,\\nthe editor of the Boston Atlas, Otis Clapp, of\\nBoston, and myself. They submitted a report at\\nan adjourned meeting, held in Boston, This\\nreport showed how large was the movement of\\nemigrants into the country at that time, the\\narrivals the preceding year having been four\\nhundred thousand. It showed the necessity of\\nprovision for those persons at the West, and said\\nthat the Emigrant Aid Company was ready to\\nsend out emigrants in companies to establish\\nthemselves in Kansas. It recommended that the\\ndirectors contract immediately with some one of\\nthe competing lines of travel for the conveyance\\nof twenty thousand persons from Massachusetts\\nto that place in the West which the directors\\nreader and critic against the name of Franklin Pierce, the Presi-\\ndent To whom Arnold was an angel of light.\\nThe other names signed to the Kansas-Nebraska Act are,\\nLinn Boyd, then Speaker of the National House of Representa-\\ntives, and Dr. R. Atchison, President of the Senate. The Kansas-\\nNebraska Act was always called in New England The Kansas Bill,\\nas to this day The Fugitive Slave Law is generally called The\\nFugitive Slave Bill. This is the tacit intimation that to the moral\\nsense of New England no formalities could ever make these bills\\ninto laws.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0303.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "268 Sixty Years\\nshould select for their first settlement. It stated\\nthe belief of the writer that individuals could go\\nin such companies for half-price; it recommended\\nthe establishment of saw-mills, grist-mills, and a\\nweekly newspaper. And in the fourth article it\\nrecommended that, Whenever the territory shall\\nbe organized as a free State, the directors shall\\ndispose of all its interests there, replace by sales\\nthe money laid out, declare a dividend to the\\nstockholders, and that they then select a new field\\nand make similar arrangements for the settlement\\nand organization of another free State in this\\nUnion.\\nThis report of the Emigrant Aid Company\\nwas drawn by myself. I had the advantage of\\nthe fullest conference with Mr. Thayer, and it\\nis evident that I used his brief above in the\\npreparation of the report. It was printed at\\nonce with an account of the territory to be\\ncolonized which had been prepared five years\\nbefore by Dr. Charles Robinson, a physician of\\nFitchburg, It makes the first issue of a report\\non Nebraska and Kansas, which was afterward\\npublished almost monthly for two or three years.\\nThe first charter not proving satisfactory, the\\nsubscriptions which were at once received were\\nplaced for temporary use in the hands of three\\ntrustees who acted for some months as the\\nrepresentatives of the subscribers without any\\nlegal incorporation. When the great State of\\nKansas shall have time to erect in her Capitol a", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0304.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 269\\ngroup of the statues of her founders, these three\\nmust hold distinguished places there. First and\\nforemost in the group will be Eli Thayer. He\\nconceived the plan of organized emigration; he\\ndrew the petition for a charter he carried the\\ncharter through; he obtained the requisite funds\\nfor a beginning; and, in a word, until Kansas was\\na free State, he gave his time, his money, and his\\nh fe to the establishment of freedom. His two\\nassociates in the difficult and delicate work of the\\nfirst summer were Amos A. Lawrence and James\\nM. S. Williams. Mr. Lawrence was at this time\\nforty years old. He was at the head of the great\\nmanufacturing house which had been established\\nby Abbott Lawrence and Amos Lawrence,\\nmentioned elsewhere in this volume. By that\\nhouse the city of Lawrence, on the Merrimac\\nRiver, had been created, and from them it had\\nreceived its name. Mr. Lawrence at once put\\nhimself in communication with Mr. Thayer,\\nsubscribed largely to the new enterprise, and\\nwas eventually made the treasurer of the com-\\npany. Mr. J. M. S. Williams, of the business\\nfirm of Glidden Williams, was a Virginian by\\nbirth. All the more he detested slavery and its\\nmethods. Mr. Thayer and he worked together\\nin entire sympathy; and until Kansas was free\\nMr. Williams might be relied upon for counsel\\nor for money.\\nThese three gentlemen, during the whole of the\\neventful and critical summer of 1854, directed the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0305.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "270 Sixty Years\\npayment of money and the employment of\\nagents for the work in hand. No time was lost.\\nDr. Charles Robinson, of Fitchburg, who had\\nbeen an early settler in California, and had\\ndistinguished himself there in the early history\\nof that State, reported almost immediately to\\nMr. Thayer. Dr. Robinson gave to Mr. Thayer\\ninformation with respect to the physical aspect\\nof Kansas, through which he had himself travelled\\nin one of his journeys to California. Mr. Thayer\\nat once printed extracts from Dr. Robinson s\\njournal of that time, and sent him out, incognito\\nas might be said, as an agent in advance, to see\\nwhat spots would be good spots to occupy.\\nDr. Robinson s journal shows that he was in\\nKansas as early as July, 1854; that is to say,\\nwithin six weeks of the passage of the Act\\nby which the territory was thrown open to\\nsettlement.\\nAn Indian reservation, just west of what is now\\nknown as Kansas City, compelled him to go nearly\\nforty miles back in the territory for the selection of\\na proper site for the first colony. This site he deter-\\nmined upon, and here stands the city of Lawrence\\nat the present time. He also advised the trustees\\nto purchase an old tavern which was in the infant\\ntown of Kansas City. It was just within the Mis-\\nsouri border, but it would serve as a convenient\\nplace for the settlers to meet in and move from,\\nwhere everything would be courteous and kindly\\nto them, and free from the danger of an unfriendly", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0306.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 271\\nlocal feeling. This property, first to be obtained,\\nwas one of the last properties held by the Emigrant\\nAid Company.\\nDr. Robinson returned to St. Louis with the\\ninformation gained, and on the i8th of July, 1854,\\na pioneer party of thirty-five persons left Boston.\\nThey arrived at St. Louis on the 24th of July, and\\nlocated at the position of Lawrence on the i8th of\\nAugust. They described their new home as six\\nmiles above the mouth of the Wakarusa, a tribu-\\ntary of Kansas River. The second party left\\nBoston on the 29th of August, a third on the 26th\\nof September; the fourth party left on the 17th of\\nOctober, and the fifth on the 7th of November.\\nThe first four of these parties numbered about five\\nhundred people. Most of them established them-\\nselves at Lawrence, where they made temporary\\nhouses, largely underground, and prepared for the\\nfirst winter. Explorations, however, were already\\nin progress, which led to the establishment of\\nother towns by the people of Massachusetts.\\nThe after history of these colonists from Massa-\\nchusetts belongs to the history of Kansas, and is\\nnot to be related in these pages. An interesting\\nreview of the relations of the Emigrant Aid Com-\\npany to Kansas, as seen by a gentleman who is\\nclosely acquainted with the history of that State,\\nwill be found in the New England Magazine for\\n1897. It is written by Professor William H.\\nCarruth, of the University of Kansas, and states\\nwith a certain humor and with great accuracy the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0307.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "272 Sixty Years\\nresults in Kansas of the prompt action of the\\ncompany here. Our business is rather with the\\nmovement in Massachusetts.\\nUnder the inspiration of Mr. Thayer and of his\\nfriends, Kansas Meetings were held in almost\\nall the large towns of New England and New\\nYork. The whole sentiment of the press was\\nfavorable to the movement. The committee of\\nCongress, under the direction of Stephen A.\\nDouglas, who reported on this subject, ascribed\\nthis movement to a desire to make profit on the\\npart of New Englanders. On the other hand, this\\nis certain that when, on February 7, 1862, the\\ncompany sold all its property in Kansas for an\\namount of money which paid its various debts\\nthere, no stockholder ever made any complaint of\\nthe loss of his investment. The largest subscribers\\nto the fund in the year 1854, were: Donald\\nMcKay, John Milton Forbes, J. M. S. Williams,\\nG. Rowland and Frank G. Shaw, C. H. Mills\\nCo., John Bertram, EH Thayer, Samuel Cabot,\\nGlidden Williams, William S. Rotch, Geo. W.\\nRowland, and Charles Francis Adams. These\\nand about two hundred others made up the total\\nstock of the company subscribed in that year,\\namounting to about $30,000. Eventually, the\\namount of stock, according to Mr. Carruth, was\\n$136,000. The stock was taken very often in\\nsingle shares, and the shares were worth twenty\\ndollars each. This stock was subscribed not by\\nemigrants, but by persons determined to help the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0308.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 273\\nplan forward. The subscribers directed the move-\\nments of the company.\\nThe leaders of companies were in almost every\\ninstance men of enthusiasm, of good position at\\nhome, who had determined for years that the South-\\nern supremacy in the councils of the nation should\\nbe destroyed. They saw that this was a favorable\\nopportunity to act in that way. Such a man\\nwould announce that he was going to Kansas, and\\nwould collect around him a company of his neigh-\\nbors who were disposed to go. Such companies\\nwere collected of persons with every motive, but\\nin general no person went who was not of strong\\nanti-slavery sentiment, and who was not ready to\\nrisk something in the establishment of that senti-\\nment in Kansas. The Emigrant Aid Company\\nwas able to make low rates for tickets, so that any\\nsettler who went from New England to Kansas\\nwould be apt to go under its auspices. The com-\\npany hoped at first to obtain these tickets at half-\\nprice; it hardly ever succeeded in this hope, but\\nin no instance did tickets sold at the offices of the\\ncompany cost so much as those sold in the general\\nmarket. There is a good story told, undoubtedly\\ntrue, that Governor Walker, the pro-slavery gov-\\nernor sent out by President Pierce, and his secre-\\ntary bought their tickets west at an Emigrant Aid\\nCompany s office, and obtained the reduction\\nwhich the company made. It was absolutely true\\nthat no questions were asked any settler as to the\\nmotives with which he went, nor was a cent ever\\n18", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0309.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "2/4 Sixty Years\\ngiven to a settler for the purpose of assisting him.\\nWhat the company did give was, free information\\nat its offices in the East, and the use, almost free,\\nof its hotels and other places of reception in the\\nterritory and in Missouri. It also established at\\nvarious centres steam saw-mills, which were nec-\\nessary for the building up of a town in a region\\nwhere there was so little water-power, and where\\ntimber was to be found only in favored localities.\\nOne of the hand-bills of the time, calling for mass-\\nmeetings in the East to further the objects of the\\nEmigrant Aid Company, was headed, Saw-mills\\nand Liberty The company also established\\ntwo newspapers in Kansas, one in the German\\nlanguage.\\nIn the winter of 1854-55 a new charter was\\nobtained for the New England Emigrant Aid\\nCompany. This company was organized at\\nonce, on the fifth of March. It assumed all the\\nobligations which had been incurred by the three\\ntrustees who had so loyally stood in the breach\\nafter the formation. John Carter Brown, of Prov-\\nidence, was chosen President Eli Thayer and\\nJ. M. S. Williams were Vice-Presidents Amos\\nA. Lawrence was Treasurer, and Thomas H.\\nWebb, Secretary. Twenty-one directors were\\nchosen, who appointed an executive committee\\nof five, beside the treasurer. This committee,\\nannually renewed, became the moving power in\\nthe company. The first year it consisted of Mr.\\nWilliams, Mr. Thayer, Dr. Cabot, of Boston, John", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0310.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 275\\nLowell, of Boston, now United States District Judge,\\nand Mr, R. P. Waters, a Salem merchant. The first\\nstep was taken. The North and the South alike\\nhad been notified that the people of the North\\nmeant to take possession of Kansas, and to make\\nit a free State. Mr. Stephen A. Douglas had now\\navowed himself a patron of squatter sovereignty,\\nwhich meant that the people of the territory should\\nthemselves determine its institutions. If, then,\\nthe North poured in a sufficient number of emi-\\ngrants opposed to slavery, the battle was won. In\\npoint of fact, the North did this. Local wars took\\nplace between the territory of Kansas and the\\nState of Missouri. The hotel of the Emigrant Aid\\nCompany in Lawrence, by far its most costly\\nproperty, was taken possession of under the indict-\\nment of a pretended grand jury, and was burned.\\nThe company, to this hour, has its claim against\\nthe general government for having directed this\\nsacrifice, the largest loss which the company ever\\nsustained.\\nWith the acceptance, by the old subscribers, of\\nthe new charter of the New England Emigrant Aid\\nCompany, all of them took shares in that com-\\npany to the amount of their subscription. Up till\\nthat time namely, the spring of 1855 about\\nthirty thousand dollars had been subscribed and\\nspent.\\nIn the end, the company, in February, 1862, sold\\nits property in Kansas. In other years it did some\\nwork in Texas, sent some emigrants to Oregon, and", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0311.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "276 Sixty Years\\nit sent many thousand men into Florida at the close\\nof the war.\\nIn the great crisis of 1854 and 1855 New Eng-\\nland was awakened to thorough enthusiasm. No\\nAmerican, indeed, is more than a few generations\\nfrom a log cabin, and the passion for emigration is\\neasily aroused. When President Garfield worked\\nout his own genealogy he found that from Ensign\\nGarfield who settled at Watertown in 1630, to\\nAbram Garfield, who removed to Cuyahoga\\nCounty in 1830, every Garfield had moved his\\nhome farther westward, and that each one had\\nsettled on new land granted for military service.\\nMen of such blood were not terrified by fears\\nof log cabins or prairie wolves. The practical\\nbent of New England which unites so curiously\\nwith its idealism was interested in a project which\\nproposed to settle the slavery question, without\\nmore talk, by as simple a process as that which\\nhad established freedom of religion, when such\\nfreedom was endangered by Laud or Wentworth\\nor Charles.\\nWhittier, the Quaker poet, wrote an emigrant\\nsong, which was sung not only at Kansas meetings,\\nbut on the platforms of railway stations, as emi-\\ngrant parties started, and on the decks of steam-\\nboats or in the dark evenings in railway carriages,\\nafter they were well on their way.\\nSo soon as the first parties went forward, their\\nletters home were printed in the newspapers, or\\npassed from hand to hand. The hardships which", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0312.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 277\\nthey met seemed to stimulate enthusiasm. And\\nthe insolence by which the men of Western\\nMissouri interfered with the rights assured by\\nsquatter sovereignty, roused that indignation\\nthrough the country which never slept until\\nLincoln was chosen president.\\nEach company generally comprised several in-\\ndividuals, or, perhaps, several families, from the\\nsame town. Wherever one or two people pro-\\nposed to emigrate, they would be apt to ask that\\na speaker might be sent to them from the Emi-\\ngrant Aid Company, or from some Kansas League.\\nHe carried with him his map, he explained the\\nsituation, he described the wonderful charms of\\nthe maiden territory, and of course he dwelt on\\nthe great political necessity of the hour. In such\\na meeting there would probably be one or two\\npersons of intelligence who commanded the re-\\nspect of their neighbors and they would organize\\nthe party, so far as it had any organization. The\\nEmigrant Aid Company s office was a centre of\\ninformation, of conversation among those who\\nwished to go, and was made a bureau for their\\ncorrespondence and intercourse. Dr. Thomas H.\\nWebb, by a fortunate selection, was appointed\\nthe secretary of the three trustees who have been\\nspoken of. He was secretary of the company\\nuntil his death, after it closed all connection with\\nKansas, a period, as it proved, of many years.\\nThe office was in the third story of the building\\nstill standing at the corner of Winter and Wash-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0313.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "2/8 Sixty Years\\nington streets. There are many points in this\\nworld marked with bronze or marble memorials,\\nin memory of historical events, less important\\nthan some which had their origin here.\\nHere John Brown, of the Adirondacks, of\\nOssawatomie, and at last of Harper s Ferry, made\\nhis headquarters in Boston when he came to the\\nEast. With his adventures in Virginia the com-\\npany had no connection, and to many, perhaps\\nmost, of its ofificers the news of his first success at\\nHarper s Ferry came as an entire surprise. But\\nhere, undoubtedly, he met with gentlemen of New\\nEngland who sympathized in his bold adventure,\\nwere willing to see the experiment tried, and sup-\\nplied the means.\\nTo this office came day after day any persons\\nwho had heard of Kansas, and wanted to try the\\ngreat adventure. As in all enterprises, there were,\\nof course, multitudes of those who wanted to keep\\nbooks and conduct correspondence at home, while\\nmen of bolder spirit should fight the battles of free-\\ndom. But here came also enough of those who\\nwere determined to go, and went. Here the large\\nbody of directors used to meet once a quarter.\\nThe executive committee met once a week, and\\nas much oftener as the secretary needed them.\\nA quorum could be collected at an hour s notice,\\nand often was. There are great difficulties always\\nwhere by any misfortune a Directory has to\\nserve as an executive. I have never known such\\ndifficulties so surmounted and controlled as they", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0314.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 279\\nwere in the organization of this board. I should\\nrecommend its plan to any persons in America\\nplaced in similar circumstances.\\nThe prominent active members during the critical\\nyears from 1854 to 1859 were first the three trustees\\nwho have been named, w^ith the omnipresent Mr. Eli\\nThayer always acting as chairman. His energy\\nand confidence always gave courage to his com-\\npanions, even under circumstances of the most\\nsevere depression. To him is ascribed, correctly\\nor not, the authorship of the saying, Personal\\npresence moves the world. Certainly his habit\\nand his success justified it.\\nWith these gentlemen there acted on the exec-\\nutive committee, from time to time, Dr. Samuel\\nCabot, Jr., Hon. John Lowell, R. P. Waters, Dr.\\nLe Baron Russell, Mr. C. J. Higginson, Martin\\nBrimmer and George L. Stearns. Every stock-\\nholder who made a large subscription was placed\\non the board of directors, which appointed this\\nexecutive committee.\\nThe three trustees, for their first year s enter-\\nprise, had, as has been said, but little more than\\nthirty thousand dollars to use. If the Northwest-\\nern world of America had not credited them with\\nfive million dollars, their efforts would have been\\npuny indeed and futile. But they and the com-\\npany after them had the country s exuberant con-\\nfidence. Agents went with each party. Women\\nand children could be sent forward to join their\\nfathers or brothers who had gone before them.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0315.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "28 o Sixty Years\\nIt is worth notice, indeed, that these were the first\\nof those personally conducted journeys of\\ntourists which have since taken a part so impor-\\ntant in our modern civilization.\\nMeanwhile at home it might be said that the\\npropaganda sustained itself, and grew by its\\nsuccess. The different speakers at the Kansas\\nmeetings paid their own expenses and never\\nexpected and never received any compensation.\\nAuthentic news from Kansas was the most inter-\\nesting news which the journals could publish, so\\nthat there was no need to subsidize the press of\\nNew England. On this point I have a right to\\nspeak with some interest, as I was for some years\\na director of what might be called the Press\\nBureau of the company. At one time I was not\\nso much the Kansas correspondent as the Kansas\\neditor of eight leading journals in New England\\nand New York, in each of which my articles were\\nalways printed as if they were editorials. About\\nonce in two months Dr. Webb published a new\\nedition of Information for Emigrants, leaving\\nout what was obsolete in the old numbers and\\ninserting what was more important or new. This\\nseries, now very rare and curious, ran through\\nabout twenty numbers.\\nThe necessity of introducing steam power in the\\nterritory soon became evident. Liberal men in\\nMassachusetts would give ten thousand dollars\\neach to send out an engine, in answer to an appeal\\nfor saw-mills and liberty. Hon. William Claflin", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0316.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 281\\nwas such a benefactor. Hon. Tyler Bacheller was\\nanother.\\nHon. John Carter Brown, of Providence, the\\nhead of the great house of Brown, was the first\\nperson who subscribed a sum so large. Mr.\\nBrown had just before printed, at his own expense,\\na new edition of the forgotten pamphlet, which\\ndescribed the effort of Virginia to throw off slavery\\nin 1823. No publisher in Boston or New York\\ndared put his imprint on a pamphlet so unpopular,\\nin the days when Anti-slavery was disapproved in\\npublishing circles, and Mr. John Carter Brown,\\nthe millionaire of Providence, was his own pub-\\nlisher. When, in 1855, New England Emigrant\\nAid Company was organized, the stockholders\\nwere glad to recognize the courage and the gen-\\nerosity of such a man, and chose him their presi-\\ndent. Their president he remained through the\\nfive years of the struggle. In the summer of\\n1859, however, it had become certain that Kansas\\nwould be a free State. Mr. Brown wrote to the\\nsecretary that he did not like to hold a position\\nalmost nominal and ornamental, and that he wished\\nhis name might be withdrawn whenever the next\\ncompany election came. The letter was received\\nwith regret by the executive committee, but they\\nhad no right to persuade him to do otherwise\\nafter service so valuable.\\nNor was it necessary. Early in October John\\nBrown, of Ossawatomie, failed in his mad attempt\\nat Harper s Ferry, and was taken prisoner. Half", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0317.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "282 Sixty Years\\nthe conservatism of the North was eager to dis-\\navow his plans. No man in America was abused\\nas he was, called here a madman and there a\\ntraitor. At such a moment John Carter Brown,\\nthe millionaire of Providence, leader in its society,\\nin its commerce, in the counsels of the University,\\nwrote to the secretary of the Emigrant Aid Com-\\npany to beg that he might withdraw his letter of\\nresignation. This is no time, he said, for any\\nman who bears the honored name of John Brown\\nto seem to shrink from his responsibilities in the\\ncause of human freedom.\\nNo other being in the world remembered that\\nthe same name was borne by the captive in a Vir-\\nginia prison, and by the president of the New\\nEngland Emigrant Aid Company. But he re-\\nmembered it. And his remembrance makes it\\none of the most honored names in the history of\\nNew England,\\nWithout alluding to the civil war which began\\nin Kansas almost immediately, in which armed\\nparties from Missouri attempted to break up the\\ncolonies of real settlers, we must hastily follow the\\nwork through and in Massachusetts in the years\\nbefore 1861, when Kansas became a free State.\\nThe organization of emigrant parties continued\\nunder the same general arrangement as has been\\ndescribed until nearly five thousand emigrants\\npassed from New England into Kansas, As early\\nas the spring of 1855 it was evident that these\\nmen would have to fight for their rights, and from", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0318.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 283\\nthe office of the company the first consignment of\\none hundred Sharp s rifles was sent out to them\\nin May of that year. The fear that the boxes\\nwould be recognized as they crossed Missouri was\\nsuch that care was taken that in no case should\\nthe whole of a rifle be found in one box; and, in\\nfact, they arrived in different consignments at\\nLawrence, and were put together there.\\nKansas Aid Societies, or Kansas Leagues, were\\nestablished in different towns Mr, Thayer refers\\nespecially to one in Albany, one in Worcester.\\nIn Kansas and Missouri, at the same time,\\nrewards were offered for Mr, Thayer s head. Mr.\\nThaj ^er himself was engaged in going from place\\nto place in collecting funds for the great enter-\\nprise. In the city of New York, where a society\\nhad been established, he was cordially met by\\nGeorge VV. Blunt and by William M. Evarts, and\\nothers. Mr. Evarts made a speech in which he\\nsaid he was worth but four thousand dollars, and\\nwould give a thousand dollars of it to the new\\nenterprise. A National Kansas Committee was\\nappointed under Mr. Thayer s advice at a conven-\\ntion in Buffalo. The Fremont canvass of 1856\\ncame on, and in that election Mr, Thayer was\\nhimself chosen to Congress.\\nThe movement became general through all the\\nNorthern States. The share of it to be recorded\\nin a history of the New England States is this:\\nAfter the year 1854, of which an account has been\\nalready given, in the face of the internal struggles", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0319.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "284 Sixty Years\\nin Kansas, of the certainty that men must protect\\ntheir rights by force of arms until Kansas was free,\\nthe emigration from New England went steadily\\nforward. In the years which followed, in succes-\\nsive parties such as have been described, the Emi-\\ngrant Aid Company sent forward, as has been\\nsaid, between four and five thousand men, women,\\nand children. These settlers established the towns\\nof Lawrence, Topeka, Ossawatomie, Manhattan,\\nWabaunsee, and Burlington. One of its latest acts\\nwas to obtain what was supposed to be a controlling\\ninterest in the newly-born city of Atchison. That\\nname has become a name of joy and sorrow to so\\nmany persons since, that it may be worth while to\\nsay that it was given by the pro-slavery founders\\nof Atchison in compliment to Mr. Atchison, the\\nsenator from Missouri, who was the most vehe-\\nment spokesman of the Southern sentiment in all\\nthe Kansas discussions. After some years of\\nstruggle, these founders came to the Emigrant\\nAid Company, and offered to sell to it a controlling\\ninterest in the city, which it bought. Its directors\\nvoted that the name Atchison should be changed\\nto VVilmot, Mr, Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, having\\nbeen one of the first Democrats w^ho broke from\\nhis party; he moved the celebrated Wilmot Pro-\\nviso in Congress. But the agents of the company\\nin Atchison itself were never able to carry this\\nbroad resolution into effect.\\nThe Civil War began. In that war Kansas\\nfurnished a larger proportion of young men to the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0320.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "Colonization of Kansas 285\\nUnion army than did any other State. Her young\\nmen were used to fighting it was their profession\\nand they went into the war for the Union as\\nthe legitimate, or indeed inevitable, sequel to the\\nenterprise in which they had been engaged. By\\none of the early acts of Lincoln s first Congress,\\nKansas was admitted as a free State. The Emi-\\ngrant Aid Company then sold out all its property\\nin Kansas to the firm of Adams Ayling for\\nsome sixteen thousand, one hundred and fifty\\ndollars. This was sufficient to pay its debts in\\nthe territory, and its official connection with\\nKansas ceased from that hour.\\nBut the individual directors of that company\\nhave always maintained an interest in the State in\\nthe foundation of which they had so important a\\nshare. And as Mr. Evarts said, as one of the\\nearly stockholders, no man who subscribed to the\\ncapital stock of the company has ever regretted\\nhis investment.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0321.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0322.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "A CHURCH IN THE WAR", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0323.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0324.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "A CHURCH IN THE WAR\\nIn the year 1852 I married. In 1856 I accepted\\nan invitation to become the minister of the South\\nCongregational Church in Boston, as the successor\\nof Rev. Frederick Dan Huntington, now the bishop\\nof Central New York.\\nThere is a very pretty story about those days. I\\nam going to tell it for the benefit of young min-\\nisters. Dr. Huntington had one theological state-\\nment, and I had another. Dr. Huntington said this\\nabout certain things, and I said that. When\\nJudge Sanger came to me with this call, I said\\nto him, My dear fellow, I have just written a\\nreply to Dr. Huntington s last article, and it will\\nbe printed next week. Now where would I be,\\nand what would you do, if it were known that the\\nman they had asked to be their minister had writ-\\nten a reply to an article by Dr. Huntington?\\nAnd Judge Sanger replied, Hale, none of them\\nknow that he has written the article, and none of\\nthem will know that you have written the reply.\\nThat is my warning to young men who think that\\nthe world is moved by intellectual convictions.\\nJudge Sanger then went on, and said, I suppose\\n19", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0325.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "290 Sixty Years\\nyou and Dr. Huntington differ in your theology?\\nSaid I, Oh, yes, by the whole world. Well, I\\nsuppose so. I have heard it said so before, he\\nwent on but, then, the people do not care any-\\nthing about that. The people of the South Con-\\ngregational Society believe that Huntington said\\nthe best thing he knew, and they believe that you\\nwill say the best thing you know. That is God s\\nwhole truth about the minister. Nobody but a\\nfool expects to agree entirely with the utterances\\nof the pulpit which he hears week after week\\nand month after month and year after year. No\\none but a fool ever wants to agree with all the\\nutterances of the pulpit. But what the people do\\nwant is to have a man say what he thinks, and to\\nsay it as well as he can,\\nI had lived in Boston through my boyhood, and\\nfor one or two years when I was in college I had\\nfrequentl}^ attended Mr. Motte s church, of which\\nI was now to be the minister. In the year 1840,\\nwhen I was one of the first experimenters in the\\nnew-born daguerreotype, I took a daguerreotype of\\nmyself standing on the steps of the South Congre-\\ngational Church. I believe that this was the first\\nlikeness of a human being thus taken in Massachu-\\nsetts. I adjusted the camera, saw that it should\\ncommand the steps of the church, ran over and\\nstood by one of the pillars, and bade my cousin,\\nFrancis Alexander Durivage, who was my friend\\nand co-operator in this business, open and shut the\\nlens. Unfortunately, I have not now this picture,", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0326.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 291\\nwhich contained so curious a prophecy of my after-\\nlife.\\nI was installed in the ministry of this church\\non the evening of Wednesday, October i, 1856.\\nI have remained its minister until the year when I\\nam writing these lines, but I lately sent in my\\nresignation, which will take effect on the 1st of\\nOctober, 1899. On my settlement I entirely\\nrevised the theory of ministerial life which I\\nhad laid down for myself when I went to\\nWorcester. I knew it was impossible that I\\nshould be the minister of the town of Boston, and\\nI resolved to make myself, as well as I could, sim-\\nply the minister of the South Congregational\\nChurch,\\nFrom October, 1856, to April, 1861, I was true\\nto this theory. True, I made Kansas speeches,\\nbut I made them at the South End, in the base-\\nment of my own church, I attended directors\\nmeetings of the Emigrant Aid Company; but I\\ntried to interest the people of my own church in\\nthe work which we were doing in Kansas. I re-\\nmember now that when I left Boston, because I\\nwas not well, in the second week of April, 1861, I\\ndid not believe there would be any armed contest.\\nI told Amos Amory Lawrence, within a fortnight\\nbefore that time, that this matter would never come\\nto the clash of arms.^ But the war had come. On\\n1 I remember meeting Wendell Phillips, after Fort Sumter was\\nthreatened, as I came out of church. I walked with him, and he\\nsaid to me, They have thrown up batteries against Fort Sumter.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0327.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "292 Sixty Years\\nthe morning of April 15th, Horatio Stebbins came\\nto my door in his house at Portland, and told me\\nthat Sumter had been fired upon. With that shot\\na new issue began for all of us old things were\\ndone away, all things became new.\\nI returned to Boston that afternoon. As I went\\nhome through Washington Street, the 7th Massa-\\nchusetts was filing out from Boylston Hall to\\ngo to the steamboat which was to take it to Fort\\nMonroe. Of course I said, as any true man would\\nhave said, The South Congregational Church is\\nsimply one cell in the organized life of this nation.\\nThe cell need not exist if the nation ceased to\\nexist. And, as every member of that church did,\\nI threw myself into every effort for the national\\nlife. So soon as there was any recruiting, I urged\\non the young men of the congregation their duty\\nto enlist. I said that the moment the enlistment\\nfrom my church stopped, I should go myself;\\nand I should have done so. I was already a mem-\\nber of Salignac s drill corps, and I advanced so far\\nthat I have the pleasure of saying that as a ser-\\ngeant in that corps I gave their first instructions to\\nmen who came out from the war with high rank.\\nThere is one major-general whom I never meet\\nwithout our joking about the screws of his musket\\nat right shoulder shift. Whatever I could think\\nI said, Nonsense If they have thrown up batteries they have\\nbuilt tliem of the waves of the sea for I knew the harbor of\\nCharleston. And Phillips said, I hope it is so. This for a man\\nwho had thought he wanted to have the Union dissolved, seems\\nto me a remark worth remembering.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0328.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 293\\nof which I could do for my country, I tried to do.\\nAnd I may say the same thing of the church of\\nwhich I am the minister. There was hardly a\\npoint in the country which this enterprising church\\ndid not touch in its activities in the war. Ladies\\nsent down their sewing-machines to the vestry, and\\nwent to work them. In our archives is the receipt\\nfrom the Commonwealth for the clothing made by\\nthree days work, the i6th, 17th, and i8th of April.\\nThey began a series of army work which did not\\nend until December 22, 1865. On that day Gov-\\nernor Andrew ordered a parade of our veteran reg-\\niments to bring their tattered banners home to the\\nState House. I noticed, as I read my morning\\npaper, that the column would pass our church. I\\nsent to Mrs. Tilton, who was at the head of our\\nTea-Committee, to ask if the South Friendly So-\\nciety could give the boys coffee. She thought\\nthey could; and, when the column passed that\\ncold morning, a thousand or two soldiers drank\\ntheir hot coffee as they passed us, and took our\\nlast benediction.\\nThe first teachers who went to Port Royal to\\nteach blacks were my assistant and one of our\\nSunday-school teachers.^ The flannel shirts on the\\nMissouri company who fell martyrs at Shiloh in the\\n1 Rev. Charles E. Rich and Mr. Boynton.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0329.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "294 Sixty Years\\ngray of the morning, and saved that day for the\\nnation, were made in our vestry. The young men\\nwho first appeared in charge of a hospital steamer\\nafter the horrors of that eventful battle, were\\nyoung physicians from our church, who had with\\nthem supplies which the church had forwarded.\\nThe editor of the first newspaper published in a\\nrebel prison was one of our boys, who had volun-\\nteered the first day, and had been taken prisoner\\nat Bull Run. The news of the horrors of the\\nsecond Bull Run came on Sunday morning.\\nLadies did not go home from the church, but\\nstaid in the vestries to tear bandages, to pack\\nboxes, and see them forwarded by the right\\nexpresses. I have given notices from the pulpit\\nthat hospital attendants were needed by the\\nSanitary; and men have started the same even-\\ning on service which lasted for years. We once\\nhad from Richmond a private intimation of\\nmethods by which Union officers could be sup-\\nplied with home stores. We needed a hundred\\nand ten private letters written to as many Northern\\nhomes: I told this to the ladies of my staff; and\\nthe long letters were written and posted before\\nnight. I think but am not certain that the\\nonly ether and chloroform which came to the\\nhospital in Richmond where Union officers were\\ntreated in the spring of 1864, was boxed and sent\\nfrom this church. I know I superintended the\\npacking of two or three boxes of playing-cards\\nfor our own hospitals at that time. All this time the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0330.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 295\\nsystem was going forward by which wc forwarded\\nthe stores to hospitals, and even regiments, which\\nexigencies outside the regulations suddenly re-\\nquired. And, when you go beyond what was\\nphysically done within those walls, there is no\\nend to such stories. Men and women gave money\\nlike water. The words public spirit, the public\\nbreath, then got an interpretation and meaning\\nthey have never lost. God grant they never\\nmay\\nThus much for what the church did for those\\nwho were fighting the battles. The list of our\\nyoung men who went to fight them, besides\\nthose who served in the Sanitary Association and\\nin the hospitals and schools, contains fifty-five\\nnames. I find three generals, three colonels,\\neight captains, besides officers of other grades,\\nin that number. Of the fifty-five, seven were\\nkilled in battle. One regiment, the Forty-fourth\\nMassachusetts, took, I think, sixteen of my boys.\\nThink what an education this was for us all I\\nremember saying, when one of the last quotas was\\nto be filled, that I would preach of nothing but\\nthe duties of the war till the quotas were filled that\\nwhen the young men tired of going, I would go\\nmyself, and leave them to do the preaching. Nor\\ndid I preach of anything else for that time. When\\nthings seemed to look blackest, President Lincoln\\nused to proclaim a Fast; and such a Fast came on\\nthe 4th of August, 1864, in the middle of dog-days.\\nEverybody of the congregation was out of town.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0331.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "296 Sixty Years\\nBut I came into town to the service and I stood\\nup to preach from the text, Kingdom shall be\\ndivided against kingdom, and nation against nation.\\nBut he that endureth to the end shall be saved.\\nAs I gave out the text, the sexton brought me a\\ntelegram in the pulpit. I said to myself, If it is\\nbad news, it may wait if it is good news, I can\\nwait.\\nSo, after the sermon, I opened the telegram, to\\nfind that it was from my friend Colonel Kinsman,\\nwho was on General Butler s staff. I had made his\\nacquaintance on a visit to the army in the preceding\\nspring. Colonel Kinsman had the charge of what\\nwere then called contrabands, the refugee slaves\\nand he had asked my advice as to sending on a\\nnumber of the negro women for whom they had\\nno employment, to find occupation in New Eng-\\nland. I had consulted the directors of the Freed-\\nmen s Aid Society, of which I was president, and\\nthey had unanimously begged that no such course\\nmight be taken. They thought that these black\\npeople belonged at the South, and that withdraw-\\ning them from the South was contrary to the regu-\\nlar course of emigration, and that the results, on\\nevery account, would be bad. I had accordingly\\nwritten to Colonel Kinsman in this view, and sup-\\nposed that it was shared by him and his com-\\nmander. So, indeed, it was at the time but as the\\nsummer came on they had some sickness at Hamp-\\nton, and this telegram was to announce to me that\\non Sunday afternoon he would arrive in Boston", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0332.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 297\\nin a steamer with fifty colored women, for whom\\nhe wanted homes in New England. I did not\\nthink it necessary to read it to the congregation,\\nthough I did read them in those days many\\nmatters of such practical import. I went down-\\nstairs to find awaiting me in my study in the\\nchurch, my loyal friend, Mrs. Samuel Cabot, of\\nthe Freedmen s Aid Society, who had received a\\nduplicate of this despatch.\\nEvery director of the Freedmen s Aid Society\\nwas at that moment living in the country, taking\\nthe ordinary vacation outing to which Boston people\\nare accustomed. Even the secretary of the society\\nwas away, and we knew he was. And, as I have\\nsaid, the society had, without the least hesitation,\\ndetermined that it was better not to have these\\npeople brought on. But here they were; and on\\nconference with Mrs. Cabot, I called a meeting of\\nthe directors the next morning at the office. This\\nwas Friday morning. When they came, they were,\\non the whole, I think, the crossest set of people\\nI ever saw. It was hot and sultry, their advice\\nhad been spurned they were organized to aid\\nfreedmen at the South, they had never meant to\\naid them to come to the North, and they were\\nutterly inexperienced in the duty in hand. At\\nthe same time, many people of the kind who\\nanticipate evil, thought that there would be a\\ngreat popular outcry if we introduced fifty negroes\\ninto the town as competitors with the laboring\\npeople we had. All this, however, had nothing", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0333.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "298 Sixty Years\\nto do with the business. We had these people\\nto take care of. I sent at once to the office of\\nthe Evening Transcript, which is the paper of\\nBoston which goes into every civihzed house, this\\nadvertisement\\nTwo colored women, who wish places together in a\\nfamily, will arrive on the steamer at Central Wharf Sunday\\nafternoon. Any lady who would like to engage them will\\napply at the office of the Freedmen s Aid on Saturday.\\nWe sent the same information to the secretaries\\nof all our branch societies in the towns within\\ntwenty miles of Boston. We did not dare say\\nfifty people would arrive, because we knew woman-\\nkind well enough to know that people who wanted\\nhelp would wait till Monday if they thought fifty\\nwere coming but if they thought two were coming\\nwe knew they would apply for them at once and\\nso it proved.\\nI then sent for my excellent friend, Mr. Grimes,\\nthe pastor of the largest church of colored people\\nin Boston. I told him what had happened, and\\ntold him that he and his people must be ready to\\nentertain these strangers. I begged him to have\\na lunch and other physical entertainment in the\\nvestry of his church on Sunday, and we arranged\\nfor the expense of this entertainment. I told him\\nthat if we could take them all there, and they\\ncould feel at home on Sunday, by Sunday night\\nwe would try to have homes for them. To this\\nhe very cordially assented, and the entertainment", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0334.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 299\\nwas prepared. I then gave Mr. Grimes a circular\\nletter to every large hotel-keeper in Boston, telling\\nwhat the exigency was. From that day to this I\\nhave rated those houses in my mind according as\\nthey agreed to take two, four, or six of our colored\\nemigrants. I have never forgotten Mr. Parker s\\nanswer to it. Tell Mr. Hale I will take six of the\\nwomen, and should be glad to take sixty. I then\\nsent for my own assistant, Rev. Mr. Torricclli, told\\nhim what had been done, and meanly and basely\\nretired to my own country home. Observe, I did\\nnot have to preach on Sunday, because the church\\nwas closed for the summer vacation; practically,\\nthere was not a member of my parish in town.\\nWith the general feeling that all had been done\\nwhich could be done, I left this business to Torri-\\ncclli and the officers of the society, and heard no\\nmore about it till the next Tuesday. When I made\\nmy inquiry then as to what had become of Colonel\\nKinsman and his colored women, I learned that\\nhe had stopped in Philadelphia and New York on\\nhis way up, and that there the friends of the negro\\nhad met him in such numbers that he had, in fact,\\nonly brought thirty-five women to Boston. They\\nhad been delayed, and did not arrive till late on\\nSunday afternoon. The report made to me said\\nthat at that time Central Wharf was blocked with\\nthe elegant carriages of the suburban residents\\nwho had come from different homes around Bos-\\nton. Each carriage contained a lady who was\\ndetermined to have two of those exiles. They", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0335.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "300 Sixty Years\\nrushed into the cabin of the steamboat, made\\nsuch terms as they could with Colonel Kinsman\\nand his women, took the women physically into\\ntheir carriages and carried them to their respective\\nhomes. There were not women enough for the\\ndemand, nor nearly enough. The Freedmen s Aid\\nofiEice was open all day, and yet no black woman\\nappeared there. Dr. Grimes s collation was ready\\nall day, and no black woman from Hampton ate\\nsandwich or drank coffee there. Nor did one of\\nthem, as I believe, appear at any hotel.\\nWhat is more interesting to me, as a sort of high\\nprivate in the business of philanthropic organiza-\\ntion, is this: from that hour to this (1899) no one of\\nthose colored women has ever been, so far as I\\nhave heard, an applicant for charity in any form,\\nor was ever heard of before any court or tribunal,\\nor in any hospital or poorhouse. They fell upon\\nthe homes of New England as a benediction from\\nthe South, and they are only known to this hour\\nby their fruits. It was a little shower of beneficent\\nemigration which fell upon a dry soil, and prob-\\nably no one, excepting myself and Judge Kinsman,\\nthought of the details in the next thirty years.\\nWe were all at work with the Sanitary Com-\\nmission in Boston, and with the National Society\\nas well. Of course we shared in the enterprises\\nby which men and women tried to help the navy.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0336.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 301\\nOnce and again, as the four years of war ground\\ntheir way along, I visited Washington, and so I saw\\nthe hospital life there, and at Alexandria, Early in\\n1S64 I went to Fort Monroe, and there was the\\nguest of General Butler. I had not long returned\\nhome when I received a telegram from his chief\\nof staff, Colonel Shaffer, which had been sent\\nfrom Bermuda Hundred. It contained the en-\\ncouraging words\\nWe are more successful than our hopes.\\nCome on as soon as you can.\\nI arranged supplies for my pulpit and joined\\nGeneral Butler at Bermuda Hundred, hoping until\\nI came there that I might enter Richmond with\\nthem. Alas, ten months had to creep by before\\nthere was any entering of Richmond.\\nAs I passed through Washington, where we\\nwere all at home in the war, I went to the War\\nDepartment, where the adjutant-general was an\\nold schoolmate of mine. I was no stranger there\\nthen, and so it happened that he gave me a\\ndespatch for General Butler. This elevated me at\\nonce in the esteem of all chiefs of transportation,\\ngiving me I do not know how much power, but\\ngreat prestige whenever I needed it. I went down\\nto Fort Monroe at once, where I found only one\\nor two of the gentlemen of the staff, chafing\\nbecause they were not at the front; and on the\\ngovernment steamer of the next day I went up to\\nBermuda Hundred.\\nWe were rather more than half-way up when we", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0337.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "302 Sixty Years\\nwere arrested for a little by the sound of firing on\\nthe shore. It proved that this was one of the\\ndays when Fitzhugh Lee had attempted to cut off\\nGeneral Butler s river communications. He had\\nattacked the field works which we had on the\\nsouth side of the river. As it happened, these\\nworks were held by negroes recruited in Virginia,\\nand this was one of the earlier trials of those troops.\\nAfter a little delay on this account, we pressed on,\\nand just about at nightfall arrived at the crowded\\nwater-front of Bermuda Hundred. The whole\\narmy of 25,000 men had arrived there suddenly a\\nfortnight before, as if it had fallen from the skies.\\nIn that time wharves and landing-places had been\\nimprovised with marvellous rapidity, and although\\nthere was endless confusion, still things seemed to\\ngo forward with the kind of energy which marks\\nthe work of a well-disciplined army.\\nFor me, I was as ignorant as a freshman is on\\nentering college, of what I was to do. I knew that\\nGeneral Butler and his staff were six or seven\\nmiles away, I knew that night was falling, and I\\ndid not know how I was to go to him. Fortunately\\nfor me, as I thought, there was on the boat a\\nmember of his staff with whom I had some\\nacquaintance, and I relied upon him to help me\\nthrough. When we landed, however, he was out\\nof the way, and I could not find him. I suspected\\nthat he did not care to embarrass himself with a\\ncivihan, and was intentionally keeping out of sight.\\nI think so still.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0338.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 303\\nI therefore did what I ahvays do in hfc struck\\nas high as I could. I said to the sentinel that I\\nwas a bearer of despatches, and asked him the\\nway to the headquarters of the commander of that\\npost. Thirty years after, I learn that this gentle-\\nman is Colonel Fuller of Massachusetts. He\\nillustrated the courtesy and promptness of a man\\nin command. He said at once that his own orderly\\nshould go with me to General Butler; that he\\nwould lend me his own horse; and would send\\nmy valise on the ambulance the next morning.\\nSo the horse was saddled, and about the time\\nwhen it became quite dark the soldier and I\\nstarted on our way.\\nHe knew no more of the way than I did, and a\\nvery bad way it was. I made my first acquaint-\\nance with the sacred soil of Virginia then and\\nthere. We lost ourselves sometimes, and then we\\nfound ourselves the greater part of the road being\\nthe worst possible country road, all cut to pieces\\nby the heavy army work, through woods, not of\\nlarge trees, but which were close enough on both\\nsides to darken the passage. It was nine o clock\\nor later when we saw the welcome sight of the\\nheadquarters camp-fires.\\nWe rode up, and I jumped from my horse to\\nshake hands with General Butler, Colonel Shaffer,\\nand the other gentlemen. They asked instantly\\nhow we had passed the batteries. I told the story,\\nand General Butler, who was always effusively\\npolite, and to his other gracious ways added ex-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0339.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "304 Sixty Years\\nquisite facility in flattery, said to me We are\\ngreatly obliged to you, Mr. Hale. I have been very\\nanxious for two or three hours. I was afraid my\\ndespatches were cut off. I had already handed\\nto him the utterly unimportant letter from the War\\nDepartment, which had been my talisman thus far.\\nThen and there I first heard soldiers talk of\\nwhat had been done and what had not been done\\nin that day. I knew beforehand that, in the push\\ntoward Richmond, we had been flung back at Fort\\nDarling. I did not know, till I came there, exactly\\nhow the command was impressed by this delay.\\nBut in the headquarters circle I found nothing but\\nconfidence, and I very soon saw that I was to\\nunderstand that we should have taken Richmond\\nbut for the heavy fog of the day of battle and\\nsome other infelicities. I think now that this is\\nprobably true.\\nThe fires were kept burning, and we sat and\\nchatted there hour after hour. When we had\\nbeen there perhaps two hours, up came my mili-\\ntary friend of the general s staff, and with sufficient\\nprofanity exorcised the roads over which he had\\nridden. He had never been there before. Gen-\\neral Butler heard him through, and then said\\nBut here is Mr. Hale, who has been here two\\nhours. The soldier turned on me, a little crest-\\nfallen, all the other members of the staff suffi-\\nciently amused and asked me with another\\noath how I found the way. I said, We followed\\nthe telegraph wire and from that day I was", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0340.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 305\\nrather a favorite with the staff for this civilian snub\\non a gentleman who was not a favorite.\\nMeanwhile, somebody had been ordered to pitch\\na tent for me, and at about eleven o clock, I sup-\\npose, I went to bed in my new quarters. I had\\nslept an hour, however, as it proved, when I was\\nawakened by the firing of cannon. I had never\\nheard such firing; as it proved afterward, they\\nwere the heaviest guns which I have ever heard in\\nmy life. Of course I wanted to jump up, but I\\nsaid to myself: It will seem very green if I walk\\nout on the first sound of firing. I suppose this is\\nwhat I came to the front for. If they want me\\nthey will call me, and I shall hear firing enough\\nbefore I have done. So I turned over and tried\\nto go to sleep did go to sleep and was awak-\\nened again by louder and louder firing. All this\\nlasted, I suppose, perhaps an hour, perhaps two.\\nThen all was still, and I went to sleep for the night.\\nYou are wakened in camp, if you are at a major-\\ngeneral s, by the bugles of his cavalry escort, and\\nthe next morning I heard their reveille, also for\\nthe first time. I washed myself, was already\\ndressed, of course, and in a little an orderly told\\nme that breakfast was ready. I met at breakfast\\nCaptain Laurie, a fine old officer of the navy,\\nwhom I had known a little in Boston. He said to\\nme, And how did you like our firing last night.\\nMr. Hale? I said, that to me, as a civilian, it\\nseemed very loud, but I supposed that that was\\nwhat I had come to the war for, and I did not get", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0341.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "3o6 Sixty Years\\nup from my bed. Laurie answered, as if he would\\nrebuke me for my ignorance I have been in the\\nservice for thirty-nine years, and I never heard\\nsuch firing before. I found then, for the first\\ntime, that the whole staff had been up and on\\nhorseback, had been at the front to try to find out\\nwhat this firing was, and had returned almost as\\nmuch perplexed as they went.\\nIt was thus that it happened to me that I spent\\nmy first and last battle in bed.\\nI was acting on the principle of doing the duty\\nwhich came next my hand, and obeying all orders\\nwhich were given to me. I had not run away; I\\nwas pleased with that. And if I had not personally\\nreceived the surrender of three or four battle-flags,\\nthat was my misfortune.\\nI had occasion afterward to hear much of the\\ntestimony, and to read all the rest of it, which\\nrelated to this remarkable battle. If you will read\\nthe history of the time, as told in the Richmond\\nnewspapers and those of New York city, and will\\nput them together, you will learn that on that night\\na reconnoissance was sent out from our lines into\\nthe tangled shrubbery which separated our newly-\\nbuilt works from those of the rebels. You will\\nlearn that the rebel guns mowed down these col-\\numns as corn is mowed down before a tempest.\\nOr, if you read a Northern newspaper, you will\\nlearn that a certain column of the rebel troops,\\nwho were named, were worse than decimated by\\nsimilar artillery from our works.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0342.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 307\\nEvery word of this was entirely false. In fact,\\nthere was a very heavy cannonading from the\\nnewly-erected works on both sides. As I have\\nsaid, it lasted an hour or two. Much of it on our\\nside was from heavy guns, which had been landed\\nfrom the navy to strengthen the battery which we\\nhad near the river. But as the result of it, there\\nwas never any evidence that a rabbit was scratched.\\nCertainly no drop of human blood was shed in\\nthat encounter of giants.\\nHow it happened so late in the evening I do not\\nknow. But what happened was this A party of\\nladies had been entertained on board one of our\\nships of war. As they left, an officer, with the\\ngallantry of his profession, asked one of the ladies\\nif she would like to see how a gun was fired, and\\nto do pleasure to her he fired one of the guns in\\nthe darkness. At that moment everything was on\\nthe qui vive ashore, and our land-battery men,\\neager for something to do, finding that one shot\\nwas fired, thought that another had better be fired,\\nand continued the firing. This started the succes-\\nsive artillerists for nearly a mile, as our works ran\\nup into the country toward the Appomattox river,\\nand not to be belated or accused of sleepiness, they\\nbegan firing in turn. Of course this roused the\\nequally ready artillerists on the rebel side, and they\\nfired, I suppose, at the flashes which they saw a\\nmile or two away. And this was the famous can-\\nnonade which made the whole of my first battle.\\nThe naval officers were dreadfully mortified, our", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0343.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "308 Sixty Years\\ngentlemen at headquarters were indignant beyond\\naccount, and the thing almost came to courts\\nmartial and courts of inquiry. But it was wisely\\nthought better to leave the record of it to be made\\nat the end of thirty years by the only person who\\nwas at all concerned, who spent the hours of the\\nbattle in his bed under canvas.\\nIt was almost of course that this interest in the\\nnation should show itself in print. In the sum-\\nmer of 1863 I wrote for the Atlantic the story\\nof A Man Without a Country, which has been\\nalready published in this series, and after that time\\nI wrote regularly for that magazine for many years.\\nTill the war ended, indeed, it was my special duty\\nto furnish for successive numbers what would\\nkeep people in good spirits about public affairs\\nas Mr. Field, the editor, said to me in engaging\\nme to do so.\\nTo my interest in that sort of work I owe the\\ngreat satisfaction that I am an honorary member\\nof the Loyal Legion of Massachusetts, chosen by\\nthe active members in recognition of service which\\nthey suppose I rendered in the war.\\nPeace came with the fall of Richmond. I re-\\nmember I wrote to my dear friend, Mr. Benjamin\\nJ. Lang, the morning we had the news, that I had\\ninstructed the sexton to open the church, that I\\nhoped Lang would be there in the afternoon to\\nconduct the musical service, and that if no one\\nelse was there he and I would be there and we\\nwould thank God that peace had returned.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0344.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "A Church in the War 309\\nThe church had been built in the first year of\\nthe war. Behind the pulpit was a painting copied\\nfrom the cherubs of Murillo s Assumption.\\nThey bore in their arms the motto, Glory to\\nGod in the highest. With the victory at Rich-\\nmond we sent for the decorator, and permitted\\nhim to add the other ribbon, with the words On\\nearth peace, good will among men.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0345.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0346.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "EDITORIAL DUTY", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0347.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0348.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "EDITORIAL DUTY\\nIt was in the town of Boston that the first news-\\npaper in America was printed. The Httle sheet\\nhas been reprinted often in good fac-similes. It\\nis a curious iUustration of the hopes of the\\njournals of that day, and of their disadvantages\\nas well. The Boston News-Letter^ as it was called,\\nwas generally printed on two pages only of a large\\nfolio sheet, of which the other two pages were left\\nwhite. It was supposed that this was to be really\\na news-letter; the merchant who had a correspon-\\ndent abroad would write him on the blank pages\\nas to their special affairs, while at the same time\\nhe sent him the general news of the town. The\\nwhole form of the News-Letter, for more than a\\ngeneration, bears out this idea. Indeed, the\\neditorial we, which is so badly used by many\\nwriters now, expressed in those days to a certain\\nextent the knowledge and sentiment of a consid-\\nerable part of the community. For instance, they\\nsaid, We have news from London up to the i ith\\nthey meant that the people of Boston had such\\nnews. Or, We have heard that the Indians burned\\na village in New Hampshire. They did not mean", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0349.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "3 1 4 Sixty Years\\nsimply that that office had heard it, but that the\\npeople of Boston had received the news. To say,\\nWe have seen a handsome hat in the shop of\\nJones Co., would have been inconceivable in\\nthe office of a journal printed as the News-Letter\\nwas printed,\\nFranklin s autobiography gives some interesting\\nhints as to the journalism of that time. James\\nFranklin had Benjamin as an apprentice in the\\npublication of the New England Courant, which\\nwas a rival to the Boston News-Letter.\\nFrom such simple beginnings the journalism of\\nthe town had hardly emerged at the beginning of\\nthis century. The News-Letter\\\\i2i6i given place to\\nthe Chronicle and the Centinel. The blank sheet\\nwas no longer left for the merchant to write upon,\\nexcept that this convenient custom has maintained\\nits place till within a few years in the publication\\nof price-current sheets, which were issued sepa-\\nrately from the principal newspaper offices. These\\nsheets will be quite within the memory of the Bos-\\nton merchants of to-day. In a convenient form,\\nthey gave the same price-current as is now printed\\ndaily, made up with the rates at which merchandise\\nclosed on the day of publication, and two large\\npages of letter-paper were still open for private\\ncorrespondence.\\nThe great convenience of affecting the public\\nmind by articles printed in the news-letters and\\nnewspapers, suggested itself, naturally, very early.\\nAnd it would happen that, according to the pol-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0350.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 3 1 5\\nitics of the coterie who surrounded the printer of\\na paper, that paper would be rather apt to print\\ncommunications sent to it on one side or the other.\\nFor instance, in the conflicts before the Revohition\\nthe Massachusetts S/ j then printed in Boston, was\\nthe organ to which the writers of the rebel school\\nusually sent their papers, while the Weekly Adver-\\ntiser would receive the writings of people who\\nbegan to be called Tories. But in no case did\\nthe printer himself affect to write articles, any\\nmore than the newsboy who sells the Herald to-day\\npretends to control its editorial columns. Indeed,\\nthe presence of an editor in the concern was not\\nknown.\\nOccasionally, however, a journal gained great\\nfame by some series of contributed articles the\\nfame of the Junius letters, published in the Public\\nAdvertiser of London, still survives, though very\\nfew persons have really read five of them. And\\nin a town so small as Boston or New York then\\nwere, there was little room for enterprise or skill\\nin the collection of news. The people who wanted\\nnews published brought it into the printing-office\\nof the paper, much as a man who wanted a vessel in-\\nsured carried that fact to the place where men\\nwere in the habit of meeting who vv^anted to insure\\nvessels.\\nWhen this century began, the town of Boston\\nhad a population of about twenty-five thousand\\npersons. There were published here at that time\\ntwo weekly journals, the Chronicle and the Coltmi-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0351.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "316 Sixty Years\\nbian Centinel, and twice a week the Commercial\\nGazette. The Centinel had become the organ\\nto which the Federahst writers sent their com-\\nmunications, while the Chronicle was the organ\\nin the same way of the Democratic writers. Oc-\\ncasionally an effort would be made to introduce\\na new journal into the arena, but without any\\nmarked success, until, in the year 181 1, a coterie\\nof the younger Federalist politicians determined\\non having a journal which should express their\\nviews more definitely and with more power than\\nthe Centinel. And, as a sort of club, these men\\nmet from day to day, and issued what they called\\nthe Boston Weekly Messenger. In this paper was\\nthe germ from which the Boston Daily Advertisery\\nstill published in this city, was born.\\nThe real moral and intellectual leader of this\\nlittle company was John Lowell, son of the dis-\\ntinguished Judge Lowell who introduced into the\\nBill of Rights the clause which freed every negro\\nin Massachusetts. The younger of these two John\\nLowells, a lawyer of distinction, lived just outside\\nBoston, in Roxbury, in a house still standing.\\nHere, in an elegant hospitality, he received the\\nbest people of the time. With the advantages of\\nwealth he carried on his studies of politics and\\nsociety, and Roxbury was then so far a country\\ntown that when he chose to sign himself A\\nNorfolk County Farmer in his political writings,\\nhe could do so fairly. Men now living remember\\nhis farming, in the shape of his elegant greenhouses", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0352.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 317\\nand of his careful studies in arboriculture. He did\\nnot, however, let his enthusiasm for botany and\\nhorticulture overcome his determination that the\\nState of Massachusetts should be well governed,\\nand that in the United States, still under Virgin-\\nian rule, Massachusetts should maintain the rights\\nwhich one would have said she had fairly won in\\nthe Revolution.\\nWith John Lowell, in his determination that there\\nshould be a journal suited for the real discussion\\nof public topics, were associated such men as Galli-\\nson, whose name is remembered still as a careful\\nstudent of politics and social order; Henry D.\\nSedgwick, and Dr. Jacob Bigelovv, and one of the\\nyoungest of the circle was my father, Nathan Hale,\\nMr. Webster joined them when he removed to Bos-\\nton. My father never shirked work; he always\\nliked it, and in the beginning of the Weekly Messen-\\nger it was natural that a young lawyer, only thirty-\\nseven years old, should take the working oar in\\nthe publication. He still had an increasing and\\nsuccessful practice at the bar, he had established\\nhis reputation as a mathematician as a preceptor\\nat Exeter, he had a gift for languages, and was\\nthus equipped as few of the young lawyers of\\nthe time could have been. Naturally enough, as\\nthe Weekly Messenger established itself, he became\\nits editor, and within a very short time he assumed\\nthe obligations and the prospects, whatever they\\nwere, of the publication of the paper. Before\\nlong, the proprietors of the Boston Daily Adver-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0353.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "3 1 8 Sixty Years\\nUser, which had been started purely as a specula-\\ntion, I think, a few weeks before, found themselves\\nunable to carry it forward, and Mr. Hale purchased\\nwhat there was to purchase of that paper. He and\\nhis friends found themselves in the possession of\\na daily journal where they had only proposed a\\nweekly one. He enjoyed this position intensely.\\nHe soon abandoned entirely his legal practice, and\\ngave himself heart and soul to the building up of\\nthe Boston Daily Advertiser.\\nIt was such a newspaper as had never been\\nheard of or dreamed of in Boston until that time.\\nContributors very soon found that while their place\\nas contributors was recognized, there was a certain\\nshrine of the paper which no one could enter but\\nthe high priest, and that he entered that shrine\\nevery day. In other words, he introduced the\\neditorial, now perfectly well known in all journals\\nin all parts of the world, but which had never ap-\\npeared in any New England newspaper before.\\nThe Advertiser expressed its own editorial opinion,\\nas all journals of any position affect now to assert\\ntheirs. The Cohimbian Centinel, the old-fashioned\\nFederalist organ, declined gradually in the face of\\nthe rivalry of the Advertiser. The old Chro7iicle,\\nwhich had united itself with the Gaaettes^nd Patriot\\nand had been the organ of the Democratic parties\\nin high party times, also declined in circulation.\\nAnd before the year 1835 the Daily Advertiser\\nhad bought the subscription-list of both these\\npapers, and existed then, as it exists now, as the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0354.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 3 1 9\\nonly representative of all papers which were pub-\\nlished in Boston before the year 1820.\\nI had the good fortune of being the son of the\\nfounder and editor of the Daily Advertiser, The\\noutlook which I had on life was the outlook of a\\njournalist. As soon as we could print at all with\\na pencil, we began making our own little news-\\npapers at home, and I found myself an editor,\\ntherefore, in my way, before I was ten years old.\\nI have once or twice said in public that I was\\ncradled in the sheets of a daily journal. The\\nremark is almost literally true. At the time I was\\nborn we lived in a house which was taken down\\nby Mr. Parker in the enlargement of the Parker\\nHouse, and I never go in at the Tremont Street\\nentrance of that hotel without recollecting that I\\nfirst drew breath on the floor some twenty-five\\nfeet higher than the marble on which I am step-\\nping. In an earlier chapter of this book I have\\ndescribed a little incident which is connected with\\nthe editorial ofiice in that house.\\nChildren in such a house naturally took the\\natmosphere of the house, and interested them-\\nselves in the affairs of the world. It was thus\\nthat we had our own post-offices at the roots of\\nselected trees on the Common, where we left the\\nmail one day and collected it the next to carry it\\non our truck to the next post-office. My father\\nwas president of the Type Foundry. The work-\\nmen there knew us, and would give us new type\\nand shavings of type metal. As I have said else-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0355.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "320 Sixty Years\\nwhere, when I was twelve years old I could set\\ntype as well as the average journeyman and\\nto-day I could earn my living as a job printer.\\nWe formed the habit of writing narrative in our\\nfamily newspapers, of which there were two, which\\nwere read at the breakfast table on alternate Mon-\\nday mornings. I remember that I was blamed\\nonce for copying a description of an English\\ncountry house, of which I had made up every\\nword. It is not the last time when I have been\\ncriticised for being too realistic.\\nI wish I had time to hunt up the first article of\\nmine which was printed in the Advertiser. I was\\nvery proud of it. It may have been eight lines\\nlong. While we were engaged one evening on\\nour evening amusements, my father brought in\\nthe yournal des Debats, and pointing out to me\\nan article on some French discoveries near Baby-\\nlon, he said that if I would translate it, he would\\nprint the translation in the paper. I assented\\ngratefully, as any decent boy would, under the\\ncircumstances. But as soon as he had left the\\nroom, I said to my mother that he had forgotten\\nthat I had never learned any French, In fact,\\nI only knew a few French phrases, through I\\ncould puzzle out a passage of Viri Romae. She\\nsaid this was true, but that it would be a pity to\\ndisappoint papa, and she gave me the French dic-\\ntionary and, what was more to the purpose, my\\nsister Lucretia s assistance. She probably knew\\nas much of French as I did of Latin. Between", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0356.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 321\\nus we puzzled out the paragraph, and it was my\\ntrial stroke in journalism.\\nWe boys found a copy of Gurney s shorthand\\nin the house, and were beginning some experiments\\nwith it when Mr. Thomas Towndrow, lately on the\\nTribune s staff, came to Boston to teach people\\nhow to write shorthand. He sent his text-books\\nto the office, for notice I suppose, and we boys\\ngot hold of them, I was about nine years old.\\nWe used to practise at church, and were encour-\\naged to do so, I suppose because it kept us awake.\\nUnfortunately it was long before Pitman introduced\\nthe phonography of to-day, and compared with\\nthat our stenography was a wretched engine. But\\nit was the best we had. And my practice in it has\\nbeen of daily service to me from that time to this.\\nThe winter when I was sixteen I was sent to the\\nState House, with instructions to make a daily\\nsketch of what was most interesting in the debates.\\nThe custom of the Boston papers for many years\\nwas to copy and print the whole journal of House\\nand Senate. These sketches of debates were ad-\\nditional. In this way I served in the session of\\n1839, and again in 1843. I speak of this because\\nI think such training is invaluable for any youug\\nman. It introduced me to men who were to be\\nleaders in the next fifty years, and it was a good\\ninitiation into the study of political history and\\npractical sociology.\\nIt is the fashion of the journals of to-day, accus-\\ntomed to the use of weapons of precision, to", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0357.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "322 Sixty Years\\nridicule the newspaper work of the middle of\\nthe century. I do not wonder at this, nor do I\\nobject to it. But the training of an office boy-\\nthen meant the training of an all-round man as\\nit hardly does now. I remember, myself, the\\narrival of the Great Western steamer with ad-\\nvices from Europe thirty-five days later than\\nwe had before. The history of three quarters\\nof the world for more than a month had to\\nbe digested and written before you went to press.\\nAgain, you did not know just at what moment\\nyour news might come or in what language. At\\nthe last hour one of the ship-news men might\\ncome up with a Hamburg Correspondenten, or\\na diario, or some French gazette which he had\\nextorted from a skipper who had made a good\\nrun and you knew that no other paper in Amer-\\nica had the news.\\nAll such surprises are lost in these days of the\\ntelegraph. Indeed I see newspapers where no\\nofficial seems to read the foreign journals at all.\\nThe modern theory is all well enough for facts,\\nbut their narrative is sadly deficient in atmosphere\\nand local color.\\nIn writing to a friend about the year i8i2, my\\nfather said to him, There is nothing in the issue\\nof the Messenger from the direction of the covers\\nto the writing of the editorials which I have not\\ndone with my own hands, excepting the setting\\nof the type and the working of the press. I could\\nhave said the same thing in 1845, without the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0358.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 323\\nexception which my father made, save that the\\npress in my time was, of course, worked by steam.\\nI have set type, I have carried proof to authors,\\nand I have written the obituary of a president.\\nIt was, however, after this time that I happened\\nto be on duty to close up the paper the night\\nwhen President Taylor died. The foreman came\\ndown and asked me very respectfully if I would\\nnot send up the president s obituary before they\\nput the country edition to press. This edition\\nw^ould have to go to press at two o clock in the\\nmorning. I said, No, I will write no man s\\nobituary before he is dead. But you may send\\nfor me as soon as you get the despatch. Accord-\\ningly I went home. I was undressing myself when\\nI heard the tap of the messenger s feet on the\\nsidewalk. I put my head out of the window, to\\nhear him say, He is dead, sir, and I said, I will\\nbe at the office as soon as you are. And then\\nand there I wrote the obituary. Modern journal-\\nism would have had the obituary in type before the\\npresident was inaugurated.\\nHere, then, is a place in which I may answer\\nthe questions which will be brought me by my\\nyoung friends as to the value of a newspaper\\noffice as a school for literary work. Many a\\nyoung man, tempted by the regular though small\\nwages paid weekly by a newspaper, persuades\\nhimself that though he does not mean to be a\\njournalist he shall find in a newspaper office a\\ngood training for literary life. He obtains with", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0359.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "324 Sixty Years\\ndifficulty a situation on the staff of a large news-\\npaper, and after three months is disappointed to\\nfind that his English style is no better than it\\nwas, that his reputation as an author has not ad-\\nvanced, and he even suspects that his aspirations\\nand hopes with regard to sound literature are no\\nhigher than they were. Either before such a trial\\nor after it, such young men are very apt to come\\nto persons who have had any experience in literary\\nlife, to ask them what advantage the machinery of\\nthe newspaper press gives to a person attempt-\\ning literature as a profession.\\nAs I have intimated, the conditions of journalism\\nnow are wholly different from those which sur-\\nrounded it in the days when I was in close connec-\\ntion with the Boston Daily Advertiser. But there\\nare some things in newspaper work which are the\\nsame as they were then. The first real advantage\\nwhich a man gains in a newspaper office is that,\\nwhether he wishes to or not, he must be educated\\nto write narrative. No reporter or other newspaper\\nwriter really earns his salt unless he is able to\\ndescribe something which he has seen or about\\nwhich he knows facts. The public does not under-\\nstand to-day why one paper is successful and why\\nanother gradually runs behindhand. I believe\\nmyself that the success of a great journal may\\nalways be measured by its skill in narrative of\\nfacts. It is very curious, but it is true, that even\\nwell educated people are, generally speaking, quite\\nunable to describe anything. The journals of", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0360.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 325\\nmissionary associations are a melancholy illustra-\\ntion of this. The gentlemen and ladies whom\\nthey send abroad are engaged in the most curious\\nand fascinating work, they are surrounded by new\\ncircumstances, their business is one which calls\\nforth every power of their own nothing connected\\nwith it can be petty. And they are simply asked\\nto tell what they have seen and what they know\\nto people on whose contributions the whole enter-\\nprise depends. When their letters home are pub-\\nlished, they have generally so little color that\\nunless you look at the title you would never know\\nwhether they were describing work in an intelligent\\nJapanese community, in a horde of Hottentots in\\nAfrica, or among a group of Eskimo by the\\nArctic ocean.\\nI know that such gentlemen and ladies plead as\\nan excuse the interference of the supervising ofificers\\nof the missionary establishments. I know only\\ntoo well that such boards of editors have a dislike\\nto anything which seems interesting, individual, or\\nvivid they like to tame down all articles to a cer-\\ntain neutral tint. All the same, it must be true\\nthat the art of narrative is not generally cultivated\\nin institutions of education. The place where\\nthere is a chance to see what one can do in it is\\nthe office of a newspaper.\\nI am quite clear that the greatest advantage I\\nhave gained from work on a daily newspaper is\\nthe habit which is necessarily formed, of writing\\ndown, on the first draft, what you have to say, and", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0361.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "326 Sixty Years\\nnot relying on another day or another mood for\\nits correction. Mr. Bryant, the poet-editor of the\\nNew York Post, once said to me that no article for\\na daily journal should ever be kept after the day\\nwhen it was written if it were not used the day it\\nwas written, it should be returned to the writer or\\nput into the fire. Not only is this true, but well\\ntrained newspaper writers, as I think, must not\\nexpect even to see work in proof This involves\\npunctuation, it involves handwriting, it involves all\\nsubtleties of style, and it involves the definite\\nclearness of the statement or opinion expressed.\\nHere I was in an excellent school. My father\\nwrote admirable English; I think at heart he\\ndespised rhetoric, for all that. He would not\\neven lift his reader along by an apt illustration or\\nquotation; but what he said was intelligible, and\\nleft no room for question about its meaning. I\\nhave seen him sit for five minutes, even when there\\nwas a pressure of haste, that he might determine\\nwhat word he would use in the line which he was\\nwriting. But when he used that word he had\\nused it, and there was no necessity for changing\\nit.\\nBred in that school, I acquired the habit I\\nwill not say the power of saying on the first\\nendeavor what I wanted to say. I have been\\nspared, by what you may call this technical habit,\\nfrom the annoyance or mortification which waits\\non men who, on looking at their manuscripts after\\na week, put them in the fire. What I have", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0362.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 327\\nwritten I have written, said Pilate; and although\\nhe was certainly a very weak man in other affairs,\\nhe seems to have had a certain firmness of convic-\\ntion here.\\nAs an editor since that time, I have often, I\\nmight say always, found that young writers said in\\nthe private notes accompanying their papers, This\\nis not done as well as I can do it, or I have\\ndashed this off. They are not satisfied with their\\nown work when they submit it to you. I think\\nthat the press, when it is directed by a vigorous\\nleader, trains men to do as well as they can on the\\nfirst endeavor.\\nIn saying this, I have intimated that there is a\\ncertain accuracy gained in writing for the press\\nwhich is important, whether it be accuracy of\\nthought, accuracy of expression, accuracy of punct-\\nuation, or even accuracy in the physical business\\nof writing. I was once engaged in a great tour de\\nforce in which, in our office, we reported Rufus\\nChoate s eulogy on Harrison, knowing that he did\\nnot want to give it to the press. Our report, as it\\nproved, was the only report which the world has\\never had of that somewhat remarkable oration. I\\nread the proof of all my work up to the last dozen\\nlines. It was three or four o clock in the morning,\\nand trusting to a well-disciplined office, after I\\nsent my last page of copy upstairs I walked home.\\nAt my late breakfast I seized the newspaper, to\\nfind that the last words of the address were printed\\nthus A lesson which is taught from the mouths", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0363.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "328 Sixty Years\\nwhich are past to the mouths which are to come,\\nMr. Choate s last words having been, A lesson\\ntaught by the motiths which are past to the viojitJis\\nwhich are to come. Any youngster who has as\\nsevere a blow as this, learns that if his proofs are\\nto be accurate his manuscript must be good.\\nI have lingering with me a good many of the\\nold superstitions about all-round men. It does\\nnot disgust me to know that the conqueror of the\\nSpanish Armada had never been to sea when he\\nwas appointed on a business which certainly some-\\nbody managed very well. I am not very much\\ndistressed when I find that James Lowell is ap-\\npointed minister to England, though he has never\\nbeen a secretary of legation or an attache at a for-\\neign court. This means that in general I suppose\\nmoral force is what tells, and that method or dis-\\ncipline or technique must be made to follow rather\\nthan to lead. With this feeling, I think no man is\\nhurt by a general acquaintance with the world in\\nwhich he lives, such as a newspaper ought to give,\\nand which it gave in the old times. But I have\\nnot found of late that the charge of a single\\ndepartment in a newspaper helped a man much in\\nhis general view of the social order around him.\\nI do not think that if I wanted information on a\\ngreat sociological problem I should expect to find\\nit any more by consulting the first ten reporters\\nwhom I met than by consulting the first ten phy-\\nsicians or engineers or clergymen. On the other\\nhand, there is a something in modern journalism", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0364.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 329\\nwhich is pathetic in its confinement of men to\\nroutine. The masters of the profession are well\\naware of this. Their duties are so pressing that\\nthey do not see other men as much as most of us\\ndo, and in the moment when public opinion is\\nbeing formed, in clubs, at dinner parties, in meet-\\nings of trades-unions or conventions, these gentle-\\nmen, who think they have public opinion to lead,\\nare shut up in their own offices. They have to\\nget their public opinion, one might say, at second-\\nhand.\\nIt is a little thing to say, but I have always been\\nglad, as a writer for the press, that I have been a\\ncompositor. I do not say that because a man is\\na good compositor he will be a good writer. I do\\nsay that the mere study of the arrangement of\\nwords, which comes to a man who has to put them\\nsomewhat slowly into type, is a good experience.\\nI have fancied that I could trace in Franklin s\\nadmirable English some of the lessons which he\\nlearned at the composing-room desk. Printers\\nhave always been glad to oblige me as my books\\nhave been going through the press. I have never\\nmet with a disagreeable or crusty foreman or com-\\npositor. I am apt to think that the comfort and\\nease of such a relation between the writer and the\\nprinter has been due in part to the fact that I knew\\nwhat I was talking about when I was wishing for\\naccommodation or was putting my questions. And\\nI am always glad, therefore, when I find in the\\nmachinery of a boarding-school, an industrial", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0365.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "330 Sixty Years\\nschool, an academy, or a college, that provision is\\nmade for the publication even of a small journal,\\nin which the infant writers may get some sight at\\nleast of the mechanical methods on which we all\\ndepend.\\nTo the generation of to-day, the achievements\\nof the modern press seem so remarkable that men\\nspeak with a certain contempt of the publishing of\\nthe generation before us. But we here only stand\\njust where our predecessors have stood. My\\nfather died in the year 1863. He had been con-\\nnected with journalism for more than fifty years.\\nI remember that when he died I made a careful\\ncalculation which showed that in his own printing\\noffices, that is, in his newspaper offices and in a\\nbook-printing office which he directed for some\\nyears, he had printed more words and circulated\\nthem to the world, than existed in all the libraries\\nof the world on the day when his printing enter-\\nprises began.\\nIt will be more convenient, both to writer and\\nreader, to bring into one short chapter the dates\\nof different editorial enterprises, in the sixty\\nyears which followed my graduation, and I\\ndo this here, even though I repeat some details\\nwhich are scattered in other places in this volume.\\nIn Lowell and His Friends, I have given some\\naccount of Harvardana, which was published\\nat Cambridge for four years. It died with the\\nvolume of which Lowell was one of the editors.\\nI was an active member of Alpha Delta Phi,", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0366.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 331\\nwith which it was born. But I do not remember\\nthat there was even a suggestion that wc should\\nattempt a fifth volume. In truth the college con-\\nstituency was not then large enough to sustain\\nany journal. I do not believe that there were\\never printed more than three hundred copies\\nof any one issue of Harvardana.\\nWhen I left college Dr. Palfrey asked me, very\\nkindly, to furnish some articles for the North Ameri-\\ncan, which he then edited, and these must be my\\nfirst printed magazine articles. I was well pleased\\nthat the Christian Examiner printed an anony-\\nmous article which I sent them, the more pleased\\nperhaps, because nearly at the same time they\\nrejected an article which bore my name. In\\nJanuary, 1841, my father began the publication\\nof the Monthly CJironicle of Events, Discoveries,\\nImprovements and Opinions and for the benefit\\nof mankind, he continued it for three years. If\\nmankind had had the good sense to continue it\\nfrom that day to this, the fifty-eight volumes\\nwould be now of immense benefit to all of us\\nwho ever want to know anything on a sudden;\\nthe three extant volumes being to this day a\\nmost available book of reference for the three\\nyears they cover. I acted, in a way, as office\\neditor of this magazine, reading proofs, writ-\\ning much of the chronology, and permitted\\noccasionally to write longer articles. In the\\nend of 1 841 my brother Nathan was made editor\\nof the Boston Miscellany, and I was a sort of Man", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0367.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "332 Sixty Years\\nFriday on his staff also. Short Stories, proof-\\nsheets, an occasional poem written up to the one\\nengraving for the month whatever there was to\\ndo, I did it as well as I could. Such was the\\nsystem of education in which we had been trained.\\nI have spoken of my work as a reporter. After\\nI became a minister in Worcester the Stmday\\nSchool Gazette was established at my suggestion\\nand that of Edmund B, Willson, my life-long\\nfriend, and for three or four years I was more\\nor less responsible for that. I received at that\\ntime a proposal which gratified me to goto New\\nYork to edit a weekly newspaper. But I was too\\nwell satisfied with my own profession to accept\\nthe proposal, not to say that I knew the daily\\nslavery of editorial life too well.\\nWhen I returned to Boston, in 1856, the plans\\nwere already formed which led to the appointment\\nof Dr. Frederic Henry Hedge as editor-in-chief of\\nthe Christian Examiner. He appointed m.e and\\nmy friend Joseph Henry Allen his assistants. We\\nused to call him The Chief, a title which he well\\ndeserved for many reasons. For two or three years\\nI had a certain responsibility in the editing of the\\nExaminer, which, as I suppose, directed attention\\nto me when, in what I may call, I believe, the\\nrevival of the Unitarian Church, I was appointed\\nto take charge of Old and Nezv, which was estab-\\nlished under the auspices of the Unitarian Associ-\\nation.\\nOld and Nezv was a monthly magazine which", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0368.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 333\\nwe started under what I still think a well conceived\\nidea, that if we took the acceptable form of a lite-\\nrary and political journal, we could carry to thou-\\nsands of people intelligent discussions on the\\nsubject of religion which they would otherwise never\\nhave read. I venture to say, in writing these\\nwords, that we attempted to do what the Out-\\nlook of New York does so well to-day. We took\\nthe ground that literature and politics and theology\\nand religion might be discussed within the same\\ncovers and read by the same readers. If you\\nplease to take the language of the trade, we believed\\nthat the stories and the poems in our journal could\\nfloat the theology and the religion.\\nI entered cordially into this plan, and in eleven\\nvolumes I edited the journal, which we called Old\\nand New. It is interesting to me now to remem-\\nber that its first name was TJie Two Worlds,\\nborrowed from the famous review of the French.\\nA witty friend of mine had said before this that to\\nread the Rezmc de Deux Mondcs was in itself a\\nliberal education. But after the name had been\\ndetermined, and the titlepage had been printed, I\\nsaid to myself, What is our object but to show\\nthat the two worlds are one world, that the kingdom\\nof heaven is at hand, that the same God rules here\\nas rules through the universe? Why should we\\nencumber ourselves with the constant necessity of\\nsaying to people that geology, which belongs to\\nthe world of nature, and loyalty to the word of the\\npresent God as it shows itself in man s daily life.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0369.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "334 Sixty Years\\nthat these two do not belong to two worlds but\\nbelong to one world? Why should we call our\\njournal The Two Worlds when we mean that it\\nis a journal which records the work of one God,\\nthe same in all worlds? Without consultation\\nwith any of the persons who had agreed on the\\nold name, I took the name Old and Nezv, and I\\nhave never regretted it.\\nAt the end of eleven volumes, we had more than\\none competitor in the same path especially\\nScrihiicr s Magazine, under the loyal oversight of\\nMr. Holland, Mr. Roswell-Smith, and Mr. Gilder.\\nThe Unitarian Association had long since tired of\\nus for it was impossible to make the directors of\\na denominational society understand that we were\\ndoing their work as we were better than they\\ncould do it for themselves. For myself, I was\\ntired of the strain of editorial life, and Old and\\nNew was merged in Scribners Magazine. This\\nis the reason why Philip Nolan s Friends was\\nprinted in that magazine.\\nWith that enterprise, ended for me, for eight\\nyears, any responsible charge of any magazine or\\nnewspaper. But I had earned a certain comrade-\\nship in newspaper and magazine offices which gave\\nme ready access to their pages whenever I had\\nanything to say. At one time I was under regular\\ncontract with Harper s Magazine to furnish short\\nstories for them. In 1883, as has been said in a\\nformer volume of this series, we began to publish\\nthe circulars of the Lend a Hand Clubs; and this", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0370.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "Editorial Duty 335\\nmonthly publication eventually grew into the mag-\\nazine called Lend a Hand. Of this the first vol-\\nume was published in 1886, and the last in 1897,\\nwhen the magazine was merged in the Charities\\nRevieiv of New York. It was necessary, however,\\nto have a means of communication with the various\\nsilver cross clubs, so called, in different parts of\\nthe world, and at the central office of those clubs\\nwe began to publish the Lend a Hand Record,\\nwhich has continued to this day, I have a general\\noversight of this journal.\\nI believe that I put down these details because\\nI have so often advised my young friends in my\\nown profession to be in the habit of writing a good\\ndeal for the press. There is no doubt that a man\\nwho has to address audiences, as ministers do,\\nought to be perfectly at ease in extempore speech.\\nBut the very fact that he is at ease in it involves\\ndanger to him unless he is always training himself\\nin accurate habits of writing. I know no way in\\nwhich those habits can be kept up so well as by\\nwriting for print. There is no such stringent criti-\\ncism as the criticism which a man passes upon\\nhimself when he detects too late in print the\\ncarelessness which he did not notice in his manu-\\nscript.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0371.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "LITERARY AND EDITORIAL WORK\\nI HAVE spoken in another place of the collection of\\nLetters on Irish Emigration which was published in\\nthe winter of 1852, Four years earlier I had edited\\nfor Phillips and Sampson a Christmas book which\\nwe called The Rosary and I think this is the\\nfirst book which ever appeared with my name. I\\nhad before written a child s book in a series edited\\nby my mother.\\nIn the summer of 1850, I published in a Sunday\\nSchool series, Scenes from Christian History,\\ntwenty-nine sketches from the history of 1800\\nyears. The next year my sister Lucretia and I\\nwrote Margaret Percival in America. Miss\\nSewell s novels were very popular at that time,\\nand we took one of her heroines and brought her\\nover to this country, to open her eyes a little as to\\nthe narrowness of her ecclesiastical associations.\\nIt was a little droll that the popularity of the name\\nsold the book in several editions, all of which, so\\nfar as I ever could understand, went into the\\nlibraries of Episcopal churches, the directors of\\nthose libraries not having read far enough to under-\\nstand that the book was not drawn precisely in", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0372.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "Literary and Editorial Work 337\\nthe interests of the Protestant Episcopal Church\\nin America.\\nAs my contribution to the Kansas movement,\\nI prepared and pubHshed in 1854 a History of\\nKansas and Nebraska. As the preface of the\\nbook says, this is perhaps the first history which\\nwas ever written of a State which at that moment\\nhad not legally one white inhabitant. I could\\nhardly have written this book, of which I am even\\nnow not ashamed, without the matchless resources\\nof the American Antiquarian Society, where I\\nfound all the documents I needed as to the early\\nexplorations undertaken by the United States, and\\nindeed by the French explorers. From more\\nrecent publications we now know some things\\nwhich we did not know then but so far as the\\nauthorities then known were of use, that book\\nresumes the history of exploration in Kansas up\\ntill that time.\\nIn 1859 I went to Europe for the first time, and\\nafterwards printed some passages from my journals\\nand letters, under the title, Ninety Days Worth\\nof Europe.\\nIn 1868 I printed a collection of short stories\\nof which the earliest in date was from the Boston\\nMiscellany. We called this If, Yes, and Per-\\nhaps. I justified this title in the preface by\\nsaying that some of the stories were probabilities,\\nsome of the narratives were pure fact, and some of\\nthe sketches were possibilities; yet we could not\\ncall the book by as cumbrous a name as Proba-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0373.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "338 Sixty Years\\nbilities, Realities, and Possibilities. It proved\\nnecessary, however, to change the name, and this\\nbook has been published since with the title, The\\nMan without a Country, and other Tales.\\nTo write the story of The Man without a\\nCountry and its sequel, Philip Nolan s Friends,\\nI had to make as careful study as I could of the\\nhistory of the acquisition of Louisiana by the\\nUnited States. California had always interested\\nme, and I had made some contribution to its early\\nhistory. These papers of mine attracted William\\nCullen Bryant s attention, and when he planned\\nthe Popular History of the United States, he\\nasked me to contribute the Spanish and French\\nchapters. This I did, excepting the chapter in\\nthe first volume relating to the first settlement of\\nFlorida.\\nIn the year 1850 I was chosen a member of\\nthe American Antiquarian Society, and I served\\nas its secretary until I left Worcester in 1856.\\nFor the encouragement of young authors, I will\\nsay that I have always enjoyed the lottery of\\nthe prize competitions, which were perhaps more\\nfrequent forty years ago than they are now. At\\na time when I was not troubled by having too\\nmuch money, I received a prize offered by Sar-\\ntains Magazine for an essay called Paul before\\nNero. I received a prize from the Philadel-\\nphia Orphan Refuge for a paper on the educa-\\ntion of orphan children, which I shall try to pub-\\nlish in another volume of this series. No one has", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0374.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "Literary and Editorial Work 339\\never taken the advice which it offered, but it\\nwas good advice for all that.\\nFrank Leslie offered a prize for a short story,\\nand I received one of the second prizes for The\\nChildren of the Public. Our dear friend Miss\\nLouisa Alcott received the first prize, and deserved\\nit. She used to say, whenever I met her, that she\\nhad always been afraid to republish the story,\\nbut I told her that I sat at her feet as a story-teller.\\nI received a prize at the outset of the Civil War\\nfor an essay on emigration from the North to the\\nSouth. Since those days I have sat as judge in\\nsimilar competitions more often than I have ap-\\npeared as a competitor. I think competitions\\ngenerally disappoint the gentlemen who offer the\\nprizes. I believe I ought to say, however, that,\\nspeaking from experience, I know that the editors\\nof magazines are eager to put fresh hands at the\\nbellows whenever they can.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0375.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "HARVARD REVISITED\\n[At the request of the Editors of the Atlantic Monthly I wrote\\nfor them in 1895 the following paper, on the changes in Cambridge\\nin two generations. It was printed in the Atlantic in 1896.]\\nIt is three years since I promised The Atlantic\\nMonthly that, by way of closing a series of remi-\\nniscences, I would attempt a comparison of Har-\\nvard College sixty years ago with the college of\\nto-day.\\nThe subject is an interesting one, and is very\\napt to come up at class dinners, as old gentlemen,\\nin a figure, pick over their walnuts. If Mr. Hill\\nwill pardon a parenthesis, let me say that a hun-\\ndred years ago and more George Washington\\nwould frequently sit over his walnuts two\\nhours, really picking out the meats and nibbling\\nat them, with the accompaniment of one only\\nglass of Madeira. The subject is an interesting\\none, but it has proved so interesting that I have\\nnever put pen to paper until now. For le mieux\\nest Venncnii dii bon, alas, and one does not very\\nwillingly handle a theme which so many other\\nmen can work out much better than he.\\nI am set on it, at last, by the accident that I", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0376.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 341\\nhave been reading this week Mark Pattison s ex-\\ntraordinary and therefore amusing memorials of\\nhis own Hfe in Oxford, to which place he went\\nfour years before I went to our Cambridge. The\\nbook, quite worthless in itself, is amusing, and in-\\ndeed edifying, when matched in with Stanley s,\\nWard s, Newman s, and a dozen other memorials\\nof Oxford life at the same time. To an American\\ngraduate it is simply amazing, as well as amusing,\\nbecause it exhibits a habit of life one hardly\\nsays of thought among undergraduates as dif-\\nferent from our undergraduate life as the life of\\nMr. Kipling s four-footed friends is different from\\nthe life of Thyrsis and Amyntas in Arcadia. Let\\nme try my hand and memory in giving to the\\nundergraduate of to-day some notion of what\\nundergraduates at our Cambridge did, and what\\nthey thought about, fifty or sixty years ago. Pos-\\nsibly this may show how it happened that a few of\\nthem turned out to be of some use in the world.\\nAs matter of familiar speech or language, let me\\nbegin with saying that, in the thirties, it was not\\nthe habit of Harvard College men or boys to say\\nthat they were of Harvard or from Harvard. We\\nknew what such words meant, and Amherst or\\nWilliams men used them to us, not we to them.\\nWe spoke of ourselves as Cambridge men, as a\\nBalliol man now might say he was from Oxford.\\nThis means, I think, that we all wanted to hold to\\nthe phrase in the Constitution of Massachusetts\\nwhich speaks of the University at Cambridge.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0377.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "342 Sixty Years\\nMr. Everett afterward introduced this on the col-\\nlege programmes and catalogues. It showed that\\na man was somewhat fresh if he said he was from\\nHarvard. The present fashion came in a little\\nafter.\\nProfessor Beers has just now written a pleasant\\nbook which he calls Initial Studies in American\\nLetters. He says good-naturedly that the pro-\\nfessors of literature in our colleges are usually\\npersons who have made no additions to literature;\\nand the professors of rhetoric seem ordinarily to\\nhave been selected to teach students how to write,\\nfor the reason that they themselves have never\\nwritten anything that any one has read. And\\nafter this friendly joke on his own craft, he adds\\nthat the Harvard College of some fifty years ago\\noffers some striking exceptions to these remarks.\\nI will own that, as a Cambridge man, I read with\\nsome pride and much pleasure his list of the seven-\\nteen years after 1821, in which there graduated\\nEmerson, Holmes, Sumner, Phillips, Motley,\\nThoreau, and Lowell. He had only to go a\\nlittle farther to have added Higginson and Park-\\nman. Let me say, in passing, that the inaugural\\naddress delivered by Edward Channing in 18 19,\\nwhen he assumed the Boylston Chair of Rhetoric\\nat Cambridge, is still worth reading; and let me\\nalso say that we Cambridge men are a little sur-\\nprised that in Dr. Beers s list we do not find the\\nname of Frederic Henry Hedge. The years of\\nwhich I am now to speak, of my own under-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0378.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 343\\ngraduate life, arc years included in the period of\\nwhich Dr. Beers speaks with such approval.\\nThe Oxford of Stanley, Ward, and Pattison, and\\nthe Harvard of the same time, touch at only one\\npoint. In each, the freshman, on entering, if he\\nthought at all, was amazed at the indifference\\nwith which some of his teachers handled the busi-\\nness of education. Here was poor Pattison, an*\\nunlicked cub from Yorkshire, who when he was\\neighteen years old turned up at Oxford. Poor\\nboy, he says he went there with an idea that\\nOxford was a place for teaching and learning.\\nHe went to his first lecture, what we should call\\nhis first recitation, without any of the niceties\\nof scholarship, not well grounded in the Greek\\ngrammar, and he had not been shown how to\\nread Greek. To his amazement, he found that\\nDennison, his teacher, did not, in the whole\\ncourse, make a single remark on Alkestis or\\nHippolytus which did not come from the notes\\nat the foot of the page. In less than a week,\\nhe says, I was entirely disillusionized as to what\\nI was to learn in an Oxford lecture-room.\\nStanley, four years after, made just the same re-\\nmark. Stanley had been well trained at Rugby.\\nHe went up to Oxford supposing that he was to\\nbe taught something. Here is his account, writ-\\nten after a month at Balliol Alas, most truly\\nwas it said that the last year at school surpassed\\na hundredfold the first year of college. We\\nconstrued in the old way, word for word in turn.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0379.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "344 Sixty Years\\nwith one or two unimportant remarks from the\\ntutor. Two out of three classical lectures he\\nfinds absolutely useless.\\nI copy these words from the Oxford men of that\\ntime, because such was exactly our experience in\\nthe classics at Cambridge.\\nI tried, in an earlier paper, to give some sense\\nof the freshness and vitality of Longfellow s inti-\\nmacy with his classes, and of Edward Channing s\\nwith his. I should be glad to speak at more\\nlength of Pietro Bachi, about whose life there\\nwas an element of mystery. All I knew of him\\nwas that he was an accomplished Italian gentle-\\nman, who made friends of us, and who interested\\nus vitally in the literature of Italy. Mr. Sparks\\nread a few lectures while I was in college, and was\\nperfectly willing to make us companions and to\\ntalk with us about American history as a master\\nhas a right to talk. With Dr. Webster, also, and\\nwith Mr. Harris, the instructor in natural history,\\nwe were on intimate terms, and once in a while we\\ngot some bit of information from one of them or\\nthe other. For the rest, four years of college\\nwere, so far as the staff went, four years of mere\\nmechanical drudgery. The bell rang, and you\\nwent in to the exercise. You sat through an\\nhour, and heard other men blunder through it.\\nNobody told anybody anything, and nobody gave\\nanybody any light.\\nMy father published the Boston Daily Advertiser,\\nand so I was one of the few boys in college who", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0380.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 345\\nhad a daily newspaper. After breakfast I used to\\nwalk round and get the paper, and was therefore\\nready to take it in to the eight o clock recitation.\\nI used to fold it lengthwise, so that I could turn it\\nover without annoying my neighbors, and read it\\nas the recitation in what they called philosophy\\nwent on. When I had done this a week or so, the\\nteacher asked me to stop after the recitation, and\\nremonstrated with me. I said You see I make\\nno concealment of it. It seems a pity to waste the\\nhour, and I bring in the paper to read it at that\\ntime. I then asked what good there was in my\\nlistening to a lot of men stumbling over something\\nwhich only half of them knew anything about.\\nHe assented very frankly to my view of that part\\nof the business. He did not pretend that he\\nassisted by a word the process of learning. He\\nonly said he thought the newspaper was bad for\\nthe discipline of the place; and I said, if it was\\nhis wish that I should not read it, I would not. I\\nclosed the conversation by asking him a question\\non the subject we had in hand, which he could not\\nanswer. This anecdote, I think, is worth telling\\nas an illustration of the view which both parties\\ntook of the transaction which was called a recita-\\ntion.\\nSo was it that, for most of us who had any en-\\nthusiasm or ambition, the work of the college, so\\ncalled, was, generally speaking, a sad bore. In\\nmy junior year I was so annoyed by a bit of petty\\ntyranny on the part of one of the teachers that I", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0381.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "34-6 Sixty Years\\nwent to Boston and told my father that I must\\ngive it all up. I said that I would not bear it any-\\nlonger; that I wanted to go to work, and I would\\ngo to work wherever he would place me. He was\\na very wise man, and, among other things, he knew\\nhow to deal with boys. He told me that he knew\\nvery well that this particular person was my in-\\nferior. It was one of the misfortunes, he said, of\\nsuch institutions that they had to enlist a great\\nmany inferior men in their management, but that\\nI would find, as I went through life, that I had a\\ngreat deal to do with men inferior to myself, and\\nthat he wanted me to take this experience as a\\npart of the training of the university. His confi-\\ndence in me would never be abated, he was pleased\\nto say, and I might go back to Cambridge with\\nthat feeling. So I went back. I have never\\nchanged my opinion about the person who was\\ninvolved, from that day to this day, but I have\\nbeen grateful to my father for handling a pettish\\nboy with such wisdom.\\nOn the other hand, if we did not profit much\\nfrom the functions of the staff we had a good\\ndeal of time left to us in which to work out\\nour own salvation. And as I look on the Cam-\\nbridge of to-day, I am disposed to ask whether\\nnow young fellows who want to work are not\\nkept up to the rack a little too closely. I some-\\ntimes think, if I may follow out the parallel with\\nhorses, that we got as much from that part of the\\ntime when we were kicking our heels in the pas-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0382.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 347\\nture as we got from the time when we were tied\\nup in the stalls. Anyway, this is what happened\\nWe had, on the average, three recitations a day,\\nsometimes four. For each recitation it took an\\nhour to prepare at least, that was the rule I laid\\ndown. The thing was a thing to be done. I gave\\nto it an hour; never more, and seldom less. If it\\ncould be done in that time, well if it could not,\\nwhy, so much the worse for the thing. I was not\\ngoing to fool away any more time over that. Here\\nwere six hours, then, provided for, out of the\\nfifteen. For the rest what? There was not nearly\\nso much of athletics as there is now. There was\\nno gymnasium, but there was, in summer, a circle\\nof six miles radius where anybody who had legs\\ncould go in search of wild flowers or of butterflies,\\nor to practise at a mark with pistols, or, if it were\\nat the right season, even to look for partridge or\\nquail or plover. A man could walk over to Revere\\nBeach and collect shells, if the three recitations\\nand the two chapel exercises did not come in at\\ntoo close periods. Boats on the river were pro-\\nhibited, under the statute, which we had all agreed\\nto obey, forbidding us to keep horses, dogs, or\\nother animals.\\nThen there was the library, a very poor\\nlibrary, as libraries now go, but it had fifty thous-\\nand books in it, and a good many of them were\\nbooks worth reading. We were permitted to go\\nin and out and find pasture. We took down just\\nwhat we chose nobody helped us, and nobody", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0383.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "348 Sixty Years\\nhindered us. There were not many recent books\\nthere, but there were a few.\\nI forgot what it was, but something set me on\\nthe explorations of the Pacific coast. I read from\\nthe invaluable Ebeling collection ever so many\\nthings that are of use to me every day of my life\\nnow. Very likely this matchless collection gave\\na direction to my reading ever since, so I am very\\ngrateful for it, and to Mr, Eliot who gave it to the\\ncollege. I used to hunt over the bound volumes\\nof The Gentleman s Magazine. Heaven knows\\nwhat I found there, but I found something. In\\nshort, I taught myself how to work up a subject\\nin this precious freedom of the library.\\nThey gave out as a subject for a Bowdoin dis-\\nsertation The Difference between the Imaginary\\nBeings of the Poets and Those of Folk-Lore. I\\nwanted the money for a Bowdoin prize badly, and\\nI wrote on this subject, of which I knew nothing.\\nBut I went to the library, I dipped through Pope s\\nHomer, Dryden s Virgil, and all the recent trans-\\nlations of the prominent Greek and Latin classics,\\nI had no time to take them in the original,\\nthough I was ashamed that I did not, and I\\nwrote my essay accordingly. It was a good, de-\\nserving piece of hack-work, I guess. I have never\\nread it from that day to this, but I know it got a\\nsecond prize. Morison, my classmate, got another\\nsecond prize, and we were both told that neither\\nof the essays was good enough for a first prize.\\nI learned the other day that Mr. Emerson once", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0384.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 349\\ncame out in exactly the same way with both of\\nhis Bowdoin essays, and any mortification of mine\\ncertainly would have been soothed by that dis-\\ncovery. But I have no recollection of any sense\\nof mortification, and I tell the story now simply to\\nshow how good a thing a good library is. If Mr.\\nHill will pardon another parenthesis, I will say\\nthat there was nothing which Emerson liked to\\ndiscourse about more than this very matter of the\\ngood of an open library, where a person may rove\\nabout at his will. And Dr. Wayland said to me\\nthe very same thing. He opened the whole\\nlibrary of Brown University to every pupil he had\\nthere. He told me that they never lost a book\\nbut one miniature edition of Shakespeare, and he\\nsaid, And that is doing good to somebody some-\\nwhere, now.\\nIn the next place, we had the college societies.\\nObserve there was no professor of botany there\\nwas nobody who taught anything of natural history,\\nexcepting that Mr. Harris delivered a few lectures\\non botany, and Dr. Webster a few on mineralogy.\\nBut a lot of the fellows got together who were\\ninterested in such things, and we spent a great\\ndeal of time on our collections and on our studies\\nin connection with them. A man took the habit\\nof research from such work in such fashion that\\nhe never lost it. Alpha Delta Phi was founded\\nin my day, and did for us exactly the same thing\\nin matters of literature, in history, and in classical\\nstudy. James Russell Lowell, I rather think,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0385.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "350 Sixty Years\\nwrote his Beaumont and Fletcher lectures for\\nAlpha Delta, of which he was a member. I know\\nthat I did some of the most solid work of my\\ncollege life in Alpha Delta. And there again the\\nstimulus of co-operation, of friendship, of mutual\\nsympathy, did for us what it was not worth the\\nwhile of the staff to try to do. The debating\\nsocieties were much more of an element in college\\nthan they are now, and most of us then and there\\nhad a chance to learn how to stand erect and\\nspeak without a trembling of the knees. I dare\\nsay the debates were wretched, but we did learn\\nnot to be afraid of an audience.\\nOur connection with the outside world was very\\nclose. Certainly we knew more of its affairs than\\nthe average undergraduate does now. This seems\\nrather strange to say, in the presence of the news-\\npaper life of to-day, but I have within ten years\\nmet a well-trained graduate, who had taken high\\nrank in modern Cambridge, but did not know that\\nthere was any question of copyright between Eng-\\nland and America. He had never heard of it.\\nWhen I was a chaplain at Cambridge, between\\nthe years 1886 and 1888, I was constantly seeing\\nyoung gentlemen who came to me for advice\\nabout their career after they should leave college,\\nwho had not the slightest idea of the duties of a\\ncivil engineer, of a mining engineer, of a clergy-\\nman, or of the superintendent of a factory or a\\nrailroad. These same men could have told me\\nall about nines and elevens, and such things which", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0386.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 351\\nI did not know. What I mean to say is that the\\nuniversity is now so large a world that the fellows\\nare much more satisfied with its home concerns\\nthan they were then. On the other hand, we\\nwere crazily interested in politics. We were just\\non the beginning of the anti-slavery conflict, and\\nwe knew we were. We had our opinions, such\\nas they were, on every important subject which\\nthe men of the time were discussing Nobody\\npretended to talk about indifference the word\\nhad not yet been applied to college life.\\nAnd to bring to an end such hasty general-\\nizations, we were interested in literature, as the\\naverage undergraduate of to-day is not. Let me\\nrepeat what I said three years ago. Emerson had\\ncome from England. He had the first published\\nvolume of Tennyson, and we copied Tennyson s\\npoems and passed them from hand to hand.\\nSomebody in Philadelphia had printed Coleridge,\\nShelley, and Keats in one volume, and we had\\nthat volume on our tables as a text-book. I had\\nread every one of the principal poems of the\\nprominent English poets from Chaucer down to\\nCowper, before I was a junior. I do not believe\\nthat there was a man in the Harvard Union who\\nhad not read Paradise Lost, and who was not\\nreasonably well up in his Chaucer or his Spenser.\\nIn brief, literary ambition was the ambition before\\nevery man in the class. Although there were a\\ngreat many stupid men and a great many lazy\\nmen, every one of them felt that it would be a", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0387.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "352 Sixty Years\\ndisgrace if he were not in touch with literature.\\nI need not say that the presence of Henry\\nLongfellow was a great satisfaction to us in such\\na habit. I think it more likely, however, that\\nLowell, who was an undergraduate, showed Ten-\\nnyson s poems to Longfellow than that Long-\\nfellow showed them to Lowell.\\nConsidering the hard things I have said about\\nthe indifference of the staff in the recitation-room,\\nI am bound to say that I am afraid we rejected in\\na very cubbish way their advances in private. I\\nought to say, what I observe poor old Pattison\\nsays, that I feel mortification now for the hard-\\nness or coldness with which we almost always\\nreceived the overtures of officers who were en-\\ntirely our superiors, who wanted to come into\\ncloser touch with us. I was afterwards on the\\nmost intimate terms with George Frederick Sim-\\nmons, a charming and accomplished man, a\\nlittle too fine, perhaps, for this world. I am,\\ntherefore, personally led to reflect with shame on\\nthe sternness with which I had refused every\\neffort which he made, when I was in college,\\nto render my life agreeable to me. He was a\\nproctor, who lived in the next room to me when\\nI was a freshman.\\nI lived for two years in the same entry with\\nJones Very, whose sonnets, written at that time,\\nhave been of value to me since, which I will not\\ntry to express. He was our proctor. But I have\\nno recollection of ever entering his room, though", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0388.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 353\\nhe offered me his hospitality in the most cordial\\nand courteous way. I make these two mortify-\\ning confessions because I think they may be of\\nuse to men who are as young now as I was then.\\nA few years afterward I lost my only opportunity\\nof talking with Allston because I had some ridicu-\\nlous evening engagement, which of course I have\\nlong since forgotten. Hcbc narraiio docet what\\nyoung people who hear me preach know very\\nwell, that it is always well to talk with people\\nwho are wiser than you.\\nAll these personal reminiscences may readily\\nbe compared with observations made now in any\\nof the great colleges. There is hardly a detail to\\nwhich I have referred where matters are not quite\\ndifferent now. Of such details I will speak before\\nI have done. There is certainly an interesting\\nquestion how far, with us, they have been affected\\nby the very important changes which have come\\ninto the government of the university between\\nthat time and this. A college which was little\\nmore than a high school has been changed into\\na university. How far did this change come from\\npre-ordained changes of method of administra-\\ntion, and how far is it the result of the growth of\\nthe country in wealth and of the growth of the\\nworld in intelligence?\\nOld Dr. Dwight, who was a very wise as well as\\na very amusing person, now wholly forgotten, says\\nin his journal, when he visits Bowdoin College,\\n23", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0389.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "354 Sixty Years\\nthat the plan of the government of that college\\nis the same as that of Harvard College, namely,\\nthat it has two boards of government, whose only-\\nbusiness is to quarrel with each other. The\\nmethod of government of Yale College, of which\\nhe was president, was quite different: it was gov-\\nerned wholly by Dr. Dwight, and any boards that\\nthere were stood out of his way. There are who\\nsay that this system has been continued at Yale\\nin later times. Anybody who cares for the his-\\ntory of such things might make an amusing study\\nof the parallels and contrasts to be run between\\nYale and Harvard for a hundred years, resulting\\nfrom this radical diversity. The theory of Har-\\nvard College was that The Corporation, as it\\nis still called in very old-fashioned circles, was\\nthe executive of the college, and the Board of\\nOverseers a sort of advisory or visitatorial body.\\nFrom time to time, from very early times, the\\nprofessors and tutors would protest; sometimes\\nthey would come almost into revolt. Edward\\nEverett published a pamphlet to show that the\\nprofessors were the proper Fellows of the col-\\nlege, and ought to have some voice in the man-\\nagement of it. But here was the Corporation,\\nthe We are seven of Dr. Weld s amusing poem,\\nwho had the keys and the money and the power.\\nThe Board of Overseers, by the original charter,\\nconsisted of the Governor and Deputy Governor\\nof the State, all the magistrates of this juris-\\ndiction, and the teaching elders [that is, the min-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0390.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited ^55\\nisters] of Cambridge, Watertown, Charlestown,\\nBoston, Roxbury, and Dorchester, and the Presi-\\ndent of the college of the time being, This\\ncumbrous board, after various changes, in 1814\\nbecame a board made up mostly from the Senate\\nof the State; that is to say, of forty laymen.\\nThere were also fifteen ministers of Concrrecfa-\\ntional churches, and sundry and various people\\nby subsequent election; and this lasted till 1852.\\nSince 1866, thanks to an admirable arrangement\\ndriven through, one might say, by Mr. Darwin,\\nErastus Ware, the Overseers have been made up\\nof the president and treasurer, and thirty persons\\nchosen by the alumni at annual meetings. This\\npractice has resulted in giving a Board of Over-\\nseers of very great ability. It has the confidence\\nof the community and of the college.\\nBut, oddly enough, the Board of Overseers has\\nnot, and never has had, any direct power except-\\ning in one contingency. When there is no presi-\\ndent, the Corporation may not choose a president\\nexcept by the permission of the Overseers. Dur-\\ning that interregnum the Overseers may frighten\\nthe Corporation as much as they choose or can.\\nExcepting at that time, they can annoy them a\\ngood deal, but can do nothing directly. Presi-\\ndent Eliot put the thing admirably in his in-\\naugural, when he said\\nThe real function of the Board of Overseers is\\nto stimulate and watch the President and Fellows.\\nWithout the Overseers, the President and Fellows", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0391.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "356 sixty Years\\nwould be a board of private trustees, self-perpetu-\\nated and self-controlled. Provided as it is with\\ntwo governing boards, the University enjoys that\\nprincipal safeguard of all American governments,\\nthe natural antagonism between two bodies\\nof different constitution, powers, and privileges.\\nWhile having with the Corporation a common\\ninterest of the deepest kind in the welfare of\\nthe University and the advancement of learning,\\nthe Overseers should always hold towards the\\nCorporation an attitude of suspicious vigilance.\\nThey ought always to be pushing and prying.\\nIt would be hard to overstate the importance\\nof the public supervision exercised by the Board\\nof Overseers. Experience proves that our main\\nhope for the permanence and ever-widening in-\\nfluence of the University must rest upon this\\ndouble-headed organization.\\nFor this world is not carried on by the forms\\nof written constitutions it is carried on by good\\nsense. The Board of Overseers makes an admir-\\nable medium between the Corporation and the\\npublic. If the Overseers give advice, with an\\nintelligent president who knows mankind, that\\nadvice is very apt to be followed, and it is just\\nas well that that advice should not be put in\\nthe form of an edict. I had the honor of serving\\non the board for fifteen years, more or less, and\\nit is the only board on which I ever served\\nwhich was not a nuisance. At this board, on the\\nother hand, the debates are of the greatest inter-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0392.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 357\\nest, and the conclusions are often of very great\\nimportance. But sixty years ago all this was dif-\\nferent. The college Faculty met once a week, and\\ndetermined whether Jones should have an oration\\nor Smith should be suspended. The Corpo-\\nration also met once a fortnight, I think, and de-\\ntermined whether Casaubon should be appointed\\nprofessor or Scaliger continue another year as\\ntutor. If the truth were to be told, I do not\\nthink the president was much more than the\\nclerk of the Corporation. The poor fellow had\\na deal of office work to do, and unless he were\\na man fond of detail he must have winced under\\nit. I have told here the story how, a few years\\nafterward, the first official duty of President\\nEverett was to see that the carpet of Madam Pet-\\ntigrew s pew in the chapel was properly swept.\\nThe Corporation had not much money to spend,\\nthey spent it as well as they could, they put in\\nthe professors and tutors, so many for the under-\\ngraduate department, so many more for the pro-\\nfessional schools, and then they let the thing go.\\nAs to the Corporation, one speaks of it even\\nto-day with bated breath. It chose, as it still\\nchooses, its own members, who hold for life;\\nbut the choice is subject to the approval of the\\nOverseers. There was in old times a theory\\nthat there should be one representative of each\\nlearned profession on the Corporation, but\\nin my time there was no physician Dr. Walker\\nrepresented divinity. The five other members", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0393.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "358 Sixty Years\\nof the board, beside the president, were Judge\\nStory, Nathaniel Bowditch, Mr. Francis C. Gray\\n(succeeded by Mr. John A. Lowell), and Mr.\\nCharles G. Loring. People who remember the\\nBoston of fifty years ago will agree with me that\\nit would be hard to find a board more distin-\\nguished. There was a little cynical criticism\\nthat the Salem element was very strong in it,\\nbut the Essex County element has always been\\nso good in Massachusetts life that nobody seri-\\nously finds fault with it. These six gentlemen,\\nwith Josiah Quincy, the President, did what they\\nchose with the college. Its afi airs seldom got\\ninto the newspaper, and, generally speaking, I\\nthink people were disposed to let it run on its\\nown wheels in its own way.\\nBut in conversation, for five-and-twenty years\\nafter this time, there was more or less speculation\\nas to why, if it were called a university, it should\\nnot be a university. A visible stimulus in such\\nconversation was the Phi Beta Kappa oration of\\nDr. Hedge in the year 1850. Most of the Phi\\nBeta orations had had a great deal of the same\\nsort in them, but Hedge spoke with authority,\\nbecause he had himself been at Gottingen, and\\nso far knew what he was talking about. It is not\\nthe place of this paper to review the history of the\\nchanges, which seem marvellous, which have made\\nthe university of to-day. All that I am asked to\\ndo is to compare the methods of to-day with the\\nmethod of sixty years ago. A review of the his-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0394.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "Flarvard Revisited 359\\ntory would have little interest to any one outside\\nthe college circle, and I have said almost all that\\nI can say in the reminiscences which I have\\nalready given in this magazine.\\nAfter the freshman year, the undergraduate of\\nto-day has very large latitude in his choice of\\nstudies. Sixty years ago, he might select the\\nmodern language he would study, and when he\\nbecame a senior he might go on with Latin and\\nGreek or not, as he chose but practically these\\nwere the only matters left open to his choice. It\\nfollowed that every man, when he graduated, had\\na certain knowledge of the externals of science and\\ncriticism, which I think the graduates of to-day\\nhardly claim. He had an outside knowledge,\\nlittle more, in the half dozen ranges of inquiry\\nwhich were then classified as separate sciences.\\nOn the other hand, it was simply impossible for\\na man to go as far as any well-intentioned under-\\ngraduate can go now, in any study. No matter\\nhow much a man might be interested in philology,\\nwhat he might do in college was simply to trans-\\nlate such and such books, and that was the end of\\nit; nobody meant to teach him philology, of\\nW hich, indeed, nobody excepting Mr. Felton knew\\nmuch. If a man were interested in English litera-\\nture, he could work it up, as I said Mr. Lowell\\ndid Beaumont and Fletcher; but it was nobody s\\nbusiness to tell him whether Beaumont were a\\nwriter under Darius Hystaspes, or Fletcher one of\\nthe authors of the Vedas. In this remark I think", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0395.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "360 Sixty Years\\nI have stated what is substantially the contrast be-\\ntween that high school of 1835 and the university\\nof to-day.\\nIt must be remembered that the annual income\\nof the college in 1842 was $225,561. Its annual\\nincome now, as recorded by the treasurer in his\\nlast report, is $1,201,908. In the same year,\\n1894-95, the treasurer received from what he\\ncalls receipts exclusive of income, meaning\\nnew gifts and incidental or occasional receipts,\\n$1,900,000. The total funds in 1842 were $680,-\\n649; in 1895 they were $8,381,586. Such fig-\\nures alone are enough to show the world-wide\\ndifference between what was done then and what\\nis attempted with so great success now. Yet if\\nanybody is audacious enough to compare the all-\\nround information, say, of Jared Sparks in mat-\\nters of history with the accomplishments of gentle-\\nmen who have to deal with history to-day, why,\\nlet him make the comparison. Only let him re-\\nmember that the business of the college of that\\nday was to make all-round scholars, while the\\nbusiness of the college to-day is to make men\\nskilful in their respective departments of science\\nor of study.\\nThis is certain, that the university of to-day\\ngains immensely over the college of that time in its\\nnationality. Dr. Beers says, in the book to which\\nI have referred, that the college of that time was\\nequipped mostly by men of eastern Massachusetts,\\nand was for students from eastern Massachusetts.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0396.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 361\\nThis is as true as most epigrams are. But it is\\nquite sure that, of the professors of that time,\\nalmost all had grown up in this region of country.\\nLongfellow came from as far away as Portland\\nBeck came from Germany; the foreign-language\\ngentlemen were all, I think, natives of European\\ncountries. But for the rest, they were Yankees,\\nand had the instincts and prejudices of Yankees.\\nNow it is an advantage which cannot be overesti-\\nmated, to the undergraduate of to-day, that he\\nfalls in with gentlemen from Japan and other parts\\nof Asia, from Europe, from Canada, from South\\nAmerica, from the shores of the Pacific Ocean,\\nand probably from every State of the forty- five.\\nHe has among his professors such men as Shaler,\\nRoyce, Bocher, Sumichrast, Lanman, Francke,\\nnot to go farther than the first page of the cata-\\nlogue, men who really know that there is a\\nnation called the United States, west and south of\\nthe Hudson River. The provincialism which was\\nalmost a necessary element, and an important ele-\\nment, in the Harvard College of 1830 and 1840\\nexists no longer. There was at that time, un-\\ndoubtedly, a notion that it would be better if the\\nprofessors could all be graduates of our own col-\\nlege. Longfellow was from Bowdoin, but as I\\nlook over one of the old catalogues I do not\\nobserve any other professor who was not a\\nHarvard graduate, excepting the gentlemen from\\nEurope. Now we are glad to welcome, from all\\nclimes and all schools of training, whoever can", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0397.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "362 Sixty Years\\nhelp us. There is no such thing as Prussian\\nalgebra or Carolinian optics or Californian divin-\\nity; and the undergraduate of to-day may go to\\nCambridge as narrow and bigoted as most fresh-\\nmen are, but after four years he will come out\\nwith a great deal of such nonsense taken out of\\nhim. The most important part of that nonsense\\nwill be his impression that he is a person of any\\ngreat importance himself.\\nIn the same years he will slowly lose the other\\nimpression, that the particular place in which he\\nwas born had any special importance in the theory\\nof the good God for the constitution of the uni-\\nverse. If one get only this out of four years of\\ncollege, he has gained what he gains in no\\nother method of training for life with which I\\nam acquainted.\\nLiving close to Cambridge, and always well ac-\\nquainted with many of the officers and students, I\\nnever lost the tie which binds one to his Alma\\nMater. In 1866, after the graduates had re-\\nceived the power to choose the Overseers, I was\\nhonored by election to a seat in that body, and I\\nretained that position until the year 1875. I saw,\\nof course, the beginning of the admirable advance\\nwhich the university has made under the direction\\nof President Eliot, whom we still call the young\\npresident.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0398.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "Harvard Revisited 363\\nFor most of this time I was chairman of the com-\\nmittee in the Divinity School. James Freeman\\nClarke was greatly interested in the work of the\\nschool, of which he was a graduate, as I was not.\\nHe always pressed earnestly upon the Overseers\\nthe possibility of establishing a school at Cam-\\nbridge which should meet the needs of more than\\none Christian communion. And he lived to see\\nhis wish, to a considerable degree, carried out.\\nThe Divinity School of to-day has professors and\\nstudents who represent the Unitarian Church, the\\nUniversalist Church, the Baptist Church, the\\nOrthodox Congregational body, and the Prot-\\nestant Episcopal Church of America.\\nIn the year 1886 it was determined, at first as a\\ntemporary measure, that the clerical members of\\nthe Board of Overseers should take the charge of\\nthe chapel service. These gentlemen at that time\\nwere Phillips Brooks, Alexander McKenzie, and\\nmyself; and we divided between us the daily\\nchapel services of each year. I think I was the\\nfirst person, not a college professor, who acted in\\nthis capacity.\\nA very interesting service it was. We had an\\nadmirable choir, under the training of Mr. Payne,\\nthe professor of music. And we had in attend-\\nance every morning the largest congregation of\\nmen, as I venture to say, which met in the whole\\nworld for the reverent worship of God.\\nIn the same year, when compulsory attendance at\\nchapel was discontinued at Harvard, six Preachers", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0399.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "364 Sixty Years\\nto the University were appointed, o^ whom I was\\none, to whom was intrusted the conduct of the\\ndaily rehgious service and of the Sunday services.\\nThis office, under the rules which we made, de-\\nmands of the preacher during his term of residence\\nthat he shall, every morning, be in the minister s\\nroom, to meet any undergraduates who care to\\nwait upon him. The intimacies thus formed are\\nof the most interesting character; and in the midst\\nof other pressing duty, I always enjoyed extremely\\nthe six weeks service which I thus gave to the\\ncollege.\\nIn 1876 and 1877, I honored by a choice as\\npresident of Phi Beta Kappa. This means that\\nyou preside at the annual meeting of the society\\nand at its dinner, which is the most satisfactory\\nof all the Cambridge observances.\\nAs four of my sons have gone through Harvard,\\nI have been kept in close touch with the college\\nwhich I did not leave when a New England\\nBoyhood ended.\\nIn 1866 I became a trustee of Antioch College\\nin Ohio. This appointment gave me an intimacy,\\nnot simply with the work of education in the mid-\\ndle States, but with leaders of opinion there. I\\nretained this position until the present summer,\\nwhen my friend Mr. James De Normandie was\\nappointed in my place.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0400.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "THE MINISTRY OF THE GOSPEL AND\\nPERMANENT PEACE\\nDr. Andrew Preston Peabody in an address\\ndelivered at Cambridge a generation ago said\\nthat every man should have a vocation and an\\navocation. The epigram is excellent, and gives\\nan excellent working rule for life. It will be found\\nin many places in these volumes. But I ought\\nto say in passing that philologically the words\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2vocation and avocation do not have the con-\\ntrasted meaning which the epigram requires.\\nThe good sense of the statement is all the same,\\nphilology notwithstanding. Work is best done\\nwhen it is relieved from time to time by other\\nwork, in a different channel.\\nThe chapters in this book, on which this reader\\nhas, perhaps, cast his eye, relate to many of\\nwhat may be called avocations what the\\ncritics would call excursions in the main duty\\nof the Christian ministry. To this ministry I have\\ntried to devote my life. I was ordained to it in\\nWorcester in April, 1846. My appointment to it\\nwas confirmed when I was installed as minister of\\nthe South Congregational Church in Boston. As", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0401.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "366 Sixty Years\\nthe minister of that church I have tried to do my\\nduty since. I have just now resigned the charge.\\nI do not, however, attempt here the serious duty\\nwhich would be implied in any effort to describe,\\neven briefly, the life of a New England minister,\\nthough that life were my own. It would be an\\ninteresting thing to do this, if one could do it well.\\nBut to do it at all would be difficult to do it\\nwell, if one may judge from many failures, seems\\nnearly or quite impossible.\\nThe life of a man whose first duty is to sacrifice\\nhimself to others, or to set aside his immediate\\npurpose, if he can advance the higher life or the\\nbetter purpose of others, must, from the nature of\\nthe case, be unsystematic. Those of us who are\\nin the profession of the ministry say among our-\\nselves, that no one of us knows in the morning\\nwhere he shall be, or what he shall do, before\\nnight. I am in the habit of saying to the young\\ngentlemen who come into my office as my as-\\nsistants, that I will never ask them to do any-\\nthing which I would not do myself; but that this\\ncondition may involve blacking John Phelan s\\nboots or putting up the Widow Flaherty s stove.\\nWe are in the habit of saying that life, in our pro-\\nfession, is a series of surprises and of romances.\\nThus, I have twice in my life made the acquaint-\\nance, somewhat intimate, with people of the very\\nhighest rank in the feudal aristocracy of Europe.\\nIn one case the friendship began when I gave to\\nmy new friend a slice of cold mutton and a pair of", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0402.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "Permanent Peace 367\\npantaloons. After he had regained his posses-\\nsions in Europe, he invited me to visit him in\\nthe elegant castle which he inherited from his\\nancestors. Of the other of these friendships, I\\ncould tell a more striking contrast between pov-\\nerty and comfort in after years, but I ought not\\nto speak of it in print. Our duties are commonly\\nspoken of as if we studied Hebrew all the morn-\\ning, and chatted with aged beggars all the after-\\nnoon. In truth, the duties and the privileges of\\nthe ministry range through the widest possible\\nhorizons of life. Our great master and friend,\\nHenry Whitney Bellows was known for the last\\nhalf of his life as the leader of our Unitarian\\nministry in America. After his death, a gentle-\\nman on the Pacific coast wrote to me the detail of\\nanxious weeks, forty years before, in New York,\\nwhen his young bride was lying sick with small-\\npox in a New York hotel. The keeper of the\\nhotel wanted to turn her out, and when this\\nproved impossible, he boycotted them. Bellows\\nwas the only person they knew in New York;\\nand, in his capacity as minister of the All Souls\\nChurch, he took the daily care of that sick-room,\\nattending twice a day to what men call the menial\\nservices of a sick-room, and teaching those young\\ntravellers the lesson of the hymn,\\nWho sweeps a room, if this the cause.\\nMakes that and the action fine.\\nIn the system of government which has evolved", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0403.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "368 Sixty Years\\nitself in New England in two hundred and eighty-\\nyears, the same men control the arrangements of\\nwhat we still call the Church with those of what\\nwe still call the State. The man who votes for\\na governor on Monday, may vote perhaps for a\\nminister on Tuesday. The State assumes duties\\nin charity, in education, in hygiene which would,\\ntwo hundred years ago, have everywhere been\\nsaid to belong to the Church. In the week in\\nwhich I write, I have sent to the same person\\nthe pension which the State pays to him to-day,\\nand the similar pension which our Church pays\\nto him for precisely the same reasons. The chair-\\nman of the Board of Charities in this church is at\\nthe same time the chairman of the Board of Over-\\nseers of the Poor of the city of Boston. The\\nSouth Friendly society of this church sends twice\\na year to Taunton the clothing for an aged in-\\nsane woman whom the State of Massachusetts\\nmaintains in its hospital.\\nPractically, the New England Church assumes\\nthe duty which under the Roman Catholic system\\nof Europe belongs to the Priesthood. Practically,\\nthen, it is impossible for a minister who has been\\nin service half a century to say which part of his\\nlife has belonged to his vocations and which to\\nhis avocations.\\nAt this time, in the Annus Mirabilis which\\nhas seen twenty-four nations unite in the great con-\\nference at The Hague, and strike out in seventy\\ndays the proposal for an International Court for", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0404.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "Permanent Peace 369\\nwhich the world has been waiting for nineteen cen-\\nturies, I shall close this volume of Biography\\nby reprinting some of the addresses and reports\\nwhich in twenty years I have been presenting to\\nmy public regarding A Permanent Tribunal.\\nAs a statement of my theory of Church and\\nState, I print first the Election Sermon of 1859\\nwhich I delivered in the Old South Church\\nbefore the Governor and the General Court.\\n24", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0405.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "A SERMON\\n[Delivered before Governor Banks, the Lieutenant-\\nGovernor, THE Council, and the General Court,\\nJan. s, 1859.]\\nHaving then gifts differing according to the grace that is given\\nto us, whether prophecy, let us prophesy according to the pro-\\nportion of faith or ministry, let us wait on our ministering or\\nhe that teacheth, on teaching or he that exhorteth, on exhorta-\\ntion. He that giveth, let him do it with simplicity he that\\nruleth, with diligence. Romans xii. 6, 7, 8.\\nThis text describes the duties of the different\\nofificers in a Christian community, and the way in\\nwhich they discharge them. It shows that the\\ninspiration of rulers, of preachers, or of the admin-\\nistrators of charities, is one and the same spirit.\\nIt belongs thus to this service. For this service\\nis the public and formal proclamation, for this\\nCommonwealth of Massachusetts, of the relation\\nwhich here connects the officers of the State and\\nthe officers of the Church.\\nThe careless political speakers, and speakers\\nfrom the pulpit as careless, are, indeed, apt to say,\\nthat under our system, the Church and the State\\nare entirely divorced from each other. This care-\\nless proposition, however, is radically false, and\\nevery corollary drawn from it is false, as well. It", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0406.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 371\\nis true, that, in that profound philosophy which\\nhas ordered both our system of political govern-\\nment and our S} stem of religious administration,\\nthe place of every officer is quite distinctly defined.\\nAnd therefore, we do not have bishops usurping\\nthe functions of judges, nor Secretaries of State\\nusurping the functions of preachers, any more\\nthan we have judges usurping the functions of\\nSecretaries of State, or major-generals usurping\\nthe functions of everybody. But we might as\\nwell say, therefore, that there is no intimate rela-\\ntion between the Judiciary and the Legislature,\\nas to say that there is no intimate relation between\\nthe Church and State.\\nWhen, in 1848, the new revolutions of Europe\\nhad spread general enthusiasm among all the\\nyoung liberals of the world, I happened to express\\nthat enthusiasm to one of the most learned states-\\nmen of our time, himself an exile from Ger-\\nmany.i I spoke, with a young man s eager hope,\\nof the work of that Constituent Assembly in\\nFrance, which had been summoned at the bidding\\nof Lamartine. But my older and more learned\\nfriend replied, What have you in France for a\\nfoundation? What will your new constitution\\nstand upon? It could not stand upon any well-\\ndrained and compacted basis of old village, town,\\nor province administration. France knows no\\nsuch system. Not upon any mass of traditions\\n1 This was Dr. Francis Lieber, then Professor in the University\\nof South Carolina.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0407.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "3/2 Sixty Years\\nregarding ancient customs, making a great un-\\nwritten constitutional law, than which the\\nmemory of man goes not to the contrary, like\\nthat of England. France knows no such tradi-\\ntions. The prairie fires of the last century have\\nburned every straw and shred of them from her\\nsoil. Not upon the well-knit force of a landed or\\na learned aristocracy. The same prairie fires have\\ndestroyed these growths as they have those of\\nhumbler herbage. Not upon the sense of right.\\nThe French people, as a people, have no such\\nadequate sense of the higher law. Not upon the\\nbelief in God. The French people, as a people,\\nhave no adequate sense of God.\\nThe only existing reality in France, said my\\nphilosophic friend, strong enough to bear up the\\nweight of a government, and so serve as its foun-\\ndation, is the army. The constitution of France\\nmust be based upon its army. And his prophecy\\nproved true.\\nOur fortune in Massachusetts, our blessed good\\nfortune in Massachusetts, is, that when Winthrop\\nand Johnson and Dudley and the other sainted\\nstatesmen, or statesmen saints, of the beginning,\\nhad to build the constitution of what was even\\nthen the independent Commonwealth of Massa-\\nchusetts, and what they meant should continue\\nsuch forever, they had something to build upon.\\nThey had the sense of justice or the love of right,\\nas the spirit of God planted it new each day in the\\nhearts of godly Englishmen. And they had the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0408.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 373\\npervading, overwhelming sense of the God who so\\ncommunes with His children. On this belief in\\nGod they built their Commonwealth. They be-\\nlieved His Church to be essential and eternal, and\\nthey built their State upon it. They knew what\\nwas the Rock against which the gates of hell\\nshould not prevail. And, having to rear a Com-\\nmonwealth which they meant should out-last Eng-\\nland, out-last Venice, and out-last Rome, upon\\nthat Rock they builded.\\nIt is true, that, in that constant process of\\nsimplification which is an organic element in a\\nrepublican system, we have struck out of existence\\nmany of the forms by which they intimated the\\nmutual relation between the functions of the\\nChurch and of the State. The State, for in-\\nstance, no longer requires that all its voters\\nshall be church members; nor, on the other\\nhand, does the Church any longer collect its\\nrevenues, as it did within a generation, by the\\nauthority of the State. But it ought to be rec-\\nollected that even so great changes in administra-\\ntion are simply changes in detail. They do not\\naffect at the heart s core the system on which the\\nfirst fathers built, when they built so much better\\nthan they knew. The suffrage of the State has\\nbecome universal. Yes and practically the suf-\\nfrage of the Church has become universal, too.\\nYou do not hear of one of our Churches, even of\\nthe closest organization, which refuses the contri-\\nbutions of those not members of its close organi-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0409.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "374 Sixty Years\\nzation, or which refuses their votes, either in the\\nsettlement of a minister, in the erection of a meet-\\ning-house, or in any of the other practical affairs by\\nwhich a Church certifies its real existence to the\\nworld. Whoever is enough interested in the service\\nto contribute to the service becomes a voter, and so\\nfar a master in the regulation of the service. It is\\njust as in that civil order to which you owe your\\nelection, we have decided that whoever bears a part\\nof the burdens of the State shall hold an equal share\\nwith every other man in its power. And this is\\nbut an instance of the vital, electric connection\\nbetween the one department of administration\\nand the other. In this same way we shall go\\non. You, statesmen, may continue to simplify\\nto the utmost, the arrangements of our political\\nsystem; and we, the Church s men, may continue\\nto simplify to the utmost the details of our eccle-\\nsiastical system. Still there remain, first, the\\ngreat historical fact, that the State of Massachu-\\nsetts stratified and took order as a secondary geo-\\nlogic formation upon that majestic, primitive rock\\nof the Churches of Massachusetts, upon which rest\\nall her stratifications since: and, second, the pres-\\nent fact, the bald, commonplace statement of that\\nsimple truth which this historical statement illus-\\ntrates, that, in our system the working powers\\nof the State and of the Church are really one and\\nthe same. The statesmen are really Church s men,\\nand the Church s men are really State s men. The\\nmen who vote for representatives and senators, and", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0410.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 375\\nsecretaries and governors to-day, are, or may be,\\nthe same men who vote for deacons, or vestry-\\nmen, or ministers, or bishops to-morrow. If they\\nare excluded from any elective body, it is simply\\ntheir own will which excludes them. The indif-\\nference of the voter excludes him from participa-\\ntion in the affairs of the State the indifference of\\nthe voter excludes him from a participation in the\\naffairs of the Church. But the Church does not\\nattempt to govern itself by a hierarchy, any more\\nthan the State attempts to govern itself by an aris-\\ntocracy. The State has caught the voice of the\\nspirit; and by every appeal repeats it\\nCome who will, a voice from heaven\\nLike a silver trumpet calls,\\nCome who will, The Church has given\\nBack the echo from its walls\\nThere is not any other Christian country in the\\nworld where Church and State acknowledge so\\nradically that, at bottom, the machinery of all\\ntheir administration is intrusted to the same\\nhands. There is not, consequently, the coun-\\ntry in the world where they exchange djitics so\\noften or so easily. In just the same proportion\\ndoes the service of to-day become real, when,\\nby the invitation of the servants of the State, a\\nservant of the Church appears before them, to\\npass in review the duties which the people intrust\\nto the hands of both parties, to find the mutual\\nrelations of both parties in these duties, and to\\nstate, even succinctly, what each has a right to", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0411.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "37^ Sixty Years\\nexpect of the other. The same sovereign\\nwhich in Massachusetts has directed some two\\nthousand of us to act as ministers in its religious\\nconcerns, has set apart, you, gentlemen, and those\\nwho serve, in the government of the several towns,\\nto be their ministers of State in a very large vari-\\nety of concerns. If we follow the classification of\\nthe text, we have intrusted to us the prophecy\\nand exhortation or preaching, a part of the\\nministering and part of the teaching. But\\nyou of the civil government have, intrusted to\\n3^ou, even a larger share of the ministering,\\nand teaching, and, as to the charities of\\nwhich the apostle speaks, you have almost all\\nof the duty of the givers, while you have the\\nwhole of the duty of the rulers. Your services\\nand our services thus lap over each other. In the\\ndischarge of our duties, we meet every day with\\nthe officers you appoint, and have to submit our-\\nselves to the statutes you frame. And on the other\\nhand, rulers though you are, your laws are chaff\\nand your sway is nothing, unless you rule as the\\nsubjects of the King who is alike your master and\\nours.\\nMy object then, to-day, is perfectly defined,\\nthough twofold. We have only these two ques-\\ntions to answer: First What have we, minis-\\nters of the Church, a right to expect of you,\\nin our interwoven duty? Second What have\\nyou, ministers of the State, a right to expect of us?\\nAnd because it is rather your business to tell", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0412.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 377\\nus what you expect of us, I shall speak chiefly\\nof the first of these two questions now.\\nAs things are, what have we, ministers of the\\nChurch, in this mutual duty of ours, to expect\\nof you?\\nI. First and simply then, we ask you to\\nremember how far you became this day minis-\\nters of the gospel, ministers of the Christian\\nChurch. We remind you that the larger pro-\\nportion of your duty in the government is speci-\\nfically Christian duty. In truth though we\\ncall you, in conversation, officers of the State,\\nstill, in the arrangement of which we have been\\nspeaking, the larger part of those duties to so-\\nciety, which the Christian Church created, in-\\nvented, and is responsible for, here devolve on\\nyou. So little divorced are State and Church\\nin practice. If you had only the duties which\\na Roman legislator had, before Rome was Chris-\\ntian, or which a Roman civilian has now,\\ndiminished by the withdrawing of those impor-\\ntant functions which the Federal Government has\\ntaken off your hands, you would have little indeed\\nto do. In fact, however, besides that little hand-\\nful of civil trifles, you have an immense Christian\\nduty for which the people, rulers of the Church\\nhere, have made you their agents. If I had met\\nthis morning any scholar not acquainted with our\\ninstitutions, but trained well in that theory of\\ngovernment which was the only theory two cen-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0413.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "3/8 Sixty Years\\nturies ago, if I had said to such a man that\\nI was to address to-day some hundred men, who\\nhad the oversight of all our hospitals for the\\nsick, the insane, the blind, deaf, and dumb, the\\ncharge of all our hospitals for crime our pris-\\nons and reform schools the charge again of\\nour chief arrangements for the poor, whether of\\nour own number or strangers, the charge of all\\nthe hospitality extended by this community, as\\na community, to foreigners; and also the charge\\nof all the education given to all the children and\\nall the young men in this community, such a\\nman, supposing things regulated under the sys-\\ntem to which Luther was accustomed, or Hamp-\\nden, or to which any Roman Cardinal is used\\nto-day, would take it for granted that you,\\nwhom I was to address, were a body of clergy-\\nmen, of parish priests, doctors of divinity, monks,\\nabbots, or bishops. Indeed, there is no standard\\nChristian treatise on government till you come\\ndown to times almost within our memory, which\\ndoes not take it for granted, that it is the special\\nbusiness of the Church to teach the young, to\\nprovide for the higher institutions of learning, to\\ncare for strangers, to rear and support hospitals,\\nand to relieve the poor. And this is the business\\nof the Church. Jesus Christ introduced these\\nduties into society. By a modern discovery, by\\nno means universal yet, it has been proved that\\nthe Church does all this work most efficiently\\nwhen it puts it into the hands of the so-called", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0414.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 379\\nofficers of State to accomplish. None the less,\\nhowever, is it Christian service. This is a modern\\ndiscovery, because it is a Protestant discovery,\\nwhich is indeed in large measure an American\\ndiscovery and almost wholly a Massachusetts dis-\\ncovery. True, the Protestant rulers of England\\nhad hit on the plan of poor relief by State in part\\ninstead of church officers. But for education\\nthey made no such discovery. It was the first\\nplanters of Massachusetts who discovered that\\nthe Church must educate everybody who, there-\\nfore, gave education to the management of the\\ntown meeting, which was with them a church\\nmeeting; and it is an extension of that same\\npolicy, from which your State hospitals, and State\\nSchools of Reform have grown.\\nI have to remind you, therefore, that the Gen-\\neral Court of Massachusetts is the administrator\\nof the largest single system of Christian charities\\nin the world. The system intrusted to you em-\\nbraces more points of supervision than any Oecu-\\nmenical council, any Roman conclave, or any\\nEnglish Parliament ever had in hand.\\nThe reform of 14,000 criminals yearly; the cure\\nof a thousand lunatics and idiots; the reception of\\n10,000 exiles; the finding eyes for all the blind,\\nand ears for all the deaf, and tongues for all the\\ndumb; the education of 200,000 children; and\\nthe expenditure of a million for the poor:\\nthese are the duties, Christ-imposed, which under\\nour system fall under your direction and super-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0415.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "380 Sixty Years\\nvision, I might almost take the pecuniary amount\\nexpended annually for these charges, raised by\\ntaxation at your order, and say that it is a larger\\namount than any board in the world administers\\nfor its specially Christian purposes. There are\\none or two exceptions, where Empires have in\\nhand larger sums. But nowhere is there a mil-\\nlion of people, who give to one body such a vari-\\nety and amount of Christian philanthropic duty,\\nas the million men now in Massachusetts have\\nintrusted, gentlemen, to you.\\nIt is not I, who magnify your ofhce in thus\\nspeaking. This is simply the result which must\\nfollow where a Church becomes truly Catholic or\\nuniversal, and says, Everybody shall be fed,\\neverybody shall be nursed, everybody shall be\\ntaught in this land. That Church intrusts such\\nChristian service to those officers who have an eye\\non every household, and a strong arm for every\\npurse; who can command the last farthing of\\nevery man s property before one of these functions\\nshould fail. I remind you, gentlemen, that yoit\\nare administrators of a trust of such unequalled\\nmagnificence, more than princely princes\\ncannot do such things, more than imperial no\\nEmperor has ever dreamed of them. I speak of\\nthis trust in its details, because on our side we have\\na feeling that your predecessors have not always\\nappreciated its grandeur. We ask you, frankly, if\\nthe little handful of civil duties left them has not\\noften received more attention than the principles", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0416.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 381\\nof this immense Christian social charge. We think,\\nfor a single instance, that the reports show that in\\nthe last twenty years, the Legislature of Massachu-\\nsetts has spent ten times the strength, and care,\\nand watch, and deliberation on the system of the\\nState Printing, that it has given to the careful, deli-\\ncate questions as to the system of the State Prison.\\nWe have a feeling that there has often been more\\neager thought and discussion on the appointment\\nof a bridge agent or a lamp-lighter with a salary,\\nthan has ever been demanded by the choice of the\\nunpaid overseers of either of the three colleges.\\nWe think we have seen a tendency to transfer to\\nthe next General Court, that morrow which\\nnever comes, the delicate questions relating to\\nthe settlement of paupers, which have been post-\\nponed, in that way, since the time of Queen Eliza-\\nbeth, the management of reform schools, even\\nthe discipline of the town schools, where all our\\nchildren go. And these are but instances for, to\\nspeak in general, we think that has often been true\\nof the State, which is so often true of individual\\nmen, that the matters which get attended to are\\nthe matters of to-day, those things which connect\\nwith some personal interest of the present time.\\nWith Government, as with individuals, we think\\nthese have obtained more thought and study,\\nmore system, more care in short, than most of the\\nquestions, which by consent of all, connect dis-\\ntinctly with the relations of eternity. We admit,\\nwith you, that on the whole the best government", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0417.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "382 Sixty Years\\nis that which governs least. If there is any cour-\\nteous way to say it, the shorter any session the\\nbetter, of a committee, whether parish or legis-\\nlative, of a conference, whether in the church or\\nbetween the two Houses, of a council, whether\\nclerical or executive, of a Court, whether Eccle-\\nsiastical, or Great and General. Still we feel it\\nremarkable, that, in attaining such brevity, it has\\nhappened so often, that the merest detail of police\\nis attended to, while those functions which are\\nthe direct requisitions of the spirit of Christ, have\\nbeen so often the functions left dormant till a more\\nconvenient season.\\nThere is no fair complaint to be made that your\\npredecessors have failed in liberality. We only\\nask for system equal to this liberality. They have\\ngiven like water. We remind you that he who\\ngiveth must give with simplicity. Gentlemen,\\nthere are already careful students of social science,\\nwho declare that every dollar spent by your official\\nOverseers of the Poor, does more harm than good.\\nWe have the right to ask you to see that no such\\ncharges as that come to be true. Asking that,\\nI have spoken at such length in reminding you\\nthat the administration of the charities and of the\\neducation of Massachusetts is by far the largest as\\nwell as the most important branch of duty which\\nthe Government has in hand.\\nYou do not meet simply to see that no town\\nencroaches on another s lines. It is not simply to\\nsee that there are enous^h railroads built for those", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0418.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 383\\nwho would travel, or enough banks chartered for\\nthose who would borrow and lend, that we the\\npeople, acting as the children of God, have bidden\\nyou come together. Nay, it is not what the old\\nwitticism makes it to see that twelve honest men\\nbe got into a jury box in every contest between\\nman and man. That can be done without a legis-\\nlature, if not quite so conveniently. Two years\\nexperience of the law-abiding people of Kansas,\\nshowed how well Americans can adjust their daily\\naffairs and live at peace among themselves without\\nany statutes, without any government. No, gen-\\ntlemen, that is not all your duty, nor half your\\nduty. That is only your local, present duty,\\nthe hand-to-mouth duty of an hour. You are met\\nbecause there are these thousand weak creatures\\nin your prisons whose wives and children are im-\\nploring you by my voice, that these men may come\\nforth stronger than they went in. You are met\\nbecause there are these thousand famished exiles\\nlanding on your shores asking you how they shall\\nserve you, where and when. You are met because\\nthe chatter of idiocy, yes, even the dead, still, mut-\\ntering glare of insanity, have called you and plead\\nwith you, with an awful, unrivalled eloquence, to\\nsay that God has trusted to you only their relief\\nand care. You are met because your own chil-\\ndren, the bone of your bone, the blood of your\\nblood, children, also, of an eternal God, are at this\\nmoment in your schools receiving the daily train-\\ning which is to fit them for active life, or to unfit", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0419.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "384 Sixty Years\\nthem. And with you, in the principles you lay\\ndown, comes the decision whether it shall do the\\none thing or the other\\nII. If I seem to state this too broadly, gentle-\\nmen, let me, for the second point I make, call your\\nattention to one single detail of this duty. That\\nshall serve as my only illustration of my position.\\nIt seems certain that in a most important depart-\\nment of the Christian duty, which you of the gov-\\nernment and we of the organized churches share,\\nsomebody, somewhere, has made a terrible failure.\\nPerhaps it is we on our side who have neglected\\nthe weightier matters of the Law, Judgment,\\nMercy, and Faith, in our contests about things\\nwhich the angels only desire to look into, and\\ndo not examine. Perhaps there has been a simi-\\nlar oversight on the other side. In eager effort\\nto arrange that the right man should be in the\\nright place, those intrusted like you with the most\\nimportant practical functions of Church and State\\ntogether, have been tempted, maybe, just as we\\nhave been. I think we have all been to blame.\\nI am sure somebody has been at fault, when I\\nfind from your documents that in the last thirteen\\nyears preceding your last returns, the amount of\\ncrime in this State, as shown by a number of per-\\nsons committed to your prisons, had tripled. You\\nhave had, in that time, to double your prison ac-\\ncommodations. We have not had to double our\\nchurches, our schools, or our dwelling-houses.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0420.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 385\\nOur population has not tripled itself in thirteen\\nyears, it has not doubled, it has not gained one-\\nhalf. It is only our crime. Now, this is a very\\nugly symptom of social disease. It is a symptom\\nto which we can shut our eyes. We have shown\\nthat. But is it, on the whole, very wise to shut\\nour eyes to it? People well-informed say that\\ncrime is a contagious disease. Do you like to let\\ncontagious disease go, by so simple a process\\nas shutting your eyes to it? In fact, if this dis-\\nease, crime, which eats into men s hearts, which\\ndestroys the very essence of their manliness, de-\\nbauches and torpifies, where it does not even\\nkill, their souls, if it had been a mere bodily\\ndisease, putting in peril or in pain this flesh and\\nblood, which are as nothing in comparison, should\\nwe have shut our eyes to it, should have let it\\ngain head so steadily? If Dr. Shurtleff reported\\nthis year that the deaths in Massachusetts had\\nbeen three times as many as they were fourteen\\nyears ago; that consumption struck three times\\nas many victims; that scarlet fever crept into\\nmen s houses three times as often; if the re-\\nports of your insane hospitals said that there\\nwere three times as many people crazy; if from\\nthe blind and deaf and dumb asylums they said\\nthere were three times as many people who could\\nnot see or speak or hear? should we take that\\nperfectly calmly, as a Turk takes the visitation\\nof God? Should we say it is written, calmly\\npay every tax-bill threefold, quietly enlarge\\n25", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0421.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "386 sixty Years\\nevery hospital threefold, swhig open the creak-\\ning doors of the tomb three tunes as often,\\nto lay there the bodies of our children, without\\nagonizing, tearful, day and night inquiry into\\nthe causes of the miasma which was spreading\\nin such deadly desolation through the land?\\nSurely not. We should at least make a struggle\\nto preserve our children, and while there was time,\\nto drain the Pontine Marshes, wherever they\\nmight be, and to fill up the yawning abysses\\nwith whatever sacrifice science might demand,\\nuntil we either died in our effort, or could say\\nthat the plague was stayed.\\nNow what is reported to us by the inspectors,\\nkeepers, and trustees of the prisons and schools, is\\nthat there has been such an increase of crime. If\\nthere is any sign of moral disease the prison re-\\nturns and the Attorney-General s records give that\\nstatistic. Of contagious disease as much more\\nterrible than these bodily diseases, as the soul is\\ngreater than the body, or heaven is higher than\\nthe earth, we have this testimony. There is\\nonly one distinction between the fact and the\\ncase which I have supposed. It is this. In\\ncontrolling bodily disease, we do not profess to\\nhave any absolute specific or panacea. Science,\\nas it grows more scientific, is all the more eager\\nto disclaim specifics or panaceas for the body.\\nBut it is not so with Moral Disease. A Chris-\\ntian commonwealth proclaims every day, through\\na thousand voices, that there is a remedy which", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0422.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 387\\ncan be made everywhere effective. Through a\\nthousand voices she speaks of one, named Jesus,\\nso named, because he shall save the people\\nfrom their sins. Through a thousand voices she\\nprofesses that crime is a curable disease, and that\\nfor its cure she has the sacred specifics intrusted\\nto her. And then if she sit quiet to see the\\namount of that disease multiply threefold upon\\nher hands, as fourteen years go by, she is all the\\nmore responsible, because she professes to hold\\nthe cure. Or is she all the more hypocritical\\nWhich shall I say?\\nLet me anticipate the easy excuse which has\\npossibly flitted across some minds as I speak that\\nit is all the foreign emigration that has done this\\nthat we are imprisoning those who contracted\\ntheir habits elsewhere. For the sake of Puritanism,\\ngentlemen, I wish this were true. But, unfortu-\\nnately, your fatal documents seem to show that\\nthe fact is just the other way; that native crime\\nincreases faster than foreign, if the ratio of popu-\\nlation be kept in view. That is the impression of\\nthe persons best informed in criminal adminis-\\ntration. That is the declaration of the returns\\nof your State prison. It is impossible to speak\\nwith more confidence. For, as your predecessor,\\nMr. Secretary, said officially, the reports published\\nby the State of its jails and houses of correction\\nare entitled to little or no credit and fail to\\ngive anything like a full or just view of them.\\nIn his own spirited effort to correct their omis-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0423.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "388 Sixty Years\\nsions he thus alludes to the indifference which had\\nlong shrouded their capital errors. Take that, by\\nthe way, as a hint as to the degree in which the\\nstudy of your criminal administration has escaped\\nreview. The fact demonstrated, is that we impris-\\noned three times as many men in 1857, as in 1844.\\nThe reason must be sought somewhere upon our\\nown soil.\\nNow, gentlemen, it is perfectly true, that the\\nfirst responsibility in this matter is with the pris-\\noners themselves. I have no wish to deny that.\\nIt is also true that, so long as you and I were in\\nprivate life, we had only a general share in an\\nundivided responsibility about this moral disease,\\nwhich we shared with a million other Massachu-\\nsetts men and women who are in private life. But\\nthe moment you and I took office as servants\\nof a Christian State and a Christian Church,\\nwe assumed special responsibility with regard to\\nthe moral diseases of this community. We were\\nchosen to office with the distinct duty of meeting\\nthem, handling them, repressing them, and, where\\nwe can, curing them. VVe have no right to stand\\nback as if there was no responsibility. And I\\nthink the simple figures show that we have no\\nright to say things are going on very well as they\\nare.\\nThree times as much crime to punish as we had\\nfourteen years ago\\nThese figures make my appeal for me. You\\nhave in charge the whole criminal law. You have", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0424.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 389\\nin charge the whole administration of prisons.\\nAs before those tempted to crime, you represent\\nthe eternal will of God, His justice and His mercy.\\nWe beg you, gentlemen, to bear in mind the\\nresponsibility and the power which you have in\\nhand. We beg you to lay down for yourselves\\nthe Christian principles on which you mean to\\nexert it. On what principle do you propose to\\npunish crime? Is it the principle of those writers\\nw^ho say that the object of punishment is to inflict\\nGod s retribution for the crime? Or is it the\\nprinciple of those who say that it is the reform of\\nthe prisoner? Or yet again, of those who say\\nthat it is terror to other ill-doers? Here are three\\ncompletely distinct principles of conduct. It is\\nnot for me to say which is the true one. But I\\nbeg every man who hears me to ask himself which\\nhe believes to be the true one, and to act on that\\nprinciple in measuring out the consequences of\\ncrime. In my profession, gentlemen, no man\\ngives a moment s thought to the daily record of\\nsin, as he reads it in the morning newspaper, with-\\nout saying this is the very thing Jesus Christ sent\\nus to cure. Where is it we have fallen short?\\nWhat have we left undone which has made it\\npossible, for this clerk to defraud his employer,\\nfor this child to rob his mother, for this boy to\\nkill his prison-keeper? Your election to office,\\nby the people, throws upon you the same respon-\\nsibility, and I should say in fuller measure,\\nwhich to us is so constantly and intensely familiar.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0425.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "390 Sixty Years\\nHow happened this broil in this tavern? Who\\nleft these women in their iniquity, or who pre-\\ntended to reform these orphan boys, and, in the\\neffort, so completely failed The moment,\\ngentlemen, that you assumed office in the Com-\\nmonwealth, you shared with us this Christian\\nresponsibility.\\nThis shall be my only illustration of the special\\nChristian duties intrusted to you under our system.\\nOf those duties, making the chief division of my\\nsubject, I will say no more. We beg you to\\nremember, that in your hands you have by far the\\nlargest share of those duties to the public which\\nbelong to the Christian Church. We agree with\\nyou, that this division of labor between you and\\nus is the best possible. But as you have thus the\\ncharge of poverty, of public hospitality, of prisons\\nand of the reform of criminals, and of education\\nin every department, as we cannot undertake one\\nof our professional duties in these matters without\\nmeeting you in yours, we beg you to assume that\\nresponsibility with the energy of Christian men.\\nAnd, by way of illustration, in one very important\\nsubdivision of these duties we remind you that\\nthe present aspect of affairs is not so encouraging,\\nthat you should lay it upon your table as unessen-\\ntial, or postpone it to a General Court which is to\\nsucceed you,\\nIII. I have said that I would not close without\\na single word as to the special share which the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0426.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 391\\nministers of the Church have in this immense\\nrange of Christian duty.\\nThe division of duty between you and us seems\\nto result naturally from the essential character of\\nlaw.\\nLaws and Constitutions must, from the nature\\nof the case, deal with men in the general, as\\norganized in society. In communities like ours,\\nwhere all men are absolutely equal before the\\nlaw, its work must be entirely general. It cannot\\nbend to any exigency of detail. It knows nothing\\nof exceptions. But, meanwhile, there is no single\\nman who precisely conforms to the average of\\nmanhood. The equality of men before the law is\\ntheir only equality. The exceptions which the\\nlaw must not account for, are always occurring in\\nfact, in the case of every man. And, therefore,\\nyou find our Saviour always providing for individ-\\nuals, and never for classes. And to use Maffei s\\nfigure, Christ s successful fishers of men draw\\nmen into his Church by the hook, and never by\\nthe net; one by one, and never in shoals. There\\nis, therefore, no theory about a class, or commu-\\nnity, for which some exceptions may not be made,\\nunder his direction, for every single individual.\\nHumanity, in the abstract, may require one thing;\\nbut the claim of each individual man is, to the\\nChrist-trained ear, louder than the claim of human-\\nity. There is no doubt, for instance, that the\\nprevention of pauperism requires, if that were all,\\nthe strictest limitation of alms-giving. But when", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0427.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "392 Sixty Years\\nyou are dealing with a starving woman, her per-\\nsonal claim on you as a dying sister, is stronger\\nthan any claim which the future can make. The\\nfuture demands, vainly, that by stoic cruelty you\\ndeny her, let her starve, and so far check pauper-\\nism in the abstract. Each man is thus on a higher\\nlevel than humanity as a whole.\\nNow, your position, gentlemen, requires you to\\nprovide the great average system in the matters\\nwith which we deal, which is, on the whole, the\\nbest for all parties. We beg you to do that.\\nWhen you have done it, you have a right to turn\\nto the several Churches of the State, and say to\\nus, See you to the exceptions, to the details.\\nThus you are to make as perfect as you can the\\ngeneral system of instruction. When we find the\\nindividual case of the boy Pascal, unrivalled in his\\nmathematical ability, of the girl Jenny Lind, of\\nunrivalled musical capacity, it is for us to see\\nthat this new-found Pegasus is not worked in the\\nwrong harness, and to provide distinctly and with\\ndelicate care for the detail. You make the general\\nsystem of criminal law. It is for us to see that\\nsome Christian missionary is in attendance at every\\ncriminal court, to make certain and to report of\\nthe detailed difficulty, error, possible exception,\\nbetrayed in the case of everybody accused, to be\\nhis personal friend if he need and to interpret to\\nyour officers the position in which, to the eye of\\nhumanity, he stands. It is your business to admin-\\nister prisons; to punish crime firmly and system-", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0428.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 393\\natically. It is ours to sec what has become of the\\nfamily of the prisoner, and to see that the punish-\\nment you aim at him does not, in fact, fall upon\\ntheir heads. It is your business, I think, so to\\npunish him that he shall leave the prison a stronger,\\nbetter man than he went in. It is ours to meet\\nhim at the door, and to take care that he is not\\nled into new temptation. It is your business to\\nreceive within the protection of the arms of out\\nmother, the State, every orphan child who is left\\nfriendless. It is ours to knock every morning at\\nthe door of your almshouses, and to take those\\nchildren whom you have welcomed there, to the\\ngentle adoption of separate Christian homes.\\nWherever the surges of life throw some light\\nshallop hard against your unyielding pier, it is for\\nus to drop in the fender, which shall keep any\\nfrom being crushed or wounded. Statutes are\\nnecessarily made more severe than individual\\ncases require, for you must provide for extreme\\ncases. There are thousands of boys in our Com-\\nmonwealth who might under our general statute\\nbe sent as disobedient to your institution at West-\\nborough. But it is our business so to watch each\\nhousehold that the necessary severity of the\\nstatute shall be defrauded, that not one of these\\nshall be remanded there till it is certain that that\\nis the only place for his cure. There is many an\\nintemperate husband who might be legally sent\\nto the House of Correction for his cruelty to his\\nwife, and his neglect of his children. But you", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0429.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "394 Sixty Years\\nexpect us, and you are right, to exhaust every\\nappeal of domestic love and of Christian kindness\\nin seeking to reclaim him, before we embarrass\\nyour crowded prisons with his care. Let your\\nsystem press where it may, this is our privilege, as\\nwell as our duty. Your law may require that the\\npauper exile from Irish misery shall be returned\\nto the Irish poorhouse whence he came. But we\\nshall find, and shall be glad to find, a thousand\\nways for retaining him, and for letting the possible\\nseverities of your statute slumber. So the theory\\nof your law may require that the fugitive from\\nmore severe oppression shall be returned at the\\nsummons of his master. But you will expect us,\\nand not in vain, to arrest again the mechanism of\\nthe system, and to prepare, through the thousand\\nchannels of unseen benevolence, for receiving him\\nwith a Christian hospitality, and securing him a\\nChristian home. For, in a word, such is the\\nregular process of the reduction of severity in a\\nChristian State. If the statute is too severe, as\\nthe code of England was half a century since, the\\ncommunity, acting under a higher law, calmly\\nleaves it inoperative. And at last, the conserva-\\ntive in government joins with the Mackintosh and\\nthe Romilly who have been at work for a genera-\\ntion in striving to abate something from the\\nbloodthirsty requisition of the latter.\\nIf I detain you a moment longer on this branch\\nof my subject, it is because here is the line of\\npublic duty in which Protestant churches and", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0430.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 39^\\nProtestant States seem weakest. Do not shut\\nyour eyes, gentlemen, to the fact that in some\\nof the results of Christian social science, Europe\\nis in advance of us in Massachusetts. Let us\\nrather learn what we can, in our prosperity, from\\nher experience of horrors. In especial, her lead-\\ning writers of every school now insist that where\\nmoral ends are to be attained, the efficient work\\nof any charitable institution must be by voluntary\\neffort. You can feed and clothe men by expend-\\ning money well; but when you have souls to save,\\nyou need willing souls to take the duty. The\\nnoblest institutions in the world, therefore, are\\nthose whose mechanism is well provided by the\\nsalaries and other payments by the State, while\\nthe volunteer action of Christian men and women\\ncomes in to give to the daily administration of the\\nofficers of government that multiform assistance\\nwhich they are so glad to welcome. We have,\\nindeed, proved this in Massachusetts. But in\\nEurope they have carried it much farther than\\nwe, and to vast advantage.\\nAny physician who hears me would tell us that\\nthe chief advantage which the great hospitals of\\ncontinental Europe have over those of England\\nand America, is in the thorough trained body\\nof nurses, volunteers all of them, provided by the\\nSisters of Charity and other religious societies.\\nWhile our boards of hospital trustees are at their\\nwits end to keep full their staffs of well-trained,\\nconscientious, temperate women, the hospitals of", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0431.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "396 Sixty Years\\nCatholic and Protestant countries in Europe have\\nthe unpurchasable services of careful, tender\\nwomen, who come in to serve day and night in\\nthe discharge of their highest duty to God. So\\nin institutions for reform. I have the highest\\nrespect, from all that I know, for the force and\\ncharacter of our staff of officers at Westborough.\\nYet I know how difficult the trustees there have\\nfound it to marshal such a staff; and when I\\nread the accounts of the volunteer services ren-\\ndered in the reform schools of Hamburg and at\\nMettrai, in Europe, by religious societies of men\\nand women, whose religious duty leads them to\\nthis work, remembering our constant difficulties\\nhere, I wonder no longer that, on the whole, the\\nbest European institutions for juvenile criminals\\nhave succeeded, and that, on the whole, ours\\nin America are more costly, and more densely\\npeopled every year. As a Protestant, I should\\nbe ashamed to say that the Roman Catholic\\nChurch can furnish volunteer assistance for the\\ncharge of those morally or physically diseased,\\nin a measure which the Protestant churches can-\\nnot furnish. Yet if you asked, in any church in\\nBoston, how many of the church members had\\never visited the almshouse, the hospital, or the\\nprison, with any motive but curiosity, the answer\\nwould be painfully small.\\nGentlemen, whenever your arrangements call\\nfor volunteer assistance, the Christian churches of\\nthe Commonwealth meet you more than half-way.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0432.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "A Sermon 397\\nThe iinbought service of the Boards of Trustees,\\nwhich manage all your institutions, illustrates the\\nforce you can rely upon the services which no\\nsalary compensates, of many of your physicians\\nand wardens, are illustrations. You may well go\\nfurther in the same line. If you will go further,\\nyour duty will be better done, and ours also.\\nWhen you call on us for further service in those\\nlines, you will be sure of the motive of the work\\nyou get. And we, as we render it, as we send to\\nyou those, who from the love of God and of Christ\\nwork among your imbeciles, your prisoners, or\\nyour poor, shall find the curse dispelled which\\nrests of necessity on all those congregations which\\nonly cry Lord Lord and do not the things\\nwhich He says.\\nYour Excellency s administration^ has already\\nwon the popular reputation of special and new\\ncare for the varied home interests and institutions\\nof Massachusetts. There is a peculiar satisfaction\\nin making such plea as I have made, to an officer\\nwhose views and system in the management of\\nour complicated charities, have been so sharp-\\nsighted, far-sighted, deep-sighted, and humane.\\nYour Honor, and you, gentlemen of the Coun-\\nAs Election Sermons are now unknown even in Massachusetts,\\nI am tempted to recall the memory of a fine piece of Puritan\\nritual. The custom was of more than two centuries, that at the\\nend of the sermon the preacher addressed personally, as I did\\nhere, the public officers, and they rose in their places to receive his\\nwords. E. E. H., 1899.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0433.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "398 Sixty Years\\ncil, certainly need not fear that you have been\\ncalled to any nominal or formal position, when\\nyour office is the hourly supervision of these\\nbroad ministries of the State, yourselves the\\nstanding Commission to inspect them, and in-\\ndeed to govern them that she who giveth, may\\ngive with simplicity; that they who rule may\\nrule with diligence. And you, Mr. President and\\nSenators, Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the House\\nof Representatives, having made the sacrifice of\\ntwo months of winter to the discharge of these\\nduties which our mother demands on behalf of\\nall her children, may well ask for God s blessings\\nupon your effort, that its fruit may be real. I\\nhave said that to-day admitted you all into a\\nChristian ministry. To many of you it is a day\\nof ordination to all it is a day of consecration.\\nMay God guide you in such sacred duties and\\nin the sense of His presence, as you appeal con-\\nstantly to His will, may you find every day that\\nRock, unshaken and unchangeable, on which our\\nCommonwealth is founded.\\nGod save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0434.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "A PERMANENT TRIBUNAL\\n[The following passage is taken from a sermon which I\\npreached in All Souls Church in Washington on the 3d of March.\\n1SS9. We were right in considering that day a day of good omen,\\nThis sermon was printed as soon as I returned to Boston under\\nthe title of The Nineteenth Century.\\nThis means that the nineteenth century appHes\\nthe word of the Prince of Peace to international\\nlife. No war nor battle sound was heard when\\nhe was born. And as he advances, the echoes of\\nsuch sounds are farther and farther away. The\\nwisdom of statesmen will devise the solution which\\nsoldiers and people will accept with thankfulness.\\nThe beginning will not be made at the end of war,\\nbut in time of peace. The suggestion will come\\nfrom one of the Six Great Powers. It will be\\nmade by a nation which has no large permanent\\nmilitary establishment. That is to say, it will\\nprobably come from the United States. This\\nnation, in the most friendly way, will propose to the\\nother great powers to name each one jurist, of\\nworld-wide fame, who, with the other five, shall\\nform a permanent Tribunal of the highest dignity.\\nEverything will be clone to give to this Tribunal\\nthe honor and respect of the world. As an Inter-\\nnational Court, it will be organized without refer-\\nence to any especial case under discussion. Thus\\nit will exist. Its members may prepare themselves", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0435.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "400 Sixty Years\\nas they choose for their great duty. Timidly at\\nfirst, and with a certain curiosity, two nations will\\nrefer to it some international question, not of\\nlarge importance, which has perplexed their nego-\\ntiations. The Tribunal will hear counsel, and will\\ndecide. The decision will be the first in a series\\nwhich will mark the great victory of the twentieth\\ncentury. Its simplicity, its dignity, and its good\\nsense will commend it to the world. Again it will\\nbe clear that those who look on always understand\\na game better than the players do. That first\\ndecision will be accepted. The next question may\\nbe of more importance, the next of even more;\\nand thus, gradually, the habit will be formed of\\nconsulting this august Tribunal in all questions\\nbetween States. More and more will men of\\nhonor and command feel that an appointment to\\nserve on this Tribunal is the highest human dig-\\nnity. Of such a Tribunal, the decisions, though\\nno musket enforce them, will one day be received\\nof course. It will be as to-day, in any two States\\nof America, the great decisions are received of that\\ngreat American Court, indeed Supreme, from\\nwhose methods the Great Tribunal of the New\\nCentury will have to study its procedure.\\nOn Christmas Day in the same year, I renewed\\nthis statement in an address in our church. When\\nMr, Blaine summoned the Pan-American Congress\\nin 1890, I printed the following paper in Lend a\\nHand for December of that year.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0436.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "THE HIGH COURT OF AMERICA\\nThe meeting of the American Congress has no\\nobject so important as the establishment of a sys-\\ntem of arbitration as to any questions which may\\narise between the different States of North and\\nSouth America.\\nWhat must be attempted is the establishment of\\na system. Discussion is not enough. Resolutions\\nare not enough, nor any professions. It is pos-\\nsible to establish a system, and a long period must\\npass before so favorable an opportunity can occur\\nagain.\\nIt is too much forgotten that an essential part of\\nthe prosperity and success of the United States as\\na nation is the system by which questions between\\nthe States are adjusted. Difficulties, indeed, are\\nbrought to an end almost as soon as they begin.\\nMany a contest between neighboring and rival\\nStates has been adjusted by the Supreme Court,\\nwhile most of the citizens of each State did not\\nknow that there was any question. Thus the\\nSupreme Court adjusted a boundary question be-\\ntween Massachusetts and Rhode Island, of more\\nimportance than many boundary questions which\\n26", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0437.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "40 2 Sixty Years\\nhave plunged Europe in war. And it would be\\nfair to say that half the people of both States did\\nnot know that there had been any controversy.\\nIt is not enough for the Congress to vote that,\\nin the future, questions of dispute shall be referred\\nto courts of arbitration. When questions assume\\nimportance, after they have been neglected, and\\nwhen they have had a chance to grow in conse-\\nquence, it may be too late to constitute a proper\\ncourt of arbitration. The demand of our time\\nis that a permanent court of arbitration shall be\\nappointed at once, and shall be in readiness to\\nreceive all such questions as soon as they arise.\\nIndeed, it may be possible for such a court to give\\nsuch counsel as shall solve the question at its very\\nbirth.\\nThe court should exist and hold its sessions\\nfrom time to time, ready to receive inquiries and\\nto solve doubts as to international law, and ready\\nat any moment to hear an international question\\nas soon as it arises.\\nSuch a court should consist of statesmen and\\njurists of the very highest rank, men who have\\ndistinguished themselves before the world by their\\nequity and wisdom in public affairs. Its establish-\\nment should be on such a scale of dignity, and the\\npowers conferred on it should be so high, that even\\na justice of the Supreme Court of the United States\\nshould feel honored by an appointment to serve on", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0438.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "The High Court of America 403\\nit, or such a statesman as John Ouuicy Adams,\\nafter he had left the Presidential chair.\\nIt should meet, quarterly, at least, for regular\\nsessions, now at one of the cities of North Amer-\\nica, now at one of South America, as convenience\\nmight order. There is no reason, indeed, why it\\nshould not meet in Europe, or in one of the West\\nIndia Islands. It would have permanent clerks,\\nand reporters of its decisions.\\nAt first, probably, no questions would be re-\\nferred to it, except, perhaps a few trifles of form.\\nBut it should be required to publish from time\\nto time opinions, in the line of obiter dicta its\\nmembers devoting themselves exclusively to the\\nstudy of international law and the study of such\\nprinciples as shall bring in the reign of justice\\namong men.\\nThe several States should have a right to sub-\\nmit to it, in advance, questions as to public policy\\nas governed by international law. And to such\\nquestions it should give immediate attention, and\\nreturn short rescripts in the form of practical\\nanswers.\\nBefore such a tribunal, sooner or later, two\\nStates, in contest with each other, would bring the\\nsubject of their debate. The court would hear\\nthem by counsel, and would give its decision. To\\nenforce that decision, it is perfectly true, it would\\nnot have a musket nor a ship. But the moral\\nweight of its decision would be absolute. No\\nState in America is so strong that it could stand", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0439.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "404 Sixty Years\\nagainst it. The legislation of every State and its\\nconduct would, sooner or later, comply with the\\ncourt s decision.\\nTake, for instance, the question now existing as\\nthe preservation of seals in the Northern waters-\\nNo nation concerned wishes to do wrong in the\\nmatter. No intelligent person wishes to see this\\nrace of animals annihilated. It is a subject emi-\\nnently fit to be presented to such a court, that it\\nmay say what the laws of nations, or the eternal\\njustice, would command in that affair. And Eng-\\nland, Canada, or the United States would have to\\nobey the decision.\\nThe manner of composing such a court is rather\\na matter of detail. Our experience in the Su-\\npreme Court of the United States would suggest\\na tribunal of seven or nine jurists. They should\\nbe selected from the different nations, so that\\nall parts of America might be represented, and\\nauthority might be given to appoint one or two\\nassessors from the most distinguished jurists\\nof Europe. The honors and emoluments of the\\ncourt should be such that any man in the world\\nmight be proud and glad to hold a place on it.\\nThe appointments should be for good behavior,\\nto cease at the age, say, of sixty-five or seventy\\nyears, with a handsome retiring pension.\\nThe judges might be appointed by such a Con-\\ngress as now is in session, with a provision that\\ntheir successors should be named in rotation by", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0440.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "The High Court of America 405\\nthe several nations. It might be well that the\\nname of a new candidate should be selected from\\na list drawn up by the other members of the\\ntribunal. The judges should appoint their own\\nsecretaries and other officers.\\nTheir salaries should be paid from a common\\ntreasury established for the purpose. This treas-\\nury should be kept full by contributions assessed\\non the several States in proportion to their wealth\\nor population. The expenses might mount to a\\nquarter of a million dollars annually, or even half\\na million; but this is nothing for the object in\\nview.\\nIt is difficult to estimate the value of such a tri-\\nbunal, in its every-day duty of working on the\\ninternational law of the world, and answering its\\ndemands. And so soon as one of the exigencies\\narise which create wars between nations, its worth\\nwould be more than can be told.\\nWe trust that the American Congress, represent-\\ning North and South America, will address itself\\nsquarely to some such practicable system, not con-\\ntent with general statements, which are, after all,\\nmerely declamatory, of the folly and cost and hor-\\nror of war.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0441.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "A PERMANENT TRIBUNAL\\n[Address given at the Mohonk Arbitration Conference,\\nJune, 1895.]\\nMr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, The\\nwords which the President has just used are a\\na good abridgtnent of my speech, a Permanent\\nTribunal. The illustration which Mr. Abbott used\\nthis morning is perfect; it cannot be pressed too\\nfar, the illustration of the United States of Amer-\\nica. The United States of America is the oldest,\\nas it is the largest and most successful, peace so-\\nciety which the world has ever known. All these\\ndifferent societies of which Mr. Trueblood spoke\\nthis morning, however successful they have been,\\nare utterly inferior to the remarkable association\\nknown as the United States of America. Be-\\nginning with thirteen independent States, proud of\\ntheir independency, having very strong grounds\\nfor alienation from each other, and including after-\\nward the acquisitions from Louisiana and from the\\nSpanish territory, acquisitions which mix the\\nLatin race with the Teutonic race and bring in\\nthe Catholic religion to mix with the Protestant reli-\\ngion in the face of all the difficulties which such", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0442.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 407\\na condition of things presents, you have the extra-\\nordinary spectacle of one hundred and six years\\nof peace broken only by the calamity of the Civil\\nWar. That calamity may be considered sepa-\\nrately, and if properly considered it is itself an\\nargument, and a very strong argument, in the line\\nwhich we are pursuing. Leaving that out, speak-\\ning of the hundred and one years of perfect peace\\nwhich have been preserved, beginning with thir-\\nteen different States and coming down to forty-\\nfour, you have the most remarkable history of\\npeace in the world since the reign of the Anto-\\nnines. And the great principles which are laid\\ndown by such writers as William Penn, and by\\nHenry IV a hundred years earlier, whose Great\\nDesign for the same purpose is almost word for\\nword the design of William Penn, these princi-\\nples may be illustrated to the letter by anybody\\nwho chooses to study the history of the United\\nStates of America.\\nIt is perfectly true, as was said this morning, that\\nthis is done so peacefully that nothing gets into the\\nhistories. That is the general rule, for a history to\\nleave out what is important, and to put in what\\nis unimportant, if only to be noisy. It would be a\\nmatter of surprise in most schools, and perhaps in\\nmost colleges, if you should say to them that in\\none hundred and five years there have been thirty\\nor forty conflicts between States in the American\\nUnion which, under any other circumstances, would\\nhave been adjusted by shock of arms. We had be-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0443.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "4o8 Sixty Years\\ntween Massachusetts and Rhode Island, in the year\\n1841,1 think, a boundary contest, of a difficulty quite\\nequal to the boundary contest of which the news-\\npapers are full now, between the Central American\\nStates. Here were two independent States, with\\nan absolute difference. The question was sub-\\nmitted to the Supreme Court of the United States\\nit was settled by the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates, and I do not believe that at the present\\nmoment there are fifty men or women in the State\\nof Massachusetts or in the State of Rhode Island\\nwho know what the question was, or would be pre-\\npared to give any intelligent account of a matter\\nwhich, under any other system, would have brought\\nthe troops of these two States into collision. This\\nis one illustration out of a great many. There was\\na similar question between the State of Missouri and\\nthe State of Iowa as to their boundary, a ques-\\ntion which perhaps made rather more mark upon\\nnational politics. There have been countless ques-\\ntions with respect to the jurisdiction of States, but\\nthe Supreme Court does its work so quietly that it\\ndoes not get into print. It is every now and then\\nannounced by European writers, with the most\\nextraordinary fanfaronade, that there is such a\\ncourt; it takes them entirely by surprise. Our\\nEnglish friends, when they travel here, call the\\nPresident of the United States the ruler of the\\nUnited States. He is not. The people of the\\nUnited States is the ruler of the United States.\\nWe have had lately a very striking instance of the", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0444.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 409\\nway in which the Supreme Court is virtually at\\nthe head of the government of America.\\nNow why was not Henry IV right when he said\\nthere might be the United States of Europe? Why\\nmight there not be a permanent tribunal which\\ncould be called into session at any moment, and\\nwhich could have the questions referred to it which\\nare now referred to war? I was glad that that\\nlittle conversation took place just now with regard\\nto the word arbitration. I think all of us who\\nhave come here have come supposing that the word\\nis to be interpreted in the larger sense in which it\\ncomes into literature. There is a good New Eng-\\nland phrase, Leave it out to men. When a\\ncouple of farmers have got into a discussion as to\\nwhose ox gored whose cow, and they feel afraid of\\nthe lawyers, and do not want to go to the county\\ntown, they say, I guess we 11 leave it out to men.\\nSo one names Mr. Jones, and the other names Mr.\\nBlack, and they two name Mr. White, and then\\nthe three hear the whole story, and they settle it.\\nWe have a home habit of calling that arbitra-\\ntion, and that is the scheme which has brought\\nabout seventy-seven arbitraments since the year\\n1 8 1 5 and a very good scheme it is, if you must\\ncreate a court for the immediate occasion. But\\nthe world, on the whole, in affairs of business, has\\ngot beyond the method of making a court for\\nevery separate occasion. It has found out, for\\nmany reasons, that it is better, instead of having\\nMr. Black and Mr. White and Mr. Jones engaged", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0445.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "41 o Sixty Years\\nfor that particular occasion, to have some people\\nused to deciding cases, to have a court which,\\nby the correctness and purity of its decisions, year\\nin and out, gains the confidence of all the people\\nengaged, to have a court preordained, if one\\nmay say so, made long beforehand, without the\\npossibility of the judges being selected with refer-\\nence to the particular matter which they are to\\ndecide.\\nAnd so I want to urge, first, second, last, and\\nalways, a permanent tribunal. That is the thing\\nwhich, if I may use the expression of the streets,\\nmust be rubbed in to the public mind. You\\nreally do not advance much on the present condi-\\ntion of affairs until you can get the governments\\nof the world to see that it is a great deal better\\nto appoint one permanent tribunal, I shall say\\nthose words a hundred times before I have sat\\ndown, for I wish that people may dream of it at\\nnight and think of it in the morning, one per-\\nmanent tribunal to sit for a hundred years, than to\\nhave to make a new tribunal for each particular\\ncase. It is exactly as my young friend who went\\nout on a bicycle ride this morning was glad he had\\nthe same bicycle he rode on yesterday, instead of\\nbeing obliged to go and make a bicycle for him-\\nself. He was glad to have a permanent bicycle,\\nmade by people who understood how to make\\nthem, and to use the same bicycle all through his\\ntravel.\\nThis was considered, in Henry IV s time, as", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0446.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 41 i\\nsomewhat visionary, though he came very near\\ncarrying the plan out. In the time of William\\nPenn, a hundred years afterwards, it was still con-\\nsidered a dream, an ideal. But a hundred years\\nafter William I enn, comes along the United States\\nof America, tries the great experiment, and it suc-\\nceeds; and seventy millions of people, in forty-\\nfour States, are now living under the success of\\nthat experiment. Nobody dares any longer say\\nthat it is dreamy or poetical or visionary, because\\nit has succeeded better than the dread arbitrament\\nof war, better than the experiments of diplomacy.\\nIt has turned out that a permanent tribunal in the\\nUnited States has wrought the success which no\\nother experiment that has been tried has wrought.\\nSo we are, if I again may use the language of the\\nungodly, on the inside track, and the burden\\nof proof in this argument is on those people who\\nwant to make a separate court every time there is\\na quarrel.\\n1 should like to go into the realm of imagination\\na little as to the future in this matter. You would\\nappoint your court, and your court would exist.\\nYou would not say, This court is appointed for\\nthe purpose of determining about the seals, or\\nabout the indemnity which Nicaragua owes to\\nGreat Britain; you w ould say, This court is\\nappointed to exist as a permanent tribunal. I\\nshould say that a good plan to begin with would\\nbe for the six great powers to name each a jurist\\nof the highest rank in jurisprudence, precisely as", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0447.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "412 Sixty Years\\nthe President now appoints a jurist to the Supreme\\nBench of the United States. It should be the\\nhighest honor to be given in the service of each of\\nthose powers. This gentleman should be named\\nto sit as long as his liealth permitted, or to retire,\\nif he pleased, at a fixed age, with an honorable\\npension. The honorarium to be paid to him\\nshould be of the very highest; and the dignities\\nof his position should be of the very noblest.\\nThis court of six persons, appointed by the six\\ngreat powers, might then name six assessors\\nwith themselves, from the smaller powers of the\\nworld, so that they might have a court of twelve\\npersons, not too large for consultation, and at the\\nsame time the susceptibilities of every one of the\\npowers might be met by more frequent changes\\namong the assessors, as I call them, than among\\nthe original six. I would have the vacancies in\\nthe six filled by the powers who originally ap-\\npointed them.\\nThis court would meet. It would be a great\\nthing to have it meet after the world had been\\nin existence six thousand years, or six hundred\\nthousand, as you take it, to know that six men\\nof conscience, religion, and integrity were sitting\\nsomewhere for the purpose of finding out the liv-\\ning truth on the practical questions which came\\nbefore the world. This court would sit, first in\\nLondon, then in Paris, then perhaps in Rio\\nJaneiro, or Washington, then in Berlin. I do not\\nsay the whole twelve would meet, but a sufficient", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0448.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 413\\nquorum would meet. I know very well that at\\nfirst these States would be very slow about bring-\\ning their questions to the diplomatists. But there\\nwould come along some question, say as to\\nwhether the whole race of seals should be anni-\\nhilated, a question that nobody understood; and\\nthey would say, Here is this ornamental court,\\nlet us leave it to them. The court will decide it\\nit would decide wisely, and the public opinion of\\nthe world would confirm the opinion of that court.\\nThere would be no talk of resistance. This is\\nprecisely the point where the theorists find fault\\nwith any such statement. William Penn, as our\\nfriend said, was obliged to imagine an army be-\\nhind. Has the presence of the United States\\narmy been needed to enforce the decision of the\\nincome tax? Was a file of soldiers necessary any-\\nwhere to compel agreement in the decision that I\\nspeak of, between the State of Massachusetts and\\nthe State of Rhode Island, did it require even a\\nsergeant or a corporal? Not at all. It is just as\\nwhen Colonel Scott aimed at the coon the coon\\nsaid, Don t waste your powder. Colonel, I 11\\ncome down. The coons of this world know\\nwhen a decision has been made. There has not\\nbeen necessary, in the whole course of the juris-\\ndiction of the United States, between State and\\nState, the burning of one ounce of powder to en-\\nforce a decision which the Supreme Court made,\\nso certain was it that public opinion would confirm\\nits decisions.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0449.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "414 Sixty Years\\nNow compare this with the decision made, even\\nby as respectable a board of arbitration as that\\nwhich met at Paris, which proved not to under-\\nstand the subject at all, and which has decided it\\nin such a manner that all the seals are being killed,\\nand there may not be any left for another arbitra-\\nment. Under such circumstances you name peo-\\nple who are not used to sitting together as a court,\\nyou have a court about which it is very doubtful\\nhow it is to get its witnesses together, a court\\ncreating the law which they are to administer. In\\nplace of that, by a permanent tribunal, you are\\ngradually forming a body of international law all\\nthe time. For the first time since the days of the\\nAntonines, or perhaps since Adam and Eve, there\\nis somebody to say what international law is, in-\\nstead of its being left for professors of colleges to\\nwrite about. There will grow up a body of law\\nfrom the decisions of this permanent tribunal, and\\nto the decisions of that court everybody will be\\ndisposed more and more to submit. There was\\ngrowling about submission to the Alabama deci-\\nsion there was growling about the murder of the\\nseals but there has been an eager assent to every\\ndecision made by our Supreme Court.\\nI will not go into further detail with regard to a\\nproposal which I have confessed to be imaginary.\\nI do think, however, after a discussion which has\\nlasted nearly a hundred years, it is quite necessary\\nthat this country, if it means to make any proposal\\nat all to the other nations of the world, should", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0450.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 415\\ncome forward with a practical and definite pro-\\nposal. It is not enough to sing,\\nNo war nor battle sound\\nWas heard the world around.\\nThis thing is not to be settled by singing. It is\\ngoing to be settled by a hard-and-fast system, laid\\ndown in consequence of historical precedents, and\\nin such a way that it may command the attention\\nand respect of the practical people in the world.\\nAnd with that remark, and a single illustration, I\\nwill not try to hold your attention any longer.\\nIt is to be observed that the passion for war is\\nnot a passion of the men who create the wealth of\\nthe world, or who are the really important people in\\nthe work of the world. Merchants never want to\\nmake war; the persons who pass from country to\\ncountry never want to make war scholars never\\nwant to make war. War checks the real pro-\\ngress of the world in invention, manufacture, trade\\nand all these demands for war which Mr. Abbott\\nalluded to this morning are superficial. The real\\nworkers and thinkers are always opposed to war.\\nIt is the loafers the people who wait for something\\nto turn up; those who think they shall like to enlist\\nin the armies; the people who are supposed to\\nmake public opinion, but who really follow public\\nopinion, who make wars popular at the beginning.\\nAnd it is the steady dislike of people to being\\nkilled, and to having their brothers killed, to spend-\\ning money in taxes, to having their ships taken at", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0451.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "4 1 6 Sixty Years\\nsea, which always makes war unpopular when it\\ncomes to an end. We may be quite sure that, if\\nwe can propose a practical system which will com-\\nmend itself to practical men, we shall go into any\\ndiscussion of the subject with a good working\\nforce behind us.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0452.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "THE HIGH COURT OF NATIONS\\n[A lecture delivered at the Mittleberger School, in Cleveland,\\nbefore its Alumnae, February 12, 1S96.]\\nPeople say squarely that the High Court of Na-\\ntions is an impossibility.\\nI know only too well that three-fourths of the\\naudience whom I am addressing believe that what\\nI am speaking of is a poet s fancy, as when Tenny-\\nson sings\\nThe Parliament of Peace, the Federation of the World.\\nI have simply to say then, in beginning, that\\nthere is a certain satisfaction in addressing an\\naudience as kind as this is, when at bottom most\\nof that audience believes that you are wrong.\\nAnd then I have, before I come at my subject\\nproper, to show from history that universal peace\\namong civilized nations is not the absurdity which\\ncareless readers suppose.\\nYou know, of course, people say, that na-\\ntions must fight with each other. Of course you\\nknow there always have been wars and there always\\nmust be wars. You know, of course, that the more\\ncivilized a nation is, of course, the more sure it is\\n27", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0453.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "41 8 Sixty Years\\nto make war, you know. And irreverent people,\\nof the kind who quote scripture to cover their own\\nignorance, and by citing the Saviour, remind us that\\nthe Prince of Peace said that he did not bring\\npeace, but a sword.\\nI begin, then, by asking such people to devote a\\nfew minutes, or better, a few months, to the study\\nof three bits of history. The first is the history of\\nthe Roman Empire, including Europe, Northern\\nAfrica, and Western Asia, for a century and a half\\nafter Titus took Jerusalem. Speaking in general,\\nthe history of the second century of the Christian\\nera is the history of profound peace among civil-\\nized men. It is this which makes Gibbon say that\\nthe reigns of the two Antonines make the happiest\\nperiod of the world s history. From the Euphrates\\nto the Atlantic, men of different races, customs, and\\nreligion lived in profound peace. No war or bat-\\ntle sound was heard the world around. And the\\nconsequences of this peace, to this hour, cannot be\\nmeasured. Among other things, we are in this hall\\nat this hour, because the world was at peace in\\nthat centur}^ I owe the coat which I wear, I owe\\nthis bit of linen paper to the pacific conquest of\\nthe West by the East in those centuries. When\\nJulius Caesar was in Gaul, or when Paul first visited\\nSpain, Spain and Gaul were such wastes of wooded\\nmountains or swampy valleys as you might find in\\nCentral America or on the Amazon to-day, or\\nwhere Blackfeet or Sioux Indians killed each other\\nas lately as the days of Lewis and Clark. But", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0454.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 419\\nafter two centuries of peace, the quiet farmers in\\nthose valleys of Spain and Gaul ate the peaches\\nwhich had been sent from Persia, and plucked her\\nroses. They hackled the flax which came from\\nArmenia, and their wives spun it and wove it.\\nThey did it as well, by the way, as any woman in the\\nWestern Reserve can do it to-day. These vic-\\ntories were two or three of ten thousand victories\\nwhich truth had been winning over error, by which\\nlight had dispelled darkness, as four or five genera-\\ntions of peace had gone by.\\nRead for a month the fascinating details of such\\nvictories won in a hundred and fifty years, and per-\\nhaps you will come here and say:\\nOf course, you know, you know, of course, that\\nwhen people are at all civilized, 0u know, of\\ncourse, they do not make war against each other,\\nbut peace and permanent peace is perfectly pos-\\nsible.\\nRead, as illustrations of what I have said, a few\\npassages from Gibbon\\nThe obedient provinces were united by laws\\nand adorned by arts. They might occasionally\\nsuffer from the partial abuse of a delegated author-\\nity; but the general principle of government was\\nwise, simple, and beneficent. They enjoyed the\\nreligion of their ancestors, while in civil honors and\\nadvantages they were exalted, by just degrees, to an\\nequality with their conquerors.\\nDomestic peace and union were the natural con-\\nsequences of [this] moderate and comprehensive", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0455.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "420 Sixty Years\\npolicy. The obedience of the Roman world was\\nuniform, voluntary, and permanent. The legions\\nwere destined to serve against the public enemy\\nand the civil magistrate seldom required the aid\\nof military force. In this state of general security,\\nthe leisure as well as opulence, both of the prince\\nand people, were devoted to improve and adorn the\\nRoman Empire.\\nThey united the most distant provinces by easy\\nand familiar intercourse, and the communication\\nby sea was no less free and open than by land. The\\nproductions of happier climates and the industry\\nof more civilized nations were gradually introduced\\ninto Western Europe. Almost all the flowers,\\nherbs, and fruits of our European gardens are of\\nforeign extraction.\\nThe tranquil and prosperous state of the empire\\nwas warmly felt and honestly confessed everywhere.\\nThe true principles of social life, laws, agricul-\\nture, and science, first invented by the wisdom of\\nAthens, now firmly established by the power of\\nRome, under whose auspicious influence the fierc-\\nest barbarians were united by an equal government\\nof a common language. The human race visibly\\nmultiplied, with the improvement of art. Men\\ncelebrate the increasing splendor of cities, the\\nbeautiful face of the country cultivated and adorned\\nlike an immense garden, and the long festival of\\npeace, in which so many nations forgot their an-\\n1 Flax, for instance, transplanted from Egypt to Gaul, artificial\\ngrasses and cattle with them.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0456.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 421\\ncient animosities, and were delivered from the\\napprehension of future danger.\\nAgain, I am speaking to excellent people who\\ntrust greatly in the authority of men of experience.\\nThese are the practical people they are the people\\nwho do not give themselves away to a sentiment\\nunless that sentiment has been tested by great men\\nor women who have succeeded, who have looked\\nupon both sides of the canvas, who know when life\\nfails and what progress is.\\nNow to them, in full sympathy with them, I want\\nto adduce the experience and the advice of Henri\\nIV of France, the most successful sovereign of his\\ntime, not excepting Queen Elizabeth, whose re-\\nmarkable success is also acknowledged. Here is\\nHenri, the best fighter in Europe and the greatest\\nadministrator. And this man, he is neither poet\\nnor dreamer, cheers the last years of his life by\\nwhat he calls The Great Design. The Great\\nDesign is a design for uniting all Europe in peace,\\nwith a permanent tribunal for the adjustment of its\\ndifficulties. He works out this Great Design in its\\nnicer details. He does this so nicely that he con-\\nverts to it the great Sully, his own prime minister,\\na man not accustomed to change his mind. Sully\\nwas inclined to pooh-pooh the Great Design, but\\nHenri compelled him to attend to it, and you shall\\nhear in a moment how. There were at that time\\nsixteen nations in Europe. Russia did not yet\\ncount. Of the sixteen, they made fourteen rulers\\nbelieve in the Great Design for universal peace,", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0457.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "42 2 Sixty Years\\nthat it was sensible, practical, and could be carried\\nthrough. Not to mention other names, they con-\\nverted to it Elizabeth and Burleigh and Walsing-\\nham, who believed in it, and committed to it the\\npower of England in Europe. Ah when that\\ncrazy Ravaillac stuck his dagger into the heart of\\nthe kindest of kings, that heart was at that moment\\nbeating in high hope for the practical pacification\\nof Europe.\\nNo man then says that men of sense and ex-\\nperience reject the hope of one permanent tribunal\\nfor the civilized nations who does not coolly blot\\nout the names of Walsingham, of Burleigh, of\\nSully, and of Henri IV.\\nI must not go into detail. The plan provided a\\npermanent council, to be appointed by fifteen, or\\npossibly sixteen, States, which made up all of\\nEurope west of Russia and Turkey. It provided\\nfor a common army of 250,000 men to protect\\nEurope against Asia and Africa, and a European\\nfleet to protect commerce against pirates.\\nBut let me read one of Sully s notes on the Great\\nDesign\\nI found myself confirmed in the opinion that\\nthe (Great Design) was, upon the whole, just in\\nits intention, possible, and even practicable in all its\\nparts and infinitely glorious in all its effects so\\nthat upon all occasions, I was the first to recall the\\nking to his engagements, and sometimes to con-\\nvince him by those very arguments which he had\\nhimself taught me.", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0458.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 423\\nElizabeth, in 1601, was deeply engaged in the\\nmeans by which it might be executed. A very\\ngreat number of the articles, conditions, and dif-\\nferent dispositions is due to the Queen. They\\nsufficiently show that in wisdom, penetration, and\\nall other perfections of the mind, she was not in-\\nferior to any king, the most truly deserving of that\\ntitle.\\nThe death of the King of Spain was most for-\\ntunate but the Great Design received a violent\\nshock by Elizabeth s death.\\nBut you are surprised that I hold back from the\\ngreatest examples of a permanent tribunal in his-\\ntory. It is the example not of the Great Design\\nnay not only of a great experiment but of the\\ngreat experiment which succeeded, succeeded bet-\\nter than those who tried it dared to dream. What\\nwas United Europe from Portugal to the Baltic, the\\nEurope of Henri s Great Design, what was this\\ncompared with the continental nation made one out\\nof many which stretches from ocean to ocean and\\ntakes in the pine-tree and the palm? The United\\nStates of America is the great Peace Society of\\nhistory. And it owes its freedom from that\\nwretched drain of its blood from standing armies\\nwhich is the ruin of Europe, to one permanent tri-\\nbunal, to a court which is indeed Supreme. Of\\ncourse, I do not forget the Civil War, when for\\nfour cruel years this nation had to use the power\\nof arms to suppress a rebellion. But even there I", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0459.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "424 Sixty Years\\nremember that it did use the power of arms, and\\nthat it so suppressed that rebelhon that it will\\nnever have to suppress another. And I remember\\nalso that that rebellion sprang from the timidity\\nwhich in the beginning left outside one fatal ques-\\ntion, with the proviso that it should not be sub-\\nmitted to the Permanent Tribunal.\\nWe of the fourth generation are so entirely used\\nto the even working of our Supreme Court that we\\nare really unconscious of the dangers from which\\nit saves us every day. That I might speak here\\nto-night, I have crossed the dividing lines which\\nseparate three great States. The smallest of the\\nthree has a larger population than the kingdom of\\nSaxony had when Saxony fought Frederic of Prus-\\nsia to the death. These States have different laws\\nand different histories. They have as many occa-\\nsions for division as ever divided two Italian States\\nor two German kingdoms. Yet for one hundred\\nand seven years these States^ have lived together in\\nabsolute harmony. No criminal from one has\\nfound an asylum in another. No question of\\nboundary has disturbed their frontier. In just\\nsuch harmony are forty-five States living at this\\nmoment, in many cases unlike each other in\\nreligion, in history, even in the origin and race of\\ntheir people And there is no lack of questions\\nbetween them. Let me speak as a Massachusetts\\nman. It is not sixty years since there came to an\\nissue in my own State an open boundary question\\nbetween us and the people of Rhode Island. It", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0460.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 425\\nrested on old charters and old maps, older and\\nmore intricate than those which must determine\\nthe line between Venezuela and Guiana. The States\\nof Europe have fought over such difficulties hun-\\ndreds of times. Yet it is no disgrace to a Rhode\\nIsland man or a Massachusetts man if he do not\\nknow to-day that any such question ever existed.\\nThe governors of the States knew the sheriffs of\\ncounties knew; the tax collectors knew; I suppose\\nsome of the people who lived on the disputed ter-\\nritory knew. But most people neither knew nor\\ncared! Why should they know? Why should\\nthey care? They knew there was a Supreme Tri-\\nbunal whose business it was to determine all such\\nquestions. When the time came, that tribunal de-\\ntermined this question. Both States, of course,\\ndeferred. It never was a question again.\\nPray observe that we are talking not of Mr. Ten-\\nnyson s Parliament of Peace. We are talking of a\\nSupreme Tribunal.\\nParliaments talk. Tribunals decide. There are\\nperhaps too many parliaments in the world now.\\nThis is certain, that there is too much talk.\\nWhat the world needs is a Permanent Tribunal.\\nAnd now I turn from old history to our present\\nproblem and our present duty.\\nWe have to show that this dream of an arbitra-\\ntion and decision more solid than war, advances\\nsteadily towards fulfilment. It is now seventy-five\\nyears, three-quarters of a century, since the", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0461.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "426 Sixty Years\\nCongress of Vienna re-made the map of Europe.\\nThat was a step, due, if you please, to the provo-\\ncation and exhaustion of every State of Europe.\\nBut it was a step forward. The military arma-\\nments of Europe have been, and are, excessive.\\nBut from that day to this there has been no such\\ngeneral war as devastated Europe for twenty-five\\nyears before the congress, or in the Thirty Years\\nWar. In that time Russia has fought England and\\nFrance; Austria has fought with Russia and with\\nFrance, France has fought with Northern Ger-\\nmany. Italy has freed herself and united herself.\\nBut each of these conflicts has been short, and\\nnone of them has been general. On the whole,\\nthe century stands, like the centuries of the\\nAntonines, as a century of peace. On the whole,\\ninvention and science, art and education, have\\nmade their way in the world. In more than fifty\\ninstances, since 181 5, have difficulties between\\nStates been settled by international arbitration,\\nwhich, under the savage system, would have been\\nleft to war. In the recent wars, private war at sea\\nhas been abolished. There has been no commis-\\nsion given to privateers. So much has been gained.\\nAnd five years ago, at the end of twenty-five\\nyears, at the instance of our own government,\\nanother congress has been held this very year, of\\ndelegates from eighteen American nations. The\\npopulation of those nations is not so large as the\\npopulations of Europe ruled by the sovereigns\\nwho were represented at Vienna, But the congress", "height": "2865", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0462.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 427\\nat Washington was the more important of the two,\\nand so it will appear in history. In the sad irony\\nby which some immediate question of profit and\\nloss seems larger than an infinite principle, we\\nwatched the congress of the United States with\\nmore curiosity than the congress of United Amer-\\nica. The congress of Vienna was only a represen-\\ntation of sov^ereigns. This was the first proper\\ncongress of nations. It represented peoples, and\\nnot merely their rulers. Nearly sixty gentlemen,\\nof the highest intelligence and position, were ap-\\npointed by their several governments to sit in this\\nPan-American Congress. Almost all of them had\\nbeen in diplomatic life, and had been students of\\ninternational law. Many of them were men of\\nletters, known as authors in their own lands. The\\nnations of South America, of Central America, and\\nof Mexico, were, generally speaking, colonized\\nfrom Portugal or from Spain, and they use the\\nSpanish or Portuguese language. But although,\\nfrom pride of origin, the delegates generally pre-\\nferred to address the congress in Spanish, almost\\nevery man spoke English, easily and intelligently.\\nThis congress sat for several months in the city of\\nWashington, after long excursions in which the\\ndelegates had observed the methods of industry\\nand life in different parts of the United States.\\nMost of the real work was done in committee\\nrooms, and the debates, which are all printed in\\ntheir own journals, were not published in the news-\\npapers of the day.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0463.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "428 Sixty Years\\nThe result of their work is far more important\\nthan is generally supposed. They presented re-\\nports of the first value to merchants and manu-\\nfacturers as to methods of mutual communication.\\nThus they looked forward to improved postal and\\ncable communication. They made the reports on\\nwhich is based the new arrangement of reciprocity\\nin tariffs. These are two or three illustrations\\nonly. What concerns us now is their careful and\\nexhaustive report on arbitration and the methods\\nof arbitration, in the event of any question arising\\nbetween State and State of the great American\\nAlliance.\\nThis subject was discussed with the greatest care\\nby a committee of signal ability, representing men\\nof large diplomatic experience. It is understood\\nthat the committee considered different plans for\\ntribunals which might hear discussions of questions\\narising between American nations, and might\\ndecide such questions with authority. But they\\nfinally determined to report simply a plan, by\\nwhich the nations are to bind themselves, in all\\nevents arising for discussion, to submit the open\\nquestions to arbitration on a uniform plan prepared\\nby them.\\nThe plan contemplates no central armed force\\nsuch as Henri and Elizabeth s plan provided\\nto secure the obedience of the several States. It\\nrelies on the moral might of the arbitration alone.\\nAnd it would not be vain to make such reliance.\\nThe other plans have many ways to compel", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0464.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 429\\nobedience to a decision fairly made by such a\\ncourt of arbitration.\\nIt cannot be said that this plan of a treaty pro-\\nfoundly stirred this nation or any nation. It is not\\nthe sort of thing about which partisan politicians\\noccupy themselves. And they are responsible for\\nmost of the public utterances on statesmanship\\nin all these countries. But it is fair to say that the\\nplan, though it does not go far, does meet the\\nassent of thoughtful leaders of the community.\\nLet us be grateful for a statement so definite.\\nIt is quite in advance of any statement made in\\ninternational law by authority till now. It will\\nmark the year 1890 in history.\\nIt is accompanied by a request of this august\\ncongress to powers of Europe that they will con-\\nsider these conditions, in the hope that they will\\nintroduce them to European diplomacy.\\nIt prepares the way for the next step, which is\\nnot so far away.\\nYou have seen my purposes, as I dwelt even at\\nlength, on the arrangement, familiar to any Ameri-\\ncan citizen, of the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates. I did so, because we are now to see how\\nsimple will be the step which should appoint such\\na permanent tribunal, to sit as a High Court of\\nNations.\\nChange the word states to the word na-\\ntions, and in the constitution of such a court as\\nour Supreme Court we have all that we need to\\nadjust the differences of all the nations of America.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0465.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "430 Sixty Years\\nIn the old days of 1785, of the old Confedera-\\ntion after the Revolution, if two States differed as\\nto boundary, as to justice, they had no court of\\nappeal. They would have perhaps to go before\\nCongress, or they would appoint as these articles\\nappoint a temporary arbitrator.\\nSince 1789 there has been a pcnnancjit trihinal\\nof the highest dignity to hear any such questions\\nbetween State and State to decide them,\\nA Permanent Tribunal It has gained strength\\nand authority by every decision. Its opinions are\\nnow cited with respect in all the jurisprudence of\\nthe world.\\nYou see at once how the work of such a court\\ndiffers from the arbitration of a tribunal appointed\\nfor a special purpose. Such an arbitration has no\\nauthority borrowed from the past. The judges do\\nnot even know each other. They are appointed,\\none because he is a friend of one party, one the\\nfriend of the other; and on the umpire falls the\\ndecision. The decision once made, the tribunal is\\ndispersed. It melts into thin air. It ceases to be.\\nA Permanent Tribunal, on the other hand, acts\\nwith experience. Its members are consecrated for\\ntheir lives to the study of just these international\\nquestions. They have no temptation to partisan-\\nship. On the other hand, the dignity and reputa-\\ntion of every member, as of the whole court,\\nrequires calm and impartial justice, in the least\\nas in the largest considerations.\\nAs:ain Before such a tribunal the affair to be", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0466.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 431\\ndecided would be brought at the first moment of\\ncontroversy. It would not be left to grow in pro-\\nportion, as passions were excited, as prejudices\\nwere created, as sparks were blown into a flame.\\nSuch a tribunal will be appointed from the most\\ndistinguished statesmen of the different nations.\\nA seat in it will be the highest place of honor.\\nEven such a man as Judge Marshall will be pro-\\nmoted from presiding over the Supreme Court of\\nthe United States, and will feel that it is promotion\\nto sit as one of its members.\\nThe first students of international law might be\\nsummoned to fill places on such a bench, which\\nhas for its duty to study and to apply the whole\\nscience of the law of nations.\\nBefore the full court, or before smaller courts\\nmade from their members, would be brought great\\ncases or small, arising between the nations. The\\ncourt would have power to call witnesses and to\\ntake testimony. It would hear counsel, acting by\\na uniform and intelligent mode of procedure.\\nAt the first, the nations would be doubtful, and\\nwould bring before the court only lesser cases:\\nWhat is the real line in an old boundary?\\nWas this tide-waiter right or wrong in such a\\ncontroversy with a schooner s captain? May\\nthese poor seals live to be six months old, or shall\\nthey be massacred in babyhood The Perma-\\nnent Tribunal would administer such little questions\\nso prudently that men would see in practice what\\nit was good for. It would accept the Eternal", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0467.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "432 Sixty Years\\nPrinciples of Justice, about which there is never\\nquestion. And on these principles its decisions\\nwould stand. Because right is right, they would\\nbe respected. And large questions, more difficult,\\nwhat you call more important, would be submitted\\nto it; until, in the end, nothing should be left for\\nwhat we call the arbitraments of war. As if war\\ndecided any question of right. War only decides\\nthe question, Which is the stronger?\\nYear by year would give new moral power to\\nsuch a tribunal. Year by year would give more\\nand more of the conquests of peace to nations\\nthus united. It is not too much to say that the\\nglamour and poetry of war would gradually die out,\\nas the military class became smaller, and as\\nthere was less need for men to train themselves for\\nbattle. The nations would look more curiously\\ninto a system so simple and so strong. They\\nknow to-day what is the difference between a Ger-\\nman at work in Illinois and his brother on the old\\nhomestead in Prussia. The brother in America is\\nno stronger than the brother in Europe. But the\\nbrother in Europe has to carry a soldier on his\\nback as he ploughs and reaps. Men will not always\\nwish to plough and to reap, to forge and to build,\\nwith that heavy condition. The dream of Sully\\nand Henri and Elizabeth will appear again as a\\ndream not quite impossible. The United Nations\\nof America will then give the example for the\\nUnited Nations of Christendom, and with their\\nestablishment of a Permanent Tribunal, the sword", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0468.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "The High Court of Nations 433\\nof Europe may be sheathed, to be used no more\\nbetween kindred peoples.\\nWe may well remember at such a time that in\\nAmerica we are all statesmen and all rulers. Our\\nlanguage must not be borrowed from the turf or\\nthe gambling table. It is not he who can brag\\nthe most complacently, or keep the most steadfast\\ncountenance, who wins in these contests. Let the\\nrulers of Europe, bred in a worse school than\\nours, lose their equanimity. We remember that\\nthe gentleman is quiet. He knows his rights\\ntoo well to be always preaching them. Before\\nGod and history, England and America have the\\nprivilege and pride that they are in the advance of\\ncivilization, of law, of government, and of religion.\\nYou and I and the rest are the princes of this\\nnation. It becomes us to speak and act with the\\ndignity, the simplicity, and the moderation of\\nprinces.\\nIt is excellent to have a giant s strength, but\\ntyrannous to use it as a giant.\\nThose of you who are to live through the first\\nquarter of the twentieth century have this great\\nopportunity. The second millennium shall draw\\nto its end with the fulfilment in the affairs of\\nChristendom of the promise of the beginning.\\nAnd you, who make up the public opinion of this\\nland of all lands, you lead in this victory, and are\\nnot as those who follow. You have the right to\\nsing the hymns. You have a right to repeat the\\nprophecies. You shall depart in peace, having\\n28", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0469.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "434 Sixty Years\\nseen this great salvation. You shall know what\\nyou say when you recite the words,\\nMercy and truth are met together,\\nRighteousness and peace have kissed each other.", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0470.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "A PERMANENT TRIBUNAL\\n[Address at the Arbitration Conference at Lake Monhonk, June,\\n1S96.]\\nMr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am\\nsure we all feel how much the growth of pubHc\\nspirit in the English-speaking countries has been\\nled and helped by the great poet who wrote\\nLocksley Hall. To have had these words\\nspoken as pieces, written in school-girls albums,\\nfor sixty years, has been a great advantage to the\\npublic sentiment of our race. But we will remem-\\nber too that they were written sixty years ago,\\nand that when the great practical man of our time\\nspeaks, what he asks for is a Supreme Court of\\nthe nations, and no longer a Parliament of Man.\\nAs Judge Brewer said so well, quoting an epigram\\nwhich was older than himself, We have too\\nmany parliaments, and we do not have enough\\ncourts. What we are after here is not a Parlia-\\nment of Peace; it is a Supreme Court of the\\nNations it is a Permanent Tribunal.\\nThe analogy is so absolutely perfect between\\nthe condition of the world now and the condition\\nof the thirteen States of America just a hundred", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0471.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "436 Sixty Years\\nyears ago, that we cannot repeat it too often. The\\ngreat victory of the United States Constitution is\\nnot in the estabhshment of the Federal Congress,\\nnot in the estabhshment of the executive it is in\\nthe estabhshment of a Supreme Court. Supreme\\nabove the President, as he and his Secretary of\\nthe Treasury have found out within the last year;\\nsupreme above Congress, as Congress has found\\nout a hundred times an absolutely supreme\\ncourt before which all questions shall be heard.\\nWe are here to consider what are the things to be\\ndone in the establishment of a such a supreme\\ncourt between England and the United States, and\\neventually between the nations of mankind.\\nI was particularly interested, as Dr. Abbott read\\nhis well-condensed and vigorous questions, which\\nhe wants to hold us to, to observe that the rather\\nvague word arbitration, which figured here\\ntwelve months ago, does not occur in the five\\npoints submitted to us to-day. This is not an\\nassembly simply to protest against war; to say in\\nany vague, sentimental way that it would be a\\ngood thing if people would not quarrel, and if,\\nwhen they do quarrel, they would leave it out to\\ntheir neighbors. It is an assembly to bring about\\na Permanent Tribunal, to which the affairs of the\\nnations shall be referred. In the little I shall say,\\nI shall follow absolutely the analogy of the Con-\\nstitution of the United States.\\nWhen Mr. Jones and Mr. Thompson have a\\nquarrel, and Mr. Jones selects Mr. White, and Mr.", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0472.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 437\\nThompson selects Mr. Black, they get together in\\nthe parlor of a tavern, and they ask Mr. Green to\\ncome in and be a third, and so it is left out to\\nmen, as we say in our happy New England\\nphrase. Then there comes up the question, What\\nis the law by which it is to be administered And\\none says he will have it administered by the law of\\neternal justice as set down in the Book of Deute-\\nronomy and another says it shall be administered\\nby the law of the State of Connecticut, and not by\\nthe law of eternal justice there is no code for the\\ncase. Then they want to get witnesses, and the\\nmen send over to South Goshen by the stage-\\ndriver, and ask him to ask the man if he will come.\\nAnd the witness says he won t come, and that is\\nthe end of that.\\nThe founders of the American Constitution un-\\nderstood this thing absolutely. They were going\\nto establish a Supreme Court of the United States,\\nand they have established it. I have lived through\\ntimes when the State of Massachusetts did not love\\nthe Southern government of the United States\\nvery much, and when it blocked the wheels of that\\ngovernment in every way it knew how. It refused\\nto fly the flag of the United States on the State\\nHouse; it passed a law that no jail or other build-\\ning of the State of Massachusetts should receive\\nany prisoners confined by the United States courts,\\nthat there might not be any fugitive slaves put\\ninto one of our jails. What did the United States\\ndo? It said: Pass what laws you choose. Our", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0473.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "43^ Sixty Years\\nmarshal will get a room tight enough to lock up\\na fugitive slave. And their marshal did do it,\\nand we could not help ourselves. That is to say,\\nthe Constitution of the United States foresaw the\\nprobability of the individual Mr. Black or Mr.\\nWhite not proposing to agree to this arbitration\\nand the Constitution of the United States estab-\\nlished, not a court of arbitration, but a Supreme\\nCourt over the thirteen States of America. And\\nthat Supreme Court has been supreme from that\\nhour to this hour, excepting in one miserable in-\\nstance, due to the cowardice which left slavery\\noutside of its jurisdiction, because of which we\\nwere involved in four years of civil war.\\nThis senator whom I have heard quoted says\\nthat no nation will willingly submit a question of\\nboundary to the supreme court. All I know is\\nthat the thirteen States, which were nations at the\\nmoment, did submit their questions of boundary\\nto the Supreme Court of the United States again\\nand again and again I think there are nearly\\nforty instances where questions of boundary have\\nbeen decided by the Supreme Court. I referred\\nhere a year ago to a question of boundary between\\nMassachusetts and Rhode Island, which was de-\\ncided by the Supreme Court; and I do not be-\\nlieve that there are fifty persons in Massachusetts\\nwho know where those disputed boundaries were,\\nwhich were thus decided sixty years ago.\\nThe very first question which was brought before\\nthe Supreme Court was a question whether a State", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0474.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 439\\nmight be sued in its own courts by one of its own\\ncitizens. The Supreme Court decided squarely\\nthat it might be so sued, and it was necessary to\\nbring about an amendment to the Constitution, to\\nprevent that action, which was thought at that time\\nto be undesirable. But the States have, one after\\nanother, granted that privilege and even the\\nUnited States, in the Court of Claims, is virtually\\nsued by its own citizens.\\nThe President. And also now in the judicial\\ncourts.\\nDr. Hale. Such is the steady progress of\\nthe determination to do this. What we want is a\\ntribunal which shall have the power to lay down\\nits own methods of procedure. I do not care\\nwhether this tribunal is of four men or six or thir-\\nteen. In my judgment it ought to be a body of\\nstudents, informing us from time to time what in-\\nternational law is, and what it is not; what the\\nauthorities on international law have, on the whole,\\ndetermined upon what the treaties of the world\\nhave established as international law. I believe, if\\nyou were to establish such a tribunal to-morrow,\\nand my friend on the left would of course be a\\nmember of it [Judge Edmunds], it might be well\\nemployed for the next two, three, or five years in\\ngiving, from time to time, its dicta as to what the\\nlaw of the world is on privateering, what the law of\\nthe world is on hospitality, what the law of\\nthe world is on a hundred points on which the\\nwriters of international law have written, and which", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0475.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "440 Sixty Years\\nmay be said to be really decided. It would be the\\nfirst business of such a court to state in general to\\nthe world what were the authorities which it looked\\nupon with respect, and on what authorities it did\\nnot look with such favor.\\nThen, one fine day, there would come along a\\nquarrel. It might be a question like that very\\nfunny question as to what is the river St. Croix, or\\nlike our question in Massachusetts, what waters\\nbelonged to Charles River. Or the question might\\nbe whether the captain of an English schooner\\nlying in the Bay of Gobblegobble, in the southern\\npart of Africa, should or should not have slapped\\nin the face the captain of an American schooner\\nwhich had laths on board; one of those highly\\nimportant questions which have again and again\\nbrought on wars might be submitted to this inter-\\nnational court, because it was such a little question\\nthat the army and navy did not want to bother\\nwith it, and them literary fellers might have the\\njoy of it. And the court would decide it. It\\nwould decide it wisely, so wisely that it would\\ncommand the respect of the world. And then\\nmight come along the question whether a whole\\nrace of inoffensive animals like the seals should be\\ndemolished or not or whether certain swamps and\\nmarshes and malarial beaches between one nation\\nand another on the South American coast belonged\\nto Nation A or to Nation B, or to nobody but the\\ngood God. The court might be left to settle such\\na question as that. Once give such a court dig-", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0476.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 441\\nnity, once have it established, estabhshed so tliat\\nby day and by night it should be in existence, so\\nthat no question shall arise too suddenly to be\\nsubmitted to it, and there is no fear but that the\\ncivilized opinions of the world would come round\\nto it.\\nIt should have power to state the general rules\\nof its practice, and when and where it should\\nmeet; I should suppose it would meet in differ-\\nent cities of the world from time to time. It\\nshould have power to call witnesses, to have its\\nown marshals to get those witnesses into court.\\nAnd the salaries and expenses should be provided\\nby the most liberal gifts of the powers agreeing\\nfor this purpose. In these regards I am following\\nabsolutely the analogy of the Supreme Court of\\nthe United States. Compare all that with the\\nworking of these seventy arbitrations which have\\nbeen described to us so well. You have a court of\\narbitration meeting in Geneva, and again in Paris.\\nEach of them is a spectacle which angels regarded\\nwith pleasure. Each of them called together\\nmen of the greatest distinction, but men who had\\nnever seen each other before men who had to be\\nintroduced to each other and whose reputations\\nwere not known before men who had to deter-\\nmine in what language they would speak to each\\nother, who, when they got together, had not\\npower to call a witness from the other side of the\\nstreet; men who had to take up the case without\\nany rule of procedure as to what testimony should", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0477.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "442 Sixty Years\\nbe admitted and what should not be admitted. It\\nis a court worse, if I dare to say so, than an eccle-\\nsiastical court, and when I have said that I have\\ngot pretty near the bottom of human nonsense.\\nIt is a miracle that in the great tribunal created at\\nGeneva, and fading away like the mists of these\\nmountains when its meeting was over, without any\\nlaws of procedure, without any standard as to what\\nshould be testimony, they were able to get any-\\nthing on which people could rely in the least, on\\nwhich this high tribunal made the decision which\\nthey did make. What we claim is that when you\\nhave a Permanent Tribunal, the rule which that\\ntribunal adopts, and the reputation which it has,\\nand the prestige which it gains in the world, will\\ncarry the decisions of that tribunal where the pro-\\nceedings of none of these courts of arbitration\\nwould ever pretend to go.\\nThe truth is that now you lose all that you have\\ngained in each one of these arbitrations. You fall\\nto the bottom of your mountain every time, and\\nthen climb up again and say, We have climbed\\nup to this place seventy-one times before. Is n t\\nthat encouraging?\\nThe way to begin is to begin. It is not to talk\\nabout beginning. It is not to talk about the twen-\\ntieth century; it is to act like the men of 1896,\\nand begin to-day.\\nDo not let us be deceived by the glamour which\\nwe can throw over the meeting at Washington,\\nThe meeting at Washington was presided over by", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0478.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 443\\nour honored friend who does us the great favor to\\npreside over us here. It called together four hun-\\ndred men of the greatest distinction in the States\\nto which they belong. It was well said that in\\nthe last hundred years no such list of names has\\nbeen brought together in any great public move-\\nment as the list of four hundred names on the\\nregister of that convention. Trust me, if I have\\nany knowledge of men or affairs, the meeting at\\nWashington did not create a ripple on the surface\\nof the average life of the city of Washington. We\\nwere not honored by any public expression of\\nopinion by the President or any of his cabinet;\\nnot one of them darkened our doors for the quar-\\nter of a second. We were not honored by any\\npublic expression of opinion by the Senate or\\nHouse of Representatives of the United States; I\\nwas not so fortunate as to see any member of\\neither of those bodies within our doors. It hap-\\npened on the first day of the convention that the\\nforefoot of one of the horses of the President s\\ncarriage got lodged in the track of the street rail-\\nway. The horse fell down, and Mr. Cleveland\\nopened the carriage door and stepped out on the\\nsidewalk; and another carriage passed by, in which\\nMr. Cleveland was taken to his home. That inci-\\ndent, of which I have now told you the whole, took\\nup more of the attention, and twice as much space\\nin the journals of the city of Washington as the\\nproceedings of the great international arbitration\\nconference on the same day. Do not let us de-", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0479.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "444 Sixty Years\\nceive ourselves, then, by any glamour of what we\\nourselves could say and what our own reports\\ncould be, about our own convention. But at the\\nsame time let us observe that here was a conven-\\ntion called, not by idealists, not by poets, not by\\nmen of the twentieth century, but by the hard-\\nheaded men of the city of New York, who did not\\nwant any nonsense in this business. These hard-\\nheaded men had taken it into their heads that at\\nthe end of the nineteenth century it was not worth\\nwhile for nations to be cutting each other s throats.\\nThat, I think, was the great lesson of the confer-\\nence at Washington. The thing we got out of the\\nconference at Washington was that our president\\nappointed a strong executive committee of twenty-\\nfive, which was a permanent committee, a com-\\nmittee which may be in session, if it chooses, from\\nthe first of January, early in the morning, to the\\nthirty-first of December, late in the afternoon\\nready to prompt President Cleveland s somewhat\\nlagging memory, to keep up Mr. Secretary Olney s\\ntone of humanity, to be present everywhere where\\nthere is a chance to urge the necessity of a Perma-\\nnent Tribunal among nations. That is what we\\nhave got out of the conference at Washington.\\nLet us hope that that permanent committee is in\\nsession at this moment.\\nI believe that I was assigned to say what I\\nthought was practicable at the present time; I can\\nsay it in a very few minutes. When the Pan-\\nAmerican Congress met, which was the great-", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0480.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 445\\nest thing in the history of the last twenty-five\\nyears, and which two hundred years hence will be\\nmarked as such, when those sixteen States met\\nat Washington, under the masterly lead of Mr.\\nBlaine, I had the honor to present to Mr. Blaine a\\nplan for a Permanent Tribunal for the nations of\\nAmerica. Mr. Blaine was a statesman who would\\ngrasp any such idea, and he took the suggestion,\\nwhich had undoubtedly been made to him by\\nothers, as one not in the least new to him, and he\\nbrought it before the private conference that\\nassembled. The leading gentlemen of that as-\\nsembly saw the importance of the matter, in par-\\nticular, the representatives from Mexico. But on\\nconsidering what they could do and what they\\ncould not do, they satisfied themselves, as I remem-\\nber some gentlemen said here a year ago, that it\\nwas not yet time for a Permanent Tribunal, and\\ntherefore waited for a more convenient season, as\\na certain person waited in the Book of Acts, for\\nwhom it was not found that a more convenient sea-\\nson ever came. Accordingly they did not propose\\na Permanent Tribunal, but proposed a treaty of\\narbitration. And I should like to have the gentle-\\nmen who roll the word arbitration under their\\ntongues too eagerly, observe that nothing came\\nfrom this proposal, and that not one of the sixteen\\nStates has ever adopted the form of the treaty\\nwhich was brought forward. Whether it were\\nthe best thing to be done or not, it has not been\\ndone, from that moment to this.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0481.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "44^ Sixty Years\\nI believe that at the present moment a proper\\noverture by us to the Republic of Mexico, to the\\ngovernment of Brazil, and to the government of\\nChile, for the establishment of a permanent board\\nto which could be referred all disputes arising be-\\ntween these States, would be favorably received.\\nI believe that if such a court, consisting of eight\\njurists, were to sit, simply to sit, and be in ex-\\nistence, the men being honored in each case as the\\nmen who receive the highest honor in the States\\nappointing (such men as John Ouincy Adams was\\nafter he retired from the office of President, such\\nmen as Benjamin Harrison is to-day, are the sort\\nof men you want to put upon such a tribunal), I\\nbelieve that to such a tribunal every State in\\nAmerica would refer the questions which arise,\\nwhich now at any moment may plunge it into\\nwar.\\nMy other practical plan is of the less conse-\\nquence. It is understood that the President and\\nMr. Olney have one in view. It is understood\\nthat Lord Salisbury and, I think, the Archbishop\\nof Canterbury have another in view. It is under-\\nstood that the Bar Association has another in\\nview. There are undoubtedly forty plans for per-\\nmanent tribunals between the United States and\\nGreat Britain. My plan is that when the Lord\\nChief-Justice of England arrives in America within\\nthe next month, the Chief-Justice of the United\\nStates shall ask him to lunch some day. And if,\\nwhile they sat at lunch, the Chief-Justice said to", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0482.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "A Permanent Tribunal 447\\nthe Lord Chief-Justice, Don t you think this non-\\nsense has gone on long enough? And could not\\nyou and I go into another room and block out on\\na bit of paper the few central principles for this\\nthing? I think the Lord Chief-Justice would say\\nYes, and I think they would go into the library,\\nand on a bit of paper the principles for the High\\nCourt of the future might be laid down then and\\nthere.\\nI had the great pleasure, a year ago, of listening\\nto Sir Frederick Pollock, who is now professor of\\njurisprudence at Oxford, and is a person of such\\nimportance in England that the English govern-\\nment gave to him the preparation of their Vene-\\nzuelan case. When he addressed the graduates of\\nthe Dane Law School at Cambridge Sir Frederick\\nsaid\\nThere is nothing I know of in our con-\\nstitution to prevent the House of Lords, if it\\nshould think fit, from desiring the judges of the\\nSupreme Court of the United States, by some\\nindirect process, if not directly, and as a matter of\\npersonal favor, to communicate their collective or\\nindividual opinions on any question of general\\nlaw; nor, I should apprehend, can there be any-\\nthing in the constitution of that most honorable\\ncourt or the office of its judges, to prevent them\\nfrom acceding to such a request, if it could be\\ndone without prejudice to their regular duties. And\\nif the thing could be done at all, I suppose it could\\nbe done reciprocally from this side, with no", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0483.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "448 Sixty Years\\ngreater trouble. Such a proceeding could not, in\\nany event, be common. Could the precedent be\\nmade once or twice, in an informal and semi-\\nofficial manner, it might safely be left to posterity\\nto devise the means for turning a laudable occa-\\nsional usage into a custom clothed with adequate\\nform. As for the difficulties, they are of the kind\\nthat can be made to look formidable by persons\\nunwilling to move, and can be made to vanish by\\nactive good will. There is no reason why we\\nshould not live in hope of our system of judicial\\nlaw being confirmed and exalted in a judgment\\nseat more than national, in a tribunal more com-\\nprehensive, more authoritative, and more august\\nthan any the world has yet known.", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0484.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "THE MT. VERNON DINNER-PARTY\\n[A speech before the American Peace Society, in Huntington\\nHall, May 13, 1S96.]\\nMr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, I\\nwish to call to your attention the meeting of a few\\ngentlemen, rather more than one hundred years\\nago, which in its outcome has a right to be re-\\ngarded as the first Peace Society of modern times.\\nI do not forget the Great Design of Henri IV of\\nFrance, Queen Elizabeth, and other leaders of their\\ntime, who proposed a permanent tribunal of peace\\nand the pacification of Europe. But that demand\\nof theirs had been permitted to go by, and it is on\\nan occasion which you will think, perhaps, too\\nsmall for consideration now, that the greatest\\npeace society on the earth was born.\\nI suppose it to have been, indeed, at the dinner-\\ntable of President Washington, certainly it was\\nunder the hospitable shelter of Mount Vernon,\\nthat the greatest peace society in the world was\\nborn. It was in the year 1785, two years after\\nwhat had been called peace had been arranged\\nwith England. Then it had proved that here were\\nthirteen nations, jarring against each other, quar-\\n29", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0485.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "450 Sixty Years\\nrelHng at every point, fierce animosities existing\\non the right hand and on the left, and that there\\nwas no peace. A question with regard to some\\noysters in the Bay of Chesapeake is the beginning\\nwhich has started a contest: the oystermen of\\nMaryland and the oystermen of Virginia are in\\ncollision, and here are two sovereign States ready\\nfor war, in order each to defend the honor of the\\noyster, whether of Virginia or of Maryland. And\\nit is under those circumstances that the great\\nnation of Virginia on one side of the Chesapeake,\\nand the great nation of Maryland on both sides,\\nit is on that occasion that they invited commission-\\ners to meet to settle the question of the oysters.\\nAnd George Washington, who has lately laid down\\nthe sword, is one of these commissioners of arbi-\\ntration and as his habit was, he asked these gen-\\ntlemen to stay with him as his guests in the\\nmatchless hospitality of Mount Vernon. And, as\\nI like to imagine, it is at a dinner party after the\\noysters on the shell have been served from the\\nVirginia side, after Madam Washington s magnifi-\\ncent puree de huitres has been served from the\\nMaryland side, after the fried oysters, gathered\\nperhaps from both shores, it is then that the\\nconversation, from the question of the oysters,\\nworks itself out, as it must do where sensible\\npeople have come together, and General Washing-\\nton, or one of these gentlemen, whose names I will\\nnot repeat, says, But this is only one subject.\\nWe can settle this business of the oysters here", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0486.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "The Mt. Vernon Dinner-party 451\\nto-night but there are other contests between\\nthe States. There is the whole shad question from\\nthe Susquehanna above, which is going to sweep\\ndown upon us next spring; there is the ques-\\ntion of lumber; there is the question of imports\\nand exports on which every one of the thirteen\\nStates is at war with every other one. We must\\nhave some larger method of arranging the diffi-\\nculties between us. And it is from such conver-\\nsation, under the hospitable roof of Mount Vernon,\\nthat there is born the great Federal Convention of\\nwhich Mr. Gladstone said that it struck out in the\\nfewest months the greatest amount of wisdom\\nwhich had ever been struck out by men brought\\ntogether.\\nWhat did the Federal Convention bring about?\\nIt brought, you say, the nation of the United\\nStates; and so it did. And how did it do it? By\\ncreating an army? No. Could it add anything\\nto history? No. Were there any arrangements\\nof detail which would keep these people from\\ncutting each other s throats a little loqger? as one\\nof them said.i You can scarcely say that. As the\\ncentury has gone by, the great work of the Federal\\nConvention, in stopping not only such petty at-\\ntacks upon each other as that of the oystermen,\\nbut in preventing war, with one exception only in\\na century, the great work of the Federal Con-\\nvention was the establishment of the Supreme\\nCourt of the United States. A Permanent Tri-\\n1 John Adams in a private letter to Dr. Price.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0487.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "452 Sixty Years\\nbunal which should always be in session, day and\\nnight, which should have its marshals, its officers,\\nand its established rules of procedure to determine\\nany questions which might arise between these\\nthirteen States, the Supreme Court was called\\ninto existence. Supreme, remember it has shown\\nitself a supreme court again and again, from that\\nday to this day. It showed itself a supreme court\\nonly in this last summer when, over the head of\\nthe President and the Congress, the Supreme\\nCourt said No the income tax stops, and this\\nmoney goes back to the men who have paid it.\\nThe Supreme Court is supreme over the executive,\\nover Congress, over every one of the forty-five\\nStates which make up the American nation. You\\nhave thus a supreme court, a Permanent Tribunal,\\nwhich can sit in judgment on a question of very\\nsmall importance between individuals of any two\\nStates of the United States, and which can decide\\nState questions as well, such as have again and\\nagain sent nations into war against each other.\\nI would not attempt, on such an occasion as\\nthis, to go over even the names of the discussions,\\nbetween sovereign States, remember, which this\\nSupreme Court because it is permanent, be-\\ncause it is supreme has adjudicated and settled.\\nI am speaking to a great many Massachusetts\\nmen; I am speaking, I see, to many men and\\nwomen of great intelligence but it would be no\\ndisgrace to any person in this room not to know\\nthat within fifty years there has been a question", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0488.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "The Mt. Vernon Dinner-party 453\\nbetween the State of Rhode Island and the State\\nof Massachusetts such as has again and again sent\\nGerman States to war against each other, such as\\nhas again and again sent kings of Italy to war.\\nAnd here we do not so much as know the names\\nof the places involved in the question between\\nRhode Island and Massachusetts It is rather an\\ninteresting question I looked it up in order that\\nI might come to this meeting; I knew nobody else\\nwould do anything about it. And I think it might\\nbe as well to say what were the causes of war.\\nIn the beginning, Charles the First who had\\njust as much right in the business as I have to\\nadjudicate between the boundaries of Patagonia\\nand Chile declared that the southern boundary\\nof Massachusetts should run from the Atlantic to\\nthe Pacific on a line three miles south of the\\nsouthernmost water of Charles River. In those\\nearly days you sent out your surveyor, and he\\nwent up in his canoe, and when he got above the\\ncanoe he worked up, though he had no rubber\\nboots, till the brook got small, and finally he said,\\nThis point is the southernmost point of Charles\\nRiver, and he put up a stone there and ran a\\nline east and west, and that line was accepted as\\nthe southern boundary of the State of Massachu-\\nsetts. Then a couple of hundred years go by,\\nmore or less, and at the end of a century or two\\nsome man who wants to make a better map dis-\\ncovers another brook which will go up far enough,\\nif you go on a rainy day, to bring the head-waters", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0489.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "454 Sixty Years\\ntwo miles farther south than the head-waters in\\nthe original survey. Excellent question to fight\\nabout which of these is the head-water which\\nshall decide the southern line of the State of\\nMassachusetts? Excellent question, almost ex-\\nactly like the question on which we are invited to\\nfight with regard to the boundary of Venezuela at\\nthe present moment. And on that question Massa-\\nchusetts and Rhode Island might have gone to\\nwar, we did have constables arresting the wrong\\nmen because they did not pay their taxes to the\\nright State. But the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates said, We are supreme in this business.\\nYou may bring your maps. And they adjudi-\\ncated the question, and the boundary is decided\\nforever, and you and I do not know on which side\\nit is decided. And this is because there is a Per-\\nmanent Tribunal, a supreme tribunal, which shall\\narrange the disputes among the States which make\\nup the nation which is the United States. And\\nthat nation would not exist to-day unless such a\\nsupreme tribunal had been the master-stroke of\\nthe great policy of the men who made the Federal\\nConstitution.\\nMy friends here are proud, and are rightly proud,\\nthat to-day they celebrate the sixty-eighth anni-\\nversary of this Society, one of the oldest, perhaps\\nthe oldest peace society, so-called, in this world.\\nBut long before their time, as early as 1789, when\\nthe United States of America was founded, it be-\\ncame as the United-States-of-America, the greatest", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0490.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "The Mt. Vernon Dinner-party 455\\npeace society that the sun of God has ever shone\\nupon. The United States of America is to-day a\\npeace society that is what the name stands for.\\nIt is a peace society preserving peace, first among\\nthirteen States, then among fifteen, then among\\ntwenty-four, and now at last among forty-five\\nStates between ocean and ocean.\\nMy Httle parable of the oysters has extended\\nitself longer than I meant it should. But it is\\nnot very difficult to apply the lesson of the meet-\\ning under the roof of Mount Vernon to the lesson\\nwhich ought to go forth from this place to-night,\\nfrom all the places where people are brought to-\\ngether who have to do with the government of\\nthis country. At the present moment we are in-\\nterested, at any moment we ought to be interested,\\nin the relations between England and America.\\nWill you let me read to you a pregnant passage\\nwhich I heard from the lips of its distinguished\\nauthor last Jime, in the Sanders Theatre at Cam-\\nbridge? Sir Frederick Pollock, the gentleman to\\nwhom, as the highest legal authority in England,\\nthe English government intrusted the make-up\\nof its case in the Venezuelan matter, said in the\\ngreat oration which he delivered on that day\\nThere is nothing I know of in our constitution tO\\nprevent the House of Lords, if it should think fit, from\\ndesiring the judges of the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates, by some indirect process, if not directly, and as a\\nmatter of personal favor, to communicate their collective\\nor individual opinions on any question of general law", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0491.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "456 Sixty Years\\nnor, I should apprehend, can there be anything in the\\nconstitution of that most honorable court, or the office\\nof its judges, to prevent them from acceding to such a\\nrequest, if it could be done without prejudice to their\\nregular duties. Such a proceeding could not, in any\\nevent, be common. It might happen twice or thrice\\nin a generation, in a great and dubious case touching\\nfundamental principles, like that of Dalton v. Angus,\\na case in which some strong American opinions, if they\\ncould have been obtained, would have been specially\\nvaluable and instructive.\\nCould the precedent be made once or twice in an\\ninformal and semi-official manner, it might safely be left\\nto posterity to devise the means of turning a laudable\\noccasional usage into a custom clothed with adequate\\nform. As for the difficulties, they are of the kind that\\ncan be made to look formidable by persons unwilling to\\nmove, and can be made to vanish by active good will.\\nObjections on the score of distance and delay would be\\ninconsiderable, not to say frivolous. From Westminster\\nto Washington is for our mails and despatches hardly so\\nmuch of a journey as it was a century ago from West-\\nminster to an English judge on the Northern or Western\\ncircuit. Opinions from every supreme appellate court\\nin every English-speaking jurisdiction might now be\\ncollected within the time that Lord Eldon commonly\\ndevoted to the preliminary consideration of an appeal\\nfrom the Master of the Rolls.\\nThis is an opinion from the highest legal au-\\nthority which England could name as to what is\\nthe present position of things between the nation\\nof England and the nation of America.", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0492.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "The Mt. Vernon Dinner-party 457\\nI hope that some day one of our young histori-\\ncal painters will make for us a picture of the\\ndinner-table at Mount Vernon, of the half-dozen\\ndelegates assembled there, and the moment when\\nthe suggestion was made of the permanent tribu-\\nnal which should make the greatest peace society\\nin the world. If one may look into the future, a\\nsomewhat similar moment will be the moment\\nwhen the Chief-Justice of the United States and\\nthe Lord High Chief-Justice of England shall\\nmeet together in a conference, perhaps on the\\nlives of the thirty thousand baby seals who are to\\nstarve to death within the next six months because\\ntheir mothers have been slaughtered perhaps\\nthat matter will seem of sufficient importance to\\ntwo nations for them to ask the heads of their\\njudiciary to consider whether such famine and\\nslaughter are creditable to the civilization of the\\none nation and of the other. But no matter what\\nthat first question maybe; perhaps it may be as\\nto what are the head-waters of the River Otranto,\\nwhether they cross by the side of two palm-trees\\nor by the side of three dragon-bayonet-trees\\nwhatever the question which may be referred to\\nthese two gentlemen, it might be that as they sit\\nat lunch one of them should say to the other,\\nMy good brother, we have become excellent\\nfriends in the course of this discussion surely we\\nare not going home never to see each other again?\\nWould it not be possible for us to propose an en-\\nlargement of this thing, and to make it permanent?", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0493.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "458 Sixty Years\\nIf you could only have, sitting at your side here,\\none of your coadjutors and one of mine; if we\\ncould call in, don t you remember that very\\nbright Frenchman that you met in the arbitration\\nbusiness four years ago, the man who spoke\\nEnglish so well? If we could have him there,\\nand that fine Swiss, and, don t you know, those\\nItaHan fellows are working out their whole busi-\\nness on philosophical lines, getting ahead of us,\\nyou might have So-and-So? If out of this dis-\\ncussion about the seals or the head-waters of the\\nOtranto there could grow up the Permanent Tri-\\nbunal, of six, eight, ten, or thirteen judges, in\\nsession, with its officers, its marshals, with its right\\nto command testimony, with its sifting over of\\nevidence, and gradually with the prestige of the\\nworld attached to its decisions, what a blessing\\nthat for this twentieth century of ours to boast\\nover\\nMr. Tennyson has written no line which has\\nbeen more often quoted and more widely remem-\\nbered than that fine line with which Locksley\\nHall closes, where he expresses the hope for\\nThe Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World.\\nBut the world has already, in the generation and\\nmore which has passed since then, got beyond its\\nneed of parliaments of peace. We have only too\\nmany parliaments now, and too many speeches.\\nWhat the world wants is a Tribunal of Peace, a\\nPermanent Tribunal; and the world is sure to", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0494.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "The Mt. Vernon Dinner-party 459\\nhave it. And all meetings to-day arc looking\\nforward to this Permanent Tribunal, to begin,\\nif you please, between England and America to\\ngo farther, till the nations of Christendom are\\nmade one out of many, as the Lord Jesus prayed.\\nThat day is coming, says Sir Frederick Pol-\\nlock, and every one of us can do something to\\nhasten it of us, I say, not only as citizens, but as\\nespecially bound thereto by the history and tradi-\\ntions of our profession, which belong to America\\nno less than to England.\\nThat day is coming, and every one of us can do\\nmore or less to hasten it", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0495.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "THE OLD DIPLOMACY, AND THE PER-\\nMANENT TRIBUNAL\\n[Printed by the American Peace Society, 1899.]\\nLet us remember, as a foundation in all these dis-\\ncussions, that what is called diplomacy is really as\\nmuch out of date as is plate-armor or a mail shirt,\\nor archery or hunting with falcons. For a person\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2who has eight days in the week nothing could be\\nmore entertaining than to study the origin of mod-\\nern diplomacy, its development, and its preserva-\\ntion now among the other etiquettes of the past.\\nIt has done a certain duty in the past, as plate-\\narmor did, and as falcons did. But now what is\\ndone is done outside of its forms and its etiquettes,\\nand these forms and etiquettes are preserved\\nsimply for record, or, if you please, to place the\\nfinal seal on transactions which are wrought out\\nelsewhere.\\nWe still have ambassadors and ministers pleni-\\npotentiary and chancelries and attaches. And so\\nwe still have plate-armor; there are two large fac-\\ntories in Europe which are devoted to the making\\nof plate-armor which is very good plate armor.\\nThe demand for it in the opera-houses is sufficient", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0496.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "The Old Diplomacy 461\\nto maintciin these institutions. And so we still\\nhave at the great cities ambassadors, who are very\\ngood fellows and do very good work. They prepare\\nthe way, in a fashion, and they keep excellent rec-\\nord of what is going on but the business of the\\nworld is not transacted by them.\\nThe world, indeed, since this century began, has\\nbeen looking round, more or less uneasily, for better\\nmethods of achieving its purposes than the meth-\\nods employed, say by Philip II., Henri IV., and\\nQueen Elizabeth. The gentleman or lady who is\\nstudying the history of diplomacy may connect\\nwith this study the progress which has been made\\nin new devices.\\nOf these devices the methods of what we call\\nArbitration are by far the most striking. They are\\nso successful that we cannot but congratulate our-\\nselves on their achievements. What is called arbi-\\ntration amounts to this two nations have come to\\nissue on some point which concerns them both\\na good instance is the arbitration of the northeast\\nboundary question, between Maine on the one\\nhand and New Brunswick and Canada on the other.\\nThe United States had its construction of the\\nTreaty of Paris of 1783, as to the line of boundary\\nto be run, which was to be on the highlands which\\nseparate the waters flowing into the Atlantic from\\nthe waters flowing into the River St. Lawrence.\\nThe English government had another construction\\nof this same article of this same treaty. The ques-\\ntion at issue was whether the St. John River did", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0497.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "462 Sixty Years\\nor did not flow into the Atlantic. It discharges\\ninto the Bay of Fundy, which discharges into the\\nAtlantic. Was it then a river flowing into the\\nAtlantic, or was it not? The United States said\\nthat it was, the English government said it was not,\\nand that therefore it must not be considered in\\ndrawing the line of highlands.\\nThe diplomatic system amounted to this, that the\\nSecretary of State at Washington produced every\\nreason in his power to show that in the minds of\\nthe seven men who made the Treaty of Paris there\\nwas but one thought: that they regarded all\\nrivers which did not flow into the St. Lawrence as\\nflowing into the Atlantic. If they made no mention\\nof the St. John, and they did not, it was simply\\nbecause it seemed to them so clear that the name\\nof the bay which received its waters was of no\\nconsequence, that they classed it with all the other\\nrivers on the south side of the boundary line.\\nAgainst this the English government presented all\\ntheir reasons for considering that the line should\\nrun south of the St. John, and that its waters should\\nbe treated as if they did not exist.\\nOn an issue like this, diplomatists could spend\\nhundreds of years if they wanted to. There have\\nbeen such questions which have been open for that\\nlength of time. The United- States government\\nand the English government, after a diplomatic dis-\\ncussion of fifty years, determined to leave the\\nquestion to the arbitration of the King of the\\nNetherlands. This does not mean that the King", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0498.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "The Old Diplomacy 463\\npersonally considered the subject; it means that\\nhe selected competent and impartial students who\\nshould consider it, and who should report to him.\\nThe King of the Netherlands was a respectable\\nperson, who had no special prejudices in favor of\\neither power. He accepted the proposal, and he\\nmade a report. His report was that neither of the\\ntwo parties had maintained its claim, and that he\\nwould make a new line, between the two, not\\npretending that it was the line of the treaty, but\\npretending that it was a good line which they had\\nbetter both establish.\\nEach party refused to be bound by the arbitra-\\ntion. They said he had not done what he was\\nappointed to do and the whole matter was left\\nfor further negotiation.\\nWhen, in the year 1842, Sir Robert Peel came\\ninto power in England, he determined to settle the\\nquestion. He sent over to America Lord Ash-\\nburton, a gentleman who, as one of the Barings,\\nhad very large financial relations with America, and\\nwas well known and esteemed here. On our side,\\nMr. Webster was then at the head of the Depart-\\nment of State. Lord Ashburton and Mr. Webster\\nmet; Mr. Webster brought together experts from\\nMassachusetts and Maine, and so gathered a staff\\nof seven people around him. He was the eighth,\\nLord Ashburton was the ninth, and they agreed\\ntogether, as a body of men of sense, that they\\nwould abandon the old treaty of 1783, and make a\\nnew line. They made a Hne, and that line is now", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0499.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "464 Sixty Years\\nthe line between the two countries. This was no\\ntriumph of diplomacy it was a frank rejection of\\nthe old methods of diplomacy. And such a trans-\\naction is one of the movements of this century\\nwhich show that old-fashioned diplomacy cannot\\nbe trusted in such affairs, and that you have to de-\\nvise some method, as Sir Robert Peel did, more in\\nconsonance with what we may call the business\\nhabits of the time.\\nThe intercourse of nations is so much larger than\\nit was in the times of Queen Elizabeth, and the\\npersonal relations of individuals so much closer,\\nthat there is something absurd in the diplomatic\\npretence. It is absurd to pretend that any gentle-\\nman, however well informed, who represents the\\nQueen of England, meeting with any gentleman,\\nhowever well informed, who represents the Presi-\\ndent of the United States, can even begin to\\nexpress or to carry into effect such arrangements\\nas are necessary in the mutual intercourse or in the\\ncommerce between the nations called England and\\nthe United States. A very pathetic illustration of\\nthe failure of any reliance upon such agents was\\nin the famous Jay Treaty of the end of the last\\ncentury. Jay was a man as well informed as most\\nAmericans of his time. The English government,\\nof course, took counsel which they thought good.\\nBut they made a treaty of commerce which made\\nno reference to the fact that cotton was raised in\\nthe United States. Nobody connected with the\\ntreaty on either side knew that it was raised in the", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0500.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "The Old Diplomacy 465\\nUnited States. And that treaty had to meet a\\nterrible storm of indignation in America. The men\\nof affairs, who did know that there had come in\\nthis new-born stranger who was to be a giant in the\\nHne of international commerce, were able to twit\\nthe diplomatists who had made that treaty with\\ntheir ignorance of a factor so important.\\nIt may readily enough be said, however, that\\nthe real business of diplomatists is not to open\\nnew channels of intercourse, but that it is to\\nsmooth the intercourse which exists and remove\\ncauses of complaint. Should there turn up ground\\nof quarrel between the two nations, is it not well\\nthat there should be, at the capital of each, a rep-\\nresentative of the other, who may make or obtain\\nthe necessary explanations? In theory this sounds\\nvery well. But what happens in practice?\\nSuppose in Delagoa Bay an American schooner\\nis unloading lumber. Suppose a midshipman from\\none of the Queen s ships comes on board on some\\nerrand or other, and he and the American skipper\\nget into a quarrel. Perhaps the midshipman has\\nto be ejected forcibly perhaps not. But each of\\nthem is very angry, perhaps each of them is a\\nlittle drunk, and each swears revenge. So soon\\nas the schooner returns to America, her captain\\nreports what he calls the facts at his headquarters.\\nBefore that time a report has gone to England of\\nthe insult given to an English officer. Here is\\nample ground for war, on the old theories of war.\\nJenkins s ear is not more important than the slap\\n30", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0501.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "466 Sixty Years\\nin the face which one of these two men may or\\nmay not have given the other. What possible\\nchance is there of obtaining the truth in the dip-\\nlomatic contest which is to follow? The American\\nskipper and one or two of his crew are examined\\nat Washington, and they tell the story in their own\\nway and with their own color. Nobody cross-\\nexamines them, the offending parties have no\\nopportunity to hear them; but careful statements\\nof their evidence are laid before the proper officials\\nin our State Department. They issue the proper\\ninstructions to the United States minister in Eng-\\nland, and he, by virtue of his office, is bound to\\ntake our side. He does take it, takes it through\\nand through.\\nExactly the same thing is gone through on the\\nother side. Each government educates a set of\\nmen who understand about the Delagoa incident.\\nThese men persuade themselves of the absolute\\nright of their own view. You could carry on dis-\\ncussion, on such a basis, for a hundred years, and\\ncome to no settlement. Neither party has any\\npower to cross-examine witnesses. The cases are\\nconfessedly made up on ex-parte testimony, and\\nhave to run the chances of such cx-parte testimony\\nin the decision which must be arrived at.\\nThis Delagoa case is pure imagination. I do\\nnot know that we ever send lumber to Delagoa\\nBay. But anybody who will read the long and\\nrather dreary discussions of the Venezuela case\\nwill see how great is the danger of pure ex-parte", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0502.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "The Old Diplomacy 467\\nopinion. It has been whispered that Lord Salis-\\nbury himself, when at last he was obliged to give\\nhis personal attention to the details of this contro-\\nversy, was surprised to find what was the class of\\nerrors into which the advocates of England s claim\\nin the English Foreign Office has been led by the\\ndocuments which they had on their files.\\nNow there were more than seventy-five impor-\\ntant arbitrations in the seventy-five years which\\nfollowed the Treaty of Ghent. Here was an im-\\nmense step forward in international relations. Our\\nown country took advantage of arbitration in the\\nwell-known instance of the northwestern boundary,\\nwhen we accepted the adverse decision of the\\nEmperor of Germany; of the Alabama claims,\\nwhen England accepted the adverse decision, and\\nsubsequently in the Alaskan contention. But\\nwhile we acknowledge all that was thus gained,\\none cannot but remember how much dissatisfaction\\nthese awards gave, and one cannot but ask how\\nmuch was to be expected from such tribunals.\\nFor the purpose of these arbitrations, seventy-\\nfive distinct tribunals, more or less, were estab-\\nlished; and these tribunals ceased to be tribunals\\nas soon as the award was made. There was there-\\nfore in no case any prestige, in the court making\\nthe decision, gained by its earlier successes; nor\\nindeed were the persons who constituted such\\ntribunals in the least prepared by previous expe-\\nrience in the same line. They were all novices.\\nWorse than this, in no case had they any power", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0503.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "468 Sixty Years\\nto call witnesses, excepting so far as the courtesy\\nof the different States suggested. When the King\\nof the Netherlands had referred to him the north-\\neast boundary question which has been alluded to,\\nthe English government had and knew it had in its\\npossession, in the King s own library, a map on\\nwhich the A Mericc7f I line was drawn distinctly, with\\nthe manuscript statement, This is the line agreed\\nupon by the Commission. The English govern-\\nment did not consider that it was their duty to\\nbring this map before the King of the Netherlands,\\nand he never knew that it existed. Many years\\nafter Mr, Sparks discovered in France the cele-\\nbrated red line map, which favored the BritisJi\\nclaim, though it had no manuscript statement, and\\nno one knew what was its origin. He gave the\\nAmerican government the knowledge of this fact,\\nand they did not consider it their business to\\napprise Lord Ashburton of its existence. Every\\narbitration has been obliged to act with the con-\\nsciousness that each party was putting its best\\nfoot foremost, and no one of them has had any\\npower to call for witnesses as to the existence of\\nanother foot, or to cross-examine witnesses. The\\ngreat arbitration of the Alabama claims was\\ndecided by a court which had only the testimony\\nwhich the two countries brought before it, and\\nwhich had to judge for itself of the value of that\\ntestimony.\\nSuch are the reasons for saying that as the cen-\\ntury has worked along, the progress of man has", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0504.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "The Old Diplomacy 469\\nproved the necessity of a Permanent Tribunal\\nbetween States, which should be in session all the\\ntime. It should be entrusted, first, with power to\\nlay down certain fundamental principles of inter-\\nnational law. This is not impossible, nor even\\ndifficult, for the study of the theory of international\\nlaw has gone on, not interrupted by diplomatists,\\nwho have not had much to do with it, but asserting\\nitself more and more in the affairs of commerce\\nand nations.\\nSecond, this Tribunal, permanently established,\\nmust have power to call for witnesses, wherever\\nthey maybe, and to authenticate written statements\\nwherever they may be made.\\nThird, it must have power to establish its own\\nrules of procedure, and it must fix reasonable times\\nfor the hearing and adjudication of questions\\nbrought before it.\\nFourth, these questions must be international\\nquestions. The court is not established to define\\nthe rights of individuals, or to decide in their con-\\ntroversies. It is established simply to give to one\\nnation an opportunity to prove a case in a conten-\\ntion with another nation.\\nFifth, this court need not define, nor need any-\\nbody define, what class of questions the nations\\nshall thus bring forward. Come who will The\\ncourt exists, and it exists to promote international\\njustice. As was well said by a member of the New\\nYork State Bar Association, it hangs out its sign,\\nInternational Justice Administered Here.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0505.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "470 Sixty Years\\nSixth, having hung out its sign, this court hears\\nall international cases brought before it. It hears\\ncounsel on each side, and examines the testimony\\nwhich they bring forward. If necessary, it calls\\nfor more testimony. If necessary, it refers ques-\\ntions to masters and it demands reports on side\\nissues from experts. Having thus informed itself,\\nthis court pronounces its decision.\\nNow when that decision has been made, in such\\na way, no power can stand against it. New ques-\\ntions may be brought up but that question, in\\nthe minds of men and in the public opinion of the\\nworld, will be considered as decided. The ques-\\ntion need not be asked what army or what fleet\\nshall enforce these decisions.\\nIn saying all this, one is simply following the\\ngreat analogy of the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates. There are forty-five States which submit\\nall their interstate questions to the decision of the\\nSupreme Court. Every year the Supreme Court\\ndecides such questions. It has decided such ques-\\ntions for a hundred years. Unfortunately, the\\nConstitution itself waived the right of considering\\nthe question of slavery among those questions.\\nBut with the exception of this question, thus taken\\naway from the decision of the Supreme Court, it\\nhas made no decision which has not on the instant\\nbeen silently obeyed. Vox populi, vox Dei and\\nthe will of the people of America expresses itself\\nin the decision of the Supreme Court.\\nIt should be remembered that the great treaty", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0506.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "The Old Diplomacy 471\\nwhich has distinguished the names of Lord Salis-\\nbury and Mr. Ohiey failed simply on questions of\\ndetail respecting the cases which might and might\\nnot be brought before the tribunal which they\\nestablished. The treaty expressed this in these\\nwords\\nARTICLE IV\\nAll pecuniary claims or groups of pecuniary claims\\nwhich shall exceed ;!{^ioo,ooo in amount, and all other\\nmatters in difference, in respect of which either of the\\nhigh contracting parties shall have rights against the\\nother under treaty or otherwise, provided that such mat-\\nters in difference do not involve the determination of\\nterritorial claims, shall be dealt with and decided by an\\narbitral tribunal constituted as provided in the next fol-\\nlowing article.\\nBut it appeared at once that such a treaty was\\nbinding the hands of the men of the future. The\\nmen of the future will not like to have their hands\\nbound, and will be very apt to protest against de-\\ncisions made in advance, as to what is a question\\nof honor, for instance. It was therefore the great\\nadvantage of the other plan, that presented by\\nthe New York State Bar Association, that it\\nprescribed no restriction on the questions which\\nmight be brought, if both parties agreed. It did\\nnot compel them to bring their cases to the inter-\\nnational tribunal, any more than a man is com-\\npelled to bring an action against another man. If\\nhe prefers to let the matter grind along without", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0507.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "472 Sixty Years\\ntrial, he can do so. This open permission to the\\nnations to use the new tribunal is probably nec-\\nessary in inducing them to agree to establish it.\\nThe different plans which have been suggested\\nfor the personnel of such a tribunal are interesting,\\nbut they are not fundamentally important. The\\nimportant thing is that the personnel shall be such\\nas to command the respect and confidence of the\\nworld from the beginning. If the United States\\nof America commissioned its two most distin-\\nguished jurists to such a court, if England did the\\nsame, and France the same, there would be a be-\\nginning. Let these six gentlemen meet, and let\\nthem determine on three men well known in the\\nworld as students of international law, whom they\\nwill add to their number. Here you would have a\\ntribunal of nine, well fitted for the beginning of\\nthis great enterprise. It would be well, perhaps,\\nif it were determined to add to this tribunal six\\nassessors, not of the same rank as the nine judges,\\nbut such as could represent the smaller States of\\nEurope and America, and such as could be relied\\nupon, perhaps in holding local inquiries in regions\\nwhere such inquiries have to be made. If such a\\ncourt existed, if only the questions between these\\nthree nations, England, France, and America, were\\nsubmitted to it, its decisions would at once attract\\nattention and would command the respect of the\\nworld. At some fortunate moment, Germany\\nwould ask to be received into the circle of its oper-\\nations. Russia would have the same wish, Aus-", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0508.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "The Old Diplomacy 473\\ntria would not be left out, and probably the\\nsmaller States would be more eager than the six\\ngreat powers to join in so simple an arrangement\\nfor deciding questions of fact and law, such as\\nmake the difificulties between nations.\\nThe court would be established, then, and it\\nwould exist. If established on a provision of suf-\\nficient dignity, it would so exist that nations would\\nbe glad to bring many cases under its decision.\\nIt will study such cases, and will make its decision.\\nSuch a tribunal as we propose would command\\nrespect for these decisions, however slight the sub-\\njects which were involved. The question, not in\\nitself important, whether the interesting race of\\nseals shall exist or shall not exist in 1950, would\\nbe brought before it. Some wretched question of\\nboundary between Costa Rica and Nicaragua\\nwould be brought before it; whether the St.\\nMatthew River were ever called the St. Mark, or\\nwhether that river exists at all some of the\\nVenezuelan questions \\\\vere as trivial as this. With\\nevery new decision the new tribunal would gain\\nprestige and authority, and thus any two nations\\nwhich had cause for controversy, instead of having\\nto create a new court, out of new cloth, with inex-\\nperienced judges and with no traditional forms of\\nprocedure, would come before the International\\nTribunal, knowing what testimony it was to bring,\\nhow it was to authenticate its claims, and sure of\\nan impartial hearing of its arguments.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0509.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA AND HIS\\nCIRCULAR\\nI^A sermon preached at All Souls Church in New York, 1899.]\\nOn earth peace, good will toward men. Luke ii. 14.\\nThe song of the angels is taken fairly to express\\nthe hope and aim of the Church of Christ. He\\nhas no title more tender and true than that of the\\nPrince of Peace, though he himself said so sadly,\\nThink not that I have come to bring peace, but\\na sword, though his triumph was to be won when\\nthe blood flowed from his side, drawn by the spear\\nof a Roman soldier.\\nIn our great festivals, as on Christmas morning\\nor on Easter Day, if we dare, we are glad to sing\\nMilton s hymn.\\nNor war or battle sound\\nWas heard the world around.\\nNo hostile chiefs to mutual conflict ran.\\nAnd our prayer to God is always that the sword\\nmay be sheathed, and men need study war no\\nmore.\\nBut, in face of this hope, yes, and prophecy,\\nwe have to own that even in Christendom the gen-", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0510.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 475\\neral belief and practice is the other way. Men\\nwill laugh in your face when you say, The lion\\nshall lie down with the lamb. They will repeat\\nthe old jest that the lamb will be inside the lion.\\nThey will sneer at talk of universal peace, as being\\nonly the dream of poets and of prophets. The\\nmen who swing on rainbows, they say, the son-\\nneteers, the sweet singers, they are the men who\\nprattle about lambs and kids and doves, and swords\\nbeaten into ploughshares. And this sneer of the\\nmen of practice, as they love to call themselves,\\ngoes so far that in average talk you find the recur-\\nrence of war spoken of as a regular necessity. As\\nin our Spartan times, the mothers of our Israel\\nassembled their families in springtime, and gave to\\neach member a dose of nauseous medicine, to\\nthe weak that they might be made strong, to the\\nstrong that they might not be sick, you are\\ncoolly told that once in a generation there must\\nbe a drawing of blood. It is like Dr. Sangrado in\\nthe novel. What people called in old times the\\nbad humors must be drawn off, and this means\\nbloodshed. You hear this in the pulpit. You\\nhear it in common talk. It works its way into\\nsenates and councils.\\nWithin a month, in a large assembly in a uni-\\nversity of years of honest fame, a professor said to\\nme, confidently, Why is it that every century is\\nmore warlike than any before? And I had to\\nanswer, Because it is not so. I had to remind\\nhim that the people of the United States had had", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0511.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "476 Sixty Years\\nscarcely eight years of war in this nineteenth cen-\\ntury, against thirty-four or five in the century\\nbefore. In the same two centuries, England s con-\\ntrast, in general European wars, is fourteen years\\nof war, with Napoleon and afterwards with Russia,\\nagainst nearly fifty years in the century before.\\nIn face of figures so distinct as these, that easy\\nphrase that men make war more than ever finds\\nway in conversation and even afi ects public policy\\nand education.\\nBut, in truth, all the time the civilization of the\\nworld advances, commerce advances, education\\nadvances, the Christian religion advances. And\\ncommerce, education, civilization, and Christianity\\nmean peace. Prophecy is more and more intelli-\\ngible with every year; and prophets know be-\\ncause prophets are poets if you please that all\\ntheir prophecies of the twentieth century will fail\\nif it is not a century of peace.\\nOf a sudden the time comes, and the clock\\nstrikes. The present moment would be a favor-\\nable time to find the means for insuring durable\\npeace to all people.\\nTo all people. Durable peace. The\\npresent moment. Whose are these words? Is\\nthis some dreamy poet swinging on a rainbow?\\nIs this some coward lover wanting to play with\\nNeaera s hair? It is the leader of the largest army\\nin the world. Let us have peace, as the great\\nsoldier of America said. It is the sovereign of the\\nlargest territorial dominion in the world. It is the", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0512.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 477\\nCzar of Russia, The present moment, he says.\\nWhat is the present moment? It is the moment\\nwhen that nation which best represents modern\\nlife has crushed by a single blow the only State\\nwhich was left to represent bigotry and tyranny and\\nsavagery. America has crushed Spain, and is\\narranging the terms of permanent peace between\\nthe new and the old. The miserable blunder of\\nKing James the Fool, of England, after Elizabeth\\nhad crushed the Spanish Armada, has been atoned\\nfor, and that business has been finished. The new\\nhas asserted itself, and feudalism is at an end.\\nTo-day has spoken, and yesterday is nowhere.\\nThis moment, then, is the moment to insure\\ndurable peace, the present moment.\\nThe czar s proclamation is carelessly spoken of as\\nsimply a proposal for disarmament. It is criticised\\nwith sneers, abuse, ridicule, or indifference, mostly\\nby people who have taken the precaution not to\\nread it. In truth, however, it begins The pre-\\nservation of universal peace and the reduction of\\narmaments make the ideal to which all govern-\\nments should direct their efforts. It ends with a\\nprayer that these efforts may be united in one\\nfocus. That is the striking figure of the appeal\\nwhich the czar makes for a formal consecration of\\nthe principles of right, on which rest the security\\nof government and the progress of the peoples.\\nThe czar takes pains to show that now for twenty\\nyears every important treaty has affected to seek\\nthis object, general pacification, or, in a more", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0513.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "478 Sixty Years\\nliteral rendering, the peace-loving tendencies.\\nHe now proposes a conference of all the powers\\nof the civilized world, great and small, to occupy\\nitself with this object so generally desired. I am\\nnot sure but I should best advance my purpose\\nnow if I took your time in reading the whole of\\nhis appeal, I will read the beginning and the end.\\nIt begins with these words, of which I have already\\ncited some\\nThe preservation of general peace and the pos-\\nsible reduction of the excessive armaments now\\npressing upon all nations make the ideal towards\\nwhich the endeavors of all government should be\\ndirected.\\nHis Majesty, the Emperor, my august master,\\nhas been won over to this view,\\nConvinced that this lofty aim accords with the\\nessential interests and legitimate views of all the\\npowers, the Imperial Government believes the pres-\\nent moment to be the favorable time to seek\\nby an international council the most practicable\\nmeans of insuring real and durable peace to all\\npeoples; and, above all, of limiting the ever-\\nincreasing development of the present armaments.\\nAnd it ends thus: Filled with this idea, his\\nMajesty has been pleased to order that I propose\\nto all the governments who have accredited minis-\\nters at his court the meeting of a conference which\\nshould occupy itself with this great problem.\\nThis conference, by the help of God, would be\\na happy presage of the century now about to be-", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0514.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 479\\ngin. It would converge in one focus all the efforts\\nof all the States which sincerely desire that the\\ngreat conception of universal peace should triumph\\nover the elements of strife and discord. It would\\nat the same time, by formal union, cement an\\nagreement among the nations on those principles\\nof equity and right on which rest the security of\\ngovernments and the progress of peoples.\\nObserve, now, these are the words of a man or\\nof men who have read the important treaties of\\ntwenty years. These men tell us that all these\\ntreaties embody some wish or plan for permanent\\npeace. In quite wide conversation with many\\npeople who ridicule them, I have not met one per-\\nson who has taken the precaution to follow that\\nexample in reading these treaties.\\ndo meet every day persons who make the reply\\ndictated by the somewhat hasty slang of our time,\\nand are satisfied to say, The czar lies.\\nI am not, myself, in the habit of ascribing the\\nworst motives to any man, when he professes other\\nmotives. If, as the Prayer Book has it, a man\\nprofess and call himself a Christian, I call him so,\\ntoo. And, if an emperor tells me that twenty\\nyears have taught him this or that, I believe it is so\\ntill some one can prove the contrary. But in this\\ncase we need not discuss his motives. Happily,\\nthe conference proposed by him has been agreed\\nupon by all the great powers addressed. Lord\\nSalisbury s magnificent letter is even stronger than\\nthe czar s in its statement of a great necessity", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0515.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "480 Sixty Years\\nand a noble hope. If the czar have bent from his\\nthrone, as I am asked to behcve, to mumble out a\\ncoward s He, it is but one instance more where\\nSatan has served the servants of the Lord.\\nThe czar s word once spoken cannot be un-\\nspoken. This conference has been called, and will\\nbe held. What Isaiah looked forward to will come\\nto pass. What Henri IV died for will come to\\npass. What William Pcnn begged for will come\\nto pass. What Immanuel Kant demanded will\\ncome to pass. That is to say, men, representing\\nnations, with authority given them to confer on\\nwhat is possible, will enter one room, to make for\\nthe next century some plan for the maintenance of\\npermanent peace. So many ra} s will be united\\nin one focus,\\nThere is, as I intimated, a tragic interest, as one\\nremembers that we were almost at this point three\\ncenturies ago. This great proposal of the czar s\\nrecalls, at once, the memory of what Henri Ouatre\\nand Sully and Elizabeth and Burleigh called\\nthe Great Design. Successful at every point,\\nHenri, at the head of France, proposed the\\nGreat Design. It was a design by which the\\nfifteen States of Europe should unite in one per-\\nmanent council for the mutual preservation of\\npeace. I never heard any one say that Henri\\nswung on rainbows or played with fancies. Men\\nsay he is the greatest monarch of three centuries,\\nFrederic and Napoleon not excepted. I do not\\nhear men call his minister Sully a dreamer or a", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0516.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 481\\nlazy poet. Rather I hear him called the first\\nstatesman of five centuries. These men prepared\\nthe Great Design. They submitted it to Eliza-\\nbeth just after she had crushed the Armada. She\\nand her ministers, such men as Burleigh and Wal-\\nsingham, agreed to it, and improved it. They\\nproposed it to the other States of Europe, with the\\neloquence of sovereigns who had armaments be-\\nhind them. All but one of these States fell into\\nthe Great Design. Yes, and Henri was no such\\ndreamer, but he meant to compel by force the\\nEmperor of Germany to fall into line with the\\nrest. It was at that moment that tyranny and\\nbigotry used their one weapon, and the dagger of\\nRavaillac pierced the heart which was throbbing\\nwith the hope of universal peace for Europe.\\nIt is not amiss to go back three centuries to\\nlearn that a design like this is not unfamiliar to\\nstatesmen and to soldiers.\\nBut in America we need no such examples.\\nAmerica is the great example. The United States\\nof America is the great peace society of history.\\nThirteen little States unite. Because they unite,\\nin one century s time they make the strongest em-\\npire in the world. What is the secret of their\\npeace, of their prosperity? There are forty-five\\nStates, after a century, knit together as one, made\\nperfect in one, as the Saviour prayed, E pluri-\\nbus icfumi, as our fathers chose our motto. For\\none hundred and ten years with one wretched\\n31", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0517.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "482 Sixty Years\\nexception, which is not an exception these\\nStates have been at peace. Think of it Thir-\\nteen bankrupt, war-worn, jealous little provinces\\nstretched, starving, along the sands of the Western\\nAtlantic. Thirteen States, different in origin, in\\ninterests, in religion, in commerce, in habits of\\nlife, in education. Why do they not quarrel and\\nfight, as the little States of Germany have done, as\\nthe provinces of France and Spain, as the duchies\\nof Italy, always warring and wrangling? Why\\nfor one hundred and six years peace, absolute\\npeace?\\nWhy, there have been questions of boundary,\\nsince my own memory, such as have convulsed\\nEurope and South America a hundred times in\\ntwo centuries, such as are breeding war in the\\nworld to-day. Between Massachusetts and Rhode\\nIsland, between Iowa and Missouri, have been such\\nquestions. And yet men have already forgotten\\nthat they ever existed. Why do we not know of\\nwars about them, as those which convulsed Italy\\ntill our own time? Because the wisdom of the\\nFathers, in the providence of God, under the gos-\\npel of Jesus Christ, created\\nA Permanent Tribunal,\\nA Supreme Court,\\nwhich should hear all such questions, and decide\\nthem without appeal to arms. A supreme court,\\nsupreme, indeed! Higher than president.\\nHigher than senates or assemblies. Higher than", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0518.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 483\\ngovernors or councils or separate States. It\\nspeaks. Men hear, and they obey.\\nIt is to the infinite credit of the lawyers of the\\nworld that they see the possibilities of a supreme\\ncourt which shall be the arbiter thus in the quar-\\nrels of nations. I think we owe to Henri or to\\nSully the phrase the United States of Europe.\\nIt is to the great lawyers of our own time that Ave\\nowe practical plans, the possibilities for the per-\\nmajient tribunal, the supreme court of Christendom.\\nOf twenty plans for a permanent tribunal which\\nwill be laid before this conference, where at last\\nsuch plans can be considered, that which now\\nhas the highest sanction is that wrought out by\\nthe Bar Association of this State. It was drawn\\nup by a special committee of the distinguished\\nlawyers of the city of New York after careful con-\\nsultation. They intrusted the draft of their pro-\\nposal to Mr. W. Martin Jones, of Rochester, and\\nMr. Walter S. Logan, of this city. It received the\\nindorsement of the whole committee, most or all\\nof whom are known by those to whom I speak.\\nLet me repeat the names of Mr. Veeder, the chair-\\nman of the two gentlemen whom I have named\\nof Messrs. Rogers of Buffalo, Gilbert of Malone,\\nDeshon and Whittaker of this city; of Messrs.\\nRobertson and Davison. When I say that Mr.\\nChauncey Depew and Professor Moore are advis-\\nory members of the committee, I have certainly\\nnamed persons whom you do not think of gener-\\nally as swinging upon rainbows, or as lying in", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0519.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "484 Sixty Years\\nhammocks writing sonnets to their mistresses eye-\\nbrows. I think, if any one of us here had impor-\\ntant business in hand, he would be glad if he could\\nenlist Mr. Depew, Mr. Logan, or any of these\\ngentlemen in his business. This committee pre-\\npared a plan which received the approval unan-\\nimous or almost unanimous of the full meeting\\nof the association. They addressed it to the Pres-\\nident of the United States. Mr. Cleveland and\\nMr. Olney both expressed interest in the project\\nand proposition.\\nThe plan is so simple that it does not need a\\nlong statement, and I will not read it here. It\\nproposes that, if nine nations can be induced to\\ncombine in the great combination, the highest\\ncourt of each one of them shall be empowered\\nto name one of its own members for life as a per-\\nmanent member of the great national tribunal.\\nIf only two nations or three agree to the plan, it\\ncan begin.\\nThese lawyers are practical men who do not\\nmean to compel a nation to appear before the\\ntribunal any more than you compel a man, a pri-\\nvate citizen, to come to law, if he does not want to.\\nThey do propose, as one of the wisest and wittiest\\nsaid to me not long ago, to hang up their shin-\\ngle, and write on it the words, International\\nJustice administered here.\\nA court to consist of two nations, or three, or\\nof nine, would be looked upon with a certain\\ndoubt. The least important cases would be sub-", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0520.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 485\\nmitted to it first Some question as to whether\\nthere shall be a seal left in the world, or a seal-skin\\nsack for our grand-daughters to wear in 1950,\\nwould be submitted to it. The diplomats of Russia,\\nEngland, Canada, and the United States, under\\ngreat pressure, have not succeeded in determining\\nin thirty years whether this interesting race of ani-\\nmals our nearest kin, as Mr. Darwin has it\\nshall exist a century longer. If there were this\\ninternational court, the diplomats would be glad\\nto turn over to it for an answer the questions\\nwhich are involved. Or, for a good instance, the\\nquestion whether a lobster be a fish or not, a\\nquestion which the newspapers told us six weeks\\nago was going to bring the nations of England and\\nFrance into collision.\\nAs the central tribunal decided such lesser ques-\\ntions, it would be gaining prestige and authority.\\nIt would have a right to call for witnesses, perhaps\\nfrom all parts of the w^orld, and for experts on\\nquestions of science; and it would decide then,\\nand on such a decision the nations of the world\\nwould wait. I do not say they would always obey,\\nbut here would be time given for consideration\\nand the opinion of a board of honor, integrity, and\\nimpartiality, would be very difficult for any nation\\nto evade.\\nLet me suppose that in the harbor of one nation\\nthe war-ship of another should be destroyed by\\nsome explosion. Let me suppose that such a per-\\nmanent tribunal as the Bar Association proposes", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0521.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "486 Sixty Years\\nhad been in existence, under favorable prestige,\\nfor ten or twenty years. Does any one doubt\\nthat to such a tribunal both nations thus involved\\nwould gladly have referred all the questions of\\nthe duties, effects, and responsibilities of the two\\nnations concerned?\\nI speak with some care of the power of this\\nSupreme Court to compel the attendance of wit-\\nnesses, because even in great international arbitra-\\ntions there is, in practice, no such power. In the\\neighty-four years since the Treaty of Vienna, there\\nhave been more than eighty-four cases where ques-\\ntions in contention were decided by special boards\\nof arbitration. So much have we gained, and we\\nmay thank God for the gift. Eighty-four wars\\nprevented for the nations involved So many\\nyears of peace where there might have been years\\nof bloodshed. But it is a pity to have to say it\\neach one of these courts of arbitration has been\\ndissolved as soon as it has done its work. The\\ngreat tribunal of Geneva, which decided the Ala-\\nbama claims, may be spoken of with the highest\\nrespect as perhaps the most distinguished tribunal\\nwhich has existed in centuries. The character of\\nthe judges, their learning and ability, the well-\\nearned distinction of the counsel, the importance\\nof the questions at issue, all gave to the decisions\\nof this court the greatest interest. The court made\\nits decision, and the nations obeyed and then this\\ndistinguished court dissolved, its powers melted\\ninto thin air, it was nowhere. It had no precedents", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0522.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 487\\nto govern it, I might say it had no future before\\nit and it had no power to call a witness to testify-\\nas to the expense of a pin, though the witness lived\\nin the building in which the court was sitting. It\\nwas obliged to act upon the statements put in by\\nthe respective governments. It could hardly in-\\nquire where they received their information. It\\ncould not test that information by cross-examina-\\ntion or by any additional testimony. Indeed, the\\ntribunal may be compared to the simple arrange-\\nments of the frontier, where two quarrelling neigh-\\nbors agree to leave out their case to men, and\\nwhere these men, poor fellows, cannot summon a\\nwitness, perhaps cannot order the production of a\\ntitle, and can ask for no information but that which\\nthe prejudiced parties give them.\\nIn place of this the Bar Association proposes a\\nPermanent Tribunal, to be in session from the first\\nmoment of one century to the last moment of the\\nnext, ready to hear any nation which wishes to\\nbring its questions for decision, to hear the argu-\\nments of their counsel, to possess itself of all the\\nfacts, and then, without prejudice, to decide.\\nSuch is the great opportunity which is given to\\nthe next century, a presage, as the czar says so\\nwell, for the beginning of the century new-born.\\nAs Americans, we may well be proud that a\\ncommission of our most distinguished lawyers have\\nconnected themselves with the details which treat\\nof such a possibihty. It ought to be said that", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0523.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "488 Sixty Years\\nthe great lawyers always understand and recognize\\nsuch possibilities. I am tempted to read to you\\na part of the magnificent speech of Mr. Chauncey\\nDepew when he gave his approval to the plan\\nof the Bar Association as between England and\\nAmerica.\\nHe speaks of the lawyers of Charles I s time,\\nand of their leadership in that advance which\\nEngland and the world made in the English rebel-\\nlion and revolution. We remember that, even\\nin the days of almost universal assent to the divine\\nauthority of kings, Justice Coke could boldly chal-\\nlenge and check the autocratic Charles with the\\njudgment that the law was superior to the will of\\nthe sovereign. Christian teachings and evolution\\nof two thousand years, and the slow and laborious\\ndevelopment of the principles of justice and judg-\\nment by proof, demand this crowning triumph of\\nages of sacrifice and struggle. The closing of the\\nnineteenth, the most beneficent and progressive of\\ncenturies, would be made glorious by giving to the\\ntwentieth this rich lesson and guide for the growth\\nof its humanities and the preservation and perpe-\\ntuity of civilization and liberty.\\nAs Americans, I say that we are proud that such\\nan initiative should be given by the great lawyers\\nof our own country. But, in truth, as I have said\\nalready, the American Union is itself an object-\\nlesson, showing what a supreme tribunal is.\\nIt is an example of authority to examine and to\\ndecide the questions which arise between so many", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0524.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "The Peace Circular 489\\nStates, stretching from ocean to ocean, among\\nmen of every pursuit and of different interests and\\nall religions. Thus has the supreme tribunal\\nof America shown to the world what is possible\\nin maintaining the peace of the United States of\\nAmerica. With this object-lesson, we are able to\\nmake a step forward, which shall lead to what\\nHenri IV called the United States of Europe,\\nand to what we will yet call, not the United States of\\nEurope, but the United States of Christendom.\\nAnd as Christian men and women, as we read\\nevery prophecy of the past, we have a right to\\nlook forward with the eye of those who believe\\nthat the good God made of one blood all races\\nof men. We see the prophecy of the past accom-\\nplishing itself more and more distinctly, as every\\nyear comes forward of what we now call the future.\\nMore and more confidently do we thank God that\\nour children, if not we ourselves, shall live in the\\ncentury\\nWhere the common sense of most shall hold a fretful world\\nin awe,\\nAnd the kindly earth shall slumber, lapped in Universal\\nLaw.\\nEarth, wise from out the foolish past.\\nShall peradventure hail at last\\nThe advent of that morn divine,\\nWhen nations shall like forests grow,\\nWherein the oak hates not the pine.\\nNor birches wish the cedars woe\\nBut all in their unlikeness blend,\\nConfederate to one golden end.", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0525.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "MATUNUCK\\n[That the reader may better understand where in summer life\\nthe most of these sketches are written I print here a paper\\noriginally published in the Outlook.\\nAt the beginning of this volume is a picture, from the Pond, of\\nthe Red House, which has been my summer home since 1S73.\\nE. E. H.]\\nMY SUMMER HOME ON THE PIAZZA\\nIf you do not talk in riddles\\nNo one talks in riddles, I said. We talk\\nthe language of the country. If you do not under-\\nstand that, it is not our fault.\\nBut just now you called this road Ben Frank-\\nlin s road, and I am sure that yesterday somebody\\ncalled it Queen Anne s road. What had Ben\\nFranklin to do with Queen Anne?\\nHe had this much to do with her, that he rode\\nover the highway which became a highway under\\nher rule. Will you please to remember that you\\nare in Kingstown, and that Kingstown is so called\\nbecause it is a principal part of the King s province?\\nWill you please to remember, in your rank democ-\\nracy, that you and yours once lived under a king,\\nand were loyal to him? Now this king, his name\\nit was Charles the Second, and he left no children.\\nBut he did leave a brother, and his brother acted", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0526.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "Matunuck 49 1\\nvery badly, and was sent about his business, as\\nperhaps you have heard. And he left a daughter,\\nas perhaps you have heard, and she and her hus-\\nband v/ere king and queen, as perhaps you have\\nheard. And they died without any child, but this\\nex-king had another daughter, as perhaps you have\\nheard. And her name it was Anne, and she reigned,\\nand reigned to the glory of the Protestant suc-\\ncession, as perhaps you have heard. Now it was\\nin her day and generation that the road became\\nthe Queen s Road, and we call it affectionately the\\nQueen s Road until this day.\\nYou say it became. Pray, what was it\\nbefore\\nWhat was it before Ask Robert, yonder.\\nHe will tell you, as he told me the other day, that\\nit was the Indian s trail when they went from New\\nYork to Boston. It is true that Boston and New\\nYork existed only potentially, as my Presbyterian\\nfriends would say. But the trail existed, and it\\nwas predestined that the trail should go from\\nBoston to New York, and from Boston to New\\nYork it goes now. Now, Queen Anne, or the peo-\\nple who did her work, understood that there must\\nbe a road from Boston to New York, and they took\\nthe old Indian trail. Now, this Indian trail wound\\nalong so far inland that they did not have to swim\\nwhen they came to the locks or inlets like Perch\\nCove yonder, or Trustem s Bay below here; and,\\non the other hand, it kept as near the sea as it\\nmight, so that they should not have to toil over", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0527.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "492 Sixty Years\\nthese hills which were left that fine day when the\\nsecond glacial wave receded.\\nGlacial wave receded? You talk as if you\\nwere present at the foundation of the world\\nNo, I was not present; but if you had gone to\\nOberhn and studied New Testament Greek with\\nDr. Wright and you might have done a great\\ndeal worse and caught him off hours or on a\\nholiday, he would have told you that the second\\nglacial wave stopped here, and left this very hill\\nthat you are sitting on, among other things. And\\nit left a great deal of rough country, as you shall\\nsee when you go to walk with us to-morrow. Now,\\nthese Indians had some sense, and when they were\\nwalking from Boston to New York that is, from\\nthe possible Boston to the possible New York\\nthey kept off the hills as well as they could, and,\\nas I said, they kept off the sea as well as they\\ncould. So they made the road which now goes\\nfrom the Newport ferry south and west till it be-\\ncomes the Bowery.\\nThe next question was, Pray, what has this to\\ndo with Dr. Franklin? To which the answer was\\nevident:\\nBen Franklin organized the American post-\\noffice. Now, the American post-office had no route\\nmore important than the route from Boston to\\nNew York. Accordingly, Ben Franklin arranged\\nthat a man called a post-rider should leave the\\nferry yonder, beyond Tower Hill, and should ride\\nwith such letters as the merchants of Boston could", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0528.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "Matunuck 493\\nsend down to Newport, and as the Newport post-\\nmaster had sent across the ferry, till he came into\\nConnecticut, and so till he came to your grand\\nBowery, and delivered all these letters in New\\nYork. For all which the country was more obliged\\nto Ben Franklin than it knew for probably in that\\narrangement of his was the real beginning of the\\nunion of which we are all so proud of to-day.\\nWhat is perhaps more to the purpose, when Ben\\nFranklin came on occasionally to visit his old\\nmother, he came by this road. When he went,\\nhe went in a little sloop by water from Providence\\nto New York. But that passage was a long one,\\nand in after days he w^as much more in the habit\\nof coming by land. There are proud traditions in\\nthe better houses between here and New York of\\nhis visits at one or the other as he came on. So\\nit is that somewhere between here and New Haven\\nis placed the traditional story of Ben Franklin s\\nhorse and the oysters.\\nWhy, what has a horse to do with oysters?\\nsaid Polly, who up to this time had only been\\nwatching humming-birds, and was quite indifferent\\nto this grave historical conversation.\\nThat the ballad shall tell you, Polly. Oliver,\\nhere, will repeat it to you. I made him learn it\\nfor a piece at school.\\nSo Oliver repeated the words\\nFranklin one night, cold freezing to the skin,\\nStopped on his journey at a public inn", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0529.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "494 Sixty Years\\nRejoiced perceives the kindling flames arise\\nBut, luckless sage, he sees with distant eyes\\nA motley crew monopolize the heat\\nEach firm as Banquo s ghost retains his seat.\\nHo cries the Doctor, never at a loss\\nLandlord, a peck of oysters for my horse\\nYour horse eat oysters cries the wondering host.\\nGive him a peck you 11 see they won t be lost.\\nThe crowd, astonished, rush into the stall\\nA horse eat oysters what with shells and all\\nMeanwhile our traveller, as the rest retire,\\nPicks the best seat at the deserted fire\\nA place convenient for the cunning elf\\nTo roast his 03 Sters, and to warm himself.\\nThe host returned Your horse won t eat them, sir.\\nWon t eat good oysters he s a simple cur.\\nI know who will, he adds, in merry mood.\\nHand them to me a horse don t know what s good\\nI am fond of saying that this all happened at\\nWillow Dell yonder. For, a hundred and thirty\\nyears ago, when Franklin was coming and going\\nhere, Willow Dell was a snug house of entertain-\\nment, where the hospitable people took care of\\ntravellers. You can see by the curve at the door\\nto this day how the horses swept up there, and I\\nremember when the old tavern stable was standing.\\nWell, is the story true, then, grandpapa\\nMy dear child, it ought to be true by this\\ntime, for it has been told for at least two thousand\\nyears. They tell me something of the sort is told\\nin the Gesta Romanorum, which is fourteen\\nhundred years old, and that it can be traced back", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0530.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "Matunuck 495\\nfrom that into Greek literature. But Franklin was\\nwell read, and I do not see why he should not\\nhave tried the experiment as they tried it. I tried\\nto find who wrote th::: ballad which Oliver has just\\nrepeated to you, and I could get no farther back\\nthan 1 81 7, when it appeared in the Connecticut\\nCotcrant, in which a good many good things have\\nappeared, even before Mr, Warner s day. But our\\nlocal version here is more rollicking:\\nIt was Mr. Benjamin Franklin, a-carr3-ing of the mail,\\n(Sing ho, for the tallow-chandler s brother.)\\nHe had to be at Newport Friday morning without fail,\\n(Sing rather, t other, pother, fuss and bother.)\\nWhen passing Trustom Pond, as he rode with might and\\nmain,\\nHe was soaked to the skin by the thunder and the rain\\nAnd when he came to Dead Man s Brook his pony stumbled\\nin,\\nAnd tumbled Mr. Franklin off and soaked him through\\nagain.\\n(Sing ho, for the tallow-chandler s mother.)\\nSpeed up, he cried, and bring me to the Inn at Willow\\nDell\\n(Sing ho, for the tallow-chandler s cousin.)\\nBen Seegar there shall give you oats, and Hiram groom\\nyou well.\\n(Sing ten, eleven, twelve, a baker s dozen.)\\nSo quick they strode along the road, and here he entered in,\\nBut first, of course, he left his horse all wetted to the skin.\\nBut lo so many people were around the landlord s fire\\nThat he was forced to stand outside, and could n t come no\\nnigher.\\n(Sing five and four and two and one s a dozen.)", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0531.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "496 Sixty Years\\nGood friend, said I\\\\Ir. Franklin, as if it were of course,\\n(Sing Trustom Bay and lobster-claw and clam-shell,)\\nI wish that you would give a peck of oysters to my horse.\\n(Sing lobster-claw and pickerel and clam-shell.)\\nThe landlord heard without a word, and quick as he was\\nable,\\nHe shelled the fish and took the dish of oysters to the stable\\nAnd with surprise in all their eyes, the people left the\\nstranger,\\nAnd crossed the yard in tempest hard to crowd around the\\nmanger.\\nBen Franklin he cared not to see, but took the warmest seat.\\nAnd hung his coat above the fire and sat and dried his feet.\\n(Sing centipede and crocodile and bomb-shell.)\\nFive minutes more and through the door came Mr. Land-\\nlord swearing,\\n(Sing OHver, Tom Nopes, and Benjamin Seegar.)\\nAnd after him came all the folks a-wondering and a-staring,\\n(Sing Oliver, Queen Moll, and Colonel Wager.)\\nYour horse won t touch the oysters, sir, altho they re fresh\\nand new, sir.\\nHe won t? asked Mr. Franklin; that s no offence to\\nyou, sir.\\nYou see he does n t know what s good; but if he don t I do,\\nsir\\n(Sing rheumatiz and gout and shaking ager.)\\nIf he had tried your oysters fried he might not then refuse\\nem;\\nBut I will sit and toast my feet while Mistress Bowers stews\\nem.\\nAnd we have a local version as well of Queen\\nAnne s taking hold of the Indian road. I am\\nafraid, however, it is not much more authentic than\\nthe Franklin story. For as you will see when I\\nread it to you, it introduces a son of Roger Wil-", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0532.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "Matunuck 497\\nHams, who is a purely mythical person. All the\\nsame, it gives a good enough description of the\\nfight which took place around the poor Queen s\\nbed when the Catholic Church on the one side and\\nthe English Church on the other were fighting for\\nthe possession of her soul\\nOld Queen Anne, she lay a-dying,\\nOh, sad to see,\\nOn her silver bedstead lying,\\nWhile the golden sands are flying,\\nAh, weary me\\nOn her right the priest is kneeling.\\nWith his Latin prayer\\nTo the queen of heaven appealing,\\nThat this queen, whose life is stealing\\nFar from earth or earthly feeling.\\nMay quickly name her heir.\\nAt her left the bishop praying,\\nAnd the words he said\\nRecollect, Great God, the wonder\\nWhen her fleets with bolt of thunder\\nDrove the wicked Papists under.\\nAnd their armies fled.\\nSudden steps surprise the palace\\nVain the sentry at the wall is;\\nThe Messenger upsets the chalice\\nRoger Williams son\\nScornfully upsets the chalice,\\nAnd defies the churchman s malice.\\nHe has words to cheer the dying\\nOn her silver bedstead lying.\\nHear him in her chamber crying\\nThat her work is done.\\n32", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0533.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "498 Sixty Years\\nO er the dying queen he bended,\\nScreaming in her ear,\\nGreat Queen Anne, your road is mended,\\nFrom the floods the track s defended,\\nAll your money is expended,\\nBut the task has been well ended,\\nAnd the road is there.\\nFrom Block-house on Tower Hill\\n(Screaming in her ear),\\nBy Willow Dell to Perryville,\\nBy Loisha s home to Cross s Mill,\\nQueen Anne s road is built with skill,\\nTell me if you hear\\nSee the Queen s dim eyeballs glisten,\\nRising in her bed\\nHow her frail form bends to listen\\nTo the words he said.\\nWilliams, say those words again\\nThose are words that conquer pain.\\nAll the work explain explain\\nSay again say say again\\nAnd the Queen is dead.\\nRose the bishop from his kneeling.\\nCeased the priest from his appealing\\nTo the Holy Rood,\\nVain was Satan s thunderous levin,\\nTo her failure pardon s given.\\nFor Queen Anne has gone to heaven\\nOn the old Queen s Road.\\nPolly is just at the age when young people think\\nthat the world hinges on its poetry, as perhaps it\\ndoes. And at this point she asked if the history of\\nthe Queen s Road could all be told in ballads. For", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0534.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "Matunuck 499\\nher part, she believed that was the proper way to\\ntell a story-\\nI could only give her, for her present comfort,\\nthe ballad of Anne Hutchinson, also from the pen\\nof a local poet\\nANN Hutchinson s exile\\nHome, home where s my baby s home\\nHere we seek, there we seek, my baby s home to find.\\nCome, come, come, my baby, come\\nWe found her home, we lost her home, and home is far\\nbehind.\\nCome, my baby, come\\nFind my baby s home!\\nThe baby clings, the mother sings, the pony stumbles on\\nThe father leads the beast along the tangled, muddy way\\nThe boys and girls trail on behind the sun will soon be\\ngone.\\nAnd starlight bright will take again the place of sunny\\nday.\\nHome, home where s my baby s home?\\nHere we seek, there we seek, my baby s home to find.\\nCome, come, come, my baby, come\\nWe found her home, we lost her home, and home is far\\nbehind.\\nCome, my baby, come\\nFind my baby s home\\nThe sun goes down behind the lake, the night fogs gather\\nchill.\\nThe children s clothes are torn, and the children s feet\\nare sore.\\nKeep on, my boys keep on, my girls, till all have passed\\nthe hill,\\nThen ho, my girls, and ho, my boys, for fire and sleep\\nonce more", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0535.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "500 Sixty Years\\nAnd all the time she sings to the baby on her breast\\nHome, my darling, sleep, my darling, find a place for rest;\\nWho gives the fox his burrow will give my bird a nest-\\nCome, my baby, come\\nFind my baby s home\\nHe lifts the mother from the beast, the hemlock boughs\\nthey spread,\\nAnd make the baby s cradle sweet with fern leaves and\\nwith bays.\\nThe baby and her mother are resting on their bed,\\nHe strikes the flint, he blows the spark, and sets the\\ntwigs ablaze.\\nSleep, my child, sleep, my child!\\nBaby, find her rest,\\nHere beneath the gracious skies, upon her father s breast\\nWho gives the fox his burrow will give my bird her rest.\\nCome, come, with her mother, come\\nHome, home, find my baby s home\\nThe guardian stars above the trees their loving vigil keep\\nThe cricket sings her lullaby, the whippoorwill his cheer.\\nThe father knows his Father s arms are round them as\\nthey sleep;\\nThe mother knows that in His arms her darling need\\nnot fear.\\nHome, home, my baby s home is here.\\nWith God we seek, with God we find the place for baby s\\nrest.\\nHist, my child, list, my child angels guard us here.\\nThe God of heaven is here to make and keep my birdie s\\nnest.\\nHome, home, here s my baby s home\\nTHE END", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0536.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0537.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0538.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0539.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "MAR 9 1900", "height": "2875", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0540.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2896", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0541.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3010", "width": "1855", "jp2-path": "newenglandboyhoo00hale_0542.jp2"}}