{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3962", "width": "2690", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class, M^ gT\u00c2\u00a3V\\nBook_\\nr\\\\^", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "A. K. McCLURE", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nAND\\nHOW WE MAKE THEM\\nBY\\nA. K. McCLURE, LL.D.\\nILLUSTRATED\\nNEW YORK AND LONDON\\nHARPER BROTHERS PUBLISHERS\\n19OO", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0009.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "63366\\nCopyright, i?oo, by A. K. McCluxe.\\nAll rights reserved.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0010.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nPAGE\\nThe Washington Elections, 1789-92 1\\nThe Jefferson- Adams-Burr Contest, 1 800-1 12\\nThe Jefferson-Pinckney Contest, 1804 21\\nThe Madison-Pinckney-Clinton Contests, 1808-12 25\\nThe Monroe Elections, 1816-20 32\\nThe Adams-Jackson-Crawford-Clay Contest, 1824 39\\nThe Jackson- Adams-Clay Contests, 1828-32 47\\nThe Van Buren-Harrison Contest, 1836 59\\nThe Harrison- Van Buren Contest, 1840 65\\nThe Polk-Clay Contest, 1844 75\\nThe Taylor-Cass-Van Buren Contest, 1848 94\\nThe Pierce-Scott Contest, 1852 115\\nThe Buchanan-Fremont-Ftllmore Contest, 1856 130\\nThe Lincoln-Breckenridge-Douglas-Bell Contest, i860 .154\\nThe Lincoln-McClellan Contest, 1864 183\\nThe Grant-Seymour Contest, 1868 202\\nThe Grant-Greeley Contest, 1872 221\\nThe Hayes-Tilden Contest, 1876 244\\nThe Garfield-Hancock Contest, 1880 270\\nThe Cleveland-Blaine Contest, 1884 288\\nThe Harrison-Cleveland Contest, 1888 316\\nThe Cleveland-Harrison-Weaver Contest, 1892 337\\nThe McKinley-Bryan Contest, 1896 361", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0011.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0012.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS\\nA. K. McCLURE Frontispiece\\nGEORGE WASHINGTON Facing p. x\\nJOHN ADAMS 12\\nTHOMAS JEFFERSON 20\\nJAMES MADISON 24\\nJAMES MONROE 32\\nJOHN QUINCY ADAMS 38\\nANDREW JACKSON 46\\nMARTIN VAN BUREN 58\\nWILLIAM HENRY HARRISON 64\\nJOHN TYLER 70\\nJAMES K. POLK 74\\nZACHARY TAYLOR 94\\nMILLARD FILLMORE 106\\nFRANKLIN PIERCE H4\\nJAMES BUCHANAN 130\\nABRAHAM LINCOLN 154\\nANDREW JOHNSON 182\\nULYSSES S. GRANT 202\\nRUTHERFORD B. HAYES 244\\nJAMES A. GARFIELD 270\\nCHESTER A. ARTHUR 274\\nGROVER CLEVELAND 288\\nBENJAMIN HARRISON 316\\nWILLIAM MCKINLEY 360", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0013.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0014.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION\\nThe crux of American politics is the quadrennial elec-\\ntion of President. In the ebb and flow of our political\\nactivity the flood-tide comes in the Presidential contests.\\nThere are often tumultuous struggles and decisive events\\nin the intervals, but their political effect and all the issues\\nand movements of parties crystallize in the recurring con-\\nflict for the possession of the chief executive power.\\nOur American system makes the President the centre\\nand focus of political life. He is at once Prime Minister\\nand independent executive. He blends the functions of\\nwhat in parliamentary government is the head of the\\nCabinet, and what in other government is the head of the\\nState. He is a vital part of the legislative power without\\nbeing amenable to its control or dependent on its life.\\nHe is the framer of policies and the arbiter of parties.\\nAll this makes the election of President the central chord\\nand the arterial force of our broad political action.\\nThe history of Presidential elections, if not the history\\nof the nation, is at least the history of its determining\\nperiods. The successive epochs of our national progress,\\nwith their passionate struggles and controlling influences,\\nare fully reflected in these contests. After the retirement\\nof Washington the battles from 1800 for a quarter of a\\ncentury, which gave the succession of Jefferson, Madison,\\nand Monroe, marked the reaction from federal authority\\nand the rise of the democratic impulse in the young\\nRepublic. Then came the period running through the\\nthree contests and two elections of Jackson, the heirship of\\nvii", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nVan Buren, and the cyclonic reversal under Tippecanoe\\nand Tyler too in 1840, which turned on practical ques-\\ntions of internal polity and signalized the transition from\\nthe formative stage of the government to the inevitable\\nclash between the sections. This was followed by the\\nlong political and moral contention between freedom and\\nslavery, which began with the success of Polk and the\\nTexas annexation policy in 1844 an d ended with the\\ndefeat of the divided Democracy and the election of\\nLincoln in i860, when the political combat culminated\\nin the armed and colossal struggle of the civil war. Since\\nits conclusion and its settlements the nation has been\\nengaged in the mighty work of internal upbuilding, never\\nequalled anywhere else in the world, and the elections\\nhave involved the contending theories.\\nThe narrative of these elections, with the rise and fall of\\nparties, their divisions and their creeds, presents the out-\\nlines of the national development. For this work Colonel\\nMcClure, by experience, taste, and special knowledge, is\\npeculiarly and pre-eminently fitted. It is doubtful if any\\nother living American has borne so active and so intimate\\na part in so many Presidential elections. Not yet of age,\\nbut already a zealous and eager observer of political move-\\nments as a young editor, he attended the Whig National\\nConvention of 1848 in Philadelphia, and witnessed the\\nnomination of General Taylor. From that time he has\\nbeen personally familiar with the inner workings of every\\nnational convention and campaign. Including this year,\\nthere have been twenty-nine Presidential contests in our\\nhistory. Colonel McClure has actively participated in four-\\nteen, or practically one-half of the entire number.\\nHe was born at Centre, Perry County, Pennsylvania, on\\nthe 9th of January, 1828. Spending his youth on his\\nfather s farm, he became a tanner s apprentice at fifteen,\\nand remained at this trade for three years. His schooling\\nwas very limited, and his mental equipment was almost\\nwholly the rich endowment nature had given him and\\nviii", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION\\nthe attainments which his extraordinary intellectual force\\nbrought in after-years. At nineteen he became the editor\\nof the Juniata Sentinel, and his natural ability and vigor-\\nous pen soon gave him a recognized position and a dis-\\ntinct influence. Before he was twenty-one he served as a\\nconferee for Andrew G. Curtin in his Congressional can-\\ndidacy, and laid the foundations of his long and intimate\\nfriendship with the great War Governor. Speedily called\\nto the editorship of a more important paper at Chambers-\\nburg, his impress broadened, and in 1853, at the age of\\ntwenty-five, he was nominated by the Whigs for Auditor-\\nGeneral, the youngest man ever named by any party in\\nPennsylvania for a State office. Four years later he was\\nelected to the Legislature, serving in the House and then\\nin the Senate for several years. His career in that body\\nwas brilliant and distinctive. He was independent, fear-\\nless, and aggressive, a ready and trenchant debater, and he\\ndisplayed political and parliamentary abilities of the high-\\nest order.\\nIn the Republican National Convention of i860 he\\nplayed a prominent part. He and Curtin were potential\\nin leading the Pennsylvania break from Cameron to Lin-\\ncoln, and in promoting the nomination of the latter.\\nWith that success he accepted the chairmanship of the\\nState Committee, and made a dashing and energetic cam-\\npaign, which resulted in the October State victory that as-\\nsured and portended the election of Lincoln. This rela-\\ntion to the contest and subsequent service with Governor\\nCurtin, in directing Pennsylvania s part in the war, placed\\nhim on an intimate footing with the President, and during\\nthose dramatic and trying years he was a commanding\\nfigure in the State. Later he settled in Philadelphia in\\nthe practice of the law became one of the leading spirits\\nin the Republican revolt of 1872 which led to the Greeley\\nmovement returned to the Legislature, where, free from\\nparty shackles, he waged unsparing war against jobbery\\nand wrong, and where his forensic talent, his bold attacks,\\nix", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nand rare powers of invective and sarcasm made him at\\nonce respected and feared. Finally, he found what was\\nto prove his higher and truer place, and entered upon\\nwhat was to be his main life-work in the establishment of\\nthe Philadelphia Times, where he has had an ample and\\nconspicuous arena for the editorial genius which has\\nranked him among the foremost journalists of the coun-\\ntry. Here, for twenty-five years, with ripened experience\\nand mellowed spirit, but with unabated passion for politi-\\ncal movements, Colonel McClure has been both the actor\\nand the critic in the great and constantly changing drama\\nof public events. Standing between both parties, bound\\nby neither, but in the counsels of each, he has been ex-\\nceptionally informed on all the currents of political activ-\\nity. No one has had a broader acquaintance with the\\npublic men of his time, or has been more thoroughly be-\\nhind the scenes in the shifting transformations of pubiic\\naction. From his earliest years politics has had an ex-\\ntraordinary fascination for his fertile mind, and his taste\\nand talent for it have been equally marked. There has\\nbeen no national convention of either party for years that\\nhe has not attended, and the episodes and influences\\nwhich have turned the decision of the hour have been as\\nfamiliar to him as the broader principles which have\\nmoulded the general course of action.\\nColonel McClure is thus peculiarly qualified, not only\\nto present the large history of Presidential contests, but\\nto illuminate it with the instructive side-lights which are\\nas entertaining as they are suggestive. Comprehensive\\nin its treatment, infused with the very life and spirit of\\npolitical action, prepared with complete knowledge, and\\nwritten in a style of singular charm and force, this work\\nis not only a labor of love, but a valuable contribution to\\nthe historical literature of American politics.\\nCharles Emory Smith\\nWashington, April, 1900", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nI have endeavored in this volume to supply a want in\\nour political history by giving not only a detailed and reliable\\nreport of the nomination and election of every President of\\nthe United States, but by giving with it many important\\nsidelights relating to the selection and character of our\\nChief Magistrates.\\nWith a personal knowledge of national conventions cover-\\ning over half a century, and an intimate acquaintance with\\nthe chief actors of both parties in selecting Presidential\\ncandidates, I am able to give the inside movements of some\\nof our important national struggles which are imperfectly\\nunderstood. The inspiration and organization of all the\\nvarious political parties, great and small, are concisely pre-\\nsented, and the personal reminiscences of the struggles of\\nthe great men of the country have been most carefully\\nprepared.\\nAbsolute accuracy in the preparation of political history\\ncovering a period of one hundred and twelve years is not\\nto be expected, as record evidence is at times either imper-\\nfectly preserved or entirely destroyed; but no pains have\\nbeen spared to make this volume a complete and reliable\\nhistory of our Presidents and how we make them.\\nI am indebted to Edward Stanwood s History of Presi-\\ndential Elections and to Greeley s Political Text-Book\\nof i860 for valuable data of the earlier conflicts for the\\nPresidency. Many of the personal and political reminiscences\\ngiven are an elaboration of a series of articles originally\\nprepared for the Saturday Evening Post, of Philadelphia.\\nA. K. M.\\nPhiladelphia, March 1, 1900.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "GEORGE WASHINGTON", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "THE WASHINGTON ELECTIONS\\n1789-1792\\nThe first election for President of the United States was\\nheld on the first Wednesday of January, 1789, and it was an\\nelection in which the people took no part whatever in most\\nof the States. The election should have been held in\\nNovember, 1788, but the Constitution of 1787, that required\\nratification by nine States to make it the supreme law of the\\nnation, did not receive the approval of the requisite number\\nof States until the 21st of June, 1788, when New Hampshire\\nmade up the ninth State approving it. Vermont followed\\nfive days later, and New York, after a bitter struggle, ratified\\nthe Constitution on the 26th of July. There was then ample\\ntime for Congress to make provisions for a Presidential\\nelection in November, but many weeks were wasted in a\\nstruggle for the location of the national capitol, and it was\\nnot until the 13th of September that Congress was prepared\\nto pass a resolution declaring the ratification of the Con-\\nstitution, and directing the election of Presidential electors.\\nCommunication was at that time very slow and uncertain\\nbetween the several States, and as Congress did not fix the\\ntime for an election until the middle of September, the first\\nWednesday of January, 1789, was deemed the earliest period\\nat which an election could be had. Considering the length\\nof time required to communicate with the different States,\\nand the extreme difficulty in the States communicating with\\ntheir people and Legislatures, it was practically impossible\\nto have a Presidential election in which the people of the\\ncountry generally could participate.\\nNone of the States had made any preparation for an elec-\\ntion, and the only practical method for choosing electors was\\nby the Legislatures, as the Constitution provided then, as it\\ndoes now, that each State shall appoint Presidential electors", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nin such manner as its Legislature may direct. Attempts\\nwere made to hold popular elections in New Hampshire,\\nMassachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, but\\neven in New Hampshire and Massachusetts, after elections\\nhad been held after a fashion, the Legislatures of those\\nStates finally chose the electors. There were next to no\\nvotes cast in Pennsylvania,* Maryland, and Virginia, as\\nthere was no contest, the election of Washington being\\nconceded by all and whatever votes were cast in the States\\nhave never found their way into the political statistics of\\nthe country. Rhode Island and North Carolina had not\\nratified the Constitution and did not choose electors, and\\nin New York a bitter contest arose in the Legislature\\nbetween the friends and opponents of the Constitution,\\nresulting in a disagreement between the Senate and House\\nthat was not adjusted in time for the Legislature to choose\\nelectors. Thus, New York, Rhode Island, and North Carolina\\ngave no votes for President in the Electoral College of 1789.\\nThere had been no formal nomination of Washington for\\nPresident and Adams for Vice-President in any part of the\\ncountry. In later Presidential elections it was common for\\nLegislatures and mass-meetings to present candidates for\\nPresident, but I cannot find a record of any formal presenta-\\ntion of either the name of Washington or Adams as candi-\\ndates at the first Presidential election. Washington was\\naccepted as the logical ruler of the Republic, whose sword\\nhad won its independence, and Massachusetts, the State of\\nLexington and Bunker Hill, was conceded the second place\\non the ticket by general assent. Both were pronounced\\nFederalists, and Washington was much more positive in\\nhis partisanship than is now generally believed. He was\\nconsulted about the choice of a Vice-President, and he\\nanswered that while he took it for granted that a true\\nFederalist would be elected to the Vice-Presidency, he\\nwas unwilling to indicate any preference but it was gener-\\nally known that he and his immediate friends preferred\\nJohn Adams, who had been one of the committee with\\nJefferson to prepare the Declaration of Independence, and\\nwho had written a very vigorous pamphlet in favor of the\\nadoption of the Constitution.\\nIt is now generally assumed that there was no shade of\\n*Imperfect returns at Harrisburg show 5930 votes cast in Pennsyl-\\nvania for Washington in 1789 and 4576 in 1792.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nopposition to Washington s election to the Presidency, but\\nthe anti-Federalists, many of whom were opposed to the\\nConstitution, made several ineffectual efforts to defeat him.\\nIt is known that Franklin was approached on the question\\nof being Washington s competitor, but there is little doubt\\nthat he peremptorily refused. At that time the Presidential\\nelectors did not vote directly for President and Vice-Presi-\\ndent as they do now. Each elector voted for two men for\\nPresident, both of whom could not be a resident of the same\\nState, and the candidate receiving the largest vote, if a\\nmajority, was chosen President, and the candidate receiving\\nthe second largest vote for President became Vice-President.\\nSeveral movements were made, without ever attaining the\\ndignity of importance, to have votes quietly taken from\\nWashington and given to Adams, and other movements\\nwere made to defeat Adams for Vice-President, but all of\\nthem were signal failures. It is understood that Hamilton,\\nthe closest friend of Washington, was not friendly to Adams.\\nThere is some reason to believe that he would have seconded\\nthe movement of the anti-Federalists to make George Clinton\\nVice-President had it given any promise of success.\\nThe electoral colleges met on the first Wednesday of Feb-\\nruary, 1789, and elected Washington President, he receiving\\n69 votes, being the full number of electors, and John Adams\\nreceived 34 votes for President, which made him Vice-\\nPresident, although he did not receive a majority of the\\nelectoral votes. The following table shows the vote in detail\\nas cast by the Electoral College, all of the men having been\\nvoted for only as Presidential candidates\\ng\\nG\\nG\\nO\\nO\\nbe\\nC/j\\nbe\\nc\\nG\\nSTATES.\\nG\\nas\\nbe\\nS\\nG\\nG\\n3\\nW\\n*a3\\na!\\nM\\nV\\nG\\nw\\nu\\na!\\nX\\nX\\nu\\nG\\nO\\n-t-\u00c2\u00bb\\nG\\nO\\nbe\\n6\\nbe\\nT3\\nP\\nG\\nO\\nu\\na\\na)\\nh\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nu\\nc3\\nO\\nPI\\nG\\ng\\nu\\nG\\nO\\na\\nG\\nPI\\nO\\nu\\na\\nO\\nG\\nO\\nG\\nO\\ns\\nG\\nPQ\\nNew Hampshire\\n5\\n5\\nMassachusetts\\n10\\n1\\n10\\n5\\n2\\nConnecticut\\nNew Jersey\\n6\\n1\\n5\\nPennsylvania\\n10\\n8\\n9i\\nDelaware\\n3\\n3", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nc\\nc\\nc\\no\\no\\no\\nM\\nbfl\\nM\\nbe\\nc\\nSTATES.\\ni\\n2\\nxn\\nbo\\no\\n6\\nC/5\\ns\\nc 5\\nT3\\ni\\nS3\\nO\\nC\\nX\\nS\\nC\\nO\\no\\no\\no\\nc\\nnS\\nW\\nc\\nO\\nid\\ntu\\nK\\nt-i\\nD\\n6\\no\\n-4-\\nC\\no\\n0)\\no\\n0)\\nO\\nbo\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nu\\na\\no\\nc\\no\\n+J\\na\\nr*\\nO\\nI\\np\\n09\\nE\\nt-f\\nJ\\nw\\n4)\\ns\\ncS\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\n4-l\\no\\ny\\nC\\nC\\nc\\nm\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n10\\n7\\n5\\n5\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n3\\n6\\n9,\\n1\\n1\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\n1\\nTotal\\n69\\n34\\n2\\n9\\n4\\n6\\n3\\n6\\no\\n1\\n1\\n1\\nThe Congress of the Confederation had provided that the\\nnew Congress chosen under the Constitution should meet\\nin New York on the first Wednesday of March to declare\\nthe result of the Presidential election and inaugurate the new\\nRepublic, but a quorum of the Senate did not appear until\\nthe 6th of April, and on that day the electoral vote was\\ncounted in the presence of the two Houses, and Washington\\nand Adams declared elected. They were notified of their\\nelection as speedily as possible, but it was not until the 30th\\nof April that they were inaugurated.\\nWashington s second election was quite as unanimous as\\nthe first, both at the polls and in the electoral colleges. No\\nopposition electoral tickets were formed in any of the States,\\nas the re-election of Washington and Adams was universally\\naccepted. The Presidential electors of that day were ap-\\npointed in accordance with the obvious spirit of the Consti-\\ntution, that meant to provide an entirely dispassionate and\\nindependent tribunal in the Electoral College to exercise the\\nsoundest discretion in the choice of a President and Vice-\\nPresident. No pledges were asked or given by any one\\nnamed as an elector, and each one was free to vote accord-\\ning to the dictates of his own judgment. Had there been\\nopposition electoral tickets, they would have logically run\\non opposing lines with distinct obligations on the part of\\neach side as to how their votes would be cast, but no such\\nquestion arose until the first battle between Adams and\\nJefferson in 1796.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThere was no organized opposition to the administration\\nof Washington at the close of his first term, but the Demo-\\ncratic sentiment, so ardently cherished by Jefferson, had\\nbeen steadily growing, and with two such able and aggres-\\nsive opposing partisans as Jefferson and Hamilton in the\\nWashington Cabinet, it was only natural that opposition to\\nthe Federal policy would gradually take shape to be effective\\nwhen the overshadowing personality of Washington became\\neliminated from the politics of the country. Jefferson and\\nHamilton often had serious differences in the Cabinet, and\\nWashington uniformly sided with Hamilton. Washington\\nhad little personal and no political sympathy whatever with\\nJefferson, and only one of Jefferson s rare tact and sagac-\\nity could have remained in the Washington Cabinet and\\nfashioned the great opposition party that carried him\\ntriumphantly into the Presidential chair four years after\\nWashington s retirement. As opposition to the re-election\\nof Washington and Adams would have been entirely fruit-\\nless, it was not wisely attempted, and the election passed off\\nin almost as perfunctory a manner as did the first election\\nin 1789.\\nRhode Island and North Carolina had ratified the Con-\\nstitution, and Vermont became a State on the 4th of March,\\n1 79 1, and Kentucky on the 1st of June, 1792, giving fifteen\\nStates to participate in the second Presidential election. In\\nnine of the States Presidential electors were chosen by the\\nLegislatures, and by popular vote in New Hampshire, Mas-\\nsachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina, and\\nVirginia, but there were very few votes polled, and what\\nwere cast indicated nothing politically, as there were no op-\\nposing electoral tickets.\\nWashington again received the unanimous vote in the\\nelectoral colleges 132 in number and Adams became Vice-\\nPresident by receiving yy votes for President. When the\\ntwo Houses met to declare the vote, Vice-President Adams\\npresided in the House, opened and read the certificates of\\nthe votes of the several States, and declared Washington and\\nhimself elected President and Vice-President. The following\\nis the official vote in the electoral colleges as cast in 1792:", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSTATES.\\nd\\no\\n4-1\\nbo\\n.5\\nxn\\n\u00c2\u00ab5\\na\\no\\n-4-\\n.5\\no\\nc\\no\\nS-i\\n(D\\nit!\\n0)\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1\\nu\\nPQ\\nNew Hampshire\\n6\\n3\\n16\\n4\\n9\\n12\\n7\\n15\\n3\\n8\\n21\\n12\\n8\\n4\\n4\\n6\\n3\\n16\\n4\\n9\\n7\\n14\\n3\\n8\\n7\\n12\\n1\\n21\\n12\\n4\\n4\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\n1\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nTotal\\n132\\n77\\n50\\n4\\n1", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE ADAMS-JEFFERSON CONTEST\\n1796\\nWhile it was generally accepted that Washington would\\nnot be a candidate for a third term, he gave no definite ex-\\npression on the subject until he issued his farewell address a\\nshort time before the election of 1796. Washington was an\\nextremely reticent man, and it is possible that, in view of the\\nserious complications between this country and France, he\\nmay have anticipated a contingency that would make him\\naccept a third election to the Presidency, but it seems to have\\nbeen well understood by those nearest to him in official\\ncircles that he earnestly desired to retire to private life at the\\nexpiration of his second term. He was then the richest man\\nin the country, his wealth being almost wholly composed\\nof land and slaves, and for twenty years he had been unable\\nto give any attention to his large business interests. While\\nhis election and re-election to the Presidency by a unanimous\\nvote were very gratifying to him, he greatly preferred the\\nlife upon his plantation, where he gave most careful attention\\nto all the details of its management.\\nAs early as 1793 it was generally accepted by the public\\nthat Washington would not be a candidate for re-election,\\nand that Jefferson and Adams would be the logical com-\\npetitors for the succession. Jefferson had cleared his decks\\nfor the battle by resigning his office as Secretary of State\\nearly in 1794. He was not in harmony with the severe Fed-\\neral policy of Washington, and was very positively hostile to\\nthe policy of the administration in failing to support the\\nFrench Revolution. Jefferson led the Democratic forces of\\nthe country Washington, and Adams as his logical succes-\\nsor, led the Federal forces, and between them there was an\\nirreconcilable dispute as to the form of government the new\\nRepublic should assume. Washington, Adams, Hamilton,", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nand their associates did not believe in the capacity of the\\npeople for self-government. They favored the strongest\\npossible government, with checks and balances which could\\neffectually restrain what they regarded as positive and dan-\\ngerous ebullitions of public sentiment. They would have\\nmade Senators for life and given only the semblance of gov-\\nernment to the people. Jefferson, on the other hand, took the\\nbroad ground that the people were sovereign and should rule.\\nHe logically supported the French Revolution against the\\nBourbon Kings, and cherished the strongest prejudices\\nagainst England. As Secretary of State he could not well\\nhave remained in the Washington Cabinet the last two years\\nof the administration, but he doubtless resigned to be entirely\\nfree to make his great battle for the Presidency in 1796.\\nNeither Jefferson nor Adams was nominated for the Presi-\\ndency in 1796 by anv Legislature or mass-meeting of which\\nthere is any record as far as I have been able to ascertain.\\nAdams was the choice of Washington, and the logical suc-\\ncessor to Washington as the Federal candidate for President,\\nand Jefferson stood head and shoulders over all the Repub-\\nlicans of that day. The title of Republican was adopted by\\nthe friends of Jefferson, and the Democratic party was\\nfounded in 1796 by Jefferson under the name of Republican,\\nestablished as the majority party of the nation four years\\nlater, and it fought and won the Democratic battles under\\nthat name until 1824, when the Jackson party changed the\\ntitle to Democracy.\\nIf the overshadowing individuality of Washington could\\nhave been eliminated from the contest of 1796. Jefferson\\nwould have defeated Adams by a decided majority, but\\nWashington was earnestly enlisted in the support of Adams,\\nand all the power of the administration was wielded in favor\\nof the Federal candidate. While Washington was not\\ncharged with violent partisanship in his appointments, it is\\nnone the less true that when the issue came between Adams\\nand Jefferson, every Federal official of the country felt bound\\nto support, with all the power he possessed, the candidate\\npreferred by Washington. Had Grover Cleveland lived in\\nthat day, he would have had ample opportunity to denounce\\nthe pernicious activity of office-holders with as much\\nreason as he denounced them a century later in his support of\\ncivil service reform.\\nNot only were the Federal officials aggressively enlisted\\n8", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nin favor of Adams, but the personal influence of Washington,\\nthat was greater than that ever wielded by any other official\\nor citizen of the Republic down to the present time, was a\\nserious obstacle to Jefferson s success. The people loved\\nJefferson as the author of the Declaration of Independence,\\nand a large majority of them sympathized with his liberal\\nideas of popular government, but the name of Washington\\nwas sacred to a large majority, and his wishes were para-\\nmount in deciding their political action. Such were the con-\\nditions under which Jefferson entered the contest against\\nAdams in 1796.\\nIn this contest, for the first time, there were two candidates\\ndistinctly declared as competitors for the Presidency, and\\nother candidates as distinctly declared as competitors for\\nVice-President, although all had to be voted for as candi-\\ndates for President in the Electoral College. At that time\\nAaron Burr was in the zenith of his power. He was one of\\nthe most astute politicians of that day, inordinately am-\\nbitious, unscrupulous in his methods, and he was generally\\naccepted by the friends of Jefferson as the candidate for\\nVice-President.\\nNew York was a Federal State, but it was hoped that by\\nthe masterly ability of Burr the electoral vote of New York\\nmight be won for Jefferson, although while there was entire\\nunanimity among the Republicans in support of Jefferson,\\nthere was not equal unanimity in the support of Burr. He\\nfailed to carry New York for Jefferson, but succeeded in\\ncarrying it for Jefferson and himself in 1800, and his victory\\nwas won so early in the contest by the election of a Repub-\\nlican Legislature in that State in May, 1800, that he prac-\\ntically decided the battle against Adams.\\nThe Presidential contest between Jefferson and Adams\\ndeveloped into the most defamatory campaign ever known in\\nthe history of American politics, unless the second campaign\\nof 1800 between the same leaders may be accepted as equal-\\nling it. In no modern national campaign have candidates\\nand parties been so maliciously defamed as were candidates\\nand parties when Jefferson and Adams fought for power in\\nthe contest of the Fathers of the Republic. Jefferson was\\ndenounced as an unscrupulous demagogue, and Adams was\\ndenounceS as a kingly despot without sympathy with the\\npeople, and opposed to every principle of popular govern-\\nment.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThere were few newspapers, but it was the age of the pam-\\nphleteer, and the political pamphlets of those days, if com-\\npared with the political asperities of the present age, would\\nmake the partisan vituperation of the evening of the nine-\\nteenth century appear as tame and feeble. Nor were political\\nleaders of that day any less unscrupulous than are the political\\nleaders of the present. The struggles of mean ambition were\\nas common then as now, and political leaders jostled each other\\nin the most vituperative assaults to give victory to their cause.\\nThe contest ended in November, when the elections were\\nheld in the various States. Tennessee had been admitted to\\nthe Union on the 1st of June, 1796, making sixteen States\\nto participate in the choice of a President. Of these, six\\nStates held some form of popular elections, while ten chose\\ntheir electors by the Legislature. The popular vote cast at\\nthese elections had no material significance. There was but\\none ticket voted for in nearly or quite all of the six States\\nwhich assumed to choose electors by popular vote, as the New\\nEngland States were solid for Adams, and the Southern\\nStates, where elections were held, were strong in the support\\nof Jefferson. The result was the election of Adams in the\\nElectoral College by a vote of 71 to 68 for Jefferson, who\\nthereby became Vice-President. The following is the vote in\\ndetail, as cast in the Electoral College, the electors voting\\nonly for President\\nu\\n(0\\nc\\nu\\nw\\nto\\nto\\nC\\nc\\nc\\nfe\\na]\\nC\\nO\\n-t-\\n6\\n5\\nA\\n60\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a20\\nSTATES.\\nof\\nS\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a00\\nc\\n09\\nU\\nm\\nc\\nc\\nto\\ns\\n03\\nu\\nO\\nto\\nc\\nc\\nca\\nto\\nC\\nc\\nE\\nto\\na\\nE\\nto\\nB\\n03\\nS\\nc3\\nH\\nu\\nO\\nbo\\nu\\n0)\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\ne\\n.a\\nu\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nto\\ns\\nbo\\nLi\\nO\\nS\\nOS\\nc\\nto\\n2i\\n3\\n6\\nH\\nH\\nJl\\n6\\nO\\nCfi\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\n4.\\n16\\n4\\n13\\n1\\n_\\n_\\n_\\n2\\n_\\nMassachusetts\\n4\\n4\\n4\\n5\\nNew York\\n12\\n7\\n12\\n7\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\n1\\n14\\n2\\n13\\nDelaware\\n3\\n3\\nIO", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nrt*\\nd\\nd\\ng\\nd\\nd\\nto\\nCO\\nCO\\nto\\nf*\\nCO\\ns!\\nO\\nO\\nB\\nd\\nfi\\nO\\n-4-\\nfc\\nCO\\nfi\\nc3\\no\\nCO\\n43\\nto\\nfi\\n*o\\n44\\nSTATES.\\n3\\nco*\\nco\\nIn\\nco\\nit!\\nco\\nfi\\n44\\no\\nfi\\nu\\nu\\nCO\\na\\nu\\no\\nCO\\nfi\\no\\nfi\\nJ*\\nfi\\n!S\\nCO\\no\\nCO\\nfi\\n43\\n3\\no\\nfi\\n-a\\nfi\\n43\\nO\\n7\\nco\\nS\\no\\nH\\n4\\nto\\ncS\\na\\no\\n43\\nH\\n4\\np\\nfi\\no\\nc3\\n8\\n3\\nS\\nto\\nCO\\nO\\nO\\nco\\nbo\\nu\\no\\nCD\\nC\\n43\\nO\\n1\\nCO\\nCO\\na\\nct)\\nCO\\nbo\\no\\n(0\\nt\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i\\nco\\nfi\\na\\n\u00c2\u00abs\\nCO\\nfi\\nCO\\nc\\n43\\nO\\n2\\no\\nCO\\nco\\noj\\n43\\nO\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n1\\n20\\n1\\n1\\n15\\nR\\n1\\nNorth Carolina\\n1\\n11\\n1\\n6\\n3\\n1\\n1\\nSouth Carolina\\n8\\n8\\nGeorgia\\n4\\n4\\n4\\n4\\nKentucky\\n_\\nTennessee\\n3\\n3\\nTotal\\n71\\n68\\n59\\n30\\n15\\n11\\n7\\n5\\n3\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n1\\nIt will be seen by the foregoing table that Pennsylvania,*\\nMaryland, Virginia, and North Carolina cast divided elec-\\ntoral votes for the Presidency between Jefferson and Adams.\\nIn Pennsylvania, Adams received I electoral vote to 14 for\\nJefferson. In Maryland, Adams received 7 to 4 for Jeffer-\\nson. In Virginia, Jefferson s own State, Adams received 1\\nto 20 for Jefferson, and in North Carolina the vote was 1 for\\nAdams to 11 for Jefferson. In all of these States the electors\\nwere chosen by popular vote, and they were doubtless\\nselected with reference to their character and intelligence\\nwithout pledges as to how they should cast their ballots in the\\nelectoral colleges. One of the Virginia electors exercised his\\nadmitted right to vote against Jefferson, who had the largest\\npopular following in the State. It was this independent ac-\\ntion of a few electors in 1796 that made both parties draw\\ntheir lines severely in the selection of the candidates for\\nelectors, and from that time until the present all electoral\\ntickets have been made up of men who were accepted as\\nsolemnly pledged to vote for their party candidates in the\\nElectoral College.\\n*The popular vote, as imperfectly preserved at Harrisburg, gives\\nAdams 11,552 and Jefferson 8373, but as 14 of the 15 electors voted\\nfor Jefferson the vote of record is incomplete and misleading.\\nII", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "THE JEFFERSON-ADAMS-BURR\\nCONTEST\\ni 800-1\\nThe Presidential contest of 1800 was as revolutionary in\\nits aim and in its accomplishment as was the Republican\\nrevolution of i860. The Federalists had practically undis-\\nputed control of the Government for twelve years, under\\nWashington and John Adams, and the power of the Federal\\nparty, with the overwhelming individuality of Washing-\\nton in its favor, accomplished the election of Adams over\\nJefferson in 1796. When the battle of 1800 opened, Wash-\\nington was dead, and Hamilton, one of the ablest of the\\nWashington political lieutenants, was not in hearty sympathy\\nwith Adams.\\nThe Federalists held both branches of Congress, and a\\ntidal wave of partisan bitterness and personal defamation\\nran riot, both in Congress and throughout the country. Our\\nforeign complications with France had become very serious,\\nand Congress approved what was then regarded as very\\nextensive preparations for a war that was bitterly opposed\\nby the Republican minority, the followers of Jefferson. So\\nviolent were the political discussions of the country that\\nAdams, acting in accord with the Federal theory of a strong\\nsuppressive government, demanded and secured the passage\\nof what are known as the Alien and Sedition laws, which\\nnow rank among the most odious legislative acts in the\\nhistory of the Republic.\\nWhile the Alien and Sedition laws were apparently aimed\\nat those who were open enemies of the country in war, they\\nwere, in fact, intended to suppress criticism of the adminis-\\ntration and to impose the severest penalties for open hostility\\nto its policy. The first session of the Congress of 1797-98\\n12", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "JOHN ADAMS", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nlasted eight months, and even in the fierce passions of civil\\nwar the Congressional debates did not equal the asperities\\nof the Congressional debates of a century ago. The first\\nAlien law lengthened the period for naturalization to fourteen\\nyears, and all emigrants were required to be registered and\\nthe certificate of registration to be the only proof of resi-\\ndence. All alien enemies were forbidden the right of citizen-\\nship under any circumstances.\\nAnother of the series gave the President the power in\\ncase of war to seize or expel all resident aliens of the nation\\nat war with us, and yet another gave the President power\\nto deport any alien whom he might think dangerous to the\\ncountry, and if after being ordered away he remained in\\nthe country, he was subject to imprisonment for three years\\nand forbidden citizenship. In addition to these provisions,\\naliens so imprisoned could be removed from the country by\\nthe President s order. Such were the general provisions of\\nthe Alien law. The Sedition bill, that was part of the same\\npolicy, declared that any who hindered officers in the dis-\\ncharge of their duties or opposed any of the laws of the\\ncountry were gailty of high crime and misdemeanor, punish-\\nable by fine and imprisonment. Those who were guilty of\\nwriting or publishing any false and malicious writings against\\nCongress or the President, or aided therein, were made pun-\\nishable by a fine of $2000 and imprisonment for two years.\\nThese measures were in harmony with the Federal theory\\nof government. The Federal leaders did not believe the\\npeople capable of self-government, and Adams felt justified\\nin imposing the severest penalties upon all who severely\\ncriticised or violently opposed the administration. Washing-\\nton was yet alive and in full mental and physical vigor when\\nthese laws were passed, and it is reasonable to assume that\\nhe approved of them, as he could have defeated them if he\\nhad opposed their enactment. Hamilton vainly protested\\nagainst the Alien and Sedition laws as a fatal political\\nblunder, but Federalism had never suffered defeat, and\\nPresident Adams never doubted his re-election until the\\nvote was declared against him.\\nThe contest of 1800 had its lines so well defined from the\\noutset that candidates for President and Vice-President\\nwere as clearly indicated, although without any formal\\ndeclaration, as national tickets would be indicated by a\\nnational convention of modern times. There is no record\\n13", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nof the Congressional caucus in 1800, but it seems to be an\\naccepted tradition that the Federals, who had a majority of\\nthe House, first called a secret caucus to confer about the\\nmanagement of the campaign. They did not formally name\\ncandidates, but by general consent Adams was accepted as\\nthe candidate for President and Charles C. Pinckney, of\\nSouth Carolina, for Vice-President. Apparently well-\\nauthenticated reports tell of a Republican Congressional\\ncaucus held during the same year, but there is no preserved\\nrecord of it. If such a caucus was held, candidates were\\nnot nominated nor was any declaration of principles made.\\nThe chief object of the Republican caucus seems to have\\nbeen to harmonize the friends of Jefferson on Burr as the\\naccepted candidate for Vice-President, but no preference\\nwas expressed in any formal way. When the Federalists\\nheld their first caucus the Republicans denounced it as a\\nJacobinical conclave, and so severe were the criticisms\\nof the Philadelphia Aurora, the leading Jefferson organ,\\nthat its editor was at one time arraigned before the bar of\\nthe Senate.\\nThe contest of 1800 opened early in the year, the reported\\nCongressional caucuses having been held in February or\\nMarch, and from that time until the election the political\\ndiscussions were acrimonious to a degree that would surprise\\nthe present generation. Jefferson had cordially united his\\nfriends in the support of Burr, and it was Burr s magnificent\\nleadership that carried the electoral vote of New York by\\nwinning the Legislature of that State as early as May. New\\nYork had voted for Adams in 1796, and the loss to Adams\\nof one of the leading States of the Union and its transfer to\\nJefferson made the battle next to hopeless for Adams, but\\nhe and his friends fought it out to the bitter end.\\nNo new States had been admitted during the Adams\\nadministration, and the same sixteen States w T hich had elected\\nAdams over Jefferson were then to pass a second judgment\\nupon the great leaders of the two opposing political theories\\nof that day. In Pennsylvania the Federalists controlled the\\nSenate chiefly by hold-over Senators, as the popular senti-\\nment of the State was strongly for Jefferson. In the three\\nprevious elections for President the Pennsylvania Legisla-\\nture had passed special acts authorizing a popular vote for\\nPresident, but in 1800, the Federals having control of the\\nSenate, refused to pass a bill for an election whereby the\\n14", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nchoice of electors was thrown into the Legislature, and it\\nrequired joint action of the Federal Senate and the largely\\nRepublican House to provide for a choice of electors even\\nby the Legislature. The Federal Senators refused to go\\ninto joint convention except upon conditions which would\\ndivide the electoral vote, and the Republicans of the House\\nwere compelled to choose between disfranchising the State,\\nas New York had been disfranchised in 1789, or to concede\\na large minority of the electors to Adams.\\nIt was finally agreed that each House should nominate\\n8 electors, and that the Houses should then meet jointly and\\neach member should vote together for 15 of the 16 thus\\nnominated. The result was that the Federalists forced the\\nelection of 7 Adams electors with 8 for Jefferson. The\\nFederal Senators, 13 in number, who controlled the Senate\\nagainst the 11 Republicans, were heralded by their party\\npapers and leaders as grand heroes, because by the accident\\nof power in one body of the Legislature not immediately\\nchosen by the people they had wrested 7 electors from\\nJefferson, which would have been given to him either by a\\npopular vote or by a joint vote of the Legislature.\\nRhode Island at this election for the first time chose\\nelectors by popular vote, making 6 States which chose elec-\\ntors by the vote of the people and 10 which chose electors\\nby the Legislature. As the electoral colleges could vote\\nonly for candidates for President, Jefferson and Burr re-\\nceived precisely the same vote, 73 in number, and Adams\\nreceived 65, with 64 for Pinckney and 1 for John Jay. The\\nfollowing is the table of the vote as cast in the electoral col-\\nleges\\nS3\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Ji\\nd\\nO\\nt/3\\nCfl\\ntn\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Ji\\nu\\nz\\n3\\nSTATES.\\nu\\ncfl\\nfe\\n3\\ncfl\\nJi\\nM\\n-d\\na\\nSj\\ns\\nc\\n(X\\nu\\na\\nC\\nA\\nO\\nQ\\nO\\n1\\nNew Hampshire\\n6\\n6\\nVermont\\n4\\n16\\n4\\n4\\n16\\n3\\n_\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\n1\\n15", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nj\\no\\n03\\nc\\no\\n03\\nOS\\nXfl\\n03\\nU\\nfc\\nJH\\no\\nSTATES.\\n4\\nu\\n03\\nB\\nc\\nt\u00e2\u0080\u0094i\\n03\\ns\\nK\\nt3\\nc\\n6\\no\\nc\\nfu\\no\\nO\\nc\\no\\n9\\n9\\nNew York\\n12\\n12\\n17\\nf\\n17\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\n8\\n8\\ni\\n7\\nDelaware\\n5\\n5\\n3\\n5\\n3\\n5\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n21\\n21\\nNorth Carolina\\n8\\n8\\n4\\n8\\n8\\n4\\n4\\n4\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\n4\\n4\\nTennessee\\n3\\n3\\n65\\n64\\n73\\n73\\n1\\nOne Marj^land elector did not attend.\\nIt is impossible to give anything like an intelligent pres-\\nentation of the popular vote between Jefferson and Adams.\\nIn most of the States which chose electors by popular vote\\nthere was practically no contest, as the New England States\\nvoted solidly for Adams, and the Southern States south of\\nMaryland voted as solidly for Jefferson, with the exception\\nof North Carolina, where an electoral ticket seems to have\\nbeen chosen on the original theory that electors should\\nexercise sound discretion in the choice of a President, and\\nin the exercise of that discretion 4 of the North Carolina\\nelectors voted for Adams and 8 for Jefferson. Had Penn-\\nsylvania been permitted to give expression either to the\\npopular will or to the decided Republican majority of the\\nLegislature, 7 of the Pennsylvania votes would have been\\ntaken from Adams and added to Jefferson, which would\\nhave made him 80 electoral votes to 58 for Adams.\\nJefferson had won his election, and there should have been\\nno question about according it to him. Under the electoral\\nsystem of that day, by which each elector voted for two\\ncandidates for President, Jefferson and Burr each received\\n72 votes for the Presidency, and upon the face of the returns\\n16", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwere equally entitled to claim the highest honor of the\\nRepublic. True, Burr had not been discussed or seriously\\nthought of as a candidate for President. He was accepted\\nby the Republicans distinctly as the candidate for Vice-\\nPresident, and the whole battle was fought out on the issue\\nbetween Jefferson and Adams. Had Burr been honest and\\nmanly, he would have ended the struggle at once by declar-\\ning that the people had elected Jefferson to the Presidency,\\nand that Burr could not consent to be presented to the\\ncountry and the world as seeking to wear the stolen honors\\nof the Government but Burr developed his true character\\nas soon as he discovered that his vote was equal to that\\ngiven to Jefferson. While he did not make any open or\\nvisible effort to elect himself over Jefferson, he silently\\nassented to the use of his name, and thus made the Presi-\\ndency hang in uncertainty from the time of the election in\\nNovember until the 17th of February, when the contest was\\nfinally decided in favor of Jefferson, and Burr stamped with\\ninfamy. That he wished to be elected over Jefferson cannot\\nbe reasonably doubted. If he had not permitted the use of\\nhis name without protest as a candidate against Jefferson,\\nthere would have been no discussion and no uncertainty, as\\nthe House would have chosen Jefferson on the 1st ballot.\\nJefferson could have accomplished his own election with-\\nout a serious contest if he had accepted the proposition of\\nthe Federalists to give him the election, to which he was\\nentitled by the vote of the people, if he would agree not to\\nremove the Federalists who then filled all the offices of the\\nGovernment. Under Washington and Adams, the Repub-\\nlicans were practically proscribed in national appointments,\\nand Adams had been specially proscriptive in dispensing\\nthe patronage of his administration. One of the most dis-\\ncreditable acts of his administration was the creation, by\\nhis Federal Congress in the expiring hours of Federal rule,\\nof a number of judges, to whom commissions were issued\\nby Adams at midnight before his retirement from office.\\nThey were known in political discussions of that day as the\\nmidnight judges, and the measure was so odious that\\nit speedily destroyed itself. Jefferson, while not specially\\nproscriptive in political appointments, regarded it as incon-\\nsistent with his appreciation of executive duties to give any\\npledge to the opposition to retain their friends in office.\\nThey naturally assumed that Jefferson would be as proscrip-\\nl 7", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntive as Adams had been, and that their only safety was in\\nmaking terms with Jefferson, whose election they could\\naccomplish without difficulty.\\nIt is quite probable that they could have made such terms\\nwith Burr, and it is possible that such conditions were pro-\\nposed and accepted, but the Federalists knew that the defeat\\nof Jefferson would be a monstrous perversion of the popular\\nwill; and Hamilton and Bayard, of Delaware, and other\\nprominent Federalists earnestly opposed all affiliation with\\nBurr. Burr having failed to announce that Jefferson had\\nbeen elected President by the people, and should be elected\\nby the House, and Jefferson having refused to make terms\\nwith the Federalists, the election went into the House under\\nrules which had been adopted by Congress to meet the\\nspecial case. Under the rules, the House was required to\\nretire to its own chamber after the announcement of the\\nelectoral vote showing no choice, and proceed to ballot for\\nPresident, and to continue to ballot without adjournment\\nuntil a choice was effected. That session of the House con-\\ntinued for seven days. The balloting began on the nth of\\nFebruary and ended on the 17th, as the House, instead of\\nadjourning, simply took recesses from time to time. Each\\nState could cast but one vote in the House, and that vote\\nwas determined by a majority of the delegation. Where the\\ndelegation was evenly divided the State had no vote. The\\nfollowing is the vote of the States en the 1st ballot, Febru-\\nary n, 1801\\nSTATES.\\nJefferson.\\nBurr.\\n_\\n4\\n1\\n1\\n3\\n11\\n2\\n7\\n6\\n4\\n3\\n2\\n9\\n4\\n1\\n4\\n4\\n16\\n3\\n9\\n1\\n5\\n1\\n9\\n1\\n55\\n49\\nState voted for.\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts.\\nRhode Island.\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania.\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nGeorgia\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nTotal\\nBurr.\\nDivided Blank.\\nBurr.\\nBurr.\\nBurr.\\nJefferson.\\nJefferson.\\nJefferson.\\nBurr.\\nDivided Blank.\\nJefferson.\\nJefferson.\\nBurr.\\nJefferson.\\nJefferson.\\nJefferson.\\n18", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nNineteen ballots were taken on the same clay, then a\\nrecess was taken until the 12th, when 9 additional ballots\\nwere taken, and 1 ballot was taken on the 13th, 4 on the\\n14th, 1 on the 16th (the 15th being Sunday), and 1 on the\\n17th, making an aggregate of 35 ballots, all of which were\\nprecisely a repetition of the 1st ballot given in the foregoing\\ntable. Jefferson received the vote of 8 States, Burr of 6,\\nand 2 were blank, because of divided delegations. The vote\\nof 9 States was necessary to an election, and there was no\\nchoice.\\nOn the 2d ballot cast on the 17th, being the 36th ballot\\nin all, Jefferson was successful, receiving the votes of 10\\nStates to 4 for Burr and 2 blank. The changes in favor\\nof Jefferson were made by one Vermont member declining\\nto vote, thus allowing his colleague to cast the vote of the\\nState for President, and by four from Maryland also declin-\\ning to vote, by which the tie in that State was broken in\\nJefferson s favor.\\nIn addition to these changes South Carolina and Delaware\\ncast blank votes, but they did not help Jefferson, as he\\nrequired the positive vote of 9 States to accomplish his\\nelection. It was James A. Bayard, of Delaware, a leading\\nFederalist, who changed his vote on the last ballot from\\na vote for Burr to a blank ballot. Jefferson was thus de-\\nclared elected President, and Burr became Vice-President\\nby the mandate of the Constitution, he having received the\\nhighest electoral vote for President excepting that cast for\\nJefferson.\\nIt can be readily understood that Burr s permission of\\nthe use of his name to defeat the election of Jefferson in the\\nHouse made an impassable gulf between them, and that\\ncontest dated the decline of Burr s power in the land. He\\nknew that there could be no future for him, and his restless\\ngenius sought new fields in which to gratify his ambition,\\nending in his arrest and trial for treason, and also staining\\nhis skirts with the murder of Hamilton. Hamilton was\\nopen in his hostility to Burr in the contest between Jefferson\\nand Burr in the House, and it was Burr s resentment of\\nHamilton s hostility to his election that made him seize upon\\na trivial pretext to force Hamilton into a duel, in which\\nHamilton fell mortally wounded at the first fire. Burr s\\npublic career was thus ended by the Jefferson-Burr contest,\\nand although he lived many years thereafter, he drank the\\n19", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nbitterest dregs of sorrow, and died in poverty and un-\\nlamented.\\nAdams accepted his defeat most ungracefully. He re-\\nmained in the Executive Mansion until midnight of the 3d\\nof March, 1801, when he and his family deserted it, leaving\\nit vacant for Jefferson to enter, without a host to welcome\\nhim. It was the only instance in which the retiring President\\ndid not personally receive the incoming President in the\\nExecutive Mansion, with the single exception of President\\nJohnson, who did not remain at the White House to receive\\nGrant but Johnson was excusable from the fact that Grant\\nhad expressed his purpose not to permit Johnson to accom-\\npany him in the inauguration ceremonies. Jefferson, in\\nmarked contrast with the pomp and ceremony of Federal\\ninaugurations, appeared on the 4th of March clad in home-\\nspun, and rode his own horse unattended to the Capitol, and\\nafter the inauguration ceremonies returned to the Executive\\nMansion in like manner. Both Jefferson and Adams lived\\nfor more than a quarter of a century after their great battle\\nterminated in 1800, and time greatly mellowed the asperities\\nof their desperate political conflicts. In the later years of\\ntheir life, when both had lived long in retirement, they had\\nfriendly correspondence and it is one of the most notable\\nevents in our political annals that Jefferson and Adams, who\\nstood side by side in presenting the Declaration of Indepen-\\ndence to Congress, and who had fought the fiercest political\\nbattles of the nation as opposing leaders, both died on the\\nsame day the natal day of the Republic July 4, 1826.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THOMAS JEFFERSON", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE JEFFERSON-PINCKNEY CONTEST\\n1804\\nThe election of Jefferson in 1800 was a complete revolu-\\ntion in the political policy of the new Republic, and it main-\\ntained its supremacy for sixty years. The Republican party\\nthat triumphed with Jefferson never suffered a defeat until\\nafter the name of the party had been changed to Democracy\\nunder Jackson. John Quincy Adams, who was elected Presi-\\ndent in 1824, was nominated and supported as a Republican,\\nas were Jackson, Crawford, and Clay, and the Whig tri-\\numphs of 1840 and 1848 stand in our history as accidental\\nvictories without changing the general policy of the Govern-\\nment in any material respect. It may be accepted as a fact\\nthat from 1800 until 1900, the full period of a century, there\\nhave been but two political policies established and main-\\ntained in the government of this country. The Democratic\\npolicy ruled from 1800 to i860, and from i860 to 1900 the\\nRepublican policy has maintained its supremacy, notwith-\\nstanding the two Democratic administrations of Cleveland.\\nThey were but temporary checks upon Republican mastery,\\nas the Whig successes of 1840 and 1848 were mere tem-\\nporary checks upon Democratic rule.\\nWith Jefferson s success in 1800 came, for the first time,\\nthe control of the Republicans in both branches of Congress,\\nand Jefferson thus had the entire legislative power of the\\nGovernment in thorough sympathy and harmony with him-\\nself. He was bitterly opposed by the Federalists at every\\nstep. They justly criticised his hostility to an American\\nnavy they complained vehemently of his removals from\\noffice in partisan interests, and they specially assailed his\\nostentatious attempts to limit the authority and powers of the\\nGeneral Government to give the supreme sovereignty of the\\nnation to the people.\\n21,", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThe one act of his administration that was most violently\\nassailed was his purchase of Louisiana in 1803. It was\\nproclaimed by the Federalists as the most flagrant usurpa-\\ntion of authority, as an utter overthrow of the Constitution,\\nand as the beginning of the end of the Union. There is not\\nan argument made to-day against the acquisition of the Phil-\\nippines and Puerto Rico that is not the echo of the earnest\\narguments made by the Federalists against the acquisition of\\nLouisiana. The ablest of the Federalists proclaimed in the\\nSenate and House that the Union was practically destroyed\\nby the acquisition of a distant country, containing a people\\nwith no sympathy with our interests or institutions who\\nwere generally strangers to our language and could never be\\neducated to the proper standard of American citizenship.\\nBut the country then, as now, believed in expansion, and the\\nacquisition of Louisiana stands out as one of the grandest\\nachievements of statesmanship exhibited by any administra-\\ntion, from Washington to McKinley.\\nThe contest between Jefferson and Burr for the Presi 7\\ndency, after one had been distinctly supported as a candidate\\nfor President and the other as distinctly as a candidate for\\nVice-President, taught the necessity of changing the method\\nof choosing a President in the Electoral College, but the\\nFederalists bitterly opposed the change, chiefly on the\\nground that it was desired solely to gratify the personal\\nambition and interests of Jefferson. The proposed amend-\\nment prevailed, however, and was ratified by thirteen of the\\nsixteen States in ample time for the contest of 1804. The\\ndissenting States in the ratification of the amendment were\\nMassachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware. Under that\\namendment the electors voted for President and Vice-Presi-\\ndent as they do to-day, and the candidate for Vice-President\\nmust now have a majority of the electoral vote as well as\\nthe candidate for President to be successful.\\nThe Congressional caucus that made Presidents for many\\nyears became an accepted institution in 1804, when the Re-\\npublican or Jeffersonian members of Congress were publicly\\ninvited to meet on the 25th of February. They unanimously\\nnominated Mr. Jefferson for re-election, and as Burr was\\nunthought of for Vice-President, they nominated George\\nClinton, of New York, for that office. This was the first\\nopen political caucus or convention to nominate national can-\\ndidates. The caucuses of 1800 were held in secret by both\\n22", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nthe Federalists and Republicans, and no record was pre-\\nserved of their actions. Those who called the caucus, appre-\\nciating the prejudice that would likely be provoked by Con-\\ngress attempting to dictate the candidates for President and\\nVice-President, distinctly declared that the caucus or con-\\nference was called solely as individuals, and not as official\\nrepresentatives of the Senate and House. If the Federalists\\nheld a caucus in 1804, there is no record of it that I have been\\nable to find, but they united on Charles C. Pinckney, of South\\nCarolina, for President, and Rufus King, of New York, for\\nVice-President. Both of the parties gave the second place\\non their respective tickets to New York, clearly indicating\\nthat they regarded New York as one of the pivotal States of\\nthe conflict.\\nOhio had been admitted into the Union in 1802, making\\n17 States to take part in the election of 1804, and the new\\napportionment, shaped by the census of 1800, enlarged the\\nnumber of electoral votes. While the Federalists had greatly\\ndiminished in popular strength by the loss of power and the\\nsteadily gaining approval of Jefferson and his Republican\\npolicy, they did not abate in any degree the intensity of their\\nhostility to Jefferson, and in a few States where contests were\\nmade, the campaigns were conducted on the old defamatory\\nlines which marked the two great battles between Jefferson\\nand Adams.\\nIn most of the States there was practically no contest, but\\nin Massachusetts and Connecticut, where Federalism had\\nalways maintained its supremacy, the Federalists fought\\nwith an earnestness and desperation such as might have been\\nexpected in a hopeful struggle. The fiercest battle was\\nfought in Massachusetts, where for the first time the Repub-\\nlicans defeated the Federalists in the largest vote ever cast\\nin the State. Jefferson electors received 29,310 votes to 25,-\\nyyy for the Pinckney ticket, giving Jefferson a majority of\\n3533. This was a terrible blow to Adams, and it was aggra-\\nvated by the fact that while Massachusetts faltered, Con-\\nnecticut gave her electoral vote to the Federal ticket. Dela-\\nware, with her three electoral votes, was the only other State\\nthat maintained her devotion to the Federal cause, and the\\nelectoral votes of those 2 States, with 2 added from the 11\\nvotes of Maryland, summed up the entire vote of the Federal\\ncandidate for President in the Electoral College, the vote\\nbeing 162 for Jefferson to 14 for Pinckney, and a like vote\\n23", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nfor Clinton and King for Vice-President,\\ntable presents the official vote cast in the elec\\nTl-i^ IrXl\\nT r.:\\n-.-.i_-: z:~-\\na.\\nSTATES.\\nc\\nte\\n=i\\nB\\na.\\n_\\nZ\\nE\\na.\\n5\\na\\n$z\\n_\\n3\\nNew Hampshire\\n_\\n_\\nVermont\\n6\\nMassachusetts\\n19\\ni\\nRhode Island\\nA\\nConnecticut\\nr\\n_ 1\\nNe~w York\\n19\\n8\\nNew Terser\\nPennsylvania\\n20\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nr\\n9\\nVirginia\\n24\\nM\\nNorth Carolina\\n14\\n14\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\n10\\n6\\nKentucky\\n8\\nTennessee\\nr\\nr\\nOhio\\n3\\n3\\nTotal\\n14\\n14", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "JAMES MADISON", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "THE MADISON-PINCKNEY-CLINTON\\nCONTESTS\\n1808-12\\nThe election of Jefferson ended the line of the succession\\nto the Presidency from the Vice-Presidency. Adams as\\nVice-President succeeded Washington as President, and\\nJefferson as Vice-President succeeded Adams, but the Burr\\nfiasco made it impossible for the succession to be maintained,\\nand for many years the line of succession to the Presidency\\nwas in the Premiers of the administration. Indeed during\\nthe entire century from 1800 to 1900 but one Vice-President\\nhas been elected to the Presidency. That single exception\\nwas Martin Van Buren, and he started under the Jackson\\nadministration as Premier. Madison, who was Secretary\\nof State under Jefferson, succeeded Jefferson to the Presi-\\ndency; Monroe, Secretary of State under Madison, suc-\\nceeded Madison as President John Quincy Adams, Secre-\\ntary of State under Monroe, succeeded Monroe as President,\\nand since that time Buchanan was the only Secretary of State\\nwho reached the Presidency, although Webster, Cass and\\nBlaine, who were Premiers under several administrations,\\nwere defeated in Presidential contests.\\nMadison was generally regarded as the favorite of Jeffer-\\nson for the succession, and Jefferson s power at that time\\nwas second only to the power of Washington in dictating\\nwho should succeed him to the highest honor of the Repub-\\nlic. Irritating opposition to Madison came from his own\\nState of Virginia, where the friends of Monroe were quite\\naggressive. Two caucuses had been held in the Virginia\\nLegislature, one by the friends of Madison, and the other,\\nmuch smaller in number, by the friends of Monroe, and both\\nwere thus formally presented to the country to succeed Jef-\\nferson.\\nA caucus of the Republican members of both branches of\\n25", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nCongress was called to meet on the 23d of January, 1808. It\\nwas known that the friends of Madison largely outnum-\\nbered the friends of Monroe in Congress, and the active\\nsupporters of Monroe earnestly opposed a nomination by the\\nCongressional caucus. The caucus was held, however, and\\nwas attended by a majority of the Senators and Represen-\\ntatives, and Madison was nominated on the 1st ballot, re-\\nceiving 83 votes to 3 for Monroe and 3 for George Clinton.\\nMonroe had a considerably larger strength in Congress, but\\nthe result was predetermined, and a number of them did not\\nparticipate. George Clinton was nominated by substantially\\nthe same vote for Vice-President. The caucus system was\\nunder fire, and the caucus, in justification of its own act,\\nadopted a resolution declaring that in making the nomina-\\ntions the members had acted only in their individual char-\\nacters as citizens, and because it was the most practical\\nmode of consulting and respecting the interests and wishes\\nof all upon a subject so truly interesting to the people of the\\nUnited States.\\nIt was a considerable time before the friends of Monroe\\ngave a cordial adhesion to the caucus nominations, but Jef-\\nferson, who was friendly to both Madison and Monroe, in-\\nterposed and reconciled the friends of Monroe by the ex-\\npectation that Monroe would succeed Madison and as there\\nwas practically no serious opposition to Madison presented\\nby the Federalists, the campaign drifted into the general ac-\\nceptance of Madison s election long before the election was\\nheld. The Federalists did not hold any caucus or formally\\npresent candidates, but accepted Pinckney and King, for\\nwhom they had voted in the last contest against Jefferson.\\nIn the New England States vigorous contests were made\\nby the Federalists to regain the supremacy they had lost, and\\nNew Hampshire, Massachusetts and Rhode Island, which\\nhad voted for Jefferson, were regained by the Federalists,\\nbut the struggle was not made with any hope of defeating\\nMadison for President. There had been no increase in the\\nnumber of States nor in the vote of the electoral colleges.\\nMadison won an easy and decisive victory, receiving 122\\nelectoral votes to 47 for Pinckney and 6 for George Clinton,\\nwho was the regular nominee of the Republicans for Vice-\\nPresident, and who was elected to that office by 113 electoral\\nvotes to 47 for King and 15 scattering. New York was o\\nviously disaffected, as while the Republican caucus had a\\n26", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ncorded to Clinton of that State the second place on the ticket,\\nand elected him Vice-President, the electoral vote of New\\nYork was divided, Madison receiving 13 to 6 cast for Clin-\\nton, and in the same electoral college Clinton received 13\\nvotes for Vice-President to 3 for Madison and 3 for Monroe.\\nThe votes of North Carolina and Maryland were also\\ndivided, but that was not unusual, as after Washington re-\\ntired the electoral votes of those States were divided, because\\ntheir electors were chosen by Congressional districts.\\nThere is no intelligent record of the popular vote, and it\\nwould be needless to attempt to present it, as outside of New\\nEngland the States which were contested generally chose\\ntheir electors by the Legislature. The following is the vote\\nin detail as cast in the Electoral College\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\nc3\\ni\\nc\u00c2\u00ab\\nffi\\nfc\\n03\\nB\\n525\\na!\\nj\\nSTATES.\\nO\\nc\\n8\\nO\\n+j\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ti\\na\\n3\\n6\\na\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nbO\\nc\\nc3\\nu\\na\\nbo\\nw\\nbO\\nbo\\n05\\nJ\\nCfi\\ntfl\\na\\nea\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\nO\\nu\\nO\\na\\nB\\n3\\n04\\nNew Hampshire\\n7\\n7\\nVermont\\n6\\n13\\n8\\n6\\n19\\n4\\n9\\n13\\n8\\n3\\n6\\n3\\nMassachusetts\\n19\\nRhode Island\\n4\\nConnecticut\\n9\\nNew York\\nNew Tersey\\nPennsylvania\\n20\\n20\\nDelaware\\n9\\n3\\n2\\n9\\n8\\nMaryland\\n2\\nVirginia\\n24\\n11\\n10\\n6\\n3\\n24\\n11\\n10\\n6\\nNorth Carolina\\n3\\nSouth Carolina\\nKentucky\\n7\\n7\\nTennessee\\n5\\n3\\n5\\n3\\nOhio\\n122\\n6\\n47\\n113\\n3\\n9\\n3\\n47\\nOne Kentucky elector did not attend. The State was entitled to 8 votes.\\n27", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThe battle for Madison s second election in 1812 began\\nin the early period of our second war with Great Britain.\\nMany complicated foreign questions excited earnest discus-\\nsion and renewed the partisan bitterness of the earlier na-\\ntional contests, while the struggle for the renewal of the\\ncharter of the United States bank convulsed financial and\\nbusiness circles. The bill was lost by indefinite postpone-\\nment in the House in 181 1 by a single vote, and soon there-\\nafter a like bill was rejected in the Senate by the casting vote\\nof the Vice-President. Madison did not possess the breadth\\nof statesmanship so grandly exhibited by Jefferson, and he\\nlacked in the positive qualities needed to meet the grave\\nissues which confronted him. He parried our foreign ques-\\ntions with almost endless diplomatic correspondence, and in\\nthe conduct of the war he lacked in the settled purpose and\\nmethods which are always necessary to sustain a government\\nin such a crisis.\\nIt was then that Clay came to the front as Commoner of\\nthe nation, and it was his able, eloquent, and inspiring utter-\\nances and actions, aided by Senator Crawford, of Georgia,\\nthat saved the administration when it was apparently threat-\\nened with defeat. Madison was unwilling to accept war\\nwith England until it became clearly evident that he must\\ndeclare war or give the Federalists a restoration to power,\\nand it was only after he had been very earnestly appealed to\\nby the men upon whom he had most to depend, that he sent\\na message to Congress pointing out the necessity of a decla-\\nration of war, to which both branches in secret sessions gave\\ntheir approval.\\nIt was not until after Madison had decided upon an ag-\\ngressive war policy with England that the Congressional\\ncaucus was called to nominate Republican candidates for\\nPresident and Vice-President. The caucus met on the 12th\\nof May apparently without objection, and Madison was re-\\nnominated by a unanimous vote, only one member present\\ndeclining to vote. Clinton had died in office, and a new nom-\\nination had to be made for Vice-President. John Langdon,\\nof New Hampshire, who was the first Senator to be Presi-\\ndent pro tern, of the body, was nominated for Vice-Presi-\\ndent, receiving 64 votes to 16 for Elbridge Gerry and 2 scat-\\ntering. Langdon declined the nomination, and the second\\ncaucus was convened when Gerry was nominated by a vote\\nof 74 to 3 scattering. While the proceedings of the caucus\\n28", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwere apparently very harmonious, there was significance in\\nthe fact that some 50 Republican Senators and Representa-\\ntives did not attend, only one being present from New York\\nState.\\nThe reason for the New York members declining to at-\\ntend the caucus was soon developed by a counter movement,\\nmade in New York, to bring out DeWitt Clinton, who was\\nthe leader of the Republicans of that State, as the candidate\\nin opposition to Madison. The Federalists had no part in\\nmaking him the competitor of Madison, but they were quite\\nwilling, in their utter helplessness, to support any bolt\\nagainst the omnipotence of the Republican caucus. Many\\nof the Republicans thought that the administration was not\\nsufficiently aggressive in its opposition to England, and\\nmany others opposed Madison and were ready to support\\nClinton or any other promising candidate who was entirely\\nopposed to the war. Had Clinton acted in harmony with the\\nRepublicans and supported Madison, he would have been a\\nvery formidable competitor of Monroe for the succession,\\nbut in allowing himself to be made a candidate of the opposi-\\ntion, he entirely lost his position as a Republican leader.\\nMadison had been nominated by the Republican Congres-\\nsional caucus on the 12th of May, and on the 29th of May\\na caucus of the Republican members of the New York Leg-\\nislature was held, at which 91 of the 93 members were pres-\\nent, and they unanimously nominated Clinton as a candidate\\nfor President, and the Federalists gradually dropped into his\\nsupport. The Federalists took no formal action for the\\nselection of candidates until September, when a conference of\\nthe leaders of that party was held in New York, with repre-\\nsentatives from 11 States, and that conference nominated\\nClinton President with Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President.\\nThe campaign logically drifted into a square issue between\\nthe war and the peace parties, and even with all the factional\\nhostility to Madison in the Republican ranks, such an issue\\ncould result only in the success of the party that sustained the\\nGovernment in its war with England. The Federalists car-\\nried a solid New England vote for Clinton with the excep-\\ntion of Vermont, that broke loose from her Federal moor-\\nings and cast her entire electoral vote for Madison. New\\nYork, with the largest electoral vote of any State, was car-\\nried chiefly by Clinton s personal popularity, and New Jer-\\nsey was lost to Madison in disregard of the popular vote of\\n29", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthe State by a Federal Senate and House that was suc-\\ncessful against a Republican majority by reason of the pe-\\nculiar shaping of the legislative districts. The Legisla-\\nture repealed the law for the choice of electors by a popular\\nvote, and elected Federal electors by the Legislature. Had\\nthe popular vote of New Jersey prevailed, the vote between\\nMadison and Clinton in the Electoral College would have\\nbeen 136 for Madison to 81 for Clinton. The following is\\nthe vote as cast by the electoral colleges\\nPresident.\\nVice-\\nPresident.\\nSTATES.\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a23\\ncj\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\ns\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u0094I\\nJzi\\nc\\nc\\nc\\n-t-\\nQ\\nt/5\\nw\\na\\nu\\nu\\nV\\nbo\\nu\\nS\\nJafed Ingersoll, Penn.\\nNew Hampshire\\n8\\n25\\n6\\n25\\n15\\n11\\n8\\n12\\n8\\n3\\n7\\n8\\n22\\n4\\n9\\n29\\n8\\n4\\n5\\n1\\n8\\n2\\n25\\n6\\n25\\n15\\n11\\n8\\n12\\n8\\n3\\n.7\\n7\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\n20\\nRhode Island\\n4\\nConnecticut\\n9\\nNew York\\n29\\nNew Jersey\\n8\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\n4\\nMaryland\\n5\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\n_\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nLouisiana\\nOhio\\nTotal\\n128\\n89\\n131\\nLouisiana was admitted into the L^nion on the 8th of\\nApril, 1812, and participated in the Presidential election,\\nmaking 18 States. It will be seen that there was but one\\nState that cast a divided electoral vote. Maryland continued\\n30", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nto choose all but the electors at large by Congressional dis-\\ntricts, and gave 6 votes to Madison and 5 to Clinton. North\\nCarolina changed her method of electing by districts to the\\nchoice of electors by the Legislature, thus making her elec-\\ntoral vote solid. Gerry, the candidate for Vice-President on\\nthe ticket with Madison, received 3 more votes in the Elec-\\ntoral College than were given to Madison, one of which\\ncame from New Hampshire and two from Massachusetts.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "THE MONROE ELECTIONS\\n1816-20\\nThe election of James Monroe to the Presidency in 18 16\\nand his re-election in 1820 did not rise to the dignity of\\npolitical contests. The Federal party was practically over-\\nthrown by the success of the war with England, and after\\nthe close of the war Federalism never asserted itself as\\na political factor in national affairs. There were murmurings\\nof discontent in the Republican organization, but the Fed-\\neralists were then in the unenviable attitude of having\\nsympathized with the enemy in a foreign war, and the\\nprejudices of the patriotic people of the country were in-\\ntensified against the action of the Hartford convention, for\\nwhich the Federalists were held responsible.\\nWhether justly or unjustly, it was believed by the Repub-\\nlicans throughout the country that the Hartford convention-\\nists had given blue-light signals to the enemy s ships,\\nand thereby hindered the escape of American vessels which\\nwere blockaded. The overthrow of Federalism was so\\ncomplete that the party never again formally presented\\ncandidates for President and Vice-President, and the first\\nMonroe election of 1816 would probably have been as unani-\\nmous in the Electoral College as was his second election but\\nfor the fact that the three Federal States which voted against\\nMonroe did not hold popular elections for President at all,\\nbut chose their electors by the Legislature. Massachusetts,\\nthe home of Adams, that had always chosen Presidential\\nelectors by popular vote, repealed the law in 181 6, so that\\nthere was not a single elector chosen by the people against\\nMonroe.\\nWhile Monroe s two elections and administrations are\\nnow pointed to as the era of good feeling, that has never\\nbeen repeated in this country, Monroe himself did not\\n^2", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "JAMES MONROE", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "*AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nreach the Presidency by the rosy path that would now be\\nnaturally accepted for him in his journey to the highest\\ncivil trust of the nation. The usual Congressional caucus\\nwas called on the ioth of March, 1816, asking the Republican\\nSenators and Representatives to meet on the 12th for the\\npurpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-\\nPresident. Only 58 of the 141 Republican members attended\\nthis meeting, and, instead of taking action, a resolution was\\npassed calling a general caucus for the 16th, and at that\\ncaucus 118 members appeared. There were strong and\\nwidespread prejudices against the Congressional caucus\\nsystem, and it was denounced by many prominent Repub-\\nlicans as King Caucus that sought to control the people\\nin the selection of the highest officers.\\nSenator Crawford, of Georgia, who had been the leading\\nSenator, as Clay was the leading Representative, in the\\nsupport of the war during the Madison administration, was\\nan aggressive candidate for President, and was more popular\\nwith the politicians generally throughout the country than\\nwas Monroe. Great anxiety was felt about the probable\\naction of the caucus, as it was feared that Monroe might be\\noverthrown, notwithstanding the fact that he was favored\\nby both Jefferson and Madison. When the caucus met with\\ntwenty-three Republican absentees, the majority of whom\\nabsented themselves because they were positively opposed\\nto the caucus system, Mr. Clay offered a resolution declaring\\nit inexpedient to nominate candidates, but his proposition\\nfailed. He thus put himself on record as early as 1816\\nagainst the caucus system, and he rejected and took the field\\nagainst it as a candidate in 1824.\\nThe canvass between Monroe and Crawford was very\\nanimated, and Monroe succeeded by only 11 majority, the\\nvote being 65 for Monroe and 54 for Crawford. Governor\\nDaniel D. Tompkins, of New York, was nominated for\\nVice-President, receiving 20 votes more than were given\\nto Monroe. The Crawford sentiment was strong in New\\nYork and New Jersey, as well as in North Carolina, Ken-\\ntucky, and his native State of Georgia, and public meetings\\nwere held in different sections of the country after the nomi-\\nnations had been made, denouncing the caucus system, at\\none of which Roger B. Taney, who later became Chief\\nJustice, was one of the aggressive opponents.\\nHad there been a formidable Federal party, it is doubtful\\n33", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nwhether Monroe s election might not have been seriously\\nimperilled, but the war feeling was too fresh in the minds\\nof the people to tolerate anything that w r as in sympathy with\\nthat expiring political organization. The Republicans who\\nwere opposed to Monroe had to choose between falling in\\nwith the caucus nomination, and giving Monroe a unanimous\\nsupport, or making a square fight as a bolting Republican\\nfaction, without permitting the aid of the Federalists. As\\nthat was impracticable, the Republican discontent gradually\\nsubsided and the election of Monroe was conceded by all.\\nThe Federalists made no nomination, but supported Rufus\\nKing, one of their old national candidates, and scattered\\ntheir few votes for Vice-President, no two of the three States\\nvoting for the same candidate. Indiana had adopted a State\\nConstitution in June, but was not formally admitted to the\\nUnion until the nth of December, after the Presidential\\nelection had been held. The State, however, had voted for\\nPresident, and elected three Republican electors for Monroe,\\nbut an animated dispute arose in Congress about counting\\nthe vote, because of the alleged ineligibility of Indiana to\\nvote for President when not formally admitted into the\\nUnion, even though the people had adopted a State Consti-\\ntution several months before the election. The two bodies\\nseparated, to enable the House to decide the issue, but finally\\nthe question was postponed by a nearly unanimous vote, and\\nthe Senate invited to return, when the vote was declared as\\nfollows\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\nSTATES.\\nC3\\nof\\no\\nu\\nc\\no\\ns\\n05\\na;\\nc\\ns\\n05\\nDaniel D. Tompkins, N.V.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a26\\nu\\nO\\no\\nof\\n01\\nO\\n05\\ns\\n08\\n05\\nU\\ncS\\n3\\nc\\n.c\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u0094I\\nu\\no\\nft\\ni-i\\na\\n6\\n+j\\nIh\\nD\\nO\\nNew Hampshire.\\nVermont\\n8\\n8\\n4\\n22\\n8\\n8\\n4\\n22\\n4\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\n34", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\n1\\nfe\\nd\\nm\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0d\\ng\\nSTATES.\\nc8\\no\\nU\\na\\nbe\\ng\\nfl\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\no\\nc\\nc\\nCD\\n(X\\nOS\\n.fl\\nOh\\no\\nn\\n2\\nffi\\no\\nxn\\nU\\nas\\nd\\ncfl\\nU5\\nW\\ntfi\\n(h\\n0)\\nfl\\nD\\na\\na\\nfl\\nPi\\nfl\\nQ\\n.fl\\no\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\nfl\\no\\n.a\\no\\nConnecticut\\n9\\n5\\nNew York\\n29\\n8\\n29\\n8\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\n25\\n25\\nDelaware\\n8\\n3\\n8\\nI\\nI\\n3\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n25\\n25\\nNorth Carolina\\n15\\n15\\nSouth Carolina\\n11\\n11\\nGeorgia\\n8\\n8\\nKentucky\\n12\\n_\\n12\\n__\\n_\\n_\\nTennessee\\n8\\n3\\n8\\n8\\n3\\n8\\n3\\n_\\nLouisiana\\n_\\nOhio\\n_\\nIndiana\\n3\\nTotal\\n183 34\\n183\\n22\\n5\\n4\\n3\\nMonroe s re-election in 1820 presents the singular political\\nspectacle of his success without having been formally nomi-\\nnated by any party, and without a single electoral vote being\\nchosen against him. That had occurred in Washington s\\ntwo elections, but it was not believed possible that, with the\\nbitter partisan disputes which immediately followed Wash-\\nington s retirement, any man could ever be chosen for the\\nPresidency without more or less of a contest. Monroe s\\nadministration had no serious political or diplomatic prob-\\nlem to confront it, and the country was rapidly recovering\\nfrom the war and proud of the achievements of the American\\narmy and navy in the second contest with the English.\\nMonroe was naturally cautious and conservative. There\\nwas nothing aggressive in the policy of his administration,\\nand really no occasion to invite aggression. The Federal\\nParty was practically extinct, and the Republicans were in\\n35", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthorough accord with the Monroe administration. A feeble\\nmovement was made early in 1820 to supersede Monroe, but\\nit never attained importance, and even those who attempted\\nit denied responsibility for it. The usual Republican Con-\\ngressional caucus was called, and very few members took\\nthe trouble to attend it. as there was really nothing to do\\nand it was deemed better for the party- to accept Monroe\\nand Tompkins for re-election than to have formal nomina-\\ntions made by a very few representatives of the party.\\nMonroe and Tompkins were thus accepted without any\\nformalities whatever as the Republican candidates for Presi-\\ndent and Vice-President, and no opposing candidates were\\npresented in any way whatever of which I can find any\\nrecord or tradition. Monroe thus ran in 1820. as Washing-\\nton did at both his elections, without opposition, and every\\nelectoral vote of the nation was chosen for him.\\nFive new States had been admitted and participated in\\nthe election of 1820. Mississippi came in December. 1817\\nIllinois in December. 1818: Alabama in December. 1819;\\nMaine in March. 1820. and Missouri had adopted a Consti-\\ntution in July. 1820. and although not formally admitted\\ninto the Union until August. 1821. the vote of that State\\nwas counted, as was the vote of Indiana in 18 16. The\\nfollowing is the official vote as announced by Congress\\nPreside:\\nVice-Presidext.\\nX\\nT.\\n\u00c2\u00ab3\\ng\\nz\\ns\\nX\\nat\\nz\\n2\\nSTATES.\\nZ.\\nz\\nO\\nD\\nPU\\nZ\\nO\\nz\\nOB\\n6\\nr\\nX\\n-s-\\nT\\nr;\\nr.\\na\\nKnl.c\\nr.\\nMaine\\n9\\n1\\n9\\n1\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nB\\ns\\nMassachusetts\\n15\\nf\\nV\\n4\\nConnecticut\\n9\\n9\\nNew York\\n29\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a229\\n36", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\nXfl\\na\\n3\\nfc-i\\ns\\nA\\nfc\\nc\\n4)\\nSTATES.\\nu\\nQ\\no\\nu\\no\\nH\\nO\\no\\n*ifl\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a20\\no\\na\\nc/2\\nc3\\no\\ns\\n3\\nQ\\ntJ\\no\\ns\\nM\\nU5\\n1)\\nB\\n4)\\n3\\na3\\nc3\\no\\nU\\nc\\nO\\n5\\n5\\nQ\\nti\\nf*\\nQ\\nNew Jersey\\n8\\n8\\nPennsylvania*\\n24\\n24\\nDelaware\\n4\\n11\\n10\\n1\\n4\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n25\\n25\\nNorth Carolina\\n15\\n15\\n11\\n11\\nGeorgia\\n8\\n8\\nAlabama\\n3\\n2\\nQ\\no\\n2\\nMississippi*\\nLouisiana\\n3\\n12\\nQ\\nO\\n12\\nKentucky\\nTennessee*\\n7\\n7\\nOhio\\n8\\n8\\nIndiana\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n3\\nQ\\no\\nIllinois\\nMissouri\\nTotal\\n231\\n1\\n1\\n218\\n8 1\\n1\\n4\\nOne elector in each of the States of Pennsylvania, Mississippi, and Tennessee\\ndied after appointment, and before the meetings of the electors.\\nIt will be seen that a single electoral vote was cast against\\nMonroe in the New Hampshire Electoral College. The\\nwhole 8 electors were chosen as Monroe men, and would\\nhave voted for him had it been necessary to elect him, but\\none of the New Hampshire electors gave as his reason for\\nvoting for John Quincy Adams for President and Richard\\nRush, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President, that he was\\nunwilling that any other President than Washington should\\nreceive a unanimous electoral vote.\\nMonroe s administrations were uneventful beyond the\\nassertion of what has ever since been known as the Monroe\\nDoctrine, that was evolved by Monroe and John Quincy\\nZ7", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nAdams, his Secretary of State, and the first serious contest\\nin Congress over the Slavery issue, growing out of the\\nadmission of Missouri as a State. After the admission of\\nLouisiana as a State the remainder of the territory embrac-\\ning the Louisiana purchase was organized as the Territory\\nof Missouri, and in 1818 the portion of the territory now\\nembraced in the State of Missouri applied for admission\\ninto the Union as a State. In 1819 the House passed a bill\\nfor the admission of Missouri, with a clause prohibiting\\nslavery, but it was not accepted by the Senate.\\nIn 1820 the Senate sent a bill to the House for the admis-\\nsion of Maine, and authorizing the organization of the\\nState of Missouri. The House had already passed a bill\\nfor the admission of Maine, but it refused to accept the\\nSenate s provision relating to Missouri. There was very\\nviolent agitation on the Slavery question for some time, and\\nmany feared that it would end in the disruption of the\\nUnion but Clay became the pacificator, and chiefly by his\\nefforts what has ever since been known as the Missouri\\nCompromise was accepted, admitting Missouri as a slave\\nState, but prohibiting slavery in all of the Louisiana terri-\\ntory north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes north latitude.\\nThis compromise did not fully satisfy either side, but it\\nwas accepted, and on the 10th of August, 1821, President\\nMonroe proclaimed the admission of Missouri into the\\nUnion.\\nMonroe had the most Unruffled period of rule ever known\\nin the history of the Republic. Washington, with all his\\nomnipotence, was fearfully beset by factional strife and the\\nwrangles of ambition on every side, and there was no period\\nof his two administrations in which he was not greatly\\nfretted by the persistent and often desperate disputes among\\nthose who should have been his friends but Monroe had\\nan entirely peaceful reign, with the single exception of the\\nslavery dispute over the Missouri question, and at the close\\nof his term he retired to his home in Virginia entirely\\nexhausted in fortune. For several years he acted as a\\nJustice of the Peace, but his severely straitened circum-\\nstances finally compelled him to make his home with his\\nson-in-law in New York, where he died in 183 1, and, like\\nJefferson and Adams, on the 4th of July.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "JOHN QUINCY ADAMS", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE ADAMS-JACKSON-CRAWFORD-\\nCLAY CONTEST\\n1824\\nWith the re-election of Monroe in 1820, the Federal party\\nhad perished as a political factor King Caucus, as the\\nCongressional caucus for nominating national candidates\\nhad been generally designated, had fulfilled its mission, and\\nnone pretended that it could be revived to name the successor\\nof Monroe. As Federalism was unfelt and unfeared, and as\\nthe Congressional caucus had lost its prestige and power, the\\nPresidential field of 1824 invited a free-for-all race, and the\\ndiscussion of the succession began actively as early as 1822.\\nIt seemed unaccountable that the Republicans, after having\\nhad the benefit of the Congressional caucus to concentrate\\ntheir vote on national candidates, did not conceive the idea\\nof a general conference of representative Republicans from\\nthe different States to unite them on candidates for Presi-\\ndent and Vice-President, but no national convention was\\never held by any party until the anti-Masons inaugurated it\\nin Philadelphia in 1830, two years before the Presidential\\nelection of 1832.\\nAs there was practically no Federal party, none but Re-\\npublicans were discussed for the succession to Monroe. It\\nis a common but erroneous idea that John Quincy Adams\\nwas in harmony with the Federal sentiment of his State and\\nNew England generally. After having filled a number of\\nimportant offices, principally in diplomatic circles, he was\\nelected to the United States Senate as a Federalist by the\\nMassachusetts Legislature in 1802, but he heartily sup-\\nported, the administration of Jefferson, resulting in instruc-\\ntions passed by the Legislature demanding that he should\\nchange his political policy. He refused to obey the Legis-\\nlative instructions, but resigned his seat in the Senate, and\\nthenceforth he acted uniformly with the Republicans, and\\nwas Secretary of State during the eight years of Monroe s\\nadministration.\\n39", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nWhile very many candidates were discussed for the suc-\\ncession, when the time came for concentration only six\\nnames remained, and three of those were members of the\\nMonroe Cabinet. They were John Quincy Adams. Secretary\\nof State John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War William H.\\nCrawford, Secretary of the Treasury Henry Clay, of\\nKentucky, who had been Speaker of the House Ex-Gover-\\nnor De Witt Clinton, of New York, who was not then in\\nofficial position, and General Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee,\\nwho had been Senator. Representative, and Supreme Judge.\\nMr. Clay was presented to the people as a candidate for\\nPresident by the Kentucky Legislature as early as the iStli\\nof November, 1822, or two years before the election, and the\\nMissouri Legislature also adopted a resolution about the\\nsame time recommending Mr. Clay. During the year 1823\\nthe Legislatures of Illinois. Ohio, and Louisiana had also\\nformally favored Clay.\\nGeneral Jackson was first formally named for the Presi-\\ndency by a mass-meeting in Blount County, Tenn.. early\\nin 1823. and that was followed up by various mass-meetings\\nand local conventions in different parts of the LTnion. Mr.\\nAdams, although not in sympathy with the Federalists.\\nhaving earnestly supported the war with England against\\nthe Federal sentiment of his State, was presented as a can-\\ndidate by the Legislature of Massachusetts, and it was\\nseconded by most of the New England States during the\\nearly part of the year 1824.\\nClinton was nominated by local mass-meetings in N\\nYork and Ohio. Calhoun was presented by the Legislature\\nof South Carolina, and Crawford by the Legislature of Vir-\\nginia. It is worthy of note that while Adams was the\\nPremier of the administration, Crawford was obviously the\\nfavorite candidate of President Monroe, as the Legislature\\nof Virginia recommended Crawford, and Virginia voted for\\nhim at the election.\\nAll of these candidates were opposed to the Congressional\\ncaucus excepting Crawford, who had been the competitor of\\nMonroe in the caucus in 1816. His friends made earnest\\neffort to get the prestige of a caucus nomination, and\\nSenators and 5 Representatives from different States calle\\na caucus to meet on the 14th of February, 1824. to recom-\\nmend candidates to the people of the Cnited States for the\\noffice of President and Vice-President. That call was met\\n40", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nby a card signed by 24 Republican Senators and members\\ndeclaring that of the 261 Senators and Representatives there\\nwere 81 who were opposed to the caucus. The caucus was\\nheld, however, but only 66 members appeared, a majority of\\nwhom were from 4 States, and 8 States were not represented\\nat all. A motion to adjourn to meet some weeks later was\\nopposed by Air. Van Buren and rejected. A ballot was then\\nhad for President, when Crawford received 64, Adams 2,\\nJackson 1, and Macon 1. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania,\\nwas also nominated for Vice-President.\\nThe caucus nomination was certainly a hindrance rather\\nthan a help to Crawford, as it concentrated his opponents\\nto a very large extent. The caucus system had become very\\nodious, and with 5 of the 6 candidates openly hostile to the\\ncaucus, it placed Crawford at a decided disadvantage. Gal-\\nlatin, who was of foreign birth, was bitterly assailed, and a\\nmonth before the election he withdrew his name as a can-\\ndidate, but no attempt was made to give formal nomination\\nto a successor for him on the ticket.\\nStrange as it may appear, Pennsylvania, the home of\\nGallatin, did not cordially respond to his nomination, and\\nthere was a decided preference in that State in favor of\\nCalhoun for Vice-President. Calhoun and Clinton, being\\nwithout any large measure of support, gradually dropped\\nout of the Presidential contest, leaving Adams, Jackson,\\nCrawford, and Clay to make the scrub race. There were 24\\nStates to participate in the election, and New York, Ver-\\nmont, Delaware, South Carolina, Georgia and Louisiana\\nchose their electors by their Legislatures, while Maine,\\nMassachusetts, Maryland, Illinois, and Kentucky chose elec-\\ntors by districts, and in the other States popular elections\\nwere held and electors chosen by general ticket.\\nAn incident that occurred in the selection of electors by\\nthe Legislature of New York resulted in making Clay the\\nfourth candidate in the Electoral College instead of the third.\\nThere were 3 of the electors chosen by the Legislature who\\nwere elected as Clay men by a combination between the Clay\\nand Adams men, who in the Electoral College divided their\\nvotes between Adams, Crawford, and Jackson, and had they\\nvoted for Clay, as it was expected they would, Clay would\\nhave had 40 votes in the electoral colleges and Crawford\\nonly 38. As only the three highest candidates in the Elec-\\ntoral College could be returned to the House from which a\\n41", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nchoice had to be made, Crawford was thus returned instead\\nof Clay, and if Clay had been returned, it is probable that\\nAdams would not have been chosen President. The Xew\\nYork Legislature had a protracted contest in choosing elec-\\ntors. The combined strength of the -candidates in the two\\nHouses as shown by the ist ballot was 60 for Crawford. 57\\nfor Adams, and 39 for Clay. Finally a combination was\\nmade between the friends of Adams and Clay, and divided\\nelectors were chosen, by which Adams received 26 votes,\\nCrawford 5, Clay 4, and Jackson 1. In Delaware the elec-\\ntors were divided by a like dispute in the Legislature.\\nThe contest was not one of great bitterness, and in some\\nStates there was practically no contest at all. Massachusetts\\nand Virginia, for instance, did not poll half their votes, as\\nthey were really not contested, one being conceded to Adams\\nand the other to Crawford. The following is the popular\\nvote of the States except where the electors were chosen by\\nthe Legislature, as nearly as it can be ascertained after the\\nmost exhaustive investigation of the records\\nSTATES.\\nJackson.\\nAdams. Crawford. Clay.\\n643\\nMaine*\\nXew Hampshire\\nVermont?\\nMassachusetts*\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut.\\nNew Yorkf\\nNew Jersey 10,985\\nPennsylvania 36.100\\nDelaware!\\nMarvland* 14.523\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolinaf.\\nGeorgiaf\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana?\\nKentucky*\\nTennessee\\nMissouri\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois*\\n2.861\\n20,415\\n9.443\\n3.234\\n6,455\\n20,19?\\n987\\n7.343\\n1,901\\n10,289 2.336\\n4,107\\n30, 68* 6,616\\n2,145 200\\n7,5 1,978\\n9,110 1,196\\n5.440 4.206\\n14,6:: 3,646\\n3,1 8 489\\n15.621\\n2.416 1,680\\n1,694\\n216\\n311\\n12.280\\n3,095\\n1,542\\nTotals 153,544 108.740\\n119\\n312\\n219\\n46.618\\n1.609\\n695\\n416\\n67\\n17.321\\n1,401\\n19.255\\n5.315\\n1,047\\n47.136\\n*By districts.\\ntBy Legis\\n4-2", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThe popular vote as given in the foregoing table does not\\nfully represent the relative strength of the opposition can-\\ndidates to Jackson. There were what were called Opposi-\\ntion tickets, People s tickets, and Convention tickets\\nvoted in different States. It will be seen that Jackson re-\\nceived no votes in New England excepting a few in New\\nHampshire, and in most of those States electoral tickets were\\nknown as Opposition designed to concentrate all the op-\\nposition to Adams, and in North Carolina the Jackson ticket\\nwas voted as the People s ticket, but no more intelligent\\nand satisfactory presentation of the popular vote can be gath-\\nered from the records than that presented.\\nThe following is the vote of the Electoral College\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\npi\\nj\\npi\\nc\\nd\\no\\np:\\nh\\nc/5\\nO\\nt/3\\ne\\nSTATES.\\nc\\no\\no\\na\\no\\nR\\nO\\n0\\nu\\no\\nG\\nnj\\nCG\\nP!\\nO\\no\\nc\\no\\nen\\nj\\nc\\n1-1\\nu\\na\\nX\\nU\\nPI\\nP!\\n0}\\nO\\ni\\nr~\\nffi\\n*\u00e2\u0080\u0094t\\nA\\nB\\nffi\\nMaine\\n9\\n8\\n9\\n7\\n1\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\n7\\n15\\n7\\n15\\nMassachusetts..\\n_\\nRhode Island\\n4\\n3\\nConnecticut\\n8\\n8\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\n1\\n8\\n26\\n5\\n4\\n29\\n8\\n7\\nPennsylvania.\\n28\\n28\\nDelaware\\n7\\n1\\n3\\n2\\n1\\n1\\n10\\n1\\n2\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n24\\n24\\nNorth Carolina\\n15\\n15\\nSouth Carolina\\n11\\n11\\nGeorgia\\n9\\n9\\nAlabama\\n5\\n5\\nMississippi\\n3\\n3\\nLouisiana.\\n3\\n2\\n5\\nKentucky\\n14\\n7\\n7\\nTennessee\\n11\\n11\\nMissouri.\\nr\\n3\\n3\\nOhio\\n5\\n2\\n1\\n16\\n5\\n3\\n16\\nIndiana\\nIllinois.\\nTotal\\n99\\n84\\n41\\n37\\n182\\n30\\n24\\n13\\n9\\n2\\n43", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nJackson led the popular vote, as was generally expected,\\nand next to him is Adams, with Clay third and Crawford\\nfourth. While all of the 4 candidates were regarded as Re-\\npublicans as between Federalism and Republicanism, the\\nfriends of Adams in a number of the States fought the battle\\nunder the title of National Republicans, and the supporters\\nof Jackson, who represented the more Democratic element\\nof the opponents of Federalism, entitled themselves in some-\\nStates the Democratic Republicans. As was generally ex-\\npected, there was no choice for President, as no one of the 4\\ncandidates had a majority of either the popular or electoral\\nvotes, but Calhoun was elected Vice-President by a large ma-\\njority, having received the support of the Adams men gener-\\nally in Xew England, and of the Jackson men in Pennsyl-\\nvania, Maryland, North and South Carolina, and indeed in\\nall of the Southern States, excepting Georgia, Kentucky, and\\n[Missouri.\\nThus for the second time in the history of the Republic the\\nPresidential election was remanded to the House for final\\ndecision, and the names of Jackson, Adams, and Crawford,\\nthe three highest in the Electoral College, were returned to\\nthat body from which a choice had to be made by a ma-\\njority of the States. Although Clay had received less votes\\nthan Crawford, he was a very much more potent factor in\\ndeciding the contest between the three candidates than Craw-\\nford could have been, and it soon became evident that the\\nfriends of Clay were in much closer accord and sympathy\\nwith Adams than they were with the friends of either Craw-\\nford or Jackson. Clay certainly had no love for Jackson, as\\nJackson was not accredited with any great qualities of states-\\nmanship, and it was the general apprehension that Clay\\nwould control the election in favor of Adams that made the\\nfriends of Jackson publish the accusation of bargain and\\nsale between Adams and Clay, by which Clay was to make\\nAdams President and receive the position of Premier under\\nthe administration. Although the Legislature of Kentucky\\nhad requested the Congressmen from that State to vote for\\nJackson, there were well-known reasons, both public and\\npersonal, why Clay could not favor Jackson, and on the first\\nballot in the House Adams received the votes of 13 States,\\nwith 7 for Jackson and 4 for Crawford. The majority of\\nthe delegation of each State decided how the vote should be\\ncast, and the following table shows not only how the vote of\\n44", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\neach State was given, but the divisions in the different del-\\negations in deciding between the three candidates\\nSTATES.\\nAdams.\\nJackson.\\nCrawford.\\nVote for\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMaine\\n7\\n6\\n5\\n12\\n2\\n6\\n18\\n1\\n1\\n5\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n8\\n1\\n10\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n5\\n25\\n3\\n1\\n2\\n9\\n3\\n1\\n1\\n4\\n9\\n2\\n3\\n14\\n1\\n1\\n19\\n10\\n7\\n2\\nAdams.\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nAdams.\\nAdams.\\nMassachusetts\\nAdams.\\nRhode Island\\nAdams.\\nConnecticut\\nAdams.\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nAdams.\\nJackson.\\nJackson.\\nCrawford.\\nAdams.\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nCrawford.\\nNorth Carolina\\nCrawford.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nJackson.\\nCrawford\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nJackson.\\nJackson.\\nAdams.\\nAdams.\\nJackson.\\nAdams.\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nMissouri\\nOhio\\nAdams.\\nIndiana\\nJackson.\\nAdams.\\nIllinois\\n87\\n71\\n54\\nThe administration of John Quincy Adams will be re-\\ngarded by the careful and dispassionate student of American\\nhistory as the model government of the Republic. He was\\nthe most accomplished scholar who ever filled the position,\\nand surpassed all others in general and accurate intelligence.\\nHe was a tireless student until the day of his death, and he\\nhad no taste and no fitness for political manipulation. He\\nremoved but two men from office during his four years in the\\nPresidency, and they were dismissed for very good cause,\\nand in the discharge of his official duties he looked solely to\\nwhat he conceived to be the interests of the nation.\\nHe made no efforts to popularize himself personally\\nwas regarded as austere and unapproachable, but he was\\nalways courteous, and the arts of the demagogue had no\\n45", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nplace in the Executive Mansion. He was the real author of\\nthe Monroe Doctrine, and earnestly attempted to accom-\\nplish what Blaine struggled to accomplish three-quarters of\\na century later that is, the unity of the South American\\ngovernments in sympathy with our Government. His Cab-\\ninet was not in political harmony, but as he regarded politics\\nas entirely outside of Cabinet duties, he never took note of\\npolitical disagreements. He aimed to win a re-election solely-\\nby deserving the considerate approval of the American\\npeople. After his defeat he returned to his home in Massa-\\nchusetts, but was soon elected to Congress, where he con-\\ntinued until his death in 1848.\\nAs an illustration of the careful methods of his life my\\nown experience in obtaining his autograph serves a good\\npurpose. A few weeks before his death, when I was the\\neditor of a village newspaper and ambitious to have the auto-\\ngraphs of the celebrated men of the country, I wrote him\\nasking for an autograph letter. I received no reply, and\\nafter his death was announced I assumed that the letter had\\ngone into the waste basket but three months after his death\\nI received a letter franked by Louise Catharine Adams\\n(widows of Presidents were then accorded the franking\\nprivilege), and the envelope contained only the autograph of\\nJohn Quincy Adams, clipped from a public document that\\nhe had franked. The pressure of duties had prevented him\\nfrom answering my letter, but the fact that it was answered\\nby his wife so long after his death is evidence that many let-\\nters had accumulated, all of which were answered by Mrs.\\nAdams. He fitly died in the Capitol of the nation. He was\\nstricken with paralysis during a session of the House, and\\ndied on the following day, having written, as I believe, the\\nmost lustrous political record of any of our statesmen, with\\nthe single exception of Abraham Lincoln.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "ANDREW JACKSON", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE JACKSON-ADAMS-CLAY\\nCONTESTS\\n1828-32\\nThe election of Jackson to the Presidency in 1828 was not\\nin any sense a revolution as to the general policy of the Gov-\\nernment, but it was a decided revolution in the political\\nmethods of our national administrations. Madison, Mon-\\nroe, and Adams were not confronted by the spoils system.\\nThey never entertained the question of removing men from\\noffice to reward political friends or to punish political\\nenemies.\\nThe civil service system of the Government under those\\nadministrations was an ideal system, but the Jackson lead-\\ners openly inspired the followers of their favorite to earnest\\npolitical action by the declaration that to the victors belong\\nthe spoils. That slogan was first heard in the Jackson-\\nAdams campaign of 1828, and when Jackson succeeded,\\nfor the first time Washington was overrun with a countless\\nhost of greedy spoilsmen, clamoring for the dismissal of\\nevery man who had not supported Jackson.\\nJackson himself was thoroughly committed to the policy\\nof political proscription, and from that day until the present\\ntime it has been generally accepted that a change of politics\\nin the national administrations means a general change of the\\nnow enormous army of Federal officers, excepting as it is\\nfeebly restrained by all parties professing devotion to a civil\\nservice system with none honestly maintaining it.\\nWhen it is remembered that Jackson was defeated by\\nAdams in 1824, although having more popular and electoral\\nvotes than Adams, it is not surprising that the friends of\\nJackson became intensely embittered, and they opened the\\ncampaign of 1828 immediately after the inauguration of\\nAdams in 1825. In the Southwest, where Jackson lived and\\nhad his chief strength outside of Pennsylvania, the cockpit,\\nthe race-course and the gaming-table were favorite amuse-\\n47", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nmerits, and the people were strongly prejudiced against what\\nthey regarded as the aristocratic power that had been main-\\ntained by the Virginia Presidents and continued by Adams.\\nThey had a candidate who enthused his followers to the ut-\\ntermost, and the quiet citizens of Washington, long used to\\nthe delectable and cultivated official circles which had pre-\\nvailed from Washington to the second Adams, were shocked\\nat the mob of Democratic place-hunters who crowded into\\nthe Capitol when Jackson became President, and had access\\nto the White House regardless of conventionality, where\\nis reported to have smoked his corn-cob pipe during\\nhis greeting of visitors. With Jackson came the spoils sys-\\ntem that has done so much to demoralize the politics of the\\nRepublic.\\nJackson held a very strong position before the nation, not\\nonly because of his triumph over the British at Xew Or-\\nleans, but because of the high civil positions which he had\\nrilled with reasonable credit, but without displaying any high\\nstandard of statesmanship. He aided in framing the\\nTennessee Constitution in 1796.. and was elected as the first\\nRepresentative in Congress by the people after the admission\\nof the State, then entitled to only one member.\\nHe had been an ardent supporter of Jefferson in his first\\ncontest with the elder Adams, and in 1797 he was elected to\\nthe United Statrs Senate, but he resigned a year later to be-\\ncome a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State, where he\\nserved until 1804. and was again elected Senator in 1823.\\nHe had filled all those important civil positions before he had\\nattained any military distinction. He had served in the last\\nyear of the war of the revolution as a boy, and the only thing\\nnotable that is preserved of his military record of that day\\nis the tradition that after he had been captured by the British\\nhe was wounded by an English officer because he refused to\\nclean the officer s boots.\\nIt is not likely that he ever would have been a prominent\\ncandidate for President but for the fact that he defeated the\\nEnglish in the battle of Xew Orleans on the 8th of January.\\n[815. Had there been steamships, cables, and telegraphs at\\nthat time Jackson could never have commanded the hero\\nworship that twice elected him President and made him\\npractically political dictator.\\nThe treaty of peace between England and the United\\nStates was signed at Ghent on December 24. 18 14. but it re-\\n4$", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nquired nearly a month for the Government to receive infor-\\nmation that the treaty had been signed and that the war was\\nended. On January 8, 1815, more than a fortnight after\\nEngland and the United States were actually at peace by\\ntheir own treaty, the battle of New Orleans was fought be-\\ntween Jackson and Packenham, and a victory achieved over\\nthe English that then electrified the country as thoroughly as\\ndid Dewey s victory at Manila. That victory, and that vic-\\ntory alone, made Jackson President, and with his rugged and\\nindomitable will, for nearly a generation he stamped his im-\\npress upon the policy of the Government w T ith greater em-\\nphasis than any other living man since Washington.\\nThe Presidential contest of 1828 formally began soon\\nafter the inauguration of Adams, when the Legislature of\\nTennessee presented Jackson as a candidate, and the crit-\\nicisms of the Adams administration revived much of the\\npolitical asperities and resentments of the violent discussions\\nbetween the old Federalist and Republican parties in the days\\nof Jefferson and the elder Adams. One of the reasons\\nstrongly urged against the re-election of Adams was that his\\nadministration had become recklessly extravagant, as the\\nexpenditures of the Government under him had reached the\\nenormous sum of nearly $14,000,000 a year.\\nAdams was attacked also because of his liberal views on\\nthe questions of protection and public improvements,\\nalthough Jackson had sustained nearly or quite the same\\nviews by his votes in Congress. Adams had no trained polit-\\nical leaders his Cabinet was divided even on the question\\nof supporting himself, and the ideal statesmanship that\\nAdams worshipped was not calculated to school and equip\\ngreat politicians. Chiefly through the efforts of Martin Van\\nBuren the supporters of Crawford were brought into the\\nsupport of Jackson, a feat that was probably not difficult\\nfrom the fact that Clay, the Secretary of State under Adams,\\nwas not friendly with Crawford.\\nThe Congressional caucus was not thought of, and Adams\\nbecame a candidate to succeed himself by resolutions of\\nLegislatures and mass-meetings. Calhoun, who was the\\nVice-President under Adams, was accepted by the friends\\nof Jackson and received nearly as large an electoral vote as\\nhis chief. It was a contest between the dignified statesman-\\nship of that day and the Democratic element of the country.\\nAdams was accepted as the National Republican candidate\\n49", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nand Jackson was supported under the flags of Republican\\nDemocracy, and in some sections of Democracy alone. It was\\nthis contest and the success of Jackson that crystallized the\\nRepublican party of Jefferson into the Democratic party that\\nthen had the ablest political leaders of the nation.\\nThe friends of Adams seem to have been confident of his\\nre-election, and a majority of the States chose their\\nelectors by popular vote. It was a battle between the\\nDemocratic hero of New Orleans, the friend of the people,\\nand the aristocratic power of the Republic. With Jack-\\nson s great prestige and Adams s feebleness in resources to\\nsupport himself in the great contest before the people, it is\\nnot surprising that Jackson was elected by a very large pop-\\nular and electoral majority. The following is the popular\\nvote where a direct vote was had in the several States be-\\ntween Jackson and Adams\\nSTATES.\\nMaine*\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York*\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania.\\nDelawaret.\\nMaryland*\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolinat\\nGeorgiaf\\nAlabamaf\\nMississippif.\\nLouisianat\\nKentuckyf\\nTennessee*\\nMissouri\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nTotals\\nJackson.\\nAdams.\\n13,927\\n20,733\\n20,922\\n24,134\\n8,350\\n25,363\\n6,016\\n29,876\\n821\\n2,754\\n4,448\\n13,838\\n140,763\\n135,413\\n21,951\\n23,764\\n101,652\\n50,848\\n24,565\\n25,527\\n26,752\\n12,101\\n37,857\\n13,918\\n19,363\\nNo opposition.\\n17,138\\n1,938\\n6,772\\n1,581\\n4,603\\n4,076\\n39,397\\n31,460\\n44,2?3\\n2,240\\n8,272\\n3,400\\n67,597\\n63,396\\n22,257\\n17,052\\n9,560\\n4,662\\n647,276\\n508,064\\nChosen by districts. t By Legislature.\\n50", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThe majority for Jackson was so decisive both in popular\\nand electoral votes that the verdict was accepted by the coun-\\ntry, and the vote was counted and declared by Congress\\nwithout any incident worthy of note. The following table\\npresents the vote in detail for President and Vice-President\\nin the Electoral College\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\nSTATES.\\na\\na\\no\\ne\\na\\no\\nto\\nM\\no\\ncc)\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094!\\nw\\n3\\nof\\nB\\na\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\no\\nG\\n3\\na\\nu\\nai\\nd\\nO\\nO\\n6\\na\\nc\\nw\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0d\\nu\\nV\\n1\\n6\\nS3\\nO\\no\\no\\n1\\nMaine\\n1\\n20\\n28\\n5\\n8\\n8\\n7\\n15\\n4\\n8\\n16\\n8\\n3\\n6\\n1\\n20\\n28\\n5\\n24\\n15\\n11\\n2\\n5\\n3\\n5\\n14\\n11\\n16\\n5\\n3\\n3\\n8\\n8\\n7\\n15\\n4\\n8\\n16\\n8\\n3\\n6\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n24\\n15\\n11\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\n9\\n5\\n3\\n5\\n14\\n11\\n16\\n5\\n3\\n3\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMissouri\\nTotals\\n178\\n83\\n171\\n83\\n(7\\n1\\nThe campaign of 1832 resulting in the triumphant re-elec-\\n51", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntion of Jackson developed a more confused condition of\\npolitics in the nation than had ever been presented. The\\nFederal party was dead, and did not even pretend to main-\\ntain its organization in any of the States. The Republican\\nparty was divided between the National Republicans and\\nthe Democratic Republicans, who followed Jackson, and\\nfinally adopted the flag of Democracy. Jackson s first\\nadministration had been anything but a peaceful one. An\\nopen quarrel had broken out between Jackson and Vice-Pres-\\nident Calhoun, and Jackson was not only a good hater, but a\\ngood fighter. He was largely influenced by Van Buren, who\\nwas his Secretary of State, and who was one of the most\\nsagacious political managers of his day. He aimed to suc-\\nceed Jackson as President by having the Jackson administra-\\ntion enlisted in his favor, and his first step toward that end\\nwas to overthrow Calhoun, and Jackson emphasized his\\nhostility to Calhoun by dictating the nomination of Van\\nBuren for Vice-President.\\nA considerable number of prominent old Republicans who\\nhad supported Jackson had become alienated from him be-\\ncause of the intensely partisan qualities of his administration\\nand because of his aggressive interference in the Cabinet\\nscandal resulting from Mrs. Eaton s social ambition as the\\nwife of a Cabinet minister. Scandals were multiplied in\\nWashington about the Jackson Kitchen Cabinet., of which\\nAmos Kendall was regarded as the chief, but with all the dis-\\nturbance in the National Capitol, the people of the country\\nwere sturdy in their devotion to Jackson, as was proved by\\nhis large majority*, both in popular and electoral votes, over\\nClay, who was confessedly the ablest leader of the opposi-\\ntion.\\nThis contest brings us to the introduction of the National\\nConvention. The first political national convention held in\\nthis country was called to meet in Philadelphia in Septem-\\nber, 1830. by a number of prominent anti-Masonic leaders.\\nThe anti-Mason party had sprung up suddenly and attained\\ngreat power in the North, as it was the only outlet for the\\nold Federalists, most of whom were in sympathy with the\\nopposition of the new party to Ma sonic and all other secret\\nsocieties.\\nThe death of William Morgan, who, it was claimed, had\\nbeen murdered by the Masons for revealing the secrets of\\nthe order, was most dramatically presented in the political\\n52", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\norgans of the day, and the new party speedily absorbed most\\nof the opposition elements to the Democracy in the Northern\\nStates. The anti-Masonic national convention that met in\\nPhiladelphia in 1830 was presided over by Francis Granger,\\nof New York, and was composed of 96 delegates, represent-\\ning New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, Rhode\\nIsland, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, Maryland, and the\\nTerritory of Michigan. This convention was held more than\\ntwo years before the Presidential election, for which it was\\nexpected to nominate candidates for President, but instead\\nof making nominations, it adjourned to meet in Baltimore in\\nSeptember, 183 1, when it had 112 delegates, with Indiana\\nand Ohio added to the States presented. John C. Spencer\\nwas its president, and William Wirt, of Maryland, was\\nnominated for President, and Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsyl-\\nvania, for Vice-President. Instead of passing a platform,\\nas is now common, the convention issued an elaborate ad-\\ndress to the people of the Union.\\nThis action of the anti-Masons was followed by the Na-\\ntional Republicans, who met in national convention at Bal-\\ntimore, on December 12, 1831, with 17 States, represented by\\n157 delegates. Henry Clay was nominated for President\\nand John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President. No\\nplatform was adopted by this convention, but it followed the\\nanti-Masons by issuing an address to the people of the coun-\\ntry in which it was stated that the political history of the\\nUnion for the last three years exhibits a series of measures\\nplainly dictated in all their principal features by blind cupid-\\nity or vindictive party spirit, marked throughout by a dis-\\nregard of good policy, justice, and every high and generous\\nsentiment, and terminating in a dissolution of the Cabinet\\nunder circumstances more discreditable than any of the kind\\nto be met with in the annals of the civilized world.\\nThe Democrats followed the anti-Masons and National\\nRepublicans by calling a National Democratic convention, to\\nmeet in Baltimore in May, 1832, to nominate a candidate for\\nVice-President. Jackson was so universally accepted as the\\ncandidate of the Democrats for re-election that the conven-\\ntion was not allowed to make a nomination for the first office,\\nbut a resolution was passed declaring that the convention\\ncordially concurred in the repeated nominations that Gen-\\neral Jackson had received in various parts of the country for\\nre-election as President. The convention adopted the two-\\n53", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthirds rule that has prevailed in every Democratic conven-\\ntion from that day until the present time, requiring that\\ntwo-thirds of the whole number of the votes in the conven-\\ntion shall be necessary to constitute a choice.\\nVan Buren was nominated for Vice-President, receiving\\n208 votes to 26 for Richard M. Johnson and 49 for Philip P.\\nBarbour. No platform of principles was adopted, nor was\\nan address issued by the convention to the people, but a reso-\\nlution was passed declaring that in place of a general ad-\\ndress from this body the delegations should address their\\nrespective constituents on the political issues of the day.\\nNever were two candidates presented for the first office\\nof the nation who so widely differed in their chief qualities.\\nJackson was a clear-headed man of rugged intellect, of in-\\nflexible purpose, a relentless opponent and a devoted friend,\\nwhile Clay was the most magnetic of all the popular leaders\\nthis country has ever produced. No one before or since\\nClay s time has approached him in that peculiar quality but\\nJames G. Blaine. The hero-worship of Jackson was earnest\\nand always aggressive when summoned to battle, but Clay\\nwas beloved and idolized beyond that accorded to any leader\\nof any party in the history of the Republic. He was a most\\nbrilliant orator, imposing in presence and gifted in every\\ngrace that attracted the multitude, and he was imperious as\\nCaesar in his leadership. His friends battled for him with\\nmatchless enthusiasm, but Jackson was so strongly en-\\ntrenched in the confidence of the masses that he won an easy\\nvictory over, the Sage of Ashland.\\nThe contest was one of unusual violence and defamation,\\nand it was doubtless aggravated by the personal enmity that\\nexisted between Jackson and Clay. The veto of the bill re-\\nchartering the Bank of the United States had greatly dis-\\nturbed financial circles, and it was believed in the early part\\nof the struggle that the financial and business interests of the\\ncountry would endanger Jackson s success, but the popular\\nprejudice against banks in that day was so great that Jack-\\nson largely profited by the open opposition of his former sup-\\nporters who were interested in maintaining a national finan-\\ncial institution. The anti-Masonic electoral ticket was\\nadopted by the National Republicans in several of the States,\\nand it is specially shown in the popular vote of Vermont,\\nwhere Clay appears to have carried the State, and yet the\\nelectoral vote was given to William Wirt, the anti-Masonic\\n54", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ncandidate. Had it been possible for the electoral vote of that\\nState to elect Clay President, it would have been cast for\\nhim.\\nThe number of electors had been enlarged by the new\\napportionment, and Delaware had provided for the choice of\\nelectors by a popular vote, leaving South Carolina as the only\\nState to appoint electors by the Legislature. That State\\ncontinued the system of the legislative choice of electors\\nwithout interruption until the civil war of 1861. Several of\\nthe States also abandoned the election of delegates by the\\ndistrict system, Maryland alone adhering to it. In Alabama\\nthere was no electoral ticket opposed to Jackson, and the\\npopular vote is not attainable. Georgia was also without an\\nanti-Jackson electoral ticket, while Missouri, that was\\nfriendly to Clay in 1824, seems to have made no battle for\\nhim against Jackson. The following is the popular vote, as\\nnearly as it can be ascertained\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts.\\nRhode Island.\\nConnecticut.\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey.\\nPennsylvania.\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nMissouri\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nTotals\\nJackson.\\n687,502\\nClay.\\n33,291\\n27,204\\n25,486\\n19,010\\n7,870\\n11,152\\n14,545\\n33,003\\n2,126\\n2,810\\n11,269\\n17,755\\n168,497\\n154,896\\n23,856\\n23,393\\n90,983\\n56,716\\n4,110\\n4,276\\n19,156\\n19,160\\n33,609\\n11,451\\n24,862\\n4,563\\n20,750\\n5,919\\n4,049\\n2,528\\n36,247\\n43,396\\n28,740\\n1,436\\n5,192\\n81,246\\n76,539\\n31,552\\n15,472\\n14,147\\n5,429\\n530,189\\n55", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThere was some ragged voting for President and much\\nmore for Vice-President. Jackson received 219 votes in\\nthe Electoral College to 49 for Clay, 1 1 for Floyd, and 7 for\\nWirt, given by Vermont, and which would have gone to\\nClay had they been needed. South Carolina, under the\\ninfluence of Calhoun, refused to vote for either Jackson or\\nVan Buren, but cast the electoral vote for John Floyd, of\\nVirginia, for President, and for Henry Lee. of Massachu-\\nsetts, for Vice-President. Van Buren was not acceptable\\nto all the friends of Jackson, as the Pennsylvania Democratic\\nConvention positively instructed the electors to vote for\\nWilliam Wilkins for Vice-President, which instructions\\nwere obeyed in the Electoral College, and a convention of\\nJackson men had been held in June, in Charlotteville. Va.,\\nand nominated P. P. Barbour, of that State, for the Vice-\\nPresidency, with Jackson for President. A like convention\\nwas held, composed of delegates from a number of counties\\nin North Carolina, in which Jackson and Barbour were\\nnominated, but Barbour did not reach the dignity of support\\nin the Electoral College.\\nThere were no disputes as to the return of the electoral\\ncolleges, and the vote was declared by Congress as follows\\nPresident.\\nriCE-PRESIDENT\\ns\\nr c\\n2\\n53\\nSTATE\\n5\\nD\\nft\\ns\\na\\n1\\n5\\nu\\nF\\n9\\nr.\\nS\\nX\\nd\\nc\\n2\\nc\\ng\\nK\\nSt\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\nS\\n~r\\n10\\n10\\nNew Hampshire\\n7\\nVermont\\n14\\n14\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\n4\\n4\\nConnecticut\\n8\\nNew York\\n42\\n42\\nNew Jersev\\n8\\nPennsvlvania\\n30\\n3\\n30\\nDelaware\\n56", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\na\\na\\nfc\\nd\\nc\\nc\\nc\\nP\\nc\\na)\\nPh\\nSTATES.\\nc\\no\\no\\neg\\n3\\n1\\nCI\\nu\\nW\\nPh\\nG\\ntS\\n43\\nen\\ng\\n1\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0si\\nV.\\neg\\no\\n03\\nS3\\ns\\nO\\no\\na\\nD\\nfl\\n*3\\nw\\nU\\n_rt\\n-M\\nc\\n.5\\no\\nC\\ncS\\nu\\nX\\no\\no\\nW\\n3\\n5\\nQ\\no\\n5\\nVirginia\\n23\\n28\\nNorth Carolina\\n15\\n15\\nSouth Carolina\\n11\\n11\\n11\\n11\\nGeorgia\\n_\\nAlabama\\n7\\n4\\n7\\n4\\n_\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\n5\\n15\\n5\\n1\\n15\\nKentucky\\n_\\n15\\n21\\n9\\n5\\n4\\n15\\n21\\n9\\n5\\n4\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMissouri\\n_\\nTotals\\n219\\n49\\n11\\n7\\n189\\n49\\n30\\n11\\n7\\nJackson s second administration was even more tempestu-\\nous than the first. His nullification proclamation that\\nconvulsed the country from centre to circumference, and\\nthe first pocket veto in the history of the country by\\nwhich he had killed the Land bill, were among the later acts\\nof his first administration, and entered very largely into the\\nbitterness of political dispute that continued during his\\nsecond term. Both were denounced as violent usurpations,\\nand it is doubtful whether any but Andrew Jackson could\\nhave made the record he left on both of those vital issues.\\nHe had vetoed the recharter of the United States Bank\\nduring his first term, and supplemented that hostility to the\\ninstitution early in his second term by the removal of the\\nGovernment deposits from -the bank. His Secretary of the\\nTreasury, Mr. Duane, resolutely opposed the removal of\\nthe deposits, but Jackson would not brook opposition, and\\nin order to carry out his new financial policy, he accepted\\n57", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nDuane s resignation and appointed Roger B. Taney, who\\nwas in accord with the President, and who was finally\\nrewarded by his promotion to the Chief Justiceship of the\\nUnited States.\\nHe had devoted followers in Congress; he was absolute\\nmaster of Congressional action during his second term, and\\nhe was heartily supported by the great mass of the people,\\na very large portion of whom regarded him as the model\\npatriot and the infallible political oracle of the nation. They\\nloved his courage and his pugnacity, and as he always was\\nthe winner, they had every inspiration to rejoice over the\\ntriumphs of their devotedly worshipped leader.\\nStrange as it may seem, the first evidence of the weakness\\nof Jackson s popular strength was exhibited in his own\\nState of Tennessee, where Hugh L. White, a Senator from\\nthat State, was nominated to succeed Jackson as President\\nby the Tennessee Legislature. Jackson was much disturbed\\nby it. When the question was before the Legislatures of\\nAlabama and Tennessee, copies of the Washington Globe,\\nthe organ of the administration, containing severe assaults\\nupon Senator White, were franked to the members of those\\nLegislatures by the President himself; but notwithstanding\\nall Jackson s efforts to make Van Buren his successor,\\nTennessee voted for Judge White by 10,000 majority.\\nUpon his retirement from the Presidency in 1837, he\\nimitated Washington by a farewell address to the American\\npeople, that was received by a large majority as second in\\nreverence only to the farewell address of Washington. His\\nhealth was feeble when his stormy eight years of Presiden-\\ntial rule were ended, and after the inauguration of Van\\nBuren he retired to The Hermitage, his home, near\\nNashville, in Tennessee, where he died on the 8th of June,\\n1845-", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "MARTIN VAN BUREN", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE VAN BUREN-HARRISON\\nCONTEST\\n1836\\nThe national contest of 1836 that made Martin Van Buren\\nPresident gave birth to a new political organization known\\nas the Whig party. The opposition to Jackson agreed only\\nin opposing Jackson, but it was not possible to unite on any\\nnational policy. The strongest organized element of the\\nopposition was the anti-Masonic party, that was very\\npowerful in the North, but among the opponents of Jackson\\nwere many who, like Mr. Clay, were Masons of high degree,\\nand they could not act with a political party that made\\nanti-Masonry one of the cardinal principles of its faith.\\nThe National Republican party practically perished with\\nthe defeat of Clay in 1832, and a very large majority of its\\nmembers were not in sympathy with the anti-Masons.\\nThese conditions led to the organization of the Whig party\\nin 1834, and it gradually absorbed all the old National\\nRepublicans, Federalists, anti-Masons, and all the other\\nvaried forms of opposition to Jackson. Its name and its\\ndeclaration of principles were declared by a number of lead-\\ning men in 1834, and it gradually developed in strength\\nuntil it was the leading factor in the support of Harrison\\nin 1836, and won the election of Harrison by an over-\\nwhelming majority of both the popular and electoral votes\\nin 1840. The Whig party maintained itself as one of the\\nablest political organizations the country has ever had, but\\nit was much more noted for its conservative restraints upon\\nthe Democrats than for the successful establishment of its\\npolicy in the administration of the Government. It elected\\ntwo Presidents, Harrison and Taylor, but neither seriously\\nimpressed the policy of the Whig party upon the nation. It\\npractically perished in 1852, when it made its last great\\n59", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nbattle for General Scott for President, and carried but four\\nStates.\\nAs the contest of 1836 was approached the various ele-\\nments of opposition to Jackson felt confident that they\\ncould poll a majority of the popular vote, but there was no\\npossibility of their uniting upon any one candidate without\\nsuffering great loss in their popular following. It was\\ndecided, therefore, that instead of attempting to unite the\\nopposition to Jackson on one candidate, they would support\\nseveral candidates who were particularly strong in their\\nrespective localities, with the hope that a majority of the\\nelectors might thus be chosen who would unite in the elec-\\ntion of the strongest of the opposition candidates.\\nThe Democrats were very much disturbed, as signs of\\ndisintegration were visible to all. Jackson was the most\\npotent of any of our retiring Presidents, with the exception\\nof Washington, and he dictated Van Buren for the succes-\\nsion. Without the omnipotent power of Jackson, Van\\nBuren could not have been nominated or elected. Jackson\\nhad the Democracy thoroughly organized, and he wielded\\nall the official power of his administration relentlessly to\\ncarry out his political aims. There was much hesitation\\nabout the Democrats accepting a national convention, be-\\ncause of the opposition to Van Buren, but Jackson per-\\nsonally importuned the leading Democrats to summon a\\nconvention at an early period, and a convention was finally\\ncalled, to be held in Baltimore on the 20th of May, 1835.\\nnearly a year and a half before the Presidential election.\\nIt was not a representative convention, as although over\\nsix hundred delegates attended, a majority of them were\\nfrom Maryland alone, but each State was allowed to cast\\nthe vote corresponding with its representation in Congress.\\nVan Buren was nominated unanimously on the 1st ballot,\\nand Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, was made the\\ncandidate for Vice-President, receiving 178 votes, with 87\\ncast for William C. Rives, of Virginia. The two-thirds\\nrule was reaffirmed in the convention, and even after John-\\nson had been nominated under the rule Virginia\\nto approve the action of the convention pre. im as\\nthe candidate for Vice-President. No platforr jdor\\nand no address was issued by the body to the peo\\ncountry.\\nThe prominent candidates presented in )sitioi\\n60", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nVan Buren were General William H. Harrison and Judge\\nJohn McLean, of Ohio Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts,\\nand Judge Hugh L. White, of Tennessee. Willie P.\\nMangum, who received the electoral vote of South Carolina\\nchosen by the Legislature, was not a candidate before the\\npeople, and it is remarkable that South Carolina, at war\\nwith Jackson on the right of nullification, cast her electoral\\nvote for Mangum, who was one of the leaders of the Whig\\nparty and afterward distinguished as a Whig United States\\nSenator.\\nNo attempt was made to bring these opposing opposition\\nelements together. Harrison was first nominated at Harris-\\nburg, Penn., by two State conventions, both meeting osten-\\nsibly as anti-Masons, the one being Democratic and the other\\ninclining to the new Whig organization, and he was also\\npresented by Legislatures and mass-meetings in other\\nStates. Webster was nominated by the Whig Legislature\\nof Massachusetts, and Judge White was nominated by the\\nLegislatures of Tennessee and Alabama, and by mass-\\nmeetings in different sections of the South. He was then\\na United States Senator from Tennessee, but at war with\\nJackson, and he was confessedly the strongest opponent of\\nJackson in the entire South. The fact that he could com-\\nmand a nomination from the Democratic Legislature of\\nTennessee while Jackson was President is the best evidence\\nof his exceptional popularity with the people, and it was\\nproved also by him carrying the electoral vote of the State\\nover Van Buren by a decided majority. Judge McLean\\ngradually dropped out of the fight, as he was from Harrison s\\nState, and Harrison soon developed as much the strongest\\ncandidate of the entire opposition competitors.\\nThe contest was one of intense bitterness. There were\\nno conflicting opposition tickets run against Van Buren.\\nIn States where White was strongest the opposition united\\non White electoral tickets, where Harrison was strongest\\nthey united on Harrison electoral tickets, and where\\nWebster was strongest they united on Webster electoral\\ntickets. The campaign was thus shrewdly managed by the\\nopposition, and it gave some promise of success, as if a\\nmajority of the electoral votes had been chosen against\\nVan Buren, they would doubtless have been united upon\\none candidate before the time for meeting of the electoral\\ncolleges. In Clay s State the battle was made for Harrison\\n61", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nwith him in the forefront of the fight, and Harrison carried\\nthe State by a safe majority.\\nThe defamation of the contest of 1836 was equal to any\\nof the malignant contests of the early days of the Republic.\\nVan Buren, Harrison, White, and Webster were most\\nvindictively assailed, and their public and private lives\\ncriticised far beyond the lines of decent disputation. Van\\nBuren was proclaimed the mere puppet of Jackson Harri-\\nson was denounced as a failure in field and forum, where\\nhe had been General, Governor, and Senator; Webster was\\ndefamed as an old blue-light Federalist, and White was\\nassailed in the South as an ingrate who had sacrificed his\\nself-respect to ambition.\\nThere were twenty-six States to participate in the election\\nof 1836. Arkansas had come into the Union on the 15th\\nof June, and Michigan, where electors were chosen before\\nthe admission of the State, was formally admitted into the\\nUnion on the 26th of January, 1837, before the electoral\\ncount took place in Congress, and the precedent in the\\nMissouri case in 1821 settled the right of Michigan to\\nparticipate in the election. In all of the States, with the\\nsingle exception of South Carolina, the electors were chosen\\nby popular vote and by general ticket. The following was\\nthe popular vote as returned for the several candidates,\\ntaking the vote of the opposition electors chosen as an\\nindication of the choice of their respective States\\nSTATES.\\nVan Buren.\\nHarrison.\\nWhite.\\nWebster.\\nMaine\\n22,990\\n18,722\\n14,039\\n34,474\\n2,964\\n19,291\\n166,815\\n25,592\\n91,475\\n4,153\\n22,168\\n30,261\\n26,910\\n15,239\\n6,228\\n20,996\\nVermont\\n42,247\\nRhode Island.\\n2,710\\n18,749\\n138,543\\n26,137\\n87,111\\n4,733\\n25,852\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nPen ncvl van ia\\nDelaware\\nVirginia.\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina*\\nGeorgia\\n23,468\\n23,626\\n22,104\\n24,876\\nChosen by the Legislature.\\n62", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSTATES.\\nVan Buren.\\nHarrison.\\nWhite.\\nWebster.\\nAlabama.\\n20,506\\n9,979\\n3,653\\n2,400\\n33,025\\n26,129\\n10,995\\n96,948\\n32,478\\n17,275\\n7,332\\n15,612\\n9,688\\n3,383\\n1,238\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nArkansas\\nKentucky\\n36,687\\nTennessee\\n36,168\\n7,337\\nMissouri\\nOhio.\\n105,404\\n41,281\\n14,292\\n4,045\\nIndiana..\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nTotals\\n762,678\\n548,007\\n145,396\\n42,247\\nAs Van Buren was successful, not only by a small popular\\nmajority, but by a clear majority of the electoral vote, no\\neffort was necessary to unite the opposition electoral col-\\nleges, and they divided their votes between Harrison,\\nWhite, and Webster, according to the preferences of the\\nrespective States. Virginia refused to give her electoral\\nvote to Johnson for Vice-President, and that left him\\nwithout an election, as he had not a majority of the whole\\nElectoral College. He was, however, promptly elected by\\nthe Senate, receiving 33 votes to 16 for Francis Granger.\\nHe was the only Vice-President in the history of the\\nRepublic who was not elected by the Electoral College.\\nWhen Adams, Jackson, Crawford, and Clay ran in 1824,\\nand there was no choice for President in the Electoral\\nCollege, John C. Calhoun received a decided majority in the\\ncollege and was elected without an appeal to the Senate.\\nThe following is the vote as cast for President and Vice-\\nPresident in the electoral colleges", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nPresident.\\nVice-Preside\\nrr.\\nc\\n-J\\nZ\\na\\nz\\nu\\nSTATES.\\n2\\nu\\nu\\n5\\no\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0x.\\nc\\n3\\n\u00c2\u00a32\\nX\\n0/\\n2\\no\\nbo\\nG\\n1\\no\\nbo\\nc\\na\\nc\\nSI\\ns\\nhi\\nbe\\no\\nfit\\n5\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0d\\noS\\ny\\nc3\\nu\\nO\\nX\\n3\\nc\\nS-\\n99\\n1\\nS\\nMaine\\n10\\n7\\n10\\n7\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\ni\\n14\\n7\\n14\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\n4\\n4\\nConnecticut\\n8\\n42\\n8\\n8\\n.42\\n~8\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\n30\\n30\\nDelaware\\n3\\n10\\n3\\n10\\nVirginia\\n8M\\n23\\nNorth Carolina\\n15\\n15\\nSouth Carolina\\n11\\nn\\nGeorgia\\n11\\nli\\nAlabama\\n7\\n4\\n7\\n4\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\n5\\n3\\n15\\n5\\n3\\n15\\nArkansas\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\n4\\n15\\n4\\n15\\nOhio\\n5\\n3\\n21\\n9\\n5\\n3\\n31\\n9\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nTotals\\n170\\n73\\n26\\n14\\nli\\n147\\ni\\n47\\n23", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "\\\\i\\n\\\\^J^6ju^^\\nUtOj\\nTHE HARRISON-VAN BUREN CONTEST\\n1840\\nMemorable as was the campaign of 1840 that called Gen-\\neral Harrison to the Presidency by a popular whirlwind, the\\nthoughtful student of American politics will regard that\\ncampaign as even more memorable because it gave birth to a\\nparty, of the humblest pretensions at the start as a political\\npower, that twenty years later saw its principles triumph in\\nthe election of Lincoln, and the mastery of the party that\\nhas controlled the policy of the Government for forty years.\\nThe Abolition D arty v that was the corner-stone upon which\\nthe modern Republican party is reared, was organized in\\nDecember, 1839, at Warsaw, Genesee County, N. Y., when,\\nat a mass convention, with but few States represented, it\\nnominated James G. Birney, of New York, for President,\\nand Francis G. Lemoyne, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-Presi-\\ndent.\\nThis party had but one vital principle that made up its\\npolitical faith, and that was the abolition of slavery. It was\\nlooked upon as a movement of a few political cranks, and\\nwas not regarded as a possible factor in that or any future\\npolitical contest. It cast a few votes in 1840, but in 1844 it\\ndiverted enough votes from Henry Clay in New York State\\nto defeat him for the Presidency. Its total vote in 1840\\naggregated only 7069, one-third of which was cast in New\\nYork and one- fourth in Massachusetts but it was the party\\nof destiny, and its origin can be studied with profit. Its few\\nsupporters of that day who braved the prejudices of all\\nparties were actuated by a sincere conviction, and that con-\\nviction was made more and more acceptable from year to\\nyear as the aggressions of slavery multiplied, until it finally\\ndied a colossal suicide.\\nThe divided opposition elements which had polled within\\n30,000 of the vote received by Van Buren in 1836 were\\n65", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ncoerced by supreme necessities to united action for the cam-\\npaign of 1840. But three candidates were prominently dis-\\ncussed. They were General William H. Harrison of Ohio,\\nHenry Clay of Kentucky, and Winfield Scott of Virginia.\\nClay was much the ablest of them, and had the most enthusi-\\nastic and earnest friends, but the old anti-Masonic element\\ncrucified Clay in the Whig convention of 1839, just as\\nSeward was crucified in the convention of i860 by the\\nAmerican sentiment that was an indispensable factor to\\nenable the Republicans to win. Clay was a Royal Arch\\nMason, and he would doubtless have lost largely in the rank\\nand file of the anti-Masons, who had been educated in the\\nfiercest strife of political contests to believe that Masonry\\nwas incompatible with patriotism.\\nHarrison had been Governor of the Indiana Territory,\\nSenator in Congress and a successful general, having won\\na decisive victory over the English and the Indians at Tippe-\\ncanoe. Scott was green with the laurels of Chippewa and\\nLundy s Lane, and was regarded as the first soldier of the\\nRepublic. One thing strongly in Harrison s favor was the\\nfact that in the free-for-all race of 1836 he had largely out-\\nstripped his anti-Jackson associate candidates for President.\\nThe Whig National Convention was called to meet at\\nHarrisburg on the 4th of December, 1839, just one year be-\\nfore the Presidential election, and no national convention in\\nthe history of our politics ever moved with such extreme\\ncaution. It was three days after the convention was organ-\\nized before a ballot was reached for President, the whole\\ntime having been occupied in formal conferences of com-\\nmittees appointed by each delegation to confer in the frank-\\nest way as to the best ticket to unite the incongruous opposi-\\ntion elements. Clay had made exhaustive effort to unite the\\nopposition, even if necessary to sacrifice himself. On re-\\npeated occasions he publicly declared that his name should\\nnot be entertained if it was in any degree an obstacle to suc-\\ncess, and in a Buffalo address delivered some time before the\\nconvention met, he said If my name creates any obstacle\\nto union and harmony, away with it, and concentrate upon\\nsome individual more acceptable to all branches of the\\noffice.\\nA Union Pennsylvania convention had been held in Har-\\nrisburg in September, embracing representatives of the old\\nNational Republicans, anti-Masons, and Whigs. It was\\n66", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nlargely planned and carried out by Thaddeus Stevens, whose\\nviolent anti-Masonic convictions made him the opponent of\\nClay, and that convention, while highly complimenting Clay,\\ndeclared that General Harrison was the most available of all\\nthe candidates named for President. Governor Barbour, of\\nVirginia, presided over the national convention, and instead\\nof proceeding to ballot for candidates, the convention, after\\ncareful consideration, decided that the delegations from the\\ndifferent States should confer with each other, through sub-\\ncommittees, and if possible reach a conclusion as to the best\\nnomination and report to the convention.\\nWhile there is no official record of the action of these\\ncommittees, it is known that at the start more favored Clay\\nthan any of the two other candidates, as one of the known\\nfacts relating to their action gave Clay 103 votes to 94 for\\nHarrison and 57 for Scott. This vote is based on the\\nassumption that the entire delegation of each State would\\nvote in harmony with its committee, as the resolution under\\nwhich the committees were appointed provided that each\\nState represented shall vote its full electoral vote by such\\ndelegation in the committee. After three days of confer-\\nence, the joint committees reported to the convention that\\nthey had decided in favor of Harrison by a vote of 148 to 90\\nfor Clay and 16 for Scott.\\nOn the following day the convention accepted the report\\nof the committees by adopting a resolution declaring General\\nHarrison the candidate of the convention, and it was unan-\\nimously approved amidst great enthusiasm. The friends of\\nClay gave very prompt and cordial support to the action\\nof the convention, and the friends of Harrison proved their\\nappreciation of the magnanimity of Clay s friends by unani-\\nmously nominating John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi-\\ndent, who was the leader of the Clay forces in the convention.\\nNo platform or expression of principles was given in any\\nmanner. Indeed, none of the political questions of the day\\ndiverted the convention at any time from the supreme pur-\\npose of uniting the opposition to Van Buren on a single\\nticket.\\nIt was the vote of Virginia that finally decided the question\\nof making Harrison the candidate of the convention. The\\nthree prominent candidates were all sons of Virginia, and\\nhad Clay been available he would doubtless have been pre-\\nferred. A very earnest effort was made to force the nomina-\\n67", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntion of General Scott when Clay was conceded to be unavail-\\nable, and the Virginia delegates long hesitated in making a\\nchoice between Harrison and Scott. Both were of Old Do-\\nminion birth, and the pride of the Mother of Presidents\\nwould have been gratified with the nomination of either.\\nIt was at this stage of the contest that Thaddeus Stevens,\\nwho was the leading delegate from Pennsylvania, con-\\ntrolled the Virginia delegation by a scheme that was more\\neffective than creditable. Scott, who was quite too fond of\\nwriting letters, had written a letter to Francis Granger, of\\nNew York, in which he evidently sought to conciliate the\\nantislavery sentiment of that State. It was a private letter,\\nbut Granger exhibited it to Stevens and permitted Stevens\\nto use it in his own way. As the headquarters of the Vir-\\nginia delegation were the centre of attraction, they were\\nalways crowded, and Stevens called there along with many\\nothers. Before leaving he dropped the Scott letter on the\\nfloor, and it was soon discovered and its contents made\\nknown to the Virginians. That letter decided the Virginians\\nto support Harrison and to reject Scott. Either could have\\nbeen elected if nominated, as the Van Buren defeat of 1840\\nwas one of the most sweeping political hurricanes in the his-\\ntory of the country.\\nMy authority for this is Mr. Stevens himself. He disliked\\nScott on general principles through his great aversion to all\\nmen whose vanity was conspicuous, but he had a much\\nstronger reason for nominating Harrison in his possession\\nof an autograph letter from General Harrison, assuring\\nStevens that if he, Harrison, was elected President, Stevens\\nwould be a member of his Cabinet. After the election Ste-\\nvens said nothing and made no movement to make himself\\nprominent as a candidate for the Cabinet, as he felt entirely\\nsecure, while Josiah Randall, father of the late Samuel J.\\nRandall, and then a prominent Whig, and Charles B. Pen-\\nrose, grandfather of the present United States Senator Pen-\\nrose, entered the field aggressively as candidates for a Cab-\\ninet portfolio. When the Cabinet was announced, Stevens\\nwas dumbfounded to find his name omitted. He never for-\\ngave Webster, who was made the head of the Cabinet, for the\\nfailure, and he believed until the day of his death that Web-\\nster had prevented his appointment.\\nThere was much dissatisfaction with the Van Buren ad-\\nministration. The severe business and industrial depression\\n68", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwhich came upon the country about the middle of Van\\nBuren s term was very disastrous, and the financial troubles\\nwere largely charged to the arbitrary financial system intro-\\nduced by Jackson and maintained by Van Buren. Labor was\\nlargely unemployed and business was paralyzed. So grave\\nwere the financial disturbances that several of the States\\nwere swept from their honest moorings by the cheap money\\ncraze, and irresponsible banks were created almost without\\nlimit or restraint, all of which brought speedy and fearful\\ndisaster to the people.\\nA large portion of the Democratic party had not at any\\ntime heartily favored Van Buren, and only their devotion to\\nJackson made them accept Van Buren as their candidate.\\nThe Democratic leaders of a number of the States openly\\ndeclared that they would not participate in the national con-\\nvention. A convention was finally called, and met in Balti-\\nmore on the 5th of May, 1840, with Connecticut, Delaware,\\nVirginia, South Carolina, and Illinois not represented, while\\nsome of the other States had but one or two delegates. Gov-\\nernor William Carroll, of Tennessee, presided over the con-\\nvention, and Van Buren was renominated by the adoption of\\na resolution declaring that as he was the unanimous choice\\nof the party and the convention, he should be presented as\\nthe Democratic candidate for the office of President. An-\\nother resolution, offered at the same time and by the same\\nman, Mr. Clay, of Alabama, was as follows That the con-\\nvention deem it expedient at the present time not to choose\\nbetween the individuals in nomination, but to leave the de-\\ncision to their Republican Democratic fellow-citizens in the\\nseveral States, trusting that before the election shall take\\nplace their opinions shall become so concentrated as to secure\\nthe choice of a Vice-President by the electoral colleges.\\nThere was positive opposition to the election of Vice-\\nPresident Johnson in 1836, as was shown by his failure to\\ncommand a majority of the electoral votes, while Van Buren\\nwas elected President, and that opposition seems to have\\nincreased rather than diminished. There was much discus-\\nsion in the convention after it had unanimously adopted the\\nfirst resolution declaring Van Buren the candidate for Presi-\\ndent as to what action the convention should take on the\\nVice-Presidency, and finally the resolution before quoted was\\nunanimously adopted, leaving the party without a formally\\nnominated candidate for the second place on the ticket.\\n69", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThis convention for the first time presented a national\\nparty platform as follows\\ni. Resolved, That the Federal Government is one of limited\\npowers derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power\\nshown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments\\nand agents of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and dan-\\ngerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.\\n2. Resolved, That the Constitution does not confer upon the Gen-\\neral Government the power to commence and carry on a general\\nsystem of internal improvement.\\n3. Resolved, That the Constitution does not confer authority upon\\nthe Federal Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts\\nof the several States, contracted for local internal improvements,\\nor other State purposes; nor would such assumption be just or\\nexpedient.\\n4. Resolved, That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal\\nGovernment to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of\\nanother, or to cherish the interest of one portion to the injury of\\nanother portion of our common country that every citizen and\\nevery section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon\\nan equality of rights and privileges, and to complete an ample\\nprotection of person and property from domestic violence or foreign\\naggression.\\n5. Resolved, That it is the duty of every branch of the Govern-\\nment to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting\\nour public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised\\nthan is required to defray the necessary expenses of the Govern-\\nment.\\n6. Resolved, That Congress has no power to charter a United\\nStates Bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hos-\\ntility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our Repub-\\nlican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to\\nplace the business of the country within the control of a concentrated\\nmoney power, and above the laws and the will of the people.\\n7. Resolved, That Congress has no power, under the Constitution,\\nto interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several\\nStates, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of every-\\nthing appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Con-\\nstitution; that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made to in-\\nduce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take in-\\ncipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most\\nalarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have\\nan inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and\\nendanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not\\nto be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions.\\n8. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the Govern-\\nment from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the\\nfunds of the Government and the rights of the people.\\n9. Resolved, That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson\\nin the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Consti-\\ntution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the\\noppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the\\n70", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "JOHN TYLER", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nDemocratic faith and every attempt to abridge the present privilege\\nof becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be\\nresisted with the same spirit which swept the Alien and Sedition\\nlaws from our statute book.\\nThe campaign of 1840 was the most unique of our political\\nhistory. The Democrats, in attempting to belittle General\\nHarrison, declared that he lived in a log cabin and drank\\nhard cider. Instead of resenting these expressions, intended\\nto prejudice the public against the Whig candidate, the\\nWhigs at once took up the log cabin as one of the great\\nillustrative features of the contest, and when the battle\\nreached its zenith, and the people gathered by thousands at\\nthe mass-meetings, the log cabin was always in the proces-\\nsion as the symbol of the simplicity of the party candidate\\nfor President. It was a campaign of speeches and songs,\\nand it developed a new class of campaign orators, of which\\nthe then celebrated and long after well-known Buckeye\\nBlacksmith was a type.\\nIt was the first national campaign in which the masses of\\nthe people took intense interest, and alike in the cities of the\\nEast, the prairies of the West, and the savannas of the\\nSouth the people were singing and shouting for Tippe-\\ncanoe and Tyler, too. The Whig campaign culminated in\\na tempest against the Democrats, and resulted in the over-\\nwhelming defeat of Van Buren, and General Harrison cer-\\ntainly contributed largely to the result by taking the stump\\nin Ohio in September and October, to vindicate himself\\nagainst the accusations made that he was a mere puppet in\\nthe hands of political leaders and unable to speak for him-\\nself. The following was the popular vote for Harrison and\\nVan Buren\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts.\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nHarrison.\\n46,612\\n26,163\\n32,440\\n72,874\\n5,278\\n31,601\\n225,817\\n33,351\\n144,021\\n5,967\\nVan Buren.\\n46,201\\n32,761\\n18,018\\n51,944\\n3,301\\n25,296\\n212,527\\n31,034\\n143,672\\n4,874\\nBirney.\\n194\\n126\\n319\\n1,621\\n42\\n174\\n2,808\\n69\\n343\\n71", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSTATES.\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina*.\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nMissouri\\nArkansas\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nTotals\\nHarrison.\\n33,528\\n42,501\\n46,376\\n40,261\\n28,471\\n19,518\\n11,296\\n58,489\\n60,391\\n22,972\\n5,160\\n148,157\\n65,302\\n45,537\\n22,933\\n1,275,016\\nVan Buren.\\n28,752\\n43,893\\n33,782\\n31,921\\n33,991\\n16,995\\n7,616\\n32,616\\n48,289\\n29,760\\n6,766\\n124,782\\n51,604\\n47,476\\n21,131\\n1,129,102\\nBirney.\\n903\\n149\\n321\\n7,069\\nChosen by Legislature.\\nThere was nothing to quibble about in declaring the count\\nin Congress, as Harrison had nearly three-fourths of the\\nelectoral vote, with a very large popular majority. While the\\nDemocrats had not nominated any candidate for Vice-Presi-\\ndent, and as a division of the vote would be of little conse-\\nquence, the Democratic electors generally voted for Vice-\\nPresident Johnson for re-election. Virginia, that cast a solid\\nvote against him four years before, gave him 22 of the 23\\nvotes, and South Carolina, while voting for Van Buren, gave\\nits 11 votes to L. W. Tazewell, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi-\\ndent, leaving Johnson with only 48 of the 294 electoral votes.\\nThe following is the vote as cast in the electoral colleges", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\nSTATES.\\n6\\no\\nrt\\no\\n03\\nC\\nU\\nC\u00c2\u00ab\\nw\\nMartin Van Buren, N. Y.\\nu\\nEh\\nPI\\nXi\\no\\n1\\nM\\nrt\\no\\n09\\nrt\\nrrt\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u0094I\\nrt\\nrt\\nft\\nM\\nV\\ns\\nrt\\nMaine\\n10\\n7\\n14\\n4\\n8\\n42\\n8\\n30\\n3\\n10\\n15\\n11\\n4\\n5\\n15\\n15\\n21\\n9\\n3\\n7\\n23\\n11\\n7\\n4\\n3\\n5\\n10\\n7\\n14\\n4\\n8\\n42\\n8\\n30\\n3\\n10\\n15\\n11\\n4\\n5\\n15\\n15\\n21\\n9\\n3\\n7\\n22\\n7\\n4\\n3\\n5\\n11\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Tersev\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n1\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nMissouri\\nArkansas\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nTotals\\n234\\n60\\n234\\n48\\n11\\n1\\nHarrison was in feeble health when he was called from the\\nclerkship of the Cincinnati courts, that he had held for many-\\nyears, to the highest civil trust of the world, and the intense\\npressure upon him after his election so impaired his vitality\\nthat he died a little more than a month after his inauguration.\\nHarrison s death was the first break in the Presidency since\\n73", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthe organization of the Government. John Tyler was Vice-\\nPresident, and was living quietly on his farm on the Virginia\\nPeninsula. He could not be reached by railways, and tele-\\ngraphs were unknown. He had no knowledge that he had\\nbecome President through the death of Harrison until late\\nthe next day, when Webster and another member of the\\nCabinet finally found their way to his home, partly by water\\nand partly overland, and formally announced to him the\\ndeath of the President and the new duties which devolved\\nupon him. He hastened to Washington to find a very grave\\ndispute among the leading statesmen of both parties as to\\nwhether he became President or simply Acting President.\\nIt was important to determine whether he was President\\nwith the full title. The question was brought up in Con-\\ngress, and in the midst of a discussion on the subject a mes-\\nsage was received from the Executive Mansion signed\\nJohn Tyler, President. The dispute was at once ended,\\nand the question settled for all time.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "JAMES K. POLK", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE POLK-CLAY CONTEST\\n1844\\nPresident Tyler wrecked the Whig party and defeated\\nHenry Clay for President in 1844. The Whigs had carried\\na majority in both Senate and House in the Harrison sweep\\nof 1840, and they confidently expected that the Whig policy\\nof a national bank to take the place of the bungling Sub-\\nTreasury, of aid to public improvements, and of a protective\\ntariff to stimulate our industries, would inaugurate a Whig\\npolitical system that could be permanently maintained by\\nthe American people. President Harrison died only a little\\nmore than a month after he had been inaugurated. He was\\nthe oldest President at the time of his inauguration that the\\ncountry has had, either before or since, and he was physi-\\ncally unequal to the severe exactions put upon him by the\\nclamor for political positions. Civil service reform had\\nthen no part in the politics of the country, and as Jackson\\nand Van Buren had been vindictively proscriptive in Federal\\nappointments, it was logically expected that there would be\\na general removal of the Van Buren favorites. Harrison\\nexhausted his vitality by trying to meet his friends and\\nconfer with them about political appointments, in addition\\nto the important questions of State which demanded his\\nattention, and he literally wore himself out and died from\\nexhaustion.\\nJohn Tyler, who had been one of the most ardent of the\\nClay Whigs, was confidently expected to maintain the policy\\nof Harrison. The public measures advocated by Clay were\\nwell understood by all, and it was reasonable to assume that\\nTyler, who had been long one of his most earnest supporters,\\nwas in entire accord with his chief. A special session of\\nCongress was summoned to meet on the 31st of May, 1841,\\nand the Whigs expected to carry all their political theories\\ninto practical effect by national statutes at an early day.\\n75", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nTo the surprise of some of the leaders, President Tyler\\nexhibited some measure of unsoundness on the question of\\nthe United States Bank, but after repeated conferences\\nwith him they believed that they could frame a bill that\\nwould entirely meet his views and command his approval.\\nThe bill was passed by a decided majority in both branches,\\nand the Whigs were dumbfounded by a prompt veto from\\nthe President. Other conferences followed, and a new bill\\nwas framed, to which the President assented, and although\\nit was passed without amendment, another veto followed.\\nThe first veto of the Bank bill brought out very angry\\ncriticisms from a number of the Whig leaders, and one\\nof the most earnest and aggressive of Tyler s critics was\\nJohn Minor Botts, then a Whig Congressman from Vir-\\nginia, and one of the most brilliant and erratic of the Whig\\nleaders of his day. It was believed that the irritation of the\\nPresident, caused by the criticisms of leading Whigs, finally\\ndecided the President to veto the second Bank bill.\\nThus the Whigs were defeated in one of the cardinal\\nmeasures of their faith. The Whig Senators and Repre-\\nsentatives met in caucus and published an address to the\\ncountry, in which it was declared that those who brought\\nthe President into power can no longer in any manner or\\ndegree be justly held responsible or blamed for the adminis-\\ntration of the Executive branch of the Government. Thus\\nthe Whig power was broken and demoralized at the very\\nthreshold of its existence, and the chasm between the Whig\\nSenate and House, on the one side, and the President, on\\nthe other, steadily widened and deepened until it was\\nadmittedly impassable.\\nPresident Tyler s political antecedents offer some excuse\\nfor his failure to approve the national bank. He opposed\\nJackson, as did many other able men in the South, because\\nJackson had violated the strict construction policy of South-\\nern leaders, especially in his aggressive warfare against\\nnullification, and one trained in the school of strict con-\\nstruction of the supreme law could readily find excuse for\\nwithholding his approval from the United States Bank.\\nThe same principle applied to internal improvements by the\\nGovernment, and could have been applied to forbid a pro-\\ntective tariff. The only fruit the Whigs gathered from\\ntheir great triumph of 1840 was the protective tariff of\\n1842, that became so popular, especially in the North, that\\n-6", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "AND HOW. WE MAKE THEM\\nmany Democrats who supported Polk in 1844 declared that\\nthey favored the tariff of 1842, and that it could not be\\ndisturbed if Polk were elected. In Pennsylvania it was\\ncommon to see in Democratic processions banners bearing\\nthe inscription of Polk-Dallas-Shunk and the Tariff of\\n1842, and a letter received by Judge Kane, of Philadelphia,\\nfrom Mr. Polk during the campaign was interpreted, and\\nplausibly interpreted, as meaning an -approval of the then\\nexisting tariff. The Whigs, defeated in all their other\\nimportant measures, were sadly crippled in the campaign\\nfor the succession, and even the tariff of 1842 was repealed\\nfor a moderate free-trade tariff in 1846.\\nPresident Tyler had provoked the earnest and generally\\nvindictive hostility of the Whigs without having made\\nfriends with the Democrats. They loved and cheered his\\napostasy, but gave no love or individual support to the\\napostate. He confidently expected that they would make him\\nthe Democratic candidate for President in 1844, and that\\ndelusion was cherished by him until the Democratic National\\nConvention met in Baltimore to nominate national candi-\\ndates. It was attended by a very large number of office-\\nholders and other friends of Tyler. Finding that they\\ncould not command any support for their favorite in the\\nconvention, they improvised a national convention of their\\nown on the same day that the Democratic convention met,\\nand unanimously nominated Tyler for President without\\nnaming any candidate for Vice-President. The movement\\nhad no vitality, as there was no response from either the\\npress or the public, and on the 20th of August Tyler wrote\\nan elaborate and reproachful letter, withdrawing his name\\nfrom the list of Presidential candidates.\\nWhen his term ended he lived in retirement on his\\nVirginia farm, unknown and unfelt as a political factor.\\nHe was among the almost forgotten men of the past when,\\nhalf a generation later, he appeared in Washington as a\\nmember of the Peace Convention that was called in 1861\\nto devise some measures to prevent a civil war, that he did\\nnot live to see fulfil its bloody mission.\\nWhen Van Buren was defeated for re-election to the\\nPresidency in 1840, his friends imitated the Jackson tactics\\nof 1825 by at once renominating him by mass-meetings and\\nthrough Democratic newspapers as the Democratic candi-\\ndate for President in 1844, and a decided majority of the\\n77", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ndelegates to the national convention were either instructed\\nfor Van Buren or elected as his friends. Calhoun was\\nfavored by the Democrats of South Carolina and Georgia,\\nand ex-Yice-President Johnson was an energetic candidate\\nfor the nomination, with General Cass, of Michigan, as the\\nman who was looked to as most likely to concentrate the\\nopposition to Van Buren. Van Buren was in the attitude\\nbefore the Democratic National Convention of 1844 that\\nSeward was before the Chicago Republican Convention of\\ni860. A decided majority of the delegates desired his\\nnomination, but many of them believed that Clay would\\ndefeat him, and they were quite willing to reaffirm the\\ntwo-thirds rule, even against the earnest protest of Van\\nBuren s most faithful leaders, because it was well known\\nthat he never could attain the two-thirds vote of the con-\\nvention.\\nVan Buren was regarded as a most accomplished and\\nrather an unscrupulous politician. He was certainly a\\nbrilliant political leader, a very sagacious counsellor, and\\nbelieved in shaping the policy of the party chiefly or wholly\\nwith the view of success but a short time before the meeting\\nof the national convention he made one of the boldest\\npolitical deliverances of his life against the annexation of\\nTexas, and he did it with the knowledge that the Democrats\\nof the South were practically united in the support of\\nannexation, with a very large proportion of the Northern\\nDemocrats in harmony with it. In the month of May letters\\nwere given to the public from both Van Buren and Clay,\\nopposing the annexation of Texas at that time as inexpedi-\\nent, because it would mean war with Mexico, unless annexed\\nwith the consent of that nation. Clay s letter did not\\nstrengthen him in the South, but certainly strengthened him\\nin the North, and should have prevented the Abolition vote\\nin New York from sacrificing Clay and electing an ardent\\nsupporter of the annexation of Texas with its slave Consti-\\ntution, and under a treaty that permitted its subdivision\\ninto four new States, each of which would increase the slave\\npower in the Senate.\\nYan Buren s letter was made public just about one\\nmonth before the meeting of the Democratic National Con-\\nvention, and it was severely criticised by Southern news-\\npapers and Democratic leaders generally, and with great\\nseverity* by those who desired his defeat. The Richmond\\n78", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nEnquirer, then one of the ablest and most influential of the\\nDemocratic organs of the country, edited by Mr. Ritchie,\\ndemanded that the instructions which had been given to\\nthe Virginia delegates to support Van Buren should be\\nrescinded. In some instances delegates did disobey Van\\nBuren instructions and others resigned rather than sup-\\nport him.\\nThe convention met in Baltimore on the 27th of May,\\nSouth Carolina being the only State not represented. The\\nfirst important movement made in the body after its organi-\\nzation was the readoption of the two-thirds rule, which all\\nunderstood meant the defeat of Van Buren, notwithstanding\\nthat a majority of the delegates would vote for him. The\\nsincere and earnest friends of Van Buren battled earnestly\\nagainst the adoption of the rule, but it finally prevailed by\\na vote of 148 to 118, and a large majority of the votes in\\nfavor of the rule were cast by Southern delegates. It was\\nclaimed by his friends, and I doubt not with reason, that\\nhad the delegates in the convention voted as they had been\\ninstructed to vote, Van Buren would have received within\\na very few votes of the necessary two-thirds to make a\\nnomination on the 1st ballot.\\nThe convention was anything but harmonious, and stormy\\ndebates were common from N the beginning to the end of the\\nproceedings of the convention. Finally the convention\\nreached the ballot for President, and Van Buren received\\non the 1st ballot 146 votes to 120 for all others, giving\\nhim a clear majority of 26 of the whole convention, but\\nunder the two-thirds rule it required 178 to nominate him.\\nThe following table shows the nine ballots in detail, the\\nlast resulting in the nomination of James K. Polk, of Ten-\\nnessee\\n1st.\\n2d.\\n3d.\\n4th.\\n5th.\\n6th.\\n7th.\\n8th.\\n9th.\\nM. Van Buren, N. Y..\\n146\\n127\\n121\\nIll\\n103\\n101\\n99\\n104\\n2\\n83\\n94\\n92\\n105\\n107\\n116\\n123\\n114\\n29\\nR. M. Johnson, Ky.\\n24\\n33\\n38\\n32\\n29\\n23\\n21\\nJ. Buchanan, Pa\\n4\\n9\\n11\\n17\\n26\\n25\\n22\\n2\\nL. Woodbury, N. H..\\n2\\n1\\n2\\nCom. Stewart, Pa.\\n1\\n1\\nJ. C. Calhoun, S. C...\\n6\\n1\\n2\\n2\\nJ. K. Polk, Tenn.\\n44\\n233\\n79", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nMr. Polk was the first dark-horse candidate ever\\nnominated by any hopeful party for the Presidency. He\\nhad not been discussed as a candidate for President, but\\nhad been pressed by some of his political friends as a\\ncandidate for the Vice-Presidency. He had been long in\\nCongress, was distinguished for his ability and impartiality\\nas Speaker of the House, and had been elected Governor\\nof his State in 1841, but had been defeated in the contest\\nfor re-election in 1843, oru y one ear before his nomination\\nfor President. Although his nomination for President\\nseemed to be a spontaneous movement of the convention\\nto rescue the party from its bitter factional feuds and the\\nwrangling ambitions of its leaders, there is little doubt\\nthat the slavery managers of the South would be satisfied\\nwith none other than a positive Texas annexationist, and\\nsecretly but systematically prepared a number of the dele-\\ngates to accept Polk as a compromise when the conven-\\ntion should come to a deadlock on the other candidates.\\nPolk was heralded as the special friend and protege of\\nJackson, who was yet living, and those who paved the way\\nfor his nomination had very plausible arguments to offer,\\nespecially to Southern men, with whom the slavery issue\\nhad become vital. However the nomination of Polk may\\nhave been organized, it had all the appearance of a spon-\\ntaneous stampede in the convention. He had only 44 votes\\non the 8th ballot, the first in which his name appears.\\nWhile the 9th ballot was in progress the delegates began to\\nchange their votes to Polk, and the result was that before\\nits close the chairmen of delegations were jostling each\\nother to get their votes recorded early for the successful\\ncandidate. The Morse experimental telegraph line had just\\nbeen completed between Washington and Baltimore, and\\nthe Democratic leaders at Washington were advised by\\ntelegraph of Polk s nomination, to which a congratulatory\\nresponse was promptly given.\\nAlthough the Van Buren men had finally voted for Polk,\\npreferring him to any of the candidates who had aggres-\\nsively opposed the success of Van Buren, they were pro-\\nfoundly grieved at Van Buren s defeat. They believed that\\nslavery had crucified Van Buren, and it was their purpose,\\nduring the fjush of their anger, to allow Polk to suffer\\na humiliating disaster. The friends of Polk well understood\\nthe deep disaffection that would confront them among the\\n80", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nfriends of Van Buren, and they adopted the very shrewd\\npolicy of taking Van Buren s ablest lieutenant as the can-\\ndidate for Vice-President. Silas Wright, of New York,\\nVan Buren s own State, was then one of the ablest of the\\nDemocratic Senators of that day, and a most zealous sup-\\nporter of Van Buren. He was nominated for Vice-President\\nby practically a unanimous vote, only eight of the Georgia\\ndelegates preferring Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire.\\nMr. Wright, being in the Senate at Washington, was at\\nonce informed by telegraph of his nomination, but smarting\\nunder what he believed to be the betrayal of Van Buren, he\\npromptly sent a curt and peremptory declination back on the\\nwire. Had there been no electric telegraph, Mr. Wright\\nwould have accepted the nomination for Vice-President and\\nbeen elected to that position, but the success of Morse s\\ngreat invention, that had been completed between Washing-\\nton and Baltimore only a few days before the convention\\nmet, changed his political destiny.\\nAfter mature reflection the friends of Van Buren were\\nbrought to terms by the Democratic leaders in the interest\\nof Polk, and they decided to give a cordial support to the\\nnational ticket, but New York was regarded as certain to\\nvote against Polk unless some extraordinary measures were\\nadopted to save it. It was finally decided that only by\\nnominating Senator Wright for Governor could the vote\\nof the State be assured to Polk, and the man who had\\ndeclined the Vice-Presidency that was within his reach,\\nbecause he expected and really desired the ticket to be\\ndefeated, was compelled to resign his seat in the Senate\\nto accept the Democratic nomination for Governor of New\\nYork. He was admittedly the strongest man in the party,\\nand it was that nomination that saved the Democrats of\\nNew York from demoralization and made Mr. Polk Presi-\\ndent.\\nTwo years later Wright suffered a humiliating defeat in\\na contest for re-election, and thus ended a political career\\nthat should have been rounded out in the second office of the\\nGovernment. Jackson was made President because there\\nwere no steamers, cables, or telegraphs to advise him on the\\n8th of January, 1815, when he fought and won the battle\\nof New Orleans, that peace had been declared between the\\ntwo nations a fortnight before, and Silas Wright lost the\\nVice-Presidency and ended his political career in disaster\\n81", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nbecause the telegraph had just been invented and put into\\noperation between Washington and Baltimore.\\nThe convention then proceeded to a second nomination\\nfor Vice-President, with the following result:\\nJohn Fairfield, Maine\\nLevi Woodbury, New Hampshire\\nLewis Cass, Michigan\\nR. M. Johnson, Kentucky\\nCom. Stewart, Pennsylvania\\nGeo. M. Dallas, Pennsylvania\\nWm, L. Marcv, New York\\n1st\\n2d\\nBallot.\\nBallot.\\n107\\n30\\n44\\n6\\n39\\n26\\n23\\n13\\n220\\n5\\nThe nomination of Dallas was made unanimous.\\nIn constructing the Democratic platform for 1844 the\\nDemocrats threw out a political drag-net. The first Demo-\\ncratic national platform that had been adopted by the con-\\nvention of 1840 was embodied in its entirety in the platform\\nof this convention, and the following new resolutions added\\nResolved, That the American Democracy place their trust, not\\nin factitious sjmibols, not in displays and appeals insulting to the\\njudgment and subversive of the intellect of the people, but in a clear\\nreliance upon the intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating\\njustice of the American people.\\nResolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our\\npolitical creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world,\\nas the great moral element in a form of government springing from\\nand upheld by the popular will and we contrast it with the creed\\nand practice of Federalism, under whatever name or form, which\\nseeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no\\nimposture too monstrous for the popular creduliry\\nResolved, Therefore, that, entertaining these views, the Demo-\\ncratic party of this Union, through the delegates assembled in gen-\\neral convention of the States, coming together in a spirit of con-\\ncord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative\\nGovernment, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude\\nof their intentions, renew and reassert before the American people\\nthe declaration of principles avowed by them on a former occasion,\\nwhen, in general convention, they presented their candidates for\\nthe popular suffrage.\\nResolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sa-\\ncredly applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution:\\nand that we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, and to any law.\\nfor the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike in-\\nexpedient in policy and repugnant to the Constitution.\\n82", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nResolved, That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the\\nPresident the qualified veto power by which he is enabled, under\\nrestrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public\\ninterest, to suspend the passage of a bill, whose merits cannot secure\\nthe approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representa-\\ntives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and\\nwhich has thrice saved the American people from the corrupt and\\ntyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States.\\nResolved, That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon\\nis clear and unquestionable that no portion of the same ought to\\nbe ceded to England or any other power and that the reoccupa-\\ntion of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas at the earliest prac-\\ntical period are great American measures which this convention\\nrecommends to the cordial support of the Democracy of the\\nUnion.\\nResolved, That this convention hold in the highest estimation and\\nregard their illustrious fellow-citizen, Martin Van Buren of New\\nYork; that we cherish the most grateful and abiding sense of the\\nability, integrity, and firmness with which he discharged the duties\\nof the high office of President of the United States, and especially\\nof the inflexible fidelity with which he maintained the true doctrines\\nof the Constitution and the measures of the Democratic party during\\nhis trying and nobly arduous administration that in the memorable\\nstruggle of 1840 he fell a martyr to the great principles of which he\\nwas the worthy representative, and we revere him as such and that\\nwe hereby tender to him, in honorable retirement, the assurance of\\nthe deeply seated confidence, affection, and respect of the American\\nDemocracy.\\nThe Whigs had nominated their national ticket in advance\\nof the Democrats, the convention having been held at Bal-\\ntimore on the 1st of May, with every State fully represented.\\nIt was a national assembly of unusual ability, and was most\\nheartily and enthusiastically united in the support of Clay\\nfor the Presidency. It did not require the formality of a\\nballot to present him as the Whig candidate, and his nomina-\\ntion was made by acclamation. It required three ballots to\\nnominate a candidate for Vice-President, as follows\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nThird.\\nT. Frelinghuysen, N. J\\nMillard Fillmore, N. Y\\nJohn Sergeant, Penn\\n101\\n83\\n53\\n38\\n118\\n74\\n51\\n32\\n155\\n79\\n40\\nTotal\\n275\\n275\\n274\\n83", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThe platform adopted by the Whigs was brief but ex-\\npressive. The Whig faith was tersely given in a single reso-\\nlution. The other resolutions were simply eloquent tributes\\nto Clay and Frelinghuysen, and the convention adjourned,\\nmaking the welkin ring with cheers for Harry Clay of\\nthe West and for the Mill Boy of the Slashes, and ab-\\nsolutely confident of the triumphant election of their great\\nleader to the highest honors of the Republic. The first Whig\\nnational platform was as follows\\nResolved, That, in presenting to the country the names of Henry\\nClay for President and of Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice-Presi-\\ndent of the United States, this convention is actuated by the con-\\nviction that all the great principles of the Whig party principles\\ninseparable from the public honor and prosperity will be main-\\ntained and advanced by these candidates.\\nResolved, That these principles may be summed as comprising:\\na well-regulated currency; a tariff for revenue to defray the neces-\\nsary expenses of the Government, and discriminating with special\\nreference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country;\\nthe distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the public lands\\na single term for the presidency a reform of executive usurpations\\nand generally such an administration of the affairs of the country as\\nshall impart to every branch of the public service the greatest prac-\\ntical efficiency, controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy.\\nResolved, That the name of Henry Clay needs no eulogy. The\\nhistory of the country since his first appearance in public life is his\\nhistory. Its brightest pages of prosperity and success are identified\\nwith the principles which he has upheld, as its darkest and more\\ndisastrous pages are with every material departure in our public\\npolicy from those principles.\\nResolved, That in Theodore Frelinghuysen we present a man\\npledged alike by his Revolutionary ancestry and his own public\\ncourse to every measure calculated to sustain the honor and interest\\nof the country. Inheriting the principles as well as the name of a\\nfather who, with Washington, on the fields of Trenton and of Mon-\\nmouth, perilled life in the contest for liberty, and afterward, as a\\nSenator of the United States, acted with Washington in establishing\\nand perpetuating that liberty, Theodore Frelinghuysen, by his course\\nas Attorney-General of the State of New Jersey for twelve years, and\\nsubsequently as a Senator of the United States for several years,\\nwas always strenuous on the side of law, order, and the Constitu-\\ntion, while, as a private man, his head, his hand, and his heart have-\\nbeen given without stint to the cause of morals, education, philan-\\nthropy, and religion.\\nThe third national convention that presented candidates\\nfor the campaign of 1844 was that of the Abolitionists.\\nThey had grown since 1840, when they first nominated Mr.\\nBirney as their candidate, and their platform, elaborate as it\\n84", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nis, is well worthy of careful study. It met at Buffalo, in\\nAugust, 1843, and nominated James G. Birney, of New\\nYork, for President, and Thomas Morris, of Ohio, for Vice-\\nPresident, and it increased its vote up to 62,300, all of\\nwhich were cast in the Northern States, including 15,812\\nfor Birney in New York. As nearly all of them were of\\nWhig antecedents, they would have preferred Clay to Polk\\nif they had not presented a ticket of their own to divert\\ntheir votes, and it was their support of Birney that gave\\nPolk the majority over Clay in the Empire State, whose elec-\\ntoral vote decided the contest. The following is the full text\\nof the first platform presented by an Abolition national\\nconvention\\nr\\nResolved, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle of true\\ndemocracy, as well as of pure Christianity, which spurns all incon-\\nsistent limitations and neither the political party which repudiates\\nit nor the political system which is not based upon it can be truly\\ndemocratic or permanent.\\nResolved, That the Liberty party, placing itself upon this broad\\nprinciple, will demand the absolute and unqualified divorce of the\\nGeneral Government from slavery, and also the restoration of equal-\\nity of rights among men, in every State where the party exists or\\nmay exist.\\nResolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized for any\\ntemporary purpose by interested politicians, but has arisen from\\namong the people in consequence of a conviction, hourly gaining\\nground, that no other party in the country represents the true\\nprinciples of American liberty or the true spirit of the Constitution\\nof the United States.\\nResolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized merely\\nfor the overthrow of slavery. Its first decided effort must indeed be\\ndirected against slaveholding as the grossest and most revolting\\nmanifestation of despotism, but it will also carry out the principle\\nof equal rights into all its practical consequences and applications,\\nand support every just measure conducive to individual and social\\nfreedom.\\nResolved, That the Liberty party is not a sectional party, but a\\nnational party; was not originated in a desire to accomplish a single\\nobject, but in a comprehensive regard to the great interests of the\\nwhole country; is not a new party nor a third party, but is the\\nparty of 1776, reviving the principles of that memorable era, and\\nstriving to carry them into practical application.\\nResolved, That it was understood in the times of the Declara-\\ntion and the Constitution that the existence of slavery in some of\\nthe States was in derogation of the principles of American liberty,\\nand a deep stain upon the character of the country and the implied\\nfaith of the States and the nation was pledged that slavery should\\nnever be extended beyond its then existing limits, but should be\\ngradually, and yet at no distant day, wholly abolished by State\\nauthority.\\n85", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nResolved, That the faith of the States and the nation thus\\npledged _ was most nobly redeemed by the voluntary abolition of\\nslavery in several of the States, and by the adoption of the ordinance\\nof 1787 for the government of the territory northwest of the river\\nOhio, then the only territory in the United States, and consequently\\nthe only territory subject in this respect to the control of Con-\\ngress, by which ordinance slavery was forever excluded from the\\nvast regions which now compose the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illi-\\nnois, Michigan, and the Territory of Wisconsin, and an incapacity,\\nto bear up any other than free men was impressed on the soil itself.\\nResolved, That the faith of the States and nation thus pledged\\nhas been shamefully violated by the omission on the part of many\\nof the States to take any measures whatever for the abolition of\\nslavery within their respective limits by the continuance of slavery\\nin the District of Columbia and in the Territories of Louisiana\\nand Florida by the legislation of Congress by the protection af-\\nforded by national legislation and negotiation to slaveholding in\\nAmerican vessels, on the high seas, employed in the coastwise slave\\ntraffic and by the extension of slavery far beyond its original limits,\\nby acts of Congress admitting new Slave States into the Union.\\nResolved, That the fundamental truth of the Declaration of In-\\ndependence, that all men are endowed by their Creator with cer-\\ntain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pur-\\nsuit of happiness, was made the fundamental law of our National\\nGovernment by that amendment of the Constitution which declares\\nthat no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without\\ndue process of law.\\nResolved, That we recognize as sound the doctrine maintained\\nby slaveholding jurists, that slavery is against natural rights and\\nstrictly local, and that its existence and continuance rest on no\\nother support than State legislation, and not on any authority of\\nCongress.\\nResolved,. That the General Government has, under the Constitu-\\ntion, no power to establish or continue slavery anywhere, and there-\\nfore that all treaties and acts of Congress establishing, continuing,\\nor favoring slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Territory of\\nFlorida, or on the high seas, are unconstitutional, and all attempts\\nto hold men as property within the limits of exclusive national\\njurisdiction ought to be prohibited by law.\\nResolved, That the provisions of the Constitution of the United\\nStates, which confer extraordinary political powers on the owners\\nof slaves, and thereby constituting the two hundred and fifty thou-\\nsand slaveholders in the Slave States a privileged aristocracy, and\\nthe provision for the reclamation of fugitive slaves from service, are\\nanti-republican in their character, dangerous to the liberties of the\\npeople, and ought to be abrogated.\\nResolved, That the practical operation of the second of these\\nprovisions is seen in the enactment of the Act of Congress respect-\\ning persons escaping from their masters, which act, if the construc-\\ntion given to it by the Supreme Court of the United States in the\\ncase of Prigg v. Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the habeas corpus\\nacts of all the States, takes away the whole legal security of per-\\nsonal freedom, and ought therefore to be immediately repealed.\\nResolved, That the peculiar patronage and support hitherto ex-\\n86", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ntended to slavery and slavehoiding by the General Government ought\\nto be immediately withdrawn, and the example and influence of\\nnational authority ought to be arrayed on the side of liberty and\\nfree labor.\\nResolved, That the practice of the General Government, which\\nprevails in the Slave States, of employing slaves upon the public\\nworks, instead of free laborers, and paying aristocratic masters, with\\na view to secure or reward political services, is utterly indefensible\\nand ought to be abandoned.\\n_ Resolved, That the freedom of speech and of the press, and the\\nright of petition and the right of trial by jury, are sacred and in-\\nviolable; and that all rules, regulations, and laws in derogation of\\neither are oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be endured by free\\npeople.\\nResolved, That we regard voting, in an eminent degree, as a moral\\nand religious duty, which, when exercised, should be by voting for\\nthose who will do all in their power for immediate emancipation.\\nResolved, That this convention recommend to the friends of lib-\\nerty in all those Free States where any inequality of rights and privi-\\nleges exists on account of color, to employ their utmost energies to\\nremove all such remnants and effects of the slave system.\\nWhereas, The Constitution of these United States is a series of\\nagreements, covenants, or contracts between the people of the United\\nStates, each with all and all with each and\\nWhereas, It is a principle of universal morality, that the moral\\nlaws of the Creator are paramount to all human laws or, in the\\nlanguage of an Apostle, that we ought to obey God rather than\\nmen; and\\nWhereas, The principle of common law, that any contract, cove-\\nnant, or agreement to do an act derogatory to natural rights is vitiated\\nand annulled by its inherent immorality, has been recognized by\\none of the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, who\\nin a recent case expressly holds that any contract that rests upon\\nsuch a basis is void; and\\nWhereas, The third clause of the second section of the fourth\\narticle of the Constitution of the United States, when construed as\\nproviding for the surrender of a fugitive slave, does rest upon such\\na basis, in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural right,\\nnamely, his natural right to his own liberty, and is, therefore, ab-\\nsolutely void therefore,\\nResolved, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood by\\nthis nation and the world, that, as Abolitionists, considering that\\nthe strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, and our hope for\\nit in our conformity to the laws of God and our respect for the\\nrights of man, we owe it to the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, as\\na proof of our allegiance to Him, in all our civil relations and offices,\\nwhether as private citizens or as public functionaries sworn to sup-\\nport the Constitution of the United States, to regard and to treat\\nthe third clause of the fourth article of that instrument, whenever\\napplied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and\\nconsequently as forming no part of the Constitution of the United\\nStates, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it.\\nResolved, That the power given to Congress by the Constitution,\\nto provide for calling out the militia to suppress insurrection, does\\n87", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nnot make it the duty of the Government to maintain slavery by mili-\\n:ir; :t It\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i:-r= ~ii:t r.t zr.t z:~zt~~ \u00c2\u00a3:r-\\na part of soch military force. When freemen unsheath the sword,\\nii-.i-.i :t :_: E:r:kt ::r r~ r.:: f:r its:::;;\\nResolved, That to preserve the peace of the citizens and secure\\nthe blessings of freedom, die Legislature of each of the Free States\\nought to keep in force .suitable statutes rendering it penal for any\\nof its inhabitants to transport, or aid in transporting from such State,\\nany person sought to be thus transported merely because subject\\nto the slave laws of any other State; this remnant of independence\\nbeing accorded to the Free States by the decision of the Supreme\\nCourt in the case of Prigg v. The State of Pennsylvania.\\nMr. Clay enjoyed a much larger measure of personal pop-\\nularity than any other man in the nation, and he was univer-\\nsally accepted as the most gifted political orator of his day.\\nHe was to the Whigs of that time what Blaine was to the\\nRepublicans during his several unsuccessful battles for the\\nPresidency. It is a notable fact in political history that no\\nz re-t~ ir.er.: political orator ever succeeded in reaching the\\nPresidency. Garfield was the nearest approach to it, but\\nhe was a contemporary of Blaine, and Blaine far outstripped\\nhim either on the hustings or in parliamentary debate. Clay\\nhad entered both the House and Senate when little more\\nthan eligible by age, and he was admittedly the most accom-\\nplished presiding ofiicer the House ever had. He was the\\nCommoner of the war of 1812, and rendered most conspicu-\\nous service to his country. His speeches in the House did\\nmore than the persuasion of any other dozen men to force\\nthe young Republic into a second contest with England on\\nthe right of search on the high seas. He was always strong\\nin argument, was often impassioned and superbly eloquent,\\nand in every great emergency of the country during the first\\nhalf of the present century he was the pacificator. President\\nMadison was most reluctant to declare war against Eng-\\nland, and he yielded to it only when it became a supreme\\nnecessity to obey the general demand of the country for an\\nappeal to arms.\\nWhen Clay was nominated for President in 1844, it was\\ngenerally believed that he would have an easy victory over\\nVan Buren, and when Polk, of Tennessee, was made the\\ncompromise candidate against him,, the Whigs at first be-\\nlieved that the nomination of a comparatively obscure man\\nagainst the great chieftain of the Whigs would give them a\\nwalk-over. The campaign had made little progress, how-\\n88", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\never, until the Whigs discovered that the Democrats were\\ngoing to be thoroughly united on Polk, and that he was prob-\\nably the strongest candidate who could have been nominated\\nagainst Clay. His chief strength was in his negative qual-\\nities. He had not been involved in any of the conflicts of\\nambition among the Democratic leaders. He was regarded\\nas the favorite of Jackson, and while his nomination had\\nbeen made without any previous discussion or suggestion\\nof his claims to the Presidency, he had filled high State and\\nnational positions with credit, and he could not be accused\\nof incompetency. I doubt indeed whether any other Demo-\\ncrat could have been nominated by the Democratic conven-\\ntion to make a successful battle against Clay.\\nThe Whigs entered the contest defiant in confidence and\\nenthusiastic to a degree that had never before been exhibited\\nin the support of any candidate. The devotion of the Whigs\\nto Clay was little less than idolatry, and strong men shed\\nscalding tears over his defeat. He was largely handicapped\\nin his battle by the complications put upon the Whig party\\nby President Tyler. The Cabinet was wholly Democratic\\nand bitterly against Clay. Under the demoralization caused\\nby Tyler s betrayal of the party the Whigs had lost the House\\nin 1842, but they retained their mastery in the Senate, and a\\nnew peril to Clay was soon developed in the growth of the\\nAbolition sentiment of Western New York. Neither Clay\\nnor Polk made campaign speeches, and both maintained\\nthemselves with scrupulous dignity throughout the long and\\nexceptionally desperate contest.\\nPennsylvania was then, as in i860, the pivotal State of the\\nstruggle, and the death of the Democratic candidate for Gov-\\nernor during the midsummer deprived the Whigs of a\\nsource of strength that most likely would have given them\\nthe State in October. The Democrats had a violent factional\\ndispute in choosing a candidate for Governor. Mr. Muhlen-\\nberg, who had been a bolting candidate against Governor\\nWolfe in 1835, thereby electing Ritner, the anti-Masonic can-\\ndidate, was finally nominated for Governor over Francis R.\\nShunk, the candidate of the opposing faction. Muhlenberg\\nwas weakened by his aggressive factional record, and the\\nDemocrats were hardly hopeful of his election, but he died\\njust when the struggle was at its zenith, and Shunk was\\nthen unanimously and cordially accepted as the Democratic\\nleader.\\n89", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThe Whigs had nominated General Markle, of Westmore-\\nland, who was unquestionably the strongest man they could\\nhave presented. The Presidential battle was practically\\nfought in that contest for Governor, and when Shunk was\\nelected by 4397 majority, there were few who cherished\\nmuch hope of Clay s election. Pennsylvania lost in October\\ncould not be regained in November, but the Whigs did not\\nin any measure relax their efforts, and Polk carried the\\nState over Clay by 6332.\\nWhen Pennsylvania faltered the greatly impaired hopes Of\\nthe Whigs centred in New York, as it was believed that\\nNew York might decide the contest in favor of Clay, even\\nwith Pennsylvania certain to vote against him. The nomina-\\ntion of Silas Wright for Governor had thoroughly united the\\nVan Buren followers in support of Polk, and while Clay\\nstood against the annexation of Texas and the extension of\\nthe slave power, the antislavery sentiment of New York was\\ngreatly strengthened by the fact that both Clay and Polk\\nwere Southerners and slaveholders. Birney, the Abolition\\ncandidate, received 15,812 votes, while Polk s majority in the\\nState was 5106. Mr. Greeley, who was one of the leaders\\nin the antislavery movement, and much more practical than\\nthe organized Abolitionists, bitterly denounced that party\\nfor defeating Clay. In his Wliig Almanac for 1845 he had\\nan elaborate review of the contest, in which he said\\nThe year 1844 just ended has witnessed one of the most\\nextraordinary political contests that has ever occurred. So\\nnice and equal a balance of parties so universal and intense\\nan interest; so desperate and protracted a struggle, are en-\\ntirely without parallel. James K. Polk owes his\\nelection to the Birney or Liberty party. Had there been no\\nsuch party drawing its votes nine-tenths from the Whig\\nranks, Mr. Clay would have received at least the votes of\\nNew York and Michigan, in addition to those actually cast\\nfor him, giving him 146 electoral votes to Polk s 129. To\\nBirney Co., therefore, is the country indebted for the elec-\\ntion of Polk and the annexation and anti-tariff ascendency\\nin the Federal Government.\\nThe number of States voting was 26, the same as in 1840.\\nThe new Congressional apportionment had reduced the\\nRepresentatives from 242 to 223, making the total number of\\nelectors 275. The following table exhibits the popular and\\nelectoral vote:\\n90", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island.\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina*\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nKentucky\\nTennessee\\nMissouri\\nArkansas\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nTotals\\nPopular Vote.\\nM\\no\\nft\\nw\\nD\\na\\no\\nu\\nC\\nc\\nU\\nffl\\n6\\na\\nat\\n45,719\\n27,160\\n18,041\\n52,846\\n4,867\\n29,841\\n237,588\\n37,495\\n167,535\\n5,996\\n32,676\\n49,570\\n39,287\\n44,177\\n37,740\\n25,126\\n13,782\\n51,988\\n59,917\\n41,369\\n9,546\\n149,117\\n27,759\\n70,181\\n57,920\\n34,378\\n17,866\\n26,770\\n67,418\\n7,322\\n32,832\\n232,482\\n38,318\\n161,203\\n6,278\\n35,984\\n43,677\\n43,232\\n42,100\\n26,084\\n19,206\\n13,083\\n61,255\\n60,030\\n31,251\\n5,504\\n155,057\\n24,337\\n67,867\\n45,528\\n4,836\\n4,161\\n3,954\\n10,860\\n107\\n1,943\\n15,812\\n131\\n3,138\\n8,050\\n3,632\\n2,106\\n3,570\\n1,337,243\\n1,299,062\\n62,300\\nElectors.\\n26\\n17\\n9\\n10\\n9\\n6\\n6\\n7\\n3\\n5\\n12\\n9\\n170\\no\\n6\\n12\\n4\\n6\\n7\\n3\\n8\\n11\\n12\\n13\\n23\\n105\\nChosen by Legislature.\\nThe Whigs, in keen despair over the defeat of their ablest\\nand most beloved champion, charged fraud as the controlling\\nfactor in giving the Democrats their victory, but the battle\\nhad been fought and lost, and there was nothing left for\\nthem but submission. The electoral count was uneventful,\\nand Polk and Dallas were formally declared elected Presi-\\ndent and Vice-President without objection.\\nThe most desperate contests outside of New York and\\n9i", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nPennsylvania were made in Tennessee and Delaware. Ten-\\nnessee was the home of Polk, and the Old Hero of New\\nOrleans threw himself into the contest for Polk with tire-\\nless energy. He inspired his veteran followers not only\\nbecause he wanted Polk elected, but because he much more\\nwanted Clay defeated. Clay had defeated him for President\\nin the House in 1825, and Jackson never forgot a friend and\\nrarely forgave an enemy. It was many days after the elec-\\ntion before the vote of Tennessee could be ascertained, and\\nit was claimed by both parties until the official vote was de-\\nclared. It was finally announced that Clay had carried the\\nState by 113, and the success of Clay in that State was the\\nonly silver lining the Whigs had to the dark cloud of their\\ndefeat.\\nAnother memorable battle, though not in any sense an\\nimportant contest as affecting the result, was fought in Dela-\\nware. The States did not then vote for President on the\\nsame day as now. All of them voted for Presidential electors\\nin the month of November, although at that time nearly all\\nthe States elected their State officers and Congressmen\\nearlier in the year. Delaware, with only 3 electoral votes,\\nheld both her State and her Presidential elections on the\\nsecond Tuesday of November, and when her election day\\ncame around it was known to all that Clay was absolutely\\ndefeated for President.\\nNew York and Pennsylvania had voted for Polk a week\\nbefore, and on the second Tuesday of November only Massa-\\nchusetts and Delaware were left among the States that had\\nnot yet chosen electors. Massachusetts was Whig and\\nhardly contested, but Delaware made a most heroic battle for\\nClay, even when it was known that a victory in the little\\nDiamond State could not aid the election of their favorite.\\nThe Democrats, inspired by their positively assured success\\nin the national contest, exhausted their resources and efforts\\nto win, but in the largest vote ever cast in the State, Clay won\\nby 287 majority, receiving a larger vote than was cast for\\nthe Whig candidates for Governor or for Congress, both of\\nwhom were successful, the first by 45 majority and the last\\nby 173-\\nThe Kentucky electors met at their Capitol on the day\\nappointed for the electoral colleges to cast their votes for\\nPresident, and in sorrowing devotion to their chief cast the\\nvote of the State for Clay for President. After their official\\n92", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nduties had been performed a committee was appointed to\\nprepare an address to be delivered to Mr. Clay at Ashland.\\nAll the members of the college, with many other citizens,\\naccompanied the committee, and Clay met them at his hos-\\npitable door to hear the address delivered by Mr. Under-\\nwood, the chairman. Clay s reply was one of the most beau-\\ntiful of his very many exquisite illustrations of oratory. He\\nsaid he would not affect indifference to the personal concern\\nwhich I had in the political contest just terminated, but un-\\nless I am greatly self-deceived, the principal attraction to me\\nof the office of President of the United States arose out of\\nthe cherished hope that I might be an humble instrument, in\\nthe hands of Providence, to accomplish public good, and in\\nconclusion he said I heartily thank you, sir, for your\\nfriendly wishes for my happiness in the retirement which\\nhenceforth best becomes me. Thus closed the memorable\\nPolk-Clay contest of 1844,", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "THE TAYLOR-C ASS-VAN BUREN\\nCONTEST\\n1848\\nPresident Polk was not blessed with a tranquil admin-\\nistration. The annexation of Texas had been approved by\\nTyler several days before Polk was inaugurated as President,\\nand that at once made strained relations between this coun-\\ntry and Mexico. It was an open secret then, and is now\\na part of the undisputed history of the country, that the elec-\\ntion of Polk and the annexation of Texas were regarded by\\nthe friends of slavery extension as most important achieve-\\nments, and that period dated the aggressive action of the\\nSouth, first to extend and next to nationalize slavery. The\\nannexation of Texas brought in a Slave State and two\\nUnited States Senators, with the treaty right to add eight\\nnew Senators by the subdivision of the State.\\nThis met Calhoun s complaint that the South could not\\nmaintain its equilibrium in the Senate because of the growing\\nWest. The purposes of the Southern extensionists, however,\\nwent far beyond the annexation of Texas. They meant to\\nhave part of Mexico, peaceably if possible, by war if neces-\\nsary and the war was deliberately planned and precipitated\\nupon Mexico by the action of the administration. The ter-\\nritory between the Nueces and the Rio Grande rivers was\\nclaimed by both Texas and Mexico, but Mexico had exer-\\ncised uniform jurisdiction. Texas had never served a writ\\nor collected a dollar of revenue on the Rio Grande, and the\\nUnited States army of occupation, commanded by General\\nTaylor, had not gone south of the Nueces. There was much\\nviolent discussion in Mexico over the annexation of Texas,\\nwhose independence Mexico disputed, and threats of war\\nwere freely made.\\nThe President, without the authority or knowledge of\\n94", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "ZACHARY TAYLOR", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nCongress, ordered General Taylor to march to the Rio\\nGrande and maintain it as the southern line of Texas. This\\nprecipitated the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la\\nPalma, in which Taylor defeated the Mexicans. The Demo-\\ncratic Congress then prefaced a bill providing for the na-\\ntional defence by declaring that we are at war by the act\\nof Mexico. The purpose of the Mexican war was very\\nfreely and severely criticised by a large portion of the people\\nand by many of the ablest men of the nation. The Whigs\\nin Congress were willing to vote for all needed appropria-\\ntions for the support of the army, but a few members of the\\nHouse, with the late John Strohm, of Pennsylvania, as the\\nleader, after unsuccessfully struggling to strike out the\\ndeclaration that we were at war by the act of Mexico,\\nrefused to vote for the army appropriation and Corwin, of\\nOhio, made the ablest speech that ever was delivered in the\\nSenate, with the single exception of Webster s reply to\\nHayne, against the Mexican war and against appropriating\\nmoney for its prosecution.\\nThe certainty that the administration would acquire a\\nlarge portion of Mexican territory for the purpose of creat-\\ning new Slave States gave dignity and importance to the\\nslavery agitation that it never before attained, and in the\\nfall elections of 1846 the Whigs carried the popular branch\\nof Congress by a decided majority. The repeal of the pro-\\ntective tariff of 1842 and the substitution of the revenue\\ntariff of 1846 contributed considerably to the Democratic\\ndisaster, and the war was finally prosecuted by the admin-\\nistration with an adverse House, although willing to furnish\\nall appropriations necessary to support the armies in the field.\\nAfter Taylor s early victories over the Mexicans he in-\\nvaded Mexican territory and captured Monterey, and these\\nvictories made his name a household word throughout the\\ncountry. Instead of permitting Taylor to proceed with the\\nwar that he had so successfully conducted up to that time,\\nthe administration decided to practically retire him. General\\nScott was called to plan an independent campaign from\\nVera Cruz to the capital of Mexico. It was openly charged\\nthat the administration feared the popularity of Old Zach,\\nas Taylor was generally called by the people, and that it had\\nlittle fear of Scott as a Presidential candidate. Scott planned\\nhis campaign; was furnished with an independent army,\\nand when he arrived at Vera Cruz he stripped General Tay-\\n95", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nlor of nearly all his regulars, leaving him an army of but lit-\\ntle over 4000, most of them volunteers. Santa Anna, whose\\nreturn to Mexico had been sanctioned by our Government,\\nmade himself Military Dictator. He gathered an army of\\n22.000 of the best Mexican troops and made a rapid move-\\nment to strike and crush General Taylor at Buena Yista.\\nThe history of that battle is well known. Taylor not only\\ndefeated but routed the Mexicans, and thereby made himself\\nthe next President of the United States.\\nGeneral Scott made a most brilliant campaign, fighting\\nrepeated battles, and finally captured the City of Mexico,\\nwhen the administration involved him in bitter controversy,\\nas was easily done with General Scott, and had him tried by\\na court of his inferiors in the Capitol of the enemy he had\\nconquered. Brilliant as was his military campaign he re-\\nturned home with little if any increased prestige, and every\\nschoolboy in the land was huzzaing for Old Zach. or for\\nOld Rough and Ready.\\nThere seems to be poetic justice in the marvellous his-\\ntorical fact that with the large amount of territory conquered\\nfrom Mexico, and the additional territory afterward pur-\\nchased by the Gadsden treaty, the South did not gain a single\\nSlave State, and it quickened the issue of slaver}* that greatly\\nhastened its destruction just when it hoped to attain omnipo-\\ntence.\\nIt was uncertain after the war of Mexico was inaugurated\\nand the certainty- of the acquisition of Mexican territory ac-\\nre; red just when and in what shape the issue of the exten-\\nsion of slavery would be presented. To the surprise of the\\nfriends of the administration it came much sooner and in\\nmuch graver form than they had anticipated. On the 8th\\nof August, 1846, President Polk sent a message to Congress\\nasking for an appropriation to be placed at the President s\\ndisposal to enable him to negotiate an advantageous treaty\\nof peace with the Mexican Government, and a bill was\\npromptly presented to the House appropriating $32,000,000\\nfor immediate use in negotiations with Mexico. There were\\na number of able and earnest antislavery Democrats in the\\nHouse, and among them David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania.\\nWhen the bill, making the large appropriation to obtain\\npeace with Mexico, that obviously meant the acquisition of\\nSouthern territory, as presented to the House, repeated\\nconferences were had between the antislavery Democratic\\n96", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nleaders, and what has since been known as the Wilmot\\nProviso was originally drawn by Judge Brinkerhoff, then\\na Democratic Congressman from Ohio, and finally revised\\nand agreed upon, to be offered as an amendment to the Mexi-\\ncan Appropriation bill.\\nThe Speaker was adverse to the antislavery Democrats,\\nand it was uncertain whether any of them could obtain the\\nfloor to offer the amendment. The result was that a copy of\\nthe proviso was furnished to some half a dozen, with the\\nunderstanding that each should take advantage of any op-\\nportunity to obtain the floor during the consideration of the\\nbill and offer the amendment. The opportunity happened\\nto come to Mr. Wilmot, and he offered the following amend-\\nment, that is the original of what is now known as the Wil-\\nmot Proviso.\\nProvided, That as an express and fundamental condition to\\nthe acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the\\nUnited States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between\\nthem, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein ap-\\npropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist\\nin any part of said territory except for crime whereof the party shall\\nbe first duly convicted.\\nThis proviso came like a bombshell into the ranks of the\\nadministrationists, and they were unable to defeat it. It\\nwas carried in Committee of the Whole by a vote of 83 to\\n64, with only 3 Democrats from the Free States opposing\\nit. When the measure was reported to the House, Mr. Tib-\\nbatts, of Kentucky, moved that it do lie on the table, and the\\nmotion was defeated by 93 to 79. The bill was engrossed for\\nthird reading by 85 to 80, and passed finally without further\\ndivision, with a motion to reconsider laid on the table by\\nvote of 83 to 73. Thus what is now known as the Wilmot\\nProviso was embodied by the House in the Appropriation bill\\nfor negotiating peace with Mexico.\\nThe Wilmot Proviso raised the slavery issue in the most\\ndirect form, and it played an important part in the Presiden-\\ntial contest of 1848. It was simply a repetition of the clause\\nprohibiting slavery that was put in the ordinance of 1787\\nby Thomas Jefferson, when the Northwestern Territory\\nwas ceded by Virginia to the United States. It was a very\\nembarrassing issue to many Northern Democrats, and to a\\nfew Southern Whigs who inclined to prevent slavery exten-\\nsion. General Cass, who was made the candidate for Presi-\\n97", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ndent in 1848, originally declared himself in favor of the\\nWilmot Proviso, but he learned a year later that no man\\ncould maintain his fellowship with the Democratic party\\nunder the Polk administration and support the prohibition of\\nslavery in the Territories.\\nWhen the discussion of candidates for the Presidential\\ncontest of 1848 became active, General Cass was addressed\\non the subject of slavery by A. O. P. Nicholson, of Nashville,\\nTenn., in which he inquired of Cass whether he was in favor\\nof the acquisition of Mexican territory, and what his views\\nwere as to the Wilmot Proviso. General Cass answered,\\nDecember 24, 1847, in which he declared himself in favor of\\nthe acquisition of Mexican territory and against the Wilmot\\nProviso, on which point he said I am strongly impressed\\nwith the opinion that a great change has been going on in\\nthe public mind upon this subject, in my own as well as\\nothers, and that doubts are resolving themselves into con-\\nvictions that the principle it involves should be kept out of\\nthe national Legislature and left to the people of the Con-\\nfederacy in their respective local governments. But for this\\ndeclaration Cass would not have been the Democratic candi-\\ndate for President in 1848, and that declaration also opened\\nthe door for the Van Buren bolt that defeated Cass in the\\ngreat ambition of his life.\\nIn addition to the serious political complications which\\nconfronted the Polk administration and threatened the defeat\\nof the Democratic party at its close, the Oregon dispute with\\nEngland, that had been made one of the chief features of the\\nPolk campaign of 1844, was sensibly adjusted by Secretary\\nof State Buchanan, but in utter disregard of the Demo-\\ncratic declarations and ostentatious professions of the cam-\\npaign. In that contest the Democrats from every stump\\ndeclared that the boundary line between Oregon and Eng-\\nland must be 54 40 or fight but when the issue be-\\ncame a question of statesmanship and diplomacy, a treaty\\nwas made fixing 49 as the boundary, and thus confessing\\nthat the claim of the Democrats in the campaign was made\\neither in ignorance or insincerity.\\nAnother of the troubles that confronted the Democracy\\nwas the intense factional dispute in New York between\\nwhat were known as the Hunkers and the Barnburners.\\nThe Hunkers were so called in derision by their enemies as\\nmen who always hunkered after office, and the Barnburners\\n98", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwere so called by their opponents because it was charged that\\nto correct evils in the party, they were ready to follow the\\nfoolish farmer who burnt his barn to rid it of rats.\\nSilas Wright, who had lost the Vice-Presidency in 1844 by\\nhis devotion to Van Buren, and was finally compelled to run\\nfor Governor to save the State, suffered a severe defeat in\\n1846 when a candidate for re-election. That defeat was\\ncharged by Van Buren and his friends to the perfidy of the\\nHunkers. So intense was the bitterness between these fac-\\ntions that they could not agree on delegations to the national\\nconvention, and two opposing delegations were chosen, the\\nBarnburners being antislavery Democrats and the Hunkers\\nthe regular or pro-slavery Democrats. The national conven-\\ntion met at Baltimore on the 22d of May, 1848, with every\\nState represented, and New York with a double delegation.\\nAndrew Stevenson, of Virginia, was made President, and\\nthe two-thirds rule was adopted by a vote of 175 to 78. For\\ntwo days the convention wrangled over the disputing delega-\\ntions from New York, and after protracted and angry de-\\nbate a motion was finally passed by 126 to 124 admitting\\nboth delegations, each to cast half the vote of the State.\\nWhile this was a comparative victory for the Barn-\\nburners, they withdrew from the convention, and the\\nHunker delegation refused to participate in the proceedings.\\nThe prominent candidates before the convention for Presi-\\ndent were Cass and Buchanan, with Cass immensely in the\\nlead and reasonably certain to be nominated before the con-\\nvention met. He had a large plurality on the 1st ballot, but\\ndid not reach the requisite two-thirds vote until the 4th, as\\nis shown by the following table, giving the ballots in detail\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nThird.\\nFourth.\\nNecessary to a choice\\nLewis Cass, Mich\\n168\\n125\\n55\\n53\\n3\\n6\\n9\\n168\\n133\\n54\\n56\\n3\\n6\\n169\\n156\\n40\\n53\\n5\\n169\\n179\\nJames Buchanan, Penn\\nLevi Woodbury, N. H.\\nGeorge M. Dallas, Penn\\nW. J. Worth, Tenn\\n33\\n38\\n1\\nJohn C. Calhoun, S. C\\nW. 0. Butler, Ky\\n3\\nThe convention adjourned after the nomination of Cass\\nto meet in evening session to select a candidate for Vice-\\nU tfck\\n99", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "OUU PRESIDENTS\\nPresident, and without any preliminaries the ballot was had\\nas follows\\nWm. O. Butler, Ky 114\\nJ. A. Quitman, Miss 74\\nJohn Y. Mason, Va 24\\nWm. R. King, Ala 29\\nJas. J. McKay, N. C 13\\nJefferson Davis, Miss 1\\nA 2d ballot was had and ended in the unanimous nomina-\\ntion of Butler.\\nThe platform of the party was not reported until the fifth\\nand final day of the convention, and it was altogether the\\nmost elaborate declaration of principles ever made by a polit-\\nical party in national convention. Immediately after the\\nfirst resolution as we give it followed the full text of the\\nDemocratic platforms adopted in 1840 and 1844, and to the\\nfifth resolution of the platform of 1844 the following sen-\\ntence was added And for the gradual but certain ex-\\ntinction of the debt created by the prosecution of a just and\\nnecessary war after peaceful relations shall have been re-\\nstored. The Democratic platform of 1848, therefore, in-\\ncluded the platforms of 1840 and 1844, with the following\\nnew declarations of faith\\nResolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the\\nintelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the\\nAmerican people.\\nResolved, That the war with Mexico, provoked on her part by-\\nyears of insult and injury, was commenced by her army crossing\\nthe Rio Grande, attacking the American troops, and invading our\\nsister State of Texas and that, upon all the principles of patriotism\\nand the laws of nations, it is a just and necessary war upon our\\npart, in which every American citizen should have shown himself\\non the side of his country, and neiiher morally nor physically, by\\nword or deed, have given aid and comfort to the enemy.\\nResolved, That we should be rejoiced at the assurance of a peace\\nwith Mexico, founded on the just principles of indemnity for the\\npast and security for the future; but that, while the ratification of\\nthe liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in doubt, it is the duty\\nof the country to sustain the administration in every measure neces-\\nsary to provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should\\nthat treaty be rejected.\\nResolved, That the officers and soldiers who have carried the\\narms of their country into Mexico have crowned it with imperishable\\nglory. Their unconquerable courage, their daring enterprise, their\\nunfaltering perseverance and fortitude when assailed on all sides\\nby innumerable foes and that more formidable enemy, the diseases\\nof the climate exalt their devoted patriotism into the highest\\nheroism, and give them a right to the profound gratitude of their\\ncountry and the admiration of the world.\\nIOO", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nResolved, That the Democratic National Convention of thirty\\nStates, composing the American Republic, tender their fraternal\\ncongratulations to the National Convention of the Republic of\\nFrance, now assembled as the free suffrage representatives of the\\nsovereignty of thirty-five millions of republicans, to establish gov-\\nernments on those eternal principles of equal rights, for which their\\nLafayette and our Washington fought side by side in the struggle\\nfor our national independence; and we would especially convey to\\nthem and to the whole people of France our earnest wishes for the\\nconsolidation of their liberties, through the wisdom that shall guide\\ntheir counsels, on the basis of a democratic constitution, not de-\\nrived from the grants or concessions of kings or dynasties, but\\noriginating from the only true source of political power recognized\\nin the States of this Union the inherent and inalienable rights of\\nthe people, in their sovereign capacity, to make and to amend their\\nforms of government in such a manner as the welfare of the com-\\nmunity may require.\\nResolved, That with the recent development of this grand political\\ntruth of the sovereignty of the people and their capacity and power\\nfor self-government, which is prostrating thrones and erecting re-\\npublics on the ruins of despotism in the Old World we feel that\\na high and sacred duty is devolved, with increased responsibility,\\nupon the Democratic party of this country, as the party of the people,\\nto sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, equality, and\\nfraternity, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legis-\\nlation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many; and\\nby a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and com-\\npromises of the Constitution, which are broad enough and strong\\nenough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as\\nit is, and the Union as it shall be, in the full expansion of the\\nenergies and capacity of this great and progressive people.\\nResolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded, through\\nthe American Minister at Paris, to the National Convention of the\\nRepublic of France.\\nResolved, That the fruits of the great political triumph of 1844,\\nwhich elected James K. Polk and George M. Dallas President and\\nVice-President of the United States, have fulfilled the hopes of the\\nDemocracy of the Union in defeating the declared purposes of their\\nopponents to create a national bank in preventing the corrupt and\\nunconstitutional distribution of the land proceeds, from the common\\ntreasury of the Union, for local purposes in protecting the currency\\nand labor of the country from ruinous fluctuations, and guarding\\nthe money of the people for the use of the people; by the establish-\\nment of the constitutional treasury; in the noble impulse given\\nto the cause of free trade, by the repeal of the tariff of 1842, and\\nthe creation of the more equal, honest, and productive tariff of\\n1846; and that, in our opinion, it would be a fatal error to weaken\\nthe hands of a political organization by which these great reforms\\nhave been achieved, and risk them in the hands of their known ad-\\nversaries, with whatever delusive appeals they may solicit our sur-\\nrender of that vigilance which is the only safeguard of liberty.\\nResolved, That the confidence of the Democracy of the Union in\\nthe principles, capacity, firmness, and integrity of James K. Polk,\\nmanifested by his nomination and election in 1844, has been signally\\nIOI", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\njustified by the strictness of his adherence to sound Democratic\\ndoctrines, by the purity of purpose, the energy and ability which\\nhave characterized his administration in all our affairs at home and\\nabroad that we tender to him our cordial congratulations upon the\\nbrilliant success which has hitherto crowned his patriotic efforts, and\\nassure him in advance that, at the expiration of his Presidential term,\\nhe will carry with him to his retirement the esteem, respect, and ad-\\nmiration of a grateful country.\\nResolved, That this convention hereby present to the people of\\nthe United States Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the candidate of the\\nDemocratic party for the office of President, and William O. Butler,\\nof Kentucky, as the candidate of the Democratic party for Vice-\\nPresident of the United States.\\nAfter the platform had been reported, Mr. Yancey, of\\nAlabama, offered an additional resolution providing, That\\nthe doctrine of non-interference with the rights of property\\nof any portion of the people of this Confederacy, be it in the\\nStates or Territories thereof, by any other than the parties\\ninterested in them, is the true Republican doctrine recognized\\nby this body, but it was rejected by a vote of 216 to 36.\\nYancey s resolution stated just what the convention believed,\\nbut what it did not dare express.\\nNotwithstanding the serious complications which con-\\nfronted the Democrats at the opening of the campaign of\\n1848, they started out with every prospect of electing their\\nnational ticket. Cass was accepted as the ablest of the Demo-\\ncratic leaders of that day, and his nomination seemed to in-\\nspire the Democrats to earnest effort for his election. There\\nwas then no apprehension of the Van Buren bolt that grew to\\nsuch immense proportions before the campaign closed, and\\nmade the defeat of Cass inevitable.\\nThe Whigs were in an unfortunate position to go before\\nthe country. They had opposed the Mexican war vehe-\\nmently, had protested against the acquisition of Mexican ter-\\nritory, and were certain to be divided on sectional lines aris-\\ning from the additional Territories and future States our ex-\\npansion was sure to give us. They were in the same position\\nin which they found themselves in 1839, when they had to\\nunite discordant elements of opposition to Van Buren to win\\nthe victory. The idolatry for Clay was yet cherished in all\\nits intensity, and although enfeebled by age, he yielded to the\\nearnest importunities of his friends, and announced himself\\nas candidate for the nomination, though all intelligent and\\ndispassionate Whig leaders knew that he was not available.\\n102", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nGeneral Scott had been clouded by serious differences\\nwith the administration, in which his volubility had served\\nhis enemies a good purpose, and Webster never had a large\\npopular following as a Presidential candidate. It was the\\nfirst national convention that I ever witnessed, being then\\na boy editor in the interior and not old enough to vote for the\\nmen I supported. It was held in Chinese Hall, in Philadel-\\nphia, where the Continental Hotel now stands, and was dom-\\ninated by the wonderfully able political leaders and states-\\nmen which the South produced in ante-bellum days. They\\nknew that they could not meet the slavery issue in the new\\nTerritories, and they presented General Taylor to the con-\\nvention, and, without a pledge from Taylor himself, they\\nformally pledged themselves to the convention that if not\\nnominated he would not be the candidate of any other party,\\nand would support the ticket.\\nThe Whig National Convention convened at Philadelphia\\non the 7th of June, with a full representation from every\\nState excepting Texas. Ex-Governor John M. Morehead, of\\nNorth Carolina, presided. The conferences of the Whig\\nleaders were anything but harmonious, and there were indi-\\ncations at times of an open and very serious rupture. Clay s\\nfriends knew that it was the last battle that ever could be\\nmade for him. Their idolatry for Clay made them earnest,\\nenthusiastic, even desperate, although most of them could not\\nbut foresee that his nomination was impossible, and that his\\nelection, if nominated, would be quite improbable.\\nThe friends of Clay and Scott did not take kindly to Gen-\\neral Taylor. He had been nominated some time before by\\na Native American National Convention that then repre-\\nsented but an inconsiderable following principally in the\\nEastern cities, and he had never distinctly declared his devo-\\ntion to the Whig policy. Congressman L. D. Campbell, of\\nOhio, offered a resolution just before the balloting began,\\ndeclaring that the convention should not entertain the can-\\ndidacy of any man for President or Vice-President who\\nhad not given assurances that he would abide by the action\\nof the convention that he would accept the nomination and\\nthat he would consider himself the candidate of the Whig\\nparty. An angry debate was avoided by the President\\nruling the resolution out of order. Mr. Campbell appealed,\\nbut the appeal was lost. Mr. Fuller, of New York, then\\noffered a resolution declaring that no man should be nomi-\\n103", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nnated for President unless he stands pledged to support\\nin good faith the nominees and to be the exponent of Whig\\nprinciples. This was also ruled out of order, and an appeal\\nwas tabled.\\nEven after Taylor had been nominated, Mr. Allen, of\\nMassachusetts, who afterward bolted the party and sup-\\nported Van Buren as a Free Soiler, offered a resolution de-\\nclaring that the Whig party would abide by the nomination\\nof Taylor on condition that he would accept the nomination\\nas the candidate of the Whig party, and adhere to its great\\nfundamental principles of no extension of slavery territory,\\nno acquisition of foreign territory by conquest, protection\\nto American industry, and opposition to Executive usurpa-\\ntion. That was ruled out of order, as were several other\\nresolutions aiming at some expression on the question of\\nslavery.\\nThe Southern Whig leaders saw that the only possible way\\nto save the Whigs in the South was to nominate a Southern\\nman General Taylor was the only Southern man whom\\nthey believed could command favor in the North, and they\\nwanted no expression from the convention on any of the\\ndelicate and perilous issues which confronted them. A num-\\nber of leading Southern delegates, headed by Balie Peyton,\\nof Tennessee, gave their formal pledge to the convention that\\nGeneral Taylor would accept the nomination and would\\nabide by the decision of the party, and that he could safely\\nbe trusted as an exponent of the Whig policy. The conven-\\ntion had three ballots before a choice was reached for Presi-\\ndent, as follows\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nThird.\\nFourth.\\nZacharv Taylor. La\\nIll\\n97\\n43\\n22\\n2\\n118\\n86\\n49\\n22\\n4\\n133\\n74\\n171\\nHenrv Clav. Kv\\n32\\nWinfield Scott, N. J\\n54 63\\nDaniel Webster, Mass\\n17\\n1\\n14\\nJohn McLean. Ohio\\nJohn M. Clayton, Del\\n4\\nThe nomination of Taylor was not made unanimous, as a\\nnumber of the New England delegates and some from Ohio\\n104", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nhad decided not to support him under any circumstances, and\\nthey were later welcomed into the Free Soil Democracy that\\nnominated Van Buren on the distinct antislavery extension\\nplatform. Among the most disgruntled of those who at-\\ntended the convention was Horace Greeley. I met him then\\nfor the first time, and saw as much of him as I could, as he\\nwas my ideal fellow-editor. As soon as Taylor was nom-\\ninated he started for New York, and I met him just as he was\\ndeparting. He was evidently in great haste to make the\\nCamden Amboy train, and he was hurrying down Chest-\\nnut Street. His low-crowned, broad-brimmed, fuzzy fur hat\\nset at an angle of 45 degrees on the back of his head, his pro-\\nfusion of shirt collar protected from wandering over his\\nshoulders by an immense black silk handkerchief he used as a\\nnecktie, with the awkward knot serenely resting under his\\nleft ear, and his immense baggy black swallowtail coat, and\\nthe literal carpetbag he held by one handle, while the other\\nlay down on the side of the bag, did not contribute much\\ntoward his genteel appearance. It was evident that he was\\nmad clear through. In answer to my question as to how he\\nliked the nomination of Taylor, he curtly answered, Can t\\nsay that I admire it, and shuffled along toward the ferry,\\nbut the Tribune of the next morning had a terrific leader\\nagainst Taylor, the title of which was The Philadelphia\\nSlaughterhouse, and Greeley long hesitated about coming\\ninto the support of Taylor. He could not follow Van Buren,\\nin whom he had no faith and against whom he had made his\\nfirst great battle as an editor in 1840. Finally, seeing that the\\nchoice was between Cass and Taylor, Greeley decided to\\nsupport the Whig candidate, and the Whigs of New York\\nshowed their appreciation of his action by nominating him to\\nfill an unexpired term in Congress, to which he was elected\\nby a large majority.\\nThe contest for Vice-President had been very animated,\\nand for some time before the meeting of the convention it\\nseemed probable that Abbott Lawrence, a New England mil-\\nlionaire, might win it. He made the first attempt that had\\nbeen ventured to gain a national nomination by the money-\\nin-politics system, but after Taylor had been nominated for\\nPresident his friends naturally looked to some representative\\nsupporter of Clay to be placed second on the ticket, and Fill-\\nmore led Lawrence on the 1st ballot and was nominated on\\nthe 2d. The ballots were as follows\\n105", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n1st i\u00c2\u00b1\\nBallot. Ballot.\\nMillard Fillmore 115\\nAbbott Lawrence 109\\nScattering 50\\nGeorge Evans, of Maine, and T. M. T. McKennen,\\nAndrew Stewart, and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, all re-\\nceived a few votes. The nomination of Fillmore was made\\nunanimous by the delegates who remained in the convention.\\nThe convention adopted no platform.\\nAfter the nomination of General Taylor for President an\\ninteresting, and what would now be regarded as a most lu-\\ndicrous, incident occurred relating to the letter written by\\nGovernor Morehead, President of the Convention, to General\\nTaylor advising him of his nomination for the Presidency.\\nAt that time the prepayment of postage was not compulsory,\\nand unpaid letters were charged from five to ten times the\\npresent rate of letter postage. President Morehead promptly\\nmailed a letter to General Taylor at Baton Rouge, Louisi-\\nana, notifying him of his nomination, but several weeks\\nelapsed without any response. The telegraph was then in its\\ninfancy, and unthought of as an agent except in the most\\nurgent emergency, and Governor Morehead finally sent a\\ntrusted friend to visit General Taylor and inquire why his\\nletter of acceptance had not been given. Every political\\ncrank, as well as many others in the country, had been writ-\\ning letters to General Taylor on the subject of the Presi-\\ndency, very few of whom prepaid their letter postage. Old\\nRough and Ready became vexed beyond endurance at the\\ntax imposed upon him, and he gave peremptory orders to the\\npostmaster to send to the dead-letter office all letters ad-\\ndressed to him which were unpaid. Governor Morehead. as-\\nsuming that a letter advising a man of his nomination for the\\nPresidency, that carried with it a reasonably certain election,\\nwas a matter of quite as much interest to Taylor as to him-\\nself, had not prepaid the postage on his letter, and it had gone\\nto the dead-letter office in accordance with Taylor s general\\norders. When the mistake was discovered, the error was\\ncorrected by the sending of a second letter postage prepaid\\nto General Taylor, to which he promptly responded, and\\n106", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "MILLARD FILLMORE", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nthe explanation given that the original letter had miscarried\\nin the mails.\\nOne of the interesting episodes of the convention was the\\narrival in Philadelphia, while the Whig convention was in\\nsession, of General Cass and his suite of Democratic leaders\\nof national fame. Cass was on his way home from Wash-\\nington, and the short time that he remained here he liber-\\nally divided public attention with the Whigs. An immense\\ncrowd welcomed Cass at the Jones Hotel, on Chestnut, above\\nSixth, and I there for the first time saw and heard General\\nCass, Senator Houston, Senator Allen, Senator Benton, and\\nRepresentative Stevenson, all of whom spoke from the bal-\\ncony of the hotel, and were cheered to the echo. I recall\\nHouston as one of the handsomest men I have ever seen, with\\nperfect physique, of heroic form, and a superbly chiselled\\nface, portrayng all the strength of the best type of the Ro-\\nman. Cass was heavy and ponderous, but an able and attrac-\\ntive speaker, and I remember Benton well because his speech\\nmade him remembered as a colossal, perpendicular I. Allen\\nwas then notable as the fog-horn, and he could be heard\\na square beyond any of the others. A facetious delegate in\\nthe Whig convention, with admirable mock gravity, sug-\\ngested that as the Democratic funeral train was in this city\\ntaking Cass s body home by the lakes, the convention should\\nadjourn.\\nAs might have been expected, and as was greatly feared\\nby both the leading parties, the slavery issue was at once\\nmade the vital one of the contest. The Democrats hoped\\nthat as the contest warmed up the Van Buren followers\\nwould acquiesce as they did in 1844, but what at first\\nseemed to be a cloud on the Democratic horizon no bigger\\nthan a man s hand soon after developed into a promised\\ntempest. The Barnburners, who had withdrawn from the\\nDemocratic National Convention, called a State convention,\\nto meet at Utica, N. Y., on the 226. of June, and invited\\ndelegates from other States for conference. Massachusetts,\\nConnecticut, Ohio, and Wisconsin were represented, and\\nafter devoting two days to the discussion of the best policy\\nto adopt, Van Buren was formally nominated for President,\\nand Henry Dodge, of Wisconsin, for Vice-President, who\\ndeclined, and supported Cass. Van Buren s formal accept-\\nance of the nomination followed soon thereafter, and it was\\nthe first definite notice to the regular Democrats that the\\n107", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nFree-Soil Democracy was going to be earnestly arrayed\\nagainst Democratic success.\\nAlthough Van Buren had accepted the first nomination,\\nit was deemed wise as the campaign progressed to have\\na much more representative national body to make him the\\ncandidate, and a largely attended mass convention met at\\nBuffalo on the 9th of August, over which Charles Francis\\nAdams, of Massachusetts, presided, and which had repre-\\nsentatives from seventeen States. On the formal ballot for\\nPresident, Van Buren had 159 votes to 129 for John P.\\nHale, of New Hampshire, who had already been nominated\\nby the Abolitionists, and Charles Francis Adams was nomi-\\nnated by acclamation for Vice-President. After this con-\\nvention had made its nominations and declared its platform,\\nMr. Hale, the i\\\\bolition candidate, retired from the contest,\\nand he and his followers gave a cordial support to Van\\nBuren. The following was the Van Buren platform as\\ndeclared by the Buffalo convention\\nWhereas, We have assembled in convention, as a union of free-\\nmen, for the sake of freedom, forgetting all past political differ-\\nences, in common resolve to maintain the rights of free labor against\\nthe aggressions of the slave power, and to secure free soil for a free\\npeople; and\\nWhereas, The political conventions recently assembled at Balti-\\nmore and Philadelphia, the one stifling the voice of a great con-\\nstituency, entitled to be heard in its deliberations, and the other\\nabandoning its distinctive principles for mere availability, have dis-\\nsolved the national party organizations heretofore existing by nom-\\ninating for the chief magistracy of the United States, under the\\nslaveholding dictation, candidates, neither of whom can be supported\\nby the opponents of slavery extension without a sacrifice of con-\\nsistency, duty, and self-respect; and\\nWhereas, These nominations so made furnish the occasion and\\ndemonstrate the necessity of the union of the people under the\\nbanner of free democracy, in a solemn and formal declaration of\\ntheir independence of the slave power, and of their fixed determina-\\ntion to rescue the Federal Government from its control\\nResolved, Therefore, that we, the people here assembled, remem-\\nbering the example of our fathers in the days of the first Declara-\\ntion of Independence, putting our trust in God for the triumph of\\nour cause, and invoking His guidance in our endeavors to advance\\nit, do now plant ourselves upon the national platform of freedom, in\\nopposition to the sectional platform of slavery.\\nResolved, That slavery in the several States of this Union which\\nrecognize its existence depends upon State laws alone, which cannot\\nbe repealed or modified by the Federal Government, and for which\\nlaws that Government is not responsible. We therefore propose no\\ninterference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any\\nState.\\n108,", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nResolved, That the proviso of Jefferson, to prohibit the existence\\nof slavery after 1800 in all the Territories of the United States,\\nsouthern and northern; the votes of six States and sixteen dele-\\ngates, in the Congress of 1784 for the proviso, to three States and\\nseven delegates against it the actual exclusion of slavery from the\\nNorthwestern Territory by the ordinance of 1787, unanimously\\nadopted by the States in Congress; and the entire history of that\\nperiod clearly show that it was the settled policy of the nation not\\nto extend, nationalize, or encourage, but to limit, localize, and dis-\\ncourage slavery; and to this policy, which should never have been\\ndeparted from, the Government ought to return.\\nResolved, That our fathers ordained the Constitution of the United\\nStates in order, among other great national objects, to establish\\njustice, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of\\nliberty; but expressly denied to the Federal Government, which they\\ncreated, all constitutional power to deprive any person of life, lib-\\nerty, or property, without due legal process.\\nResolved, That, in the judgment of this convention, Congress has\\nno more power to make a slave than to make a king; no more\\npower to institute or establish slavery than to institute or establish\\na monarchy. No such power can be found among those specifically\\nconferred by the Constitution, or derived by any just implication\\nfrom them.\\nResolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to relieve\\nitself from all responsibilty for the existence or continuance of\\nslavery wherever the Government possesses constitutional authority\\nto legislate on that subject, and is thus responsible for its existence.\\nResolved, That the true and, in the judgment of this convention,\\nthe only safe means of preventing the extension of slavery into ter-\\nritory now free is to prohibit its existence in all such territory by\\nan act of Congress.\\nResolved, That we accept the issue which the slave power has\\nforced upon us; and to their demand for more Slave States and\\nmore slave territory, our calm but final answer is, no more Slave\\nStates and no more slave territory. Let the soil of our extensive do-\\nmains be ever kept free for the hardy pioneers of our own land, and\\nthe oppressed and banished of other lands, seeking homes of com-\\nfort and fields of enterprise in the New World.\\nResolved, That the bill lately reported by the committee of eight\\nin the Senate of the United States was no compromise, but an ab-\\nsolute surrender of the rights of the non-slaveholders of all the\\nStates; and while we rejoice to know that a measure which, while\\nopening the door for the introduction of slavery into territories now\\nfree, would also have opened the door to litigation and strife among\\nthe future inhabitants thereof, to the ruin of their peace and pros-\\nperity, was defeated in the House of Representatives, its passage,\\nin hot haste, by a majority embracing several Senators who voted\\nin open violation of the known will of their constituents, should\\nwarn the people to see to it that their representatives be not suf-\\nfered to betray them. There must be no more compromises with\\nslavery if made, they must be repealed.\\nResolved, That we demand freedom and established institutions\\nfor our brethren in Oregon, now exposed to hardships, peril, and\\nmassacre by the reckless hostility of the slave power to the estab-\\n109", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nlishment of free government for free territory, and not only for\\nthem, but for our new brethren in New Mexico and California.\\nAnd whereas. It is due not only to this occasion, but to the whole\\npeople of the United States, that we should declare ourselves on\\ncertain other questions of national policy therefore.\\nResolved, That we demand cheap postage for the people a re-\\ntrenchment of the expenses and patronage of the Federal Govern-\\nment the abolition of all unnecessary offices and salaries and the\\nelection by the people of all civil officers in the service of the Gov-\\nernment, so far as the same may be practicable.\\nResolved, That river and harbor improvements, whenever de-\\nmanded by the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign\\nnations, or among the several States, are objects of national con-\\ncern and that it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its con-\\nstitutional powers, to provide therefor.\\nResolved, That the free grant to actual settlers, in consideration of\\nthe expenses they incur in making settlements in the wilderness,\\nwhich are usually fully equal to their actual cost, and of the public\\nbenefits resulting therefrom, of reasonable portions of the public\\nlands, under suitable limitations, is a wise and just measure of public\\npolicy which will promote, in various ways, the interests of all the\\nStates of this Union and we therefore recommend it to the favor-\\nable consideration of the American people.\\nResolved, That the obligations of honor and patriotism require\\nthe earliest practicable payment of the national debt and we are,\\ntherefore, in favor of such a tariff of duties as will raise revenue\\nadequate to defray the necessary expenses of the Federal Govern-\\nment, and to pay annual instalments of our debt, and the interest\\nthereon.\\nResolved, That we inscribe on our banner, Free Soil, Free\\nSpeech, Free Labor and Free Men, and under it will fight on, and\\nfight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.\\nThe Presidential contest of 1848 for the first time pre-\\nsented the Native American party in the field with national\\ncandidates. It had its origin chiefly from the Philadelphia\\nriots of 1844, resulting from a bitter feud between the\\nCatholics and Protestants in the uptown river districts of\\nPhiladelphia. The organization of the Native American\\nparty immediately followed in Philadelphia, with opposition\\nto Catholics and foreigners as its faith, and for nearly a\\ndecade it held the balance of power between the Whigs and\\nDemocrats in that city, and several times elected members\\nof Congress. A like party was organized in New York,\\nand attained some local success in that city. The national\\nconvention of the Native Americans was held in Philadelphia\\nin September, 1847, and while it did not make a formal\\nnomination, it recommended General Taylor for President\\nand chose Henry A. S. Dearborn, of Massachusetts, for\\nno", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nVice-President. The party was unknown and unfelt in the\\ncontest, although it aided somewhat in giving the electoral\\nvote of Pennsylvania to Taylor.\\nIn November, 1847, the Liberty party, that had twice\\nnominated and ran Birney as its candidate for President,\\nmet at New York and nominated John P. Hale, of New\\nHampshire, for President, and Leicester King, of Ohio, for\\nVice-President. When the Free-Soil Democracy developed\\nhuge proportions and nominated Van Buren, the old Abolition\\nparty was entirely absorbed in the Free-Soil organization.\\nThe Liberty League, made up of a small number of the more\\nradical Abolitionists, held a meeting at Rochester on the\\n26. of June, 1848, and nominated Gerrit Smith, of New\\nYork, for President, and Rev. Charles E. Foote, of Michi-\\ngan, for Vice-President; and what was called the Industrial\\nCongress, made up of a handful of labor agitators, met at\\nPhiladelphia on the 13th of June, 1848, and nominated\\nGerrit Smith for President and William S. Waitt, of Illi-\\nnois, for Vice-President. Neither the Hale Abolition party,\\nthe Liberty League Abolition party, nor the Industrial Con-\\ngress party presented any electoral tickets of which I have\\nbeen able to find any record. The canvass was a very earnest\\none, and the Whigs steadily grew in confidence as it pro-\\ngressed, while the Democrats were threatened on every side\\nwith disaster.\\nPennsylvania broke from her Democratic moorings at\\nthe October election, when William F. Johnson, Whig, was\\nelected Governor by 305 majority, and generally the pre-\\nliminary elections were favorable to the Whigs. There\\nwere then thirty States, as Florida had come in March 3,\\n1845 Texas, December 29, 1845 Iowa, December 28, 1846,\\nand Wisconsin, May 29, 1848, and the Presidential electors\\nwere then for the first time all chosen on the same day, with\\nthe single exception of Massachusetts. Van Buren did not\\ncarry a State, but he gave Taylor an easy triumph by the\\nlarge Democratic defection he caused in the pivotal States.\\nThe following table exhibits the popular and electoral votes\\nas declared by Congress:", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island.\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina*\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nFlorida\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nTexas\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\nTennessee\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nIowa\\nTotals\\nPopular Vote.\\nXi\\no\\nat\\n35,125\\n14,781\\n23,122\\n61,070\\n6,779\\n30,314\\n218,603\\n40,015\\n185,513\\n6,421\\n37,702\\n45,124\\n43,550\\n47,544\\n30,482\\n3,116\\n25,922\\n18,217\\n4,509\\n7,588\\n32,671\\n64,705\\n67,141\\n138,360\\n23,940\\n69,907\\n53,047\\n13,747\\n11,084\\n1,360,099\\n39,880\\n27,763\\n10,948\\n35,281\\n3,646\\n27,046\\n114,318\\n36,901\\n171,176\\n5,898\\n34,528\\n46,586\\n34,869\\n44,802\\n31,363\\n1,847\\n26,537\\n15,370\\n10,668\\n9,300\\n40,077\\n58,419\\n49,720\\n154,775\\n30,687\\n74,745\\n56,300\\n15,001\\n12,093\\n12,096\\n7,560\\n13,837\\n38,058\\n730\\n5,005\\n120,510\\n829\\n11,263\\n80\\n125\\n1,220,544\\n35,354\\n10,389\\n8,100\\n15,774\\n10,418\\n1,126\\n291,263\\nElectors.\\nO\\n6\\n12\\n4\\n6\\n36\\n7\\n26\\n3\\n11\\n10\\n3\\n6\\n13\\n12\\n163\\n*By Legislature.\\nAll parties made earnest efforts to control the popular\\nbranch of Congress, and national interest naturally centred\\nin the Wilmot district of Pennsylvania, as he was the author\\nof the Wilmot Proviso, that was the fountain of the slavery\\n112", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ndispute. He had been twice elected to Congress in what was\\nthen a strong Democratic district, composed of Bradford\\nSusquehanna, and Tioga, but which have been amon? the\\nstrongest Republican counties in the State since the organi-\\nzation of that party. The district had given over 2000\\nmajority for Polk against Clay, and although Wilmot was\\nthe only member of Congress from Pennsylvania who voted\\nfor the tariff of 1846, he was re-elected in the fall of that\\nyear by a decided majority.\\nWhen Van Buren was nominated, Wilmot openly declared\\nhimself as a Free-Soil Democrat, but he received the regular\\nDemocratic nomination for Congress in his district. The\\nCass pro-slavery Democrats bolted and nominated Jonah\\nBrewster as a Simon-pure Democrat, and the Whigs nomi-\\nnated Henry W. Tracy, confidently expecting to elect him.\\nWilmot was triumphantly elected, receiving 8597 votes to\\n4795 for Tracy, Whig, and 922 for Brewster, Cass Democrat\\nHe also nearly evenly divided the Democratic vote of\\nBradford and Tioga between Cass and Van Buren, giving\\nlaylor a large plurality over Cass in the district\\nWhile the Wilmot Free-Soil Democrats bolted on the\\nDemocratic national ticket, they generally supported Morris\\nLongstreth, the Democratic candidate for Governor, who\\nwas defeated by Johnson in October by 305 majority The\\nre-election of Wilmot in one of the strong Democratic\\ndistricts of Pennsylvania greatly strengthened the anti-\\nslavery cause throughout the country. He and his followers\\nfell back into the regular Democratic line in 1852 in support\\not Fierce, and they finally severed their relations with the\\nDemocratic party in 1854, provoked by the repeal of the\\nMissouri Compromise, and in 1856 they carried the Northern\\ncounties of the State by large majorities for Fremont\\nCass earned every State west of the Pennsylvania line\\nincluding Ohio, where the antislavery sentiment of the\\nWestern Reserve was unwilling to accept a large slaveholder\\nas a candidate for President. Corwin, the most brilliant and\\nimpressive of the stump-speakers of that day, made desper-\\nate efforts to save the State, but Van Buren received over\\n35,000 votes, and Cass won the electors by a plurality of\\noyer 16,000 I once heard Corwin in his inimitable way tell\\nthe story of that campaign. The people of Ohio in* that\\nday were taught their politics by mass-meetings, and any\\none of the audience was entirely at liberty to interrogate\\n113", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthe speaker. Corwin, in his plausible and fascinating way,\\nwas trying to explain how the antislavery cause would be\\nbest served by electing a slaveholder President, when a tall,\\nlank countryman, sitting on the fence, put a very pointed\\nquestion to him, that he felt unable to answer. He tried to\\nmeet it in a humorous way, but only aroused his interrogator\\nto make a more pointed inquiry of him, that Corwin could\\nnot answer. He was one of the few orators who could\\nconvulse an audience with his superb humor, and his facial\\nexpression was at times even more mirth provoking than his\\nlanguage. The question involved the negro issue, and Cor-\\nwin had an unusually swarthy complexion, and he unhorsed\\nhis inquirer by saying to his audience with an expression\\nthat powerfully accentuated his remark I submit, fellow-\\ncitizens, whether it is proper to put such a question to a man\\nof my complexion, and the dispute ended in boisterous\\nlaughter and cheers for Corwin. The Whigs won easy vic-\\ntories in all the debatable States of the South and General\\nTaylor came to the Presidency knowing less about how his\\nelection had been accomplished than any man who had ever\\nbeen called to the Chief Magistracy of the Republic. Thus\\nwas Martin Van Buren avenged for the Southern betrayal\\nof 1844.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "FRANKLIN PIERCE", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "THE PIERCE-SCOTT CONTEST\\n1852\\nWhile the Whigs were apprehensive as to General Tay-\\nlor s fidelity to an aggressive Whig policy both before and\\nafter his election, when he came to the selection of his Cab-\\ninet he quieted all doubts by appointing a positive Whig\\nCabinet, with John M. Clayton, one of the ablest of the Whig\\nleaders of that day and an eminently practical politician, to\\nthe Premiership. Taylor had little fitness for responsible\\ncivil duties, and charged his Cabinet, that was made up of\\neminently able men, with the administration of their differ-\\nent departments. The slavery question was uppermost in\\nthe politics of the day, and the Taylor Cabinet finally decided\\nupon a policy to solve the delicate problem by admitting none\\nof the newly acquired Mexican possessions as Territories,\\nbut leaving the question of slavery to be determined by them-\\nselves when they came to admission as States.\\nThis policy was antagonized by the ultra antislavery peo-\\nple, who wanted the distinct prohibition of slavery in Terri-\\ntorial organizations, and also by the extreme slavery Whigs,\\nwho desired them admitted as Territories without any ex-\\npression on slavery, believing that slaves could be taken into\\nany Territory south of the Missouri Compromise line unless\\nprohibited by the organic law. Clay had returned to the\\nSenate, and being neither more nor less than human, he had\\nlittle inclination to harmonize with an accidental Whig Pres-\\nident who filled the position to which Clay felt he was justly\\nentitled. As opposed to the policy of the President, Clay\\ncame in as pacificator and proposed what then became\\nknown, and what have since been known as the Compromise\\nMeasures of 1850. It is doubtful whether either the admin-\\nistration or the Clay Compromise policy could have been suc-\\ncessful had the President lived. Certainly the Compromise\\nbill would have failed, but it is uncertain whether the ad-\\n115", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "_ _\u00e2\u0080\u00a2_.\\nv- T7 int.\\nm.r... :rm :r. ::jl: imt t._t: 5 .:m:\\npotior through Congress. Its policy w\\n1:11:1.11 mt fit .5ft m me it i:\\nlemit :nii in f: trim :ni\\ni:izt.\\nPrt.iitn: 7i; :ei V i; :S m _ 7. :_ 7....:::rt\\n_-::mit 7re_iitn: .7 ins :mzt if V:;~- -rt.iitin\\n_i; izr _ itmm inmrei me _e_ :iie _ inn-\\nisirmm in me ernne.: .mirile men in I n r r t f f neei\\nme 1 fit:; :n nit it me rerrz.z ry\\n:rt i.-:e t iri; mi ze-7 re.- :tif if iz: in irnmziy\\n.1: nit rrtfiitn: 11: itn zezmie 7re._:ien: iimneiz\\nit reveiiei iht i:..i nit i im.i.fzrii :i\\nI: if :i 1: .5 i.me n 11: t z.zer rezkei iinnsti: He\\nif :n nit ::r.i. itize nit _17.fr mrim:5ii.mzi mi if\\n:fti :t me zjimmizn iis nttn; 1.7 fin\\nt: lii it in nit 7t.r.::::tf Tit :n;;:n..; zziferrei i:i:\\nin .izmei z::i -t.ii: iznii :t:::t it ieiveren ii:_ mem-\\nzrn z.e f t tin- z-i _ir:i fitti: .1 ...1: iit :if: in. i:: mz_i\\nTin; mi nit :::-;i n: 1 iit :mi;- mi :n:.i: nit\\nrrtfiitn: i:r m _iz.it: zzzizer n: m izzme if z\\nlift imie ini :i:t; trt ii::nnit-i iemmr :he\\nt f it t: rtf ft n if f: r. :i nii i_trt.ii\\n_- n t n if nitn nnir lit _:tif.:n mi it\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2if f: 1:1 intniti in: it rnrmiti if 1 1 f 1 r 5\\nnm: :--.-_-- nm meiemer\\n7 1:1 i\u00c2\u00ab \u00c2\u00b1t ll .:._: x_: __; =\u00e2\u0080\u00a2_:-\\nin:. mt _-rtf.it:::; nit ieim nit rrtf.it 1: mi\\n:e 7 itr it m t.ft: nit :z nit ;i:n mi tfzrmrei\\nzie 11: me Nzrii very itnenzmiv 1.1: Aiier iit\\n:e:m:e 7re_iien: lie i7 1:; rm.f t iitif.ntf trt rt\\nmi in; m_.it lit iif: ireiz unit ins ize if iinniinr.\\nme t: me i innifirin iiiei nit _.i; _:m-\\n:-::::.:t iitfintf zmt: mmmti inmrt-f\\nt:z imrnt: it Prtiiitn: 7:t; itiimei\\nnrsi mt i f 1 t r n: me _ n::n: _\u00e2\u0096\u00a0:-\\nft::::: .1 :i 1: me 1 f.ni _.m::m:i if i\\n_- rtt ii:t nn .1 :i r 1 ft trt.; fn.iiti: _ .in t\\ni.nt n in: ::r nit mtn: 7enii _::\\nit. in; ier 11:1; i t i it::n mi i::i in :i :r\\niin.ff.::: 7 :m mi i t iin:n: if 7tiri::riei\\nout restTJctioDS as to slawefy-\\n:.z z \u00e2\u0096\u00a0_.:: mt lie\\n::i", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nunited the Democratic party, as the friends of slavery ex-\\ntension had won a substantial triumph, and the Democrats\\nof the North were generally in harmony with that policy, but\\nit greatly weakened the Whigs in the North without\\nstrengthening them in the South, and Fillmore, and Web-\\nster, then Secretary of State, became rival candidates for the\\nWhig nomination, while the anti-Compromise or antislavery\\nelement of the Whigs united on General Scott.\\nWhen the Democratic National Convention met at Balti-\\nmore, June i, 1852, the leaders were entirely confident of\\nelecting their candidates. John W. Davis, of Indiana, was\\nmade President, and the two-thirds rule reaffirmed. The\\nsessions of the convention were protracted, lasting six days,\\nbut there was little angry dispute as to either candidates or\\nmeasures. There were 49 ballots for President, Cass and\\nBuchanan being the leading competitors at the start. The\\nVirginia delegation, that was always potential in Democratic\\nconventions, had become weary of the hopeless contest be-\\ntween the candidates, and on the 35th ballot cast a solid\\nvote for Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, whose name\\nhad not up to that time been before the convention. The\\nfriends of Cass made an earnest rally, but were unable to\\nconcentrate sufficient strength to approach the two-thirds\\nvote, and Marcy finally loomed up as the leading competitor\\nof Pierce. The following table gives the detail vote on each\\nballot\\nBALLOTS.\\n1.\\n2.\\n3.\\n4.\\n5.\\n6.\\n1\\n8.\\n9.\\n10.\\n11.\\n12.\\n13.\\n14.\\n15.\\n16.\\n17.\\n18.\\n(3\\na\\nBj\\nto\\nc\\nc\\neJ\\n-I\\n6\\nc\\n(A\\n3\\nu\\nGO\\n3\\nbo\\nm\\nrt\\npj\\nO\\n0)\\nn\\nA\\nO\\nffl\\nQ\\nPQ\\nw\\ntt\\nJ\\n116\\n93\\n20\\n27\\n2\\n8\\n3\\n13\\n118\\n95\\n23\\n27\\n6\\n3\\n13\\n119\\n94\\n21\\n26\\n7\\n3\\n13\\n115\\n89\\n31\\n25\\n7\\n3\\n13\\n114\\n88\\n34\\n26\\n8\\n3\\n13\\n114\\n88\\n34\\n26\\n8\\n3\\n13\\n113\\n88\\n34\\n26\\n9\\n3\\n13\\n113\\n88\\n34\\n26\\n9\\n3\\n13\\n112\\n87\\n39\\n37\\n.8\\n13\\n111\\n86\\n40\\n27\\n8\\n14\\n101\\n87\\n50\\n27\\n8\\n13\\n98\\n88\\n51\\n27\\n9\\n13\\n98\\n88\\n51\\n26\\n10\\n13\\n99\\n87\\n51\\n26\\n10\\n13\\n99\\n87\\n51\\n26\\n10\\n13\\n99\\n87\\n51\\n26\\n10\\n13\\n99\\n87\\n50\\n26\\n11\\n13\\n96\\n85\\n56\\n25\\n11\\n13\\n.117", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nBALLOTS.\\nco\\nCO\\nd\\nU\\na\\nC\\nu\\ns\\npq\\nCO\\na\\no\\nA\\no\\nU\\n8\\nu\\npi\\npq\\nB\\no\\n-u\\nin\\no\\nco\\nbe\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\no\\nA\\na\\nc\\no\\nCO\\nJti\\nM\\no\\nA\\no\\nu\\ncu\\n19\\n89\\n81\\n60\\n53\\n37\\n33\\n34\\n33\\n32\\n28\\n27\\n33\\n64\\n98\\n123\\n130\\n131\\n122\\n120\\n107\\n106\\n106\\n107\\n101\\n101\\n101\\n96\\n78\\n75\\n73\\n2\\n85\\n92\\n102\\n104\\n103\\n103\\n101\\n101\\n98\\n96\\n93\\n91\\n79\\n74\\n72\\n49\\n39\\n28\\n28\\n28\\n28\\n27\\n27\\n27\\n27\\n27\\n27\\n28\\n28\\n28\\n63\\n64\\n64\\n77\\n78\\n80\\n81\\n80\\n85\\n88\\n91\\n92\\n92\\n80\\n60\\n53\\n52\\n43\\n37\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n32\\n32\\n33\\n33\\n2\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n25\\n23\\n44\\n58\\n70\\n84\\n85\\n85\\n85\\n91\\n91\\n91\\n97\\n97\\n95\\n90\\n1\\n1\\n13\\n15\\n19\\n23\\n24\\n24\\n24\\n25\\n25\\n20\\n16\\n1\\n2\\n2\\n10\\n10\\n9\\n9\\n11\\n9\\n9\\n10\\n9\\n11\\n12\\n12\\n10\\n8\\n6\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n5\\n6\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n16\\n20\\n21\\n22\\n23\\n24\\n25\\n26\\n27\\n28\\n29\\n30\\n31\\n32\\n33\\n34\\n35\\n15\\n36\\n30\\n37\\n29\\n38\\n29\\n39\\n29\\n40\\n29\\n41\\n29\\n42\\n29\\n43\\n29\\n44\\n29\\n45\\n29\\n46\\n44\\n47\\n49\\n48\\n55\\n49\\n282\\nTwo ballots were had for Vice-President, the first result-\\ning as follows\\nWm. R. King, Ala 126\\nGideon J. Pillow, Tenn 25\\nD. R. Atchison, Mo 25\\nT.J. Rusk, Texas 12\\nJefferson Davis, Miss 2\\nWm. O. Butler, Ky 27\\nRobert Strange, N. C 23\\nS. U. Downs, La 30\\nJ. B. Weller, Cal 2$\\nHowell Cobb, Ga 2\\nThe 2d ballot ended with the unanimous nomination\\nof Mr. King.\\nThe party platform was precisely that of 1848, all em-\\nbodied in full text, with two new resolutions added on the\\nsubject of slavery and additional resolutions relating to\\nother national issues. The Democratic platform of 1852,\\ntherefore, embraced all the previous Democratic platforms\\nwith the following added\\n118", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nResolved, That the foregoing proposition covers, and is intended\\nto embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitated in Congress; and\\ntherefore the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this na-\\ntional platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution\\nof the acts known as the Compromise Measures settled by the\\nlast Congress the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or\\nlabor included which act, being designed to carry out an express\\nprovision of the Constitution, cannot with fidelity thereto be re-\\npealed, nor so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency.\\nResolved, That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at\\nrenewing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery ques-\\ntion, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.\\nThen follow the resolutions in former platforms respect-\\ning the distribution of the proceeds of land sales, that re-\\nspecting the veto power, and these additions\\nResolved, That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and\\nuphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia reso-\\nlutions of 1792 and 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the\\nVirginia Legislature in 1799; that it adopts those principles as con-\\nstituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is\\nresolved to carry them out in their obvious meanino- and import.\\nResolved, That the war with Mexico, upon all the principles of\\npatriotism and the law of nations, was a just and necessary war on\\nour part in which no American citizen should have shown himself\\nopposed to his country, and neither morally nor physically, by word\\nor deed, given aid and comfort to the enemy.\\nResolved, That we rejoice at the restoration of friendly relations\\nwith our sister republic of Mexico, and earnestly desire for her all\\nthe blessings and prosperity which we enjoy under republican insti-\\ntutions, and we congratulate the American people on the results of\\nthat war, which have so manifestly justified the policy and conduct\\nof the Democratic party, and insured to the United States indem-\\nnity for the past and security for the future.\\nResolved, That, in view of the condition of popular institutions\\nin the Old World, a high and sacred duty is devolved, with in-\\ncreased responsibility, upon the Democracy of this country, as the\\nparty of the people, to uphold and maintain the rights of every State,\\nand thereby the union of States, and to sustain and advance among\\nthem constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist all monopolies\\nand exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense\\nof the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those\\nprinciples and compromises of the Constitution which are broad\\nenough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it\\nis, and the Union as it should be, in the full expansion of the ener-\\ngies and capacity of this great and progressive people.\\nThe nomination of Pierce was received very generally by\\nthe Democrats with great enthusiasm. The spirit of young\\n119", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nDemocracy had grown up in the party and become very for-\\nmidable. The Democratic Review, the monthly organ of\\nDemocracy, had been reorganized with an able and most\\naggressive staff devoted to the overthrow of old fogyism\\nin the party, and when Pierce was nominated the boys who\\ndo the shouting were almost wholly in sympathy with the\\nyoung Democracy, and the old-timers had to fall in the rear\\nof the procession. With the Democratic party united on\\ncandidates who were free from factional complication, and\\nwith the Compromise Measures, on which they could unite\\nboth the North and South, they started in the contest with\\nevery advantage and maintained it until election day, when\\nthe Whig party suffered its Waterloo.\\nThe Whig convention met in Baltimore on the 16th of\\nJune with every State represented, and John G. Chapman,\\nof Maryland, was made the presiding officer. The Southern\\ndelegates fortified themselves before the meeting of the\\nconvention by a caucus declaration of the party platform,\\nand it was an open secret that if the convention accepted the\\nplatform, enough Southern men would support Scott to\\ngive him the nomination. They knew that Fillmore could\\nnot be elected, and that Webster was even weaker than\\nFillmore, and they were willing to accept Scott, who was\\nthe candidate of the antislavery element of the party, if\\nthe Compromise Measures were squarely affirmed by the\\nparty convention, while Scott was willing to accept the\\nnomination with any platform the convention might formu-\\nlate. Fillmore had carried the Compromise Measures and\\nforced the Whigs to accept them in the party platform, but\\nthe insincerity of that expression was manifested by the\\nrefusal to nominate Fillmore, and by the nomination of\\nScott, who represented the anti-Compromise Whigs of the\\ncountry. There were 53 ballots for President, but during\\nthe long struggle there was little exhibition of ill-temper.\\nScott started with 131 to 133 for Fillmore and 29 for\\nWebster, and ended with 159 for Scott to 112 for Fillmore\\nand 21 for Webster. The following table presents the ballots\\nin detail", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nBALLOTS.\\n-t-j\\no\\no\\nCO\\nU\\nO\\nu\\ni)\\n03\\nBALLOTS.\\no\\no\\nu\\no\\na\\n09\\nV\\n1\\n131\\n133\\n133\\n134\\n130\\n133\\n131\\n133\\n133\\n135\\n134\\n134\\n134\\n133\\n133\\n135\\n132\\n132\\n132\\n132\\n133\\n132\\n132\\n133\\n133\\n134\\n134\\n133\\n131\\n131\\n130\\n133\\n131\\n133\\n131\\n133\\n130\\n131\\n130\\n130\\n130\\n130\\n129\\n131\\n131\\n131\\n131\\n131\\n130\\n130\\n129\\n128\\n128\\n128\\n29\\n29\\n29\\n29\\n30\\n29\\n28\\n28\\n29\\n29\\n28\\n28\\n28\\n29\\n29\\n28\\n29\\n28\\n29\\n29\\n28\\n30\\n30\\n30\\n31\\n30\\n30\\n28\\n134\\n134\\n134\\n134\\n134\\n134\\n134\\n134\\n136\\n133\\n136\\n134\\n132\\n132\\n134\\n134\\n133\\n133\\n134\\n135\\n137\\n139\\n142\\n142\\n146\\n159\\nchoos\\n128\\n128\\n128\\n128\\n128\\n128\\n126\\n128\\n127\\n128\\n127\\n128\\n129\\n129\\n128\\n128\\n129\\n127\\n127\\n129\\n124\\n122\\n122\\n120\\n119\\n112\\ne, 147\\n30\\n2\\n29\\n30\\n3\\n30\\n29\\n4\\n31\\n30\\n5\\n32\\n30\\n6\\n33\\n29\\n7\\n34\\n28\\n8\\n35\\n28\\n9\\n36\\n28\\n10\\n37\\n28\\n11\\n38\\n29\\n13\\n39\\n30\\n13\\n40\\n32\\n14\\n41\\n32\\n15\\n42\\n30\\n16\\n43\\n30\\n17\\n44\\n30\\n18\\n45\\n32\\n19\\n46\\n31\\n20\\n47\\n29\\n21\\n48\\n30\\n22\\n49\\n30\\n23\\n50\\n28\\n24\\n51\\n29\\n25\\n52\\n27\\n26\\n53\\n21\\n27\\nNecessary to\\nThe nomination of Scott was made unanimous, and Will-\\niam A. Graham, of North Carolina, who was Secretary of\\nthe Navy under the Fillmore administration, was given a\\nunanimous nomination for Vice-President on the 2d bal-\\nlot. The following platform was adopted without opposi-\\ntion, excepting as to the eighth and last, affirming the new\\nand stringent Fugitive Slave law. After an earnest debate\\nit was adopted by a vote of 212 to 70. Many of the friends\\nof General Scott voted for that resolution from considera-\\ntions of expediency. General Scott in his letter of acceptance\\nbroadly affirmed the platform in its entirety.\\nThe Whigs of the United States, in convention assembled, ad-\\nhering to the great conservative principles by which they are con-\\ntrolled and governed, and now, as ever, relying upon the intelli-\\n121", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ngence of the American people, with an abiding confidence in their\\ncapacity for self-government, and their devotion to the Constitution\\nand the Union, do proclaim the following as the political senti-\\nments and determination for the establishment and maintenance of\\nwhich their national organization as a party was effected\\nFirst. The Government of the United States is of a limited char-\\nacter, and it is confined to the exercise of powers expressly granted\\nby the Constitution, and such as may be necessary and proper for\\ncarrying the granted powers into full execution, and that powers\\nnot granted or necessarily implied are reserved to the States respec-\\ntively and to the people.\\nSecond. The State governments should be held secure to their\\nreserved rights, and the General Government sustained on its con-\\nstitutional powers, and that the Union should be revered and watched\\nover as the palladium of our liberties.\\nThird. That while struggling freedom everywhere enlists the\\nwarmest sympathy of the Whig party, we still adhere to the doc-\\ntrines of the Father of his Country, as announced in his Farewell\\nAddress, of keeping ourselves free from all entangling alliances with\\nforeign countries, and of never quitting our own to stand upon\\nforeign ground that our mission as a republic is not to propagate\\nour opinions, or impose on other countries our forms of government\\nby artifice or force but to teach by example, and show by our suc-\\ncess, moderation and justice, the blessings of self-government and\\nthe advantage of free institutions.\\nFourth. That, as the people make and control the Government,\\nthey should obey its Constitution, laws, and treaties, as they would\\nretain their self-respect and the respect which they claim and will\\nenforce from foreign powers.\\nFifth. That the Government should be conducted on principles\\nof the strictest economy; and revenue sufficient for the expenses\\nthereof, in time of peace, ought to be mainly derived from a duty\\non imports, and not from direct taxes and in laying such duties\\nsound policy requires a just discrimination, and protection from\\nfraud by specific duties, when practicable, whereby suitable encour-\\nagement may be afforded to American industry, equally to all classes\\nand to all portions of the country.\\nSixth. The Constitution vests in Congress the power to open and\\nrepair harbors, and remove obstructions from navigable rivers,\\nwhenever such improvements are necessary for the common de-\\nfence and for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign\\nnations or among the States said improvements being in every\\ninstance national and general in their character.\\nSeventh. The Federal and State governments are parts of one\\nsystem, alike necessary for the common prosperity, peace and secu-\\nrity, and ought to be regarded alike with a cordial, habitual, and\\nimmovable attachment. Respect for the authority of each, ape\\nacquiescence in the just constitutional measures of each, are duties\\nrequired by the plainest considerations of national, State and indi-\\nvidual welfare.\\nEighth. That the series of acts of the Thirty-second Congress,\\nthe act known as the Fugitive Slave law included, are received anc\\nacquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settle-\\nment in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting ques-\\n122", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ntions which they embrace; and, so far as they are concerned, we\\nwill maintain them, and insist upon their strict enforcement, until\\ntime and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legis-\\nlation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand and\\nthe abuse of their powers on the other, not impairing their present\\nefficiency; and we deprecate all further agitation of the question\\nthus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance\\nall efforts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2or however the attempt may be made; and we will maintain this\\nsystem as essential to the nationality of the Whig party and the\\nintegrity of the Union.\\nThe Compromise Measures were pressed upon the country\\nas a finality, and the Democrats, with all of the Southern\\nWhigs and many Northern Whigs, accepted them as such.\\nHad the Pierce administration permitted the slave issue to\\nrest on the Compromise Measures, it is probable that the\\nbirth of the Republican party would have been long post-\\nponed, but the repeal of the Missouri Compromise gave fresh\\nvitality to the slavery dispute and quickened the antislavery\\nsentiment of the country to the aggressive battle that culmi-\\nnated in the election of Lincoln in i860.\\nThe Free-Soil Democrats called a national convention to\\nmeet at Pittsburg on the nth of August, over which Henry\\nWilson, of Massachusetts, presided. John P. Hale, of New\\nHampshire, was nominated for President, and George W.\\nJulian, of Indiana, for Vice-President without the formality\\nof a ballot. The following platform was adopted\\nHaving assembled in national convention as the Democracy of the\\nUnited States united by a common resolve to maintain right against\\nwrong and freedom against slavery; confiding in the intelligence,\\npatriotism, and discriminating justice of the American people;\\nputting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and invok-\\ning His guidance in our endeavors to advance it we now submit\\nto the candid judgment of all men the following declaration of prin-\\nciples and measures\\n1. That governments deriving their just powers from the consent\\nof the governed are instituted among men to secure to all those\\nunalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness with\\nwhich they are endowed by their Creator, and of which none can\\nbe deprived by valid legislation, except for crime.\\n2. That^ the true mission of American Democracy is to maintain\\nthe liberties of the people, the sovereignty of the States, and the\\nperpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application to public af-\\nfairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fundamental prin-\\nciples of human rights, strict justice, and an economical adminis-\\ntration.\\n3. That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived\\nsolely from the Constitution, and the grants of power therein ought\\n123", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nto be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the Gov-\\nernment, and it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful\\nconstitutional powers.\\n4 That the Constitution of the United States, ordained to form\\na more perfect Union, to establish justice, and secure the blessings\\nof liberty, expressly denies to the General Government all power\\nto deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process\\nof law; and, therefore, the Government, having no more power to\\nmake a slave than to make a king, and no more power to establish\\nslavery than to establish a monarchy, should at once proceed\\nto relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of slavery\\nwherever it possesses constitutional power to legislate tor its\\ne Y n That to the persevering and importunate demand of the slave\\npower for more Slave States, new Slave Territories, and the nation-\\nalization of slavery, our distinct and final answer is: No more Slave\\nStates, no Slave Territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national\\nlegislation for the extradition of slaves.\\n6 That slavery is a sin against God and a crime against man\\nwhich no human enactment or usage can make right; and that\\nChristianity, humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition\\n7 That the Fugitive Slave act of 1850 is repugnant to the Con-\\nstitution, to the principles of the common law to the .spirit of\\nChristianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world. We\\ntherefore deny its binding force upon the American people, and\\ndemand its immediate and total repeal. v nnf\\n8 That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not\\nsubject to modification or repeal, is not in acco rdance with the\\ncreed of the founders of our Government, and is dangerous to the\\nliberties of the people. c\\no That the acts of Congress known as the Compromise Meas-\\nures of 1850\u00e2\u0080\u0094 bv making the admission of a sovereign State con-\\ntingent upon the adoption of other measures demanded by the spe-\\ncial Merest of slavery; by their omission to guarantee freedom in\\nthe Free Territories; by their attempt to impose unconstitutional\\nlimitatTons on the power of Congress and the people to admit new\\nStates- by their provisions for the assumption of five millions of\\nthe State debt of Texas, and for the payment of five millions more\\nand the cession of a large territory to the same State under menace\\naV an inducement to the relinquishment of a groundless claim and\\nby the? in\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 of the sovereignty of the States and the liberties\\nof the people, through the enactment of an unjust, oppressive and\\nSnconstitutional Fugitive Slave law-are proved to be inconsistent\\nwith all the principles and maxims of Democracy and wholly inad-\\nequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed\\nto Tha^ U o St p m e e rmanent settlement of the slavery _\u00c2\u00ab!-**\u00c2\u00ab |tt\\nlooked for except in the practical recognition of the truth that\\nslavery is sectional and freedom national by the total separation\\nof the General Government from slavery, and the exercise of its\\nlegitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom, and\\nbv leaving to the States the whole subject of slavery and the extra-\\nrlition of fugitives from service.\\n1\u00c2\u00b0 That 111 men have a natural right to a portion of the soil;\\n124", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nand that, as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of\\nall men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself.\\n12. That the public lands of the United States belong to the\\npeople, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to cor-\\nporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the\\npeople, and should be granted in limited quantities, free of cost, to\\nlandless settlers.\\n13. That a due regard for the Federal Constitution and a sound\\nadministrative policy demands that the funds of the General Gov-\\nernment be kept separate from banking institutions that inland and\\nocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point; that\\nno more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the\\nstrictly necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the\\npublic debt; and that the power and patronage of the Government\\nshould be diminished, by the abolition of all unnecessary offices,\\nsalaries, and privileges, and by the election, by the people, of all\\ncivil officers in the service of the United States, so far as may be\\nconsistent with the prompt and efficient transaction of the public\\nbusiness.\\n14. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the\\nsafety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations or among\\nthe several States, are objects of national concern; and it is the\\nduty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to pro-\\nvide for the same.\\n15. That emigrants and exiles from the Old World should find\\na cordial welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in\\nthe New; and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming\\ncitizens and owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with in-\\nflexible determination.\\n16. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its\\nown government, and to administer its own concerns, in such a\\nmanner as may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of\\nthe people and foreign interference with that right is a dangerous\\nviolation of the laws of nations, against which all independent gov-\\nernments should protest, and endeavor by all proper means to pre-\\nvent and especially is it the duty of the American Government,\\nrepresenting the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and\\nby all proper means to prevent, the intervention of kings and em-\\nperors against nations seeking to establish for themselves repub-\\nlican or constitutional governments.\\n17. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognized\\nour Government, and our commercial relations with it placed on\\nfooting of the most favored nation.\\n18. That as, by the Constitution, the citizens of each State shall\\nbe entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the\\nseveral States, the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other\\nStates, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port, and re-\\nfusing the exercise of the right to bring such cases before the Su-\\npreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such pro-\\nceedings, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and an invasion\\nof the rights of the citizens of other States, utterly inconsistent\\nwith the professions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the\\nprovisions of the Constitution faithfully observed by every State in\\nthe Union.\\n125", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0173.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n19. That we recommend the introduction into all treaties here-\\nafter to be negotiated between the United States and foreign\\nnations, of some provision for the amicable settlement of difficulties\\nby a resort to decisive arbitration.\\n20. That the Free Democratic party is not organized to aid either\\nthe Whig or the Democratic wing of the great slave-compromise\\nparty of the nation, but to defeat them both and that, repudiating\\nand renouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and utterly unworthy of\\nconfidence, the purpose of the Free Democracy is to take possession\\nof the Federal Government, and administer it for the better pro-\\ntection of the rights and interests of the whole people.\\n21. That we inscribe on our banner, Free soil, free speech, free\\nlabor, and free men and under it will fight on and fight ever\\nuntil a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.\\n22. That upon this platform the convention presents to the Ameri-\\ncan people as a candidate for the office of President of the United\\nStates, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the\\noffice of Vice-President of the United States, George W. Julian, of\\nIndiana, and earnestly commends them to the support of all free\\nmen and all parties.\\nThe contest of 1852 was a hopeless one for the Whigs\\nfrom the start. General Scott had great faith in his own\\nelection, but he stood almost entirely alone in that confidence.\\nAfter the disastrous October elections he took the stump\\nagainst the advice of his more discreet friends, and delivered\\na number of campaign speeches, which are now remembered\\nchiefly because of his flattery to the foreign vote, compli-\\nmenting the rich Irish brogue and the sweet German\\naccent of many of his supporters. The result was that\\nPierce, a man who had never been discussed for the Presi-\\ndency, but had been brought out as the dark horse at\\nthe national convention, carried every State in the Union\\nbut four Massachusetts and Vermont, in the North, and\\nKentucky and Tennessee, in the South. The following is\\nthe popular and electoral vote", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0174.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts..\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina*\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nFlorida\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nTexas\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\nTennessee\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nIowa\\nCalifornia\\nTotals\\nPopular Vote.\\n41,609\\n29,997\\n13,044\\n44,569\\n8,735\\n33,249\\n262,083\\n44,305\\n198,568\\n6,318\\n40,020\\n73,858\\n39,744\\n34,705\\n26,881\\n4,318\\n26,876\\n18,647\\n13,552\\n12,179\\n38,353\\n57,018\\n53,806\\n169,220\\n41,842\\n95,340\\n80,597\\n33,658\\n17,763\\n40,626\\n1,601,274\\nco\\na 1\\n32,543\\n16,147\\n22,173\\n52,683\\n7,626\\n30,357\\n234,882\\n38,556\\n179,174\\n6,293\\n35,066\\n58,572\\n39,058\\n16,660\\n15,038\\n2,875\\n17,548\\n17,255\\n4,995\\n7,404\\n29,984\\n58,898\\n57,068\\n152,526\\n33,859\\n80,901\\n64,934\\n22,240\\n15,856\\n35,407\\n1,386,580\\nH M\\nO\\n8,030\\n6,695\\n8,621\\n28,023\\n644\\n3,160\\n25,329\\n350\\n8,525\\n62\\n54\\n31,682\\n7,237\\n6,929\\n9,966\\n8,814\\n1,604\\n100\\n155,825\\nElectors.\\nOh\\n4\\n6\\n35\\n7\\n27-\\n3\\n8\\n15\\n10\\n8\\n10\\n9\\n3\\n7\\n6\\n4\\n4\\n9\\n23\\n6\\n13\\n11\\n5\\n4\\n4\\n254\\nCO\\n5\\n13\\n12\\n12\\n42\\nChosen by Legislature.\\nPresident Pierce could have had a tranquil administration\\nand generally maintained sectional peace if he had not\\nwantonly reopened the slavery issue by assenting to the\\nrepeal of the Missouri Compromise and making it a Demo-\\ncratic measure. Kansas and Nebraska, which were north\\n127", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0175.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nof the Missouri line, whose territory had been solemnly\\ndedicated to freedom by the Missouri Compromise of 1820,\\nthat admitted Missouri as a Slave State, were coveted by\\nthe slavery extensionists, and they decided not only against\\nthe solemnly plighted faith of the nation, but, in disregard\\nof climatic objections, to force slavery in both of those\\nTerritories and make them Slave States. The slavery propa-\\ngandists had failed to gather any substantial fruits for\\nslavery from our Mexican acquisitions, and in the despera-\\ntion of the suicide they resolved to force slavery into Kansas\\nand Nebraska by a system of violence that was generally\\ndescribed at that time as border ruffianism, and that\\nmade the name of John Brown immortal.\\nThe repeal of the Missouri Compromise was the beginning\\nof the end of slavery. It was noticed that there could be no\\npeace with Northern industry and progress advancing\\nrapidly and hastening the formation of new States, while\\nthe South was standing still. A number of new and very\\nable men had been called into the political arena by the\\nslavery agitation. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, and Charles\\nSumner, of Massachusetts, were both elected to the Senate\\nby a solid Democratic vote, united with the Free Soilers of\\ntheir respective Legislatures. Henry Wilson, the Natick\\nCobbler. had become more potent in Massachusetts than\\nwas Webster at the time of his death and the antislavery\\nsentiment was visibly and speedily growing toward immense\\nproportions.\\nThe Y\\\\ nig party made its final battle in 1852, although\\nit was nominally in the field in 1856, and a new party was\\ncreated out of the odds and ends of the old Native American\\nparty. Opposition to Catholics had been intensified by\\nPierce appointing Judge Campbell, of Philadelphia. Post-\\nmaster-General. He was a very able and faithful Cabinet\\nofficer, and there was no pretence that his religious views\\nin any way influenced his official appointments, but it revived\\nthe embers of Native Americanism, and the great mass of\\nthe Whigs, who knew that the Whig party had practically\\nperished, and the antislavery Democrats were without\\npolitical vocations. They were like the Federalists who\\nfirst found refuge in anti-Masonry, and with anti-Masonry\\nafterward found refuge in the Whig party. The result was\\nthe very rapid spread of the new American, or what was\\ncommonly called the Know-Nothing party, with secret\\n128", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0176.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nlodges and its members all sworn not to divulge the move-\\nments of the organization and to vote for its nominated\\ncandidates. It exhibited wonderful strength in many locali-\\nties early in 1854, and it was not uncommon in local elections,\\nwhen the vote was counted, to find that all the officers\\nelected were unknown to the public as candidates. Its first\\nimportant triumph was in the municipal election of Phila-\\ndelphia in May, 1854, when Judge Conrad, candidate of the\\nWhigs and secret candidate of the Know-Nothings, was\\nelected Mayor by an overwhelming majority.\\nThe Democrats lost a large number of their ablest men\\non the slavery issue, provoked to defection by the repeal of\\nthe Missouri Compromise, and it was evident that the party\\nwould be divided in the next national campaign; but the\\nvarious elements of opposition were even more incongruous\\nand had little prospect of anything approaching the unity\\nnecessary to succeed. Pierce, like Fillmore, Polk, and\\nTyler, was a candidate for re-election, but failed disas-\\ntrously in his own convention after wielding the power of\\nhis position to the uttermost, and his administration ended\\nwith the country rent by sectional feuds and gravely threat-\\nened with fraternal war.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0177.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "THE BUCHANAN-FREMONT-FILL-\\nMORE CONTEST\\n1856\\nThe Presidential battle of 1856, that gave Pennsylvania\\nher only President in James Buchanan, is memorable chiefly\\nbecause it dated the birth of the Republican party as a\\nnational organization, that was destined to conduct the great-\\nest civil war of modern history, to abolish slavery, maintain\\nits power uninterruptedly for a quarter of a century, and to\\nwrite the most lustrous chapters in the annals of the Repub-\\nlic.\\nThe Democrats were greatly demoralized by the repeal of\\nthe Missouri Compromise, and they suffered the aggressive\\ndefection of a number of Democratic leaders with large\\npopular following, but the various shades of opposition to\\nthe Democracy were even more hopelessly divided. The\\nDemocrats had the advantage of being able to command a\\nsolid vote from the South on a square slavery issue, and they\\nreasonably hoped that they could hold enough States in the\\nNorth to give them success. Buchanan had been abroad as\\nMinister during the troublesome times of the Pierce adminis-\\ntration, and he returned just in good time to make the most\\nout of the disturbed situation that confronted him. The re-\\nnomination and re-election of Pierce were hopeless. Cass\\nhad been defeated by the people and suffered repeated de-\\nfeats in national conventions. Buchanan thus had a strong\\nlead for the Presidential nomination, and he was most for-\\ntunate in having the accomplished, devoted, and tireless\\nColonel Forney to manage his campaign, not only for the\\nnomination, but to direct the national contest in the few\\nNorthern States which could be held to the Democratic flag.\\nThe Southern leaders had absolute confidence in Bu-\\nchanan, and they were entirely justified in their faith. He\\n130", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0178.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "JAMES BUCHANAN", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0179.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0180.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nhad been a Federal member of Congress in early days, and\\nlater entered the Democratic party with all the strict con-\\nstruction ideas of Federalism, which were then in harmony\\nwith the Democratic policy as applied to the slavery issue.\\nHe was the logical Democratic candidate for President in\\n1856; and President Pierce, an utterly impossible candidate,\\nas it was known that he never could command the necessary\\ntwo-thirds vote in the convention, was his only serious com-\\npetitor when the balloting began.\\nThe Democratic National Convention met in Cincinnati\\non the 26. of June, with full delegations from every State, and\\ntwo contesting delegations from New York and Missouri.\\nThe quarrel between the factions in both States was intensely\\nbitter. The opposing factions of New York were known as\\nthe Hards, who were a spawn of the old Hunkers, and the\\nSofts, who took the place of the Barnburners. The Mis-\\nsouri delegations were known as the Bentonites and the Reg-\\nulars, the Bentonites having lost the control of the party or-\\nganization in the State. The convention solved the problem\\nby admitting both delegations from each State, and giving\\neach delegate only half a vote. John E. Ward, of Georgia,\\nwas made the permanent president, and the two-thirds rule\\nwas reaffirmed without a contest.\\nIt was at this convention that Stephen A. Douglas first\\ndeveloped as an aggressive candidate for President, and as\\nhe had led the battle for the repeal of the Missouri Com-\\npromise, he was in harmony with the Pierce administration.\\nAs will be seen by the ballots, his strength was almost wholly\\ngiven to Pierce until Pierce s unavailability was clearly es-\\ntablished, when the Pierce vote was mostly transferred to\\nDouglas. The following table presents the 17 ballots in\\ndetail, resulting in the nomination of Buchanan\\nBALLOTS.\\nl\\n2\\n3\\n4\\n5\\n6\\na\\n\u00c2\u00abS\\nEfl\\nc\\nc\u00c2\u00ab\\n03\\nu\\nA\\nbe\\n3\\n3\\nPQ\\nPh\\nQ\\n135\\n122\\n33\\n139\\n119K\\n^A\\n139^\\n119\\n32\\n141^\\n119\\n30\\n140\\n119K\\n31\\n155\\n11%\\n28\\n5\\n6\\n5K\\n131", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0181.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nBALLOTS.\\np\\ncd\\nC\\n3\\no\\nO\\n35\\nHi\\nO\\nP\\n00\\n03\\no\\n7\\n143^\\n146\\n150K\\n147^\\n148\\n150\\n152^\\n168^\\n168\\n296\\n89\\n87\\n87\\n80^\\n80\\n79\\n75\\n58\\n56\\n56\\n59^\\n63\\n63^\\n63\\n63\\n118K\\n121\\n8\\n9\\n7\\n10\\n5K\\n$A\\n4K\\n6\\n11\\n12\\n13\\n14\\n15\\n16\\n17\\nAs Buchanan was from the North, the Vice-Presidency\\nwas conceded to the South, and io candidates were placed in\\nnomination. The ist ballot resulted as follows:\\nJ. A. Quitman, Miss 59\\nLinn Boyd, Ky 33\\nA. V. Brown, Tenn 29\\nJ. A. Bayard, Del 31\\nT. J. Rusk, Texas 2\\nJ. C. Breckenridge, Ky 55\\nB. Fitzpatrick, Ala 11\\nH. V. Johnson, Ga 31\\nTrusten Polk, Mo 5\\nJ. C. Dobbin, N. C 13\\nWhen the 2d ballot was called, a number of the candi-\\ndates had their names withdrawn, and Mr. Breckenridge\\nw T as given a unanimous nomination. He was the idol of the\\nyoung Democracy of the South, having won his spurs by two\\nof the most remarkable Congressional campaigns in the his-\\ntory of Kentucky, in which he had defeated Governor\\nLetcher and Leslie Combs, two of the ablest of the old Clay\\nleaders in the Ashland district. His success was due entirely\\nto his own personal popularity. QTe was not only one of the\\nablest of all the Breckenridges, but he was a most accom-\\nplished, genial, and delightful companion, and his nomina-\\ntion greatly strengthened the Democratic ticket in all sec-\\ntions of the country. ]J\\nThe platform was finally adopted without a contest. It\\nrecited first the preamble adopted in 1844, followed by ten\\nresolutions from other previous platforms, embracing the\\nfirst five of 1840, and others embracing the Democratic views\\non the proceeds of the public land; in opposition to a na-\\n132", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0182.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ntional bank in favor of the subtreasury system in support\\nof the veto power, and opposing any new limitations upon/\\nnaturalization. To these the following new resolutions were\\nadded\\nAnd whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly\\nadopted by our predecessors in national convention, an adverse\\npolitical and religious test has been secretly organized by a party\\nclaiming to be exclusively American, and it is proper that the Ameri-\\ncan Democracy should clearly define its relations thereto, and de-\\nclare its determined opposition to all secret political societies, by\\nwhatever name they may be called\\nResolved, That the foundation of this Union of States having been\\nlaid in, and its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent example of\\nfree government built upon entire freedom in matters of religious\\nconcernment, and no respect of persons in regard to rank or place\\nor birth, no party can be justly deemed national, constitutional, or\\nin accordance with American principles which bases its exclusive\\norganization upon religious opinions and accidental birthplace. And\\nhence a political crusade in the nineteenth century, and in the United\\nStates of America, against Catholics and foreign-born, is neither\\njustified by the past history nor future prospects of the country, nor\\nin unison with the spirit of toleration and enlightened freedom\\nwhich peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular\\ngovernment.\\nResolved, That we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose the\\nwell-considered declarations of former conventions upon the sec-\\ntional issue of domestic slavery and concerning the reserved rights\\nof the States\\ni. That Congress has no power under the Constitution to inter-\\nfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States,\\nand that all such States are the sole and proper judges of everything\\nappertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Constitution;\\nthat all efforts of the Abolitionists or others made to induce Congress\\nto interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in\\nrelation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and\\ndangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable\\ntendency to diminish the happiness of the people and endanger the\\nstability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be coun-\\ntenanced by any friend of our political institutions.\\n2. That the foregoing covers, and was intended to embrace, the\\nwhole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the\\nDemocratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform,\\nwill abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known\\nas the Compromise Measures, settled by the Congress of 1850, the\\nact for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included which\\nact, being designed to carry out an express provision of the Con-\\nstitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as\\nto destroy or impair its efficiency.\\n3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing,\\nin Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under\\nwhatever shape or color the attempt may be made.\\n4. The Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the\\n133", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0183.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nprinciple laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1797\\nand 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legisla-\\nture in 1799; that it adopts these principles as constituting one of\\nthe main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry\\nthem out in their obvious meaning and import.\\nAnd that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a\\nsectional party, subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation, now re-\\nlies to test the fidelity of the people, North and South, to the Con-\\nstitution and the Union\\n1. Resolved, That, claiming fellowship with and desiring the co-\\noperation of all w r ho regard the preservation of the Union under\\nthe Constitution as the paramount issue, and repudiating all sec-\\ntional issues and platforms concerning domestic slavery which seek\\nto embroil the States and incite to treason and armed resistance to\\nlaw in the Territories, and whose avowed purpose, if consummated,\\nmust end in civil war and disunion, the American Democracy rec-\\nognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws estab-\\nlishing the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas as embodying the\\nonly sound and safe solution of the slavery question, upon which the\\ngreat national idea of the people of this whole country can repose\\nin its determined conservation of the Union, and non-interference\\nof Congress with slavery in the Territories or in the District of\\nColumbia.\\n2. That this was the basis of the compromise of 1850, confirmed\\nby both the Democratic and Whig parties in national conventions,\\nratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to\\nthe organization of the Territories in 1854.\\n3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic principle\\nto the organization of Territories, and the admission of new States\\nwith or without domestic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights\\nof all the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the\\nConstitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and expan-\\nsion of the Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, in\\npeace and harmony, every future American State that may be con-\\nstituted or annexed with a republican form of government.\\nResolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the\\nTerritories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the\\nlegally and fairly expressed will of the majority of the actual resi-\\ndents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it,\\nto form a constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and be\\nadmitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the\\nother States.\\nResolved, Finally, that in view of the condition of popular in-\\nstitutions in the Old World (and the dangerous tendencies of sec-\\ntional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and\\nreligious disabilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying\\ncitizenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty is devolved,\\nwith increased responsibility, upon the Democratic party of this\\ncountry, as the party of the Union, to uphold and maintain the\\nrights of every State, and thereby the Union of the States and to\\nsustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, by continuing\\nto resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of\\nthe few at the expense of the many and by a vigilant and constant\\nadherence to those principles and compromises of the Constitution\\n134", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0184.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwhich are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold\\nthe Union as it was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall\\nbe, in the full expansion of the energies and capacity of this great\\nand progressive people.\\ni. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign\\npolicy of this country which are inferior to no domestic question\\nwhatever. The time has come for the people of the United States\\nto declare themselves in favor of free seas, and progressive free\\ntrade throughout the world, and by solemn manifestations to place\\ntheir moral influence at the side of their successful example.\\n2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position with\\nreference to the other States of this continent, no less than the in-\\nterest of our commerce and the development of our growing power,\\nrequires that we should hold sacred the principles involved in the\\nMonroe Doctrine. Their bearing and import admit of no miscon-\\nstruction, and should be applied with unbending rigidity.\\n3. Resolved, That the great highway, which nature as well as\\nthe assent of States most immediately interested in its maintenance\\nhas marked out for free communication between the Atlantic and the\\nPacific oceans, constitutes one of the most important achievements\\nrealized by the spirit of modern times, in the unconquerable energy\\nof our people; and that result would be secured by a timely and\\nefficient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim\\nover it and no power on earth should be suffered to impede or clog\\nits progress by any interference with relations that it may suit our\\npolicy to establish between our Government and the governments of\\nthe States within whose dominions it lies. We can, under no circum-\\nstances, surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all ques-\\ntions arising out of it.\\n4. Resolved, That, in view of so commanding an interest, the\\npeople of the United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts\\nwhich are being made by the people of Central America to regen-\\nerate that portion of the continent which covers the passage across\\nthe inter-oceanic isthmus.\\n5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect of the next\\nadministration that every proper effort be made to insure our as-\\ncendancy in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain permanent pro-\\ntection to the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters\\nthe products raised out of the soil and the commodities created by\\nthe industry of the people of our Western valleys and of the Union\\nat large.\\nResolved, That the administration of Franklin Pierce has been\\ntrue to Democratic principles, and therefore true to the great inter-\\nests of the country. In the face of violent opposition he has main-\\ntained the laws at home, and vindicated the rights of American\\ncitizens abroad and therefore we proclaim our unqualified admira-\\ntion of his measures and policy.\\nWhen Buchanan was nominated for President everything\\nindicated his election by a very large majority and without\\na serious struggle. It was evident to all that the antislavery\\nsentiment was making rapid strides in the North. The\\nDemocrats felt certain of a solid vote in the South, and they\\n135", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0185.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ndid not regard it as possible for the Republican party to\\nunite the American and conservative Whig elements to\\nsufficient extent to enable it to make a hopeful contest\\nin Pennsylvania, New York, and the Western Democratic\\nStates but very soon after the meeting of the first Repub-\\nlican National Convention the new party grew with such\\nrapidity that the Democratic leaders finally looked the fact\\nin the face that they had a very desperate and doubtful\\ncontest before them.\\nThe Republican party first appeared in the political arena\\nin 1854. It had then a small organization in New York\\nState, and cast a sufficient number of votes to elect Clark,\\nthe Whig candidate, for Governor, over Seymour, the\\nDemocratic candidate, who lost the Governorship by 309\\nmajority. I was at the cradle of the Republican party was\\na delegate to its first State convention, held in Pittsburg,\\nPenn., in 1855. It was a mass convention, composed of\\na loose aggregation of political free-thinkers, but a number\\nof very able men, including Giddings and Bingham, of\\nOhio, and^Allison, of Pennsylvania, who presided, delivered\\naddresses.c.There was but one State office to fill in Pennsyl-\\nvania, that of Canal Commissioner. The convention was\\nmade up very largely of the aggressive Abolition element\\nof the State, small in number, but bold and. assertive in\\naction, as was shown by the spontaneous nomination of\\nPassmore Williamson, who was then in prison for contempt\\nof court in a fugitive slave case. The nomination was\\nresented by all the conservative Whigs and by the Ameri-\\ncans, and without the votes of those parties the Republican\\norganization could not carry a township in the State.\\nWilliamson was finally persuaded to retire, and the Whig,\\nAmerican, and Republican committees united on Thomas\\nNicholson, of Beaver, but the elements were too discordant,\\nand the State was lost by some 12,000.\\nI was a delegate to the first Republican National Conven-\\ntion, that met in Philadelphia on the 17th of June, 1856. It\\nwas also a mass convention, as the party had no organization,\\nand States sent large or small delegations as was most\\nconvenient. I went to the convention, hoping to aid in\\nthe nomination of Judge McLean for President, who was\\nsufficiently conservative to command both the Whig and\\nAmerican votes, and I had no faith whatever in the success\\nof a distinctive Republican candidate and party. I was\\n136", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0186.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nsurprised to find the Republicans of New England and of\\nNew York who were attending the convention in favor of\\na radical Republican policy, and I was so much dissatisfied\\nwith the evident outcome of the convention that, although\\nI attended its first session, I did not enroll as a delegate,\\nand did not participate in any of its important proceedings.\\nI well remember meeting Mr. Greeley among the first of\\nthose who came to the convention, and wondered how he\\nhad lost all his political cunning when he told me, in the\\nmost enthusiastic way, that Fremont would carry New York\\nby 50,000 majority, and that the Republican party would be\\nsufficiently strong to win the battle without any concessions\\nwhatever to the other elements opposed to the Democratic\\nparty. I had no faith in Fremont, either as a candidate or\\nas a President. I shared the general conservative Whig\\nsentiment of Pennsylvania that the Republican convention\\nin nominating Fremont on a square-toed Republican plat-\\nform was altogether too wild and woolley in flavor to\\nwin at the election. Greeley was mistaken as to New York\\nonly in making the Republican majority one-third less than\\nit turned up on election night, when Fremont had nearly as\\nmany votes as Buchanan and Fillmore combined.\\nThe nomination of Fremont was engineered by some of\\nthe shrewdest of the old Democratic leaders, most conspicu-\\nous of whom was the elder Francis P. Blair, who had been\\none of the most sagacious of the Democratic politicians\\nduring the administrations of Jackson, Van Buren, and\\nPolk. They believed it best to take a candidate for the\\nPresidency who had no political record whatever to antago-\\nnize the conflicting political views which must be united to\\ngive the party success and Fremont was young, had served\\nin the army with credit, had made what then were regarded\\nas wonderful explorations in the Rocky Mountains, and had\\nthe distinction of having been forced to retire from the\\narmy for what was claimed to have been conspicuously\\nheroic and patriotic action on his part. He had never said\\nanything or done anything to offend any political prejudice.\\nIt turned out that he was strongest where he was least\\nknown. The old California Forty-niners, who were back in\\nPennsylvania, and some of them prominent in politics, did\\nnot enthuse over Fremont s nomination. I distinctly recollect\\nthe trite summing up of Fremont s qualities by one who had\\nbeen with him in California by saying Fremont is a\\n137", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0187.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nmillionaire without a dollar, a soldier who never fought a\\nbattle, and a statesman who never made a speech but that\\nhis nomination was altogether the strongest that could have\\nbeen made in the Philadelphia convention cannot be doubted\\nby any who study the history of that contest and the marvel-\\nlous political revolution it wrought. Henry S. Lane, of In-\\ndiana, presided over the convention, and a single ballot was\\nhad for President, as follows:\\nSTATES.\\n7re~:-:\\n_\\nMaine\\n13\\n15\\n15\\n39\\n12\\n15\\n93\\n10\\n4\\n30\\n:s\\n14\\nIS\\n15\\n12\\n5\\n13\\n11\\nMassac -use\\n3\\nPe 5vlva ia\\n14\\n71\\nC\\n9\\n3\\n39\\nT _\\n21\\nIlli-ois\\n19\\nV-\\nWisconsin\\nIowa\\nr. ^_._,\\n3\\nKansas\\n3\\nCalifornia\\nTotal*;\\n359\\n:^o\\nThe nomination of Fremont was made unanimous with\\ngreat enthusiasm, and there was only one ballot for V: re-\\nPresident, resulting as follows\\nWilliam L. Dayton, N. J. 859\\n*Abraham Lincoln, 111 110\u00c2\u00ab\\nX. 3mk=. Vi== 46\\nDavid Wilmot, Penn 43\\nCharles Sumner, Mass 35\\nT a::: C:l .a~ er. 15\\nJohn A. King, X. Y 9\\nS. C. Pomeroy, Kan 8\\nhomas Ford, Ohio 7\\nHenry Wilson, Mass 5\\nCassius M. Clay. Ky 4\\nHenry C. Carey, Penn. 3\\nWm. F. Johnston* Penn 2\\n138", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0188.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nMr. Dayton was then declared the nominee of the conven-\\ntion by a unanimous vote, and the following platform was\\nadopted\\nThis convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call\\naddressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past\\npolitical differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of\\nthe Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present administra-\\ntion, to the extension of slavery into Free Territory in favor of\\nadmitting Kansas as a Free State, of restoring the action of the\\nFederal Government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson\\nand who purpose to unite in presenting candidates for the offices of\\nPresident and Vice-President, do resolve as follows\\nResolved, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in\\nthe Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Con-\\nstitution is essential to the preservation of our republican institu-\\ntions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and\\nthe union of the States, shall be preserved.\\nResolved, That with our republican fathers we hold it to be a\\nself-evident truth, that all men are endowed with the unalienable\\nrights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the\\nprimary object and ulterior designs of our Federal Government were\\nto secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction;\\nthat, as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in\\nall our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived\\nof life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes\\nour duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all\\nattempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any\\nTerritory of the United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting\\nits existence or extension therein. That we deny the authority of\\nCongress, of a Territorial Legislature, of any individual or associa-\\ntion of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Terri-\\ntory of the United States while the present Constitution shall be\\nmaintained.\\nResolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign\\npower over the Territories of the United States, for their govern-\\nment, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and\\nthe duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics\\nof barbarism, polygamy and slavery.\\nResolved, That while the Constitution of the United States was\\nordained and established by the people in order to form a more\\nperfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro-\\nvide for the common defence, and secure the blessings of liberty,\\nand contains ample provision for the protection of the life, liberty,\\nand property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of\\nthe people of Kansas have been -fraudulently and violently taken\\nfrom them their territory has been invaded by an armed force\\nspurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive officers\\nhave been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sustained by\\nthe military power of the Government, tyrannical and unconstitu-\\ntional laws have been enacted and enforced the rights of the\\npeople to keep and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of\\n139", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0189.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nan extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed as a\\ncondition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office; the\\nright of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an im-\\npartial jury has been denied; the right of the people to be secure\\nin their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable\\nsearches and seizures has been violated; they have been deprived\\nof life, liberty, and property without due process of law; that the\\nfreedom of speech and of the press has been abridged; the right to\\nchoose their representatives has been made of no effect; murders 1\\nrobberies, and arsons have been instigated and encouraged, and the\\noffenders have been allowed to go unpunished; that all these things\\nhave been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of\\nthe present administration; and that for this high crime against the\\nConstitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the adminis: ra-\\ntion, the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and\\naccessories, either before or after the fact, before the country and\\nbefore the world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual\\nperpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a\\nsure and condign punishment hereafter.\\nResolved, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State\\nof the Union, with her present free Constitution, as at once the\\nmost effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the\\nrights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the\\ncivil strife now raging in her territory.\\nResolved, That the highwayman s plea, that might makes right,\\nembodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of\\nAmerican diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any\\ngovernment or people that gave it their sanction.\\nResolved, That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, by the most central\\nand practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of the\\nwhole country, and that the Federal Government ought to render\\nimmediate and efficient aid in its construction; and, as an auxiliary\\nthereto, the. immediate construction of an emigrant route on the line\\nof the railroad.\\nResolved, That appropriations by Congress for the improvement\\nof rivers and harbors, of a national character, required for the ac-\\ncommodation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized\\nby the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of Government\\nto protect the lives and property of its citizens.\\nThe American or Know-Xothing party had become the\\nleading factor of the opposition elements to Democracy in the\\nelections of 1854-55. In some sections the Whig party was\\nentirely obliterated, and in the South there was no organiza-\\ntion opposed to Democracy but the American. The cardinal\\nprinciple of its faith was that Americans must rule\\nAmerica. and its reposition to the Catholic Church was pos-\\nitive and pronounced. It had gravitated from the original\\nNative -Americans of 1844 i nto tne Order of United Ameri-\\ncans, and it coalesce a with the remnants of the Whig party\\n14.0", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0190.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nand with the antiadministration Democrats in most of the\\nNorthern States. It had reached about its highest measure\\nof strength in 1855, chiefly because of its strong hold in the\\nSouth. In New England and the far Western States the\\nAmericans had been very generally absorbed in the Repub-\\nlican organization when the battle opened for the Presidency\\nin 1856.\\nThe American National Council was called to meet in Phil-\\nadelphia on the 19th of February, 1856, and nearly all the\\nStates were represented. The Council was a secret body, in\\naccordance with the usages of the party. After three days\\nof animated discussion it adopted a party platform, and on\\nthe 226. of February the Council adjourned and organized\\nthe American National Nominating Convention. Ephraim\\nMarsh, of New Jersey, was made president. An earnest\\neffort was made in the convention to antagonize the right of\\nthe National Council to make the platform for the party.\\nMr. Killinger, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution, declar-\\ning that the Council had no authority to prescribe a platform\\nof principles, and that the convention should nominate no\\nman for President or Vice-President who is not in favor of\\ninterdicting the introduction of slavery into territory North\\n36 30 by Congressional action, but his proposition failed\\nby a vote of 141 to 59. The failure of this resolution led to\\nthe retirement from the convention of the more pronounced\\nantislavery delegates or North Americans, as they were\\ncalled. The convention then proceeded to ballot for Presi-\\ndent as follows\\nM. Fillmore, New York\\nGeorge Law, New York\\nGarrett Davis, Kentucky\\nJohn McLean, Ohio\\nR. F. Stockton, New Jersey\\nSam. Houston, Texas\\nJohn Bell, Tennessee\\nKenneth Raynor, North Carolina\\nErastus Brooks, New York\\nLewis D. Campbell, Ohio\\nJohn M. Clayton, Delaware\\n1st\\n2d\\nBallot.\\nBallot.\\n71\\n179\\n27\\n24\\n13\\n10\\n7\\n13\\n8\\n6\\n3\\n5\\n2\\n14\\n2\\n1\\n1\\n141", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0191.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nAfter the 26. ballot, Mr. Fillmore was unanimously de-\\nclared the nominee, and on the 1st ballot Andrew Jackson\\nDonelson, of Tennessee, who was the adopted son of General\\nJackson, was nominated for Vice-President, receiving 181\\nvotes to 8 for Governor Gardner, of Massachusetts, 8 for\\nPercy Walker, of Alabama, and 8 for Kenneth Raynor, of\\nXorth Carolina. The following platform was then unani-\\nmously adopted\\n1. An humble acknowledgment of the Supreme Being, for his\\nprotecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful Revolu-\\ntionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants,\\nin the preservation of their liberties, the independence and the union\\nof these States.\\n2. The perpetuation of the Federal Union and Constitution, as\\nthe palladium of our civil and religious liberties and the only sure\\nbulwark of American independence.\\n3. Americans must rule America and to this end native-born\\ncitizens should be selected for all State, Federal and municipal\\noffices of Government employment, in preference to all others.\\nNevertheless,\\n4. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad\\nshould be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens.\\n5. No person should be selected for political station (whether of\\nnative or foreign birth) who recognizes any allegiance or obligation\\nof any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who\\nrefuses to recognize the Federal and State Constitutions (each\\nwithin its sphere) as paramount to all other laws as rules of political\\naction.\\n6. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved\\nrights of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and\\nfraternal good-will between the citizens of the several States, and,\\nto this end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertain-\\ning solely to the individual States, and non-intervention by each\\nState with the affairs of any other State.\\n7. The recognition of the right of native-born and naturalized\\ncitizens of the United States, permanently residing in any Territory\\nthereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their\\ndomestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the\\nprovisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admis-\\nsion into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for\\none representative in Congress provided^ ahvays, that none but\\nthose who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution\\nand laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Ter-\\nritory, ought to participate in the formation of a constitution or in\\nthe enactment of laws for said Territory or State.\\n8. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory\\nought to admit others than citizens to the right of suffrage, or of\\nholding political offices of the United States.\\n9. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued\\nresidence of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an\\n142", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0192.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nindispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all\\npaupers and persons convicted of crime from landing upon our\\nshores but no interference with the vested rights of foreigners.\\n10. Opposition to any union between Church and State; no inter-\\nference with religious faith or worship, and no test oaths for office.\\n11. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged\\nabuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public ex-\\npenditures.\\n12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally\\nenacted, until said laws shall be repealed or shall be declared null\\nand void by competent judicial authority.\\n13. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the present\\nadministration in the general management of our national affairs,\\nand more especially as shown in removing Americans (by designa-\\ntion) and conservatives in principle from office, and placing for-\\neigners and ultraists in their places; as shown in a truckling sub-\\nserviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado\\ntoward the weaker powers as shown in reopening sectional agita-\\ntion, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise as shown in grant-\\ning to unnaturalized foreigners the right of suffrage in Kansas and\\nNebraska as shown in its vacillating course on the Kansas and\\nNebraska question as shown in the corruptions which pervade some\\nof the departments of the Government; as shown in disgracing\\nmeritorious naval officers through prejudice or caprice; and as\\nshown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations.\\n14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and to prevent the disas-\\ntrous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build\\nup the American party upon the principles hereinbefore stated.\\n15. That each State Council shall have authority to amend their\\nseveral constitutions, so as to abolish the several degrees, and sub-\\nstitute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations, for fellowship\\nand admission into the party.\\n16. A free and open discussion of all political principles em-\\nbraced in our platform.\\nThe seceding delegates, consisting of the antislavery wing\\nof the party and small in number, organized a convention\\nof their own, and without the formality of a ballot, nom-\\ninated John C. Fremont, of California, for President, and\\nEx-Governor William F. Johnston, of Pennsylvania, for\\nVice-President, but they finally supported Fremont and Day-\\nton.\\nThe fragments of the old Whig party met in national con-\\nvention at Baltimore on the 17th of September, in which 26\\nStates were raggedly represented. Edward Bates, of Mis-\\nsouri, presided over the convention, and the proceedings\\nwere uneventful. Fillmore and Donelson, the candidates\\nnominated by the American party, were unanimously nomi-\\nnated for President and Vice-President by resolution, and\\nthe following platform adopted\\n143", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0193.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nResolved, That the Whigs of the United States, now here as-\\nsembled, hereby declare their reverence for the Constitution of the\\nUnited States, their unalterable attachment to the national Union,\\nand a fixed determination to do all in their power to preserve them\\nfor themselves and their posterity. They have no new principles to\\nannounce, no new platform to establish, but are content to broadly\\nrest where their fathers rested upon the Constitution of the\\n[Jnited States, wishing nc safer guide, no higher la\\nResolved, That we regard with the deepest interest and anxiety\\nthe present disordered condition of our national affairs a portion\\nof the country ravaged by civil war, large sections of our popula-\\ntion embittered by mutual recriminations; and we distinctly trace\\nthese calamities to the culpable neglect of duty by the present\\nr.atitna! ad:rt_irustrati:n.\\nResolved, That the Government of the United States was formed\\nby the conjunction in political unity of widespread geographical\\nsections, materially iiffermg not only in climate and products, but\\nin social and domestic institutions; and that any cause that shall\\npermanently array the different se:t::r.s the Ur :r. in r.:l:t::al\\nh:st:lity and trgamzed parties, fttmded ::__; :r. gergrathital dis-\\ntinctions, must inevitably prove fatal to a continuance of the national\\nUnion.\\nResolved, That the Whigs of the United States declare, as a\\nfundamental rule of political faith, an absolute necessity for avoid-\\ning geographical parties. The danger so clearly discerned by the\\nFather of his Country has now become fearfully apparent in the\\nagitation now convulsing the nation, and must be arrested at once\\nif we would preserve our Constitution and our Union from dis-\\nmemberment, and the name of America from being blotted out from\\nthe family of civilized nations.\\nResolved, That all who revere the Constitution and the Union\\nmust look with alarm at the parties in the field in the present Presi-\\ndential campaign one claiming only to represent sixteen Northern\\nStates, and the other appealing mainly to the passions and prejudices\\nof the Southern States; that the success of either faction must add\\nfuel to the flame which now threatens to wrap our dearest interests\\nin a common ruin.\\nResolved, That the only remedy for an evil so appalling is to\\nsupport a candidate pledged to neither of the geographical sections\\nnow arrayed in political antagonism, but holding both in a just and\\nequal regard. We congratulate the friends of the Union that such\\na candidate exists in Millard Fillmore.\\nResolved, That, without adopting or referring to the peculiar\\ndoctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a\\ncandidate, we look to him as a well-tried and faithful friend of the\\nConstitution and the Union, eminent alike for his wisdom and firm-\\nness; for his justice and moderation in our foreign relations; for\\nhis calm and pacific temperament, so well becoming the head of a\\ngreat nation; for his devotion to the Constitution in its true spirit;\\nhis inflexibility in executing the laws; but, beyond all these attri-\\nbutes, in ptssessing the :r.e trar.scendant merit being a representa-\\ntive neither the t~: se:ti:r.al ramies n: struggling ttr pclit-\\ni:a^_ supremacy.\\nResolved, That, in the present exigency of polititai affairs we\\nI44", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0194.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nare not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of adminis-\\ntration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of the Gov-\\nernment. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and that the\\nUnion is imperilled and we proclaim the conviction that the\\nrestoration of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best if\\nnot the only means of restoring peace.\\nThe campaign of 1856 was one of the most desperately\\nfought conflicts in the history of American politics. In some\\nof the Northern States, and particularly in Pennsylvania,\\nthat had to be carried against Buchanan in October to give\\npromise of his defeat, the American party, or the supporters\\nof Fillmore and Donelson, were nearly or quite as strong as\\nthe distinctive Republicans. Both were opposed to the elec-\\ntion of Buchanan, but they were wide apart not only on the\\nslavery issue, but on the questions of citizenship and re-\\nligious proscription. As the contest warmed up the neces-\\nsity for some sort of union between these elements was ac-\\ncepted on both sides, and in Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana,\\nand some other States the Americans, Republicans, and old\\nWhigs united on State tickets. Illinois, while it gave its\\nelectoral vote to Buchanan, elected Colonel Bissell, an anti-\\nslavery and anti-Buchanan Democrat, Governor, and in\\nPennsylvania the Democratic ticket was successful in Octo-\\nber only by a very small majority.\\nIn several of the States they harmonized on an electoral\\nticket. They did it by printing two electoral tickets for the\\ntwo wings of the opposition. On one ticket the first can-\\ndidate for elector was John C. Fremont, and on the other\\nticket was the name of Millard Fillmore. The understand-\\ning was that if the Union electoral ticket succeeded, the en-\\ntire vote, less the one lost by using the names of Fillmore and\\nFremont, should be cast for either candidate if thereby he\\ncould be elected, and if such united vote would not elect\\neither candidate the vote was to be divided between Fillmore\\nand Fremont, as the voters indicated by the first name at the\\nhead of the ticket.\\nIn common with the great mass of conservative Whigs\\nwho were at first greatly disappointed in the nomination of\\nFremont and the radical attitude of the new Republican\\nparty, I gradually drifted into the contest because of the\\noffensive deliverances on slavery made by the Cincinnati\\nplatform. I knew Mr. Buchanan personally, and if I could\\nhave obeyed my individual preferences as to a candidate,\\n145", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0195.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nwould have voted for him. The slavery issue soon became so\\nsharply defined that the great mass of the Whigs of the\\nXorth fell in to the support of Fremont. There was consid-\\nerable defection of prominent Whigs in Buchanan s State,\\nembracing the Reeds, the Ingersolls, the Whartons, the Ran-\\ndalls, and others of Philadelphia, whose conservative Whig\\nviews, with their great personal respect for Buchanan, in-\\nfluenced them to support him. Buchanan was not a mag-\\nnetic man, not a popular man in the common acceptation of\\nthe term, but he was respected by all not only for his ability,\\nbut for his integrity and generally blameless reputation. He\\nwas a very courteous gentleman, but the multitude did not\\nrush into his arms as it did into the arms of Clay and Blaine,\\nand it is quite probable that his bachelor life, a destiny given\\nhim by a devotion with tragic end, doubtless made him less\\ngenial than he might have been.\\nPennsylvania was the pivotal State in the contest, and\\nColonel Forney was chairman of the Democratic State Com-\\nmittee. He was thoroughly familiar with the political situa-\\ntion, and greatly impaired his health by his exhaustive ef-\\nforts to save Buchanan in his home State. His relations with\\nBuchanan were of the closest and most confidential nature,\\nand each implicitly trusted the other. Buchanan knew For-\\nney s ability in the management of a great political battle,\\nand there was no concealment between them as to the reward\\nForney should receive if Buchanan succeeded. Forney s\\nambition was to continue in journalism, and it was not only\\nunderstood, but the assurance voluntarily given to Forney by\\nBuchanan, that if Buchanan became President, Forney should\\nconduct the national organ in Washington and receive the\\nSenate printing. What was then known as the Senate print-\\ning was an abuse that had grown up from small to large pro-\\nportions until it became a fortune to any man who received\\nit during the period of an administration. Gales and Seaton,\\nof the Xational Intelligencer, had enjoyed it for many years,\\nand when Democratic administrations became more dis-\\ntinctly partisan the favoritism was continued and the profits\\nmagnified. It was deemed a necessity for each administra-\\ntion to have an organ, and it was accepted in those days as\\nthe Democratic oracle of the nation. By making Forney the\\neditor of the administration organ at Washington with the\\nSenate printing, his highest ambition in his journalistic ca-\\nreer would have been gratified, with ample fortune added.\\ni 4 6", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0196.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSo intimate were Buchanan and Forney, that Forney s fam-\\nily spent part of the summer at Wheatland, where Forney\\nwould occasionally tarry for a day s rest and to consult with\\nhis chief.\\nBoth parties were very confident of carrying the State in\\nOctober, but Forney outgeneralled the leaders of the Union\\nticket by his masterful manipulation of Philadelphia, and the\\nBuchanan State ticket was successful in October by 3500\\nmajority. Had the Buchanan State ticket been defeated,\\nBuchanan s defeat for President would have been clearly\\nforeshadowed, as it would doubtless have made a successful\\nunion on the electoral tickets in New Jersey, Indiana, and\\nIllinois, as had already been done in Pennsylvania. Not-\\nwithstanding the loss of Pennsylvania in October, the friends\\nof Fremont and Fillmore made desperate efforts to carry the\\nState in November, and so well did they fight their battle that\\nBuchanan s majority in the State over the combined vote of\\nFremont and Fillmore was only 1025. The Fremont and\\nFillmore people believed that they had been defrauded out\\nof the October election in Pennsylvania, and Forney was\\ndenounced with extreme bitterness that had lost none of its\\nintensity in the Senatorial fight of 1857, when the resent-\\nments of the opposition made Forney s defeat for Senator\\npossible in a Democratic Legislature.\\nBuchanan, Fremont, and Fillmore each bore themselves\\nwith great dignity during the campaign. Fillmore was not in\\nsympathy with Buchanan, but he had even less sympathy for\\nFremont and the radical Republican policy he represented.\\nFremont made his home during the contest in New York,\\nunder the strictest orders not to discuss any political ques-\\ntion, either orally or by letter, with any outside of those in\\ncharge of his campaign. Along with several others, I called\\nupon him at his home some time before the election, simply\\nto pay our respects to the man we were supporting for Presi-\\ndent, and he was so extremely cautious that he evaded the\\nmost ordinary expressions relating to the conduct and pros-\\npects of the battle. He impressed me as possessing a\\nstronger, individuality than I had credited him with, and his\\nenforced policy of silence made him appear as a severely dig-\\nnified gentleman with strong intellectual possibilities. But\\nconsidering the record he made in the early part of the war,\\nwhen he had, for the first time, opportunity to display his\\nabilities, there are few who will not feel that his election to\\n147", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0197.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthe Presidency might have been equally disastrous to him-\\nself and to the country.\\nThe battle ended by the election of Buchanan, although\\nFremont carried the New England States and New York\\nand the Northwestern Democratic States with the whirl of\\nthe tempest. The following table exhibits the popular and\\nelectoral vote\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire.\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts..\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania.\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia.\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina*\\nGeorgia\\nAlabama\\nFlorida\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nTexas\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\nTennessee\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nIowa\\nCalifprnia\\nTotals\\nPopular Vote.\\nc\\nd\\nS\\n39,080\\n32,789\\n10,569\\n39,240\\n6,680\\n34,995\\n195,878\\n46,943\\n230,710\\n8,004\\n39,115\\n89,706\\n48,246\\n56,578\\n46,739\\n6,358\\n35,446\\n22,164\\n31,169\\n21,910\\n58,164\\n73,638\\n74,642\\n170,874\\n52,136\\n118,670\\n105,348\\n52,843\\n36,170\\n53,365\\n1,838,169\\n67,379\\n38,345\\n39,561\\n108,190\\n11,467\\n42,715\\n276,007\\n28,338\\n147,510\\n308\\n281\\n291\\n314\\n187,497\\n71,762\\n94,375\\n93,189\\n66,090\\n43,954\\n20,691\\n3,325\\n422\\n545\\n19,626\\n1,675\\n2,615\\n124,604\\n24,115\\n82,175\\n6,175\\n47,460\\n60,310\\n36,886\\n42,228\\n28,552\\n4,833\\n24,195\\n20,709\\n15,639\\n10,787\\n48,524\\n68,178\\n67,416\\n28,126\\n1,660\\n22,386\\n37,444\\n579\\n9,180\\n36,165\\n1,341,264\\n874,534\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\n7\\n27\\n3\\n15\\n10\\n8\\n10\\n9\\n3\\n7\\n6\\n4\\n4\\n9\\n12\\n12\\n13\\n11\\n174\\n5\\n5\\n13\\n4\\n6\\n35\\n\u00c2\u00bb23\\n6\\n114\\nChosen by Legislature.\\nI48", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0198.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nA quarrel between Buchanan and Forney was more far-\\nreaching in its results than can well be estimated by those\\nnot entirely familiar with the beginning and the end of the\\ndispute. During the campaign, Buchanan, greatly pressed\\nwith the increased correspondence that came to him, asked\\nForney to send him a competent and trustworthy secretary,\\nand Buchanan, for the first time, abandoned his uniform pol-\\nicy of writing all his own letters in clear, beautiful copper-\\nplate style. Forney sent one of his own assistants to aid\\nBuchanan, and having charge of Buchanan s correspondence\\nhe became cognizant of the fact that the Southern leaders\\nwere very generally and earnestly demanding of Buchanan\\nthe pledge that Forney should not be made editor of the ad-\\nministration organ.\\nBuchanan parried the appeals of the Southern friends for\\nsome time, but finally, knowing that his election depended\\nupon a united South, they became mandatory, and Buchanan,\\nwithout advising Forney of the fact, finally gave his pledge\\nthat Forney should not be chosen. The secretary was in-\\ndignant at this betrayal of his friend, and quietly sought For-\\nney, advised him of the fact and expressed his purpose not\\nto return. Forney required the secretary to go back and\\nperform his duties and take no note of what had happened.\\nHe was greatly disappointed, as it denied him what was the\\ngreat ambition of his life, involving editorial distinction and\\nfortune, but he believed that Buchanan had yielded to im-\\nperious necessity and that he would not be allowed to suffer\\nfrom the change.\\nIt was not until after the election that Buchanan informed\\nForney of the necessity of making a change in his reward,\\nand Forney proposed to accept a position in the Cabinet, to\\nwhich Buchanan would have willingly consented, but the\\nsame intense opposition to Forney as a Cabinet officer surged\\nagainst him from the South. It was next proposed by Bu-\\nchanan that Forney should take the Berlin mission with a lib-\\neral commercial salary added, but Mrs. Forney peremptorily\\nrefused to entertain it. It was finally agreed that Forney\\nshould be elected to the Senate. The Democrats had a ma-\\njority of three on joint ballot, and it was not doubted that\\nany Democrat nominated by the caucus would be chosen.\\nHenry D. Foster, a very prominent Democrat, who had been\\nin Congress and who was the Democratic candidate for Gov-\\nernor in i860, was a member of the House. He was a can-\\ndidate for Senator, and doubtless would have been chosen\\n149", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0199.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nhad Forney not been suddenly injected into the field. It was\\nnot until the Legislature was about to meet that Forney s\\ncandidacy was decided upon. It required very prompt and\\npositive action to secure the nomination of Forney, and\\nBuchanan, with all his extreme caution under ordinary cir-\\ncumstances, wrote a letter to Senator Mott urging the election\\nof Forney. That letter became public and greatly exas-\\nperated the friends of the other candidates, but a new Demo-\\ncratic administration with the President from the State and\\njust on the threshold of great political power was able to\\ncommand the nomination for Forney, and it was accom-\\nplished, but leaving many open sores.\\nThe Republicans and Americans of the Legislature were\\nsmarting under what they regarded as the fraud that Forney\\nengineered to give the State to Buchanan, and they were\\nquite willing to join any movement to defeat him. General\\nCameron had come into the Republican party in 1856, and\\nwas at the head of the electoral ticket, and he had a very\\nstrong hold upon some old Democratic friends. He pro-\\nposed to the Republicans and Americans of the Legislature\\nthat if they would give him a united vote he could command\\nthree Democratic votes and be elected. The Union caucus,\\nas it was called, appointed a committee to whom three Demo-\\ncrats must be shown and give their pledges to vote for\\nCameron, and if such report was made back to the caucus\\nby the committee, without giving the names of the Demo-\\ncrats who were to vote for Cameron, the Republicans were\\npledged to vote unitedly for Cameron on the 1st ballot.\\nThe committee saw Representatives Lebo, Maneer, and\\nWagonseller, Democrats, who pledged themselves to vote\\nfor Cameron if they could elect him, and to the surprise of\\nall parties except the very few who understood the arrange-\\nment, Cameron was elected Senator and Forney suffered\\na most humiliating defeat.\\nAfter Forney s defeat for Senator, it became much more\\ndifficult than even before for Buchanan to reward him, as\\nhe doubtless felt should be done. Efforts were made to give\\nhim a liberal share of the post-office printing, but Forney and\\nBuchanan were gradually becoming estranged, and finally\\nForney decided that he could not harmonize with Buchanan\\nand his friends, and that he would renew his journalistic ca-\\nreer on independent lines. The result was the establishment\\nof the Philadelphia Press.\\n150", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0200.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThe slavery issue speedily divided Douglas and Buchanan,\\nand Forney had his opportunity. He had suffered much\\nfrom the proscriptive hatred of the South, and he became\\nDouglas s ablest and most enthusiastic supporter in the\\nNorth, which brought him into direct antagonism with\\nBuchanan. From the time that battle began, Forney and\\nBuchanan were strangers during the remainder of their lives,\\nand no one man did more to educate the North up to the elec-\\ntion of Abraham Lincoln than John W. Forney.\\nWe are told that the political methods of the present age\\nare greatly degenerate as compared with the political meth-\\nods of the old-school leaders, of which Buchanan was about\\nthe last representative in the White House. It will surprise\\nmany of the present day to be told that Buchanan gave per-\\nsonal attention not only to organize county leaders in his sup-\\nport for the Presidency, but wrote elaborate letters even to\\ntownship leaders. I have in my possession a number of Mr.\\nBuchanan s post-Presidential letters, and I think it due to the\\ntruth of history to give one of them as a foot-note to illus-\\ntrate the politics of half a century ago.* Perry County, to\\n^Private and Confidential.\\nWheatland, near Lancaster, 12 Dec, 1851.\\nMy dear Sir: A friend from Cumberland County, who has re-\\ncently been in Perry, expresses much doubt about your county and\\nsays that unless strong efforts shall be made, it will go for Cass. I\\nunderstand you elect by county meeting and this mode is not a fair\\nmethod of ascertaining public opinion throughout a large county.\\nWhat can be done? My enemies perceiving that my prospects are\\ndaily becoming brighter and brighter throughout the Union are now\\nintent upon producing such an appearance of division at home as\\nthey imagine may deter other States from voting for my nomination.\\nIn this point of view it is important I should carry Perry, if this can\\nbe done by fair and honorable means. Cass, their apparent but not\\ntheir real candidate, can now make no show but they will go for\\nany candidate against myself. Pennsylvania has now for the first\\ntime in her history an opportunity of furnishing the candidate,\\nshould she think proper to exert her power with a reasonable degree\\nof unanimity. I intend to write to my friends Black and Steward;\\nbut my main reliance is on yourself. General Fetter and Judge\\nJunkin were formerly my warm friends whether they are so now\\nor not I do not know. Are A. B. Anderson and young Mclntire\\nmy friends? I think you once told me they were. I am informed\\nthat young Miller is my bitter foe.\\nCould you make a trip over the county and ascertain the state of\\npublic opinion? I should esteem it a very great favor if you would;\\nand in that event, I should insist that you shall not ?oend your own\\n151", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0201.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nwhich the letter refers, is a small county adjoining Franklin,\\nthe birthplace of Buchanan. It had only a single delegate\\nto the Democratic State Convention, and, considering Bu-\\nchanan s location, he should have been able to command its\\nsupport without special effort. The friend to whom he wrote\\nwas an Associate Judge of the county and active in politics,\\nand when it is remembered that this letter is only one of very_\\nmany written to a single small county to gain a single del-\\negate for Buchanan against General Cass, who lived in a dis-\\ntant State, the political methods employed to reach the Presi-\\ndency in that day will be generally accepted as no improve-\\nment on the methods now employed to gain the highest hon-\\nors of the Republic.\\nBuchanan entered the Presidency earnestly determined to\\nend the slavery agitation, but unfortunately he hoped to end\\nit by the unqualified success of slavery in all of the new Ter-\\nritories and the right of transit through the free States of\\nslaves as servants. The Dred Scott decision was foreshad-\\nowed in his inaugural address, and he and the pro-slaVery\\nstatesmen of that time were confident that the Republican\\nebullition of 1856 was a mere tidal wave that would speedily\\nperish, and that the South would be so strongly entrenched\\nfor the defence of slavery that it could not be successfully as-\\nsailed. He was elected by the South he was the strictest of\\nstrict constructionists on all Constitutional questions, and he\\nnaturally sustained the South in going far beyond what his\\nmoney in supporting me. This would be both unreasonable and un-\\njust. If you could pass a few days in this manner, you would confer\\na favor upon me which I trust I may some day be able to repay.\\nBut you must not go at all unless at my expense. Your services\\nwill place me under obligations which I shall never forget without\\nexpending your own money for my benefit.\\nIf you should ascertain that the county is against me and cannot\\nbe carried, as the Perry Democrat indicates, then it would be use-\\nless to make the effort. If it can be carried, then we must go to\\nwork and have the proper concert of action to bring my friends to\\nthe county meeting.\\nWill you let me hear from you soon on this subject, and believe me\\never to be sincerely and gratefully your friend.\\nJames Buchanan.\\nHon. George Blattenberger.\\nP.S. Jos. Bailey, who is a strange, capricious man, is now against\\nme, though in 1843 he was one of my warmest friends and sup-\\nporters, as you will perceive by the address which I send you. What\\nhave I done since?\\n152", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0202.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\njudgment approved in the efforts to force slavery into Kan-\\nsas and Nebraska.\\nThe strength of the slavery sentiment steadily grew under\\nthe aggravations of the pro-slavery men who sought to force\\nslavery into the new Territories of the West, and it was this\\ncontinued discussion and the outrages perpetrated on the\\npeople of Kansas and Nebraska that made the election of a\\nRepublican President possible in i860, and that finally pre-\\ncipitated the Civil War. Buchanan adhered to the South\\nuntil open rebellion was organized by the capture of forts\\nand arsenals and the organization of a Confederate govern-\\nment, but when he found himself powerless to restrain the\\nSouth from armed rebellion, he reorganized his Cabinet and\\nexhausted his then wasted powers to bring the South into\\nsubmission to the Government. He had an aggressively\\nloyal Cabinet during the last few months of his administra-\\ntion, and when he retired, generally denounced by the loyal\\nsentiment of the country as a faithless Executive, he ear-\\nnestly supported the Government in every measure necessary\\nto suppress the rebellion and prevent the dismemberment of\\nthe Republic. He died soon after the close of the war, a thor-\\noughly honest and patriotic public servant, but widely mis-\\nunderstood. His revolutionary Kansas-Nebraska policy\\nmade the Republican revolution of i860 inevitable, and made\\nAbraham Lincoln President.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0203.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "THE LINCOLN-BRECKENRIDGE-\\nDOUGLAS-BELL CONTEST\\ni860\\nIn i860 the nation proclaimed the third great political\\nepoch of its history by an aggressive departure from Democ-\\nracy to the Republicanism that has since ruled without\\nmaterial interruption. There have been two Democratic\\nadministrations since the Republican epoch of i860, but\\nthough they, for the time, halted and modified the Republican\\npolicy, they never had the power to make a decisive reversal\\nof Republican mastery. Thus an epoch of twelve years of\\nFederalism, another of sixty years of Democracy, and an-\\nother of forty years of Republicanism tell the story of the\\npolitical revolutions of the Republic during a period of one\\nhundred and twelve years.\\nWhen Fremont made his brilliant campaign of 1856 and\\nnarrowly escaped election to the Presidency, it was generally\\naccepted by all the varied phases of politics opposed to radi-\\ncal Republicanism that the Republican movement was like a\\nbee biggest at its birth and that it never could win a\\nnational victory but all the chief events affecting the polit-\\nical sentiment of the country from 1856 until i860 tended to\\nstrengthen Republican sentiment and to alienate a large por-\\ntion of the intelligent elements of Democracy. The signifi-\\ncant elections of 1858 and 1859, with the Kansas-Nebraska\\nwar convulsing the country from centre to circumference,\\nsteadily strengthened Republican lines, and when the leaders\\nof the party came to face the great battle of i860 they well\\nunderstood that success was within their reach, and never\\ndid a party exhibit greater sagacity in leadership than was\\ndisplayed in the convention that nominated Lincoln.\\nWilliam H. Seward was the confessed Republican leader\\nof the nation. He was admittedly its ablest champion and\\nwas among its earliest supporters. He had been long in the\\nSenate, and was the peer of any in the discussion of all the\\n154", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0204.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "ABRAHAM LINCOLN", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0205.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0206.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ngrave questions which then agitated our national Legisla-\\nture. He was not only the ablest of his party, but he was\\none of the most exemplary and courteous of men. Two-\\nthirds of all the delegates elected to that convention were\\nfriends of Seward and expected to vote for him, and his\\nnomination would have been inevitable on the 1st ballot\\nhad not the convention been restrained by considerations of\\nexpediency which were most reluctantly accepted. Lincoln s\\nown delegation from Illinois embraced one-third of positive\\nSeward men. They were instructed for Lincoln without\\nhope of his nomination at the time, and most of them ex-\\npected to perform a mere perfunctory duty by voting for him\\non one or more ballots.\\nHorace Greeley had sounded the first note of warning\\nagainst the nomination of Seward, and his paper, the New\\nYork Tribune, was then the most influential journal ever\\npublished in this country. It was the Republican Bible, and\\nits weekly edition was more read in the West than all other\\nEastern papers combined. He startled the party by a series\\nof dignified and masterly articles in favor of Edward Bates,\\nof Missouri, for President, on the ground that Seward was\\nnot available, and that a man of the great ability and conser-\\nvative attitude of Bates alone could win in that contest. But\\nthough the conservative element of the opposition to the\\nDemocracy was not enthusiastic for Seward and his irre-\\npressible conflict, the true reason of Seward s defeat was\\nnot presented either by Mr. Greeley or by any public discus-\\nsion before the meeting of the convention.\\nI have read many romances about how, why and by whom\\nAbraham Lincoln was nominated for President at Chicago,\\nbut the explanation is very simple, and when presented must\\nbe accepted by all as conclusive. Henry S. Lane had been\\nnominated as the Republican candidate for Governor of In-\\ndiana, and Andrew G. Curtin had been nominated by the Re-\\npublicans for Governor of Pennsylvania. These States\\nvoted for Governor and other State officers on the second\\nTuesday of October, and they were the pivotal States of\\nthe national contest. It was an absolute necessity to carry\\nthem in October to assure the election of a Republican Presi-\\ndent, and the first inquiry of the Republican leaders at Chi-\\ncago, outside of those who were blindly devoted to Seward,\\nwas Who can carry Indiana and Pennsylvania\\nLane and Curtin were there solely for the purpose of get-\\n155", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0207.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nting the strongest possible national ticket nominated to aid\\nthem in their State contests. With Lane was John D. De-\\nfrees, as Chairman of the Republican State Committee of\\nIndiana, and I was with Curtin, as he had charged me with\\nthe same responsible duty in Pennsylvania. Curtin and Lane\\ndecided that they could not be elected if Seward were nom-\\ninated for President. They were not personally or politically\\nhostile to him they had but one thing in view, and that was\\ntheir own election, which was essential to elect a Republican\\nPresident.\\nPrior to i860 the Republican party had never carried either\\nPennsylvania or Indiana. Opposition to the pro-slavery\\npolicy of the Buchanan administration had crystallized anti-\\nslavery Democrats, Whigs, and Americans into the support\\nof Union State tickets, and had elected them but in Penn-\\nsylvania the Republican name was omitted from necessity,\\nand the organization was entitled the People s party. In\\nboth of these States there was an organized and powerful\\nAmerican party yet in existence, without which the Repub-\\nlicans could not succeed. It was the remnant of the Ameri-\\ncan or Know-Nothing revolution of 1854, and they cherished\\ntheir own faith with great fidelity and would not support any\\ncandidate who was friendly to the Catholics.\\nWhen Seward was elected Governor of New York in 1838\\nit was largely by the influence of Archbishop Hughes, one of\\nthe ablest Catholic prelates this country has ever had; and\\nSeward, not only because of his gratitude to his Catholic\\nfriends, but because of his broad and liberal views generally,\\nin a message to the Legislature urged a division of the school\\nfund between the Catholics and Protestants. ^That was the\\nrock on which Seward was wrecked. Had he been nom-\\ninated, the entire American element of the opposition would\\nhave been aggressively against him, and Pennsylvania and\\nIndiana would have been lost not only by the defeat of Cur-\\ntin and Lane in October, but by the defeat of Seward in No-\\nvember.\\nThe situation was earnestly presented by Curtin and Lane,\\nand Mr. Defrees and I accompanied them in their confer-\\nences with various delegations which were devoted to\\nSeward, but were willing to abandon him not because they\\nloved Seward less, but because they loved Republican success\\nmore. I saw several rural delegates from New England\\nStates shed tears as they confessed that they must abandon\\n156", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0208.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSeward because he could not carry Pennsylvania and In-\\ndiana, and certainly more than one-third of all the delegates\\nwho voted for Lincoln in that convention did it in sincerest\\nsorrow because compelled to abandon their great leader for\\nthe sake of victory.\\nUnder such conditions the Seward lines were steadily\\nweakening, but never was a movement so ably led as was the\\nSeward movement at Chicago. It was literally a battle of\\ngiants. Thurlow Weed, the master of masters in politics, led\\nthe fight for Seward, and he had around him Governor Mor-\\ngan, Chairman of the National Commitee Raymond, of the\\nTimes, and many others of distinguished ability in such\\nstruggles. Weed invited Lane to drive with him, and, in the\\ncourse of their conversation, assured him that if his delega-\\ntion would support Seward all the money needed to carry his\\nelection in Indiana would be generously furnished but\\nLane knew that no amount of money could give him victory\\nin October with Seward as the national candidate.\\nThe convention met on Wednesday, May 16, and George\\nAshman, of Massachusetts, was made permanent president.\\nThe first day was devoted to routine duties, and the second to\\nthe adoption of a platform and rules to govern the conven-\\ntion. The convention adjourned on Thursday evening pro-\\nfoundly impressed with the great battle that was to be fought\\non the following day, and both sides exhausted political\\nstrategy to gain the advantage. Weed organized a most im-\\nposing street parade of the Seward people. They had thou-\\nsands of Seward spectators outside of the delegates, and it\\nwas one of the most impressive public displays I have ever\\nwitnessed. They paraded the streets for an hour or more\\nbefore the meeting of the convention.\\nThe friends of Lincoln had been tireless in their efforts,\\nand they displayed wonderful ability in handling their forces.\\nThe leaders in immediate charge of the Lincoln people were\\nColonel Medill, of the Chicago Tribune; David Davis, after-\\nward Judge of the Supreme Court Norman B. Judd, Chair-\\nman of the Republican State Committee, and Leonard Swett,\\nwho was almost a copy of Lincoln physically, and who was\\nLincoln s closest friend until the day of his death. When\\nthey found that the Seward parade was to come off, they\\ncounselled how to meet it, and they finally decided that while\\nthe Seward men were parading they would fill the immense\\ntemporary wigwam erected for the convention, and capable\\n157", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0209.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nof holding five thousand spectators with men who should\\ngo there solely for the purpose of hurrahing for Lincoln.\\nThey carried this plan into very successful operation, and\\nwhen the Seward procession attempted to march into the con-\\nvention hall they found it filled to overflowing, and very few\\nSeward men outside the delegation could obtain admission.\\nJust before the convention opened I saw the New York\\ndelegation file in and fill the only vacant place in the immense\\nbuilding. They were appalled when they saw how they had\\nbeen outgeneralled. Almost immediately behind the New\\nYork men, who were under the lead of Evarts as Chairman\\nof the delegation, sat Horace Greeley at the head of the\\nOregon delegation. That new State, just admitted into the\\nUnion, was so far from civilization, as the iron horse had\\nnot yet been heard in either the Rockies or the Sierra Ne-\\nvadas, that the Republican convention selected a number of\\nprominent men in the East, including Greeley, to represent\\nthe State. I never saw a more benignant face than that of\\nGreeley s when the nomination of Lincoln was declared. It\\nwas known by the supporters of Seward that Pennsylvania\\nand Indiana had both decided to support Lincoln, the Penn-\\nsylvanians having declared for Lincoln by four majority over\\nBates, after giving a complimentary ballot to Cameron.\\nWith very little preliminary movement the ballot began,\\nand Seward s two-thirds vote of the convention dwindled\\ndown to 1 73 when 234 were necessary to a choice. Lincoln,\\nwith Pennsylvania and Ohio giving complimentary ballots\\nto Cameron and Chase, had 102 votes. As the ballots were\\nannounced, every vote for Lincoln was cheered to the echo,\\nwhile there were but few cheers for Seward except from the\\ndelegates themselves. When the 2d ballot was called\\nthe Seward people felt that they must largely increase their\\nstrength or fall in the race. As Lincoln gained most of the\\nvote of Pennsylvania, with important gains from other\\nStates, the wildest cheering greeted the announcements, and\\nwhen the ballot was given with only 10 votes gained by\\nSeward and 75 votes gained by Lincoln, it became evident to\\nall that Seward s strength was exhausted and that Lincoln\\nwas the coming man. The next and last ballot soon showed\\nLincoln as leading Seward, and from that time on it was diffi-\\ncult to announce the votes of the States because of the\\nfrenzied cheers for Abe Lincoln.\\nWhen the last State was called it was known that Lincoln\\n158", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0210.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwas either nominated or very close to it. The vote as re-\\ncorded was 23 1 J for Lincoln, being 2 J votes short of a ma-\\njority, and 180 for Seward, with some 50 scattering. Be-\\nfore the result was announced Chairman Carter, of Ohio,\\ngot up on his chair to assure the attention of the President,\\nand said:\\nI rise to announce the change of four votes from Ohio\\nfrom Mr. Chase to Abraham Lincoln.\\nIt was known then that this gave Lincoln the majority, and\\nI have never before nor since witnessed such a scene as was\\nmade by the great mass of the Lincoln people who were in\\nthe hall. A large charcoal picture of Lincoln was presented\\nin the gallery at the rear of the hall, and the whole vast audi-\\nence, with few exceptions outside of the New York delega-\\ntion, rose to indulge in the wildest enthusiasm for some\\nminutes.\\nWhen order was finally restored, Maine, Massachusetts,\\nand Missouri changed a number of votes to Lincoln, giving\\nhim a total of 354, being 120 odd votes more than he needed.\\nWhen the vote was announced by the President cheers broke\\nout afresh, but they soon quieted down to await the action of\\nthe New York delegation that was expected to move the\\nunanimous nomination. There was certainly fully five min-\\nutes of dead silence in the body, as the New York delegates\\nwere mortified beyond expression at their discomfiture but\\nafter a long wait that seemed to be vastly longer than it was,\\nthe tall form of William M. Evarts arose, and with re-\\nluctance that was unconcealed said\\nMr. President, I move that the nomination of Abraham\\nLincoln be made unanimous.\\nGovernor Andrew, of Massachusetts, rose as soon as he\\nsaw Evarts rise, and when Evarts s motion was made An-\\ndrew seconded it, and with the unanimous vote of the con-\\nvention and the heartiest huzzas from the many thousands\\nwho witnessed the proceedings, Abraham Lincoln was de-\\nclared the Republican candidate for President. The conven-\\ntion adjourned to meet again in the evening to nominate a\\ncandidate for Vice-Presiderit.\\nAs there will be general interest felt in the proceedings of\\nthe Republican National Convention that gave the country\\nthe first Republican President in Abraham Lincoln, I give\\nthe detailed vote of each State represented in the conven-\\ntion on the three ballots for President, as follows\\n159", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0211.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n1st Ballot.\\nSTATES.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0d\\no\\no\\no\\nc\\nc\\nu\\na\\nd\\nO\\npq\\nc\\nd\\no\\no\\nd\\nd\\n33\\n.S3\\nO\\no\\nd\\nQ\\n3\\ns\\ng\\n3\\n1\\n1\\n-4-3\\nC\\nO\\ng\\nS\\nu\\nh\\nl\\nl\\n1)\\na\\n.s\\n*s\\nMaine\\n10\\n1\\n21\\n70\\n~n\\n3\\n8\\n5\\n12\\n4\\n10\\n2\\n8\\n8\\n6\\n2\\n2\\n173\u00c2\u00a3\\n6\\n4\\n2\\n4\\n14\\n6\\n8\\n26\\n22\\n2\\n1\\n102\\n1\\n2\\n3\\n47*\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n50\u00c2\u00a3\\nl\\n7\\n8\\n6\\n18\\n2\\n1\\n5\\n48\\n5\\n1\\n1\\n4\\n1\\n12\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n8\\n34\\n1\\n2\\n49\\n14\\n14\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\n10\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nMaryland\\nDelaware\\nVirginia\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nMissouri\\nMichigan\\nIllinois\\nTexas\\nWisconsin\\nIowa\\nCalifornia\\nMinnesota\\nOregon\\nKansas\\nNebraska\\nDistrict of Columbia\\nTotals\\n10\\n2d Ballot.\\nSTATES.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\ns-\\nd\\nc*\\no\\na\\nc\\n3\\nOB\\na\\nd\\nu\\ns\\nGd\\nU\\nR\\nd\\no\\no\\no5\\nCO\\ncS\\no\\nc\\nc\\nd\\nG\\nd\\nJ\\nMaine\\n10\\n1\\n22\\nTO\\n4\\n2^\\n3\\n6\\n9\\n10\\n4\\n3\\n4\\n48\\n4\\n8\\n1\\n2\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont.\\nMassachusetts.\\nRhode Island\\n3 i\\nConnecticut\\no _ 2\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\n2^\\n10\\nPennsylvania\\nMaryland\\n160", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0212.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\n2d Ballot.\\nSTATES.\\nu\\nciJ\\n4)\\nCO\\ny\\n13\\nPQ\\nc\\no\\n0)\\na\\nO\\n(3\\no\\nO\\nn\\no\\nO\\nDelaware\\n8\\n7\\n12\\n6\\n10\\n2\\n8\\n8\\n6\\n3\\n2\\n6\\n14\\n9\\n14\\n26\\n22\\n5\\n1\\n18\\n5\\n1\\n3\\n6\\n29\\n2\\n10\\nKentucky.\\nOhio\\nMissouri\\nMichigan\\nDist. of Columbia\\nTotals\\nmy 2\\ni\\n181\\n35\\n2\\n8\\n42K\\n2\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey.\\nPennsylvania\\nMaryland\\nDelaware\\nVirginia\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\n8d Ballot.\\n10\\n1\\n18\\n1\\n1\\n70\\n5\\n2\\n4\\n15\\n6\\n9\\n10\\n8\\n5\\n4\\n52\\n9\\n6\\n14\\n13\\n29\\n3\\no\\n+J\\na\\nQ\\nO\\n161", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0213.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n3d Ballot.\\nSTATES.\\n*d\\nu\\nOS\\n\u00c2\u00bb3\\no\\n+1\\nm\\n6\\nCO\\nd\\nO\\nc\\nu\\nc\\n3\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J\\na\\no\\n-t-\\nd\\nQ\\nd\\nO\\nIndiana\\n12\\n6\\n10\\n2\\n8\\n8\\n1\\n6\\n3\\n2\\n18\\n2\\n26\\n22\\n4\\n1\\nMissouri\\nMichigan\\nIllinois\\nTexas\\nWisconsin\\nIowa\\nCalifornia\\nMinnesota\\nOregon\\nKansas\\nNebraska\\nDist. of Columbia\\nTotals\\n180\\n22\\n24^\\n231^\\n5\\n1\\n1\\nSo keen were the disappointments of the New York dele-\\ngation, and Mr. Weed, who was the Seward leader, that\\nwhen earnestly urged to name a candidate for Vice-President,\\nwho would have been accepted by a nearly unanimous vote,\\nthey churlishly refused to do so. Governor Morgan would\\nhave been taken as the candidate to emphasize the desire of\\nthe friends of Lincoln to recognize the friends of Seward, but\\nhe peremptorily refused to accept it, and the convention then\\nnominated Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, as a representative\\nof the Democratic-Republican element but New York\\ndivided her vote between five candidates, giving a bare ma-\\njority to Hamlin from personal choice.\\nAs the friends of Seward declined to indicate a candidate\\nfor Vice-President the convention reassembled in the even-\\ning to enter a free-for-all race for the second place on the\\nticket. Hamlin commanded nearly a solid vote from New\\nEngland that attracted others. He was known throughout\\nthe country as the man who had resigned the chairmanship\\nof his committee in the Senate in 1856 to declare himself for\\nFremont, although an earnest Democrat up to that time, and\\nthat he had accepted the Republican nomination for Gov-\\n162", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0214.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nernor and won out by an overwhelming majority. There was\\na strong sentiment in the convention in favor of Cassius M.\\nClay, not because he was personally preferred, but because\\nit was thought wise by many to desectionalize the party by\\ntaking a candidate for Vice-President from a Slave State.\\nHamlin had a good lead on the ist ballot, and on the 2d\\nwon an easy victory. The two ballots were as follows\\n1st Ballot.\\n2d Ballot.\\nSTATES.\\nO\\n09\\nM\\na\\nffl\\nu\\n0)\\nc\\n1\\nffl\\nO\\na\\nS\\ntylaine\\n2\\n9\\nh\\n3\\n23\\n23\\n18\\n4\\n2\\n5\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n20\\n1\\n4\\n9\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n7\\n24\\n16\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n11\\n7\\n1\\n1\\n9\\n2\\n8\\n1\\n3\\n6\\n5\\n16\\n10\\n10\\n1\\n8\\n5\\n35\\n6\\n11\\n8\\n2\\n48\\n8\\n8\\n2\\n5\\n6\\n6\\n1\\n16\\n10\\n10\\n26\\n8\\n10\\n70\\n14\\n54\\n10\\n6\\n46\\n12\\n13\\n8\\n20\\n5\\n3\\n7\\n7\\n3\\n2\\n2\\n1\\n23\\n28\\n14\\n5\\n4\\n2\\n6\\n5\\n1\\n1\\n1\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\n9\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nMaryland\\nDelaware\\nVirginia\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nMissouri\\nMichigan\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nIowa\\nCalifornia\\nMinnesota\\nOregon\\n2\\nKansas\\n3\\nNebraska\\n6\\nDistrict of Columbia..\\nTotals\\n101}4\\n38^\\n51\\n58\\n194\\n367\\n86\\n13\\nThe Chicago convention that nominated Lincoln for Pres-\\nident was not only the ablest national political body that ever\\n163", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0215.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nmet in the country up to that time, but it exhibited the high-\\nest type of political strategy. It has never since then been\\nequalled in ability and leadership, with the single exception\\nof the Republican convention of 1880, in which the friends of\\nGrant made their last stand to give their chieftain a third\\nterm. As compared with these two, all subsequent conven-\\ntions were tame.\\nThe following platform was unanimously adopted\\nResolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Repub-\\nlican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in dis-\\ncharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite\\nin the following declarations\\n1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has\\nfully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and\\nperpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which\\ncalled it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now,\\nmore than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional\\ntriumph.\\n2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the\\nDeclaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Cpnsti-\\ntution that all men are created equal that they are endowed by\\ntheir Creator with certain unalienable rights that among these are\\nlife, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness that, to secure these rights,\\ngovernments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers\\nfrom the consent of the governed is essential to the preserva-\\ntion of our republican institutions and that the Federal Constitu-\\ntion, the rights of the States, and the union of the States, must and\\nshall be preserved.\\n3. That to the union of the States this nation owes its unprec-\\nedented increase in population, its surprising development of ma-\\nterial resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at\\nhome, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes\\nfor disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we con-\\ngratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has\\nuttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by\\nDemocratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their\\npolitical associates and we denounce those threats of disunion, in\\ncase of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital\\nprinciples of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated\\ntreason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly\\nto rebuke and forever silence.\\n4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and\\nespecially the right of each State to order and control its own do-\\nmestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is\\nessential to that balance of power on which the perfection and en-\\ndurance of our political fabric depends and we denounce the law-\\nless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory,\\nno matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.\\n5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded\\nour worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the\\nexactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its des-\\n164", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0216.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution\\nupon the protesting people of Kansas in construing the personal\\nrelation between master and servant to involve an unqualified\\nproperty in person in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on\\nland and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Fed-\\neral courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest;\\nand in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it\\nby a confiding people.\\n6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extrava-\\ngance which pervades every department of the Federal Government\\nthat a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to\\narrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored\\npartisans while the recent startling developments of frauds and\\ncorruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of\\nadministration is imperatively demanded.\\n7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force,\\ncarries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States,\\nis a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit pro-\\nvisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition,\\nand with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its\\ntendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.\\n8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United\\nStates is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they\\nhad abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that\\nno person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without\\ndue process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever\\nsuch legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Con-\\nstitution against all attempts to violate it and we deny the authority\\nof Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individual, to give\\nlegal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States.\\n9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave-trade,\\nunder the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of ju-\\ndicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame\\nto our country and age and we call upon Congress to take prompt\\nand efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that\\nexecrable traffic.\\n10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the\\nacts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery\\nin those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted\\nDemocratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty,\\nembodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the\\ndeception and fraud involved therein.\\n11. That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a\\nState under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her\\npeople and accepted by the House of Representatives.\\n12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the General\\nGovernment by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an\\nadjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the\\nindustrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that\\npolicy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen lib-\\neral wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and\\nmanufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enter-\\nprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.\\n13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of\\n165", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0217.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthe public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the\\nfree-homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or sup-\\npliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress\\nof the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has al-\\nready passed the House.\\n14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our\\nnaturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of\\ncitizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall\\nbe abridged or impaired and in favor of giving a full and efficient\\nprotection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or\\nnaturalized, both at home and abroad.\\nThe bitter estrangement of Douglas and President\\nBuchanan made an impassable gulf between Douglas and the\\nradical Southerners who stood by Buchanan. Douglas had\\na desperate contest in his State for re-election to the Senate\\nin 1858, when he was opposed by Lincoln as the Republican\\ncandidate, and was even more vindictively opposed by all the\\npower of the national administration. Lincoln won the\\nState, as he carried the Republican or Union State ticket,\\nbut the legislative districts were so gerrymandered that\\nDouglas won the Legislature and came back in triumph to\\ndefy the President. There was no reasonable prospect,\\ntherefore, of Democratic unity in the campaign of i860.\\nDouglas, who was the most astute of all the Democratic pol-\\niticians of his day, clearly foresaw that the violent attitude\\nof the South must result in the defeat of the slavery party\\nand the early extinction of slavery but slavery had always\\nbeen omnipotent since the battle began, and it would not\\nlearn that its mastery could be overthrown.\\nThe Democratic National Convention was called for the\\nfirst time to meet far South, in the city of Charleston, the\\nhome of Calhoun, the cradle of nullification, and the one\\nplace in the Union where secession ran rampant. It was\\nobviously intended to environ the convention with an army\\nof the ablest Southern leadership. The convention met on\\nthe 23d of April, i860, and every State was fully represented,\\nwith double delegations from Illinois and New York. The\\nfew administration followers in Illinois had made a rump\\nDemocratic organization and sent an anti-Douglas delega-\\ntion to Charleston, and in New York they had another con-\\ntest between the Hards and the Softs, the Hards\\nbeing opposed to Douglas and the Softs for him. Caleb\\nCushing was made permanent president, and it was decided\\nthat no ballot should be had for President until a platform\\nwas adopted. On the following day the convention did not\\n166", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0218.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nget beyond the settlement of contested seats, admitting the\\nSofts of New York and the Douglas men from Illinois,\\nand the debates on even the most trivial disputes were un-\\nusually bitter. On the third dav threats of bolting became\\ncommon among the Southern delegates, as the admission\\nof the Douglas delegates from New York and Illinois clearly\\nindicated that the Douglas people controlled the convention.\\nOn the fourth day majority and minority reports were made\\non the platform, the majority by Mr. Avery, of North Caro-\\nlina, and the minority by Mr. Payne, of Ohio. General Ben-\\njamin F. Butler, who was a prominent delegate in the con-\\nvention, as he would be anywhere, and who voted for Jef-\\nferson Davis for the Presidency right along, presented a\\nminority report of his own, and Senator Bayard, of Dela-\\nware, followed with a platform of his invention. On the\\nfifth day Senator Bigler, of Pennsylvania, moved to recom-\\nmit the platforms to the committee with instructions to re-\\nport in an hour, and the motion to recommit was carried, 152\\nto 151, while the motion to instruct was lost by a very large\\nvote. On the same day Mr. Avery, from the majority of the\\ncommittee on platform, reported a new declaration of prin-\\nciples, and an elaborate discussion followed, and Mr. Sam-\\nuels, of Iowa, presented a new minority report.\\nAfter a protracted and ill-tempered debate, it was finally\\ndecided that the vote on the platform should be taken on\\nMonday, the 30th, and on that day the convention proceeded\\nto vote without debate. Butler s platform was rejected by\\n198 to 105. Next the minority report of Mr. Samuels, being\\nthe Douglas platform, was carried by 165 to 138. The report\\nof the committee as amended was then adopted without a\\nvote by States, upon which the Alabama delegation pre-\\nsented a written protest announcing the purpose of the del-\\negates to withdraw from the convention. The Mississippi,\\nFlorida, and Texas delegations gave like notice, and the\\nLouisiana delegation excepting two, the South Carolina\\ndelegation excepting three, with three of the Arkansas dele-\\ngation, two of the Delaware delegation, including Senator\\nBayard, and one from North Carolina then withdrew from\\nthe convention. There were great pomp and ceremony in\\nthis proceeding, as formal protests and elaborate speeches\\nwere made by the retiring delegates. The convention was\\nthus largely depleted, but a resolution, declaring that two-\\nthirds of a full convention, being 202 votes, shall be neces-\\n167", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0219.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nsary to make nominations, was adopted by 141 to 112. The\\nconvention then proceeded to ballot for President with the\\nfollowing result:\\n1.\\n2.\\n3.\\n4.\\n5.\\n6.\\n7.\\n8.\\n9.\\n10.\\n11.\\n12.\\n13.\\n14.\\n15.\\n16.\\n17.\\n18.\\n19.\\n20.\\n21.\\n22.\\n23.\\n24.\\n25.\\n26.\\n27.\\n28.\\n29.\\n30.\\n31.\\n32.\\n33.\\n34.\\n35.\\n36.\\n37.\\n38.\\n39.\\n40.\\n41.\\n42.\\n43.\\n44.\\n45.\\n46.\\n47.\\n48.\\n49.\\n50.\\n51.\\n52.\\n53.\\n54.\\n45.\\n56.\\n57.\\nBALLOTS.\\nO\\nQ\\n145^\\n147\\n148^\\n149\\n149^\\n149^\\n150y 2\\n150^\\n150^\\n150^\\n150^\\n150^\\n149^\\n150\\n150\\n150\\n150\\n150\\n150\\n150\\n150^\\n150^\\n152^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n152^\\n152^\\n152^\\n152\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^1\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n151 V*\\n151^\\n151^\\n151^\\n35\\n36J^\\n42\\n37^\\n37^\\n39^\\n38^\\n38^\\n41\\n39^\\n39^\\n39^\\n39^\\n41\\n41^\\n42\\n42\\n41^\\n42\\n4!^\\n41^\\n41^\\n41 y\\n41^\\n41^\\n42^\\n42\\n42\\n45\\n47^\\n47^\\n47^\\n47^|\\n47^\\n48\\n64^\\n66\\n66^\\n66^\\n66^\\n65Y 2\\nm\\n65^\\n65^\\n65^\\n65^\\n65^\\n65^\\n65^\\n65^\\n65^\\n61\\nfay*\\n65^\\n65^\\n42\\n7\\n41^\\n6V6\\n36\\n6^\\n4m,\\n5\\n41\\n5\\n41\\n3\\n41\\n4\\n40^,\\n4^\\n39^\\n1\\n39\\n4\\n38\\n4\\n38\\n4\\n28^\\n1\\n27\\nM\\n26^\\nv%\\n26\\ny\u00c2\u00bb\\n26\\ny*\\n26\\n1\\n26\\n1\\n26\\ny*\\n26\\ny\\n26\\n25\\ny*\\n25\\nm,\\n25\\nm\\n25\\n12\\n25\\n12\\n25\\n12V\u00c2\u00ab\\n25\\n13\\n25\\n13\\n32V4\\n3\\n22^\\n3\\n22y\\n3\\nwy 9i\\n5\\n22\\n4^-,\\n22\\n4^\\n16\\nm,\\n16\\nW9,\\n16\\n5^,\\n16\\n5V6\\n16\\n5^\\n16\\n5\\n16\\n5\\n16\\n5\\n16\\n5\\n16\\n5\\n16\\n5\\n16\\n5\\n16\\n4\\n16\\n4\\n16\\n4\\n16\\n4\\n16\\n4\\n20^\\n2\\n16\\n4\\n16\\n4\\n16\\n4\\nM\\n6\\n7\\n6\\n6\\n6\\n5^\\n6^\\n6\\n20\\n20^\\n20^\\n20^\\n20^\\n20U\\n20i|\\n20^\\n20^\\n20^\\n19^\\n19^\\n19^\\n9\\n5^\\n5^\\n5^\\n14^\\n8*\\n13\\n12^\\n13\\n12^\\n12^\\n12^\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n14\\n14\\n14\\n14\\n14\\n16\\n14\\n14\\n14\\ny*\\n2H\\n2^\\n168", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0220.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nDouglas had a large plurality of the votes, but could not\\nobtain even a two-thirds vote of the remaining delegates.\\nAfter the 57th ballot a motion was made to adjourn the con-\\nvention to reassemble at Baltimore on the 18th of June. That\\nwas adopted by 195 to 55, whereupon President Cushing ad-\\njourned the convention to reconvene in Baltimore. The re-\\ntiring delegates met at St. Andrew s Hall, in Charleston,\\nelected Senator Bayard, of Delaware, president, and after\\nmuch discussion adopted a platform of its own. After\\nspending four days wholly devoted to discussion, that body\\nadjourned to reconvene in Richmond on the second Monday\\nin June. This convention reconvened in Richmond on the\\nnth of June, with delegates from Alabama, Texas, Louisi-\\nana, Mississippi, Georgia, South Carolina, Florida, Tennes-\\nsee, and Virginia. John Erwin, of Alabama, was made\\nPresident, when it adjourned to meet again in Richmond\\non the 2 1st of June, and reassembled on that day and awaited\\nthe action of the Democratic seceders of the Baltimore con-\\nvention, who nominated Breckenridge and Lane, when it\\naccepted the candidates of the seceders and their platform,\\nand adjourned sine die.\\nThe regular Democratic National Convention reassembled\\nin Baltimore on the 18th of June, and the first three days\\nwere devoted to a wrangling discussion on rules, platforms,\\nrights of delegates, etc. The first disturbing questions the\\nconvention had to meet were the admission of delegates and\\nthe right of partial delegations representing States to cast\\nthe full vote of the State. The decision of the convention\\nstarted another small tidal wave of secession and Virginia re-\\ntired. North Carolina followed, then Tennessee, and a por-\\ntion of Maryland. Later California and Delaware withdrew\\nwith a part of Kentucky, and President Cushing became so\\ndisgusted that he resigned his position and bolted himself.\\nThe convention finally proceeded to ballot for President, and\\ntwo ballots were had, with the following result", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0221.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n1st Ballot.\\n2D\\nBallot.\\nSTATES.\\nu5\\nSo\\no\\nQ\\n6\\n12\\nu\\nC\\nM\\no\\nu\\nffl\\n0\\nO\\nto\\nci\\nSo\\no\\n0)\\n!H\\nc\\nO\\n0)\\n1-1\\nffl\\n0)\\nu\\nO\\nMaine\\n5M\\n5\\n5\\n10\\n4\\n35\\n10\\n^A\\nIK\\n9\\n6\\nb\\n23\\n13\\n11\\n6\\n5\\n4\\n2K\\n1\\n3\\n~K\\nK\\n3\\nIK\\n*K\\n1\\n7\\n5\\n5\\n10\\n4\\nBK\\n35\\n2y 2\\n10\\n3\\n1\\n9\\n6\\n1^\\nJ*\\n3\\n23\\n13\\n11\\n6\\n5\\n4\\n4\\nH\\n7\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Terse v\\nPennsylvania\\n2K\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nNorth Carolina\\nAlabama\\nLouisiana\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\nIK\\nTennessee\\nKentucky\\n*K\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nWisconsin\\n_\\nIowa\\nMinnesota\\n173^\\n5\\n10\\n181^\\n?K\\n5K\\nAs Douglas had received nearly the unanimous vote of the\\nremaining delegates, it was finally resolved that as he had\\ntwo-thirds of all the votes given in the convention, he was\\nthe nominee of the party for President. Benjamin Fitzpat-\\nrick, Senator from Alabama, was nominated for Vice-Presi-\\ndent, receiving 198J votes to 1 for William C. Alexander, of\\nNew Jersey. Senator Fitzpatrick declined the nomination\\nwhen notified of it, and the National Committee supplied the\\nvacancy by the nomination of Herschel V. Johnson, of\\nGeorgia. The platform adopted by this convention was as\\nfollows", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0222.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nI. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in conven-\\ntion assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions\\nunanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by\\nthe Democratic convention at Cincinnati in the year 1856, believing\\nthat Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when ap-\\nplied to the same subject-matters; and we recommend as the only\\nfurther resolutions the following:\\nInasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party\\nas to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial legisla-\\nture, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Con-\\nstitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within\\nthe Territories\\n2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions\\nof the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of con-\\nstitutional law.\\n3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford\\nample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home\\nor abroad, and whether native or foreign.\\n4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military,\\ncommercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be-\\ntween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party\\npledge such constitutional government aid as will insure the con-\\nstruction of a railroad to the Pacific Coast at the earliest practicable\\nperiod.\\n5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the\\nacquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honor-\\nable to ourselves and just to Spain.\\n6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat\\nthe faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in char-\\nacter, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their\\neffects.\\n7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the interpretation of the\\nCincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the Territorial\\ngovernments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, im-\\nposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial\\nLegislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same\\nhas been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme\\nCourt of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens,\\nand enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the\\nGeneral Government.\\nThe seceders from the Baltimore convention, who were\\nreally representing the seceders from the Charleston con-\\nvention then in session at Richmond, immediately organized\\na new convention in the Front Street Theatre, of Baltimore,\\nwith 21 States fully or partially represented. Caleb Cushing\\nwas made chairman, and after adopting the two-thirds rule,\\na ballot was had for President, all of the votes being cast for\\nJ. C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, by the following States", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0223.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts 8\\nNew York 2\\nPennsylvania 4\\nMaryland 4J\u00c2\u00a3\\nVirginia 11^|\\nNorth Carolina 8j|\\nGeorgia 10\\nFlorida 3\\nAlabama 9\\nLouisiana 6\\nMississippi 7\\nTexas 4\\nArkansas 4\\nMissouri 1\\nTennessee 9^\\nKentucky 4)|\\nMinnesota 1\\nCalifornia 4\\nOregon 3\\nBreckenridge, having received the unanimous vote of the\\nconvention, was declared the candidate with great enthusi-\\nasm, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, received a like unanimous\\nvote for Vice-President on the 1st ballot. The convention\\nthen adopted the following platform, being the same that\\nhad been reported to the Charleston convention by the ma-\\njority of the platform committee\\nResolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party\\nat Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolu-\\ntions\\ni. That the government of a Territory organized by an act of\\nCongress is provisional and temporary and during its existence\\nall citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with\\ntheir property in the Territory, without their rights either of person\\nor of property being destroyed or impaired by Congressional legis-\\nlation.\\n2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its de-\\npartments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and\\nproperty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional\\nauthority extends.\\n3. That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate\\npopulation, form a State constitution, the right of sovereignty com-\\nmences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union,\\nthey stand on an equal footing with the people of other States and\\nthe State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal\\nUnion, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institu-\\ntion of slavery.\\n4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of\\nthe island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves\\nand just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.\\n5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faith-\\nful execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in character, sub-\\nversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.\\n6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the\\nimperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen\\nin all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same\\nextent as its native-born citizens.\\nWhereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political,\\ncommercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy com-\\nmunication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts\\n172", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0224.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nTherefore be it Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby\\npledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the\\npassage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority\\nof Congress, for the construction of a Pacific railroad from the\\nMississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable\\nmoment.\\nA convention of delegates, representing the Constitutional\\nUnion party, met at Baltimore on the 9th of May and nom-\\ninated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward\\nEverett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. Two ballots\\nwere had, as follows\\nJohn Bell\\nSamuel Houston..\\nJohn M. Botts\\nJohn McLean\\nJ. J. Crittendon\\nEdward Everett\\nWilliam Goggin\\nWilliam A. Graham\\nWilliam L. Sharkey\\nWilliam C. Rieves.\\n1st Ballot.\\n2d Ballot.\\n68^\\n57\\n138\\n69\\n21\\n7\\n1\\n28\\n1\\n25\\n3\\n22\\n9^\\n18\\n7\\n13\\n8M\\nMr. Bell was declared the unanimous choice of the con-\\nvention, and Mr. Everett was unanimously nominated with-\\nout the formality of a ballot. The following platform was\\nadopted by this convention\\nWhereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted\\nby the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to\\nmislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the\\npolitical divisions of the country by the creation and encouragement\\nof geographical and sectional parties, therefore\\nResolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to\\nrecognize no political principle other than the Constitution of the\\ncountry, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws,\\nand that, as representatives of the constitutional Union men of the\\ncountry in national convention assembled, we hereby pledge our-\\nselves to maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly,\\nthese great principles of public liberty and national safety, against\\nall enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may\\nonce more be restored to the country, the rights of the people and\\nof the States re-established, and the Government again placed in\\nthat condition of justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the\\n173", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0225.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nexample and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every\\ncitizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union,\\nestablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com-\\nmon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings\\nof liberty to ourselves and our posterity.\\nIt will be noticed that the American party had entirely dis-\\nappeared as a political factor in i860, and what was called\\nthe Constitutional Union party had its origin from a num-\\nber of old and conservative Americans who could not follow\\neither of the old parties. The movement originated chiefly\\nwith the friends of General Houston, of Texas, who had\\nseparated from the Democratic party and was elected Gov-\\nernor of his State after he identified himself with the Ameri-\\ncan organization. It was expected by those who did the pre-\\nliminary work of organizing the Constitutional Union party\\nthat Houston would be made the candidate for President,\\nand it will be seen that on the 1st ballot he was within 9\\nvotes of Bell. The movement gained unexpected strength\\nthrough the North, and when the delegates assembled at Bal-\\ntimore a majority of them regarded it as a necessity to nom-\\ninate two of the ablest, cleanest, and most conservative men\\nof the country, and John Bell was taken because it was\\nknown that he could command a much larger vote from the\\nold Whigs and Americans of the South, where the Republi-\\ncans could have no votes, than any other candidate. The\\nAmerican party never reappeared in the political arena after\\n1856, when it succeeded in carrying the electoral vote of\\nMaryland for Fillmore.\\nThe contest was one of great activity, with much more. bit-\\nterness exhibited by the Democratic factions toward each\\nother than either displayed toward the Republicans.\\nDouglas took the stump and spoke as far South as New\\nOrleans, throughout the West, in various places in New\\nYork and other Eastern States. His speeches were the ablest\\nand most aggressive ever delivered in a national contest.\\nLincoln, Breckenridge, and Bell took no prominent individual\\npart in the battle. One of the peculiar features of the cam-\\npaign of i860 was the development of a war spirit in the\\nNorth that was quickened by the organization known as\\nThe Wide-A wakes. They were Republican organizations\\nuniformed by caps and capes, and each one carrying a lantern\\nin night processions. Many of them drilled as military com-\\npanies, for the threat of war came up with almost every echo\\n174", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0226.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nfrom the South. The young men of the North, and espe-\\ncially the young men just from our colleges, entered largely\\nand very enthusiastically into the Lincoln ranks, and in no\\nprevious Presidential battle was there such able and general\\ndiscussion of public questions on the hustings. The slavery\\nquestion had presented a new phase to the people of the\\nNorth. It was not a mere battle against slavery, although\\nthat appealed very strongly to the convictions of most of the\\nRepublicans, but the South had, by the deliverances of its\\nleading men, made the issue directly against the mastery of\\nthe free labor of the North. It was denounced by some of the\\nablest Southern leaders as unworthy of respect or recogni-\\ntion, holding that labor was menial, and that the North was\\nmade up very largely of small-fisted farmers and greasy\\nmechanics, and Senator Chestnut, of South Carolina, who\\ndelivered the most honest and one of the ablest speeches on\\nthe labor question, compared the slave labor of the South\\nmost favorably with the mud-sills of the North. This at-\\ntitude of the South logically brought the most intelligent\\nlabor classes of all conditions into the support of the Repub-\\nlican ticket to vindicate their own manhood and indepen-\\ndence. The following table presents the popular and electoral\\nvote:\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts.\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania.\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n62,811\\n37,519\\n33,803\\n106,533\\n12,244\\n43,792\\n362,646\\n58,324\\n268,030\\n3,815\\n2,294\\n1,929\\nPopular Vote.\\ne4\\nbo\\no\\nQ\\na\\nID\\nm\\n26,693\\n25,881\\n6,849\\n34,372\\n7,707t\\n15,522\\n312,510t\\n62,801t\\n16,765\\n1,023\\n5,966\\n16,290\\nbo\\nCQ\\n:m\\n6,368\\n2,112\\n218\\n5,939\\n14,641\\n178,8711\\n7,337\\n42,482\\n74,323\\n2,046\\n441\\n1,969\\n22,331\\n3,291\\n12,776\\n3,864\\n41,760\\n74,681\\nElectoral Vote\\n5\\n5\\n13\\n4\\n6\\n35\\n4\\n27\\n15\\ni75", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0227.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nPopular Vote.\\nElectoral Vote\\nSTATES.\\nc\\no\\no\\nc\\np\\nA\\nai\\nu\\nen\\n\u00c2\u00abS\\n3\\nO\\na\\na\\no\\nQ\\nO\\nof\\nbe\\n3\\nC\\nc\\no\\no\\nd\\nc\\nO\\ni\\nc\\nc\\n3\\nc\\nO\\no\\no\\nc\\n3\\nOS\\nSi\\ns\\no\\nQ\\n9\\nD\\nw\\n2\\no\\na\\nh\\nCO\\n10\\n8\\n10\\n3\\n9\\n7\\n6\\n4\\n4\\n13\\nen\\n2,701\\n48,539\\n44,990\\n23\\n6\\n13\\n11\\n5\\n4\\n4\\n4\\n3\\n11,590\\n367\\n13,651\\n3,283\\n7,625\\n51,889\\n8,543\\n48,831\\n40,797\\n22,861\\n47,548\\n28,732\\n31,317\\n64,709\\n53,143\\n11.405\\n805\\n12,295\\n2,404\\n888\\n748\\n1,048\\n34.334\\n5,006\\n42,886\\n5,437\\n27,875\\n25,040\\n20,204\\n15.438t\\n20,094\\n58,372\\n69,274\\n66,058\\n12,194\\n405\\n5,306\\n4,913\\n161\\n62\\n1,763\\n6,817\\n183\\nFlorida\\nAlabama\\nMississippi.\\nLouisiana\\nTexas\\nArkansas\\n5,227\\n58,801\\n11,350\\n25,651\\n187,232\\n65,057\\n115,509\\n160.215\\n65,021\\n11,920\\n55,111\\n38,516\\n3,951\\nMissouri\\n17,028\\nTennessee\\n19\\nKentucky\\n1,364\\n231,610\\n88,480\\n139,033\\n172,161\\n86,110\\n22,069\\n70,409\\n39,173\\n5,270\\n19\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nMinnesota\\nCalifornia\\nOregon\\nTotals\\n1,866,452\\n1,375,157\\n847,953\\n590,631\\n180\\n12\\n72\\n39\\nChosen by Legislature.\\nt Fusion electoral tickets.\\nThe election of Lincoln was the second great political revo-\\nlution in the history of the country, and it came with fear-\\nful import. The revolution won by Jefferson in 1800 simply\\ndisplaced the Federalists, gave authority to the Republicans,\\nand liberalized the policy of the Government. The revolu-\\ntion that brought Lincoln into the Presidency was the first\\npopular expression emphasizing the purpose of the nation to\\nhalt the extension of slavery and while the Republican pol-\\nicy meant no more than to prevent slavery extension, it was\\nwell understood in the South that it menaced the safety of\\nslavery even where it was then undisputed. The Southern-\\ners had little tolerance for Republicanism. They had seen\\nit grow from the despised Abolition cranks to the Republican\\nparty that had dominated Congress before it elected a Presi-\\ndent. Republicans in Congress were seldom treated with\\nrespect by their Southern associates, and often the most wan-\\n176", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0228.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nton and flagrant insults were given them not only on the\\nfloor of the House but on other occasions.\\nPersonal encounters disgraced the record of both House\\nand Senate, and the most respectable term the South ever\\napplied to antislavery members was that of Black Repub-\\nlican. Even in Philadelphia, that became the most loyal of\\nall cities, nearly the whole commercial and financial interests\\nwere arrayed against Lincoln, because they regarded the\\nRepublican party as disturbers of national tranquillity and of\\nall the interests of trade. So strong was the conservative\\nelement among the old Whigs in that State that the name of\\nRepublican had to be discarded. Curtin was elected Gov-\\nernor as the candidate of the People s party, and the del-\\negates to the Chicago convention represented only that or*-\\nganization. When Lincoln s election was announced the\\nDemocrats could not reconcile themselves to the mastery of\\na party they had so openly and persistently despised.\\nI witnessed an interesting episode in Philadelphia, on the\\nnight of Lincoln s election. The Prince of Wales was then\\non a visit to this country, and had just arrived at the Con-\\ntinental Hotel in Philadelphia. My headquarters as chair-\\nman of the Lincoln committee were at the Girard House im-\\nmediately opposite, and I saw the handsome young Prince,\\nthen a picture of manly vigor and beauty, stand on the\\nChestnut Street balcony for an hour, surrounded by his\\nsuite of nobles, watching what he regarded as the dying\\nagonies of the Republic. The main streets of the city were\\ncrowded with shouting, wrangling, and rioting partisans, and\\nthe Prince obviously congratulated himself that he had just\\nhappened in this country in time to see its angry dissolution.\\nHe witnessed the riotous enthusiasm of the Republicans, and\\nthe much more riotous madness of the defeated party, until\\nhe wearied of it, and he was astounded the next morning to\\ndiscover that the city was as quiet and serene as an average\\nPhiladelphia Sunday.\\nLincoln brought to the Presidency the strongest person-\\nality that has ever adorned the highest trust of the nation.\\nIt is studied with increased interest as time passes onward in\\nits flight, and it is worthy of extended notice here. I had\\nnot met Lincoln personally until after his election. I had at-\\ntended the Chicago convention as chairman of the State com-\\nmittee along with Curtin, and bore some humble part in aid-\\ning the nomination of Lincoln and my correspondence with\\n177", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0229.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nhim during the campaign would have made one of the most\\ninteresting of Lincoln relics, but unfortunately the letters\\nwere destroyed when Chambersburg, including my own\\nhouse, was burnt by General McCausland.\\nPennsylvania was the battle ground, and he naturally tried\\nto keep in close touch with it. His letters were always\\nkind and hopeful, sometimes quaint, and always going\\ndirectly to the point of winning the State. He communicated\\nwith me even- week from the time I opened headquarters\\nearly in June until after the election, and I prized more\\nhighly the Lincoln correspondence of that struggle than any\\nof all the many valued letters I have ever received. I think\\nit safe to say that he was as familiar with the details of the\\ncontest in Pennsylvania as I was myself, and knew every\\nelement of strength and even* element of weakness in our\\nlines. He was never enthusiastic or sentimental, but always\\nthoroughly practical, with occasional flashes of his exquisite\\nWestern humor.\\nAfter such intercourse with Lincoln, lasting from the be-\\nginning to the close of the great battle of his life, I of course\\nhad formed what I supposed to be an intelligent and accurate\\nestimate of the character and attributes of the man, but I\\nnever had a glimpse of the grandeur of Lincoln s character\\nuntil I met him personally at his home in Springfield on the\\n3d of January, 1861. A contest over the appointment of\\nCameron to the Cabinet, in which I took part, in opposition\\nto Cameron, made Lincoln telegraph me on the 26. of Janu-\\nary to visit him at Springfield. I was then a member of the\\nSenate; the Legislature was just about to meet, and I made\\nas hurried a trip as possible. I reached Springfield about\\nseven o clock on the evening of the 3d, having telegraphed\\nhim in advance that I would arrive at that hour and must re-\\nturn at eleven. I went from the depot directly to his house,\\nand when I rang the bell the door was opened by Lincoln\\nhimself, and I saw no other person during my stay.\\nI think I did not well conceal my disappointment when I\\nstood before him in the dimly lighted hall looking up into\\nthe face of the new President. There was nothing in his\\nappearance calculated to make a favorable impression at first\\nsight. He was illy clad, ungraceful in movement, and his\\nrudely chiselled face, that was always sad in repose, clearly\\nportrayed the fretting anxieties which his election to the\\nPresidency to meet the severest trial of the Republic had\\n178", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0230.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nbrought upon him. He had then decided to appoint Cameron\\nto the Cabinet, against which I had protested, and he had\\nsent for me to know whether there were good reasons for a\\nchange of judgment. We sat down in his plainly furnished\\nparlor, and for an hour or more he heard me patiently with\\nevident interest. During this part of the conversation he\\nsaid but little, but gave many incisive questions to be\\nanswered. He did not exhibit a single trace of humor, and it\\nseemed to me most of the time as if I were making my ap-\\npeal to a sphinx. He gave no sign whatever as to whether\\nI impressed him or not, and when I left him I had not a\\nsingle clue by which to judge what importance he had at-\\ntached to my arguments, but before he retired that night he\\nwrote a letter to Cameron revoking the appointment, and\\nsuggesting that Cameron should regard the position as ten-\\ndered, and give a letter of declination.\\nIn that letter, which can be found in Nicolay and Hay s\\nLife of Lincoln, he uses this language You will say this\\ncomes of an interview with McClure,and this is partly but not\\nwholly true. The result was that the position of Secretary\\nof War was held open until Lincoln arrived in Washington,\\nwhen Seward and Weed finally prevailed upon the President\\nto give the position to Cameron. He advised me of his pur-\\npose after he had decided, and was much gratified for the\\nassurance that no factional hostility would be made against\\neither Cameron or the administration. Seward and Weed\\nwere much embittered at Curtin and Lane for defeating\\nSeward at Chicago, and they dealt a retributive blow by\\nsecuring the appointment of Cameron, as Cameron and Cur-\\ntin were never in political accord after the bitter struggle\\nthey had for Senator in 1855.\\nIt was not until after the question of the Cabinet appoint-\\nment was dismissed that I had an opportunity to see some-\\nthing of Lincoln as he was. It was my part to do the talking\\non the Cabinet issue after that it was his part to talk, and he\\ngradually developed all the great and grand qualities of his\\ncharacter. He was appalled at the prospect of civil war be-\\ning the sequel of his election to the Presidency, and above\\nall things, he wanted peace if consistent with the line of duty.\\nHe fully appreciated that he was confronted by graver prob-\\nlems than had ever beset American statesmanship, and that\\nhe was compelled to meet the great issue of the threatened\\ndismemberment of the Republic.\\n179", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0231.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nHe was painfully and profoundly impressed with the fear-\\nful responsibility that devolved upon him, but the first great\\nattribute of his character developed by this discussion, or\\nrather by his statements of the situation, was his unswerving\\nfidelity to duty regardless of all personal or political inter-\\nests, and even regardless of life itself. He well understood\\nthat armed rebellion was apparently inevitable, and that he\\nmust meet the most appalling peril that ever confronted our.\\nfree government, and one for which neither the history of\\nthis Government nor of any other Government of the world\\nfurnished precedents to guide him in his course. The right\\nof secession had been claimed and denied since the formation\\nof the Constitution with almost equal ability and integrity,\\nand there he was, crowned with the laurels of the highest\\ntrust of the civilized world, with the prospect of a nearly,\\nunited South in rebellion, and the North divided and in-\\ntensely divided as to the power of the Government to main-\\ntain the unity of the States by force. I heard Lincoln in this\\nconversation but a short time before I discovered that he\\nhad but one purpose, from wdiich no interests could swerve\\nhim, and that was to perform his duty with fidelity and ac-\\ncept the consequences. He felt that as a Republican Presi-\\ndent he would owe it to his party to give it the advantages of\\npower yet he understood that the Government could not be\\nmaintained without the co-operation of the Democrats.\\nMy next meeting with Lincoln was under circumstances\\nwell calculated to study his true character intelligently. I\\nwas one of a dozen or more who dined with him at what is\\nnow the Commonwealth Hotel in Harrisburg on the evening\\nof the 22d of February, 1861. The dinner was given by\\nGovernor Curtin to the President-elect, and I believe that\\nnone of the guests are now living but myself. The story of\\nLincoln s sudden departure on the memorable midnight\\njourney to Washington from Harrisburg on that night has\\nbeen many times told, and in no instance with entire cor-\\nrectness. He arrived in Philadelphia on the evening of Feb-\\nruary 21, and the published programme of his journey to\\nWashington was from Philadelphia to Harrisburg on the\\n226., and from Harrisburg to Washington by the Northern\\nCentral Railroad through Baltimore on the 23d. He was\\nmet in Philadelphia by Mr. Fenton, President of the Phila-\\ndelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and by Pinker-\\nton s detectives, who informed him that he could not pass\\n180", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0232.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nthrough Baltimore according to his published programme\\nwithout inviting assassination, that had been deliberately\\nplanned; and the son of Senator Seward brought Lincoln\\na letter signed by Seward and General Scott, insisting that\\nhe should change his route, because he could not safely pass\\nthrough Baltimore if the time of his coming were known.\\nHe was earnestly urged to omit his Harrisburg appoint-\\nment and take the eleven o clock train from Philadelphia to\\nWashington that night, but he peremptorily refused, and left\\nthe question to be determined at Harrisburg. He hoisted\\nthe flag on Independence Hall early on the morning of the\\n22d, and delivered an address that betrayed none of the\\nserious emotions which must have agonized him at the\\ntime. He arrived at Harrisburg early in the afternoon,\\nwhere I was one of the legislators to receive him, had a re-\\nception and delivered a brief address in the hall of the House,\\nand soon after five o clock he sat down to the dinner at the\\nhotel as the guest of Governor Curtin, who was there advised\\nby Colonel Lamon and Colonel Sumner of the information\\nreceived in Philadelphia the night before, and of the neces-\\nsity of considering the question of changing his route.\\nDinner was hastily served, when the servants were cleared\\nfrom the dining-hall, and Governor Curtin stated the facts to\\nthe dining guests, and insisted that Lincoln s programme\\nshould be changed. Every one present promptly responded\\nin approval, and the only silent man at the table was Lincoln.\\nI sat near enough to him to watch and study his face, and\\nthere was not a sign of agitation upon it, and when he was\\ncalled upon to give his views, it was at once made evident\\nto all that he thought much more of commanding the respect\\nand honor of the nation than of preserving his life. His\\nanswer was substantially, and I think exactly, in these\\nwords I cannot consent. What would the nation think of\\nits President stealing into its capital like a thief in the\\nnight His voice was clear and distinct, and his cool and\\nearnest manner made his expression painfully pathetic.\\nFortunately, among the guests was the late Colonel\\nThomas A. Scott, and when Governor Curtin declared that\\nthe question was not one for Lincoln to decide, Colonel Scott\\nat once proposed to take charge of the new programme, and\\nsend Lincoln back to Philadelphia on a special train in time\\nto make the eleven o clock from Broad and Prime Streets to\\nWashington that night. Scott was a master alike in keen-\\n181", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0233.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nness of perception and swiftness of execution. He at once\\ndirected the Governor to take Lincoln down to the front of\\nthe hotel, where there were multitudes awaiting to cheer\\nthem, and loudly call a carriage to take them to the Executive\\nMansion, as that would be the natural place for them to go.\\nThey entered the carriage, drove up along the river front\\ntoward the Executive Mansion, and then made a detour to-\\nreach the depot in thirty minutes, as instructed by Colonel\\nScott. I accompanied Colonel Scott to the depot, when he\\nfirst cleared one track of his line to Philadelphia, forbidding\\nanything to enter upon it until released, and with his own\\nhands cut all of the few telegraph wires which then came into\\nHarrisburg. A locomotive and a car were in readiness at the\\ntime appointed a square below the depot, where Lincoln and\\nCurtin arrived with Colonel Lamon, and Lincoln and Lamon\\nentered the car for their journey. When I shook hands with\\nLincoln and wished him God s protection on his journey, he\\nwas as cool and deliberate as ever in his life.\\nEvery precaution had been taken to prevent the knowledge\\nof a change in Lincoln s programme being known to any\\nwho might possibly communicate by telegraph, and when\\nthe wires were all cut we felt assured that unless Lincoln\\nshould be accidentally detected in Philadelphia, none would\\nknow of his journey until he arrived at Washington. But\\none person in Philadelphia was advised of the movement,\\nand he was Superintendent Kenney, of the Philadelphia,\\nWilmington and Baltimore Railroad, still prominently con-\\nnected with its service, who was instructed by Colonel Scott\\nto meet Lincoln at the Pennsylvania depot and conduct him\\nto the Broad and Prime station. Beyond Superintendent\\nKenney, no one outside of the few in Harrisburg who had\\narranged and started Lincoln on his journey had any knowl-\\nedge of the change in his route.\\nHe was received by Superintendent Kenney in a carriage,\\ntaken to the Broad and Prime station, where a section of a\\nsleeping car had been engaged for him, entered it without\\nattracting attention, and at six o clock the next morning he\\nwas in Washington. We had a sleepless and a terribly long\\nand anxious night at Harrisburg, but about six o clock\\nColonel Scott reunited the wires in his railroad station, and\\nreceived the despatch Plums delivered Xuts safely,\\nwhich announced the safe arrival of the President.\\n182", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0234.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "ANDREW JOHNSON", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0235.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0236.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE LINCOLN-McCLELLAN CONTEST\\n1864\\nThe average intelligent student of our Civil War a gen-\\neration after the conflict ended, with Lincoln s achievements\\nin the grateful remembrance of every patriot, would natu-\\nrally assume that Lincoln s re-election to the Presidency in\\n1864 was never in any measure doubtful; but in fact three\\nmonths after his renomination in Baltimore his defeat by\\nGeneral McClellan was generally apprehended by his friends\\nand frankly conceded by Lincoln himself. On the 23d of\\nAugust, 1864, he wrote the following with his signature\\nappended\\nThis morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly proba-\\nble that this administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my\\nduty to co-operate with the President-elect so as to save the Union\\nbetween the election and the inauguration, as he will have secured\\nhis election on such grounds that he cannot possibly save it after-\\nward.\\nThis paper he sealed and delivered to Secretary Welles\\nwith notice not to open it until after the election.\\nThere was very earnest opposition to Lincoln s renomina-\\ntion by men of eminent ability and influential leadership in\\nthe Republican party. Chase, Wade, Henry Winter Davis,\\nand Horace Greeley were bitterly opposed to accepting him\\nas the Republican candidate for the second contest, as they\\nbelieved that he could not be elected. In addition to these,\\nSumner was not heartily for him Stevens was earnestly op-\\nposed to the President because he had not pressed confisca-\\ntion and other punishments against the South, and the ex-\\ntreme radical wing of the Republican party was aggressive\\nin its hostility. Lincoln s strength was with the people, and\\nthey overwhelmed the leaders who sought his overthrow.\\nThe only exhibition of weakness I ever saw in Lincoln was\\n183", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0237.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nexhibited during what might be called the contest for his\\nrenomination. There was, in point of fact, no contest at all,\\nas after all the efforts of the opposing leaders had been ex-\\nhausted the Republican people rallied to his support and as-\\nserted their mastery. He was painfully impressed with the\\napprehension that he might be defeated in the convention,\\nand on a number of occasions I heard him discuss the ques-\\ntion with a degree of interest that was painful. Even after a\\nmajority of all the delegates to the convention had been\\npositively instructed for him, and certainly two-thirds of the\\nremainder were publicly pledged to his support, he could not\\ndismiss the fears of his possible defeat.\\nI visited him several times within a month of the conven-\\ntion, in obedience to his telegrams, when he discussed only\\nthe political dangers which beset him. He told me that his\\nname would go into history darkly shadowed by a fraternal\\nwar that he would be held responsible for inaugurating if he\\nwere unable to continue in office to conquer the Rebellion and\\nrestore the Union.\\nLincoln was human, as are all men, and a more anxious\\ncandidate I have never known. The last time I conferred\\nwith him on the subject was within two weeks of the meeting\\nof the convention, and I could hardly treat with respect his\\nanxiety about his renomination. He had given close study\\nto the election of delegates, and I called his attention to the\\nfact that a decided majority were positively instructed for\\nhim, and that he certainly knew that a majority of the others\\ncould not be diverted from him. He had to admit that there\\nseemed to be no plausible reason for doubting the result, but,\\nwith a merry twinkle of the eye, he said\\nWell, McClure, I don t quite forget that I was nominated\\nby a convention that was two-thirds for the other fellow.\\nI had to admit that he had been nominated by a convention\\nthat was two-thirds for Seward, but no such conditions could\\narise as presented themselves in the Seward fight to swerve\\nthe convention from its purpose.\\nSo anxious was he about the situation that he made the\\nvery unreasonable request of me to become a delegate-at-\\nlarge from Pennsylvania when I had already been unan-\\nimously elected a delegate from my Congressional district.\\nI vainly attempted to convince him that it mattered not\\nwhether I was a delegate-at-large or a district delegate, as\\nmy power to serve him would be just the same but he per-\\n184", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0238.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nsisted in urging me to go before the State convention with\\nthe ungracious request to elect me a delegate-at-large a\\nposition that was sought as one of honor when I was\\nalready a member of the delegation from my district.\\nThe only possible explanation I could conceive was that, as\\nCameron was certain to be a delegate-at-large, he desired me\\nto be one with Cameron, and thus have both the Cameron and\\nCurtin wings of the party equally represented at the head of\\nthe delegation. Fortunately, political conditions enabled me\\nto carry out his wish, and Cameron and I were elected on the\\nist ballot by a nearly unanimous vote.\\nI never suspected Lincoln s purpose in asking me to\\nchange my position as a delegate until three days before the\\nmeeting of the convention, when I went to Washington in\\nobedience to his summons. He then asked me to vote for\\nthe nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President. He\\nhad Cameron already committed to the nomination of John-\\nson as a War Democrat to succeed Hamlin, but he gave me\\nno intimation of Cameron s position. I was favorable to the\\nrenomination of Hamlin, but after hearing Mr. Lincoln s\\nreasons for the request he made I would have voted for\\nJohnson in obedience to a sense of public duty, although\\nLincoln was not wrong in assuming that I was likely to vote\\nfor any candidate for Vice-President he specially desired.\\nHe was not opposed to Hamlin, but he knew that the success\\nof the party depended upon bringing into the Republican\\nfold a large body of War Democrats who had never become\\nRepublicans, such as Judge Holt, General Dix, General But-\\nler, and Governor Johnson, and he wished to nationalize\\nthe Republican party.\\nBut the conclusive reason why he desired the nomination\\nof Johnson was that it would most effectually prevent the\\nrecognition of the Confederacy by England and France.\\nThat was the great peril in the last year of the war, and Lin-\\ncoln believed that in no way could the success of the Govern-\\nment in the suppression of the Rebellion be so clearly pre-\\nsented to the world as by taking Andrew Johnson, of Ten-\\nnessee, who had filled every important position within the\\ngift of his State, and elect him to the Vice-Presidency from a\\nreorganized rebellious State in the heart of the Confeder-\\nacy. It is needless to say that, notwithstanding my prejudice\\nagainst Johnson, I agreed to support him; but Lincoln s\\ncaution prevented him from giving me any intimation as to\\n185", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0239.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthe attitude of Cameron, who was equally pledged to Lin-\\ncoln in the Johnson cause. Cameron and I met at the con-\\nvention in Baltimore on June 7 without either knowing the\\nposition of the other, and as our political relations were not\\nof the confidential order, although our personal intercourse\\nwas always pleasant, it required some diplomacy for us to\\nreach an understanding. Cameron had been committed to\\nHamlin, with whom he had served in the Senate, and was\\nsomewhat embarrassed, and he suggested that while he was\\nfriendly to Hamlin he did not believe that he could be nom-\\ninated, to which I agreed. He then proposed that we should\\nline up the two factions of the State in the delegation and\\ncast a unanimous vote for Hamlin when the State was first\\ncalled, and change it to a unanimous vote for Johnson\\nwhen the roll-call ended, to which I readily assented and\\nwith some effort we had a harmonious delegation on that\\nline with the exception of Thaddeus Stevens, who sat beside\\nme when I cast my vote for Johnson, and who with a grim\\nsmile said to me Can t you find a candidate for Vice-\\nPresident without going down into a d d rebel prov-\\nince? The vote of the State was, however, recorded unani-\\nmously for Johnson, and it was the like efforts of Lincoln in\\nhis very quiet and earnest way that made Andrew Johnson\\nVice-President and President.\\nThe Republican National Convention met in Baltimore on\\nthe 7th of June, 1864, and the venerable Rev. Dr. Robert J.\\nBreckinridge, of Kentucky, was temporary president and\\nEx-Governor William Dennison, of Ohio, permanent presi-\\ndent. Every State outside of the Southern Confederacy, and\\nsome that were partially inside of it, were fully represented.\\nThere was no contest for President, as the nomination of\\nLincoln was conceded. He received the unanimous vote of\\nevery State on 1st ballot with the exception of the Missouri\\ndelegation, that was instructed for Grant, and that was\\npromptly changed to Lincoln to make the vote unanimous.\\nThere was a considerable undercurrent in the convention\\nthat was not friendly to Lincoln, but so powerless that no\\nattempt was made to assert it.\\nThe important contest of the convention was for Vice-\\nPresident. L T ntil a short time before the meeting it was\\ngenerally expected that Vice-President Hamlin would be re-\\nnominated with President Lincoln but when the delegates\\ncame together, opposition to Hamlin was developed and\\n186", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0240.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nunexpectedly to many of the members, and it soon became\\nevident that a powerful organization had been quietly crys-\\ntallized to nominate Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, then\\nMilitary Governor of that State. The ist ballot gave Andrew\\nJohnson 200 and 150 for Hamlin and 108 for Dickinson, with\\n61 votes scattered but before the ballot closed Pennsylvania\\nled off by changing from Hamlin and giving a unanimous\\nvote for Johnson. Stevens was opposed to the change, but\\nfinding himself alone in the delegation, he permitted his vote\\nto be recorded with the majority. Other changes were made,\\nand the ist and only ballot was finally announced as 494\\nfor Johnson, 17 for Dickinson, and 9 for Hamlin. The fol-\\nlowing platform was prepared and reported to the convention\\nby Henry J. Raymond, of New York, and unanimously\\nadopted\\n1. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen\\nto maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union, and\\nthe permanent authority of the Constitution and laws of the United\\nStates and that, laying aside all differences of political opinion,\\nwe pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common senti-\\nment, and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power\\nto aid the Government in quelling by force of arms the rebellion\\nnow raging against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment\\ndue to their crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.\\n2. Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Govern-\\nment of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer\\nthem any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an un-\\nconditional surrender of their hostility and a return to their just\\nallegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States and\\nthat we call upon the Government to maintain this position, and to\\nprosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete\\nsuppression of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing\\npatriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the Ameri-\\ncan people to their country and its free institutions.\\n3. Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes\\nthe strength of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and every-\\nwhere, hostile to the principles of republican government, justice\\nand the national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation\\nfrom the soil of the Republic and that, while we uphold and main-\\ntain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its\\nown defence, has aimed a deathblow at this gigantic evil, we are in\\nfavor, furthermore, of such amendment to the Constitution, to be\\nmade by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall ter-\\nminate and forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the\\nlimits or the jurisdiction of the United States.\\n4. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to\\nthe soldiers and sailors of the army and navy who have perilled\\ntheir lives in defence of their country and in vindication of the honor\\nof its flag that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition\\n187", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0241.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nof their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent pro-\\nvision for those of their survivors who have received disabling\\nand honorable wounds in the service of the country; and that the\\nmemories of those who have fallen in its defence shall be held in\\ngrateful and everlasting remembrance.\\n5. Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom,\\nthe unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity with which\\nAbraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparal-\\nleled difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presiden-\\ntial office that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emer-\\ngency and essential to the preservation of the nation and as within\\nthe provisions of the Constitution, the measures and acts which he\\nhas adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret foes\\nthat we approve, especially, the proclamation of emancipation and\\nthe employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery;\\nand that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these\\nand all other constitutional measures essential to the salvation of\\nthe country into full and complete effect.\\n6. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare\\nthat harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard\\nas worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who\\ncordially endorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions,\\nand which should characterize the administration of the Govern-\\nment.\\n7. Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed in\\nits armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protec-\\ntion of the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws, or of\\nthe usages of civilized nations in time of war, by the rebels now in\\narms, should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.\\n8. Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has\\nadded so much to the wealth, development of resources, and in-\\ncrease of power to this nation the asylum of the oppressed of all\\nnations should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just\\npolicy.\\n9. Resolved, That we are in favor of a speedy construction of the\\nrailroad to the Pacific coast.\\n10. Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemp-\\ntion of the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this\\npurpose we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the\\npublic expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation;\\nand that it is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and\\npromote the use of the national currency.\\n11. Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the Govern-\\nment, that the people of the United States can never regard with\\nindifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by\\nforce or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican\\nGovernment on the western continent and that they will view with\\nextreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of\\ntheir own country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new foot-\\nholds for monarchical governments, sustained by foreign military\\nforce, in near proximity to the United States.\\nThe sixth resolution, read in the light of the present, would\\nseem to be a very harmless and proper expression on general\\n188", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0242.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nprinciples, but every member of the convention voted for it,\\nwell understanding that it meant a demand from the supreme\\nauthority of the party that Montgomery Blair should retire\\nfrom the position of Postmaster-General. He was not in\\nharmony with the policy of the administration, but Lincoln\\nhesitated to remove him, as their personal relations were\\nalways pleasant. Some weeks after the convention had\\nadjourned the more earnest opponents of Postmaster-General\\nBlair were disappointed that Lincoln did not remove him,\\nand several of them called upon Lincoln to explain why he\\nhad not obeyed the command of the party. Lincoln answered\\nthat he fully recognized the right of the Republican party,\\nthrough its highest tribunal, to instruct him as to members\\nof the Cabinet, but he added, with a significant twinkle of\\nthe eye, that those resolutions related to the next adminis-\\ntration and not to the present. Soon thereafter, however,\\nMr. Blair resigned, and Governor Dennison, of Ohio, suc-\\nceeded him.\\nThe Democratic convention met in Chicago on August 29,\\nand Horatio Seymour was permanent president. It was\\non the 23d of the same month that Lincoln had written\\nthe paper before referred to, expressing his settled belief\\nthat he would be defeated. Grant had been hammering\\naway between the Wilderness and the James with appalling\\nsacrifice of life and without visible substantial results. Sher-\\nman had been fighting his way toward Atlanta, and had\\nnever won anything approaching a victory over Johnson.\\nThus the summer was well-nigh ended without the inspira-\\ntion of victory, and the long, fearful strain and sacrifice\\nsuffered by the people made many patriotic hearts inclined\\nto accept peace on any reasonable terms.\\nThe Democratic convention thus met justwhen the country\\nwas most profoundly impressed with the terrible sacrifices\\nof war and the apprehension that the military power of the\\nConfederacy could not be conquered. It was this condition\\nthat made the Democrats commit the fatal blunder of declar-\\ning in their national platform, As the sense of the American\\npeople that, after four years of failure to restore the Union\\nby the experiment of war, under the pretence of a military\\nnecessity of a war power higher than the Constitution,\\nconsiderations of humanity, liberty, and the public welfare\\ndemand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of\\nhostilities with a view to an ultimate convention of all the\\n189", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0243.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nStates. Had the election been held at that time, McClellan\\nwould have been elected, but the delegates from the Demo-\\ncratic convention when on their way home after their fatal\\ndeliverance against the war met the people at every city and\\nvillage cheering to the echo over the capture of Atlanta, and\\nby night they found almost a continuous line of torches\\ndisplayed by crowds cheering themselves hoarse over the\\ngreat victory that was the beginning of the end of the war.\\nIt was universally accepted by the Democrats before, the\\nChicago convention met that General George B. McClellan\\nwould be their candidate. He had been in retirement at\\nOrange, N. J., after he had been removed from the command\\nof the Army of the Potomac in the fall of 1862, and his\\nfriends were very enthusiastic in his support. It was believed\\nthat he had sufficient flavor of the soldier to hold war\\nDemocrats, and he was known to be in very positive antago-\\nnism with the whole political and war policy of the President.\\nHe was a man of blameless character and altogether the\\nstrongest candidate upon whom the Democrats could unite.\\nThe 1st and only ballot for President in the convention gave\\n174 votes to McClellan, with 38 for Thomas H. Seymour,\\nof Connecticut, 12 for Horatio Seymour, of New York, with\\nJ vote for Charles O Conor, of New York, and ij votes\\nblank. Changes were made before the ballot closed, giving\\nMcClellan 202J votes to 28J for Thomas H. Seymour, and\\nthe nomination of McClellan was made unanimous with\\ngreat enthusiasm.\\nThere was only one ballot for Vice-President, as follows\\nJames Guthrie, Ky 65^\\nGeo. H. Pendleton, Ohio. .55j|\\nLazarus W. Powell, Ky 32\\nGeorge W. Cass, Pa 26\\nDaniel W. Voorhees, Ind. ..13\\nJ. H. Caton 16\\nAugustus C. Dodge, Iowa. 9\\nJohn S. Phelps, Mo 8\\nVery soon after the 2d ballot began Mr Guthrie s name\\nwas withdrawn, followed by the withdrawal of other candi-\\ndates, and Mr. Pendleton was nominated unanimously. The\\nfollowing platform was adopted with little opposition\\nResolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with\\nunswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution as the only-\\nsolid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people,\\nand as a framework of Government equally conducive to the wel-\\nfare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.\\nResolved, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the\\n190", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0244.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nsense of the American people, that after four years of failure to\\nrestore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the\\npretence of a military necessity, or war power higher than the Con-\\nstitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part,\\nand public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the ma-\\nterial prosperity of the country essentially impaired justice, hu-\\nmanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate\\nefforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ulti-\\nmate convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the\\nend that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored\\non the basis of the Federal union of the States.\\nResolved, That the direct interference of the military authorities\\nof the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Mary-\\nland, Missouri, and Delaware was a shameful violation of the Con-\\nstitution and a repetition of such acts in the approaching election\\nwill be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and\\npower under our control.\\nResolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to\\npreserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired;\\nand they hereby declare that they consider that the administrative\\nusurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by\\nthe Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in\\nStates not in insurrection the arbitrary military arrest, imprison-\\nment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in States where civil\\nlaw exists in full force; the suppression of freedom of speech and of\\nthe press the denial of the right of asylum the open and avowed\\ndisregard of State rights the employment of unusual test oaths\\nand the interference with and denial of the right of the people to\\nbear arms in their defence are calculated to prevent a restoration of\\nthe Union and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just\\npowers from the consent of the governed.\\nResolved, That the shameful disregard of the administration to\\nits duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who are now, and long have\\nbeen, prisoners of war and in a suffering condition, deserves the\\nseverest reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and com-\\nmon humanity.\\nResolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily\\nand earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors\\nof our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea, under\\nthe flag of our country and, in the event of its attaining power, they\\nwill receive all the care, protection, and regard that the brave sol-\\ndiers and sailors of the Republic have so nobly earned.\\nThe renomination of Lincoln by the Republican National\\nConvention was so entirely assured early in the year that\\nthe Republican opponents of the President made a desperate\\neffort to crystallize an opposition to Lincoln of such formid-\\nable character as to compel the national convention to choose\\nanother candidate. The call for the Republican convention\\nto meet at Baltimore was issued on the 226. of February,\\nand very active efforts were made by the leaders of the\\n191", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0245.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nopposition to place a Republican ticket in the field before\\nLincoln could be renominated. A mass convention was\\ncalled, to meet at Cleveland on the 31st of May, and some\\nthree hundred and fifty responded to the call. John Coch-\\nrane, of New York, was made permanent president, and\\nwithout the formality of a ballot John C. Fremont was\\nnominated for President and John Cochrane for Vice-\\nPresident by acclamation. Both promptly accepted the\\nnominations, but instead of inspiring Republican revolt\\nagainst Lincoln, as was anticipated, the nominations gave\\nno exhibition of popular strength, and after considerable\\nconference between the insurgents and the regulars, Fremont\\nand Cochrane announced their retirement from the contest\\non the 2 1 st of September, and urged the re-election of\\nLincoln. The following platform was adopted by the Fre-\\nmont convention\\nFirst. That the Federal Union shall be preserved.\\nSecond. That the Constitution and laws of the United States must\\nbe observed and obeyed.\\nThird. That the Rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms,\\nand without compromise.\\nFourth. That the rights of free speech, free press, and the habeas\\ncorpus be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has\\nbeen proclaimed.\\nFifth. That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Federal\\nConstitution should be amended to prohibit its re-establishment,\\nand to secure to all men absolute equality before the law.\\nSixth. That integrity and economy are demanded at all times in\\nthe administration of the Government, and that in time of war the\\nwant of them is criminal.\\nSeventh. That the right of asylum, except for crime and sub-\\nject to law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; that\\nany violation of it cannot be overlooked, and must not go unre-\\nbuked.\\nEighth. That the national policy known as the Monroe Doc-\\ntrine has become a recognized principle, and that the establish-\\nment of an anti-republican government on this continent by any\\nforeign power cannot be tolerated.\\nNinth. That the gratitude and support of the nation are due to\\nthe faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and\\nnavy for their heroic achievements of deathless valor in defence of\\nour imperilled country and civil liberty.\\nTenth. That the one-term policy for the Presidency adopted by\\nthe people is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and\\nshould be maintained by constitutional amendments.\\nEleventh. That the Constitution should be so amended that the\\nPresident and Vice-President shall be elected by a direct vote of the\\npeople.\\n192", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0246.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nTwelfth. That the question of the reconstruction of the rebellious\\nStates belongs to the people, through their representatives in Con-\\ngress, and not to the Executive.\\nThirteenth. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and\\ntheir distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a meas-\\nure of justice.\\nThe country was prepared, at the time the Democratic\\nplatform was adopted, to receive its demands relating to the\\nwar with some respect, but the aspect of the contest was\\nspeedily changed by Sherman s capture of Atlanta and\\nSheridan s brilliant victories in the Shenandoah Valley.\\nGeneral McClellan and his friends appreciated the unfortu-\\nnate expression of the convention against the war, that was\\nmade very generally odious among loyal people by the\\nthrilling victories of the army, and in his letter of acceptance,\\nthat he delayed long enough to give the fullest consideration\\nto the subject, he plainly dissented from the war plank of\\nthe platform. He said I could not look in the face of my\\ngallant comrades of the army and navy who have survived\\nso many bloody battles and tell them that their labors and\\nthe sacrifice of so many of our slain and wounded brethren\\nhad been in vain, that we had abandoned that Union for\\nwhich we have so often perilled our lives to which he\\nadded No peace can be permanent without union.\\nWhile the contest had been fairly doubtful and at times\\nexceedingly gloomy for Lincoln, the victories of Sherman\\nand Sheridan caused a sudden tidal wave, that utterly over-\\nwhelmed McClellan and left him the worst defeated candi-\\ndate of history in any contested election, receiving only 21\\nelectoral votes to 212 for Lincoln. The following table\\ngives the popular and electoral vote, with the soldier vote\\nin a separate table, as cast in the field\\nSTATTP^\\nPopular Vote.\\nElectoral Vote.\\nLincoln.\\nMcClellan.\\nLincoln.\\nMcClellan.\\nMaine\\n72,278\\n36,595\\n42,422\\n126,742\\n14,343\\n44,693\\n47,736\\n33,034\\n13,325\\n48,745\\n8,718\\n42,288\\n7\\n5\\n5\\n12\\n4\\n6\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\n193", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0247.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSTATES.\\nPopular Vote.\\nLincoln. McClellan.\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey.\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nKentucky\\nWest Virginia.\\nOhio\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nMichigan\\nIowa\\nWisconsin\\nMinnesota\\nKansas\\nMissouri\\nNevada*\\nCalifornia\\nOregon\\nTotals.\\n368,726\\n60,723\\n296,389\\n8,155\\n40,153\\n27,786\\n23.223\\n265.154\\n150,422\\n189,487\\n85,352\\n87,331\\n79,564\\n25.060\\n14,228\\n72,991\\n9,826\\n62,134\\n9.SSS\\n2.213,665\\n361,\\n68,\\n276.\\n8,\\n32,\\n64,\\n10,\\n205,\\n130,\\n158,\\n67,\\n49,\\n63,\\n17,\\n3,\\n31,\\n6,\\n43,\\n986\\n014\\n308\\n767\\n739\\n301\\n457\\n568\\n233\\n349\\n370\\n260\\n875\\n375\\n871\\n026\\n594\\n841\\n457\\n1,802.237\\nElectoral Vote.\\nLincoln. McClellan.\\n33\\n26\\n21\\n13\\n16\\n4\\n3\\n11\\n2\\n5\\n3\\n212\\n11\\n21\\n*Xevada chose three electors, one of whom died before election.\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nPennsylvania\\nMaryland\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIowa\\nWisconsin\\nCalifornia\\nTotals\\nSoldier Vote.\\nLincoln.\\n4,174\\n2,066\\n243\\n26,712\\n2,800\\n1,194\\n41,146\\n9,402\\n15,178\\n11,372\\n2,600\\n116,887\\nMcClellan.\\n741\\n690\\n49\\n12,349\\n321\\n2,823\\n9,757\\n2,959\\n1,364\\n2,458\\n237\\n33.74S\\nThe army vote of Vermont, Kansas,, and Minnesota was\\nnot received in time to be taken into the official count, and\\npart of the vote of Wisconsin was rejected for informality.\\n194", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThe States of Tennessee and Louisiana also held elections\\nand were carried for Lincoln, but their votes were not neces-\\nsary to the election of the Republican ticket, and although\\nLincoln earnestly desired that these States should be recog-\\nnized and the votes counted, Congress, by joint resolution,\\nthat Lincoln signed with great reluctance, declared that they\\nshould not be recognized, and they were omitted in the final\\ncount by Congress.\\nPennsylvania was the only Republican State that faltered\\nin the fall elections of 1864. There was no State ticket to\\nbe chosen, and the Republicans in charge of the campaign\\nassumed that Lincoln would carry the State without extraor-\\ndinary efforts, while the friends of McClellan, a native of\\nthe State, with strong individual and social relations, made\\nexhaustive efforts to give him the victory.\\nThe October election was practically a stand-off, and\\nLincoln telegraphed me on the morning after the election\\nto come to Washington. He was much distressed at the\\nattitude of our State, and apprehensive that New York, with\\nHoratio Seymour as Governor, one of the ablest Democrats\\nof the country, might vote for McClellan, as Tammany was\\nthen in the very zenith of its power. I had been Chairman\\nof the State Committee when Lincoln was elected in i860,\\nand General Cameron was my successor in 1864. He was\\nthoroughly competent for the task, but evidently did not\\nappreciate the perils which confronted him. Lincoln asked\\nme to join Cameron and devote the intervening month\\nbetween the October and November elections to assure a\\nvictory. I answered that I could not make the suggestion\\nto Cameron, as our political relations were not especially\\nfriendly, to which he replied, asking me whether I would\\ndo it if so requested by Cameron. I of course assented, and\\nthe following day I received a letter from Cameron at my\\nhome in Chambersburg, requesting me to join him, where\\nI found Honorable Wayne MacVeagh, who had been the\\nRepublican chairman the year before and who was then not\\nmore friendly to Cameron than myself. We all united in\\nan earnest effort to win the State, always acting in entire\\nharmony with Cameron and his committee.\\nI had private quarters at the Continental, while Cameron s\\nquarters were at the Girard, and, as requested, advised\\nLincoln each day of the apparent progress of the battle.\\nMy reports were not so assuring as he desired, for the\\n195", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nfriends of McClellan, inspired by the partial victory of\\nOctober, renewed their energies for the November fight.\\nPostmaster-General Dennison came to see me on a special\\nmission from Lincoln about two weeks before the election\\nto learn the situation as precisely as possible, and I had to\\ntell him that I saw but little hope of carrying the State on\\nthe home vote. The army vote would doubtless be largely\\nfor Lincoln and give him the State, but it would be declared\\na bayonet election, and with such a result in Pennsylvania,\\nand New York lost, as was possible, while Lincoln s election\\ncould not be defeated, as the Southern States did not vote,\\nthe moral power of the new administration to prosecute the\\nwar and attain peace would be greatly impaired. My answer\\nto Lincoln was that I would go to Washington within a few\\ndays if it should appear necessary to take extreme measures\\nto save the State on the home vote.\\nAs the political conditions did not improve, I telegraphed\\nto Lincoln that I would meet him at nine o clock in the\\nevening to discuss the campaign. I found him nervously\\nanxious about Pennsylvania, although not doubting his\\nre-election. He knew that New York was trembling in the\\nbalance and might be lost, and his fears were fully war-\\nranted, as he had but little over 6000 majority in a million\\nvotes. I told him that I had not confidence in the State\\nbeing carried by the home vote, but that it could be done\\nwithout interfering with the military operations of the army,\\nas Grant was then besieging Petersburg and Sheridan had\\nwhipped the Confederates clear out of the valley. I sug-\\ngested that he should in some way have Grant furlough\\nfive thousand Pennsylvania soldiers home for twenty days,\\nand that Sheridan should do the same, as that vote cast at\\nhome would insure a home majority. He hesitated about\\nmaking the request of Grant for reasons which I could not\\nunderstand, and I then suggested that General Meade was\\na soldier and a gentleman, and that he could safely senc\\nan order to him as Commander of the Army of the Potomac,\\nand that Meade would obey it and permit the order to be\\nreturned.\\nA messenger from the War Office went the next morning\\nto Meade, bearing the order from Lincoln, brought it bad\\nwith him, and fully five thousand Pennsylvania soldiers wen\\nfurloughed to return home. I said How about Sheridan\\nLincoln s face brightened and with great enthusiasm he said\\n196", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nOh, Phil he s all right.\\nThe same order went to Sheridan, of which no record was\\never kept, and Sheridan sent five thousand of his veterans\\nhome to vote as they shot, and Lincoln s majority on the\\nhome vote was 5712, to which the army vote added 14,363,\\nmaking a total majority in the State of 20,075.\\nIt is not generally known how earnestly Lincoln labored\\nfor compensated emancipation. He made earnest efforts\\nto save the Border States to the Union by the assurance of\\ncompensation for slaves, and even after all the slave States\\nsouth of the Potomac and the Ohio had joined the Confed-\\neracy, he adhered to the policy of compensated emancipation\\nuntil the day of his death. In August, 1864, when the\\npolitical situation presented a very gloomy aspect, I had\\na long conference with Lincoln at the White House, and\\nhe then introduced the subject of compensated emancipa-\\ntion.\\nIn that conversation he gave me the first intimation of\\nhis purpose to try and end the war by paying the South\\n$400,000,000 as compensation for the freedom of the slaves.\\nHe had the proposition written out in his own handwriting,\\nbut he well knew that if such a purpose on his part were\\nmade public, it would make his re-election impossible. He\\ndiscussed it freely and very earnestly, however, and said\\nthat he regarded compensated emancipation as the only\\nway to restore fellowship between the States. He did not\\ndoubt the ability of the North to overthrow the military\\npower of the Confederacy, but what he most feared was\\nthat the people of the South, driven to desperation by the\\nsevere sacrifices they had suffered, and the general desola-\\ntion of their country, that gave them no hope of regaining\\nprosperity, would make their armies disband into guerrilla\\nsquads and would be implacable in their resentments against\\nthe Government.\\nIn all of the many expressions I heard Lincoln make use\\nof, toward the close of the war, he always exhibited an\\nearnest desire to do something that would impressively teach\\nthe Southern people that they were not to be held as con-\\nquered subjects of a despotic power, but were to come back\\ninto the Union and enjoy the blessings of a reunited people.\\nLincoln believed that in no way could he so widely and\\nprofoundly impress the Southern people with the desire of\\nthe Government to deal with them in generous justice as\\n197", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nby paying them $400,000,000 as compensation for the loss\\nof their slaves. I can never forget the earnestness with\\nwhich he spoke of this proposition at a time when he did\\nnot dare breathe it to the public. He said the war was\\ncosting $4,000,000 a day, and that it would certainly last\\nfor more than four months, thus costing the Government\\nmore than the whole amount he would have gladly given as\\ncompensation for the freedom of the slaves, not to calculate\\nthe sacrifice of life and destruction of property. He fretted\\nbecause he could not convey to the South what he bejieved\\nshould be done to close the war and enable them to re-\\nestablish their homes and fruitful fields. He believed in his\\ntheory of compensated emancipation until his death, and he\\nabandoned it only a short time before the surrender of Lee.\\nHe would have suggested it to Vice-President Stephens, of\\nthe Confederacy, at their City Point meeting in the winter\\nof 1865, had not Stephens advised him at the outset that he\\nwas instructed by Jefferson Davis to entertain no proposition\\nthat did not perpetuate the Confederacy, and after his return\\nhe wrote a message to Congress in favor of it, submitted it\\nto his Cabinet, by which it was nearly or quite unanimously\\ndisapproved, and he endorsed upon it the disapproval of the\\nCabinet and laid it away.\\nLincoln was the most notable combination of sadness and\\nmirth that I ever met with in any of our public men. His\\nface in repose, under all circumstances, was one of the\\nsaddest I ever beheld. It would brighten in conversation,\\nand at times would portray a measure of sorrow that could\\nnot be surpassed. He was from his youth much given to\\nmelancholy. While he was known as fond of sports and\\nbrimful of humor, a very large portion of his life was\\nalways given to isolation and solitude, when he gave free\\nlatitude to the melancholy tendencies of his mind.\\nStrange as it may seem, he was always a hopeful man,\\nnever pessimistic, and always inclined when discussing any\\nquestion to take the bright side. He was severely conscien-\\ntious in his convictions and in his actions. He had faith in\\nthe present and greater faith in the future. He had been in\\nearly life what is now commonly called an agnostic, with a\\nstrong inclination to atheism, but in his mature years he\\nnever exhibited a trace of it. I have never known any man\\nwho had greater reverence for God than Abraham Lincoln.\\nThroughout his writings, political and otherwise, will be\\n198", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nfound multiplied expressions of his abiding faith in the Great\\nRuler of nations and individuals.\\nIn a single sentence to be found in Lincoln s second in-\\naugural address the country and the world have the most\\ncomplete portrayal of his character. When he was inau-\\ngurated for a second term as President, on the 4th of\\nMarch, 1865, the military power of the Confederacy was\\nbroken, and many in his position would have exhibited the\\npride of the victor over the vanquished on such an occasion\\nbut after stating in the kindest and most temperate language\\nthe duty of himself and of the patriotic people of the country\\nto protect the Union against dismemberment, he does not\\nutter a word of resentment against the South. With mal-\\nice toward none; with charity for all, was the brief and\\neloquent sentence in which he defined the duty of those who\\nhad then substantially destroyed the power of the Rebellion.\\nThat beautiful expression came from the heart of Abraham\\nLincoln, and it profoundly impressed the whole country, then\\nwildly impassioned by the bitterness of fraternal strife. He\\nknew the resentments which must confront him in restoring\\nthe shattered fragments of the Union, and his supreme desire\\nwas to have the bitterness of the conflict perish when peace\\ncame.\\nNo man who has filled the Presidential chair was so vin-\\ndictively and malignantly defamed as was Lincoln in the\\nSouth. The opponents of the war in the North were guilty\\nof unpardonable assaults upon his integrity, his ability, and\\nhis methods, but the South had no knowledge of him, as he\\nhad filled no important part in national affairs before his\\nelection to the Presidency; and his humble birth in Ken-\\ntucky, close by the birthplace of Jefferson Davis, and his\\nexaggerated rudeness of appearance and manner made the\\npeople of the South ready to believe anything to his discredit.\\nHe was proclaimed throughout the Confederacy as a second\\nNero; as a bloody and remorseless butcher; as a vulgar\\nclown who met the sorrows of the nation with ribald jest.\\nNot a single virtue was conceded to him.\\nNo one could know Lincoln well without seeing some\\nfeatures of his home life. I have seen him in grave conversa-\\ntion with public men on the most momentous subjects, when\\nTad Lincoln, his favorite boy, would rush into the room,\\nbounce on to his father s lap, throw his arms around his neck,\\nand play hobby-horse on his foot regardless of all the sacred\\n199", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\naffairs of State. There never was a frown from the father,\\nand the fretting questions of even a great war seemed to per-\\nish until Tad had completed his romp. The greatest sor-\\nrow of Lincoln s life shadowed the altar of his own home,\\nand it was one he had to suffer in silence. The calamity that\\nbefell Mrs. Lincoln after his death was visible to those who\\nhad opportunity to see for themselves at an early period of\\nhis administration. Mrs. Lincoln was mentally unbalanced,\\nbut not sufficiently so to prevent the performance of her so-\\ncial functions, and her vagaries often led to severe reflections\\nupon the President, at times even to the extent of charging\\nher with sympathy for the South, as her brothers were prom-\\ninent in the Southern army.\\nI first saw Mrs. Lincoln at Harrisburg on the night that\\nLincoln made his midnight journey to Washington, and the\\ngreatest difficulty we had on that occasion was to prevent her\\nfrom creating a scene that would have given publicity to the\\nmovement. I thought her a fool, and was so disgusted with\\nher that I never spoke to her afterward, although I had fre-\\nquently gone with ladies to her receptions. I wronged her,\\nfor she was then not wholly responsible, and soon after Lin-\\ncoln s death the climax came, leaving her to grope out the\\nremainder of her life in the starless midnight of insanity.\\nWith Lincoln s many other sorrows, considering his love of\\nhome and family, it may be understood how keenly he suf-\\nfered, and how he was clouded by shadows for which the\\nworld could give no relief.\\nXo man ever came in contact with Abraham Lincoln who\\ndid not learn to love, honor, and even reverence him. His\\nablest political enemies ever paid the highest tributes, not\\nonly to his personal attributes, but to his masterly ability, and\\nnone surpassed Stephen A. Douglas, the ablest foeman Lin-\\ncoln ever met, in his appreciation of Lincoln s qualities. He\\nhad to accept vastly the gravest responsibilities ever put\\nupon any President of the L nited States, and I am quite sure\\nthat no other man could have filled Lincoln s place during\\nthe Civil War with equal safety to the Republic. Had he\\nbeen vindictive and resentful his fame would not be without\\nblemish to-day.\\nWhat was to me the most beautiful tribute I have ever\\nheard paid to him came from the lips of Jefferson Davis,\\nwhen I visited him at his home in Mississippi some ten years\\nafter the war. He never tired of discussing the character\\n200", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nand the actions of Lincoln, and asked me many questions\\nabout his personal qualities. After he had heard all that\\ncould be given in the brief time that I had, he said with a\\ndegree of mingled earnestness and pathos that few could\\nhave equalled:\\nNext to the destruction of the Confederacy, the death of\\nAbraham Lincoln was the darkest day the South has ever\\nknown.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "THE GRANT-SEYMOUR CONTEST\\n1868\\nTo the casual reader of our political history, the election\\nand re-election of Grant to the Presidency immediately after\\nthe close of the war would seem to be a result at once logical\\nand inevitable but there are few of the present day who have\\nany knowledge of the many obstacles which confronted\\nGrant in his transfer from the highest military to the highest\\ncivil duties of the nation.\\nIt is noted that Grant, the Great Captain of the Age. was\\nelected and re-elected by large majorities that General\\nHayes, another soldier of national fame, succeeded him\\nthat General Garfield, a soldier-statesman, succeeded Hayes,\\ndefeating Hancock, the most brilliant Democratic soldier of\\nthe war, by only a few thousands on the popular vote that\\nBlaine, the first civilian candidate of the party, was the first\\nRepublican to suffer defeat after the political revolution of\\ni860; that General Harrison, another honored soldier, was\\nsuccessful as the Republican candidate in 1888, and that\\nMajor McKinley, now Chief Magistrate of the Republic,\\ncarried his musket as a private in the flame of battle, and\\ncame out of the war an officer promoted for gallantry. With\\nsuch a line of military Presidents, the natural assumption of\\nthe student of our political history would be that General\\nGrant s election came about because none could question its\\nfitness.\\nThere were very serious obstacles to Grant s nomination\\nfor the Presidency by the Republicans in 1868. First, he\\nwas not a Republican and never had been. He had never\\nvoted a Republican ticket, and he never cast a Republican\\nballot until after he had been eight years a Republican Presi-\\ndent. His last vote before he re-entered the army was cast\\nfor a radical pro-slavery Democrat, and he did not even sym-\\n202", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "U. S. GRANT", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\npathize with Stephen A. Douglas in i860, although he lived\\nin Illinois, the home of the great Democratic leader of that\\nday. Second, he was resolutely averse to being a candidate\\nfor the Presidency. He was General of the Army, with free-\\ndom to retire without diminution of pay he had no political\\ntraining, and felt himself unfitted for a political career. He\\nwas honest and apparently fixed in his purpose not to become\\na candidate. These objections at first appeared to be in-\\nsuperable obstacles to Grant s nomination, but he was\\nhuman, and had he declined the Presidency when it was ap-\\nparently within his reach, he would have stood as the only\\nman in the history of the Republic who had refused its\\ncrown.\\nThe Democrats were in a hopeless condition, and they at\\nonce began a systematic movement to make him their candi-\\ndate. This alarmed the Republicans, and they made equally\\nearnest and methodical efforts to make him their leader. It\\nis doubtful upon which side General Grant would have fallen\\nhad it not been for the early estrangement between President\\nJohnson and himself. Johnson made repeated attempts to\\noverslaugh him either directly or indirectly. He ordered\\nGrant to Mexico to get him out of the country, but Grant re-\\nfused to go, and he afterward made an earnest effort to\\nsupersede Grant by calling General Thomas to the command\\nof the army, but Thomas stubbornly refused to consider the\\ncall. As the Republicans were then in bitter warfare against\\nJohnson Grant logically found sympathy in Republican cir-\\ncles, and finally, with visible reluctance, he agreed to become\\nthe candidate of the Republicans. Had he been nominated\\nby the Democrats he would have been elected, but his admin-\\nistration would have greatly conserved and liberalized the\\nDemocratic teachings of that day. His final assent to be-\\ncome the Republican candidate for President was obtained\\nby the late Colonel Forney.\\nThe assassination of Lincoln and the succession of Vice-\\nPresident Johnson to the Presidency repeated the political\\nhistory of Tyler and Fillmore in a radical change of the pol-\\nicy of the Government. Johnson started under a cloud in his\\ncareer as Vice-President. On the day of his inauguration he\\nappeared in the Senate visibly intoxicated, and delivered a\\nmaudlin harangue so disgraceful that a correct report was\\nnever permitted to be given to the public. The report of that\\naddress as severely modified by the omission of the most of-\\n203", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nfensive expressions was highly discreditable. He was im-\\nmediately hurried away to the country residence of the elder\\nFrancis P. Blair, and there remained most of the time until\\nmore than a month later, when Lincoln was assassinated.\\nHe never attempted to resume his place in the Senate as\\npresiding officer, although he was frequently in Washington\\nand was there on the night of the assassination.\\nAs President he at first startled the country by the most\\nviolent demands for the punishment of all those prominently\\nigaged in the Rebellion. His favorite declaration was that\\ne made odious. It was not long, however,\\nuntil his i were materially changed, and he gradually\\nire sympathy with the South and aggressively\\nicy of the Republicans in Congress. It was\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2etween the Executive and the legislative\\npowers ot tne Government that led to the radical policy of\\nreconstruction and the wholesale enfranchisement of the col-\\nored voters of the South. All the reconstruction measures\\nwere vetoed by the President and passed over his veto by the\\nSenate and House, and the issue grew more and more in bit-\\nterness until it culminated in the impeachment of Johnson,\\nin which he escaped conviction by a single vote. Grant and\\nJohnson had an acrimonious dispute when Grant, as Secre-\\ntary of War ad interim, admitted Stanton back to the office\\nafter the Senate had refused to approve his removal by the\\nPresident, and from that time Grant and Johnson never met\\nor exchanged courtesies on any other than official occasions,\\nwhere the necessity for it was imperative. When the ar-\\nrangements were about to be made for the inauguration of\\nGrant, he peremptorily refused to permit President Johnson\\nto accompany him in the carriage to the Capitol for the in-\\nauguration ceremonies, and Johnson did not make his ap-\\npearance on that occasion.\\nI never met President Johnson but once during his term\\nin the White House. I had met him casually before and\\nduring the war, but cherished a strong prejudice against him\\nas an arch demagogue because of a debate between him and\\nSenator Bell, his colleague from Tennessee, that I happened\\nto hear in the Senate. Bell was one of the ablest and most\\ndignified of Senators, and I never witnessed a more offensive\\nexhibition of the studied arts of the demagogue than John-\\nson displayed in that Senatorial controversy. It was on some\\nphase of the sectional issue, and Bell s exalted patriotism and\\n204", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nmanly plea for union and fellowship contrasted with John-\\nson as the soaring eagle contrasts with the mousing owl. I\\nhad voted for his nomination for Vice-President in the Re-\\npublican convention of 1864, because I surrendered my own\\npreferences to considerations of expediency presented by\\nLincoln.\\nWhen he made the disgraceful exhibition of himself on\\ninauguration day as he appeared as Vice-President in the\\nSenate, I published an editorial in my Chambersburg paper\\ndenouncing Johnson as having offended against the dignity\\nand decency not only of our own Government, but of civilized\\ngovernments throughout the world, and demanded his resig-\\nnation. Little more than a month thereafter he became Pres-\\nident, and a troop of new friends flocked about him. It is\\nneedless to say that he was soon advised of the severe Civ-\\nicism I had made upon the inauguration address. I did not\\nsee or hear from him or communicate with him in any way\\nuntil the early fall, when Governor Curtin informed me that\\nhe had received a request from the President for Curtin and\\nmyself to visit him at Washington. My answer to Curtin\\nwas that as he was in an official position it was probably his\\nduty to regard a request from the President as a command,\\nbut as I was not anybody of consequence, I would not go.\\nWithin a fortnight a second and more pressing request was\\nmade to Curtin for us to come to Washington to confer with\\nthe President on the political situation. Curtin felt that we\\nshould go. He thought it possible that Johnson might yet\\nbe saved from political apostasy, although I had no confi-\\ndence whatever in the future of the administration, judging\\nfrom the surroundings he had invited, but I accompanied the\\nGovernor to Washington and called upon the President.\\nAt that time Johnson had attempted and largely carried\\nout a scheme of reconstruction of his own, that had gradually\\ndrifted him into very close and sympathetic relations with\\nthe ruling class of the South that had been active in rebellion.\\nHe had appointed provisional Governors, Legislatures had\\nbeen chosen, Congressmen and Senators had been elected to\\nsome extent, and I was utterly surprised to find the President\\nentirely confident that his scheme of reconstruction would be\\nsanctioned by Congress. I was well informed by conference\\nwith the leading Republicans of the North as to the policy\\nthey would pursue in Congress, and I knew that there was\\nnot the shadow of a chance for any of his reconstructed\\n205", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nStates to be readmitted into the Union on the basis of his\\npolicy.\\nCurtin s more responsible official position and general dis-\\ntrust made him quite willing to avoid discussion with the\\nPresident, who opened the conversation by an earnest ap-\\npeal to us to give tranquillity to the country and renewed\\nprosperity to business by accepting his method of reconstruc-\\ntion, that he always spoke of as my policy. I answered\\nby stating that it would be simply a waste of time and effort\\nto attempt to maintain his policy, as not a single Senator and\\nRepresentative then elected to the next Congress, or to be\\nelected thereafter by Southern States as then reconstructed,\\nwould be admitted into Congress. He seemed to be utterly\\namazed at the audacity of such a declaration, and informed\\nme in the most imperious and insolent manner that every\\nState would be restored to the Union and to representation\\nin the coming Congress. I told him that he was suffering\\nfrom the common misfortune of power in seldom hearing the\\ntruth. He exhibited much irritation, and several times walked\\nthe full length of the Executive Chamber with rapid step, ap-\\nparently to get cooling time for his passion. He finally tem-\\npered the discussion by more courteous expression, and we\\nwent over the whole ground with rugged frankness on both\\nsides, ending in the disagreement on which we had started.\\nI then asked him what he proposed to do with Jefferson\\nDavis, who was still in prison at Fortress Monroe, charged\\nwith complicity in the assassination of Lincoln. I saw that\\nhe was much embarrassed by the inquiry, and told him that\\nhe owed it to the truth of history, to Davis himself and to\\npublic justice to give him a fair trial. I reminded him also\\nthat Wurz, who had just been tried by a court-martial for\\nwanton and murderous brutality to the Union prisoners,\\nwith the judgment in the case then in the hands of the Gov-\\nernment, but not announced, would be condemned and ex-\\necuted, as he was poor and friendless. I said that if Wurz\\nwas guilty of studied brutality to prisoners he deserved to\\ndie, but that if he was simply executing the policy of the\\ngovernment of the Confederacy, as was then publicly\\ncharged, of deliberately and systematically murdering Union\\nprisoners by giving them unwholesome or insufficient food,\\nand withholding the necessary and possible attention to the\\nsick and dying, the responsible criminal was Jefferson Davis.\\nIn answer, the President asked how that could be done, to\\n206", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwhich I responded by saying that a court-martial, consisting\\nof Generals Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Sheridan and Meade,\\ncould well be charged with so grave an inquiry, as their\\njudgment would be accepted by the country and the world.\\nIf they condemned Davis, he deserved to be executed. If\\nthey acquitted him, as I believed they would, he would stand\\nacquitted of one of the most colossal crimes ever charged\\nagainst an individual. To my surprise, the President\\nanswered that there was strong prejudice growing up\\nagainst court-martials. He was quite right in that declara-\\ntion, as up to that time he had used them freely and almost\\nwholly in the administration of justice in all cases having any\\nconnection with the war. He had denounced Davis as an\\nassassin, and in his new relations with the South, which\\nchanged his conditions materially, he was anxious to protect\\nDavis, and evidently did not wish his accusations to be\\npassed upon by a competent court.\\nI then said to the President that it was his duty to dis-\\ncharge Davis that Davis should either be tried or given his\\nliberty at an early day, as he had already been long in prison,\\nand I reminded him also that he could not try a man for\\ntreason who was President of a government that had be-\\nleaguered our Capitol for four years, and that had been\\nrecognized by our own Government and by the leading gov-\\nernments of the world as a belligerent power. The discus-\\nsion of the Davis question, that was a very unpleasant one\\nto the President, brought the conference to a finish, and\\nevery prediction that I made to him about his reconstruction\\npolicy was fulfilled to the letter. Curtin took only an inci-\\ndental part in the conference, and we parted with ceremonial\\ncourtesy, never to meet again.\\nWhile the Republicans had been seriously divided by John-\\nson s defection, chiefly because of the large patronage he\\nhad to dispense, their columns became gradually reunited,\\nand in 1868 it was practically a solid Republican party\\narrayed against Johnson with a very few deserters; and\\nthe Democrats, while appreciating Johnson s betrayal of\\nthe Republicans, had no love and little respect for the be-\\ntrayer. From the time that Grant s candidacy was announced\\nno other aspirant was seriously discussed in Republican cir-\\ncles, and his name brought not only most of the later strag-\\nglers of the party into the fold, but commanded the support\\nof a large Democratic element in addition.\\n207", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThe Republican National Convention met at Chicago on\\nthe 20th of May, and easily finished its work in two days.\\nCarl Schurz was temporary president, and General Joseph\\nR. Hawley, of Connecticut, was the permanent president.\\nThe usual preliminaries were disposed of without jar dur-\\ning the first day, and the committee on resolutions reported\\npromptly on the morning of the second day. The following\\nis the full text of the platform as adopted by a unanimous\\nvote:\\nThe National Republican party of the United States, assembled\\nin national convention in the city of Chicago, on the 21st day of\\nMay, 1868, make the following declaration of principles\\n1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the re-\\nconstruction policy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in the\\nmajority of the States lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing\\nequal civil and political rights to all and it is the duty of the Gov-\\nernment to sustain those institutions and to prevent the people of\\nsuch States from being remitted to a state of anarchy.\\n2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men\\nat the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety,\\nof gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the\\nquestion of suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the\\npeople of those States.\\n3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime;\\nand the national honor requires the payment of the public indebt-\\nedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and\\nabroad, not only according to the letter, but the spirit of the laws\\nunder which it was contracted.\\n4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be\\nequalized, and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit.\\n5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preserva-\\ntion of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a\\nfair period for redemption and it is the duty of Congress to reduce\\nthe rate of interest thereon, whenever it can be honestly done.\\n6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is so to\\nimprove our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at\\nlower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay,\\nso long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threat-\\nened or suspected.\\n7. The Government of the United States should be administered\\nwith the strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been\\nso shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly\\nfor radical reform.\\n8. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of\\nAbraham Lincoln, and regret the accession to the Presidency of\\nAndrew Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who\\nelected him and the cause he was pledged to support; who has\\nusurped high legislative and judicial functions; who has refused to\\nexecute the laws; who has used his high office to induce other\\nofficers to ignore and violate the laws who has employed his execu-\\n208", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ntive powers to render insecure the property, the peace, the liberty\\nand life of the citizen; who has abused the pardoning power; who\\nhas denounced the national Legislature as unconstitutional who has\\npersistently and corruptly resisted, by every means in his power,\\nevery proper attempt at the reconstruction of the States lately in\\nrebellion who has perverted the public patronage into an engine of\\nwholesale corruption; and who has been justly impeached for high\\ncrimes and misdemeanors, and properly pronounced guilty thereof\\nby the vote of thirty-five Senators.\\n9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers,\\nthat because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be\\nresisted at every hazard by the United States as a relic of feudal\\ntimes, not authorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our\\nnational honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled\\nto protection in all their rights of citizenship, as though they were\\nnative born; and no citizen of the United States, native or natural-\\nized, must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign\\npower for acts done or words spoken in this country; and, if so\\narrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the Government to inter-\\nfere in his behalf.\\n10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there\\nwere none entitled to more special honor than the brave soldiers\\nand seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise\\nand imperilled their lives in the service of the country the bounties\\nand pensions provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the\\nnation are obligations never to be forgotten the widows and\\norphans of the gallant dead are the wards of the people a sacred\\nlegacy bequeathed to the nation s protecting care.\\n11. Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much\\nto the wealth, development, and resources, and increase of power\\nto this Republic the asylum of the oppressed of all nations\\nshould be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.\\n12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed\\npeoples struggling for their rights.\\n13. We highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forbear-\\nance with which men who have served in the Rebellion, but who\\nnow frankly and honestly co-operate with us in restoring the peace\\nof the country and reconstructing the Southern State governments\\nupon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received\\nback into the communion of the loyal people and we favor the\\nremoval of the disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon the\\nlate rebels in the same measure as the spirit of disloyalty will die\\nout, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people.\\n14. We recognize the great principles laid down in the immortal\\nDeclaration of Independence as the true foundation of Democratic\\ngovernment; and we hail with gladness every effort toward making\\nthese principles a living reality on every inch of American soil.\\nThe convention then proceeded to make nominations, and\\nafter an able and impassioned speech by General Logan pre-\\nsenting General Grant s name, the roll was called and every\\nvote responded in favor of Grant, giving 650 in all. As soon\\n209", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nas the vote was announced, a curtain on the rear of the stage\\nwas lifted, presenting a heroic picture of Grant, and the con-\\nvention responded to the nomination and the picture of the\\nGreat Captain with deafening cheers.\\nThere was a spirited contest for the Vice-Presidency.\\nWade, of Ohio, had the lead, and Fenton, of New York, Wil-\\nson, of Massachusetts, and Colfax, of Indiana, all started with\\na very promising vote. I was chairman of the Pennsylvania\\ndelegation, and in obedience to the unanimous instructions\\nof the State, presented to the convention the name of Andrew\\nG. Curtin for second place on the ticket. It soon became\\nevident that the contest would be between Wade and Colfax,\\nand when the struggle was thus narrowed Colfax won an\\neasy victory. The following table presents the several bal-\\nlots for Vice-President\\nFirst.\\nSecond\\nThird.\\nFourth\\nFifth.\\nBenjamin F. Wade, of Ohio\\n147\\n170\\n178\\n206\\n38\\nReuben E. Fenton, of New York\\n126\\n144\\n139\\n144\\n69\\nHenry Wilson, of Massachusetts.\\n119\\n114\\n101\\n87\\nSchuyler Colfax, of Indiana\\n115\\n145\\n165\\n186\\n541\\nAndrew G. Curtin, of Penn\\n51\\n45\\n40\\nHannibal Hamlin, of Maine\\n28\\n30\\n25\\n25\\nJames Speed, of Kentucky\\n22\\nJames Harlan, of Iowa\\n16\\n14\\nJohn A. J. Creswell, of Maryland..\\nSamuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas.\\n6\\nWilliam D. Kelley, of Penn\\n4\\nThe swift mutations in American politics were strangely\\nillustrated in the nomination for Vice-President at that con-\\nvention. Senator Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, who was\\nabout closing a term of eighteen years in the service of the\\nSenate, who was then President pro tern, of that body, and\\nwho was expected to reach the Presidency for a period of\\neight months by the impeachment and dismissal of President\\nJohnson, was the prominent candidate for Vice-President\\nbefore the meeting of the convention. It was generally be-\\nlieved that Johnson would be successfully impeached; that\\nWade would become President for the remainder of the term,\\nwith illimitable patronage, and that his nomination for the\\nVice-Presidency was apparently assured. But when many\\ndelegates were on their way to Chicago on Saturday, the\\n2IO", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\n1 6th, the trained lightning sped the message westward that\\nJohnson had been acquitted by a single vote in the Senate,\\nand that ended Wade s candidacy. He had many friends in-\\ndependent of the prospective power that had made him for-\\nmidable, and they made a stubborn battle for him, but though\\nhe was highest of all on the ist ballot, on the 5th and final\\nvote he had but 38 votes to 541 for Schuyler Colfax and 69\\nfor Senator Fenton, of New York. Thus two crushing dis-\\nasters had befallen Wade in a single week. He had the Pres-\\nidency apparently within his grasp and this would have\\ncarried the Vice-Presidency for another term but he was\\nsmitten in both efforts, and these crowning disasters closely\\nfollowed his defeat for re-election to the Senate. He was\\nthe sturdy, bluff, uncompromising patriot of the Senate dur-\\ning the war, and after these three disasters came upon him\\nin quick succession, the old man groped his way along for a\\nfew years in solitude and then slept the dreamless sleep of\\nthe dead.\\nThe Democratic National Convention met in New York\\non the 4th of July, and there was a strong sentiment among\\nthe delegates favorable to the nomination of a liberal Repub-\\nlican for President. The Republicans had nominated a\\nDemocrat, and Chief Justice Chase, who was an old-time\\nDemocrat, and who had won a very large measure of Demo-\\ncratic confidence by his rulings in the impeachment case of\\nPresident Johnson, was a favorite with a very powerful\\ncircle of friends, who had quietly, but very thoroughly, as\\nthey believed, organized to have him nominated by a spon-\\ntaneous tidal wave after a protracted deadlock between the\\nleading candidates. I have every reason to believe that\\nChase would have been nominated at the time Seymour was\\nchosen, and in like manner, had it not been for the carefully\\nlaid plan of Samuel J. Tilden to prevent the success of Chase.\\nHoratio Seymour, the ablest Democrat of that day, was\\npresident of the convention, and he had no more idea of be-\\ning nominated for President than he had of becoming the\\nCzar of Russia. It was generally supposed that Seymour\\nleft the chair of the convention because some votes had been\\ncast for him for President, but he really left the chair be-\\ncause he expected to aid in the nomination of Chase, and\\nwhen Seymour called another to preside, the Tilden strategy\\ncompleted its purpose by an able Democrat demanding the\\nnomination of Horatio Seymour, and delivering a most elo-\\n211", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nquent and impressive eulogy upon the confessed leader of the\\nDemocracy. In vain did Seymour give a peremptory decli-\\nnation. The convention had been organized for its work,\\nand men in nearly every delegation who had been assigned\\nto their task rose and swelled the hurrah for Seymour.\\nWhen he found the tide was likely to be overwhelming, he\\ndeclared with equal earnestness and pathos, Your candi-\\ndate I cannot be but the wave sped on and Seymour was\\nmade the candidate by a practically unanimous vote.\\nHe was prevailed upon to consider the subject, and that\\nmeant, of course, that he could not decline. There had been\\ntwenty-one ballots before the nomination of Seymour, in\\nwhich Pendleton, Hancock, and Hendricks were the leading\\ncompetitors. It was then that the nomination of Chase was\\nexpected to be made just as the nomination of Seymour was\\nmade, and Tilden s was the master hand that shaped the ac-\\ntion of the conventon.\\nTilden was a master leader, as subtle and sagacious as he\\nwas able, and he thoroughly organized the plan to nominate\\nSeymour, not so much because he desired Seymour as the\\ncandidate, as because he was implacable in his hostility to\\nChase. It was well known by Chase and his friends that Til-\\nden crucified Chase in the Democratic convention of 1868,\\nand this act of Tilden s had an impressive sequel eight years\\nlater, when the election of Tilden hung in the balance in the\\nSenate, and when the accomplished daughter of Chase de-\\ncided the battle against Tilden.\\nThe convention met on the 4th of July, which was Satur-\\nday, and nothing beyond organization was accomplished\\nuntil Monday. The supporters of Pendleton were altogether\\nthe most aggressive of all the candidates. They represented\\nthe Greenback issue that had then taken form, and ex-\\nhibited considerable popular strength, not only in the Demo-\\ncratic party, but to some extent in the Republican party. The\\ntwo-thirds rule was reaffirmed, and on Tuesday the com-\\nmittee on platform reported the following resolutions, which\\nwere unanimously adopted\\nThe Democratic party, in national convention assembled, repos-\\ning its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice\\nof the people, standing upon the Constitution as the foundation and\\nlimitation of the powers of the Government and the guarantee of\\nthe liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery\\nand secession as having been settled, for all time to come, by the\\n212", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwar, or the voluntary action of the Southern States in constitutional\\nconventions assembled, and never to be renewed or reagitated, do,\\nwith the return of peace, demand\\ni. Immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the\\nUnion under the Constitution, and of civil government to the Ameri-\\ncan people.\\n2. Amnesty for all past political offences, and the regulation of\\nthe elective franchise in the States by their citizens.\\n3. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as\\npracticable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except\\nso much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government, eco-\\nnomically administered, being honestly applied to such payment,\\nand where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state\\nupon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not\\nprovide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and\\nin justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States.\\n4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to its\\nreal value, including Government bonds and other public securities.\\n5. One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer\\nand the officeholder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and\\nthe bondholder.\\n6. Economy in the administration of the Government the re-\\nduction of the standing army and navy; the abolition of the Freed-\\nmen s Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure\\nnegro supremacy; simplification of the system, and discontinuance\\nof inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting internal revenue,\\nso that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened the\\ncredit of the Government and the currency made good the repeal\\nof all enactments for enrolling the State militia into national forces\\nin time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports,\\nand such equal taxation under the internal revenue laws as will\\nafford incidental protection to domestic manufacturers, and as will,\\nwithout impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and\\nbest promote and encourage the great industrial interests of the\\ncountry.\\n7. Reform of abuses in the administration, the expulsion of cor-\\nrupt men from office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restora-\\ntion of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive\\nand judicial departments of the Government, the subordination of\\nthe military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of\\nCongress and the despotism of the sword may cease.\\n8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born\\ncitizens, at home and abroad the assertion of American nationality\\nwhich shall command the respect of foreign powers, and furnish an\\nexample and encouragement to peoples struggling for national in-\\ntegrity, constitutional liberty, and individual rights, and the main-\\ntenance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute\\ndoctrine of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers\\nto punish them for alleged crime committed beyond their juris-\\ndiction.\\nIn demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Radical\\nparty for its disregard of right, and the unparalleled oppression and\\ntyranny which have marked its career.\\nAfter the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of\\n213", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nCongress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of\\nthe Government and the preservation of the Union under the Con-\\nstitution, it has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge under\\nwhich alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried\\nour flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as\\nin its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in the time of\\nprofound peace, to military despotism and negro supremacy. It has\\nnullified there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the habeas\\ncorpus, that most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the\\nfreedom of speech and the press it has substituted arbitrary seiz-\\nures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber inqui-\\nsitions for the constitutional tribunals it has disregarded, in time\\nof peace, the right of the people to be free from searches and seiz-\\nures it has entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the\\nprivate rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and\\nletters without any specific charge or notice or affidavit, as required\\nby the organic law it has converted the American Capitol into a\\nbastile; it has established a system of spies and official espionage\\nto which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to\\nresort; it has abolished the right of appeal, on important consti-\\ntutional questions, to the supreme judicial tribunals, and threat-\\nened to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrev-\\nocably vested by the Constitution, while the learned Chief Justice\\nhas been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely because\\nhe would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false\\nand partisan charges preferred against the President. Its corruption\\nand extravagance have exceeded anything known in history, and, by\\nits frauds and monopolies, it has nearly doubled the burden of the\\ndebt created by the war. It has stripped the President of his con-\\nstitutional power of appointment, even of his own Cabinet. Under\\nits repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on\\ntheir base, and should it succeed in November next and inaugurate\\nits President, we will meet, as a subjected and conquered people,\\namid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the Con-\\nstitution.\\nAnd we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the\\nUnited States threw off all subjection to the British crown the\\nprivilege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several States,\\nand have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the\\npolitical power of each State respectively and that any attempt by\\nCongress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this\\nright, or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power,\\nwhich can find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned\\nby the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only\\nend in a single centralized and consolidated government, in which\\nthe separate existence of the States will be entirely absorbed, and\\nunqualified despotism be established in place of a Federal union of\\ncoequal States. And that we regard the Reconstruction Acts (so-\\ncalled) of Congress, as such, as usurpations, and unconstitutional,\\nrevolutionary, and void.\\nThat our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our country\\nto victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must ever be\\ngratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor\\nmust be faithfully carried into execution.\\n214", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThat the public lands should be distributed as widely as possible\\namong the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre-\\nemption or homestead lands, or sold in reasonable quantities, and\\nto none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by\\nthe Government. When grants of the public lands may be allowed,\\nnecessary for the encouragement of important public improvements,\\nthe proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves,\\nshould be so applied.\\nThat the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in\\nexercising the powers of his high office in resisting the aggressions\\nof Congress upon the constitutional rights of the States and the\\npeople, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people,\\nand in behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks\\nfor his patriotic efforts in that regard.\\nUpon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every patriot,\\nincluding all the conservative element and all who desire to sup-\\nport the Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past dif-\\nferences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle\\nfor the liberties of the people; and that to all such, to whatever\\nparty they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right\\nhand of fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends\\nand brethren.\\nResolved, That this convention sympathize cordially with the\\nworkingmen of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights\\nand interests of the laboring classes of the country.\\nResolved, That the thanks of the convention are tendered to Chief\\nJustice Salmon P. Chase for the justice, dignity, and impartiality\\nwith which he presided over the court of impeachment on the trial\\nof President Andrew Johnson.\\nThe ballots for President began on Tuesday and ended\\nThursday. The following table gives the ballots in detail\\nBAL-\\nLOTS.\\nd\\n3\\no\\na\\no\\nD\\nPh\\nd\\nu\\nO\\nL\\na\\no\\nd\\no\\nu\\na\\nPh\\nM\\no\\no\\nu\\nPI\\nCO\\n2\\n3\\n\u00c2\u00abn\\npi\\n,cf\\no\\nu\\npi\\nO\\nm\\nU\\no\\nPI\\noS\\nCO\\npi\\nc\\nu\\nPh\\nD\\no\\nas\\nPh\\nc3\\nCO\\nu\\nu\\nM\\nu\\naj\\nPh\\n3\\no\\na\\npi\\no\\nO\\nV)\\nSo\\nPI\\nw\\nB\\na!\\n73\\nd\\no\\no\\np\\nCO\\nV\\nB\\naS\\npi\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nCO\\n^1\\nu\\n-a\\npi\\nCD\\nffl\\nCO\\nO\\nA\\nh\\nu\\nP\\no\\ns\\nu\\nCO\\n_o\\na)\\nu\\no\\nw\\nd\\n.if\\n3\\nPh\\nto\\no\\nPI\\nas\\nu\\nfa\\no\\nCO\\nPI\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\nJh\\n0)\\nPh\\nbo\\na\\nu\\nO)\\nH-\\naJ\\no\\nCO\\n1\\n2\\n4\\n5\\n6\\n7\\n8\\n9\\n105\\n104\\n119$*\\n118^\\n122\\n122^\\n137H\\n156^\\n144\\n65\\n52\\n34^\\n32\\n24\\n21\\n\u00e2\u0084\u00a2M\\n6\\n5V a\\n33^\\n40^\\n45^\\n43^\\n46\\n47\\n42^\\n28\\n24^\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n33\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n26\\n27\\n27\\n13\\n15^\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n7\\n7\\n7\\n16\\n7\\n6\\n6\\n6\\n6\\n13\\n12\\n8\\n15\\n12\\n12\\n12\\n12\\n2^\\n2\\n9^\\nim\\n30\\n39^\\n75\\n80^\\n9\\n10^\\n4^\\n2\\n9^\\n5\\nH\\n8\\n11\\n16\\n10 6\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n215", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nBAL-\\nLOTS.\\n10\\n11\\n12\\n13\\n14\\n15\\n16\\n17\\n18\\n19,\\n30.\\n21.\\n22.\\nc\\no\\nc\\nt*\\nfl\\nPi\\nO\\nA\\nn\\no\\n*j\\no\\n53\\na\\nB\\no\\nC\\nX3\\nc\\no\\no\\nCJ\\ne\\nC3\\nX\\nCQ\\no\\nu\\no\\nO\\nc\\na.\\nu\\no\\nK\\nIB\\ni-c\\n2\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nIh\\no\\nu\\nc\\no\\n13\\nC6\\nCO\\nc3\\no\\n147^\\n6\\n34\\n7\\n144^\\n5^\\n32V\u00c2\u00a3\\n7\\n145^\\n4V6\\n30\\n7\\n134^,\\n4^\\n4\u00c2\u00abV\u00c2\u00a3\\n130\\n56\\ni\\n129^\\n5V6\\n79V\u00c2\u00a3\\n7\\n107V*\\n5^\\n113^\\n1\\n70V4\\n6\\n137V6\\n7\\n56^\\n10\\n144^\\n31H\\n135 V\u00c2\u00a3\\n22\\n142^\\n135^\\n4\\n90^\\nbe\\nc\\nH\\n3\\nO\\ns\\nX\\nCO\\no\\n+J\\n05\\n\u00c2\u00abs\\no\\nIh\\nJG\\nO\\nH\\nffi\\n13\\n13\\n12\\n12\\n12\\n12\\n6\\n4\\n16\\n12\\n19\\n12\\n1\\n4\\n12 82^\\n12^ 88\\n12V\u00c2\u00a3 89\\n81\\nmi\\n8m\\n70^\\n80\\n87\\n107^\\n121\\n132\\n140^\\nfc\\nH\\n13^\\n13\\n1^\\n3^\\n3V*\\n5\\n9\\n5\\nBefore the 22d ballot was announced delegations began to change their votes\\nto Seymour, and the changes were continued amid great enthusiam until he\\nreceived the unanimous nomination. The twenty-one votes given him on the\\nlast ballot were all cast by Ohio delegates.\\nIt was charged that the nomination of Seymour had been\\ncarefully planned by his friends before the meeting of the\\nconvention, in imitation of the nominations of Polk and\\nPierce, but in point of fact the nomination of Seymour was\\nnot planned by his friends nor had they any idea of nominat-\\ning him when the convention met, as his name was not\\nbefore the convention at all until the 226. ballot and the\\nthird day of balloting. He was most earnestly averse to\\naccepting the nomination. His health was impaired, he had\\nhad many and very earnest political conflicts, and he felt\\nhimself physically and mentally unequal to the exacting\\nduties of a campaign. His nomination was, as I have stated,\\nconceived and executed for the purpose of defeating Chase.\\nHaving failed to nominate a Republican for President,\\nthe convention unanimously nominated General Frank P.\\nBlair, of Missouri, for Vice-President without the formality\\nof a ballot. He was one of the most radical and aggressive\\nof Republicans when the Republican party was organized in\\n1856, and brought the first important victory to that party\\nwhen, in the early fall of 1856, he was elected to Congress\\n216", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nfrom St. Louis, being the first Republican who ever repre-\\nsented a Southern State in the national Legislature. I\\nremember meeting him in Washington just before the clash\\nof arms began, after the bombardment of Sumter. He was\\nimpatient with Lincoln for not precipitating the war, and\\ntold me that he would go back to Missouri the next day,\\nand that the country would soon hear of battles fought in\\nthat State. He executed his purpose, for it was through\\nhim chiefly or wholly that the early and bloody battles of\\nMissouri were fought. He was one of the most brilliant\\nof the corps commanders of the army, but had evidently\\nfallen into disfavor with Grant, and Blair was as tireless\\na fighter as Grant himself. In a public letter, directed to\\nJ. C. Broadhead a short time before the convention met,\\nGeneral Blair denounced Grant as aiming at imperialism,\\nand declared that his election to the Presidency would date\\nthe downfall of our Republican institutions.\\nGeneral Blair spoke frequently during the contest, but\\nhis speeches were so violent that they gave offence to many\\nconservative Democrats and after the October elections,\\nwhich were disastrous to the Democrats, the New York\\nWorld, the leading Democratic organ, came out in a\\nleader demanding that he be retired from the ticket;\\nbut Blair was not the man to retreat under fire. Seymour\\ntook the stump, to present the party in a more conservative\\nattitude, and delivered a number of speeches, which rank\\namong the ablest popular addresses of American politics;\\nbut he could not halt the tidal wave that swept Grant into\\nthe Presidency. The following table gives the electoral and\\npopular vote\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island.\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania.\\nPopular Vote.\\nGrant.\\n70,426\\n38,191\\n44,167\\n136,477\\n12,993\\n50,641\\n419,883\\n80,121\\n342,280\\nSeymour.\\n42,396\\n31,224\\n12,045\\n59,408\\n6,548\\n47,600\\n429,883\\n83,001\\n313,382\\nElectoral Vote.\\n7\\n5\\n5\\n12\\n4\\n6\\n26\\nGrant Seymour.\\n33\\n7\\n217", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSTATES.\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia*\\nWest Virginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\nFloridaf\\nAlabama\\nMississippi*\\nLouisiana\\nTexas*\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\nTennessee\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nMinnesota\\nIowa\\nNebraska\\nKansas\\nNevada\\nCalifornia\\nOregon\\nTotals.\\nPopular Vote.\\nGrant.\\n7,623\\n30,438\\n29,025\\n96,226\\n62,301\\n57,134\\n76,366\\n33,263\\n22,152\\n85,671\\n56,757\\n39,566\\n280,128\\n128,550\\n176,552\\n250,293\\n108,857\\n43,542\\n120,399\\n9,729\\n31,049\\n6,480\\n54,592\\n10,961\\n3,012,833\\nSeymour.\\n10,980\\n62,357\\n20,306\\n84,090\\n45,237\\n102,822\\n72,086\\n80,225\\n19,078\\n59,788\\n26,311\\n115,889\\n238,700\\n97,069\\n166,980\\n199,143\\n84,710\\n28,072\\n74,040\\n5,439\\n14,019\\n5,218\\n54,078\\n11,125\\n2,703,249\\nElectoral Vote.\\nGrant.\\n5\\n11\\n10\\n21\\n8\\n13\\n16\\n214\\nSeymour.\\n11\\n80\\nDid not vote.\\nt Chosen by Legislature.\\nThere was dispute as to the right of some of the Southern\\nStates to participate in the election. It will be seen that\\nWest Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia,\\nAlabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, and\\nKentucky had all participated in the election. Fortunately,\\nthe disputed States did not in any way affect the result, and\\nCongress passed a joint resolution declaring that none of\\nthe rebellious States should be entitled to electoral votes,\\nunless at the time of the election they had adopted Constitu-\\ntions since the 4th of March, 1867, and had an organized\\nState Government, and unless such States had representation\\n218", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nin Congress under the Reconstruction laws. Of course,\\nPresident Johnson vetoed the measure, but it was promptly\\npassed over the veto by both branches of Congress, and\\nbecame a law. By that resolution, Virginia, Mississippi, and\\nTexas were absolutely excluded from the election.\\nThe other Southern States had representation in Congress,\\nwith the exception of Georgia. The question whether\\nGeorgia should be permitted to have her vote counted re-\\nsulted in a very serious dispute, on which the Senate and\\nthe House divided, but Mr. Wade, President of the Senate,\\nin declaring the result, counted the vote of Georgia and\\nprecipitated a very disgraceful scene, in which General\\nButler most offensively assailed the presiding officer. There\\nwas no question whatever as to the election of Grant and\\nColfax, and Congress duly declared them President and\\nVice-President of the United States.\\nThe contest of 1868 crystallized the Greenback senti-\\nment of the country under the leadership of George H.\\nPendleton, who was the nominee for Vice-President with\\nMcClellan in 1864, and who expected to capture the Demo-\\ncratic National Convention of 1868, to nominate himself for\\nPresident on the Greenback platform. The Pendleton\\nfollowers were the hustlers of that convention, and they\\nwere all decorated with a badge that was an imitation of\\nthe greenback. Gold had been at a high premium during\\nthe war, and was at a considerable premium in 1868, with\\nresumption apparently very far off. The cheap-money idea\\nhad been industriously impressed upon the people by the\\ndemagogues of that day, and as many of the obligations\\nof the United States were payable only in lawful money,\\nwhile the bonds issued during the war were payable in coin,\\nit was easy to make plausible appeal to the prejudices of the\\nindustrial classes, who were paying very high prices for\\nall the necessaries of life.\\nThis theory had been very widely discussed by the various\\nshades of opposition to the Republicans, but the Pendleton\\nmovement for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency\\ndignified it as a national issue, and it succeeded in making\\nthe New York Democratic platform go more than half way\\nin favor of repudiation of our obligations by payment in\\ngreenbacks. The greenback issue thus vitalized became\\na very important one in many of the States and caused\\nstrange political revolutions, such as the election of Demo-\\n219", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ncratic Governors and Democratic Legislatures in Maine and\\nOhio.\\nIt is doubtful whether the Republicans could have been\\nlined up squarely in the support of the national credit with\\nany other candidate than Grant, and one of the first acts that\\nhe signed as President distinctly provided for the payment in\\ncoin of all bonds of the Government bearing interest, and\\ndeclared also that specie payments should be resumed as\\nspeedily as practicable. The Greenback party not only\\nfigured largely in State politics, but became formidable as\\na third party in national contests, and the free-silver theory\\nof to-day is simply the old greenback issue of cheap money\\nin another form.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE GRANT-GREELEY CONTEST\\n1872\\nGeneral Grant was a thorough soldier, with little quali-\\nfication for civil duties and a natural distaste for politics. I\\ndoubt whether he had any defined political policy when he\\nentered the Presidency. He believed in maintaining the\\ncredit of the Government, and accepted in a conservative\\nway the general policy of the Republican party, but he knew\\nlittle or nothing of the political leadership of the nation, and\\nhis friends generally felt that the success of his administra-\\ntion would depend very largely upon surrounding him with\\na Cabinet composed of the ablest and most sagacious men\\nof the party, but Grant cherished no such ideas himself.\\nHe evidently assumed that politics could be run by general\\norders, as an army could be commanded, and it was that\\nmistake that alienated a very large portion of the Repub-\\nlicans from him in the early period of his administration,\\nand culminated in the Liberal Republican Convention at\\nCincinnati in 1872.\\nI had frequently met General Grant before his nomination\\nand election to the Presidency, but only in the most casual\\nway on social occasions, and never had any conversation\\nwith him, either on politics generally or on his candidacy\\nfor the Presidency. I was earnestly in favor of his nomina-\\ntion and election, because I believed that calling him to the\\nPresidency would do more to reconcile the South and give\\nbetter assurance of sectional tranquillity than the election of\\nany of the leading Republican statesmen of that day. I had\\njust changed my residence to Philadelphia, having suffered\\nserious financial disaster in the burning of Chambersburg\\nby McCausland, and it was my settled purpose after Grant s\\nelection to cease active participation in politics and devote\\nmy efforts wholly to my profession.\\nMy first and only meeting with Grant before his retire-\\n221", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nment from the Presidency, at which we had any protracted\\nconversation, was a short time before his inauguration.\\nChief Justice Read, of Pennsylvania, handed me a letter,\\naddressed to the President-elect, and asked me to deliver it\\nin person when I next visited Washington. I did not know\\nits contents, but inferred that it related to the appointment\\nof Curtin to a Cabinet office. A few days thereafter when\\nin Washington I called upon General Grant at his head-\\nquarters and delivered the letter, and after a very brief\\nconversation, rose to take my leave. He had opened the\\nletter in the meantime, and as I reached the door he called\\nme back, saying that Judge Read s letter strongly urged\\nthe appointment of Curtin to the Cabinet, and that he desired\\nto tell me frankly as a close friend of Curtin why he could\\nnot meet the wishes of the many friends of Curtin by giving\\nhim a Cabinet portfolio. He spoke very highly of Curtin,\\nand showed his appreciation of Curtin s position by nominat-\\ning him as* Minister to Russia at an early day after his\\ninauguration, and against the protest of Senator Cameron.\\nIn the course of the conversation I saw Grant s crude theory\\nof conducting a national administration. He said that his\\nCabinet officers would be his official confidential family, and\\nhe desired to appoint them entirely in accordance with his\\npersonal preferences. I said to him that it was certainly\\nhis right to have only men in his Cabinet who were entirely\\nagreeable to himself, but that it was very important for him\\nto have the ablest politicians of the country largely repre-\\nsented in it, to save his administration from the many\\npolitical complications which would otherwise confront him.\\nI saw that Grant was not a willing listener to any sugges-\\ntions, although given in the most courteous manner, and he\\nanswered with a somewhat liberal display of what some\\ncalled obstinacy and others called determination, as\\none of the leading attributes of his character. I then spoke\\nmore freely and frankly, and finally said to him that if I\\nwere suddenly called to the command of the army, with\\nlittle or no military experience, I would feel that my greatest\\nneed was generals and I added that it was in no measure\\ndisrespectful to him to say that, having been called from\\nthe command of the army to the Presidency of the Republic,\\nwithout experience in high civil duties, his greatest need\\nwas statesmen. The advice was not grateful to Grant; on\\nthe contrary, he was obviously fretted, as none of the many\\n222", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwho sought favors at his hands had ventured to tell him the\\ntruth so plainly. When the conversation ended he gave me\\na moderately cordial good-by, and I never again met him,\\nexcepting once at the large banquet given by Mr. Childs\\non the evening after the opening of the Philadelphia Cen-\\ntennial in 1876, until soon after he had retired from his\\neight years service in the Presidency, and never had any\\ncommunication with him.\\nI opposed his renomination, participated in the Liberal\\nRepublican Convention that nominated Greeley, had charge\\nof the Greeley campaign in Pennsylvania, and labored very\\nearnestly for Grant s defeat in 1872. On the day that he\\nretired from the Presidency I had an editorial in the Phila-\\ndelphia Times, speaking of General Grant as history would\\nrecord his achievements, and of necessity highly compli-\\nmentary to him. A few days thereafter I met him with\\nMr. Childs at the Continental Hotel, and he came forward\\nin a manner that was unusually demonstrative for Grant,\\nand was profuse in his thanks for the editorial referred to.\\nHe said that he specially valued it because it came from\\none who had been among his severest critics during his\\nPresidential term, and he ended by inviting me to lunch with\\nhim at Mr. Drexel s office that afternoon.\\nI willingly accepted the invitation and spent two hours\\nwith Grant, most of the time alone after Mr. Drexel and\\nMr. Childs had left us. I was surprised to find him one of\\nthe most agreeable of conversationalists, and he discussed\\npolitics generally and the Hayes-Tilden contest with a degree\\nof frankness and intelligence that surprised me. He said\\nthat he confidently expected the Electoral Commission to\\ngive the vote of Louisiana to Mr. Tilden, but that as Chief\\nMagistrate it was his duty only to maintain the law, and that\\nwhen the law of the nation made the Electoral Commission\\na final tribunal for the settlement of the dispute, he would\\nhave maintained that judgment with all the power of the\\nGovernment.\\nI was specially gratified at this interview to have a par-\\nticular prejudice that I had cherished against Grant since\\n1864 entirely dissipated by a conversation into which I\\ncautiously led him on the Lincoln-McClellan campaign of\\n1864. I have stated in another chapter that Mr. Lincoln\\nhesitated in October, 1864, to send an order to General\\nGrant to furlough five thousand of his Pennsylvania soldiers\\n223", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nhome to vote for President, and sent it to Meade. I had\\nknown how Lincoln had sustained Grant after the battle\\nof Shiloh, when Grant had few friends and none outside of\\nLincoln able to sustain him. When Lincoln hesitated to\\nsend the order to Grant, I spoke very freely and reminded\\nLincoln how he had saved Grant, and wanted to know why\\nhe could not now trust the man who would have been\\noverwhelmed but for the generous and heroic offices of\\nLincoln. Lincoln finally answered that he had never received\\nor heard of any expression from General Grant expressing\\na preference for his election over General McClellan. Lin-\\ncoln certainly at that time doubted Grant s attitude in that\\ncontest, and having been one of the many who had urged\\nLincoln to remove Grant from his command after Shiloh,\\nI could not fail to cherish some prejudice against Grant as\\nwanting in fidelity to Lincoln.\\nIn our general discussion of politics I remarked that he\\nhad very studiously avoided all political expression during\\nthe war, and that I had specially noted his silence during\\nthe campaign of 1864 between Lincoln and McClellan. His\\nanswer was prompt and given evidently in the frankest\\nmanner, as he said substantially Of course, I could not\\nwith propriety give any public expression in a political\\ncontest where one candidate had given me the highest com-\\nmission in the army and the other candidate had been my\\npredecessor in command of the army. The answer was\\ngiven in such simple earnestness that I never thereafter\\ndoubted Grant s fidelity to Lincoln, although Lincoln cer-\\ntainly was disappointed that Grant gave no expression\\nduring the campaign. On the night of Lincoln s election\\nGrant sent him a very hearty telegram of congratulation.\\nPresident Grant drifted into a political control that ulti-\\nmately made his administration intensely sectional and fac-\\ntional, and during his first administration he was intolerant\\nof criticism, and often openly disregarded Republican senti-\\nment in sustaining many of his favorites, who brought\\nscandals upon his rule. On great questions, however, Grant\\ncertainly was great. He conceived the idea of territorial\\nexpansion that has been so successfully carried out by the\\npresent administration with the hearty approval .of an over-\\nwhelming majority of the people. He made an earnest\\nmovement for the annexation of San Domingo, and he gave\\nexhaustive public and private efforts to attain it. This\\n224", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\npolicy was severely criticised by some of the leading members\\nof the party, prominent among whom were Sumner and\\nGreeley, and the San Domingo scheme was ridiculed from\\none end of the country to the other as a wild, visionary,\\npolitical enterprise, designed to give place and fortune to\\nadministration favorites.\\nSo bitter did the Republican national feud become that\\nthe anti-administration leaders decided to take the initiative\\nin opposing Grant s re-election. At no time in the history\\nof any administration was the political machinery of the\\nGovernment so complete and despotic as it was under Grant,\\nalthough not in any degree personally directed by himself,\\nand it was well known that the opposition would have little\\nvoice in the regular Republican convention, and that it was\\nentirely powerless to prevent Grant being presented as the\\nRepublican nominee.\\nThe first national conventions of the year were held at\\nColumbus, O., in February. The Labor Reformers were\\nfirst in the field, as their convention was held at Columbus\\non the 2 ist of February, with Edward M. Chamberlain,\\nof Massachusetts, as President. This convention was made\\nup largely or wholly of men who believed in the greenback\\npolicy, as it demanded an indefinite issue of greenbacks,\\nwhich would be a legal tender for the payment of all public\\nand private debts. The following is the full text of its\\nplatform\\nWe hold that all political power is inherent in the people, and\\nfree government is founded on their authority and established for\\ntheir benefit; that all citizens are equal in political rights, entitled\\nto the largest religious and political liberty compatible with the\\ngood order of society, as also to the use and enjoyment of the fruits\\nof their labor and talents; and no man or set of men is entitled to\\nexclusive separable endowments and privileges, or immunities from\\nthe Government, but in consideration of public services and any\\nlaws destructive of these fundamental principles are without moral\\nbinding force, and should be repealed. And believing that all the\\nevils resulting from unjust legislation now affecting the industrial\\nclasses can be removed by the adoption of the principles contained\\nin the following declaration, therefore,\\nResolved, That it is the duty of the Government to establish a\\njust standard of distribution of capital and labor by providing a\\npurely national circulating medium, based on the faith and re-\\nsources of the nation, issued directly to the people without the\\nintervention of any system of banking corporations which money\\nshall be legal tender in the payment of all debts, public and private,\\nand interchangeable at the option of the holder for Government\\n225", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nbonds bearing a rate of interest not to exceed 3.65 per cent., subject\\nto future legislation by Congress.\\n2. That the national debt should be paid in good faith, according\\nto the original contract, at the earliest option of the Government,\\nwithout mortgaging the property of the people or the future earn-\\nings of labor, to enrich a few capitalists at home and abroad.\\n3. That justice demands that the burdens of Government should\\nbe so adjusted as to bear equally on all classes, and that the exemp-\\ntion from taxation of Government bonds bearing extortionate rates\\nof interest is a violation of all just principles of revenue laws.\\n4. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people\\nand should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations,\\nbut should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people,\\nand should be granted to landless settlers only, in amounts not ex-\\nceeding one hundred and sixty acres of land.\\n5. That Congress should modify the tariff so as to admit free such\\narticles of common use as we can neither produce nor grow, and\\nlay duties for revenue mainly upon articles of luxury and upon\\nsuch articles of manufacture as will, we having the raw materials\\nin abundance, assist in further developing the resources of the\\ncountry.\\n6. That the presence in our country of Chinese laborers, im-\\nported by capitalists in large numbers for servile use, is an evil,\\nentailing want and its attendant train of misery and crime/ on all\\nclasses of the American people, and should be prohibited by\\nlegislation.\\n7. That we ask for the enactment of a law by which all me-\\nchanics and day-laborers employed by or on behalf of the Govern-\\nment, whether directly or indirectly, through persons, firms, or\\ncorporations, contracting with the State, shall conform to the re-\\nduced standard of eight hours a day, recently adopted by Congress\\nfor national employes, and also for an amendment to the acts of\\nincorporation for cities and towns, by which all laborers and\\nmechanics employed at their expense shall conform to the same\\nnumber of hours.\\n8. That the enlightened spirit of the age demands the abolition\\nof the system of contract labor in our prisons and other reformatory\\ninstitutions.\\n9. That the protection of life, liberty, and property are the three\\ncardinal principles of government, and the first two are more\\nsacred than the latter therefore money needed for prosecuting\\nwars should, as it is required, be assessed and collected from the\\nwealth of the country, and not entailed as a burden upon posterity.\\n10. That it is the duty of the Government to exercise its power\\nover railroads and telegraph corporations, that they shall not in any\\ncase be privileged to exact such rates of freight, transportation, or\\ncharges, by whatever name, as may bear unduly or unequally upon\\nthe producer or consumer.\\n11. That there should be such a reform in the civil service of the\\nnational Government as will remove it beyond all partisan influ-\\nence, and place it in the charge and under the direction of intelli-\\ngent and competent business men.\\n12. That as both history and experience teach us that power\\never seeks to perpetuate itself by every and all means, and that its\\n226", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nprolonged possession in the hands of one person is always dan-\\ngerous to the interests of a free people, and believing that the spirit\\nof our organic laws and the stability and safety of our free in-\\nstitutions are best obeyed on the one hand and secured on the other\\nby a regular constitutional change in the chief of the country at\\neach election therefore, we are in favor of limiting the oc-\\ncupancy of the Presidential chair to one term.\\n13. That we are in favor of granting general amnesty and restor-\\ning the Union at once on the basis of equality of rights and priv-\\nileges to all, the impartial administration of justice being the only\\ntrue bond of union to bind the States together and restore the\\ngovernment of the people.\\n14. That we demand the subjection of the military to the civil\\nauthorities, and the confinement of its operations to national pur-\\nposes alone.\\n15. That we deem it expedient for Congress to supervise the patent\\nlaws, so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own ideas and\\ninventions.\\n16. That fitness, and not political or personal considerations,\\nshould be the only recommendation to public office, either appointive\\nor elective, and any and all laws looking to the establishment of\\nthis principle are heartily approved.\\nFour ballots were had to nominate a candidate for Presi-\\ndent, resulting in the choice of David Davis, of Illinois.\\nThe following table exhibits the ballots in detail\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nThird.\\nFourth.\\nJohn W. Geary, of Pennsylvania.\\nHorace H. Day, of New York\\nDavid Davis, of Illinois\\n60\\n59\\n47\\n13\\n8\\niy\\n1\\n6\\n21\\n88\\n76\\n7\\n1\\n59\\n93\\n12\\n7\\n5\\n14\\n11\\n3\\n201\\nWendell Phillips, of Massachusetts\\nJ. M. Palmer, of Illinois\\nJoel Parker, of New Jersey\\nGeorge W. Julian, of Indiana\\nB. Gratz Brown, of Missouri\\nHorace Greeley, of New York.\\n7\\nTwo ballots were had for Vice-President, as follows\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nE. M. Chamberlain, Massachusetts.\\nJoel Parker, New Jersey\\n72\\n70\\n18\\n31\\n10\\n57\\n112\\nAllanson M. West, Mississippi\\nThomas Ewinef, Ohio\\n22\\nW. G. Bryan, Tennessee\\n227", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nDavis and Parker were unanimously declared the candi-\\ndates of the party for President and Vice-President.\\nAlthough Judge Davis had responded by telegraph to\\nthe notification of his nomination from the convention,\\nexpressing his gratitude for the honor conferred, he did not\\ndefinitely accept. Had Judge Davis been nominated by the\\nLiberal Republicans at Cincinnati in May, he would doubt-\\nless have remained as the candidate of the Labor Reformers,\\nbut in June, when there was no possibility of him being\\na candidate of any other organization, Davis and Parker\\nboth declined and retired from the contest. A small portion\\nof the delegates were reconvened, and Charles O Conor,\\nof Xew York, was nominated for President, without naming\\nany candidate for Vice-President. Thus, the Labor Reform\\norganization was practically out of the battle of 1872.\\nA Prohibition National Convention was also held at Co-\\nlumbus on the 226. of February, with representatives from\\nnine States, and Samuel Chase, of Ohio, was made perma-\\nnent president. An elaborate platform was adopted, but the\\nparty does not seem to have been of sufficient importance\\nto command the publication of its platform in full in the\\nnewspapers, and it is lost to history, as I have not been able\\nto find it. James Black, of Pennsylvania, was nominated\\nfor President, and John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice-\\nPresident by a unanimous vote, after having been presented\\nby a committee on nominations.\\nThe Liberal Republican National Convention met at\\nCincinnati on the 1st of May. The organized Republican\\nopposition to Grant had its origin in the State contest in\\nMissouri, where the Democrats and the Liberals united to\\nefface a most proscriptive Constitution and laws, denying\\nall rights of citizenship to those who had been engaged in\\nrebellion. A number of meetings were held in the Western\\ncities to organize the Liberal Republican party, and it was\\na mass-meeting of the Liberals of Missouri in Jefferson\\nCity, in January, 1872, that first decided to call a national\\nconvention of Liberal Republicans, and fixed Cincinnati and\\nthe 1st of May as the place and time for it to assemble.\\nIt seemed evident to all who had intelligently and dis-\\npassionately observed the political situation that the majority\\nof the people of the country would vote against the re-\\nelection of Grant if they could be heartily united, but the\\nelements were strangely incongruous, as Greeley, Sumner,\\n228", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nTrumbull, and many others of the Liberal leaders had been\\namong the most earnest champions of radical Republicanism,\\nand had antagonized the Democratic party so fiercely and\\npersistently as to make unity between them apparently im-\\npossible. It was only the utterly helpless condition of the\\nDemocrats that made them entertain the question of fusing\\nwith the Liberals by taking their ticket and platform.\\nStrange as it may seem, Mr. Vallandingham, one of the\\nmost aggressive of all the Northern Copperheads during\\nthe war, and who had been arrested by Burnside and\\nbanished into the Southern lines, was one of the first of the\\nleading Democrats to propose a union of all the elements\\nopposed to Grant and unite in fully accepting the results\\nof the war, the reconstruction policy, and the amendments\\nto the Constitution. I attended this convention as a delegate\\nand acted as chairman of the delegation. Of the prominent\\nmen named for the nomination, I greatly preferred David\\nDavis, the executor of Abraham Lincoln, and a man so\\nconservative and liberal in his political views and so thor-\\noughly identified with the substantial interests of the country\\nthat he would have provoked no antagonism whatever from\\nthe financial and business interests of the nation, but Horace\\nGreeley was his competitor for the place, and there was no\\nman in the country for whom I cherished stronger affection.\\nI had known Greeley for many years.\\nWhen the Liberal agitation began, the prominent can-\\ndidates discussed were Horace Greeley, Charles Francis\\nAdams, David Davis, and B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri.\\nGreeley became intensely interested in his own nomination.\\nHe felt that he had devoted his life to the best efforts for\\nhis country, and especially for the lowly. He was the\\nforemost of all in the great battle for the overthrow of\\nslavery, and he craved the recognition of his work by an\\nelection to the Presidency. Before the convention met he\\nmade an appointment to meet me at the Colonnade Hotel\\nin Philadelphia. He felt that he could speak with entire\\nfreedom to me, and he opened his heart to the full extent\\nof saying how much he desired the nomination and what it\\nmeant to him.\\nCould I have made him President, I would gladly have\\ndone so, but I knew that he could not be elected, and told\\nhim so with frankness that he appreciated. He yielded to\\nmy judgment as to his availability, and accepted the sugges-\\n229", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntion that had then been made generally by the more conserva-\\ntive of the Liberal Republicans that David Davis would be\\nthe only candidate who could certainly defeat Grant. He was\\nconservative, able, and clear-headed, and the business inter-\\nests of the country would have had entire confidence in him.\\nIn answer to my statement that the Democrats certainly\\ncould not be united in Greeley s favor, and without which\\nan election could not be accomplished, he said Well, if\\nthey won t take me head foremost, they might take me boots\\nforemost, meaning for Vice-President. I said I did\\nnot doubt that his nomination for the second place could be\\naccomplished with every prospect of success at the election.\\nWe parted with the distinct understanding that his friends\\nshould move unitedly to nominate David Davis for President\\nand Greeley for Vice-President.\\nWhen we reached Cincinnati a conference of the leading\\nfriends of Davis and Greeley was held the night before the\\nconvention met, Senator Fenton being present as the leader\\nof the Greeley forces. Leonard Swett, the immediate repre-\\nsentative of Davis, was present, along with John D. Defrees,\\nof Indiana, and a number of others. The plan of operation\\nwas agreed upon, and when we adjourned to enjoy a late\\nsupper we regarded it as settled that Davis and Greeley\\nwould be nominated on the next day.\\nAbout midnight it was whispered that General Frank P.\\nBlair, as the representative of B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri,\\nand others had held a secret conference to unite the Greeley\\nand Brown forces to make Greeley the candidate for Presi-\\ndent and Brown second on the ticket. We soon discovered\\nthat the movement had been thoroughly organized, and\\nmany Greeley men who were much more zealous than\\ndiscreet at once accepted the new situation, and forced even\\nFenton to fall back to the support of Greeley. Fenton was\\none of Greeley s most sincere and devoted friends, and it\\nwas with great reluctance that he joined in the effort to\\nnominate Greeley when he felt that it could result only in\\ncrucifying him. The withdrawal of the Greeley men from\\nthe Davis-Greeley combination left Davis a hopeless candi-\\ndate, as the convention was largely radical and little inclined\\nto consider questions of expediency.\\nThe Liberal Republican National Convention was simply\\na huge mass-meeting, with nearly all of the States of the\\nUnion represented, and it was boiling over with go-as-you-\\n230", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0288.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nplease independence in politics. Stanley Matthews, afterward\\nmade Supreme Judge, was temporary president, and although\\nhe denounced the Grant administration in his opening speech\\nas a monument of corruption, he soon thereafter bolted\\nGreeley and supported Grant. Carl Schurz was made per-\\nmanent president. The contest for President was evidently\\nnarrowed down to Adams and Greeley. I voted on every\\nballot for Adams, with whom I had little sympathy, and\\nthree-fourths of the Pennsylvania delegation voted with me.\\nOn the 6th ballot Greeley was nominated by changes of\\nvotes after the ballot had been announced, but I did not\\nchange the vote of Pennsylvania until he had received a\\nmajority of the votes of the convention. The following are\\nthe ballots for President\\nCharles Francis Adams, Mass.\\nHorace Greeley, New York\\nLyman Trumbull, Illinois\\nB. Gratz Brown, Missouri\\nDavid Davis, Illinois\\nAndrew G. Curtin, Pennsylvania\\nSalmon P. Chase, Ohio\\nFirst.\\nSecond\\nThird.\\nFourth\\nFifth.\\n203\\n243\\n264\\n279\\n258\\n147\\n245\\n258\\n251\\n309\\n110\\n148\\n156\\n141\\n81\\n95\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n92^\\n62\\n2^\\n75\\n41\\n51\\n30\\n1\\n24\\nSixth.\\n324\\n332\\n19\\n6\\n32\\nMr. Greeley s nomination was made unanimous, and the\\nconvention proceeded to ballot for Vice-President as follows\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nB. Gratz Brown, Missouri.\\nLyman Trumbull, Illinois.\\nGeorge W. Julian, Indiana.\\nGilbert C. Walker, Virginia.\\nCassius M. Clay, Kentucky.\\nJacob D. Cox, Ohio\\nJohn M. Scoville, New Jersey\\nThomas W. Tipton, Nebraska\\nJohn M. Palmer, Illinois\\n237\\n435\\n158\\n175\\n134^\\n84K\\n75\\n34\\n25\\n12\\n8\\n3\\n8\\nThe following platform was unanimously adopted\\nThe administration now in power has rendered itself guilty of\\nwanton disregard of the laws of the land, and of usurping powers\\nnot granted by the Constitution; it has acted as if the laws had\\nbinding force only for those who were governed, and not for those\\n231", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0289.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nwho govern. It has thus struck a blow at the fundamental prin-\\nciples of constitutional government and the liberties of the citizen.\\nThe President of the United States has openly used the powers\\nand opportunities of his high office for the promotion of personal\\nends.\\nHe has kept notoriously corrupt and unworthy men in places of\\npower and responsibility, to the detriment of the public interest.\\nHe has used the public service of the Government as a machinery\\nof corruption and personal influence, and has interfered with tyran-\\nnical arrogance in the political affairs of States and municipalities.\\nHe has rewarded with influential and lucrative offices men who\\nhad acquired his favor by valuable presents, thus stimulating the\\ndemoralization of our political life by his conspicuous example.\\nHe has shown himself deplorably unequal to the task imposed\\nupon him by the necessities of the country, and culpably careless\\nof the responsibilities of his high office.\\nThe partisans of the administration, assuming to be the Repub-\\nlican party and controlling its organization, have attempted to justify\\nsuch wrongs and palliate such abuses to the end of maintaining\\npartisan ascendancy.\\nThey have stood in the way of necessary investigations and indis-\\npensable reforms, pretending that no serious fault could be found\\nwith the present administration of public affairs, thus seeking to\\nblind the eyes of the people.\\nThey have kept alive the passions and resentments of the late\\ncivil war, to use them for their own advantage they have resorted\\nto arbitrary measures in direct conflict with the organic law, instead\\nof appealing to the better instincts and latent patriotism of the\\nSouthern people by restoring to them those rights the enjoyment\\nof which is indispensable to a successful administration of their\\nlocal affairs, and would tend to revive a patriotic and hopeful\\nnational feeling.\\nThey have degraded themselves and the name of their party,\\nonce justly entitled to the confidence of the nation, by a base syco-\\nphancy to the dispenser of executire power and patronage, un-\\nworthy of republican freemen they have sought to silence the\\nvoice of just criticism, and stifle the moral sense of the people, and\\nto subjugate public opinion by tyrannical party discipline.\\nThey are striving to maintain themselves in authority for selfish\\nends by an unscrupulous use of the power which rightfully belongs\\nto the people, and should be employed only in the service of the\\ncountry.\\nBelieving that an organization thus led and controlled can no\\nlonger be of service to the best interests of the Republic, we have\\nresolved to make an independent appeal to the sober judgment,\\nconscience, and patriotism of the American people.\\nWe, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in national\\nconvention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following prin-\\nciples as essential to just government:\\ni. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold\\nthat it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the people,\\nto mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity,\\nrace, color, or persuasion, religious or political.\\n2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these States.\\n232", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0290.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nemancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening\\nof the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth\\nAmendments of the Constitution.\\n3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all dis-\\nabilities imposed on account of the Rebellion, which was finally\\nsubdued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will\\nresult in complete pacification in all sections of the country.\\n4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the\\nrights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power.\\nThe public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the\\nmilitary authority, and the freedom of the person under the protec-\\ntion of the habeas corpus. We demand for the individual the\\nlargest liberty consistent with public order, for the State self-gov-\\nernment, and for the nation a return to the methods of peace and\\nthe constitutional limitations of power.\\n5. The civil service of the Government has become a mere instru-\\nment of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of\\nselfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions,\\nand breeds a demoralization dangerous to the perpetuity of repub-\\nlican government. We therefore regard a thorough reform of the\\ncivil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour that\\nhonesty, capacity and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to\\npublic employment that the offices of the Government cease to be a\\nmatter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public station\\nshall become again a post of honor. To this end it is imperatively\\nrequired that no President shall be a candidate for re-election.\\n6. We demand a system of Federal taxation which shall not un-\\nnecessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which\\nshall provide the means necessary to pay the expenses of the Gov-\\nernment, economically administered, the pensions, the interest on\\nthe public debt, and a moderate reduction annually of the principal\\nthereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but\\nirreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective\\nsystems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the\\nsubject to the people in their congressional districts and the decision\\nof Congress thereon, wholly free from executive interference or\\ndictation.\\n7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we de-\\nnounce repudiation in every form and guise.\\n8. A speedy return to specie payments is demanded alike by the\\nhighest considerations of commercial morality and honest govern-\\nment.\\n9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of the\\nsoldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no act of ours shall ever\\ndetract from their justly earned fame or the full rewards of their\\npatriotism.\\n10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or\\nother corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to\\nactual settlers.\\n11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in its inter-\\ncourse with foreign nations to cultivate the friendships of peace by\\ntreating with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishon-\\norable to demand what is not right or submit to what is wrong.\\n12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles, and\\n233", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0291.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "ini^rr\\nOUR PRESrDI T:\\nthe support of the candidates nominated by this convention, we\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0jz-r.Zz __:i :::__..; _.::.: t :i__ ::-::t:i:.:r ill :i:r.::.: :::;rt--\\n.:-:_; rtrir: rt _ 5 ..:.:_! ____!: _.-::_:\\nWhen the convention adjourned I regarded the opportu-\\nnity to make a successful contest against Grant as wholly\\nlost. Greeley had been hammering the Democrats in his\\npungent paragraphs for thirty years, and they could have\\nlittle sympathy with him, and the business interests of the\\ncountry could not accept a President whose financial policy\\nwas expressed in the single sentence, The way to resume\\nis to resume, referring, of course, to the resumption of\\nspecie payments, then the most vital issue. There were\\na number of prominent Democrats at the convention\\nspectators, and I was surprised to learn before mi\\nrhir rriarry rhtrrr iiai ieciiti favzr :he r^rrrtimriir.\\nthe Cmcirmati ticket by the Democratic convention.\\nTi.t Itmirnr. 7trr.t__tt lei :fr f:r rht\\nof Greeley by the Democratic National Convention, as\\na unml er iri.tr S :_.tes, but it was not until the\\nSrirt IrrrTttrrirr. :f Irr_i_.rr_. :_:.: nrt At:: ir:;\\nfor Governor, with a positive declaration in favor of sup-\\nporting I he Libera] 7 -publican national ticket, that thel\\n1 sition of the Democratic party was finally determined.\\nAfter the ::A _.::::.: it 1 5 i t^ _ Her. ir_ _ -:_. rht It::::-\\n::_r:r ii.rurt _._ rht :f rht rrr:; rrt::.:ii t:: it\\nI: is vtr. etrrtrsAv _.::trrti rh_r rht :::1; :l:i:::t rht\\nAtrrrrcrirs i.il is _____ in is ttrr rht Literal Re:\\nl::ir. :r:.:t__::_t.\\nTl:t Rtc_i:L:_.r. .____:____:\\n:rr rht =rh uirt art: it =11\\ntlt^tttt 1- 1 tttr. thrrrh\\n_:: trii _-.tr. _.: :ir.. rj_.tr-.\\n:._.r.:r. lertril __r_L__: _\\n_ _-_--_ __ _\\nt::::::: rrrtr\\niismriin^ _\\n:v rht :r_;:\\n_\u00e2\u0096\u00a0__:_.\\nrr.:r.:l:_ itfzrt rht rrrterir^ :f rht\\n_____:: rr_r re: h:_ :.:.r::5t rt:r it 1 :_.\\nL rrrfl rhtrr It til :ttr. _.rr =lrr_:_.\\n:t \u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f:i:tr rrtst ::r:tr.:_ t::\\nbecome a very formidable political", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0292.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nannouncement of his retirement his fellowship with them\\ngradually diminished, and when later he announced that,\\nnotwithstanding his public declination, he would be a can-\\ndidate for renomination, the Washington newspaper men\\norganized and made an aggressive battle against him. It is\\nnot disputed that they accomplished his defeat, as Henry\\nWilson, of Massachusetts, was nominated on the ist ballot,\\nreceiving 3644 votes to 321 J for Colfax.\\nThe campaign literature of this contest presented the\\nsingular fact that neither of the Republican candidates for the\\ntwo highest offices of the Government bore his own proper\\nname. Grant s name was Hiram Ulysses, but when he was\\nappointed a cadet to West Point he was erroneously entered\\nas Ulysses S. Grant, and he accepted that name until his\\ndeath. Another campaign story told how Henry Wilson s\\ntrue name was Jeremiah Colbath, and that when known as\\nthe Natick Cobbler he studied night and day to advance\\nhimself. He was very much charmed with the eloquence of\\nRepresentative Wilson, of New Hampshire, and he finally\\nadopted the name of Henry Wilson, by which he was known\\nthroughout his entire public career. The following platform\\nwas unanimously adopted\\nThe Republican party of the United States, assembled in national\\nconvention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and 6th days\\nof June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history, and\\nannounces its position upon the questions before the country.\\nDuring eleven years of supremacy it has accepted with grand\\ncourage the solemn duties of the time. It suppressed a gigantic\\nrebellion, emancipated four millions of slaves, decreed the equal\\ncitizenship of all, and established universal suffrage. Exhibiting\\nunparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for political\\noffences, and warmly welcomed all who proved loyalty by obeying\\nthe laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily\\ndecreased with firm hand the resultant disorders of a great war, and\\ninitiated a wise and humane policy toward the Indians. The Pa-\\ncific Railroad and similar vast enterprises have been generously\\naided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to\\nactual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full\\nacknowledgment of the naturalized citizens rights secured from\\nEuropean powers. A uniform national currency has been provided,\\nrepudiation frowned down, the national credit sustained under the\\nmost extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower\\nrates. The revenues have been carefully collected and honestly\\napplied. Despite annual large reductions of the rates of taxation,\\nthe public debt has been reduced during General Grant s Presidency\\nat the rate of a hundred millions a year. Great financial crises have\\nbeen avoided, and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land.\\nMenacing foreign difficulties have been peacefully and honorably\\n235", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0293.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ncomposed, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high\\nrespect throughout the world. This glorious record of the pas: is\\nthe party s best pledge for the future- We believe the people will\\nnot intrust the Government to any part}- or combination of men\\ncomposed chiefly of those who have resisted every step of this benefi-\\ncent progress.\\n2. The recent amendments to the national Constitution should\\nbe cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated\\nbecause they are law. and should be carried out according to their\\nspirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely\\nbe intrusted only to the parly that secured these amendments.\\n3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all\\ncivil, political, and public rights should be established and effectu-\\nally maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate\\nState and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administra-\\ntion should admit am discrimination in respect of citizens by reason\\nof race, creed, color, or previous condition of servitude.\\n4. The National Government should seek to maintain honorable\\npeace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and sym-\\npathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty.\\n5. Any system of the civil sen-ice under which the subordinate\\npositions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party\\nzeal is fatalh* demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the\\n5; _ :ern by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage and, make\\nhonesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public\\npositions, without practically creating a life-tenure of office.\\n6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to cor-\\nporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain\\nbe set apart for free homes for the people.\\nThe annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pen-\\nsions, and the interest on the public debt should furnish a moderate\\nbalance for the reduction of the principal, and that revenue, except\\nso much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors,\\nshould be. raised by duties upon importations, the details of which\\nshould be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to\\nlabor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the\\nwhole country.\\n8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose\\nvalor saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the\\nnation, and the widows and orphans of those who died for their\\ncountry are entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people\\nWe favor such additional legislation as will extend the bounty of\\nthe Government to all soldiers and sailors who were honorably dis-\\ncharged, and who. in the line of duty, became disabled, without\\nregard to the length of service or cause of such discharge.\\n9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers\\nconcerning allegiance Once a subject always a subject\\nhaving at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been\\nabandoned, and the American idea of the individual right to transfer\\nallegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty\\nof our Government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted\\ncitizens against the assumption of unauthorized claims by their\\nformer governments, and we urge continued careful encouragement\\nand protection of voluntary immigration.\\n236", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0294.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\n10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and the way\\nprepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage.\\n11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which\\nconcerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican\\nparty recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full\\nprotection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator\\nof capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual\\nprofits of these two great servants of civilization.\\n12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled\\nan imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent\\nand treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions,\\nand for the protection of the ballot-box and therefore they are\\nentitled to the thanks of the nation.\\n13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or\\ndisguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction\\nof the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the\\nbalance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency\\nwill be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment.\\n14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the\\nloyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause\\nof freedom. Their admission to wider spheres of usefulness is\\nviewed with satisfaction; and the honest demand of any class of\\ncitizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful\\nconsideration.\\n15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending\\namnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of\\npeace and fraternal feeling throughout the land.\\n16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved\\nby the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by\\nthem to the States and to the Federal Government. It disapproves\\nof the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing\\nevils by interference with the rights not surrendered by the people\\nto either the State or the National Government.\\n17. It is the duty of the General Government to adopt such\\nmeasures as may tend to encourage and restore American commerce\\nand shipbuilding.\\n18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose,\\nthe sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integ-\\nrity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have com-\\nmended him to the heart of the American people, and with him at\\nour head we start to-day upon a new march to victory.\\n19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, known to\\nthe whole land from the early days of the great struggle for liberty\\nas an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legis-\\nlator, and representative man of American institutions, is worthy\\nto associate with our great leader and share the honors which we\\npledge our best efforts to bestow upon them.\\nThe Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore\\non the 9th of July. Thomas Jefferson Randolph, of Virginia,\\nwas the temporary president and ex-Senator James R.\\nDoolittle, of Wisconsin, was permanent president. The\\nCincinnati Liberal Republican platform was reported by the\\n237", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0295.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ncommittee without the change of a word. Senator Bayard,\\nof Delaware, vigorously opposed it, but it was adopted by\\n670 to 62. A ballot was had for President, resulting as\\nfollows\\nHorace Greeley, New York, 686\\nJeremiah S. Black, Pennsyl-\\nvania 21\\nThos. F. Bayard, Delaware, 16\\nWm. S. Groesback, Ohio 2\\nBlank 7\\nOn the 1st ballot for Vice-President, B. Gratz Brown\\nreceived 713 votes to 6 for John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky,\\nand 13 blank. The nominations were then made unanimous.\\nIt was one of the most harmonious conventions that I ever\\nwitnessed, and there was very general and absolute confi-\\ndence felt that the Democrats and Liberals united could\\nsweep the country and elect Greeley to the Presidency.\\nThere were few among the Democratic leaders who openly\\nand determinedly dissented. In point of fact the Democratic\\nleaders were quite sufficiently united on Greeley to have\\ngiven him the victory, but the rank and file refused to fol-\\nlow, as was proved by the State elections, all of which\\nshowed that the Democrats lost more of their following than\\nthe Republicans gave them from the Liberal ranks.\\nIt was not until September 3d that the Democratic opposi-\\ntion to Greeley took form, when a national convention was\\nheld at Louisville, Ky., and nominated Charles O Conor,\\nof New York, for President and John Quincy Adams, of\\nMassachusetts, for Vice-President without the formality\\nof a ballot. Adams had agreed to accept the nomination if\\nO Conor stood at the head of the ticket, but O Conor\\npromptly and peremptorily declined, after which Mr. Lyon,\\npresident of the convention, was nominated for President,\\nbut he also declined. The nomination for President was\\nthen tendered to Mr. Adams, but he refused, and finally the\\nconvention renominated O Conor, and adjourned without\\ninquiring whether the candidates would stand or decline.\\nThe following is the platform adopted by the Democratic\\ndissenters\\n_ Whereas, A frequent recurrence to first principles, and eternal\\nvigilance against abuses, are the wisest provisions for liberty, which\\nis the source of progress, and fidelity to our constitutional system is\\nthe only protection for either; therefore,\\nResolved, That the original basis of our whole political structure\\nis a consent in every part thereof. The people of each State volun-\\ntarily created their State, and the States voluntarily formed the\\n238", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0296.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nUnion; and each State has provided, by its written Constitution,\\nfor everything a State should do for the protection of life, liberty,\\nand property within it; and each State, jointly with the others, pro-\\nvided a Federal Union for foreign and inter-State relations.\\nResolved, That all government powers, whether State or Federal,\\nare trust powers coming from the people of each State and that\\nthey are limited to the written letter of the Constitution and the\\nlaws passed in pursuance of it, which powers must be exercised in\\nthe utmost good faith, the Constitution itself providing in what man-\\nner they may be altered and amended.\\nResolved, That the interests of labor and capital should not be\\npermitted to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious legisla-\\ntion. While such a conflict continues, labor, which is the parent of\\nwealth, is entitled to paramount consideration.\\nResolved, That we proclaim to the world that principle is to be\\npreferred to power; that the Democratic party is held together by\\nthe cohesion of time-honored principles which they will never sur-\\nrender in exchange for all the offices which presidents can confer.\\nThe pangs of the minorities are doubtless excruciating but we wel-\\ncome an eternal minority under the banner inscribed with our prin-\\nciples rather than an almighty and everlasting majority purchased\\nby their abandonment.\\nResolved, That, having been betrayed at Baltimore into a false\\ncreed and a false leadership by the convention, we repudiate both,\\nand appeal to the people to approve our platform, and to rally to\\nthe polls and support the true platform, and the candidates who\\nembody it.\\nResolved, That we are opposed to giving public lands to corpora-\\ntions, and favor their disposal to actual settlers only.\\nResolved, That we favor a judicious tariff for revenue purposes\\nonly, and that we are unalterably opposed to class legislation which\\nenriches a few at the expense of the many under the plea of pro-\\ntection.\\nThe campaign was a very earnest one, but after the\\nGreeley tide had struck its ebb in the North Carolina elec-\\ntion in August, the battle was a hopeless one for Greeley,\\nand he was defeated by a very large majority. The follow-\\ning table gives the popular vote\\nSTATES.\\nGrant.\\nGreeley.\\nO Conor.\\nBlack.\\nMaine\\n61,422\\n37,168\\n41,481\\n133,472\\n13,665\\n50,638\\n440,736\\n91,656\\n349,589\\n29,087\\n31,424\\n10,927\\n59,260\\n5,329\\n45,880\\n387,281\\n76,456\\n212,041\\n100\\n593\\n204\\n1,454\\n630\\nNew Hampshire\\n200\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\n206\\nNew York\\n201\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\n1,630\\n239", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0297.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSTATES.\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nWest Virginia.\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina.\\nGeorgia\\nFlorida\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana*\\nLouisiana!\\nTexas\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\nTennessee\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nMinnesota\\nIowa\\nNebraska\\nKansas\\nNevada\\nCalifornia\\nOregon\\nTotals.\\nGrant.\\n11,115\\n66,760\\n93,468\\n32,315\\n94,769\\n72,290\\n62,550\\n17,763\\n90,272\\n82,175\\n71,663\\n59,975\\n47,468\\n41,373\\n119,196\\n85,655\\n88,766\\n281,852\\n138,455\\n186,147\\n241,944\\n104,997\\n55,117\\n131,566\\n18,329\\n67,048\\n8,413\\n54,020\\n11,819\\n3,597,132\\nGreeley.\\n10,206\\n67,687\\n91,654\\n29,451\\n70,094\\n22,703\\n76,356\\n15,427\\n79,444\\n47,288\\n57,029\\n66,467\\n66,546\\n37,927\\n151,434\\n94,391\\n99,995\\n244,321\\n78,355\\n163,632\\n184,938\\n86,477\\n34,423\\n71,196\\n7,812\\n32,970\\n6,236\\n40,718\\n7,730\\n2,834,125\\nO Conor.\\nBlack.\\n487\\n19\\n42\\n600\\n187\\n4,000\\n2,580\\n2,439\\n2,374\\n1,163\\n2,861\\n1,417\\n3,058\\n834\\n2,221\\n596\\n1,068\\n572\\n29,489\\n2,100\\n1,271\\n5,608\\nCustom house count. The total vote of the country, as given above,\\nincludes these returns.\\nCount by the Warmouth returning board. If these returns should be\\nsubstituted for the others, the total vote of the country would be: for Grant,\\n3,585,444 Greeley, 2,843,563.\\nI find that many tables of the popular vote are discordant,\\nand I have accepted the table prepared by Mr. Stanwood as\\nhe presented it. The Louisiana dispute arose from two re-\\nturning boards. Governor Warmouth, who was, by virtue\\nof his office, the head of the returning board, had supported\\nGreeley, and the dispute led to two returning boards, each\\nof which made a different return of the official vote of the\\nState, one giving it to Greeley and the other to Grant. Mr.\\nGreeley died soon after the election and before the electoral\\ncolleges met, and the minority electors, who had been chosen\\nfor Greeley, were entirely at sea, as will be seen by the fol-\\nlowing table of the electoral vote as returned to Congress.\\n240", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0298.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThere were many quibbles raised in the joint convention of\\nthe two houses in counting and declaring the vote. Mr.\\nHoar, of Massachusetts, objected to the Georgia votes cast\\nfor Greeley because he was dead at the time, and various\\nother technical objections were made, but the table I give\\nshows the vote as it was accepted\\nPresident.\\nVice-President.\\nSTATES.\\na\\nu\\nO\\nEC\\nCO\\ncd\\nCO\\nen\\n5\\n(3\\ni\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i\\nco\\nM\\n_o\\nu\\n-d\\nC\\no\\nW\\nCO\\na\\no\\nXi\\nEH\\n6\\nc\\no\\nu\\nu\\no\\n6\\n8\\n4\\n18\\nCD\\nto\\no\\na\\nu\\no\\nK\\n3*\\nO\\nc/T\\nG\\nt\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nCO\\n*n\\no\\n2\\n2\\ni\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i\\nCO\\nQ\\n1\\n1\\nCO\\nCO\\noj\\n3\\nC\\no\\nCO\\nu\\na\\ncd\\n6\\na\\no\\nS3\\n-4-\\noS\\n!h\\nd\\nc\\ni\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i\\na\\n.5\\n3\\ni\\nbe\\nu\\no\\ncd\\nO\\n+j\\n+j\\nP\\nD\\nO\\nO\\nX\\n-d\\n0)\\nu\\n5\\n5\\n\u00c2\u00ab-T\\nCD\\ng\\nOh\\nc\\no\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\n3\\n3\\nM\\nCD*\\n-t-J\\nCD\\nS\\nU\\nm\\nH\\nCO\\na\\no\\n,cs\\nEH\\n3\\n3\\nCO\\nCO\\noj\\n8\\nCO\\nc\\noj\\nCQ\\nPU\\nc\\noS\\n1\\nd\\no\\nCD\\n\u00c2\u00a31\\nCO\\nCD\\nO\\nU\\no\\nCO\\na\\nl\\n1\\nc\\nCD\\nO\\noj\\nCO\\nMaine\\n7\\n5\\n5\\n13\\n4\\n6\\n35\\n9\\n29\\n3\\n11\\n5\\n10\\n7\\n4\\n10\\n8\\n8*\\n6*\\n22\\n11\\n15\\n21\\n10\\n5\\n11\\n3\\n5\\n3\\n6\\n3\\n8\\n8\\n6\\n12\\n8\\n7\\n5\\n5\\n4\\n6\\n35\\n9\\n29\\n3\\n11\\n5\\n10\\n7\\n4\\n10\\n8\\n8*\\n22\\n11\\n15\\n21\\n10\\n5\\n11\\n3\\n5\\n3\\n6\\n3\\n8\\n5\\n8*\\n8\\n6*\\n6\\n12\\n8\\n5\\nVermont.\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nWest Virginia\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\nFlorida\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nLouisiana\\nTexas\\nArkansas\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\n1\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nWisconsin\\nMinnesota\\nIowa\\nKansas\\nNevada\\nCalifornia\\nTotal (as declared)\\n286\\n42\\n286\\n47\\n5\\n1\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Rejected by Congress.\\n241", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0299.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nFrom the time that Greeley was nominated in May, until\\nprobably a month after the meeting of the Democratic con-\\nvention in July, everything pointed to his triumphant elec-\\ntion. Leading men of the party were daily announcing\\nthemselves as his supporters, and a tidal wave that would\\nsweep Greeley into the Presidency seemed certain. But in\\nAugust the great business interests of the country, then\\nrocked in the tempest of inflation created by the war, became\\nappalled at the prospect of the election of Greeley, whose\\nfinancial and business policy would be but an experiment.\\nAll knew that the business of the country was dangerously\\ninflated, and that disaster must come sooner or later, but\\nthey felt that it would be delayed by the re-election of Grant,\\nand in the brief period of one month the Greeley tide began\\nits ebb, which doomed him to a most humiliating defeat.\\nHad David Davis been the candidate there would have been\\nno such apprehension in business and monetary circles, and\\nI have never doubted that he would have been elected as the\\nlogical successor of Abraham Lincoln.\\nAlthough I had opposed the nomination of Greeley, he\\nwell understood that it was solely because I felt that I was\\nthus a better friend to him than he was to himself, and I\\ndevoted my time to tireless effort to give him success. Out-\\nside his editorial duties, in which he was a master of masters,\\nhe was as guileless and unsophisticated as a child, and even\\nhis closest friends trembled when they regarded his election\\nto the Presidency as more than probable. About the ist of\\nAugust, before the revulsion had become visible, I was sent\\nfor by Waldo Hutchings to meet the friends of Greeley in\\nconference at the Astor House. Among those present were\\nMr. Hutchings, Whitelaw Reid, ex-Congressman Cochran,\\nand several others, and they informed me that I had been\\nsent for to call upon Greeley and earnestly admonish him\\nagainst making any pledges or promises whatever, before\\nthe election, as to his Cabinet appointments. They said that\\nif elected President his safety would be in having about him\\nan able, faithful and discreet Cabinet, and they feared that\\nin the kindness of his heart he would become complicated\\nwith those who sought to importune him for preferment. In\\norder to keep him from visitors he was then hidden away in\\na private upstairs room in Brooklyn, where I was directed to\\ncall on my mission.\\nI never saw a happier face than that of Greeley when I\\n242", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0300.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nmet him, as he was then entirely confident of success, and in\\na very kind and facetious way he reminded me that I had\\nunderestimated his strength with the people. When oppor-\\ntunity came in the conversation I suggested to him that a\\nman who was elected President by a combination of op-\\nposing political interests would have very grave and com-\\nplicated duties to perform, and that he should especially\\navoid any Cabinet complications. With the simplicity and\\nconfidence of a child his answer was Don t misunderstand\\nme; you ought to know that I would appoint no Cabinet\\nofficer from your section without your approval. He was\\nsurprised to find that I was not there to obtain promises, but\\nto warn him against the peril of saying to others just what\\nhe had said to me, and after reviewing the conditions he\\nagreed that his only safety was in avoiding all obligations\\nrelating to appointments until the duty confronted him.\\nHe asked me to go to North Carolina and give a week to\\nthe campaign in that State, and to that I agreed, although I\\nwas in charge of the Pennsylvania battle. That was the last\\ntime that I saw Horace Greeley. After the disastrous elec-\\ntions of October, which clearly foreshadowed his defeat, he\\nmade New England and Western tours, and delivered\\nspeeches which well compare with the grandest utterances of\\nour best statesmanship. But the tide against him was resist-\\nless, and while nursing a dying wife and worn out by his\\nceaseless offices of affection, the blow came that clouded one\\nof the noblest, purest, and ablest of the great men of the\\nland.\\nOn the last day that he put pen to paper he wrote me a\\nbrief letter saying that he was a man of many sorrows,\\nbut that he could not forget the gallant though luckless\\nstruggle I had made in his behalf. Broken in health, be-\\nreaved in his affections, and disappointed in his greatest am-\\nbition, his reason toppled from its throne and he died an in-\\nmate of an asylum. The two chieftains of the political con-\\ntest of 1872 were brought together soon after the victor and\\nvanquished were declared, as President Grant stood at the\\ntomb of Horace Greeley to pay the last tribute of himself and\\nthe nation to the fallen philanthropist.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0301.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST\\n1876\\nThe Presidential contest of 1876 brought into the national\\npolitical arena the strongest personality developed by the\\nRepublican party, with the single exception of Abraham\\nLincoln. James G. Blaine was admittedly the Henry Clay\\nof the Republican party, and both were equally idolized and\\nequally fated. The Republican party had men of profounder\\nintellect than Blaine, but no one who so completed the circle\\nof all the qualities of a popular leader, including masterly\\nability as a disputant. Like Clay, he was idolized by his\\nfriends and most bitterly defamed by his foes, and both\\nwere twice defeated by their party for Presidential nomina-\\ntions when the party was successful, and both nominated\\nonly to suffer defeat.\\nWith an intimate knowledge of the public men of the last\\nhalf century, I regard Blaine as the most magnetic man\\nI have ever met. His greeting to friend and stranger was\\nalways generous without gush, and at once brought all who\\nhad any communication with him into apparently the closest\\nrelations. He remembered names of the humblest and most\\ndistant of his acquaintances; always knew something of\\ntheir communities and their interests. It was not the art\\nof a demagogue, but the natural impulse of a big-hearted,\\nbig-brained enthusiast, and Blaine was an enthusiast in\\neverything that enlisted his interest. When, in addition to\\nthese charming personal qualities, he possessed every attri-\\nbute of a great popular orator, it is not difficult to under-\\nstand why Blaine became the favorite of the people. Like\\nall who have reached any measure of distinction in that\\nline, he had bitter and malignant foes, and he could well\\nhave said of himself, as Clay once did when overcome by\\nan exhibition of the generosity of his friends, who had paid\\na note that greatly embarrassed him Never had man\\nsuch friends and such enemies as Henry Clay. The chief\\ndifference between Clay and Blaine was in the fact that the\\n244", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0302.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "RUTHERFORD B. HAYES\\nV", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0303.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0304.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nmasses did not know Clay from personal contact, while\\nthe masses well knew Blaine, and saw him as he was in\\nhis every-day life as well as in his great achievements in\\npolitics and statesmanship. In another respect Blaine\\ndiffered widely from Clay. Blaine was a fatalist, and from\\n1876, when he was first defeated for the Republican nomi-\\nnation for President in Cincinnati, until his name was last\\npresented to the Republican National Convention in 1892,\\nhe was oppressed, profoundly oppressed, with the belief\\nthat he never could be President; while Clay hoped to\\nrealize the great dream of his life, and confidently expected\\nhis election to the Presidency until his final defeat in the\\nPhiladelphia convention of 1848.\\nI saw Blaine soon after the Cincinnati convention of 1876,\\nand talked with him for an hour alone at the Continental\\nHotel, and I well remember the sad expression of his strong\\nface when he said I am the Henry Clay of the Republican\\nparty I can never be President. He was standing by a\\nwindow looking out upon the street, with his arm over my\\nshoulder, and he spoke of his hopes and fears with a subdued\\neloquence that was painfully impressive. He was again\\ndefeated for nomination in 1880, thus suffering two defeats\\nwhen the candidates chosen by the convention were elected.\\nHe was nominated in 1884 and defeated, thus completing\\nthe circle of the sad history of Clay and the Whig party.\\nClay was defeated in the Harrisburg convention of Decem-\\nber, 1839, by Harrison, who was elected he was nominated\\nby the Baltimore convention in 1844, and defeated by Polk\\nand in 1848 he was again defeated for the nomination in\\nthe Philadelphia convention by Taylor, who was elected.\\nThus both Clay and Blaine were twice defeated in their\\nrespective party conventions when their successful competi-\\ntors were elected, and both nominated when their parties\\nsuffered defeats. Soon after Blaine s nomination, in 1884,\\nI sent a brilliant staff correspondent of my paper, who had\\nintimate personal relations with Blaine, to stay with him\\nat Augusta for several weeks. One pleasant afternoon they\\nwalked along the banks of the Penobscot River, when Blaine\\ninsensibly diverted the conversation into a soliloquy. He\\nsaid Clay was defeated in two conventions when he could\\nhave been elected President, and he was nominated for\\nPresident when his competitor was elected, and that com-\\npetitor was one who had not been publicly discussed as\\n245", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0305.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\na Presidential candidate before the meeting of the Baltimore\\nconvention of 1844. I was defeated in two conventions\\nwhen I could have been elected. I am nominated now with\\na competitor alike obscure with the competitor of Clay.\\nHe then brought the soliloquy to a climax by holding up\\nhis hand and repeating what he seemed to regard as talis-\\nmanic figures, 1844-1884. Clay was defeated in 1844, and\\nBlaine was impressed with the belief that he would suffer\\ndefeat in 1884.\\nThe prospect for Republican success was not flattering\\nat the opening of the campaign of 1876. The Grant adminis-\\ntration was severely criticised and the party greatly weak-\\nened by the scandals of the Whiskey Ring, the impeachment\\nof Secretary Belknap, and by the general business depression\\nthat began in 1873. The Democrats had carried a large\\nmajority in the popular branch of Congress in 1874, and\\nthe Republicans were so seriously alarmed at the prospect\\nof losing the election of 1876 that Senator Oliver P. Morton,\\nthe ablest of the Republican leaders, made an earnest effort\\nto procure an amendment to the Constitution providing for\\nthe election of Presidents by popular vote, but the scheme\\nfailed. There was also some disturbance in the Republican\\nparty, caused by the evident desire of General Grant to\\nsecure a third term. He had written a letter to General\\nHarry White, of Pennsylvania, that was very unlike Grant,\\nwhose habit was to express his convictions clearly and\\ntersely, but in this letter he elaborately discussed the question\\nof a third term, without distinctly declaring whether he\\nwould or would not accept it.\\nThere was but one conclusion that could be drawn from\\nthe letter, and that was that Grant was more than willing\\nto have a third nomination tendered to him. The State\\nconvention of Pennsylvania, over which General White\\npresided, had declared with emphasis opposition to the\\nelection to the Presidency of any person for a third term.\\nGeneral White expected a letter from President Grant in\\naccord with that expression, but the nearest that Grant came\\nto a declination was in the single sentence of the letter,\\nspeaking of the third term, he said I do not want it any\\nmore than I did the first, to which he added the suggestion\\nthat the Constitution put no restriction upon the period\\na President might serve.\\nAnother pointed admonition to Grant not to press his\\n246", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0306.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ncandidacy was given by the adoption of a resolution in the\\nHouse, declaring that the established precedent of Wash-\\nington, who retired from the Presidency after the second\\nterm, had become a part of our Republican system of\\ngovernment, and that any departure from this time-honored\\ncustom would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril\\nto our free institutions. This resolution passed by 234 to\\n18, and was supported not only by all the Democrats, but\\nof the 88 Republicans voting, 70 voted for it. One of the\\npeculiar features of the contest for the Republican nomina-\\ntion was presented in the candidacy of Benjamin H. Bristow,\\nthen Secretary of the Treasury, who was not in harmony\\nwith the President, and yet refused to resign. He was the\\ncandidate of the most violent anti-Grant element.\\nThe Republican convention met at Cincinnati on the 14th\\nof June, and it was one of the most earnest and stubborn\\ncontests I have ever witnessed. Blaine had a clear majority\\nof the delegates in the convention, and certainly would have\\nbeen nominated with anything like fair play. On the Sunday\\nmorning immediately before the meeting of the convention,\\nand when all the delegates and the outside political hustlers\\nwere earnestly at work in Cincinnati, a dispatch came from\\nWashington that fell like a thunderbolt from an unclouded\\nsky upon Blaine s friends. He had fallen at the church\\ndoor when about to enter for service, and was unconscious\\nfor some time, and the opponents of Blaine made the most\\nof the misfortune.\\nThe first reports of his illness were greatly exaggerated,\\nand his friends at the convention were much disconcerted\\nand discouraged, but when on Monday morning he tele-\\ngraphed them himself that his illness was not serious, all\\nwere again thoroughly united to force his nomination. The\\nfriends of Blaine had a majority of the convention. There\\nwas not an hour during the sessions of that body that a\\nmajority of the delegates did not desire to nominate him\\nfor President, but many were held by instructions or other\\ncomplications, as was the entire Pennsylvania delegation,\\nmade up almost wholly of Blaine men, but instructed for\\nGovernor Hartranft. Strange as it may seem, he received\\nthe votes of a majority of all the delegates in the convention,\\nbut not on any one ballot, and never was the wish of a\\nnominating body so artfully misled from its intent.\\nThe speech of Ingersoll nominating Blaine was the most\\n247", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0307.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npowerful and impressive I ever heard before a deliberative\\nbody, and had a ballot been reached on that day no combina-\\ntion could have prevented Blaine s success. The struggle\\nwas desperate for delay, and the opponents of Blaine, fearing\\nthat the session might be extended into the evening, and\\nthus reach a ballot without adjournment, had the gas clan-\\ndestinely cut off from the building, and an adjournment was\\nenforced by darkness. The enemies of Blaine were very\\npowerful. President Grant was one of the most aggressive\\nand vindictive, and ex-Senator Cameron, who was then\\nSecretary of War. was chairman of the Pennsylvania delega-\\ntion, and pitiless and tireless in his opposition to Blaine.\\nAt nearly midnight, before the second day of the conven-\\ntion, Cameron had decided that he must give up the battle\\nagainst Blaine and assent to his nomination, as his delegation\\nhad become very refractor}-, and all knew that Blaine could\\nbe nominated whenever all who desired his nomination were\\nfree to vote for him. His defeat was planned in and executed\\nfrom Cameron s room, who had his trusted lieutenants about\\nhim, including the late Robert W. Mackey. who was the\\nmost accomplished and practical politician of his day in\\nPennsylvania, and the late William H. Kemble. It was\\nircided to propose to the Pennsylvania delegation that as\\nthey were instructed for Hartranft. and to vote as a unit,\\nthey should do so only while Hartranft s vote increased, and\\nthat whenever he dropped in the race the delegation should\\nthen vote as a unit as the majority directed. This was\\nenthusiastically accepted by the friends of Blaine, as they\\nbelieved that Hartranft s strength would soon be exhausted,\\nand that then they would get a solid vote for Blaine but\\nMackey and Kemble, who understood how to manage\\npoliticians of every grade, including the carpet-baggers and\\ncolored political speculators from the South, arranged with\\na number of delegations, chiefly in the Southern States, to\\nhave Hartranft s vote increased slightly on every ballot.\\nInstead of starting Hartranft with an exhibition of his full\\nstrength, part of it was held back, and, to the consternation\\nof the Blaine men from this State, Hartranft s vote was\\nmaintained until the climax came in the landslide to Gov-\\nernor Hayes, of Ohio, as a compromise candidate. But for\\nSecretary Cameron and State Treasurer Mackey and ex-\\nState Treasurer Kemble. Blaine s nomination would have\\nbeen absolutely certain at the Cincinnati convention in iS~:\\n248", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0308.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThe convention had as permanent president Edward Mc-\\nPherson, of Pennsylvania, who was a devoted friend of\\nBlaine, but whose delegation, under the manipulation of\\nChairman Cameron, was held from Blaine until it was too\\nlate to be of service to him. Conkling, of New York, who\\nhad the unanimous support of his State, was the favorite\\ncandidate of the administration, but from Blaine s opponents\\nwas heard on every side the slogan anybody to beat\\nBlaine. It was not until the third day that a ballot was\\nreached, and on the 7th a stampede was made to Governor\\nHayes, of Ohio, and he was unanimously declared the nomi-\\nnee of the party. The following table exhibits the ballots\\nin detail\\nI\\n4-S\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a23\\nn\\nu\\nCO\\nu\\n!S\\nu\\n02\\n4-i\\nA\\nPI\\nxtx\\nBlaine\\n285\\n125\\n113\\n99\\n61\\n58\\n11\\n3\\n296\\n120\\n114\\n93\\n64\\n63\\n4\\n293\\n113\\n121\\n90\\n67\\n68\\n3\\n292\\n108\\n126\\n84\\n68\\n71\\n5\\n286\\n95\\n114\\n82\\n104\\n69\\n5\\n308\\n85\\n111\\n81\\n113\\n50\\n5\\n351\\nMorton\\n___\\nBristow\\n21\\nConkling\\nHayes..\\n384\\nHartranft\\nJewell\\nScattering\\n___\\nWilliam A. Wheeler, of New York, was nominated for\\nVice-President without a formal ballot, as soon after the bal-\\nloting began the several other candidates were withdrawn,\\nand he was nominated by acclamation. The following plat-\\nform was unanimously adopted\\nWhen, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged\\nof human slavery, and when the strength of government of the\\npeople, by the people, and for the people, was to be demonstrated,\\nthe Republican party came into power. Its deeds have passed into\\nhistory, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their\\nmemories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind,\\nand looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and pur-\\npose, we, the representatives of the party in national convention\\nassembled, make the following declaration of principles\\n1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By\\nthe combined workings of the national and State governments, un-\\nder their respective Constitutions, the rights of every citizen are\\nsecured, at home and abroad, and the common welfare promoted.\\n2. The Republican party has preserved these governments to the\\n249", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0309.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nhundredth anniversary of the nation s birth, and they are now em-\\nbodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle, That all men\\nare created equal that they are endowed by their Creator with cer-\\ntain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pur-\\nsuit of happiness; that for the attainment of these ends govern-\\nments have been instituted among men, deriving their just powers\\nfrom the consent of the governed. Until these truths are cheer-\\nfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced, the work of the\\nRepublican party is unfinished.\\n3. The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the\\nUnion, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free en-\\njoyment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party\\nstands sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforce-\\nment of the principles embodied by the recent constitutional amend-\\nments is vested by those amendments in the Congress of the United\\nStates, and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legislative\\nand executive departments of the Government to put into imme-\\ndiate and vigorous exercise all their constitutional powers for re-\\nmoving any just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and\\nfor securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact\\nequality in the exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To\\nthis end we imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Executive\\nwhose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these\\nresults are placed beyond dispute or recall.\\n4. In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, the\\nNational Government assumed to remove any doubts of its purpose\\nto discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, and sol-\\nemnly pledged its faith to make provision, at the earliest practicable\\nperiod, for the redemption of the United States notes in coin.\\nCommercial prosperity, public morals, and national credit demand\\nthat this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress\\nto specie payment.\\n5. Under the Constitution the President and heads of depart-\\nments are to make nominations for office; the Senate is to advise\\nand consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is\\nto accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of the\\npublic service demands that these distinctions be respected that\\nSenators and Representatives, who may be judges and accusers,\\nshould not dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule in\\nappointments should have reference to the honesty, fidelity, and\\ncapacity of the appointees, giving to the party in power those places\\nwhere harmony and vigor of administration require its policy to be\\nrepresented, but permitting all others to be filled by persons selected\\nwith sole reference to the efficiency of the public service, and the\\nright of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful ser-\\nvice to the country.\\n6. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concern-\\ning political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid respon-\\nsibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of all who\\nbetray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, and unsparing.\\n7. The public-school system of the several States is a bulwark\\nof the American Republic, and, with a view to its security and per-\\nmanence, we recommend an amendment to the Constitution of the\\nUnited States forbidding the application of any public funds or\\n250", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0310.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nproperty for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian\\ncontrol.\\n8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures and the obli-\\ngations of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon\\nimportations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to pro-\\nmote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of\\nthe whole country.\\ng. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public land\\nto corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national\\ndomain be devoted to free homes for the people.\\n10. It is the imperative duty of the Government so to modify exist-\\ning treaties with European governments, that the same protection\\nshall be afforded to the adopted American citizen that is given to the\\nnative-born and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect\\nemigrants, in the absence of power in the States for that purpose.\\nn. It is the immediate duty of Congress fully to investigate the\\neffect of immigration and importation of Mongolians upon the moral\\nand material interests of the country.\\n12. The Republican party recognizes with its approval the sub-\\nstantial advances recently made toward the establishment of equal\\nrights for women by the many important amendments effected by\\nRepublican Legislatures in the laws which concern the personal and\\nproperty relations of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the ap-\\npointment and election of women to the superintendence of educa-\\ntion, charities, and other public trusts. The honest demands of this\\nclass of citizens for additional rights, privileges, and immunities\\nshould be treated with respectful consideration.\\n13. The Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over\\nthe Territories of the United States for their government, and in\\nthe exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to\\nprohibit and extirpate, in the Territories, that relic of barbarism\\npolygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end\\nand the supremacy of American institutions in all the Territories.\\n14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and\\nsailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those\\nwho imperilled their lives for the country s preservation in the kind-\\nest remembrance.\\n15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies.\\nWe therefore note with deep solicitude that the Democratic party\\ncounts, as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a\\nunited South, secured through the efforts of those who were recently\\narrayed against the nation and we invoke the earnest attention of\\nthe country to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would\\nreopen sectional strife and imperil national honor and human rights.\\n16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in char-\\nacter and spirit as when it sympathized with treason with making\\nits control of the House of Representatives the triumph and opportu-\\nnity of the nation s recent foes with reasserting and applauding in\\nthe national Capitol the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion with\\nsending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate\\nsoldiers to the front with deliberately proposing to repudiate the\\nplighted faith of the Government with being equally false and imbe-\\ncile upon the overshadowing financial questions with thwarting the\\nends of justice by its partisan mismanagement and obstruction of\\n251", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0311.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nt^tigation: with proving itself, through the period of its ascend-\\nancy in the lower house of Congress, utterly incompetent to admin-\\nister the Government; and we warn the country against trusting a\\nparty thus alike unworthy, recreant and incapable.\\nThe national administration merits commendation for its honor-\\nable work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs, and\\nPresident Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the\\nAmerican people for his patriotism and his eminent services, in war\\nand in peace.\\n18. We present as our candidates for President and Vice-Presi-\\ndent of the United States two distinguished statesmen, of eminent\\nability and character, and conspicuously fitted for those high offices,\\nand we confidently appeal to the American people to intrust the\\nadministration of their public affairs to Rutherford B. Hayes and\\nWilliam A. Wheeler.\\nThe friends of Blaine were grievously disappointed at the\\naction of the Cincinnati convention, but Blaine promptly\\ncame to the front in his heroic way, and made a tireless bat-\\ntle for the success of the ticket.\\nThe Democratic convention met at St. Louis on the 28th\\nof June. Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, was temporary\\nchairman, and was succeeded by General John A. McCler-\\nnand, of Illinois, as permanent presiding officer. This was the\\nfirst convention to cross the Father of Waters, and it was a\\nthoroughly organized Tilden convention before it met. Til-\\nden was the ablest political manager in the Democratic party\\nof that day. He was tireless, methodical, and sagacious,\\nand he made his nomination over Hancock and Hendricks\\nby early and complete organization of his friends in all the\\ndebatable States. He had won national reputation by his\\ncourage in bringing Tweed to justice, and he was regarded\\nby the country generally as well equipped for the high duties\\nof Chief Magistrate. The friends of Hendricks made a des-\\nperate battle for him, but they were outclassed in leadership,\\nand it was a Tilden convention when the body convened,\\nwith very able men to hold it in subjection.\\nThe Tilden forces required little leadership at St. Louis,\\nas his nomination had been thoroughly accomplished before\\nthe convention met. Tilden exhausted his wonderful pow-\\ners of organization in getting control of the delegations of\\ndoubtful States, and looked minutely to the men who should\\nr rhosen as delegates, and when the convention met there\\nwas no boisterous jostling between the opposing forces, as\\nthe majority was complete in its organization and moved\\nwith directness to the accomplishment of its purpose.\\n252", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0312.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nWilliam L. Scott, of Erie, Perm., who was twice elected to\\nCongress in an overwhelmingly Republican district, was the\\naccepted leader of the Tilden people. He was personally\\npopular, self-poised, sagacious, and discreet, and all he had\\nto do was to keep his solid lines unbroken.\\nThe minority was dumbfounded at the development of the\\nTilden strength, but the Hendricks people, led by McDonald,\\nof Indiana afterward United States Senator and most\\nzealously and aggressively aided by the helpless Tammany\\nminority in the New York delegation, fought heroically at\\nevery step but with Scott to manage and Harry Watterson\\nto inspire the Tilden people, they maintained their mastery\\nfrom start to finish, and Tilden was declared the nominee.\\nWhen the nomination was announced the convention pre-\\nsented a singular spectacle. The Tilden delegates were at\\nonce upon their feet cheering lustily and waving their hand-\\nkerchiefs, and one after another of the minority delegations\\nrose and joined in the huzzas for the declared candidate,\\nbut the Indiana delegates sat stubbornly in their seats, pre-\\nsenting the appearance of a small cleared patch in a forest.\\nThe convention waited some minutes for the Indiana men to\\nrise, but they kept their seats. The next day Hendricks was\\nmade the candidate for Vice-President in spite of the pro-\\ntests of his delegation and his friends, and finally the conven-\\ntion joined in united cheers for the ticket.\\nMuch bitterness was developed during the struggle be-\\ntween the opposing clans, and a duel between General Mor-\\ngan, a fighting Democratic soldier of Ohio, and Colonel\\nBreckenridge, of Kentucky, was only averted, when the con-\\nvention adjourned, by Colonel Watterson hurrying Brecken-\\nridge off to dinner, and compelling him to make concessions\\nwhich properly satisfied the Ohio warrior.\\nIt required only two ballots to give Tilden the nomination,\\nas follows\\nSamuel J. Tilden, N. Y.\\nThomas A. Hendricks, Ind\\nWinfield S. Hancock, Penn\\nWilliam Allen, Ohio\\nThomas F. Bayard, Del.\\nJoel Parker, N. J\\nAllen G. Thurman, Ohio.\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\n417\\n535\\n140\\n60\\n75\\n59\\n56\\n54\\n33\\n11\\n18\\n18\\n7\\n253", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0313.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nThe platform was prepared under Tilden s own direction,\\nand it was unanimously adopted as follows\\nWe, the delegates of the Democratic party of the United States,\\nin national convention assembled, do hereby declare the adminis-\\ntration of the Federal Government to be in urgent need of im-\\nmediate reform; do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of this con-\\nvention, and of the Democratic party in each State, a zealous effort\\nand co-operation to this end; and do hereby appeal to our fellow-\\ncitizens of every former political connection to undertake with us\\nthis first and most pressing patriotic duty.\\nFor the Democracy of the whole country, we do here reaffirm\\nour faith in the permanence of the Federal Union, our devotion to\\nthe Constitution of the United States, with its amendments uni-\\nversally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that en-\\ngendered civil war, and do here record our steadfast confidence in\\nthe perpetuity of Republican self-government.\\nIn absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority the vital\\nprinciple of republics in the supremacy of the civil over the mili-\\ntary authority in the total separation of Church and State, for the\\nsake alike of civil and religious freedom in the equality of all\\ncitizens before just laws of their own enactment; in the liberty of\\nindividual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws in the faithful edu-\\ncation of the rising generation, that they may preserve, enjoy, and\\ntransmit these best conditions of human happiness and hope we\\nbehold the noblest products of a hundred years of changeful history\\nbut, while upholding the bond of our Union and great charter of\\nthese our rights, it behooves a free people to practise also that\\neternal vigilance which is the price of liberty.\\nReform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the\\nwhole people the Union, eleven years ago happily rescued from the\\ndanger of a secession of States, but now to be saved from a corrupt\\ncentralism which, after inflicting upon ten States the rapacity of\\ncarpet-bag tyrannies, has honeycombed the offices of the Federal\\nGovernment itself with incapacity, waste, and fraud infected\\nStates and municipalities with the contagion of misrule, and locked\\nfast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of hard\\ntimes.\\nReform is necessary to establish a sound currency, restore the\\npublic credit, and maintain the national honor.\\nWe denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of peace, to\\nmake good the promise of the legal tender notes, which are a\\nchanging standard of value in the hands of the people, and the\\nnon-payment of which is a disregard of the plighted faith of the\\nnation.\\nWe denounce the improvidence which, in eleven years of peace,\\nhas taken from the people in Federal taxes thirteen times the whole\\namount of the legal tender notes, and squandered four times their\\nsum in useless expense without accumulating any reserve for their\\nredemption.\\nWe denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party\\nwhich, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward\\nresumption, no preparation for resumption, but instead has ob-\\n254", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0314.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nstructed resumption, by wasting our resources and exhausting all\\nour surplus income and, while annually professing to intend a\\nspeedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh\\nhindrances thereto. As such hindrance, we denounce the resumption\\nclause of the act of 1875, and we here demand its repeal.\\nWe demand a judicious system of preparation by public econ-\\nomy, by official retrenchment, and by wise finance, which shall\\nenable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect\\nability and its perfect readiness to meet any of its promises at the\\ncall of the creditor entitled to payment.\\nWe believe such a system, well devised, and, above all, intrusted\\nto competent hands for its execution, creating at no time an arti-\\nficial scarcity of currency, and at no time alarming the public mind\\ninto a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of credit by which\\nninety-five per cent, of all business transactions are performed a\\nsystem open, public, and inspiring general confidence would, from\\nthe day of its adoption, bring healing on its wings to all our\\nharassed industries, set in motion the wheels of commerce, manu-\\nfactures, and the mechanic arts, restore employment to labor, and\\nrenew in all its natural resources the prosperity of the people.\\nReform is necessary in the sum and modes of Federal taxation,\\nto the end that capital may be set free from distrust, and labor\\nlightly burdened.\\nWe denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four thousand\\narticles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false pretence.\\nIt yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising revenue. It has impov-\\nerished many industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports\\nthat might purchase the products of American labor. It has de-\\ngraded American commerce from the first to an inferior rank on\\nthe high seas. It has cut down the sales of American manufactures\\nat home and abroad and depleted the returns of American agricul-\\nture an industry followed by half our people. It costs the people\\nfive times more than it produces to the treasury, obstructs the proc-\\nesses of production, and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes\\nfraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and bank-\\nrupts honest merchants. We demand that all custom-house taxation\\nshall be only for revenue.\\nReform is necessary in the scale of public expense Federal,\\nState, and municipal. Our Federal taxation has swollen from sixty\\nmillions gold, in i860, to four hundred and fifty millions currency,\\nin 1870; our aggregate taxation from one hundred and fifty-four\\nmillions gold, in i860, to seven hundred and thirty millions cur-\\nrency, in 1870 or in one decade from less than five dollars per\\nhead to more than eighteen dollars per head. Since the peace, the\\npeople have paid to their tax gatherers more than thrice the sum\\nof the national debt, and more than twice that sum for the Fed-\\neral Government alone. We demand a rigorous frugality in every\\ndepartment, and from every officer of the Government.\\nReform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of the\\npublic lands and their diversion from actual settlers by the party in\\npower, which has squandered two hundred million acres upon rail-\\nroads alone, and out of more than thrice that aggregate has dis-\\nposed of less than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil.\\nReform is necessary to correct the omissions of a Republican\\n255", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0315.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nCongress, and the errors of our treaties and diplomacy, which have\\nstripped our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race re-\\ncrossing the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and\\nhave exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of\\na race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and, in fact,\\nnow by law denied citizenship through naturalization as being\\nneither accustomed to the traditions of a progressive civilization\\nnor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy\\nwhich thus discards the liberty-loving German and tolerates a re-\\nvival of the Cooly trade in Mongolian women imported for im-\\nmoral purposes, and Mongolian men held to perform servile labor-\\ncontracts, and demand such modification of the treaty with the\\nChinese empire or such legislation within constitutional limitations\\nas shall prevent further importation or immigration of the Mon-\\ngolian race.\\nReform is necessary, and can never be effected but by making it\\nthe controlling issue of the elections, and lifting it above the two\\nfalse issues with which the office-holding class and the party in\\npower seek to smother it\\ni. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife\\nin respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and\\nsupport belong exclusively to the several States, and which the\\nDemocratic party has cherished from their foundation, and is re-\\nsolved to maintain without prejudice or preference for any class,\\nsect, or creed, and without largesses from the treasury to any.\\n2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying\\nembers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged,\\nbut now reunited in one indivisible republic and a common destiny.\\nReform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that\\nefficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not\\npossible if its civil service be subject to change at every election;\\nbe a prize fought for at the ballot-box; be a brief reward of party\\nzeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency,\\nand held- for fidelity in the public employ that the dispensing of\\npatronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public\\nmen, nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, promises\\nfalsified in the performance attest that the party in power can work\\nout no practical or salutary reform.\\nReform is necessary even more in the higher grades of the pub-\\nlic service. President, Vice-President, judges, Senators, Represen-\\ntatives, Cabinet officers these and all others in authority are the\\npeople s servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite they\\nare a public trust.\\nWhen the annals of this Republic show the disgrace and censure\\nof a Vice-President a late Speaker of the House of Representa-\\ntives marketing his rulings as a presiding officer three Senators\\nprofiting secretly by their votes as law-makers five chairmen of\\nthe leading committees of the House of Representatives exposed\\nin jobbery; a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing balances in\\nthe public accounts a late Attorney-General misappropriating pub-\\nlic funds a Secretary of the Navy enriched or enriching friends\\nby percentages levied off the profits of contractors with his depart-\\nment; an ambassador to England censured in a dishonorable\\nspeculation; the President s private secretary barely escaping con-,\\n256", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0316.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nviction upon trial for guilty complicity in frauds upon the revenue;\\na Secretary of War impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors,\\nthe demonstration is complete that the first step in reform must\\nbe the people s choice of honest men from another party, lest the\\ndisease of one political organization infect the body politic, and\\nlest, by making no change of men or parties, we get no change of\\nmeasures and no real reform.\\nAll these abuses, wrongs, and crimes, the product of sixteen\\nyears ascendency of the Republican party, create a necessity for\\nreform confessed by Republicans themselves but their reformers\\nare voted down in convention and displaced from the Cabinet.\\nThe party s mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the eighty\\nthousand office-holders, its leaders and guides.\\nReform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We\\ndemand a change of system, a change of administration, a change\\nof parties, that we may have change of measures and of men.\\nResolved, That this convention, representing the Democratic\\nparty of the United States, do cordially endorse the action of the\\npresent House of Representatives in reducing and curtailing the\\nexpenses of the Federal Government, in cutting down salaries, ex-\\ntravagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and\\nplaces not required by the public necessities and we shall trust to\\nthe firmness of the Democratic members of the House that no com-\\nmittee of conference and no misinterpretation of the rules shall\\nbe allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of economy de-\\nmanded by the country.\\nResolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the\\nwidows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have a\\njust claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their fellow-\\ncitizens.\\nBusiness and trade were very much depressed in 1876, as\\nthe country was then approaching the panic and industrial\\ntroubles of 1877, which convulsed the country from Eastern\\nto Western sea, and the Greenback or Independent National\\nparty, as it was called, exhibited formidable proportions in\\nthe contest. It held its national convention at Indianapolis\\non the 1 8th of May, with Thomas J. Durant, of Washington,\\nD. C, as permanent president. Peter Cooper, the noted\\nphilanthropist of New York, was unanimously nominated\\nfor President, and Newton Booth, then a California Senator,\\nwas in like manner nominated for Vice-President, but he\\ndeclined, and General Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, was substi-\\ntuted. There were 19 States represented by 239 delegates.\\nThe following platform was unanimously adopted\\nThe Independent party is called into existence by the necessities\\nof the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is de-\\nprived of its just reward, by a ruinous policy which the Republican\\nand Democratic parties refuse to change, and in view of the failure\\n257", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0317.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nof these parties to furnish relief to the depressed industries of the\\ncountry, thereby disappointing the just hopes and expectations of\\nthe suffering people, we declare our principles, and invite all inde-\\npendent and patriotic men to join our ranks in this movement for\\nfinancial reform and industrial emancipation.\\ni. We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the\\nSpecie-Resumption act of January 14. 1875, and the rescue of our\\nindustries from ruin and disaster resulting from its enforcement;\\nand we call upon all patriotic men to organize, in every Congres-\\nsional district of the country, with a view of electing Representa-\\ntives to Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in\\nthis regard, and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of\\ncontraction.\\n2. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the\\nGovernment, and convertible on demand into United States obli-\\ngations, bearing a rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on\\neach one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes\\nat par, will afford the best circulating medium ever devised. Such\\nUnited States notes should be full legal tender for all purposes ex-\\ncept for the payment of such obligations as are, by existing con-\\ntracts, especially made payable in coin, and we hold that it is the\\nduty of the Government to provide such circulating medium, and\\ninsist, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, that bank paper must\\nbe suppressed, and the circulation restored to the nation, to whom\\nit belongs.\\n3. It is the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legisla-\\ntion, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate business,\\nagricultural, mining, manufacturing, and commercial.\\n4. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold\\nbonds, for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made, for\\na long period, hewers of wood and drawers of water for foreigners,\\nespecially as the American people would gladly and promptly take,\\nat par, all bonds the Government may need to sell, provided they\\nare made payable at the option of the holder, and bearing interest\\nat 3.65 per cent, per annum, or even a lower rate.\\n5. We further protest against the sale of Government bonds for\\nthe purpose of purchasing silver, to be used as a substitute for our\\nmore convenient and less fluctuating fractional currency, which,\\nalthough well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in\\noperation it will still further oppress, in taxation, an already over-\\nburdened people.\\nThe Prohibitionists held their national convention at\\nCleveland, O., on the 17th of May, and nominated Greene\\nClay Smith, of Kentucky, for President, and G. T. Stewart,\\nof Ohio, for Vice-President, by acclamation, and adopted\\nthe following platform\\nThe Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized in\\nthe name of the people to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in the\\nGovernment the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, sub-\\nmit in this centennial year of the Republic, for the suffrages of all\\n258", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0318.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ngood citizens, the following platform of national reforms and meas-\\nures:\\ni. The legal prohibition in the District of Columbia, the Terri-\\ntories, and in every other place subject to the laws of Congress, of\\nthe importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic\\nbeverages as high crimes against society; an amendment of the\\nnational Constitution to render these prohibitory measures universal\\nand permanent; and the adoption of treaty stipulations with foreign\\npowers to prevent the importation and exportation of all alcoholic\\nbeverages.\\n2. The abolition of class legislation and of special privileges in the\\nGovernment, and of the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibility to\\noffice without distinction of race, religious creed, property, or sex.\\n3. The appropriation of the public lands in limited quantities to\\nactual settlers only; the reduction of the rates of inland and ocean\\npostage of telegraphic communication of railroad and water trans-\\nportation and travel to the lowest practicable point by force of law,\\nwisely and justly framed, with reference not only to the interests\\nof capital employed, but to the higher claims of the general good.\\n4. The suppression by law of lottery and gambling in gold, stocks,\\nproduce, and every form of money and property, and the penal\\ninhibition of the use of the public mails for advertising schemes of\\ngambling and lotteries.\\n5. The abolition of those foul enormities, polygamy and the social\\nevil, and the protection of purity, peace, and happiness of homes\\nby ample and efficient legislation.\\n6. The national observance of the Christian Sabbath, established\\nby laws prohibiting ordinary labor and business in all departments\\nof public service and private employment (works of necessity, char-\\nity, and religion excepted) on that day.\\n7. The establishment by mandatory provisions in national and\\nState Constitutions, and by all necessary legislation, of a system of\\nfree public schools for the universal and forced education of all the\\nyouth of the land.\\n8. The free use of the Bible, not as a ground of religious creeds,\\nbut as text-book of the purest morality, the best liberty, and the\\nnoblest literature, in our public schools, that our children may\\ngrow up in its light, and that its spirit and principles may pervade\\nthe nation.\\n9. The separation of the Government in all departments and\\ninstitutions, including the public schools and all funds for their\\nmaintenance, from the control of every religious sect or other asso-\\nciation, and the protection alike of all sects by equal laws, with\\nentire freedom of religious faith and worship.\\n10. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated with\\nforeign governments of a provision for the amicable settlement of\\ninternational difficulties by arbitration.\\n11. The abolition of all barbarous modes and instruments of pun-\\nishment the recognition of the laws of God and the claims of\\nhumanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, and of that higher\\nand wiser civilization worthy of our age and nation, which regards\\nthe reform of criminals as a means for the prevention of crime.\\n12. The abolition of executive and legislative patronage, and\\nthe election of President, Vice-President, United States Senators,\\n259", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0319.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nand of all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the\\npeople.\\n13. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to immigrants from\\nall nations, the guarantee to them of ample protection, and of equal\\nrights and privileges.\\n14. The separation of the money of Government from all bank-\\ning institutions. The National Government only should exercise the\\nhigh prerogative of issuing paper money, and that should be sub-\\nject to prompt redemption on demand in gold and silver, the only\\nequal standards of value recognized by the civilized world.\\n15. The reduction of the salaries of public officers in a just ratio\\nwith the decline of wages and market prices, the abolition of sine-\\ncures, unnecessary offices, and official fees and perquisites the prac-\\ntice of strict economy in Government expenses, and a free and thor-\\nough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public trusts.\\nA mass convention held under the name of the American\\nNational party met in Pittsburg on the 9th of June, 1875,\\nand nominated James B. Walker, of Illinois, for President,\\nand Donald Kirkpatrick, of -New York, for Vice-President.\\nThis political organization made no figure in the contest of\\n1876, and did not again appear in the subsequent national\\nelections. The following platform was adopted\\nWe hold 1. That ours is a Christian and not a heathen nation,\\nand that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil\\ngovernment\\n2. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath.\\n3. That the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, and sale\\nof intoxicating drinks as a beverage is the true policy on the tem-\\nperance question.\\n4. The charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal and\\nState Legislatures should be withdrawn, and their oaths prohibited\\nby law.\\n5. That the civil equality secured to all American citizens by Arti-\\ncle 13th, 14th, and 15th of our amended Constitution should be pre-\\nserved inviolate.\\n6. That arbitration of differences with nations is the most direct\\nand sure method of securing and perpetuating a permanent peace.\\n7. That to cultivate the intellect without improving the morals of\\nmen. is to make mere adepts and experts therefore, the Bible should\\nbe associated with books of science and literature in all our educa-\\ntional institutions.\\n8. That land and other monopolies should be discountenanced.\\n9. That the Government should furnish the people with an ample\\nand sound currency, and a return to specie payment as soon as prac-\\nticable.\\n10. That maintenance of the public credit, protection to all loyal\\ncitizens, and justice to Indians are essential to the honor and safety\\nof our nation.\\n11. And finally, we demand for the American people the abolition\\nof electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-Presi-\\ndent of the United States.\\n260", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0320.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThe contest of 1876 was conducted with great earnestness,\\nbut it was not distinguished for the defamation of can-\\ndidates. The popular tide seemed to be with Tilden, as the\\nreformation he had wrought in the Democratic party by the\\noverthrow of Tweed in New York presented him in bold\\ncontrast to the administration of Grant, that had brought\\na tempest of scandals upon the party but misfortune seemed\\nto multiply upon Tilden from the beginning to the close\\nof the battle. His first disaster, and what in the end proved\\nto be a fatal one, was the result of the admission of Colorado\\ninto the Union. Thomas N. Patterson, an active Democrat,\\nhad been chosen as a delegate to Congress from Colorado\\nin 1874 by a majority of 2163, and he gave the Democrats,\\nwho largely controlled the House, the positive assurance\\nthat the admission of Colorado would bring in another\\nDemocratic State. They had the power to exclude Colorado,\\nbut believing that the large majority of the Democrats had,\\nunder Patterson s lead in 1874, anchored the Territory safely\\nin the Democratic column, the Democrats admitted the new\\nState, and her three electoral votes decided the election\\nagainst Tilden, as even with South Carolina, Florida, and\\nLouisiana taken from Tilden, all of which had voted for\\nhim, Hayes was chosen by a single vote.\\nThe first State election in Colorado was held in the\\nsummer of 1876, and to the utter consternation of the Demo-\\ncrats the Republicans elected the entire State ticket with\\n25 majority on joint ballot in the Legislature, and it was\\nsettled before the State election that the new State would\\nnot be put to the trouble and expense of another election for\\nPresident in the fall, and that the Legislature would choose\\nthe electors, as it did. Tilden thus started in the contest\\nwith three electoral votes positively assured against him in\\nthe new State, that had been admitted because it was confi-\\ndently expected to be Democratic.\\nOn the popular vote Tilden had, according to the Repub-\\nlican returns, 252,224 majority over Hayes, and had the\\nelectoral colleges cast their votes as the popular vote was\\ncast in Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina, Tilden would\\nhave received 203 to 156 for Hayes. The following table\\npresents the popular vote and gives the Democratic and\\nRepublican returns of Florida and Louisiana, with the totals\\nas they would appear with either count accepted\\n261", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0321.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSTATES.\\nT3\\nX\\nm\\n13\\na\\no\\no\\no\\ni\\nCO\\nOS\\n6\\no\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nWest Virginia\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina\\nGeorgia\\nFlorida\\nFlorida f\\nAlabama\\nMississippi\\nLouisiana\\nLouisiana f\\nTexas\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\nTennessee\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\nIllinois\\nAVisconsin\\nMinnesota\\nIowa\\nNebraska\\nKansas\\nColorado:}:\\nNevada\\nCalifornia\\nOregon\\nTotal, Republican count.\\nTotal, Democratic count\\n49,917\\n38,509\\n20,350\\n108,777\\n10,712\\n61,934\\n521,949\\n115,962\\n366,204\\n13,381\\n91,780\\n139,670\\n56,495\\n125,427\\n90.896\\n130,088\\n22,927\\n24,434\\n102,989\\n112,173\\n70,508\\n83,723\\n104,803\\n58,071\\n203,077\\n133,166\\n159,696\\n323,182\\n141,095\\n213,526\\n258,601\\n123,926\\n48,799\\n112,121\\n17,554\\n37,902\\n9,308\\n76,468\\n14,149\\n66,300\\n41,539\\n44,428\\n150,063\\n15,787\\n59,034\\n489,207\\n103,517\\n384,184\\n10,752\\n71,981\\n95,558\\n42,046\\n108,417\\n91,870\\n50,446\\n23,849\\n24,340\\n68,708\\n52,605\\n75,315\\n77,174\\n44,803\\n38,669\\n145,029\\n89,566\\n97,156\\n330,698\\n166,534\\n208,011\\n278,232\\n130,070\\n72,962\\n171,326\\n31,916\\n78,322\\n10,383\\n78,322\\n15,206\\n663\\n76\\n779\\n68\\n774\\n1,987\\n712\\n7,187\\n33\\n1,373\\n289\\n3,498\\n1,944\\n3,057\\n9,060\\n17,233\\n9,533\\n1,509\\n2,311\\n9,901\\n2,320\\n7,776\\n44\\n510\\n4,285,992\\n4,300,590\\n4,033,768\\n4,036,298\\n81,737\\n81,737*\\n84\\n60\\n378\\n2,359\\n43\\n1,319\\n10\\n64\\n818\\n1,636\\n766\\n141\\n27\\n72\\n36\\n1,599\\n110\\n9,522\\n9,522\\nRepublican count.\\nt Democratic count.\\n262\\nBy Legislature.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0322.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nOn the morning after the election, newspapers of all\\nparties announced the election of Tilden for President, but\\na murmur of the coming storm came at the same time from\\nSenator Chandler, of New Hampshire, who was secretary\\nof the national committee, of which Senator Zachariah\\nChandler, of Michigan, was chairman, who announced that\\nHayes was elected, and declared that the States of Florida,\\nLouisiana, and South Carolina had honestly voted for Hayes,\\nand that he would finally receive their electoral votes. With\\nthe whole machinery of the Government in the hands of the\\nRepublicans, it was almost a hopeless battle for Tilden to\\nfight for the disputed Southern States, but the Democratic\\npeople became violently aroused, and threats were freely\\nmade that the inauguration of Hayes would be prevented\\nby mob violence if attempted.\\nSo grave had the situation become that both branches\\nof Congress finally passed an act, creating what was known\\nas the Electoral Commission, that should be a tribunal of\\nlast resort, to determine the disputed election. The bill\\npassed the House by the vote of 158 Democrats and 33\\nRepublicans, with 68 Republicans and 18 Democrats voting\\nin the negative and in the Senate the bill was passed by the\\nvotes of 26 Democrats and 21 Republicans, with 16 Repub-\\nlicans and 1 Democrat voting against it. The measure was\\napproved by the President on the 29th of January. As\\na majority of the Democrats in both Houses favored the\\nmeasure, it was assumed that Tilden desired them to support\\nit, but in point of fact Tilden was irresolute, and put it upon\\nhis friends to decide what should be done. Had any other\\nman been the Democratic candidate, he would have been\\na great leader and an aggressive one but from the beginning\\nto the close of the post-election battle Tilden was apparently\\ndwarfed into utter helplessness, and when it became ^eyident\\nthat the Commission would decide against him, he distinctly\\ndisclaimed all responsibility for the creation of the tribunal.\\nThe Electoral Commission was finally made up under the\\nlaw, composed of Senators Edmunds, Morton, Freling-\\nhuysen, Republicans, and Thurman and Bayard, Democrats\\nof Representatives Payne, Hunton, and Abbott, Democrats,\\nand Garfield and Hoar, Republicans, with Justices Strong\\nand Miller, Republicans, and Clifford and Field, Democrats,\\nand the fifth member of the court to be chosen by the four.\\nJustice David Davis was first chosen as the fifth judicial\\n263", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0323.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nmember of the court, but he declined, as he had just been\\nelected to the Senate by Illinois, and Justice Bradley was\\nthen selected to fill his place. Had Davis remained on the\\nCommission, it is reasonably certain that the vote of the\\nElectoral Commission would have been 8 for Tilden and\\n7 for Hayes. This Commission, whose judgment was to be\\nfinal, decided in favor of Hayes on every disputed proposition\\nby a vote of 8 to 7, and thus made him President by the\\nfollowing electoral vote:\\nSTATES.\\nHayes.\\nTilden.\\nSTATES.\\nHayes.\\nTilden.\\nMaine\\n7\\n5\\n5\\n13\\n4\\n29\\n7\\n4\\n8\\n6\\n35\\n9\\n3\\n8\\n11\\n5\\n10\\n11\\n10\\n8\\nTexas\\n22\\n11\\n21\\n10\\n5\\n11\\n3\\n5\\n3\\n3\\n6\\n3\\n8\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nArkansas\\n6\\nMissouri\\n15\\nMassachusetts\\nTennessee\\n12\\nRhode Island\\nKentucky\\n12\\nConnecticut\\nOhio\\nNew York\\nMichigan\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nIndiana\\n15\\nIllinois\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nWisconsin\\nMinnesota\\nIowa\\nNebraska\\nVirginia\\nWest Virginia\\nNorth Carolina\\nSouth Carolina.\\nKansas\\nColorado\\nGeorgia\\nNevada\\nFlorida\\nCalifornia\\nAlabama\\nOregon\\nLouisiana.\\n185\\n184\\nThe true history of the struggle for the control of the\\nelectoral votes of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana has\\nnever been written and now never can be fully written. The\\nablest men of both sides attended the contest in those States\\nto battle for or against the action of the returning boards.\\nAll three States had voted for Tilden, but the returning\\nboards, which had been created by the carpet-bag rule of the\\nSouth, set aside the returns on the plea of fraud and certified\\nthe electoral vote for Hayes. The strength of the claim of\\nthe Democrats was practically admitted after the inaugura-\\ntion of Hayes by the President aiding in the adjustments\\nwhich gave the Democrats the Governors and the Legislatures\\n264", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0324.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nof those States, and ousting the Republicans who had given\\nthe electoral vote to the President.\\nThe chief factor in the bold and revolutionary action that\\nreturned the three States named for the Republican candi-\\ndate for President was J. Donald Cameron, then Secretary\\nof War under President Grant, and later United States Sen-\\nator. He is nothing if not heroic when occasion demands\\nit. I remember calling upon him at the Continental Hotel\\na few days after the election, and inquired of him whether he\\nreally meant to force the reversal of the vote in those States\\nand have Hayes returned as elected. He answered with per-\\nfect frankness that he had started in to do it, that he meant\\nto do it, and that it was right to do it, as the Republicans\\nhad not opportunity to vote in the South, and the only way\\nto meet such frauds was by the strong power of the Govern-\\nment.\\nBut for the assurance that the army and navy would sus-\\ntain the returning boards of those States in whatever they\\ndid under color of law, the reversal of the popular vote never\\ncould have been accomplished. The State of Florida was\\nmanipulated by Robert W. Mackey, who was the most ac-\\ncomplished politician the Republicans have ever produced\\nin Pennsylvania. He w r as apparently dying of consumption\\nfor ten years, and when it became necessary to send some\\ncompetent man to handle Florida, he was selected. He\\nstarted on his mission, and his racking cough and general\\nconsumptive features gave plausibility to the statement that\\nhe was going South to nurse his health. Two Democratic\\nvisiting committeemen were on the same train, and he over-\\nheard them mature their plans to hold the State for Tilden.\\nHe telegraphed to C. D. Brigham, who had been a prominent\\neditor and Republican politician in Pittsburg, but who then\\nresided in Florida, to meet him at the station, and before the\\nDemocrats attempted to carry their plans into execution\\nthey were completely blocked by Mackey, who could sum-\\nmon all the Federal officials to his aid.\\nGovernor Curtin and Senator Sherman met face to face at\\nNew Orleans in the struggle to win the electoral vote of\\nLouisiana, and at one stage of the battle Tilden could have\\nsecured the vote by telegraphing a single word to Curtin but\\nTilden seemed to have lost his cunning, and hesitation was\\nexhibited by him at every stage of the conflict when the\\npromptest action was indispensable. I visited him at his\\n265", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0325.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nhome in Gramercy Park when the contest was on at white\\nheat, and was amazed to find his table covered with legal\\nbriefs, as though his election depended upon the law that\\nwould govern before a competent and impartial judicial\\ntribunal. He permitted himself and his friends to become\\ninvolved in a compromising way in the Oregon dispute for\\na single elector, and had the same method been adopted in\\nLouisiana, he would have won. Instead of discussing the\\nsituation as it was, he presented to me elaborate arguments\\nto show how it should be, and I could not refrain from\\nreminding him that he was not dealing with judicial tribu-\\nnals nor with honest men, and that he must either meet them\\non their own ground and with their own weapons or he must\\nfall in the fight. He seemed to be utterly bewildered, and\\nthe man who had organized his nomination and election with\\nconsummate skill shrivelled up into pitiable indecision and\\ninaction when he had the power to cast the die for or against\\nhimself.\\nThe severe strain upon the popular sentiment of the cqun-\\ntry that had given Tilden 250,000 majority for President was\\ngreatly tempered, especially in the South, by a very shrewd\\nmovement planned early in the after-election contest to con-\\nciliate the leading people of the South. They received posi-\\ntive assurances from men very close to Hayes, and who gave\\nthe assurance of Hayes s approval of the movement, that if\\nHayes should be inaugurated President without violence the\\nState governments of Louisiana, Florida, and South Caro-\\nlina would be given to the Democrats. That Hayes ap-\\nproved of the plan is evidenced by the fact that after he\\nbecame President he stood resolutely by the promise made\\nby his friends to give the Democrats control of the govern-\\nments of those States.\\nThere was not serious friction in Florida the Democratic\\ncandidate for Governor was allowed to be inaugurated on a\\nreturned majority of 195 as given by the Supreme Court.\\nIn South Carolina the face of the returns gave Wade Hamp-\\nton 1 134 majority for Governor, with about a like majority\\nfor the Democratic Presidential electors, but the Returning\\nBoard threw out Democratic counties and returned Cham-\\nberlain, Republican, as elected Governor by a majority of\\n3433, and gave the Republican electors majorities ranging\\nfrom 600 to 900.\\nTwo Legislatures were organized and two claimants for\\n266", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0326.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nthe Governorship were qualified, but after a long siege, in\\nwhich the friends of Hampton were with difficulty restrained\\nfrom taking violent possession of the Capitol, the Republi-\\ncans gave up the contest, as they discovered that President\\nHayes would not support them, and Hampton and his asso-\\nciate Democratic candidates and a Democratic Legislature\\nwere accepted.\\nThe great battle was made in Louisiana, where the Return-\\ning Board gave Hayes the State by a majority of 4807, and\\ndeclared the Republican electors chosen by about the same\\nmajority. The face of the returns gave a majority of 7876\\nfor Tilden and 8101 for Nichols, Democratic candidate for\\nGovernor. There, as in South Carolina, two Governors\\nwere qualified and two Legislatures organized, and Stephen\\nB. Packard, who had been counted in as the Republican\\nGovernor, and had been largely instrumental in giving the\\nelectoral vote to Hayes, and thereby electing him, demanded\\nthat the President should sustain him, logically insisting\\nthat if Hayes was elected Packard was elected, and that if\\nPackard must go out Hayes must go out with him.\\nThe faith of the President and his friends were pledged to\\nthe people of property in Louisiana that they should have\\ntheir own State government, but it was a most difficult obli-\\ngation to discharge. Finally, the President appointed a\\ncommittee of eminent Republicans, two of whom were the\\npresent Senator Hawley, of Connecticut, and ex-Attorney-\\nGeneral Wayne MacVeagh, of Washington, to go to New\\nOrleans and solve the problem. The first necessity to accom-\\nplish that result was to withdraw enough Senators and Rep-\\nresentatives from the Packard Legislature to the Nichols\\nLegislature to give Nichols a quorum in both houses of un-\\ndisputed legislators, as that would leave Packard without a\\nLegislature and clothe Nichols s government with all the\\nceremony of law.\\nMany of the Packard legislators were negroes, and most\\nof them commercial. The change could be effected only by\\npurchase, in which the Hawley and MacVeagh committee had\\nno part. There were enough and to spare of Packard legis-\\nlators who were willing to sell out, but the Democrats were\\nimpoverished and could not raise money to buy them. One\\nof the active men in the movement was Duncan F. Kenner,\\none of the most prominent men in the State for many years,\\nand among the Senators in the market was one of his former\\n267", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0327.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nslaves, who demanded a high price. The State had been\\ndesolated, business paralyzed, and the people of Louisiana\\nhad not recovered from the universal waste of war. and while\\nthey were more than willing to buy enough of the Packard\\nmen to give Nichols the Legislature, they were absolutely\\nwithout the means to do it.\\nIn this emergency the Louisiana Lottery Company came\\nforward and proposed to furnish the citizens of Xew Or-\\nleans, who were managing the movement, all the money thev\\nneeded on condition that when the Democrats came into\\npower and amended the Constitution, they should give the\\nLouisiana Lottery a twenty-five-year charter in the Consti-\\ntution. It was a hard bargain, but as they could do no bet-\\nter they accepted the proffer, and a very large sum of money\\nwas thus furnished and paid to the negroes and carpet-bag\\nlegislators, who were very glad to get under cover with cash\\nin their pockets, knowing that the end of carpet-bag rule was\\nnear at hand. Packard finally found himself abandoned\\nby a majority of the undisputed Senators and Representa-\\ntives. His administration thus ended, and the promise of\\nthe friends of Hayes, which Hayes manfully sustained, was\\nfully performed, and the property people of the South were\\ngiven their right to govern their own States as the price of\\nassenting to Hayes as President.\\nThe Xichols government kept faith with the Louisiana\\nLottery Company, and the people of Louisiana have ever\\nsince been unjustly criticised as the only State in the Lnion\\nthat gave the highest possible charter to a lottery company,\\nas they could not explain the inexorable conditions which\\ncompelled them to do it. This was the last act of the great\\npolitical drama of 1876-77 that made Rutherford B. Hayes\\nPresident.\\nThe action of Tilden defeating Chase in the Democratic\\nconvention of 1868 had its sequel with mingled romance and\\nreality in the defeat of Tilden for the Presidency in 1877,\\nwhen the vote of Louisiana was passed upon by the Senate.\\nKate Chase Sprague was the most brilliant woman in\\nWashington society during the war period, and in every way\\none of the most attractive. Her home in Washington was\\nthe centre of the most accomplished men in public life, and\\namong them was Roscoe Conkling. the ablest of the Repub-\\nlican Senators. The contest for the Presidency before the\\nElectoral Commission in 1876-77 turned on the vote of\\n268", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0328.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nLouisiana, and it required the approving vote of the Senate\\nto give the electoral vote of that State to Hayes. Had it\\nbeen given to Tilden, he would have been the President.\\nMany believed that Hayes had not been elected and should\\nnot be declared elected, and among those who shared that\\nconviction was Mr. Conkling, although he did not publicly\\nexpress it.\\nThe Senate was carefully canvassed, and enough Repub-\\nlican votes were marshalled to throw the vote of the Senate\\nin favor of Tilden on the Louisiana issue if Conkling would\\nlead in support of that policy, and it was understood\\nthat he had agreed to do so. When the crucial time came\\nConkling did not appear at all, and the anti-Hayes Repub-\\nlicans, being without a leader, fell back to their party lines\\nand gave the vote of the State and the Presidential certificate\\nto Hayes. It is an open secret that Conkling resolved his\\ndoubts as urged by Mrs. Sprague, who thereby avenged\\nthe defeat of her father in the Democratic nomination of\\n1868, that had been accomplished by Tilden and thus Tilden\\nlost the Presidency, to which he had been elected by a popular\\nmajority of over 250,000.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0329.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "THE GARFIELD-HANCOCK CONTEST\\n1880\\nThe greatest battle ever fought in a national convention\\nwas witnessed at Chicago where the Republican National\\nConvention met on June 2, 1880. Grant had made his\\njourney around the world, received the homage of the high-\\nest rulers of every clime, and returned to be greeted with\\na degree of popular enthusiasm that had never before been\\ngiven to any citizen of the Republic. During Grant s\\nabsence his friends had made tireless efforts to organize his\\nforces in all the States, and the friends of Blaine, who\\nfought this battle royal with the friends of Grant, had been\\nequally earnest and ceaseless to give Blaine the victory. It\\nwas indeed a battle of giants, and the auditorium in which\\nthe convention was held was the most impressive picture\\nI have ever witnessed. There were not less than ten thousand\\nspectators in addition to the full delegations and alternates\\nfrom the States. Neither of the opposing chieftains ever\\nhad a majority in the body, but for a week they stood up\\nface to face with unbroken lines and belligerent leaders in\\nhand-to-hand conflict.\\nAmong the delegates were Conkling, Garfield, Harrison,\\nLogan, and many other conspicuous and able leaders of\\nthe opposing factions. Blaine s people, with the aid of the\\nfield, weakened Grant s lines by preventing the unit rule\\nin any delegation, whereby Grant lost a considerable number\\nof votes in New York, Pennsylvania, and other States. That\\nwas a test of the distinctive Grant strength in the body.\\nConkling opened the nominations by presenting the name\\nof Grant, and he did it in imperial grandeur and with\\na degree of eloquence that was most impressive. Next to\\nthe speech of Ingersoll, who nominated Blaine in 1876,\\nConkling s appeal for the nomination of Grant will stand\\nas the ablest of all the many able deliverances in the history\\n270", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0330.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "JAMES A. GARFIELD", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0331.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0332.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nof American politics. I sat quite close to him on the platform\\nwhen he delivered it, and he was a most interesting study.\\nHad he been as discreet as he was eloquent, it would have\\nbeen a perfect exhibition of impressive oratory but Conkling\\nwas inspired not only by his love of Grant, but more in-\\nfluenced than he confessed to himself by an intense hatred\\nof Blaine, that he cherished until his death.\\nHe mortally offended every friend of Blaine, and thereby\\nmade it impossible even to win the hesitating men in the\\nBlaine ranks by his keen and pungent fling at the delegates\\nwho disregarded their instructions to vote as a unit for\\nGrant, and by his aggressive assault upon Blaine when he\\nreferred to Grant as a candidate without patronage, without\\nemissaries, without committees, without bureaus, without\\ntelegraph wires running from his house to this convention\\nor running from his house anywhere. Unlike the Ingersoll\\nspeech nominating Blaine in 1876, the speech of Conkling,\\nable, eloquent, and grand as it was, left Grant weaker,\\ninstead of stronger.\\nVery general interest centred in General Garfield, who\\nwas at the head of the Ohio delegation, that was instructed\\nfor Senator Sherman for President. Garfield knew the\\nsituation he knew that a third candidate must eventually\\nbe accepted, and he illy concealed his efforts to advance\\nhimself, while ostensibly struggling for Sherman. His\\nspeech nominating Sherman was a plea for peace rather\\nthan an aggressive presentation of Sherman s claims, and\\nit was well understood that his plea for peace was, in fact,\\na plea for himself. At various stages of the balloting tidal\\nwaves of enthusiasm would start for Garfield, and he\\nnarrowly escaped a spontaneous nomination. He was per-\\nsonally very popular, of imposing presence, a most accom-\\nplished speaker, and he was finally accepted by the friends\\nof Blaine because he was not the partisan of either Blaine\\nor Grant, and also because they could certainly win with\\nhim, and thus defeat Grant.\\nThe convention became weary of what was evidently an\\nequal contest between the Grant and Blaine forces, and all\\nwho were not intensely enlisted in the factional fight were\\nglad to end the bitter struggle by accepting Garfield. Grant s\\nmemorable 306 stood by him and never lowered their flag\\nuntil they were defeated and fell with their faces to the foe.\\nSenator Hoar, of Massachusetts, was the permanent\\n271", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0333.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npresident of the convention, and it was a battle of giants,\\nlasting well in to the second week. Mr. Joy, who presented\\nthe name of Blaine to the convention, grievously disappointed\\nthe friends of the Plutned Knight. His advocacy of his chief\\nwas tame compared with the masterly orations of Conkling\\nand Garfield, but his friends were in admirable fighting trim,\\nand no such heroic struggle as that between Blaine and\\nGrant has ever been recorded in the history of American\\npolitics. Conkling was chairman of his delegation, and was\\noffensively imperious in every announcement that he made\\nto the convention. His delegation had been instructed to\\nvote a unit for Grant, but the convention had unshackled\\nthe delegates by allowing each one to cast his vote according\\nto his choice, and Conkling in announcing the vote for\\nBlaine in New York always did it with a sneer, and often\\nwith offensive expression. A ballot was not reached until\\nMonday of the second week in the convention, and for two\\ndays the extraordinary spectacle was presented of Grant\\nand Blaine holding their forces with but little variation,\\nuntil the Blaine column finally broke for Garfield. The\\nfollowing table presents the ballots in detail\\nBALLOTS.\\n2\\ntfi\\nu\\na\\nO\\nto\\nt)\\nB\\na\\nG\\nnS\\nu\\ncc\\nto\\n0)\\nto\\nto\\no\\nc\\n*os\\n2\\n6\\nto\\na\\nOS\\na\\nu\\nc-j\\nc\\nA\\nO\\nt\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n6\\nc\\nXi\\nto\\noS\\nS\\nto\\nc\\nB\\nb\\nft\\nft\\nD\\nbo\\nu\\no\\nu\\nO\\nB\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\na\\ni?\\nB\\nt\\nto\\noS\\nft\\nO\\nu\\no\\nu\\ne\\nX!\\n+J\\nft\\nu\\na\\nu\\no\\no\\no\\nbe\\nu\\no\\n0)\\n3\\nto\\na\\nd\\no\\nO\\nD\\nO\\nO\\nto\\no\\nft\\nG\\nOS\\noS\\nw\\nft\\nfl\\n.G\\no\\noi\\nOS\\nR\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\ng\\nG\\nS\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\nft\\na\\noS\\n.G\\nK\\n.9*\\n!H\\nft\\no\\nto\\n(h\\nOS\\nK\\nc\\n1\\noS\\nG\\nV\\nCQ\\n3\\no\\n6\\no\\n*o\\nA\\no\\na\\no\\nu\\nA\\nto\\nto\\n4)\\nO\\na\\n1st\\n2d\\n3d\\n4th\\n5th\\n6th.\\n7th\\n8th.\\n9th\\n10th\\n11th\\n12th\\n13th\\n14th.\\n15th,\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n2\\n1\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n1\\n1\\n304\\n305\\n305\\n305\\n305\\n305\\n305\\n306\\n308\\n305\\n305\\n304\\n305\\n305\\n309\\n284\\n282\\n282\\n281\\n281\\n280\\n281\\n284\\n282\\n282\\n281\\n283\\n285\\n285\\n281\\n93\\n94\\n93\\n95\\n95\\n95\\n94\\n91\\n90\\n92\\n93\\n92\\n89\\n89\\n88\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n32\\n32\\n32\\n32\\n33\\n33\\n35\\n36\\n34\\n32\\n32\\n32\\n32\\n32\\n32\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n272", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0334.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nBALLOTS,\\n16th\\n17th\\n18th\\n19th\\n20th\\n21st\\n22d\\n23d\\n24th\\n25th\\n26th\\n27th\\n28th\\n29th\\n30th\\n31st\\n32d.\\n33d.\\n34th\\n35th\\n36th\\n2\\n\u00c2\u00ab3\\nU\\no3\\nCO\\ns\\nc3\\nt\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n17\\n50\\n399\\nc\\no3\\nu\\nCO\\n01\\nd)\\nto\\nCO\\n306\\n303\\n305\\n305\\n308\\n305\\n305\\n304\\n305\\n302\\n303\\n306\\n307\\n305\\n306\\n308\\n309\\n309\\n312\\n313\\n306\\n6\\nfl\\n3\\ns\\nd\\nto\\nC9\\ng\\n283\\n284\\n283\\n279\\n276\\n276\\n275\\n275\\n279\\n281\\n280\\n277\\n279\\n278\\n279\\n276\\n270\\n276\\n275\\n257\\n42\\noS\\na\\nu\\nV\\n43\\nCO\\na\\n43\\nO\\n88\\n90\\n91\\n96\\n93\\n96\\n97\\n97\\n93\\n94\\n93\\n93\\n91\\n116\\n120\\n118\\n117\\n110\\n107\\n99\\n3\\n6\\nd\\nu\\n42\\n43\\nCO\\no3\\nd\\nr-t\\nH\\n36\\n36\\n35\\n32\\n35\\n35\\n35\\n36\\n35\\n35\\n36\\n36\\n35\\n35\\n33\\n37\\n44\\n44\\n30\\n23\\n5\\nc/3\\n-d\\nC\\na\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0d\\nm\\n4)\\nbfl\\no\\nCD\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n31\\n12\\n11\\n11\\n11\\n11\\n11\\n11\\nd\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\nR\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n10\\n7\\n4\\n3\\n3\\n4\\n4\\n3\\nCO\\n0)\\nw\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0d\\no\\nn-i\\nu\\na\\n43\\n+5\\no3\\nt-c\\nO\\no\\nCD\\nbo\\no\\n0)\\nO\\nbi\\n3\\nc\\nO\\no\\nO\\no\\nCO\\no\\nPi\\n1\\nC\\no3\\nu\\n-u\\no3\\nw\\nCI\\n43\\nO\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\no3\\nfi\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\nCI\\nd\\na\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\nW\\n1\\nc\\n03\\nCi\\nOJ\\n43\\nCO\\nw\\n1\\nd\\no\\nCO\\nC\\ns-l\\no3\\nW\\n53\\n1\\no3\\nc?\\na\\nn\\n3\\no\\ne\\n754\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n755\\n756\\n756\\n755\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n378\\n379\\n379\\n378\\nWhile it was generally expected that the convention would\\neventually stampede to Garfield, the movement was given\\nvitality and form by the Wisconsin delegation. The only\\nname prominently discussed as a compromise candidate in\\naddition to that of Garfield was the name of Senator\\nWindom, of Minnesota, who had received the vote of his\\nState from the start. In a caucus of the delegation a small\\nmajority of the Wisconsin delegation voted to prefer Garfield\\nto Windom, and that movement started the tide that gave\\nthe victory to Garfield. It is quite possible that if Wisconsin\\nhad declared for Windom, instead of Garfield, as it failed\\nto do by only a very few votes, Windom might have been\\nmade the candidate, as he occupied a very strong position\\nin the party, was free from factional alliances, and probably\\nwould have been quite as strong a candidate with the people\\n273", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0335.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nas Garfield. When the Wisconsin delegation decided to\\nbreak the deadlock by accepting Garfield, it opened the door\\nfor the wearied anti-Grant gladiators to find speedy and\\ngratifying refuge. Grant s column stood to him with mar-\\nvellous fidelity. He started with 304 votes, never fell below\\n302, never rose above 313, and ended on the final ballot\\nwith 306. The nomination of Garfield was made unanimous\\namidst the wildest enthusiasm.\\nSenator Conkling was in violent temper over the defeat\\nof Grant, and when he was asked to name a candidate for\\nVice-President he at first petulantly refused to do so, but\\nsome of his more deliberate friends suggested the name of\\nChester A. Arthur, who was in the delegation. Arthur\\nhad acted as chairman during part of the balloting when\\nConkling was absent, and his dignified and manly manner\\nof announcing the vote of his State contrasted very favorably\\nwith the offensive manner of Conkling. Conkling assented\\nto rather than dictated the nomination of Arthur, and the\\n1st ballot for Vice-President was as follows:\\nChester A. Arthur, N. Y... 468\\nElihu B. Washburne, 111. 199\\nMarshall Jewell, Conn 43\\nHorace Maynard, Tenn. 30\\nEdmund J. Davis, Texas 20\\nThe nomination was promptly made unanimous,\\nfollowing platform was unanimously adopted\\nThe Republican party in national convention assembled, at the\\nend of twenty years since the Federal Government was first commit-\\nted to its charge, submits to the people of the United States this\\nbrief report of its administration. It suppressed the Rebellion which\\nhad armed nearly a million of men to subvert the national authority.\\nIt reconstructed the Union of the States with freedom instead of sla-\\nvery as its corner-stone. It transformed four millions of human beings\\nfrom the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Con-\\ngress from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and\\ncharged it to see that slavery does not exist. It has raised the value\\nof our paper currency from thirty-eight per cent, to the par of gold.\\nIt has restored upon a solid basis payment in coin for all the national\\nobligations, and has given us a currency absolutely good and equal\\nin every part of our extended country. It has lifted the credit of\\nthe nation from the point where six per cent, bonds sold at eighty-\\nsix per cent, to that where four per cent, bonds are eagerly sought\\nat a premium. Under its administration railways have increased\\nfrom thirty-one thousand miles in i860 to more than eighty-two\\nthousand miles in 1879. Our foreign trade has increased from seven\\nhundred million dollars to one billion, one hundred and fifty million\\ndollars in the same time, and our exports, which were twenty mil-\\nBlanche K. Bruce (Col.),\\nMiss 8\\nJames L. Alcorn, Miss 4\\nThomas Settle, Fla 2\\nStewart L. Woodford, N. Y. 1\\nThe\\n274", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0336.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "CHESTER A. ARTHUR", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0337.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0338.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nlion dollars less than our imports in i860, were two hundred and\\nsixty-four million more than our imports in 1879. Without resort-\\ning to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary\\nexpenses of government besides the accruing interest on the public\\ndebt, and has annually disbursed more than thirty million dollars\\nfor soldiers pensions. It has paid eight hundred and eighty-eight\\nmillion dollars of the public debt, and, by refunding the balance at\\nlower rates, has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly one\\nhundred and fifty-one million dollars to less than eighty-nine mil-\\nlion dollars. All the industries of the country have revived, labor\\nis in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire coun-\\ntry there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have\\never enjoyed.\\nUpon this record the Republican party asks for the continued con-\\nfidence and support of the people, and this convention submits for\\ntheir approval the following statement of the principles and purposes\\nwhich will continue to guide and inspire its efforts\\n1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty-one years has been\\nsuch as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the\\nfruits of the costly victories which we have achieved through im-\\nmense difficulties should be preserved that the peace regained\\nshould be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily re-\\nstored, should be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this\\ngeneration should be transmitted undiminished to future genera-\\ntions that the order established and the credit acquired should\\nnever be impaired; that the pensions promised should be extin-\\nguished by the full payment of every dollar thereof that the reviving\\nindustries should be further promoted, and that the commerce,\\nalready so great, should be steadily encouraged.\\n2. The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and\\nnot a mere contract; out of confederated States it made a sovereign\\nnation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied\\nto the States but the boundary between the powers delegated and\\nthose reserved is to be determined by the national, and not by the\\nState tribunals.\\n3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the sev-\\neral States, but it is the duty of the National Government to aid that\\nwork to the extent of its constitutional duty. The intelligence of\\nthe nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several\\nStates, and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the\\ngenius of any one State, but by the average genius of all.\\n4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law\\nrespecting an establishment of religion, but it is idle to hope that\\nthe nation can be protected against the influences of sectarianism\\nwhile each State is exposed to its domination. We therefore recom-\\nmend that the Constitution be so amended as to lay the same pro-\\nhibition upon the Legislature of each State, and to forbid the appro-\\npriation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools.\\n5. We affirm the belief avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for\\nthe purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American\\nlabor that no further grant of the public domain should be made\\nto any railway or other corporation; that, slavery having perished\\nin the States, its twin barbarity, polygamy, must die in the Terri-\\ntories that everywhere the protection accorded to citizens of Ameri-\\n275", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0339.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ncan birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption; and\\nthat we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our\\nwatercourses and harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private\\npersons or corporations must cease; that the obligations of the\\nRepublic to the men who preserved its integrity in the hour of battle\\nare undiminished by the lapse of the fifteen years since their final\\nvictor}- to do them perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the\\ngrateful privilege and sacred duty of the American people.\\n6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse\\nbetween the United States and foreign nations rests with Congress,\\nor with the United States and its treaty-making powers, the Repub-\\nlican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese\\nas an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of those powers\\nto restrain and limit that immigration by the enactment of such just,\\nhumane and reasonable provisions as will produce that result.\\n7. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the earlier\\ncareer of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided\\nthe thoughts of our immediate predecessors to him for a Presiden-\\ntial candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as Chief\\nExecutive, and that history will accord to his administration the\\nhonors which are due to an efficient, just, and courteous discharge\\nof the public business, and will honor his interposition between the\\npeople and proposed partisan laws.\\nWe charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of\\npatriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust of office and\\npatronage; that to obtain possession of the national and State\\nGovernments and the control of place and position they have\\nobstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the\\nfreedom of suffrage, and have devised fraudulent certifications and\\nreturns have labored to unseat lawfully elected members of Con-\\ngress, to secure at all hazards the vote of a majority of the States\\nin the House of Representatives have endeavored to occupy by\\nforce and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of\\nMaine, and rescued by the courageous action of Maine s patriotic\\nsons have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in prac-\\ntice, attached partisan legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose\\npassage the very movements of the Government depend, and have\\ncrushed the rights of individuals have advocated the principles\\nand sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have\\nendeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to\\novercome its inestimably valuable results of nationality, personal\\nfreedom, and individual equality.\\nThe equal, steady, and complete enforcement of laws and the\\nprotection of all our citizens in the enjoyment cf all privileges and\\nimmunities guaranteed by the Constitution, are the first duties of\\nthe nation. The dangers of a solid South can only be averted by a\\nfaithful performance of every promise which the nation has made\\nto the citizen. The execution of the laws and the punishment of\\nall those who violate them are the only safe methods by which an\\nenduring peace can be secured and genuine prosperity established\\nthroughout the South. Whatever promises the nation makes, the\\nnation must perform, and the nation cannot with safety delegate\\nthis duty to the States. The solid South must be divided by the\\npeaceful agencies of the ballot, and all opinions must there find\\n2j6", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0340.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nfree expression, and to this end the honest voter must be protected\\nagainst terrorism, violence, or fraud.\\nAnd we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the Republican\\nparty to use every legitimate means to restore all the States of this\\nUnion to the most perfect harmony that may be practicable; and\\nwe submit it to the practical, sensible people of the United States\\nto say whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests\\nof our country at this time to surrender the administration of the\\nNational Government to the party which seeks to overthrow the\\nexisting policy under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring\\ndistrust and confusion where there are now order, confidence, and\\nhope.\\nThe Republican party, adhering to principles affirmed by its last\\nnational convention of respect for the constitutional rule covering\\nappointments to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes,\\nthat the reform of the civil service should be thorough, radical, and\\ncomplete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the legislative\\nwith the executive department of the Government, and that Congress\\nshall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper, practical tests,\\nshall admit to the public service.\\nGeneral Grant had become intensely interested in the con-\\ntest for a third term, and he had every reason to believe that\\nit would be accorded to him. Foreign travel and intelligent\\nobservation had greatly enlarged his narrow political ideas\\nand tempered his political asperities, and he would undoubt-\\nedly have made a much better President than ever he did\\nbefore. But the unwritten law of the nation confronted\\nhim, declaring that no man could fill the Presidential chair\\nfor a longer period than did George Washington. It was\\nthat sentiment that decided the contest against him.\\nHe was at his home in Galena, not far from Chicago, dur-\\ning the sessions of the convention, but while he was advised\\nof what transpired from day to day, he gave no directions and\\nmade no suggestions to his friends. He had the ablest gal-\\naxy of leaders that ever appeared in a national convention\\nin support of any one candidate, and he trusted them im-\\nplicitly. On the morning after the convention adjourned he\\ncame to Chicago, and I met him at the Palmer House, where\\nhe had come to confer with his discomfited friends. His\\nface gave no sign of the disappointment he had suffered.\\nHe met his friends in even a more genial way than was his\\ncustom. He expressed himself as entirely content with the\\ndecision of the convention, and greatly appreciated the sup-\\nport that had been given him. He never looked better in\\nhis life, and while I could not congratulate him, I could\\ntruthfully express my gratification at seeing him the picture\\nof health and comfort.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0341.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nHe was then in entire accord with his leading friends in\\ntheir purpose to prevent the election of Garfield, and for two\\nmonths after the campaign opened Garfield would have been\\noverwhelmingly beaten, but after Conkling s conference with\\nGarfield in Ohio, Grant s friends gave a most zealous support\\nto Garfield s election, and barely saved him by the aid of\\nTammany s betrayal of Hancock.\\nThe Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati on\\nthe 22d of June, with John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky, as\\npermanent president. The dispute over contested seats\\nlasted until the second day. Massachusetts, that had never\\nvoted for a Democratic candidate for President, put up the\\nfiercest fight between disputing delegations, and New York\\nhad a bitter factional quarrel between delegations chosen by\\nthe regular Democrats and another chosen by the Tammany\\npeople. The Tammany followers, under the lead of John\\nKelly, were very vindictive in their opposition to Tilden,\\nopenly declaring that they would not support Tilden if nomi-\\nnated, and the Tammany delegation was rejected. The\\nposition of Tilden was regarded as doubtful until well on in\\nthe second day of the contest, when an elaborate letter from\\nhim was read to the convention withdrawing his name. The\\nletter had been prepared by Tilden and given to a trusted\\nfriend to use it only if it became evident that Tilden could\\nnot be again nominated, or that he could not be elected if\\nnominated. The judgment of his most dispassionate friends\\nwas that he might be nominated, but that he could not be\\nelected, with the fierce opposition of Tammany and his fail-\\nure to assert his right to the Presidency in 1877.\\nAfter Tilden s withdrawal the contest was really between\\nHancock and Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. If the\\nTilden strength had been concentrated on Randall at the\\nopening of the convention, his nomination would have been\\nwithin the range of probability, but even after Tilden with-\\ndrew he hesitated until the 2d ballot before he gave Ran-\\ndall any support. Bayard was a close second to Hancock\\non the 1st ballot, but he was at no time within sight of a\\nnomination.\\nIt was on this occasion that the late Daniel Dougherty\\nmade the most eloquent speech of his life, presenting the\\nname of Hancock to the convention. He was not a member\\nof the delegation, but was called into it for the purpose on\\nthe morning of the day that the nomination was to be made.\\n278", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0342.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nHe hurried around to my room at the St. Nicholas, as he\\nhesitated about accepting the duty assigned him. He always\\nprepared his important speeches and memorized them. I\\nearnestly urged him to go at once to his room and write a\\nshort speech and be prepared to deliver it. He finally de-\\ncided to do so, and in a speech of not over twenty minutes\\nhe delivered the greatest oration of his life.\\nOnly two ballots were had for President, and on the sec-\\nond Hancock was so largely in the lead, having 320 to 128 J\\nfor Randall, that the delegations began to change their votes\\nuntil Hancock had 705 to 33 for all others. The following\\ntable gives the ballots in detail\\nCANDIDATES.\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nAfter\\nchanges.\\nThomas F. Bayard, Delaware\\n171\\n153^\\n81\\n68K\\n65\\n62\\n38\\n8\\n31\\n320\\n113\\n50\\n65^\\n31\\n6\\n128^\\n22\\n705\\n2\\nHenry B. Payne, Ohio\\nAllen G. Thurman, Ohio\\nStephen T. Field, California\\nWilliam R. Morrison, Illinois\\nThomas A. Hendricks, Indiana\\n30\\nSamuel J. Tilden, New York\\nSamuel J. Randall, Pennsylvania\\n1\\nScattering\\nAs Indiana was one of the debatable States, William H.\\nEnglish, of that State, was nominated for Vice-President,\\nwith only Richard M. Bishop, of Ohio, named against him.\\nBefore the ballot had proceeded to any considerable extent,\\nBishop s name was withdrawn, and English given a unani-\\nmous nomination. The following platform was unani-\\nmously adopted\\nThe Democrats of the United States, in convention assembled,\\ndeclare\\n1. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and\\ntraditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings\\nand example of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots,\\nand embodied in the platform of the last national convention of the\\nparty.\\n2. Opposition to centralizationism and to that dangerous spirit of\\nencroachment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the\\ndepartments in one, and thus to create, whatever be the form of\\ngovernment, a real despotism. No sumptuary laws separation of\\n279", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0343.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nChurch and State for the good of each common schools fostered\\nand protected.\\n3. Home rule honest money, consisting of gold and silver, and\\npaper convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of\\nthe public faith, State and national and a tariff for revenue only.\\n4. The subordination of the military to the civil power, and\\na general and thorough reform of the civil service.\\n5. The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights,\\nand must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States.\\n6. The existing administration is the representative of conspiracy\\nonly, and its claim of right to surround the ballot-boxes with troops\\nand deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the electors, and\\nthe unprecedented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and\\ndespotic power, insult the people and imperil their institutions.\\n7. The grand fraud of 1876-77, by which, upon a false count of\\nthe electoral votes of two States, the candidate defeated at the polls\\nwas declared to be President, and, for the first time in American\\nhistory, the will of the people was set aside under a threat of mili-\\ntary violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representative\\ngovernment the Democratic party, to preserve the country from\\na civil war, submitted for a time in firm and patriotic faith that the\\npeople would punish this crime in 1880 this issue precedes and\\ndwarfs every other; it imposes a more sacred duty upon the people\\nof the Union than ever addressed the conscience of a nation of\\nfreemen.\\n8. We execrate the course of this administration in making places\\nin the civil service a reward for political crime, and demand a reform\\nby statute which shall make it forever impossible for the defeated\\ncandidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting\\nvillains upon the people.\\n9. The resolution of Samuel T. Tilden not again to be a candidate\\nfor the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his\\ncountrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of\\nthe Republican party, is received by the Democrats of the United\\nStates with sensibility, and they declare their confidence in his\\nwisdom, patriotism, and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of\\na common enemy, and they further assure him that he is followed\\ninto the retirement he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and\\nrespect of his fellow-citizens, who regard him as one who, by\\nelevating the standards of public morality, merits the lasting grati-\\ntude of his country and his party.\\n10. Free ships and a living chance for American commerce on the\\nseas and on the land. No discrimination in favor of transportation\\nlines, corporations, or monopolies.\\n11. Amendment of the Burlingame treaty. No more Chinese\\nimmigration, except for travel, education, and foreign commerce,\\nand therein carefully guarded.\\n12. Public money and public credit for public purposes solely, and\\npublic land for actual settlers.\\n13. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring\\nman, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cormorant\\nand the commune.\\n14. We congratulate the country upon the honesty and thrift of\\na Democratic Congress, which has reduced the public expenditure\\nforty million dollars a year; upon the continuation of prosperity at\\n280", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0344.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nhome and the national honor abroad and, above all, upon the\\npromise of such a change in the administration of the Government\\nas shall insure us genuine and lasting reform in every department\\nof the public service.\\nThe National Greenback party held its national convention\\nat Chicago on the 9th of June, with Richard Trevellick, of\\nMichigan, as permanent president. A single ballot was had\\nfor President, resulting as follows\\nSolon Chase, Maine 89\\nEdward P. Allis, Wis 41\\nAlexander Campbell, 111 21\\nJames B. Weaver, Iowa 224*^\\nHenry B. Wright, Penn. 126}f\\nStephen D. Dillaye, N. Y. 119\\nBenj. F. Butler, Mass 95\\nBefore the vote was finally announced delegations speedily\\nchanged their votes to Weaver, and he was declared unani-\\nmously chosen as the candidate. B. B. Chambers, of Texas,\\nwas nominated for Vice-President by 403 votes to 311 for\\nAllanson M. West, of Mississippi. The following platform\\nwas adopted\\n1. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power\\nto be maintained by the people for the common benefit. The dele-\\ngation of this right to corporations is a surrender of the central\\nattribute of sovereignty, void of constitutional sanction, conferring\\nupon a subordinate irresponsible power absolute dominion over\\nindustry and commerce. All money, whether metallic or paper,\\nshould be issued and its volume controlled by the Government, and\\nnot by or through banking corporations, and, when so issued, should\\nbe a full legal tender for all debts, public and private.\\n2. That the bonds of the United States should not be refunded,\\nbut paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract. To enable\\nthe Government to meet these obligations, legal tender currency\\nshould be substituted for the notes of the national banks, the national\\nbanking system abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, as\\nwell as gold, established by law.\\n3. That labor should be so protected by national and State au-\\nthority as to equalize its burdens and insure a just distribution\\nof its results the eight-hour law of Congress should be enforced\\nthe sanitary condition of industrial establishments placed under\\nrigid control the competition of contract labor abolished a bureau\\nof labor statistics established; factories, mines, and workshops in-\\nspected; the employment of children under fourteen years of age\\nforbidden and wages paid in cash.\\n4. Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap labor being simply\\nslavery, the importation and presence of Chinese serfs necessarily\\ntends to brutalize and degrade American labor; therefore imme-\\ndiate steps should be taken to abrogate the Burlingame treaty.\\n5. Railroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-fulfilment of\\ncontract should be immediately reclaimed by Government; and\\nhenceforth the public domain reserved exclusively as homes for\\nactual settlers.\\n281", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0345.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n6. It is the duty of Congress to regulate interstate commerce.\\nAll lines of communication and transportation should be brought\\nunder such legislative control as shall secure moderate, fair, and\\nuniform rates for passenger and freight traffic.\\n_ 7. We denounce, as destructive to prosperity and dangerous to\\nliberty, the action of the old parties in fostering and sustaining\\ngigantic land, railroad, and money corporations, invested with, and\\nexercising, powers belonging to the Government, and yet not re-\\nsponsible to it for the manner of their exercise.\\n8. That the Constitution, in giving Congress the power to borrow\\nmoney, to declare war, to raise and support armies, to provide and\\nmaintain a navy, never intended that the men who loaned their\\nmoney for an interest consideration should be preferred to the sol-\\ndier and sailor who perilled their lives and shed their blood on\\nland and sea in defence of their country and we condemn the\\ncruel class legislation of the Republican party, which, while pro-\\nfessing great gratitude to the soldier, has most unjustly discrimi-\\nnated against him and in favor of the bondholder.\\n9. All property should bear its just proportion of taxation; and\\nwe demand a graduated income tax.\\n10. We denounce as most dangerous the efforts everywhere man-\\nifest to restrict the right of suffrage.\\n11. We are opposed to an increase of the standing army in time\\nof peace, and the insidious scheme to establish an enormous mili-\\ntary power under the guise of militia laws.\\n12. We demand absolute democratic rules for the government of\\nCongress, placing all representatives of the people upon an equal\\nfooting, and taking away from committees a veto power greater than\\nthat of the President.\\n13. We demand a government of the people, by the people, and\\nfor the people, instead of a government of the bondholders, by the\\nbondholders, and for the bondholders and we denounce every\\nattempt to stir up sectional strife as an effort to conceal monstrous\\ncrimes against the people.\\n14. In the furtherance of these ends, we ask the co-operation of\\nall fair-minded people. We have no quarrel with individuals, wage\\nno war upon classes, but only against vicious institutions. We\\nare not content to endure further discipline from our present actual\\nrulers, who, having dominion over money, over transportation, over\\nland and labor, and largely over the press and the machinery of\\ngovernment, wield unwarrantable power over our institutions, and\\nover our life and property.\\n15. That every citizen of due age, sound mind, and not a felon,\\nbe fully enfranchised, and that this resolution be referred to the\\nStates, with recommendation for their favorable consideration.\\nThe Prohibition convention met at Cleveland on the 17th\\nof June. The platform was substantially a repetition of the\\nplatform of 1876, and General Neal Dow, of Maine, was\\npresented for President, and A. M. Thompson, of Ohio, for\\nVice-President.\\n282", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0346.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThe few scattered fragments of the American party held\\na convention on the 27th of June, and nominated John W.\\nPhelps, of Vermont, for President, and Samuel C. Pomeroy,\\nof Kansas, for Vice-President. Their platform declared\\nagainst secret societies, Freemasonry in particular, and all\\nother anti-Christian movements. The party was not heard\\nof in the contest.\\nThe Presidential contest of 1880 was remarkable for the\\nabsence of bitterness or vituperation. Garfield and Hancock\\nwere both highly respected, and I cannot recall a struggle\\nfor the Presidency that exhibited less of the asperities which\\nare usually displayed in the struggle for the political control\\nof the nation. Hancock was beaten on the popular vote by\\na majority of but little over 7000, and he lost his election\\nby Tammany failing to give him a cordial support in New\\nYork.\\nThe following table presents the popular and electoral\\nvote of 1880\\nSTATES.\\nMaine\\nNew Hampshire\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts.\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nNew York\\nNew Jersey\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\nWest Virginia.\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nGeorgia\\nFlorida\\nPopular Vote.\\no\\nu\\ncS O\\nO^\\nJO\\n74,039\\n44,852\\n45,567\\n165,205\\n18,195\\n67,071\\n555,544\\n120,555\\n444,704\\n14,133\\n78,515\\n84,020\\n46,243\\n115,874\\n58,071\\n54,086\\n23,654\\n65,171*\\n40,794\\n18,316\\n111,960\\n10,779\\n64,415\\n534,511\\n122,565\\n407,428\\n15,275\\n93,706\\n128,586t\\n57,391\\n124,208\\n112,312\\n102,470\\n27,964\\n9)\\nB\\n4,408\\n528\\n1,215\\n4,548\\n236\\n868\\n12,373\\n2,617\\n20,668\\n120\\n818\\n9,079\\n1,126\\n566\\n969\\n93\\n180\\n682\\n20\\n409\\n1,517\\n191\\n1,939\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\n5\\n5\\n13\\n4\\n6\\n35\\n29\\n11\\n5\\n10\\n7\\n11\\n4\\nVotes for a fusion electoral ticket, made up of three Democrats and four\\nGreenbackers. A straight Greenback ticket was also voted for.\\nTwo Democratic tickets were voted for in Virginia. The regular ticket\\nreceived 96,912, and was successful; the Readjusters polled 31,674 votes.\\n283", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0347.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nPopular Vote.\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\na\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J\\nSTATES.\\nm\\nz\\nz\\nT.\\nS\\nJ-\\nX\\nJl s\\n2\\no\\nS\\nZ\\nAla.a-a\\nMississitr\\nL :u:s:ar.a.\\nTexas\\nArkansas.\\n2-_ :5$:uri\\nI rr-ejfe:\\nKentutkv.\\nOhio\\nMi:r.iga-.\\nIn liana.\\nIllinois\\nWis :o~s:r\\nMinnesota\\nIowa\\nNebraska\\nKansas\\nC:0:rat:..\\nNevada....\\nCalif: :r:_\\nOregon.....\\n34.5c4\\nss.e-sr-\\n42.436\\n::5.v:\\n107 677\\n106,306\\n575.04s\\nIS-: \u00c2\u00a341\\n2i2.1:4\\ns:\u00c2\u00bb.os:\\n144.4V\\n93,909\\n181\\n54.979\\n121.549\\n27.4 V\\nS.7S2\\nSO :4S\\noi.isc\\no. i 50\\n65,067\\n156,428\\n60 7*o\\n266,603\\n128 191\\n140 :s\\nS40.S21\\n131.\\n225.522\\n277 321\\n114.649\\n53.315\\n::-5.*45\\n2v=2;\\nc-.soi\\n24:47\\n9.613\\nSO. 42:\\ni^s\\nTotals 4.454.416 4.444.952\\n5.797\\n439\\n27.405\\n4,079\\n35.135\\n5.017\\n11.40;-\\n0.4:0\\n34, 995\\n12.^0\\n2 t.SoS\\n7. OS:\\n\u00c2\u00a32.\\nS.^cO\\nlO.Sci\\n1.4:-:\\n.i72\\n249\\n43\\n2,616\\n;-42\\n443\\n2 so\\n592\\n~a f\\n22\\n11\\n15\\n21\\n10\\n5\\n11\\n3\\n308,578 10,305 2.4\\n10\\ns\\n8\\n8\\n6\\n15\\n12\\n12\\n155\\nTwo Republican tickets -were voted for.\\nGarfield possessed more political honors at one time than\\nany other public man in the history of the country. After\\nthe November election of 1880, he was the Congressman\\nfrom his district he was United States Senator-elect, having\\nbeen chosen by the Ohio Legislature in January of the same\\nyear, and he was President-elect. He had many elements\\nof popularity, but was not a courageous leader like Blaine.\\nHe was not a strong, aggressive man, although able in\\ndebate and one of the most scholarly of our public men. He\\nhad a most difficult role to fill when he came into the\\nPresidency. Conkling wholly distrusted him when Garfield\\nwas first nominated for President, as was clearly evidenced\\nby Conkling failing to call upon Garfield when Garfield\\nmade his first visit to New York after the Chicago conven-\\ntion, although he stopped at the same hotel where Conkling\\n284", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0348.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwas a guest. Later in the campaign Conkling was earnestly\\nurged to visit Garfield, and he made the visit, resulting in\\nthe Conkling and Grant forces earnestly supporting Gar-\\nfield s election.\\nGeneral Grant, for the first time in his life, took the stump\\nto aid the Garfield cause but even after having turned the\\ntide in favor of Garfield s election, Conkling knew that\\nGarfield was not a self-reliant leader, and after the appoint-\\nment of Blaine to the Cabinet, with whom Conkling had no\\nrelations whatever, private or official, Conkling had little\\nconfidence in Garfield fulfilling his pledges made to the\\nfriends of Grant. The open breach came when Garfield\\nnominated Robertson for Collector of New York. Robertson\\nwas one of the New York delegates to Chicago who voted\\nagainst Grant, and was one of the most aggressive anti-\\nConkling men in the State. This appointment was at once\\ncharged upon Blaine, but the evidence is conclusive that it\\nwas made by Garfield alone, without even a suggestion from\\nBlaine, who certainly did not desire to precipitate a war\\nbetween the administration of which he was Premier and\\nso formidable a political factor as Conkling. It was simply\\nGarfield s blunder, made in haste, and it proved very clearly\\nthat he was not equipped to meet the political exigencies\\nwhich confronted him. Conkling blundered even worse than\\nGarfield. He petulantly resigned his seat in the Senate, in\\nwhich his colleague, Senator Piatt (now Senator from New\\nYork), joined him, although he had served but a fraction\\nof a year of his full term.\\nConkling confidently hoped to be re-elected by the New\\nYork Legislature, and he doubtless would have succeeded\\nhad not the presiding officer of the Senate, by a very shrewd\\nand simple parliamentary act, postponed the election a week\\nlonger than Conkling expected. That delay was fatal, and\\na protracted and humiliating contest was made by Conkling\\nand Piatt, each weak, both losing prestige and support, until\\nfinally the Republicans of the New York Legislature were\\ncompelled to cast them both aside and elect new Senators.\\nVice-President Arthur stood manfully abreast with Conkling,\\nhis friend, in his battle at Albany for re-election, but after\\nthe failure on the 1st ballot there never was a time when the\\nre-election of Conkling and Piatt was possible. Conkling\\nretired from politics utterly disgusted, located in New\\nYork, where he very rapidly acquired a lucrative practice,\\n285", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0349.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nand his tragic death from exposure in the great blizzard of\\n1888 ended the career of one of the ablest of the statesmen\\nof his day.\\nArthur was the fourth Vice-President who succeeded to\\nthe Presidency by the death of the President, and he was\\nthe second whose honors had come to him by the assassina-\\ntion of his chief. The accession of Arthur created very\\ngeneral distrust in both business and political circles. He\\nwas little known beyond his factional conflicts in Xew York,\\nhaving been removed from a leading Custom House office\\nby Secretary Sherman. That removal was sustained by the\\nRepublican Senate in defiance of the power of Conkling.\\nIt was generally assumed that the administration of Arthur,\\nunder the lead of Conkling, would be one of political ven-\\ngeance, and of necessity convulse the party and end Repub-\\nlican power in the nation.\\nBusiness interests were disturbed because they feared that\\nArthur would be a political President with little exhibition\\nof statesmanship, but Arthur rose to the full measure of\\nhis responsible duties. While he moved with great caution,\\nto avoid a breach with his own friends, he soon offended\\nConkling, and gradually won the confidence and respect of\\nthe nation to an extent that few Presidents have enjoyed.\\nThe Garfield administration had been started on lines that\\nArthur could not follow, and the retirement of the Garfield\\nCabinet, with the exception of Robert T. Lincoln, then\\nSecretary of War, was soon accomplished. The prosecution\\nof the Star-Route Postal frauds was the one thing on which\\nBlaine and MacYeagh, the Attorney-General, had decided\\nto make a creditable record for the administration, and while\\nArthur was quite as honest as Garfield, political necessities\\ncompelled him to discourage those prosecutions. Beyond\\nthat there was not a blemish on his administration of some\\nthree years and a half. He appreciated the fact that the\\nPresident should be above the rule of faction, and in that\\nhe early offended Conkling. He nominated Conkling as\\nSupreme Judge of the United States, but Conkling peremp-\\ntorily rejected it, and thenceforth the relations between\\nArthur and Conkling were severely strained.\\nArthur was the one of the four Yice-Presidents succeeding\\nto the Presidency who did not change the policy of the\\nadministration. He gradually won the esteem of all parties\\nin the land by his dignity, courtesy, and manliness in every\\n286", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0350.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nemergency that confronted him. He was one of the most\\ngenial and delightful of all the Presidents who occupied the\\nWhite House, and he would doubtless have been nominated\\nfor President in 1884 but for the fact that Blaine had that\\nhonor safely mortgaged. Arthur was desirous of a nomina-\\ntion, but Blaine was so strong with the leaders and also with\\nthe rank and file of the party that he won an easy victory\\nover the President.\\nThe opposition to Arthur in the Republican convention\\nof 1884 was not inspired by hostility to him or to his\\nadministration. It was simply the overwhelming Republican\\nsentiment of the country that demanded Blaine as the party\\ncandidate for President. I had met President Arthur fre-\\nquently during his Presidential term, although I never had\\nany political or personal interests to serve. It was always\\na pleasure to call upon him and enjoy the dignified and\\ncordial welcome he ever gave to visitors. I last saw him\\non the night of the Cleveland inauguration day, that closed\\nhis Presidential term. He was the guest of honor at a dinner\\ngiven by Senator Cameron, and I was painfully impressed\\nwith what I then assumed to be the keen disappointment of\\nArthur at his retirement from the Presidency. He seemed\\ngreatly depressed in spirit and to lack his usual genial and\\nfascinating qualities. It was not long after, however, when\\nit became known that he had retired from the Presidential\\noffice the victim of a fatal disease, that exhausted his vitality.\\nHe lived a very quiet life, beloved by all who knew him\\nand respected by the whole nation during the brief period\\nbetween his retirement and his death.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0351.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "THE CLEVELAND-BLAINE CONTEST\\n1884\\nThe Presidential campaign of 1884 was opened on June\\n5 by the Republican National Convention at Chicago, which\\nnominated Blaine after the Arthur administration had made\\na feeble struggle against him. Strange as it may seem,\\nBlaine took much less interest in his nomination at that time\\nthan he had in his contests of 1876 and 1880. He was pain-\\nfully impressed by the conviction that he was fated not to\\nbe President, and he feared his defeat. A recent article by\\nex-Governor Boutwell, of Massachusetts, who was then in\\nCongress with Blaine, stated that a short time before the\\nmeeting of the convention, when Blaine knew that the nomi-\\nnation was within his own hands, he told Boutwell that he\\nwas glad to have some votes in the convention, but that he\\ndid not wish the nomination. He desired to defeat Presi-\\ndent Arthur, and urged Boutwell to organize for the nomi-\\nnation of General Sherman for President and Robert Lin-\\ncoln for Vice-President.\\nI saw Blaine frequently during the months preceding the\\nnomination, and he never exhibited any special gratification\\nat the fact that he could then, for the first time, surely attain\\nthe leadership in his party for which he had so long strug-\\ngled but he had not the courage to decline it. The nomi-\\ntion came to him, and though he did not heartily welcome it,\\nhe was justly proud of it.\\nThe contest between Cleveland and Blaine was one of the\\nmost spirited and earnest of our national political struggles.\\nThe assassination of Garfield and the factional troubles\\nwhich arose under Garfield, and continued to some extent\\nunder Arthur, greatly disturbed Republican tranquillity, and\\nin 1882 the Democrats won all the debatable States and car-\\nried the popular branch of Congress. Grover Cleveland in\\nthat year became a national political factor by his election as\\n288", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0352.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "1\\n139 t\\ni\\nf\\nIT\\n^m JSmBM\\n..^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0rT\\nGROVER CLEVELAND", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0353.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0354.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nGovernor of New York by nearly 200,000 majority. Blaine\\nhad the vital Republican element very earnestly in his sup-\\nport, but had to confront the implacable opposition of many\\nof the ablest leaders of his party. He had already been a\\ncandidate before two Republican conventions, in which his\\nenemies had defamed him without limit, and the Grant influ-\\nence was as vindictive, although not so powerful, in 1884 as\\nit was in 1876 and 1880.\\nThe Republican National Convention met at Chicago on\\nthe 3d of June, and ex-Representative John R. Lynch, of\\nMississippi (colored), was made temporary president, and\\nex-Senator John B. Henderson, of Missouri, permanent\\npresident. The friends of President Arthur, largely represent-\\ning Federal officials, made a very earnest battle for their\\nchief, but it was a Blaine convention from start to finish.\\nMany questions of party policy and rules were discussed\\nand a platform adopted during the first three days of the\\nconvention, and it was not until the evening session of the\\nthird day that Presidential candidates were presented. On\\nthe morning of the fourth day, the convention proceeded to\\nballot, resulting in the nomination of Blaine, as follows\\nJames G. Blaine, of Maine\\nChester A. Arthur, of New York.\\nGeorge F. Edmunds, of Vermont.\\nJohn A. Logan, of Illinois\\nJohn Sherman, of Ohio\\nJoseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut\\nRobert T. Lincoln, of Illinois\\nWilliam T. Sherman, of Missouri..\\nFirst.\\nSecond.\\nThird.\\n334^\\n278\\n349\\n276\\n375\\n274\\n93\\n85\\n69\\n63^\\n30\\n61\\n28\\n53\\n25\\n13\\n13\\n13\\n4\\n4\\n8\\n2\\n2\\n2\\nFourth.\\n541\\n207\\n41\\n7\\n15\\n2\\nThe nomination of Blaine was made unanimous with great\\nenthusiasm. The convention then adjourned until evening,\\nwhen General John A. Logan, of Illinois, was nominated for\\nVice-President on the 1st ballot, receiving 779 votes to 7\\nfor Lucius Fairchild, of Wisconsin, and 6 for Walter Q.\\nGresham, of Indiana. General Logan was regarded as one\\nof the most prominent of the Grant leaders, and it was con-\\nsidered good policy to unite the two elements of the party\\nby giving him second place. His nomination was also made\\nunanimous, and cheered to the echo. The following plat-\\nform was unanimously adopted\\n289", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0355.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ni. The Republicans of the United States, in national convention\\nassembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they\\nhave triumphed in six successive Presidential elections, and con-\\ngratulate the American people on the attainment of so many results\\nin legislation and administration by which the Republican party\\nhas. after saving the Union, done so much to render its institut::r.r\\njust, equal, and benefker.:. the safeguard of liberty, and the embodi-\\nment of the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. The\\nRepublican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful\\nresponse to the demands of the people for the freedom and equality\\nof all men for a united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens\\nfor the elevation of labor for an honest currency for purity in\\nlegislation and for integrity and accountability in all departments\\nof the Government. And it accepts anew the duty of leading in\\nthe work of progress and reform.\\n2. We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound states-\\nmanship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong\\nand successful administration, a promise fully realized during the\\nshort period of his office as President of the United States. His\\ndistinguished sen-ices in war and in peace have endeared him to\\nthe hearts of the American people.\\n3. In the administration of President Arthur we recognize a\\nvise, conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country\\nhas been blessed with remarkable prosperity-; and we believe his\\neminent services are entitled to and will receive the heart}- appro-\\nval of ever}- good citizen.\\n4. It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights\\nand promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity\\nc: industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the com-\\nfort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that\\nthe imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for\\nrevenue only, but that, in raising the requisite revenues for the Gov-\\nernment, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our\\ndiversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the\\nlaborers, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capi-\\ntal, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share\\nin the national prosperity\\n5. Against the so-called economical system of the Democratic\\nparty-, which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we\\nenter our most earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed\\ncompletely to relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxa-\\ntion by a wise reduction of the surplus.\\n6. The Republican party- pledges itself to correct the irregulari-\\nties of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and\\nindiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods\\nas ill relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great\\nproductive interests of the country.\\n7. We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United\\nStates, the serious depression which it is now experiencing, and\\nthe danger threatening its future prosperity-: and we therefore\\nrespect the demands of the Representatives of this important agri-\\ncultural interest for a readjustment of duties upon foreign wool,\\nin order that such industry shall have full and adequate protection.\\n8. We have aways recommended the best money known to the\\n290", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0356.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ncivilized world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all com-\\nmercial nations in the establishment of an international standard\\nwhich shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage.\\n9. The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between\\nthe States is one of the most important prerogatives of the General\\nGovernment, and the Republican party distinctly announces its pur-\\npose to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry\\nout the constitutional power of Congress over interstate com-\\nmerce.\\n_ 10. The principle of the public regulation of railway corpora-\\ntions is a wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of\\nthe people, and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust dis-\\ncrimination and excessive charges for transportation, and that shall\\nsecure to the people and to the railways alike the fair and equal pro-\\ntection of the laws.\\n11. We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor;\\nthe enforcement of the eight-hour law; a wise and judicious system\\nof genera] education by adequate appropriation from the national\\nrevenues wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere\\nthe protection of a citizen of American birth must be secured to\\ncitizens by American adoption, and we favor the settlement of na-\\ntional differences by international arbitration.\\n12. The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave\\nlabor, and in a desire that all men may be truly free and equal, is\\nunalterably opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with\\nany form of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit\\nwe denounce the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe\\nor Asia, as an offence against the spirit of American institutions,\\nand we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting\\nChinese immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is\\nnecessary to carry out its purposes.\\n13. Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Re-\\npublican administration, should be completed by the further exten-\\nsion of the reformed system already established by law to all the\\ngrades of the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and pur-\\npose of the reform should be observed in all executive appoint-\\nments, and all laws at variance with the objects of existing reformed\\nlegislation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free\\ninstitutions which lurk in the power of official patronage may be\\nwisely and effectively avoided.\\n14. The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United\\nStates, and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings\\nby actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts\\nof these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such\\nholdings are in the hands of non-resident aliens, and we will en-\\ndeavor to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil.\\nWe demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land-grants\\nwhich have lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of incor-\\nporation, in all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith\\nto perform the conditions of such grants.\\n15. The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the\\nUnion soldiers and sailors of the late war and the Republican\\nparty stands pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled,\\nand for the widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The\\n291", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0357.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nRepublican party also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation\\ncontained in the Arrears act of 1879, so that all invalid soldiers\\nshall share alike, and their pensions begin with the date of disa-\\nbility, and not with the date of the application.\\n16. The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us\\nfrom entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which gives us\\nthe right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling\\nin American affairs the policy which seeks peace and trade with\\nall powers, but especially with those of the Western Hemisphere.\\n17. We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time\\nstrength and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of\\nAmerican citizens and the interests of American commerce. We\\ncall upon Congress to remove the burdens under which American\\nshipping has been depressed, so that it may again be true that we\\nhave a commerce which leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy which\\ntakes no law from superior force.\\n18. That appointments by the President to offices in the Terri-\\ntories should be made from the bona fide citizens and residents of\\nthe Territories wherein they are to serve.\\n19. That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall\\npromptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within\\nour Territories, and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical\\npower of the so-called Mormon Church, and that the law so enacted\\nshould be rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if possible, and\\nby the military, if need be.\\n20. The people of the United States, in their organized capacity,\\nconstitute a nation, and not a mere confederacy of States. The\\nNational Government is supreme within the sphere of its national\\nduties, but the States have reserved rights which should be faith-\\nfully maintained, and which should be guarded with jealous care,\\nso that the harmony of our system of government may be pre-\\nserved and the Union kept inviolate.\\n21. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance\\nof a free ballot, an honest count, and correct return. We denounce\\nthe fraud and violence practised by the Democracy in Southern\\nStates, by which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to\\nthe preservation of free institutions and we solemnly arraign the\\nDemocratic party as being the guilty recipient of the fruits of such\\nfraud and violence.\\n22. We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of\\ntheir former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to\\nthem our most earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legis-\\nlation as will secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color,\\nthe full and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all\\ncivil and political rights.\\nThe Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on\\nthe 8th of July, and was temporarily organized with Richard\\nD. Hubbard, of Texas, as chairman. The first day of the\\nconvention was unusually boisterous. The Tammany dele-\\ngates, under the lead of John Kelly, were in a minority in the\\ndelegation, and under the Democratic unit rule their votes\\n292", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0358.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwould be cast for Cleveland, to whose nomination they were\\nbitterly opposed. A desperate struggle was made to break\\nthe unit rule, and thus release Tammany from the support\\nof Cleveland. The proposition was very largely defeated,\\nand during the balloting the Tammany people made various\\nand ineffectual efforts to have their votes recorded. On the\\nmorning of the second day, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin,\\nwas made permanent president, and the presentation of can-\\ndidates for President followed, after which the platform was\\nadopted and one ballot had for President, and on the follow-\\ning morning the 2d ballot was had, resulting in the selec-\\ntion of Cleveland.\\nCleveland s nomination was accomplished solely by the\\nearnest and skilful management of his cause by Daniel\\nManning, who was Secretary of the Treasury during half of\\nCleveland s first administration. Cleveland was a reluctant\\ncandidate, for he was not confident that he could be nomi-\\nnated, and doubted if he could be elected if nominated but\\nManning gathered about him a very powerful organization,\\nand under the unit rule carried the New York delegation\\nsolid for Cleveland, though Tammany, under the lead of\\nJohn Kelly, stoutly opposed him.\\nRandall had been named as the candidate for President by\\nPennsylvania, and had a delegation strongly committed to\\nhis support. I was present at the conferences of Randall s\\nfriends, and it became evident at an early stage of the battle\\nthat Randall s nomination was not within the range of possi-\\nbility. His pronounced protection views made him ineligi-\\nble. Ex-Attorney-General William U. Hensel was there,\\nand was actively enlisted in the Randall cause. When the\\ndefeat of Randall became clearly inevitable Hensel and I\\nhad a conference with Manning, and after a careful review\\nof the situation it became apparent that Cleveland could be\\nnominated with the aid of Randall s friends. We made no\\nsuggestions to Manning as to conditions, but told him that\\nwe would telegraph for Randall and have him there the next\\nmorning early, so that he and Randall could confer alone.\\nHensel and I telegraphed Randall urgently requesting him\\nto take the first train for Chicago. He arrived the next\\nmorning, was brought directly by Mr. Hensel to my room,\\nwhere Mr. Manning was in waiting, and Hensel and I went\\nto breakfast.\\nNo one but Mr. Hensel and myself knew of Randall s\\n293", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0359.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\narrival, but within half an hour after he and Manning had\\nmet word was passed from Randall himself for his friends to\\nsupport Cleveland. That settled the contest in Cleveland s\\nfavor. Tammany protested, but the Tammany vote was cast\\nfor Cleveland all the same under the unit rule that the New\\nYork Democrats have always maintained.\\nThe following are the ballots for President in detail\\nGrover Cleveland, of New York.\\nThomas F. Bayard, of Delaware\\nThomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana.\\nAllen G. Thurman, of Ohio\\nSamuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania\\nJoseph E. McDonald, of Indiana\\nJohn G. Carlisle, of Kentucky\\nRoswell P. Flower, of New York\\nGeorge Hoadly, of Ohio\\nSamuel J. Tilden, of New York.\\nSecond.\\n683\\n145^\\n4\\n4\\n2\\nThomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, upon whom the oppo-\\nsition to Cleveland had largely united on the 2d ballot\\nfor President, was unanimously nominated for Vice-Presi-\\ndent. On a motion to make the nomination of Cleveland\\nunanimous, vigorous nos came up, especially from the\\nTammany Hall delegates, but the nomination of Hendricks\\nwas welcomed with the heartiest cheers. The following is\\nthe Democratic platform as adopted in 1884:\\nThe Democratic party of the Union, through its representatives\\nin national convention assembled, recognizes that, as the nation\\ngrows older, new issues are born of time and progress, and old issues\\nperish; but the fundamental principles of the Democracy, approved\\nby the united voice of the people, remain and will ever remain, as\\nthe best and only security for the continuance of free government.\\nThe preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens be-\\nfore the law, the reserved rights of the States, and the supremacy\\nof the Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution,\\nwill ever form the true basis of our liberties, and can never be sur-\\nrendered without destroying that balance of rights and powers which\\nenables a continent to be developed in peace, and social order to\\nbe maintained by means of local self-government. But it is indis-\\npensable for the practicable application and enforcement of these\\nfundamental principles that the Government should not always be\\ncontrolled by one political party. Frequent change of administra-\\n294", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0360.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ntion is as necessary as constant recurrence to the popular will.\\nOtherwise, abuses grow, and the Government, instead of being\\ncarried on for the general welfare, becomes an instrumentality for\\nimposing heavy burdens on the many who are governed, for the\\nbenefit of the few who govern. Public servants thus become arbi-\\ntrary rulers. This is now the condition of the country; hence a\\nchange is demanded. j\\nThe Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is a\\nreminiscence. In practice it is an organization for enriching those\\nwho control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have\\nbeen brought to light in every department of the Government are\\nsufficient to have called for reform within the Republican party;\\nyet those in authority, made reckless by the long possession of\\npower, have succumbed to its corrupting influence, and have\\nplaced in nomination a ticket against which the independent por-\\ntion of the party are in open revolt. Therefore a change is de-\\nmanded. Such a change was alike necessary in 1876, but the will ot\\nthe people was then defeated by a fraud which can never be forgotten\\nnor condoned. Again, in 1880, the change demanded by the people\\nwas defeated by the lavish use of money contributed by unscrupu-\\nlous contractors and shameless jobbers, who had bargained tor\\nunlawful profits or high office. The Republican party, during its\\nlegal, its stolen, and its bought tenures of power, has steadily de-\\ncayed in moral character and political capacity. Its platform prom-\\nises are now a list of its past failures. It demands the restoration\\nof our navy; it has squandered hundreds of millions to create a\\nnavy that does not exist. It calls upon Congress to remove the\\nburdens under which American shipping has been depressed it\\nimposed and has continued these burdens. It professes the policy\\nof reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual settlers\\nit has given away the people s heritage, till now a few railroads and\\nnon-resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area\\nthan that of all our farms between the two seas. It professes a\\npreference for free institutions it organized and tried to legalize a\\ncontrol of State elections by Federal troops. It professes a desire\\nto elevate labor; it subjected American working-men to the com-\\npetition of convict and imported contract labor. It protesses\\ngratitude to all who were disabled or died in the war, leaving\\nwidows and orphans it left to a Democratic House of Representa-\\ntives the first effort to equalize both bounties and pension^ It\\nprofesses a pledge to correct the irregularities of our tariff; it\\ncreated and has continued them. Its own tariff commission con-\\nfessed the need of more than twenty per cent, reduction its Con-\\ngress gave a reduction of less than four per cent. It professes the\\nprotection of American manufactures; it has subjected them to an\\nincreasing flood of manufactured goods and a hopeless competition\\nwith manufacturing nations, not one of which taxes raw materials\\nIt professes to protect all American industries; it has impoverished\\nmany, to subsidize a few. It professes the protection of American\\nlabor; it has depleted the returns of American agriculture, an in-\\ndustry followed by half our people. It professes the equality ot all\\nmen before the law, attempting to fix the status of colored citizens\\nthe acts of its Congress were overset by the decisions of its courts\\nIt accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and\\n295", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0361.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nreform; its caught criminals are permitted to escape through con-\\ntrived delays or actual connivance in the prosecution. Honeycombed\\nwith corruption, outbreaking exposures no longer shock its moral\\nsense. Its honest members, its independent journals, no longer\\nmaintain a successful contest for authority in its canvasses or a\\nveto upon bad nominations. That change is necessary is proved\\nby an existing surplus of more than $100,000,000, which has yearly\\nbeen collected from a suffering people.. Unnecessary taxation is\\nunjust taxation. We denounce the Republican party for having\\nfailed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes, which have\\nparalyzed business, crippled industry, and deprived labor of employ-\\nment and of just reward.\\nThe Democracy pledges itself to purify the administration from\\ncorruption, to restore economy, to revive respect for law, and to\\nreduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with due regard to\\nthe preservation of the faith of the nation to its creditors and pen-\\nsioners. Knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting the\\noccupations of the people should be cautious and conservative in\\nmethod, not in advance of public opinion, but responsive to its de-\\nmands, the Democratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in a\\nspirit of fairness to all interests. But, in making reduction in taxes,\\nit is not proposed to injure any domestic industries, but rather to\\npromote their healthy growth. From the foundation of this Gov-\\nernment, taxes collected at the custom house have been the chief\\nsource of Federal revenue. Such they must continue to be. More-\\nover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation for suc-\\ncessful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every\\nstep regardful of the labor and capital thus involved. The process\\nof reform must be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of\\njustice: all taxation shall be limited to the requirements of econom-\\nical government. The necessary reduction in taxation can and\\nmust be effected without depriving American labor of the ability to\\ncompete successfully with foreign labor, and without imposing lower\\nrates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of\\nproduction which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of\\nwages prevailing in this country. Sufficient revenue to pay all the\\nexpenses of the Federal Government, economically administered,\\nincluding pensions, interest and principal of the public debt, can\\nbe got under our present system of taxation from custom-house\\ntaxes on fewer imported articles, bearing heaviest on articles of\\nluxury, and bearing lightest on articles of necessity. We therefore\\ndenounce the abuses of the existing tariff; and, subject to the pre-\\nceding limitations, we demand that Federal taxation shall be exclu-\\nsively for public purposes, and shall not exceed the needs of the\\nGovernment economically administered.\\nThe system of direct taxation, known as the internal revenue,\\nis a war tax, and, so long as the law continues, the money de-\\nrived therefrom should be sacredly devoted to the relief of the\\npeople from the remaining burdens of the war, and be made a fund\\nto defray the expenses of the care and comfort of worthy soldiers\\ndisabled in the line of duty in the wars of the Republic, and for the\\npayment of such pensions as Congress may from time to time grant\\nto such soldiers, a like fund for the sailors having been already\\nprovided and any surplus should be paid into the Treasury.\\n206", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0362.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nWe favor an American continental policy, based upon more inti-\\nmate commercial and political relations with the fifteen sister re-\\npublics of North, Central, and South America, but entangling alli-\\nances with none.\\nWe believe in honest money, the gold and silver coinage of the\\nConstitution, and a circulating medium convertible into such\\nmoney without loss.\\nAsserting the equality of all men before the law, we hold that\\nit is the duty of the Government, in its dealings with the people, to\\nmete out equal and exact justice to all citizens, of whatever nativ-\\nity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political.\\nWe believe in a free ballot and a fair count and we recall to the\\nmemory of our people the noble struggle of the Democrats in the\\nForty-fifth and Forty-sixth Congresses, by which a reluctant Repub-\\nlican opposition was compelled to assent to legislation making\\neverywhere illegal the presence of troops at the polls as the con-\\nclusive proof that a Democratic administration will preserve liberty\\nwith order.\\nThe selection of Federal officers for the Territories should be\\nrestricted to citizens previously resident therein.\\nWe oppose sumptuary laws, which vex the citizens and interfere\\nwith individual liberty.\\nWe favor honest civil service reforms and the compensation of\\nall United States officers by fixed salaries, the separation of Church\\nand State, and the diffusion of free education by common schools,\\nso that every child in the land may be taught the rights and duties\\nof citizenship.\\nWhile we favor all legislation which will tend to the equitable\\ndistribution of property, to the prevention of monopoly, and to the\\nstrict enforcement of individual rights against corporate abuses,\\nwe hold that the welfare of society depends upon a scrupulous regard\\nfor the rights of property as defined by law.\\nWe believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and\\nmost enlightened. It should, therefore, be fostered and cherished.\\nWe favor the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor,\\nand the enactment of laws by which labor organizations may be\\nincorporated, and of such legislation as will tend to enlighten the\\npeople as to the true relation of capital and labor.\\nWe believe that the public land ought, as far as possible, to be\\nkept as homesteads for actual settlers that all unearned lands\\nheretofore improvidently granted to railroad corporations by the\\naction of the Republican party should be restored to the public\\ndomain, and that no more grants of land shall be made to corpora-\\ntions or be allowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees.\\nWe are opposed to all propositions which, upon any pretext,\\nwould convert the General Government into a machine for collect-\\ning taxes to be distributed among the States or the citizens thereof.\\nIn reaffirming the declaration of the Democratic platform of 1856,\\nthat the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declara-\\ntion of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which\\nmakes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed\\nof every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Demo-\\ncratic faith, we nevertheless do not sanction the importation of\\nforeign labor or the admission of servile races, unfitted by habits,\\n297", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0363.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntraining, religion, or kindred, for absorption into the great body of\\nour people, or for the citizenship which our laws confer. Ameri-\\ncan civilization demands that against the immigration or importa-\\ntion of Mongolians to these shores our gates be closed.\\nThe Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this Govern-\\nment to protect with equal fidelity and vigilance the rights of its\\ncitizens, native and naturalized, at home and abroad and, to the\\nend that this protection may be assured. United States papers of\\nnaturalization, issued by courts of competent jurisdiction, must be\\nrespected by the executive and legislative departments of our own\\nGovernment and by all foreign powers. It is an imperative duty of\\nthis Government to efficiently protect all the rights of persons and\\nproperty* of every American citizen in foreign lands, and demand\\nand enforce full reparation for any invasion thereof. An American\\ncitizen is only responsible to his own Government for any act done\\nin his own country or under her flag, and can only be tried therefor\\non her own soil and according to her laws and no power exists in\\nthis Government to expatriate an American citizen to be tried in\\nany foreign land for any such act.\\nThis country has never had a well-defined and executed foreign\\npolicy, save under Democratic administration. That policy has\\never been in regard to foreign nations, so long as they do no act\\ndetrimental to the interests of the country, or hurtful to our citi-\\nzens, to let them alone. As the result of this policy, we recall the\\nacquisition of Louisiana, Florida. California and the adjacent Mexi-\\ncan Territory by purchase alone, and contrast these grand acquisi-\\ntions of Democratic statesmanship with the purchase of Alaska,\\nthe sole fruit of a Republican administration of nearly a quarter\\nof a century.\\nThe Federal Government should care for and improve the Mis-\\nsissippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to\\nsecure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tide\\nwater.\\nUnder a long period of Democratic rule and policy, our mer-\\nchant marine was fast overtaking and on the point of outstripping\\nthat of Great Britain. Under twenty- years of Republican rule and\\npolicy, our commerce has been left to British bottoms, and the\\nAmerican flag has almost been swept off the high seas. Instead of\\nthe Republican party s British policy, we demand for the people of\\nthe United States an American policy. Under Democratic rule\\nand policy, our merchants and sailors, flying the Stars and Stripes\\nin every port, successfully searched out a market for the various\\nproducts of American industry; under a quarter of a century of\\nRepublican rule and policy, despite our manifest advantages over\\nall other nations, in high paid labor, favorable climates, and teem-\\ning soils despite freedom of trade among all these United States\\ndespite their population by the foremost races of men. and an\\nannual immigration of the young, thrift}-, and adventurous of all\\nnations despite our freedom here from the inherited burdens of\\nlife and industry in Old World monarchies, their costly war navies,\\ntheir vast tax-consuming, non-producing standing armies despite\\ntwenty years of peace that Republican rule and policy have man-\\naged to surrender to Great Britain, along with our commerce, the\\ncontrol of the markets of the world. Instead of the Republican\\n298", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0364.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nparty s British policy, we demand, in behalf of the American Democ-\\nracy, an American policy. Instead of the Republican party s dis-\\ncredited scheme and false pretence of friendship for American labor,\\nexpressed by imposing taxes, we demand, in behalf of the Democ-\\nracy, freedom for American labor by reducing taxes, to the end\\nthat these United States may compete with unhindered powers for\\nthe primacy among nations in all the arts of peace and fruits of\\nliberty.\\nWith profound regret we have been apprised by the venerable\\nstatesman, through whose person was struck that blow at the vital\\nprinciples of republics, acquiescence in the will of the majority, that\\nhe cannot permit us again to place in his hands the leadership of\\nthe Democratic hosts, for th.2 reason that the achievement of reform\\nin the administration of the Federal Government is an undertaking\\nnow too heavy for his age and failing strength. Rejoicing that\\nhis life has been prolonged until the general judgment of our fellow-\\ncountrymen is united in the wish that that wrong were righted in\\nhis person, for the Democracy of the United States we offer to\\nhim, in his withdrawal from public cares, not only our respectful\\nsympathy and esteem, but also that best of homage of freemen\\nthe pledge of our devotion to the principles and the cause now\\ninseparable in the history of this Republic from the labors and\\nthe name of Samuel J. Tilden.\\nWith this statement of the hopes, principles and purposes of the\\nDemocratic party, the great issue of reform and change in adminis-\\ntration is submitted to the people, in calm confidence that the pop-\\nular voice will pronounce in favor of new men and new and more\\nfavorable conditions for the growth of industry, the extension of\\ntrade and employment and due reward of labor and of capital, and\\nthe general welfare of the whole country.\\nThe campaign of 1884 gave birth to the Anti-Monopoly\\nparty, that held its national convention at Chicago on the\\n14th of May, with John F. Henry as permanent president.\\nGeneral Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, was nomi-\\nnated as the candidate for President on the 1st ballot, receiv-\\ning 122 votes to 7 for Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, and 1 for\\nSolon Chase, of Maine. No nomination for Vice-President\\nwas made. The National Committee later nominated A. M.\\nWest, of Mississippi, for that office. The following plat-\\nform was adopted by a vote of 85 to 29\\nThe Anti-Monopoly organization of the United States, in con-\\nvention assembled, declares\\n1. That labor and capital should be allies; and we demand\\njustice for both by protecting the rights of all against privileges\\nfor the few.\\n2. That corporations, the creatures of law, should be controlled\\nby law.\\n3. That we propose the greatest reduction practicable in public\\nexpenses.\\n4. That in the enactment and vigorous execution of just laws,\\n299", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0365.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nequality of rights, equality of burdens, equality of privileges, and\\nequality of powers in all citizens, will be secured. To this end we\\ndeclare\\n5. That it is the duty of the Government to immediately exercise\\nits constitutional prerogative to regulate commerce among the\\nStates. The great instruments by which this commerce is carried\\non are transportation, money, and the transmission of intelligence.\\nThey are now mercilessly controlled by giant monopolies, to the\\nimpoverishment of labor, the crushing out of healthful competi-\\ntion, and the destruction of business security. We hold it, there-\\nfore, to be the imperative and immediate duty of Congress to pass\\nall needful laws for the control and regulation of these great agents\\nof commerce, in accordance with the oft-repeated decisions of the\\nSupreme Court of the United States.\\n6. That these monopolies, which have exacted from enterprise\\nsuch heavy tribute, have also inflicted countless wrongs upon the\\ntoiling millions of the United States and no system of reform\\nshould commend itself to the support of the people which does not\\nprotect the man who earns his bread by the sweat of his face.\\nBureaus of labor statistics must be established, both State and\\nnational arbitration take the place of brute force in the settle-\\nment of disputes between employer and employed the national\\neight-hour law 7 be honestly enforced; the importation of foreign\\nlabor under contract be made illegal and whatever practical\\nreforms may be necessary for the protection of united labor must\\nbe granted, to the end that unto the toiler shall be given that pro-\\nportion of the profits of the thing or value created which his labor\\nbears to the cost of production.\\n7. That we approve and favor the passage of an interstate com-\\nmerce bill. Navigable waters should be improved by the Govern-\\nment, and be free.\\n8. We demand the payment of the bonded debt as it falls due;\\nthe election of United States Senators by the direct vote of the\\npeople of their respective States a graduated income tax and a\\ntariff, which is a tax upon the people, that shall be so levied as to\\nbear as lightly as possible upon necessaries. We denounce the\\npresent tariff as being largely in the interest of monopoly, and\\ndemand that it be speedily and radically reformed in the interest of\\nlabor, instead of capital.\\n9. That no further grants of public lands shall be made to cor-\\nporations. All enactments granting lands to corporations should\\nbe strictly construed, and all land grants should be forfeited where\\nthe terms upon which the grants were made have not been strictly\\ncomplied with. The lands must be held for homes for actual\\nsettlers, and must not be subject to purchase or control by non-\\nresident foreigners or other speculators.\\n10. That we deprecate the discrimination of American legisla-\\ntion against the greatest of American industries agriculture, by\\nwhich it has been deprived of nearly all beneficial legislation, while\\nforced to bear the brunt of taxation and we demand for it the\\nfostering care of Government, and the just recognition of its im-\\nportance in the development and advancement of our land and\\nwe appeal to the American farmer to co-operate with us in our\\nendeavors to advance the national interests of the country and the\\n3\u00c2\u00b00", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0366.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\noverthrow of monopoly in every shape, whenever and wherever\\nfound.\\nThe National party, that was the legatee of the Greenback\\nparty, held its national convention at Indianapolis, on the\\n28th of May, with James B. Weaver, of Iowa, its president.\\nGeneral Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, was nomi-\\nnated for President on the 1st ballot, as follows:\\nBenjamin F. Butler, Mass. 322\\nJesse Harper, 111 99\\nSolon Chase, Me 2\\nEdward P. Allis, Wis 1\\nDavid Davis, 111 1\\nGeneral Butler was then declared the choice of the conven-\\ntion, but the motion to make it unanimous called out hisses\\nfrom a portion of the delegates. A. M. West, of Mississippi,\\nwas nominated for Vice-President by acclamation. The fol-\\nlowing platform was adopted\\nEight years ago our young party met in this city for the first\\ntime, and proclaimed to the world its immortal principles, and\\nplaced before the American people as a Presidential candidate that\\ngreat philanthropist and spotless statesman, Peter Cooper. Since\\nthat convention our party has organized all over the Union, and\\nthrough discussion and agitation has been educating the people to\\na sense of their rights and duties to themselves and their country.\\nThese labors have accomplished wonders. We now have a great,\\nharmonious party, and thousands who believe in our principles in\\nthe ranks of other parties.\\nWe point with pride to our history. We forced the remonetiza-\\ntion of the silver dollar; prevented the refunding of the public debt\\ninto long-time bonds secured the payment of the bonds, until the\\nbest banking system the world ever saw, for robbing the producer,\\nnow totters because of its contracting foundation; we have stopped\\nthe wholesale destruction of the greenback currency, and secured\\na decision of the Supreme Court of the United States establishing\\nforever the right of the people to issue their own money.\\nNotwithstanding all this, never in our history have the banks,\\nland-grant railroads, and other monopolies been more insolent in\\ntheir demands for further privileges still more class legislation.\\nIn this emergency the dominant parties are arrayed against the\\npeople, and are the abject tools of the corporate monopolies.\\nIn the last Congress, they repealed over twelve million dollars of\\nannual taxes for the banks, throwing the burden upon the people to\\npay, or pay interest thereon.\\nBoth old parties in the present Congress vie with each other in\\ntheir efforts to further repeal taxes in order to stop the payment of\\nthe public debt and save the banks whose charters they have renewed\\nfor twenty years. Notwithstanding the distress of business, the\\nshrinkage of wages, and panic, they persist in locking up, on various\\n301", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0367.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npretexts, four hundred million dollars of money, every dollar of\\nwhich the people pay interest upon, and need, and most of which\\nshould be promptly applied to pay bonds now payable.\\nThe old parties are united as they cannot agree what taxes to\\nrepeal in efforts to squander the income of the Government upon\\nevery pretext rather than pay the debt.\\nA bill has already passed the United States Senate making the\\nbanks a present of over fifty million dollars more of the people s\\nmoney, in order to enable them to levy a still greater burden of\\ninterest taxes.\\nA joint effort is being made by the old party leaders to overthrow\\nthe sovereign constitutional power of the people to control their own\\nfinancial affairs, and issue their own money, in order to forever\\nenslave the masses to bankers and other business. The House of\\nRepresentatives has passed bills reclaiming nearly one hundred mil-\\nlion acres of land granted to and forfeited by railroad companies.\\nThese bills have gone to the Senate, a body composed largely of\\naristocratic millionaires, who, according to their own party papers,\\ngenerally purchased their elections in order to protect great monopo-\\nlies which they represent. This body has thus far defied the people\\nand the House, and refused to act upon these bills in the interest of\\nthe people.\\nTherefore we, the National party of the United States, in national\\nconvention assembled, this twenty-ninth day of May, a.d., 1884, de-\\nclare\\n1. That we hold the late decision of the Supreme Court on the\\nlegal tender question to be a full vindication of the theory which\\nour party has always advocated on the right and authority of Con-\\ngress over the issue of legal tender notes, and we hereby pledge\\nourselves to uphold said decision, and to defend the Constitution\\nagainst alterations or amendments intended to deprive the people\\nof any rights or privileges conferred by that instrument. We de-\\nmand the issue of such money in sufficient quantities to supply the\\nactual demand of trade and commerce, in accordance with the in-\\ncrease of population and the development of our industries. We\\ndemand the substitution of greenbacks for national bank notes, and\\nthe prompt payment of the public debt. We want that money which\\nsaved our country in time of war, and which has given it prosperity\\nand happiness in peace. We condemn the retirement of the frac-\\ntional currency and the small denomination of greenbacks, and de-\\nmand their restoration. We demand the issue of the hoards of money\\nnow locked up in the United States Treasury, by applying them to\\nthe payment of the public debt now due.\\n2. We denounce, as dangerous to our republican institutions,\\nthose methods and policies of the Democratic and Republican par-\\nties which have sanctioned or permitted the establishment of land,\\nrailroad, money, and other gigantic corporate monopolies; and we\\ndemand such governmental action as may be necessary to take from\\nsuch monopolies the powers they have so corruptly and unjustly\\nusurped, and restore them to the people, to whom they belong.\\n3. The public lands being the natural inheritance of the people,\\nwe denounce that policy which has granted to corporations vast\\ntracts of land, and we demand that immediate and vigorous meas-\\nures be taken to reclaim from such corporations, for the people s use\\n302", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0368.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nand benefit, all such land grants as have been forfeited by reason\\nof non-fulfilment of contract, or that may have been wrongfully\\nacquired by corrupt legislation, and that such reclaimed lands and\\nother public domain be henceforth held as a sacred trust, to be\\ngranted only to actual settlers in limited quantities and we also de-\\nmand that the alien ownership of land, individual or corporate, be\\nprohibited.\\n4. We demand Congressional regulation of interstate commerce.\\nWe denounce pooling, stock watering, and discrimination in rates\\nand charges, and demand that Congress shall correct these abuses,\\neven, if necessary, by the construction of national railroads. We\\nalso demand the establishment of a Government postal telegraph\\nsystem.\\n5. All private property, all forms of money and obligations to\\npay money, should bear their just proportion of the public taxes.\\nWe demand a graduated income tax.\\n6. We demand the amelioration of the condition of labor, by\\nenforcing the sanitary laws in industrial establishments, by the\\nabolition of the convict labor system, by a rigid inspection of mines\\nand factories, by a reduction of the hours of labor in industrial estab-\\nlishments, by fostering educational institutions, and by abolishing\\nchild labor.\\n7. We condemn all importations of contracted labor, made with\\na view of reducing to starvation wages the workingmen of this coun-\\ntry, and demand laws for its prevention.\\n8. We insist upon a constitutional amendment reducing the terms\\nof United States Senators.\\n9. We demand such rules for the government of Congress as shall\\nplace all representatives of the people upon an equal footing, and\\ntake away from committees a veto power greater than that of the\\nPresident.\\n10. The question as to the amount of duties to be levied upon\\nvarious articles of import has been agitated and quarrelled over, and\\nhas divided communities, for nearly a hundred years. It is not now,\\nand never will be, settled, unless by the abolition of indirect taxa-\\ntion. It is a convenient Issue, always raised when the people are\\nexcited over abuses in their midst. While we favor a wise revision\\nof the tariff laws, with a view to raising a revenue from luxuries\\nrather than necessities, we insist that, as an economic question, its\\nimportance is insignificant as compared with financial issues for\\nwhereas we have suffered our worst panics under low and also under\\nhigh tariffs, we have never suffered from a panic, nor seen our fac-\\ntories and workshops closed, while the volume of money in circula-\\ntion was adequate to the needs of commerce. Give our farmers and\\nmanufacturers money as cheap as you now give it to our bankers,\\nand they can pay high wages to labor, and compete with all the\\nworld.\\n11. For the purpose of testing the sense of the people upon the\\nsubject, we are in favor of submitting to a vote of the people an\\namendment to the Constitution in favor of suffrage regardless of\\nsex, and also on the subject of the liquor traffic.\\n12. All disabled soldiers of the late war should be equitably pen-\\nsioned, and we denounce the policy of keeping a small army of office-\\nholders, whose only business is to prevent, on technical grounds,\\n303", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0369.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ndeserving soldiers from obtaining justice from the Government they\\nhelped to save.\\n13. As our name indicates, we are a national party, knowing no\\nEast, no West, no North, no South. Having no sectional preju-\\ndices, we can properly place in nomination for the high offices of\\nstate, as candidates, men from any section of the Union.\\n14. We appeal to all people who believe in our principles to aid\\nus by voice, pen, and votes.\\nThe Prohibitionists divided in the contest of 1884. Their\\nfirst was a mass convention, held at Chicago on the 19th of\\nJune, under the title of the American Prohibition National\\nConvention, with J. L. Barlow, of Connecticut, as president.\\nThe fact that it was not largely a representative body is evi-\\ndenced from the fact that on the ballot for President, Samuel\\nC. Pomeroy, of Kansas, received 72 votes to 12 for all others,\\nand was declared the nominee, and John A. Conant, of Con-\\nnecticut, was nominated for Vice-President without a ballot.\\nThis organization did not have any electoral tickets as far as\\nI can learn.\\nIt adopted the following platform\\nWe hold 1. That ours is a Christian, and not a heathen, nation,\\nand that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil\\ngovernment.\\n2. That the Bible should be associated with books of science and\\nliterature in all our educational institutions.\\n3. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath.\\n4. That we demand the prohibition of the importation, manufac-\\nture, and sale of intoxicating drinks.\\n5. That the charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal\\nand State Legislatures should be withdrawn and their oaths prohib-\\nited by law.\\n6. We are opposed to putting prison labor or depreciated contract\\nlabor from foreign countries in competition with free labor to benefit\\nmanufacturers, corporations, and speculators.\\n7. We are in favor of a thorough revision and enforcement of the\\nlaw concerning patents and inventions, for the prevention and pun-\\nishment of frauds either upon inventors or the general public.\\n8. We hold to and will vote for womaa suffrage.\\n9. We hold that civil equality secured to all American citizens by\\nArticles Thirteen. Fourteen, and Fifteen of our amended national\\nConstitution should be preserved inviolate, and the same equality\\nshould be extended to Indians and Chinamen.\\n10. That international differences should be settled by arbitration.\\n11. That land and other monopolies should be discouraged.\\n12. That the General Government should furnish the people with\\nan ample and sound currency.\\n13. That it should be the settled policy of the Government to re-\\nduce the tariffs and taxes as rapidly as the necessities of revenue and\\nvested business interests will allow.\\n304", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0370.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\n14. That polygamy should be immediately suppressed by law, and\\nthat the Republican party is censurable for its long neglect of its\\nduty in respect to this evil.\\n15. And, finally, we demand for the American people the abolition\\nof electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-Presi-\\ndent of the United States.\\nThe regular national Prohibition party held its convention\\nin Pittsburg on the 23d of July with Samuel Dickie, of Mich-\\nigan, as permanent president. The sentiment of the party\\nwas very strongly in favor of Governor John P. St. John, of\\nKansas, who was unanimously nominated as President, and\\nWilliam Daniel, of Maryland, was chosen for Vice-President\\nby a like unanimous vote. The following platform was\\nadopted\\nThe Prohibition-Home-Protection party, in national convention\\nassembled, acknowledge Almighty God as the rightful sovereign of\\nall men, from whom the just powers of government are derived, and\\nto whose laws human enactments should conform. Peace, prosper-\\nity, and happiness only can come to the people when the laws of their\\nnational and State governments are in accord with the divine will.\\nThat the importation, manufacture, supply, and sale of alcoholic\\nbeverages, created and maintained by the laws of the national and\\nState governments, during the entire history of such laws, is every-\\nwhere shown to be the promoting cause of intemperance, with re-\\nsulting^ crime and pauperism making large demands upon public\\nand private charity; imposing large and unjust taxation and public\\nburdens for penal and sheltering institutions upon thrift, industry,\\nmanufactures, and commerce endangering the public peace caus-\\ning desecration of the Sabbath; corrupting our politics, legislation,\\nand administration of the laws shortening lives impairing health,\\nand diminishing productive industry; causing education to be neg-\\nlected and despised nullifying the teachings of the Bible, the Church,\\nand the school, the standards and guides of our fathers and their\\nchildren in the founding and growth under God of our widely ex-\\ntended country and, while imperilling the perpetuity of our civil and\\nreligious liberties, are baleful fruits by which we know that these\\nlaws are alike contrary to God s laws and contravene our happiness\\nand we call upon our fellow-citizens to aid in the repeal of these\\nlaws and in the legal suppression of this baneful liquor traffic.\\nThe fact that, during the twenty-four years in which the Repub-\\nlican party has controlled the General Government and that of many\\nof the States, no effort has been made to change this policy; that\\nTerritories have been created from the national domain and govern-\\nments from them established, and States admitted into the Union,\\nin no instance in either of which has this traffic been forbidden, or\\nthe people of these Territories or States been permitted to prohibit\\nit that there are now over two hundred thousand distilleries, brew-\\neries, wholesale and retail dealers in these drinks, holding certifi-\\ncates and claiming the authority of Government for the continuation\\nof a business which is so destructive to the moral and material wel-\\n305", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0371.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nfare of the people, together with the fact that they have turned a\\ndeaf ear to remonstrance and petition for the correction of this abuse\\nof civil government, is conclusive that the Republican party is insen-\\nsible to or impotent for the redress of those wrongs, and should no\\nlonger be intrusted with the powers and responsibilities of govern-\\nment that although this part} in its late national convention, was\\nsilent on the liquor question, not so were its candidates. Messrs.\\nBlaine and Logan. Within the year past Mr. Blaine has publicly\\nrecommended that the revenues derived from the liquor traffic shall\\nbe distributed among the States, and Senator Logan has by bill pro-\\nposed to devote these revenues to the support of schools. Thus\\nboth virtually recommend the perpetuation of the traffic, and that\\nthe State and its citizens shall become partners in the liquor crime.\\nThe fact that the Democratic party has, in its national deliver-\\nances of party policy, arrayed itself on the side of the drink makers\\nand sellers b} r declaring against the policy of prohibition of such\\ntraffic under the false name of sumptuary laws, and, when in\\npower in some of the States, in refusing remedial legislation, and.\\nin Congress, of refusing to permit the creation of a board of inquiry\\nto investigate and report upon the effects of this traffic, proves that\\nthe Democratic party should not be intrusted with power or place.\\nThere can be no greater peril to the nation than the existing com-\\npetition of the Republican and Democratic parties for the liquor\\nvote. Experience shows that any party not openly opposed to the\\ntraffic will engage in this competition, will court the favor of the\\ncriminal classes, will barter away the public morals, purity of the\\nballot, and every trust and object of good government, for party\\nsuccess and patriots and good citizens should find in this practice\\nsufficient cause for immediate withdrawal from all connection with\\ntheir party.\\nThat we favor reforms in the administration of the Government,\\nin the abolition of all sinecures, useless offices and officers, in the\\nelection by the people of officers of the Government instead of ap-\\npointment by the President. That competency, honesty, and sobriety\\nare essential qualifications for holding civil office, and we oppose\\nthe removal of such persons from mere administrative offices, except\\nso far as it may be absolutel3 r necessary to secure effectiveness to\\nthe vital issues on which the general administration of the Govern-\\nment has been intrusted to a party.\\nThat the collection of revenue from alcohol, liquors, and tobacco\\nshould be abolished, as the vices of men are not a proper subject\\nfor taxation that revenue for customs duties should be levied for\\nthe support of the Government, economically administered and when\\nso levied, the fostering of American labor, manufactures, and indus-\\ntries should constantly be held in view.\\nThat the public land should be held for homes for the people and\\nnot for gifts to corporations, or to be held in large bodies for specu-\\nlation upon the needs of actual settlers.\\nThat all money, coin and paper, shall be made, issued, and regu-\\nlated by the General Government, and shall be a legal tender for all\\ndebts, public and private.\\nThat grateful care and support should be given to our soldiers and\\nsailors, their dependent widows and orphans, disabled in the service\\nof the country.\\n306", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0372.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThat we repudiate as un-American, contrary to and subversive of\\nthe principle of the Declaration of Independence, from which our\\nGovernment has grown to be the government of fifty-five millions\\nof people, and a recognized power among nations, that any person\\nor people shall or may be excluded from residence or citizenship\\nwith all others who may desire the benefits which our institutions\\nconfer upon the oppressed of all nations.\\nThat while there are important reforms that are demanded for\\npurity of administration and the welfare of the people, their impor-\\ntance sinks into insignificance when compared with the reform of\\nthe drink traffic, which annually wastes eight hundred million dol-\\nlars of the wealth created by toil and thrift, and drags down thou-\\nsands of families from comfort to poverty; which fills jails, peni-\\ntentiaries, insane asylums, hospitals, and institutions for depen-\\ndency; which destroys the health, saps industry, and causes loss of\\nlife and property to thousands in the land, lowers intellectual and\\nphysical vigor, dulls the cunning hand of the artisan, is the chief\\ncause of bankruptcy, insolvency, and loss in trade, and by its cor-\\nrupting power endangers the perpetuity of free institutions.\\nThat Congress should exercise its undoubted power, and prohibit\\nthe manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages in the District\\nof Columbia, in the Territories of the United States, and in all places\\nover which the Government has exclusive jurisdiction; that here-\\nafter no State shall be admitted into the Union until its Constitution\\nshall expressly prohibit polygamy and the manufacture and sale of\\nintoxicating beverages.\\nWe earnestly call the attention of the laborer and mechanic, the\\nminer and manufacturer, and ask investigation of the baneful effects\\nupon labor and industry caused by the needless liquor business,\\nwhich will be found the robber who lessens wages and profits, the\\ndestroyer of happiness and the family welfare of the laboring man,\\nand that labor and all legitimate industry demand deliverance from\\nthe taxation and loss which this traffic imposes, and that no tariff\\nor other legislation can so healthily stimulate production or increase\\na demand for capital and labor, or produce so much of comfort and\\ncontent as the suppressing of this traffic would bring to the labor-\\ning man, mechanic, or employer of labor throughout our land.\\nThat the activity and co-operation of the women of America for\\nthe promotion of temperance has in all the history of the past been a\\nstrength and encouragement which we gratefully acknowledge and\\nrecord. In the later and present phase of the movement for the\\nprohibition of the licensed traffic by the abolition of the drinking-\\nsaloon, the purity of purpose and method, the earnestness, zeal, in-\\ntelligence, and devotion of the mothers and daughters of the\\nWomen s Christian Temperance Union has been eminently blessed\\nby God. Kansas and Iowa have been given her as sheaves of re-\\njoicing; and the education and arousing of the public mind, and\\nthe demand for constitutional amendment now prevailing, are largely\\nthe fruit of her prayers and labors, and we rejoice to have our\\nChristian women unite with us in sharing the labors that shall bring\\nthe abolition of this traffic to the polls, she shall join in the grand\\nPraise God, from whom all blessings flow, when by law our boys\\nand friends shall be free from legal drink temptation.\\nThat we believe in the civil and political equality of the. sexes, and\\n307", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0373.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthat the ballot in the hand of woman is a right for her protection,\\nand would prove a powerful ally for the abolition of the drink-\\nsaloon, the execution of law, the promotion of reform in civil affairs,\\nand the removal of corruption in public life; and thus believing, we\\nrelegate the practical outworking of this reform to the discretion of\\nthe Prohibition party in the several States, according to the condi-\\ntion of public sentiment in those States that gratefully we acknowl-\\nedge and praise God for the presence of His Spirit, guiding our coun-\\nsels and granting the success which has been vouchsafed in the prog-\\nress of temperance reform, and looking to Him from whom all wis-\\ndom and help come, we ask the voters of the United States to make,\\nthe principles of the above declaration a ruling principle in the gov-\\nernment of the nation and of the States. _\\nResolved, That henceforth the Prohibition-Home-Protection party\\nshall be called by the name of the Prohibition party.\\nThe following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote\\nfor 1884:\\nPopular Vote.\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\nSTATES.\\nu\\ncJ\\nC*5*3\\na\\nu\\nOJ\\n\u00c2\u00a72\\nCQ+J\\ntfl\\nC\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a25 e4\\nC CO\\nCO\\nn\\ntag\\nC\\nO\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nJ*\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\na\\na\\nbfl\\nO\\nv-3\\n4J\\na\\n3\\n5\\nMaine\\n52,140\\n39,183\\n17,331\\n122,481\\n12,391\\n67,199\\n563,154\\n127,798\\n392,785\\n16,964\\n96,932\\n185,497\\n67,317\\n142,952\\n69,890\\n94,667\\n31,766\\n93,951\\n76,510\\n62,540\\n72,209\\n43,249\\n39,514\\n146,724\\n19,030\\n65,923\\n562,005\\n123,440\\n473,804\\n12,951\\n85,699\\n139,356\\n63,096\\n125,068\\n21,733\\n48,603\\n28,031\\n59,591\\n43,509\\n46,347\\n3,953\\n552\\n785\\n24,433\\n422\\n1,688\\n16,994\\n3,496\\n16,992\\n6\\n531\\n2,160\\n1,571\\n1,752\\n10,026\\n928\\n2,305\\n25,016\\n6,159\\n15.283\\n55\\n2,794\\n138\\n939\\n454\\n6\\n36\\n9\\n3\\n8\\n12\\n6\\n11\\n9\\n12\\n4\\n10\\n9\\n8\\n6\\nNew Hampshire.\\nVermont\\nMassachusetts.\\nRhode Island\\nConnecticut\\nPennsylvania\\nDelaware\\nMaryland\\nVirginia\\n4\\n4\\n14\\n4\\n30\\nWest Virginia\\nNorth Carolina.\\nSouth Carolina.\\nGeorgia\\n810\\n145\\n195\\n72\\n612\\nFlorida\\nAlabama\\nLouisiana\\n873\\n308", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0374.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nPopular Vote.\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\nSTATES.\\nn\\ns\\nD\\n6\\n0\\na\\n3\\ns\\nO.S\\na\\nOS\\nu\\nHi\\nr w\\n.s-s\\nJ?\\na\\nP* a!\\no\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\no\\na\\nc3\\no\\n\u00c2\u00abd\\nc\\n0\\nG\\n3\\nI-H\\nTexas\\n225,309\\n72,927\\n235,988\\n133,258\\n152,961\\n368,280\\n149,835\\n244,990\\n312,355\\n146,459\\n70,144\\n177,316\\n54,391\\n90,132\\n27,723\\n5,578\\n89,288\\n24,604\\n93,141\\n50,895\\n202,929\\n124,078\\n118,122\\n400,082\\n192,669\\n238,463\\n337,474\\n161,157\\n111,923\\n197,089\\n79,912\\n154,406\\n36,290\\n7,193\\n102,416\\n26,860\\n3,321\\n1,847\\n3,534\\n13\\n7\\n16\\n12\\n13\\n15\\nArkansas\\nMissouri\\n2,153\\n1,131\\n3,139\\n11,069\\n18,403\\n3,028\\n12,074\\n7,656\\n4,684\\n1,472\\n2,899\\n4,495\\n761\\nKentucky\\nOhio\\n957\\n1,691\\n5,179\\n42,243\\n8,293\\n10,910\\n4,598\\n3,583\\n23\\nMichigan\\nIndiana\\n13\\nIllinois\\n22\\nMinnesota\\nIowa\\n11\\n7\\n13\\n5\\nKansas\\n16,341\\n1,953\\n26\\n2,017\\n726\\n9\\nColorado\\nNevada\\n3\\n3\\nOregon\\n2,920\\n492\\n8\\n3\\n4,874,986\\n4,851,981\\n175,370\\n150,369\\n219\\n182\\nNo man was ever big enough to conduct a Presidential\\ncontest for himself. The intense interest a candidate must\\nhave in the struggle, and the constant strain upon him, would\\nunbalance the most forceful intellect the world has ever pro-\\nduced. Blaine would have been matchless in the skilful\\nmanagement of a Presidential campaign for another, but he\\nwas dwarfed by the overwhelming responsibilities of con-\\nducting the campaign for himself, and yet he assumed the\\nsupreme control of the struggle and directed it absolutely\\nfrom start to finish. He was of heroic mould, and he wisely\\nplanned his own campaign tours to accomplish the best\\nresults. In point of fact, he had won his fight after stump-\\ning the country, and lost it by his stay in New York on his\\nway home. He knew how to sway multitudes, and none\\n309", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0375.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ncould approach him in that important feature of a conflict;\\nbut he was not trained to consider the thousand intricacies\\nwhich fall upon the management of every Presidential\\ncontest.\\nThree causes combined to lose New York by noo majority\\nwhen the electoral vote of that State would have made him\\nPresident. One was his implacable quarrel with Conkling,\\nthat lost him iooo votes, cast directly for his opponent in\\nConkling s county of Oneida. They had quarrelled when\\nboth were comparatively young and rivals for the leadership\\nof the House. In a heated controversy between them Blaine\\nunhorsed Conkling, and inflicted wounds which never healed,\\nand they never spoke from that time during their lives.\\nWhen both were members of the Senate, if either had occa-\\nsion to refer to the remarks made by the other, instead of\\nreferring to the Senator from Maine or the Senator\\nfrom New Yerk, they would say It has been stated on\\nthis floor. Many efforts were made to bring them together,\\nbut Conkling was an intense hater, and Blaine was willing to\\nbe broken rather than bend. He dined with Jay Gould dur-\\ning his brief stay in New York City, and that brought him\\nno votes and lost him many.\\nThe Burchard episode, that Blaine was blunderingly\\nbrought into in New York just on the eve of the election,\\nwas very generally accepted as costing him more than\\nenough votes to have given him the State of New York,\\nand thereby his election to the Presidency. It was miserably\\nbad politics in its conception and could not have been more\\nbunglingly executed. Blaine had suffered much from the\\nattacks upon his public integrity, and some of his friends\\nin New York assumed that it would be a great card to have\\nhim called upon by forty or fifty ministers of different\\ndenominations and congratulated as the candidate for Presi-\\ndent.\\nAs originally planned it might have accomplished some\\ngood, and certainly would not have done any harm. It was\\nintended that Rev. Dr. Tiffany should deliver the address\\nV Blaine. He was one of the most eloquent divines of the\\ncountry, was well up in politics, had been in active political\\nmovements in Pennsylvania as a leader in the American\\nparty when he was connected with Dickinson s College, and\\nwas a candidate for United States Senator before the Legis-\\nlature of 1855. Had he delivered the address to Blaine, it\\n310", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0376.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nwould have been an elegant and faultless congratulation, but\\nwhen the ministers met some of them strenuously objected\\nto Dr. Tiffany as the oracle of the party, and there were\\nindications of considerable ill-feeling. There was little time\\nfor conference, and the dispute was suddenly ended by some\\none proposing that the oldest minister present should deliver\\nthe address to Blaine, and that was adopted to settle the\\ndispute.\\nDr. Burchard, unfortunately, happened to be the oldest\\nminister in attendance, and he was rampant against Rum,\\nRomanism, and Rebellion, but none supposed for a moment\\nthat he would make such a fearful break as to publicly\\ndenounce Romanism in an address of congratulation to a\\nPresidential candidate, whose mother and sisters were devout\\nCatholics. On his way home from the West he had visited\\nhis sister at a convent in Indiana, where she was Mother\\nSuperior. Burchard, of course, had no opportunity for\\npreparation, and when the ministerial crowd came into the\\npresence of Blaine he fired off his address in a manner not\\nhighly creditable, and proclaimed the fatal sentence against\\nRum, Romanism, and Rebellion.\\nBlaine in his reply made no reference to that feature of\\nDr. Burchard s address, and he seems not to have appreciated\\nits fearful import until the next day, when he gave out an\\ninterview, disclaiming sympathy with it but it was accepted\\nas an afterthought, and that deliverance of Dr. Burchard\\ncertainly drove away from Blaine more than the six hundred\\nvotes necessary to give him the State of New York and the\\nPresidency. I saw Blaine soon after the election, and asked\\nhim why it was that he overlooked the expression at the\\ntime. He was a man of such keen perception and so ready\\nin every emergency that I was amazed at his failure to turn\\nthe blunder to his advantage, as he could have done by\\na generous expression on the religious issue involved. He\\ntold me that he heard the expression distinctly, but that his\\nmind was just then concentrated on his reply, as he generally\\nspoke spontaneously, and that he thereby failed to become\\nimpressed with its importance. He said that when the\\nproceedings were over, and he gave it a moment s reflection,\\nhe saw what a fearful mistake had been made; but the\\nemergency was extreme and called for immediate action,\\nand he unfortunately hesitated until another day had passed.\\nIt was then too late, and Dr. Burchard certainly cost Blaine\\n3ii", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0377.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nmany more votes than would have given him his election.\\nHad Blaine been under the command of a competent\\nchairman of his national committee, he would never have\\nbeen permitted to stop in Xew York after his great battle\\nhad been fought before the people, and had he gone directly\\nfrom the West to his home in Maine, he would have been\\nPresident instead of Cleveland.\\nBlaine and Tilden are the only men I can recall who\\nundertook to manage a Presidential contest for themselves,\\nand both suffered defeats, for which they were wholly\\nresponsible.\\nBlaine committed many serious blunders during the cam-\\npaign of 1884. He and Cleveland were both made the\\ntargets of flagrant scandals, and when the Cleveland scandal\\nwas sent to Blaine in the early part of the contest, instead\\nof peremptorily forbidding its use as a campaign factor, as\\nwould have been most wise, he sent it to his national com-\\nmittee, and it was given publicity. The Blaine scandal was\\nsent to Cleveland early in the fight, and he at once gave\\nnotice to those in charge of his campaign that any personal\\nscandals against Blaine should not have the sanction of the\\nDemocratic organization. Blaine never would have com-\\nmitted such a mistake if he had been managing a Presidential\\ncampaign for another, and had he been such responsible\\nmanager, he never would have permitted a libel suit to be\\ninstituted against a newspaper publisher for any scandal,\\nhowever false and malignant. He was a man of intense\\nearnestness, and the intensity of his interest in his own\\nelection for the Presidency unbalanced his judgment and\\nmade him often tr e creature of impulse when he should have\\nbeen most dispassionate and philosophical. The scandals\\ndid not affect a thousand votes out of the many millions\\ncast for President, and Blaine suffered vastly more than\\nCleveland, because he dignified the scandal against himself\\nby legal proceedings for defamation. The fact that he\\nvoluntarily discontinued the suit after the election is the\\nbest evidence of the error committed against himself.\\nCharles A. Dana, then editor of the Xew York Sun,\\nbecame estranged from Mr. Cleveland the year before the\\nPresidential election of 1884. He had earnestly supported\\nCleveland for Governor in 1882, but when a movement was\\nmade by Mr. Manning to organize the State for Cleveland\\nin 1884 Dana was implacable in his opposition. I met him\\n312", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0378.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nseveral times before Cleveland was nominated, and he always\\ndiscussed the question with an unusual degree of acrimony.\\nHe believed that Cleveland was not available; that he was\\nunworthy of the position, and that if nominated he would\\nbe overwhelmingly defeated. He gave me no reason for his\\nchanged relations with Cleveland, and I did not learn the\\ntrue cause until after Cleveland had been elected Presi-\\ndent.\\nSoon after Cleveland s nomination I was spending a few\\ndays at Saratoga, and was watching Dana s paper with\\nmuch interest, for he was very much disgruntled. He did\\nnot at first declare himself aggressively against Cleveland s\\nelection, but one morning at Saratoga, in taking up the Sun,\\nI found one of Dana s terrible deliverances against Cleveland,\\nthat left no possible chance for a reconciliation. I tele-\\ngraphed to Mr. Dana and asked him to meet me at his\\noffice at three o clock that afternoon, and called there on\\nmy way home. Mr. Dana had gone too far to recede, but\\nI tried to temper his bitterness, as I thought it would do\\ngreat harm, not only to Cleveland, but to his own newspaper\\nas well, then one of the most prosperous in the country.\\nMr. Dana was petulant and violent in his expressions\\nagainst Cleveland, and said that he had decided to support\\nGeneral Butler, who was the candidate of the Labor-\\nSocialistic element, and who, he said, would receive not less\\nthan 25,000 votes in New York City. I told him that Butler\\nmight receive 2500, and if there were 25,000 disgruntled\\nDemocrats who wanted to defeat Cleveland, they would\\ncertainly vote for Blaine.\\nThe result was about as I had predicted. Butler received\\nonly a few thousand votes, and Dana and his following,\\nwhile ostensibly supporting Butler, voted squarely for Blaine.\\nDana s paper was the most aggressive of all the anti-\\nCleveland newspapers in the country, and it doubtless exerted\\ngreat influence, but not sufficient to lose Cleveland the State.\\nCharles A. Dana was the ablest editor ever developed by\\nAmerican journalism. Horace Greeley was more pungent\\nand telling in his political articles, and Henry Watterson\\nis more brilliant, but Charles A. Dana was the strongest\\neditorial writer this country has ever produced. He was\\nversatile, powerful, and elegant, but an unfortunate personal\\nestrangement made him the bitterest of Cleveland s enemies,\\nand paved the way for the Sun to be transformed from an\\n313", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0379.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nout-and-out Tammany organ to the most aggressive of\\nRepublican organs.\\nIt was not until I met Cleveland at Albany, soon after his\\nelection, that I learned the cause of the estrangement be-\\ntween Geveland and Dana, and the statement given by Mr.\\nCleveland was subsequently confirmed by Mr. Dana. Dana\\nhad very earnestly supported Cleveland s nomination and\\nelection for Governor in 1882, and after the election he wrote\\na personal letter to Cleveland asking the appointment of a\\nfriend to the position of Adjutant-General. His chief pur-\\npose was to give a position on the staff to his son, Paul Dana,\\nwho is now his successor in the editorial chair. Cleveland\\nreceived that letter as he received thousands of other letters\\nrecommending appointments, instead of recognizing the\\nclaim Mr. Dana had upon him for the courtesy of an answer.\\nBeecher had a candidate for the same position, and Cleve-\\nland gave it to Beecher s man without any explanation what-\\never to Dana, who felt that he had been discourteously\\ntreated by Cleveland.\\nMr. Dana gave no open sign of his disappointment, but\\nsome time after Cleveland s inauguration, when it became\\nknown that Dana felt grieved at the Governor, some mutual\\nfriends intervened and proposed to Cleveland that he should\\ninvite Dana to join with some acquaintances at the Executive\\nMansion. To this Cleveland readily assented. Dana was\\ninformed that Cleveland would tender such an invitation if it\\nwould be accepted, and he promptly assented. Cleveland\\nthen became involved in the pressing duties of the Legisla-\\nture, and allowed the session to close without extending the\\npromised and expected invitation to Dana. Mr. Cleveland\\ntold me that he was entirely to blame for neglect in both\\ninstances, as Dana would doubtless have been satisfied if he\\nhad courteously informed him of his convictions which re-\\nquired him to appoint another for Adjutant-General and he\\nhad no excuse to offer but that of neglect for not inviting\\nDana to dinner.\\nDana naturally assumed that Cleveland had given him\\ndeliberate affront, and Cleveland could make no satisfactory\\nexplanation. As Governor and as President he was first of\\nall devoted to his official duties, which he discharged with\\nrare fidelity, and he gave little time even to the common\\ncourtesies which most Governors and Presidents would\\nrecognize as justly belonging to their friends. Efforts were\\n3*4", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0380.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEIvl\\nmade to conciliate Dana, but he never would discuss the\\nquestion, and he sacrificed half the circulation of his paper\\nin the campaign of 1884 in his battle against Cleveland.\\nWhen Cleveland s election was announced, and the Repub-\\nlicans were disposed to dispute the vote of New York, Dana\\ncame out boldly and declared that Cleveland was elected and\\nthat no violent measures should be tolerated to deprive him\\nof the honor conferred upon him by the people.\\nIt is quite possible that Dana got even with Cleveland in\\n1888. His paper gave a nominal support to Cleveland, but\\ndid more damage to the Cleveland cause than any other\\nnewspaper in the country by subtle and persistent attacks\\nupon the administration and the party, though never exhibit-\\ning on the surface a trace of personal hostility to the Presi-\\ndent. The Sun was then the organ of Tammany, and Tam-\\nmany certainly defeated Cleveland in 1888 by giving the\\nState to Harrison, when Hill, the Democratic candidate for\\nGovernor on the same ticket, was elected by nearly 20,000.\\nIt is not a strained conclusion that Dana defeated Cleveland s\\nre-election in 1888. The estrangement between Dana and\\nCleveland continued, as they never met or had any inter-\\ncourse.\\nBlaine s nomination was possible in 1888 when Harrison\\nwas made the candidate, but after hesitating for three days,\\nduring which time he freely conferred by cable with his\\nfriends, as he was then in Europe, he finally decided to\\ndecline.\\nHis belief that he was fated not to be President was not\\nweakened by advancing age, and his final assent to the use\\nof his name in 1892, at the Minneapolis convention that\\nrenominated Harrison, was the first exhibition of decay in\\none who had been a giant among the giants in the most event-\\nful history of the Republic. He had been a possibly success-\\nful candidate in four national conventions; had once been\\nnominated and defeated, and it was a sad spectacle to see\\nhim, like a great oak with its green boughs broken and its\\nheart corroding from the storms of many winters, broken in\\na tempest of political resentments and r m a struggle that had\\nnot so much as a silver lining to the cloud of despair that\\nhung over him. His nomination was hopeless his defeat, if\\nnominated, inevitable, and thus ended the life tragedy of one\\nof the ablest, bravest, and most beloved of our public men.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0381.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "THE HARRISON-CLEVELAND\\nCONTEST\\n1888\\nThe Democratic National Convention of 1888 met at St.\\nLouis on June 5, and it was the most perfunctory body of the\\nkind I have ever witnessed. I never saw a national political\\nbody so entirely devoid of enthusiasm yet it was entirely\\nfixed in its purpose to renominate President Cleveland. He\\nappealed strongly to the convictions and judgment of the\\nparty, but not to its affection or enthusiasm. He was nomi-\\nnated by a unanimous vote without the formality of a ballot,\\nand it had been settled long before the convention met that\\nthe sturdy old Roman of Ohio, ex-Senator Thurman, should\\nbe the candidate for the second place, as Vice-President\\nHendricks had died in office.\\nPatrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts, was permanent\\npresident of the body, and there were no questions of rules\\nor party policy to excite discussion. Cleveland s nomination\\nwas unanimous, and on the single ballot for Vice-President,\\nAllen G. Thurman, of Ohio, had 690 votes to 105 for Isaac\\nB. Gray, of Indiana, and 25 for John C. Black, of Illinois.\\nThe following platform was unanimously adopted\\nThe Democratic party of the United States, in national conven-\\ntion assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity to Democratic faith,\\nand reaffirms the platform adopted by its representatives in the\\nconvention of 1884, and endorses the views expressed by President\\nCleveland in his last earnest message to Congress as the correct\\ninterpretation of that platform upon the question of tariff reduc-\\ntion; and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic representa-\\ntives in Congress to secure a reduction of excessive taxation.\\nChief among its principles of party faith are the maintenance of\\nan indissoluble union of free and indestructible States, now about\\nto enter upon its second century of unexampled progress and\\nrenown; devotion to a plan of government regulated by a written\\nConstitution strictly specifying every granted power and expressly\\n316", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0382.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN HARRISON", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0383.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0384.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nreserving to the States or people the entire ungranted residue of\\npower; the encouragement of a jealous popular vigilance, directed\\nto all who have been chosen for brief terms to enact and execute\\nthe laws and are charged with the duty of preserving peace, insur-\\ning equality, and establishing justice.\\nThe Democratic party welcomes an exacting scrutiny of the\\nadministration of the Executive power which, four years ago, was\\ncommitted to its trusts in the election of Grover Cleveland, Presi-\\ndent of the United States but it challenges the most searching\\ninquiry concerning its fidelity and devotion to the pledges which\\nthen invited the suffrages of the people. During a most critical\\nperiod of our financial affairs, resulting from over-taxation, the\\nanomalous condition of our currency, and a public debt unmatured,\\nit has, by the adoption of a wise and conservative policy, not only\\naverted a disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the\\npeople. It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the\\nRepublican party touching the public domain, and has reclaimed\\nfrom corporations and syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored\\nto the people nearly one hundred millions of acres of valuable\\nland to be sacredly held as homesteads for our citizens.\\nWhile carefully guarding the interests of the taxpayers and con-\\nforming strictly to the principles of justice and equity, it has paid\\nout more for pensions and bounties to the soldiers and sailors of the\\nRepublic than was ever paid before during an equal period.\\nIt has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and prudent for-\\neign policy, preserving peace with all nations, while scrupulously\\nmaintaining all the rights and interests of our own Government\\nand people at home and abroad. The exclusion from our shores\\nof Chinese laborers has been effectually secured under the provision\\nof a treaty the operation of which has been postponed by the action\\nof a Republican majority in the Senate.\\nHonest reform in the civil service has been inaugurated and\\nmaintained by President Cleveland, and he has brought the public\\nservice to the highest standard of efficiency, not only by rule and\\nprecept, but by the example of his own untiring and unselfish ad-\\nministration of public affairs.\\nIn every branch and department of the Government under Demo-\\ncratic control the rights and welfare of all the people have been\\nguarded and defended; every public interest has been protected,\\nand the equality of all our citizens before the law, without regard\\nto race or color, has been steadfastly maintained.\\nUpon its record thus exhibited, and upon a pledge of a continu-\\nance to the people of these benefits, the Democracy invokes a re-\\nnewal of popular trust by the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who\\nhas been faithful, able, and prudent. We invoke, in addition to\\nthat trust, the transfer also to the Democracy of the entire legisla-\\ntive power.\\nThe Republican party controlling the Senate and resisting in\\nboth houses of Congress a reformation of unjust and unequal tax\\nlaws which have outlasted the necessities of war and are now un-\\ndermining the abundance of a long peace, denies to the people\\nequality before the law, and the fairness and the justice which are\\ntheir right. Thus the cry of American labor for a better share in\\nthe rewards of industry is stifled with false pretences, enterprise is\\n317", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0385.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nfettered and bound down to home markets, capital is discouraged\\nwith doubt, and unequal, unjust laws can neither be properly-\\namended nor repealed. The Democratic party will continue with\\nall the power confided to it the struggle to reform these laws, in\\naccordance with the pledges of its last platform, endorsed at the\\nballot-box by the suffrages of the people.\\nOf all the industrious freemen of our land, the immense major-\\nity, including every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage from ex-\\ncessive tax laws, but the price of nearly everything they buy is\\nincreased by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax legislation.\\nAll unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. It is repugnant to\\nthe creed of Democracy that by such taxation the cost of the neces-\\nsaries of life should be unjustifiably increased to all our people.\\nJudged by Democratic principles, the interests of the people are\\nbetrayed when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combinations\\nare permitted to exist which, while unduly enriching the few that\\ncombine, rob the body of our citizens by depriving them of the\\nbenefits of natural competition. Every Democratic rule of govern-\\nmental action is violated when, through unnecessary taxation, a\\nvast sum of money, far beyond the needs of an economical adminis-\\ntration, is drawn from the people and the channels of trade, and\\naccumulated as a demoralizing surplus in the national Treasury.\\nThe money now lying idle in the Federal Treasury, resulting from\\nsuperfluous taxation, amounts to more than one hundred and twen-\\nty-five million dollars, and the surplus collected is reaching the sum\\nof more than sixty millions annually. Debauched by this im-\\nmense temptation, the remedy of the Republican party is to meet\\nand exhaust by extravagant appropriations and expenses, whether\\nconstitutional or not. the accumulation of extravagant taxation.\\nThe Democratic policy is to enforce frugality in public expense,\\nand to abolish unnecessary taxation. Our established domestic in-\\ndustries and enterprises should not, and need not. be endangered\\nby the reduction and correction of the burdens of taxation. On\\nthe contrary, a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due\\nallowance for the difference between the wages of American and\\nforeign labor, must promote and encourage every branch of such\\nindustries and enterprises, by giving them assurance of extended\\nmarket and steady and continuous operations in the interests of\\nAmerican labor, which should in no event be neglected. The revi-\\nsion of our tax laws contemplated by the Democratic party should\\npromote the advantage of such labor, by cheapening the cost of the\\nnecessaries of life in the home of every workman, and at the same\\ntime securing to him steady and remunerative employment. Upon\\nthis question of tariff reform, so closely concerning every phase\\nof our national life, and upon every question involved in the prob-\\nlem of good government, the Democratic party submits its princi-\\nples and professions to the intelligent suffrages of the American\\npeople.\\nResolved, That this convention hereby endorses and recom-\\nmends the early passage of the bill for the reduction of the reve-\\nnue now pending in the House of Representatives.\\nResolved, That a just and liberal policy should be pursued in\\nreference to the Territories that right of self-government is inher-\\nent in the people, and guaranteed under the Constitution that the\\n3 8", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0386.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nTerritories of Washington, Dakota, Montana, and New Mexico\\nare, by virtue of population and development, entitled to admission\\ninto the Union as States, and we unqualifiedly condemn the course\\nof the Republican party in refusing Statehood and self-government\\nto their people.\\nResolved, That we express our cordial sympathy with the strug-\\ngling people of all nations, in their efforts to secure for themselves\\nthe inestimable blessings of self-government, and civil and religious\\nliberty, and we especially declare our sympathy with the efforts of\\nthose noble patriots who, led by Gladstone and Parnell, have con-\\nducted their grand and peaceful contest for home rule in Ireland.\\nThe Republican convention met at Chicago on the 19th of\\nJune, with M. M. Estee, of California, as permanent presi-\\ndent. It was assumed by the friends of Blaine in Pennsyl-\\nvania, and generally throughout the country, that he did not\\ndesire to be nominated as the Republican candidate for Presi-\\ndent. Pennsylvania, where Blaine s friends were largely in\\nthe ascendency, declared in favor of Senator Sherman, of\\nOhio. Senator Quay was at the head of his delegation, with\\ninstructions from the State convention to support Sherman,\\nand ex-Governor Hastings, then Adjutant-General, pre-\\nsented the name of Sherman to the convention in the name\\nof Pennsylvania.\\nBlaine was in Europe, and while he evidently did not de-\\nsire to confess himself a candidate, he seemed unwilling then\\nto make his declination peremptory, as he had done in two\\nletters long before the convention met. His hesitation de-\\nlayed the action of the convention several days, but finally\\nhe authorized the withdrawal of his name from the list of\\ncandidates, and a very earnest contest was made between the\\nfriends of Sherman, Gresham, Alger, and Harrison. Gov-\\nernor Alger was largely supported by the commercial dele-\\ngates from the South, and Sherman and his friends bitterly\\ncomplained that the Southern delegates had been corruptly\\ndiverted from the Sherman ranks. Gresham represented\\nthe more conservative Republican element. He was not a\\nradical politician, as was shown by his support of Cleveland\\nin 1892, but while conservative with Mugwump flavor, it\\nwas evident from the demonstrations made in Chicago\\nduring the convention that the labor elements of the country\\nwere very strongly in sympathy with him, although his own\\ndelegation was against him.\\nDepew was only an ornamental candidate, and was brim-\\nful of humor as he mingled with the delegates and spec-\\ns", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0387.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntators. He knew that the Grangers of the West would no\\nmore vote for him than they would for the Czar of Russia,\\nbut his State had declared for him with great unanimity, and\\nhe was very cordially supported by a number of friends out-\\nside of New York. It soon became evident that Sherman\\ncould not succeed, as he reached his highest vote on the\\n2d ballot and steadily declined thereafter, while Harrison\\nincreased on every ballot from the first to the eighth, when\\nhe was nominated by a large majority. The following are\\nthe several ballots for President:\\nc\\no\\na\\nu\\n3\\nO\\nft\\ns\\nJS\\nc\\njz\\nSi\\nJohn Sherman, Ohio\\n229\\nHI\\n99\\n84\\n80\\n72\\n35\\n28\\n25\\n25\\n24\\n3\\n2\\n249\\n108\\n99\\n116\\n91\\n75\\n33\\n16\\n20\\n18\\n2\\n3\\n244\\n123\\n91\\n122\\n94\\n88\\n35\\n16\\n5\\n2\\n8\\n2\\n235\\n98\\n135\\n217\\n88\\n42\\n1\\n11\\n1\\n1\\n224\\n87\\n142\\n213\\n99\\n48\\n14\\n244\\n91\\n137\\n231\\n73\\n40\\n12\\n1\\n1\\n231\\n91\\n120\\n278\\n76\\n15\\n2\\n16\\n1\\n1\\n118\\nRussell A. Alger, Mich\\n59\\n100\\nJames G. Blaine. Me\\n544\\n5\\nJohn J. Ingalls, Kan\\nJere. M. Rusk, Wis\\nWilliam W. Phelps, N. J\\nE. H. Filler, Pa\\nRobert T. Lincoln, 111\\nWilliam McKinley, Jr., Ohio..\\nSamuel F. Miller, Iowa\\nFrederick Douglass\\n4\\nJ. B. Foraker, Ohio\\nFrederick D. Grant, N. Y\\nCreed Haymond, Cal\\nOne ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows\\nBlanche K. Bruce (col.), Miss. 11\\nWalter F. Thomas, Texas. 1\\nLevi P. Morton, N. Y 591\\nWalter Wm. Phelps. N. J. 119\\nWm. O. Bradley, Ky 103\\nThe nomination of Morton was made unanimous,\\nfollowing platform was unanimously adopted\\nThe\\nThe Republicans of the United States, assembled by their dele-\\ngates in national convention, pause on the threshold of their pro-\\nceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the im-\\nmortal champion of liberty and the rights of the people, Abraham\\nLincoln, and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remem-\\nbrance and gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders, who\\nhave more recently been called away from our councils Grant, Gar-\\nfield, Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their memories be faithfully\\ncherished. We also recall with our greetings and with prayer for\\n320", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0388.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nhis recovery, the name of one of our living heroes, whose memory\\nwill be treasured in the history both of Republicans and of the\\nRepublic, the name of that noble soldier and favorite child of victory,\\nPhilip H. Sheridan.\\nIn the spirit of these great leaders, and of our own devotion to\\nhuman liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism\\nand oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican\\nparty, we send fraternal congratulations to our fellow-Americans\\nof Brazil upon their great act of emancipation, which completed\\nthe abolition of slavery throughout the two American continents.\\nWe earnestly hope that we may soon congratulate our fellow-citizens\\nof Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home rule for Ireland.\\nWe reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the national Constitu-\\ntion and to the indissoluble union of the States to the autonomy\\nreserved to the States under the Constitution to the personal\\nrights and liberties of citizens in all the States and Territories in\\nthe Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of\\nevery lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign-born, white or\\nblack, to cast one free ballot in public elections, and to have that\\nballot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot\\nand the just and equal representation of all the people to be the\\nfoundation of our republican Government, and demand effective\\nlegislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which\\nare the fountains of public authority. We charge that the present\\nadministration and the Democratic majority in Congress owe their\\nexistence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullification\\nof the Constitution and laws of the United States.\\nWe are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of\\nprotection. We protest against its destruction, as proposed by the\\nPresident and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we\\nwill support the interests of America. We accept the issue, and\\nconfidently appeal to the people for their judgment. The protec-\\ntive system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been\\nfollowed by disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer\\nand the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the\\ngeneral business* the labor, and the farming interests of the country,\\nand we heartily endorse the consistent and patriotic action of the\\nRepublican representatives in Congress opposing its passage. We\\ncondemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on\\nthe free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted\\nand maintained so as to furnish full and adequate protection to\\nthat industry. The Republican party would effect all needed reduc-\\ntion of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco,\\nwhich are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax\\nupon spirits used in the arts, and for mechanical purposes, and\\nby such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check imports\\nof such articles as are produced by our people, the production of\\nwhich gives employment to our labor, and release from import duties\\nthose articles of foreign production, except luxuries, the like of\\nwhich cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a\\nlarger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government,\\nwe favor the entire repeal of internal taxes, rather than the sur-\\nrender of any part of our protective system, at the joint behest\\nof the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers.\\n321", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0389.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "OCR PRESIDENTS\\nWe declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of\\nforeign contract labor, and of Chinese labor, alien to our civiliza-\\ntion and our Constitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement\\nof the existing laws against it. and favor such immediate legisla-\\ntion as will exclude such labor from our shores.\\nWe declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organ-\\nized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition\\nof trade among our citizens, and we recommend to Congress and\\nthe State Legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such leg: sta-\\ntion as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the\\npeople by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the\\ntransportation of their products to market. We approve the legisla-\\ntion by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair dis-\\ncriminations between the States.\\nWe reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the\\nUnited States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers.\\nnot aliens, which the Republican party established in 1862. against\\nthe persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which\\nhas brought our great Western domain into such magnificent de-\\nvelopment. The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the\\npublic domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under\\nthe administration of President Arthur, should be continued. We\\ndeny that the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the\\npeople, but declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and\\nDemocrats about fifty millions of acres of unearned lands, originally\\ngranted for the construction of railroads, have been restored to\\nthe public domain, in pursuance of the conditions inserted by the\\nRepublican party in the original grants. We charge the Demo-\\ncratic administration with failure to execute the laws securing\\nto settlers title to their homestead, and with using appropriations\\nmade for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies and\\nprosecutions under the false pretence of exposing frauds and vin-\\ndicating the law.\\nThe government by Congress of the Territories is based upon\\nnecessity only, to the end that they may become States in the\\nUnion; therefore, whenever the conditions of population, material\\nresources, public intelligence, and morality are such as to insure a\\nstable local government therein, the people of such Territories\\nshould be permitted, as a right inherent in them, the right to form\\nfor themselves constitutions and State governments, and be ad-\\nmitted into the Union. Pending the preparation for statehood.\\nall officers thereof should be selected from the bona-ride residents\\nand citizens of the Territory wherein they are to serve. South\\nDakota should, of right, be immediately admitted as a State under\\nthe constitution framed and adopted by her people, and we heartily\\nendorse the action of the Republican Senate in twice passing bills\\nfor her admission. The refusal of the Democratic House of Repre-\\nsentatives, for partisan purposes, favorably to consider these bills\\nis a wilful violation of the sacred American principle of local self-\\ngovernment and merits the condemnation of all just men. The\\npending bills in the Senate for acts to enable the people of Wash-\\nington, North Dakota, and Montana Territories to form constitu-\\ntions and establish State governments should be passed without\\nunnecessary delay. The Republican party 7 pledges itself to do all\\n322", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0390.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nin its power to facilitate the admission of the Territories of New\\nMexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Arizona to the enjoyment of self-\\ngovernment as States, such of them as are now qualified as soon\\nas possible, and the others as soon as they become so.\\nThe political power of the Mormon Church in the Territories as\\nexercised in the past is a menace to free institutions, a danger no\\nlonger to be suffered; therefore, we pledge the Republican party to\\nappropriate legislation, asserting the sovereignty of the nation in\\nall Territories where the same is questioned, and in furtherance of\\nthat end to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough\\nto divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power, and thus stamp\\nout the attendant wickedness of polygamy.\\nThe Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and\\nsilver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic ad-\\nministration in its efforts to demonetize silver.\\nWe demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce.\\nIn a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign, and\\nthe official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the\\nwill of the people, it is important that the sovereign and the people\\nshould possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of\\nthat intelligence which is to preserve us a free nation, therefore the\\nState or nation, or both combined, should support free institutions\\nof learning, sufficient to afford to every child growing up in the\\nland the opportunity of a good common school education.\\nWe earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Con-\\ngress in the enactment of such legislation as will best secure the\\nrehabilitation of our American merchant marine and we protest\\nagainst the passage by Congress of a free-ship bill, as calculated to\\nwork injustice to labor by lessening the wages of those engaged in\\npreparing materials as well as those directly employed in our ship-\\nyards.\\nWe demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our navy\\nfor the construction of coast fortifications and modern ordnance,\\nand other approved modern means of defence for the protection of\\nour defenceless harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions\\nto our soldiers for necessary works of national importance in the\\nimprovement of harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise,\\nand foreign commerce for the encouragement of the shipping in-\\nterests of the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific States, as well as for the\\npayment of the maturing public debt. This policy will give em-\\nployment to our labor activity to our various industries increase\\nthe security of our country promote trade open new and direct\\nmarkets for our produce, and cheapen the cost of transportation.\\nWe affirm this to be far better for our country than the Democratic\\npolicy of loaning the Government s money, without interest, to\\npet banks.\\nThe conduct of foreign affairs by the present administration has\\nbeen distinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. Having\\nwithdrawn from the Senate all pending treaties effected by Repub-\\nlican administration for the removal of foreign burdens and re-\\nstrictions upon our commerce, and for its extension into better\\nmarkets, it has neither effected nor proposed any others in their\\nstead. Professing adherence to the Monroe Doctrine, it has seen,\\nwith idle complacency, the extension of foreign influence in Cen-\\n3 2 3", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0391.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "our presidents\\ntrA Arnerin iri frreirr :nit f try Atrt in:rr ur rtirriirs.\\ni is refuser :Lr.;:::r. :r trnurirt E.17\\ng-ir.:ri:i:r. :;r. :r -j::::r.r :he A::i:ir:i Iirii i ::i: v;-_A\\n:r:;:r:ir:t _:: :he ~i.r:trir:t :he Z.Iz-rz-r _ rt iri A ur\\nr.i:::r.A irfAerit :r _er.irA iri 5:.i:h Arr.tr: iri rt:t55iry ::r\\nAt it ti:;rrtr: :r: Pirifi: :erri:;ry. ~.:A ^:u\u00c2\u00b1\\nAmerica and with the islands and farther coasts of the Pacific Ocean.\\nA arraign the present Democratic administration for its weak\\niri iir.rar.ri:::: :rti:ntr: :he rAheres it5i An. iri As rrsii-\\nlanimons surrender of the essential privileges to which onr fish-\\nir.r mt.~ irt tr_:::it: ir _irn ;ir r-irrs nrAtr At :rtiry :S:S.\\n:he rtrirrrrA mr:::rrt A;ri5A:::r A in At ::mry r.a-\\ntions, and which Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of\\nAt Ar::t: 5:i:ts At ::r.itrir At A :ht crest-: aArir-\\nisrnrAr iri At Etmrnii: rri;:r:ry ir _:r.rress iri :ur\\nfisheries 15 ;i::.:i:/- ir.i ::rs: :::.5iy ur: i:r::: iri 15 :tri-\\nirg ies:r:y 1 1 .1: t ra:::nA mlusiry 1-: ir. in i is; tr 5.1 t\\nresj:ur:e A itftr:t iri irs: 1 Artirn t: tr:\\nnrre AmerAir. 1 t i..i:t 1 :i:Aens :he P.t: A\\nii: ir: r 5 1 5 1.. sAke :r: 51:1:7 Aiir=:::n A AeAer.ie\\nAt 15 A: :he sirre rime :hi: :::irtr.s A; is 1:1: 1:5: be At:\\nran: Ay iri safegnari A hirr A.: 75-5 i: iri rr::e::s A~\\nhe:her hirh i:~ ri:h ;::r ir aii his riAi r:gh:s shivii\\niri 15: an:r: hirr rr::e;:Ar 1: h:rrt iri f; arA r.r::er:\\nhirr i:r:ii ir n:t t: ArA ht may he r 1 A~ f-A trriri\\n_ht rr.tr izirizr^i r.t Rrru:.:::Er :ir:y ir. A:_ 1:.:\\nt lirtrt r.t _trr :::i: :ir:; r.i t itstrrti r.::\\n:t :i.:t r:rt5: ri trrir.tr: 5: mi rrir:t frttiirr.\\n:.:t :A _: 1 5 t /.it 1 1 5 1 t i At :ii5t rtfrm\\n:r rt 5trv:;t t r fiii ktt; rAieti :t:i.:5-\\n::t; ri t :rA :tr :rt.:5 r:r itnust rt:r :i:::Ai:t ris :r:ktr\\nhi:. V. t :htre::rt rtrti: it:Ari:::r. A.ii. Th:\\nrtfirrr :rt rr. h 5tr::t 115;::.:.:/ i^rr vritr :rt At;i:-\\nh:ir i::v::r:5:ri:_::: :h:Ai it ::rrrlt:ti :ht frrrhtr -x:tr5.:r\\n:he rt: :rrr. 5; 5:tr: i.rti:; t5ii A:5rti jy li~ ih At r:iit5\\n:ht 5 tr :t 5 1;; .:i: t _rt 5riri: iri ;rr;:5t\\nAt rtiirr: i .i :t ::5tr t: ir. A. t::t:r:rt 1: r:r:tr:5 ir:\\n15 1: 1: ir:t :r :rt t:: t::.5:.rg rtfirrr itg 5 i:.:r\\n;t rtitiit: At tr i :ri: At Arrt:5 free :r5: ::r:::r.5\\nr. irrk :r :he tr :rr::i. :i:r:rirt ri :t 5t. in\\nri tr _A.t Ariir :ir-\\nm of Congress should\\n;it in :t 5: eriirgei\\n155 i. :y :i:i: iry rrir\\n:hiii it::r:t ir :rrri:t\\nt :in:::y ir :he rres-\\n1 :Ai: 5 :_ir :ii\\nc tr ti :r.e ^I trrritr:\\n;rt5tr:i:. t: ir re: 5:\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0_ _ _\\nhtrt i:h trrr::i:ti\\n524", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0392.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nco-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially of all\\nworkingmen, whose prosperity is seriously threatened by the free-\\ntrade policy of the present administration.\\nThe first concern of all good government is the virtue and\\nsobriety of the people, and the purity of their homes. The Repub-\\nlican party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed\\nefforts for the promotion of temperance and morality.\\nThere were two distinct Labor parties in existence in 1888,\\nand they both called their national conventions to meet at\\nCincinnati on the 15th of May. The Union Labor party was\\nthe only one whose candidate figured in the contest. Mr.\\nStreeter, its nominee for President, received 146,935 votes,\\nwith only 2418 for Cowdrey, who was the candidate of the\\nUnited Labor party. The Union Labor Convention had rep-\\nresentatives from twenty States, and John Seitz was per-\\nmanent president. There was no ballot for President, as\\nAlson J. Streeter, of Illinois, was nominated by acclamation,\\nand Samuel Evans, of Texas, was selected for Vice-President\\non the 1st ballot, receiving 124 votes, to 44 for T. P.\\nRynders, of Pennsylvania, and 32 for Charles R. Cunning-\\nham, of Arkansas. The following platform was unani-\\nmously adopted\\nGeneral discontent prevails on the part of the wealth-producer.\\nFarmers are suffering from a poverty which has forced most of\\nthem to mortgage their estates, and the prices of products are so\\nlow as to offer no relief, except through bankruptcy, and laborers\\nare sinking into greater dependence. Strikes are resorted to with-\\nout bringing relief, because of the inability of employers, in many\\ncases, to pay living wages, while more and more are driven into\\nthe street. Business men find collections almost impossible, and,\\nmeantime, hundreds of millions of idle public money, which is\\nneeded for relief, is locked up in the United States Treasury, or\\nplaced without interest in favored banks in grim mockery of dis-\\ntress. Land monopoly flourishes as never before, and more owners\\nof the soil are daily becoming tenants. Great transportation cor-\\nporations still succeed in extorting their profits on watered stock\\nthrough unjust charges. The United States Senate has become an\\nopen scandal, its membership being purchased by the rich in open\\ndefiance of the popular will. Various efforts are made to squ^ider\\nthe public money, which are designed to empty the Treasury with-\\nout paying the public debt. Under these and other alarming con-\\nditions, we appeal to the people of our country to come out of old\\nparty organizations, whose indifference to the public welfare is\\nresponsible for this distress, and aid the Union Labor party to repeal\\nexisting class legislation, and relieve the distress of our industries by\\nestablishing the following principles\\n3 2 5", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0393.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nLand. While we believe that the proper solution of the finan-\\ncial question will greatly relieve those now in danger of losing\\ntheir homes by mortgages and foreclosures, and enable all indus-\\ntrious persons to secure a home as the highest result of civilization,\\nwe oppose land monopoly in every form, demand the forfeiture of\\nunearned grants, the limitation of land ownership, and such other\\nlegislation as will stop speculations in lands, and holding it un-\\nused from those whose necessities require it.\\nWe believe the earth was made for the people, and not to en-\\nable an idle aristocracy to subsist, through rents, upon the toil of\\nthe industrious, and that corners in land are as bad as corners in\\nfood, and that those who are not residents or citizens should not\\nbe allowed to own lands in the United States. A homestead should\\nbe exempt, to a limited extent, from execution or taxation.\\nTransportation. The means of communication and transporta-\\ntion should be owned by the people, as is the United States postal\\nservice.\\nMoney. The establishment of a national monetary system in the\\ninterest of the producer, instead of the speculator and usurer, by\\nwhich the circulating medium, in necessary quantity and full lega^l\\ntender, shall be issued directly to the people, without the interven-\\ntion of banks, or loaned to citizens upon land security at a low\\nrate of interest, to relieve them from extortions of usury and en-\\nable them to control the money supply. Postal savings banks\\nshould be established. While we have free coinage of gold, we\\nshould have free coinage of silver. We demand the immediate ap-\\nplication of all the money in the United States Treasury to the\\npayment of the bonded debt, and condemn the further issue of\\ninterest-bearing bonds, either by the National Government or by\\nStates, Territories, or municipalities.\\nLabor. Arbitration should take the place of strikes and other\\ninjurious methods of settling labor disputes. The letting of convict\\nlabor to contractors should be prohibited, the contract system be\\nabolished in public works, the hours of labor in industrial establish-\\nments be reduced, commensurate with the increased production by\\nlabor-saving machinery, employes protected from bodily injury,\\nequal pay for equal work for both sexes, and labor, agricultural,\\nand co-operative associations be fostered and encouraged by law.\\nThe foundation of a republic is in the intelligence of its citizens.\\nand children who are driven into workshops, mines, and factories\\nare deprived of the education which should be secured to all by\\nproper legislation.\\nPensions. We demand the passage of a service pension bill to\\nevery honorably discharged soldier and sailor of the United States.\\nIncome Tax. A graduated income tax is the most equitable\\nsystem of taxation, placing the burden of Government on those\\nwho\u00c2\u00bbcan best afford to pay. instead of laying it on the farmers and\\nproducers, and exempting millionaire bondholders and corporations.\\nUnited States Senate. We demand a constitutional amendment\\nmaking United States Senators elective by a direct vote of the\\npeople.\\nContract Labor. We demand the strict enforcement of laws\\nprohibiting the importation of subjects of foreign countries under\\ncontract.\\n3^6", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0394.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nChinese. We demand the passage and enforcement of such\\nlegislation as will absolutely exclude the Chinese from the United\\nStates.\\nWoman Suffrage. The right to vote is inherent in citizenship,\\nirrespective of sex, and is properly within the province of State\\nlegislation.\\nParamount Issues. The paramount issues to be solved in the\\ninterests of humanity are the abolition of usury, monopoly, and\\ntrusts, and we denounce the Democratic and Republican parties for\\ncreating and perpetuating these monstrous evils.\\nThe United Labor party had a limited attendance at its\\nconvention. William B. Ogden was made president, and\\nRev. Edward McGlynn, of New York, a priest noted for his\\ndiscussion of labor problems, prepared and reported the plat-\\nform. Robert H. Cowdrey, of Illinois, was nominated for\\nPresident, and W. H. T. Wakefield, of Kansas, for the sec-\\nond place on the ticket without the formality of a ballot. The\\nfollowing platform was unanimously adopted\\nWe, the delegates of the United Labor party of the United States,\\nin national convention assembled, hold that the corruptions of Gov-\\nernment and the impoverishment of the masses result from neglect\\nof the self-evident truths proclaimed by the founders of this Repub-\\nlic, that all men are created equal and are endowed with inalienable\\nrights. We aim at the abolition of the system which compels men\\nto pay their fellow-creatures for the use of the common bounties of\\nnature, and permits monopolizers to deprive labor of natural oppor-\\ntunities for employment.\\nWe see access to farming land denied to labor, except on payment\\nof exorbitant rent or the acceptance of mortgage burdens, and labor,\\nthus forbidden to employ itself, driven into the cities. We see the\\nwage- workers of the cities subjected to this unnatural competition,\\nand forced to pay an exorbitant share of their scanty earnings for\\ncramped and unhealthful lodgings. We see the same intense com-\\npetition condemning the great majority of business and professional\\nmen to a bitter and often unavailing struggle to avoid bankruptcy\\nand that, while the price of all that labor produces ever falls, the\\nprice of land ever rises.\\nWe trace these evils to a fundamental wrong the making of the\\nthe land on which all must live the exclusive property of but a por-\\ntion of the community. To this denial of natural rights are due\\nwant of employment, low wages, business depressions, that intense\\ncompetition which makes it so difficult for the majority of men to\\nget a comfortable living, and that wrongful distribution of wealth\\nwhich is producing the millionaire on one side and the tramp on\\nthe other.\\nTo give all men an interest in the land of their country; to enable\\nall to share in the benefits of social growth and improvement to\\nprevent the shutting out of labor from employment by the monopo-\\nlization of natural opportunities to do away with the one-sided com-\\n327", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0395.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npetition which cuts down wages to starvation rates; to restore life\\nto business, and prevent periodical depressions to do away with that\\nmonstrous injustice which deprives producers of the fruits of their\\ntoil while idlers grow rich; to prevent the conflicts which are array-\\ning class against class, and which are fraught with menacing dangers\\nto society we propose so to change the existing system of taxation\\nthat no one shall be taxed on the wealth he produces, nor any one\\nsuffered to appropriate wealth he does not produce by taking to\\nhimself the increasing values which the growth of society adds to\\nl?.r.i.\\nWhat we propose is not the disturbing of any man in his holding\\nor title: but, by taxation of land according to its value and not\\naccording to its area, to devote to common use and benefit those\\nvalues which arise, not from the exertion of the individual, but from\\nthe growth of society, and to abolish all taxes on industry and its\\nproducts. This increased taxation of land values must, while reliev-\\ning the working farmer and small homestead owner of the undue\\nburdens now imposed upon them, make it unprofitable to hold land\\nfor speculation, and thus throw open abundant opportunities for the\\nemployment of labor and the building up of homes. We would do\\naway with the present unjust and wasteful system of finance which\\npiles up hundreds of millions of dollars in treasury vaults while we\\nare paying interest on an enormous debt and we would establish in\\nits stead a monetary system in which a legal tender circulating me-\\ndium should be issued by the Government, without the intervention\\nof banks.\\nWe wish to abolish the present unjust and wasteful system of own-\\nership of railroads and telegraphs by private corporations a system\\nwhich, while failing to supply adequately public needs, impoverishes\\nthe farmer, oppresses the manufacturer, hampers the merchant, im-\\npedes travel and communication, and builds up enormous fortunes\\nand corrupting monopolies that are becoming more powerful than\\nthe Government itself. For this system we would substitute Gov-\\nernment ownership and control for the benefit of the whole people\\ninstead of private profit.\\nWhile declaring the foregoing to be the fundamental principles\\nand aims of the United Labor party, and while conscious that no\\nreform can give effectual and permanent relief to labor that does\\nnot involve the legal recognition of equal rights to natural opportu-\\nnities, we, nevertheless, as measures of relief from some of the evil\\neffects of ignoring those rights, favor such legislation as may tend\\nto reduce the hours of labor, to prevent the employment of children\\nof tender years, to avoid the competition of convict labor with hon-\\nest industry, to secure the sanitary inspection of tenements, facto-\\nries, and mines, and to put an end to the abuse of conspiracy laws.\\nWe desire also to simplify the procedure of our courts and dimin-\\nish the expense of legal proceedings, that the poor may therein be\\nplaced on an equality with the rich, and the long delays which now\\nresult in scandalous miscarriages of justice may be prevented. Since\\nthe ballot is the only means by which, in our Republic, the redress\\nof political and social grievances is to be sought, we especially and\\nemphatically declare for the adoption of what is known as the Aus-\\ntralian system of voting, in order that the effectual secrecy of the\\nballot, and the relief of candidates for public office from the heavy\\n328", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0396.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nexpenses now imposed upon them, may prevent bribery and intimida-\\ntion, do away with practical discriminations in favor of the rich and\\nunscrupulous, and lessen the pernicious influence of money in politics.\\nWe denounce the Democratic and Republican parties as hopelessly\\nand shamelessly corrupt, and, by reason of their affiliation with\\nmonopolies, equally unworthy of the suffrages of those who do not\\nlive upon public plunder; we therefore require of those who would\\nact with us that they sever all connection with both.\\nIn support of these aims, we solicit the co-operation of all patri-\\notic citizens, who, sick of the degradation of politics, desire by con-\\nstitutional methods to establish justice, to preserve liberty, to extend\\nthe spirt of fraternity, and to elevate humanity.\\nThe Prohibition Convention of 1888 was the most notable\\nassembly of Prohibitionists ever held in the country. It met\\nat Indianapolis on the 20th of May, with several thousands\\nin attendance outside of the delegates. According to the re-\\nport of the committee on credentials there were 1029 del-\\negates present. Among those who participated in the pro-\\nceedings of the convention were James Black, the party can-\\ndidate for President in 1872, Neal Dow, who was the nom-\\ninee in 1880, and John P. St. John, who led the Prohibition-\\nists in the Presidential contest of 1884. John P. St. John was\\nthe permanent president, and Clinton B. Fisk, of New Jersey,\\nwas nominated for President, and John A. Brooks, of Mis-\\nsouri, for Vice-President by acclamation without the for-\\nmality of a ballot. The following platform was adopted with\\ngreat enthusiasm\\nThe Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, acknowl-\\nedging Almighty God as the source of all power in government, do\\nhereby declare\\n1. That the manufacture, importation, exportation, transportation,\\nand sale of alcoholic beverages should be made public crimes, and\\npunished as such.\\n2. That such prohibition must be secured through amendments of\\nour National and State Constitutions, enforced by adequate laws\\nadequately supported by administrative authority and to this end\\nthe organization of the Prohibition party is imperatively demanded\\nin State and nation.\\n3. That any form of license, taxation, or regulation of the liquor\\ntraffic is contrary to good government that any party which sup-\\nports regulation, license, or tax enters into alliance with such\\ntraffic and becomes the actual foe of the State s welfare, and that\\nwe arraign the Republican and Democratic parties for their per-\\nsistent attitude in favor of the licensed iniquity, whereby they oppose\\nthe demand of the people for prohibition, and, through open com-\\nplicity with the liquor cause, defeat the enforcement of law.\\n3 2 9", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0397.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n4. For the immediate abolition of the internal revenue system,\\nwhereby our National Government is deriving support from our\\ngreatest national vice.\\n5. That, an adequate public revenue being necessary, it may prop-\\nerly be raised by impost duties and by an equitable assessment upon\\nthe property and the legitimate business of the country, but import\\nduties should be so reduced that no surplus shall be accumulated\\nin the treasury, and that the burdens of taxation shall be removed\\nfrom foods, clothing, and other comforts and necessaries of life.\\n6. That civil service appointments for all civil offices, chiefly cler-\\nical in their duties, should be based upon moral, intellectual and\\nphysical qualifications, and not upon party service or party necessity.\\n7. That the right of suffrage rests on no mere circumstance of\\nrace, color, sex or nationality, and that where, from any cause, it\\nhas been held from citizens who are of suitable age and mentally\\nand morally qualified for the exercise of an intelligent ballot, it\\nshould be restored by the people through the Legislatures of the sev-\\neral States, on such educational basis as they may deem wise.\\n8. For the abolition of polygamy and the establishment of uniform\\nlaws governing marriage and divorce.\\n9. For prohibiting all combinations of capital to control and to\\nincrease the cost of products for popular consumption.\\n10. For the preservation and defence of the Sabbath as a civil\\ninstitution without oppressing any who religiously observe the same\\non anj other day than the first day of the week.\\n11. That arbitration is the Christian, wise, and economic method\\nof settling national differences, and the same method shouftl, by judi-\\ncious legislation, be applied to the settlement of disputes between\\nlarge bodies of employes and emplo} ers that the abolition of the\\nsaloons would remove the burdens, moral, physical, pecuniary, and\\nsocial, which now oppress labor and rob it of its earnings, and\\nwould prove to be the wise and successful way of promoting labor\\nreform and we invite labor and capital to unite with us for the\\naccomplishment thereof; that monopoly in land is a wrong to the\\npeople, and the public land should be reserved to actual settlers, and\\nthat men and women should receive equal wages for equal work.\\n12. That our immigration laws should be so enforced as to pre-\\nvent the introduction into our country of all convicts, inmates of\\nother dependent institutions, and of others physically incapacitated\\nfor self-support, and that no person should have the ballot in any\\nState who is not a citizen of the United States.\\nRecognizing and declaring that prohibition of the liquor traffic\\nhas become the dominant issue in national politics, we invite to full\\nparty fellowship all those who, on this one dominant issue, are with\\nus agreed, in the full belief that this party can and will remove sec-\\ntional differences, promote national unity, and insure the best welfare\\nof our entire land.\\nAnother convention was held at Washington on the 14th\\nof August, composed of a few fragments of the old American\\nparty. The fact that it polled in the entire country only 1 590\\nvotes for its candidates showed that it was practically with-\\n330", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0398.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nout constituents. It was natural enough that the national\\nconvention of a party made up almost wholly of ambitious\\nand discordant leaders should have a split, and they managed\\nto get up a row and have a secession of the delegates repre-\\nsenting a number of States on the simple question of how the\\ndelegates should vote. The seceders, however, made no nom-\\ninations. After the dissatisfied delegates had left the con-\\nvention, only the delegates from New York and California\\nremained, but they were 80 of the 126 delegates all told.\\nThey nominated James Langdon Curtis, of New York, for\\nPresident, and James R. Greer, of Tennessee, for Vice-Presi-\\ndent. Mr. Greer declined the nomination, and I can find no\\nrecord of any one having been chosen in his place. The fol-\\nlowing platform was adopted\\nResolved, That all law-abiding citizens of the United States of\\nAmerica, whether native or foreign born, are politically equals (ex-\\ncept as provided by the Constitution), and all are entitled to, and\\nshould receive, the full protection of the laws.\\nResolved, That the Constitution of the United States should be\\nso amended as to prohibit the Federal and State Governments from\\nconferring upon any person the right to vote unless such person be\\na citizen of the United States.\\nResolved, That we are in favor of fostering and encouraging\\nAmerican industries of every class and kind, and declare that the\\nassumed issue Protection vs. Free Trade is a fraud and a\\nsnare. The best protection is that which protects the labor and\\nlife blood of the Republic from the degrading competition with and\\ncontamination by imported foreigners; and the most dangerous\\nfree trade is that in paupers, criminals, communists, and an-\\narchists, in which the balance has always been against the United\\nStates.\\nWhereas, One of the greatest evils of unrestricted foreign immi-\\ngration is the reduction of the wages of the American working-man\\nand working-woman to the level of the underfed and underpaid labor\\nof foreign countries therefore,\\nResolved, That we demand that no immigrant shall be admitted\\ninto the United States without a passport obtained from the Amer-\\nican consul at the port from which he sails that no passport shall be\\nissued to any pauper, criminal, or insane person, or to any person\\nwho, in the judgment of the consul, is not likely to become a desira-\\nble citizen of the United States and that for each immigrant pass-\\nport there shall be collected by the consul issuing the same the sum\\nof one hundred dollars to be by him paid into the Treasury of the\\nUnited States.\\nResolved, That the present naturalization laws of the United\\nStates should be unconditionally repealed.\\nResolved, That the soil of America should belong to Americans\\nthat no alien non-resident should be permitted to own real estate\\n331", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0399.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nin the United States and that the realty possessions of the resident\\nalien should be limited in value and area.\\nResolved, That no flag shall float on any public buildings, munici-\\npal, State, or national, in the United States, except the municipal,\\nState, or national flag of the United States the flag of the stars and\\nstripes.\\nResolved, That we reassert the American principles of absolute\\nfreedom of religious worship and belief, the permanent separation\\nof Church and State and we oppose the appropriation of public\\nmoney or property to any church, or institution administered by a\\nchurch. We maintain that all church property should be subject to\\ntaxation.\\nThe contest of 1888 differed from the Cleveland contest of\\n1884 in its freedom from vituperation and bitterness. It was\\nconducted with earnestness and dignity on both sides.\\nXeither of the candidates greatly enthused the rank and file\\nof their party, as did Blaine and Hancock in former national\\nconflicts, but they commanded not only the entire confidence\\nand respect of their parties, but also of the whole country.\\nCleveland took little personal part in the conflict, but Har-\\nrison made a most vigorous and telling campaign by his\\nalmost daily speeches delivered to visiting delegations at\\nIndianapolis, in which he discussed every phase of the public\\nquestions of the day. These addresses were doubtless care-\\nfully prepared and given to the associated press, but they\\nwere not only very able, but they were singularly versatile\\nand adroit, and presented Harrison to the public in an en-\\ntirely new light. I cannot recall another Presidential con-\\ntest that was conducted on both sides with greater dignity\\nand decency than that between Cleveland and Harrison in\\n1888. Nearly equal respect was shown to both candidates in\\nthe Garfield-Hancock contest of 1880, but the famous forgery\\nof the Morey letter to control the vote of the Pacific States\\nagainst Garfield and the Credit Mobilier scandal marred the\\ndignity of that conflict.\\nThe following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote\\nof 1888:", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0402.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSTATES.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nCalifornia\\nColorado\\nConnecticut\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nKansas\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaine\\nMaryland\\nMassachusetts..\\nMichigan\\nMinnesota\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nNebraska\\nNevada\\nNew Hampshire\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nNorth Carolina\\nOhio\\nOregon\\nPennsylvania.\\nRhode Island.\\nSouth Carolina\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVermont\\nVirginia\\nWest Virginia.\\nWisconsin\\nTotals\\nPopular Vote.\\nc3 cS\\n5 C3\\npq\\n56,197\\n58,752\\n124,816\\n50,774\\n74,584\\n12,973\\n26,657\\n40,496\\n370,473\\n263,361\\n211,598\\n182,934\\n155,134\\n30,484\\n73,734\\n99,986\\n183,892\\n236,370\\n142,492\\n30,096\\n236,257\\n108,425\\n7,229\\n45,728\\n144,344\\n648,759\\n134,784\\n416,054\\n33,291\\n526,091\\n21,968\\n13,736\\n138,988\\n88,422\\n45,192\\n150,438\\n77,791\\n176,553\\n5,439,853 5,540,329\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\ne8\\nIS\\nS3 u\\nl*\\nu\\n117,320\\n85,962\\n117,729\\n37,567\\n74,920\\n16,414\\n39,561\\n100,499\\n348,278\\n261,013\\n179,887\\n103,744\\n183,800\\n85,032\\n50,481\\n106,168\\n151,856\\n213,459\\n104,385\\n85,471\\n261,974\\n80,552\\n5,362\\n43,458\\n151,493\\n635,757\\n147,902\\n396,455\\n26,522\\n446,633\\n17,530\\n65,825\\n158,779\\n234,883\\n16,785\\n151,977\\n79,664\\n155,232\\nfa u\\nw\\no\\nV\\n583\\n641\\n5,761\\n2,191\\n4,234\\n400\\n423\\n1,808\\n21,695\\n9,881\\n3,550\\n6,768\\n5,225\\n160\\n2,691\\n4,767\\n8,701\\n20,942\\n15,311\\n218\\n4,539\\n9,429\\n41\\n1,593\\n7,904\\n30,231\\n2,787\\n24,356\\n1,677\\n20,947\\n1,250\\n5,969\\n4,749\\n1,460\\n1,678\\n669\\n14,277\\n249,506\\nm o\\no\\n10,613\\n1,266\\n240\\n136\\n7,090\\n2,694\\n9,105\\n37,726\\n622\\n39\\n1,344\\n4,541\\n1,094\\n22\\n18,632\\n4,226\\n13\\n626\\n32\\n3,496\\n363\\n3,873\\n18\\n48\\n29,459\\n1,064\\n8,552\\n146,935\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\n22\\n15\\n13\\n9\\n14\\n13\\n7\\n5\\n3\\n4\\n36\\n23\\n3\\n30\\n4\\n4\\n11\\n233\\n3\\ne\\nS3\\n10\\n7\\n6\\n3\\n4\\n12\\n13\\n9\\n16\\n9\\n11\\n12\\n13\\n12\\n6\\n168\\n333", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0403.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nCleveland lost his election in 1888 by his message to\\nCongress, delivered a year before, making the tariff and\\nrevenue question the sole issue before the country. His\\nmessage referred to no other question than the issue of\\nreduced revenues and taxes. I saw him on Saturday night\\nbefore the meeting of Congress, and with Speaker Carlisle,\\nwho was to be re-elected to the Speakership on the following\\nMonday, earnestly urged him to modify his message. Car-\\nlisle was quite as positive as I was in assuring him that it\\nwould result in disaster to himself and his administration.\\nHis answer was that possibly we were right, but that it was\\na duty that should be performed, and while he might fall,\\nhe believed the country would vindicate him at an early day.\\nHe was a man who gave very serious thought to his official\\nduties, performed them with great fidelity, and when con-\\nvinced as to his duty none could dissuade him from his\\npurpose. But for that message he would certainly have been\\nre-elected President in 1888.\\nCleveland entered the Presidency enjoying the confidence\\nand respect of the country in a much larger degree than is\\nusually accorded to new Presidents. His record as Mayor of\\nBuffalo, as Governor of New York, and his political and\\nofficial utterances generally were all in the line of the purest\\nand best politics, and the sturdiness with which he main-\\ntained his convictions even against all considerations of ex-\\npediency compelled the respect alike of friend and foe. No\\nmore conscientious man ever filled the Executive chair of the\\nnation, and I doubt whether any other President gave such\\ntireless labor to the duties of the office. His Cabinet officers\\nwere simply advisory as to the direction of their departments,\\nand every question of importance came to him for final de-\\ncision. I think he was as nearly capable of giving up the\\nPresidency to maintain his convictions as any man who ever\\nfilled the position.\\nHe certainly knew when he sent his tariff message to Con-\\ngress against the advice of nearly all of those upon whose\\npolitical judgment he most depended, that he was inviting\\npolitical disaster, and that he was inviting it when the Repub-\\nlican leaders freely confessed their inability to defeat his re-\\nelection. He had inspired the interest of the best political\\nelements of the country by his courageous support of civil\\nservice reform, that was then in its infancy. He did it with\\nthe full knowledge that he had a party behind him that was\\n334", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0404.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nmost unwilling to surrender the spoils of power to any sen-\\ntiment, however sacred. I met him very often during his first\\nterm, and was sometimes invited to come to the Executive\\nMansion after ten o clock at night, when he would willingly\\nconverse until the small hours in the morning. These habits\\nwere improved when the beautiful and accomplished wife\\ncame as mistress to the White House, and it was delightful\\nto see his ordinarily rather heavy face brighten when he\\nspoke of the woman who had brought into his life a measure\\nof happiness to which he had ever before been stranger. I\\nmet him frequently during the contest of 1888, and while he\\nhoped that he might be re-elected he was not confident. I\\nsaw him soon after his defeat, and no man ever bore great\\npolitical disaster with such serene philosophy. He knew that\\nhis tariff message had defeated him, but he said that he\\nbelieved it better that he should be thus defeated than not to\\nhave faced the issue as he did.\\nIn reviewing the contest, he said that he had but a single\\nunpleasant memory of it and its results, and that was that\\nthe malicious scandals of some of his most unscrupulous foes\\nrelating to his domestic life had brought sorrow to the dear\\nlittle woman, to use his own expression, who deserved the\\nrespect and protection of every one. Some of the desperate\\nTammany leaders had formulated the scandals against Cleve-\\nland s domestic life, distributed them broadcast in a circular\\nat the St. Louis convention, and there are always many whose\\npolitical prejudices make them welcome and accept such\\nassaults upon a political nominee. I was much with Cleve-\\nland during his first and second terms of the Presidency, and\\nalso during the interval, and a more affectionate and devoted\\nhusband I have never seen. He was not a man to exhibit the\\narts of the demagogue, for to them he was an entire stranger,\\nbut I saw him tell the story of his home life more eloquently\\nthan words could ever have given it, when, on the 4th of\\nMarch, 1893, as he was about to leave the large parlor of the\\nArlington, crowded with his many friends, to go to the in-\\nauguration ceremony, he stepped up to his wife, gave her a\\nhearty kiss and affectionately patted her on the head, as he\\nbowed himself off to accept the highest civil trust of the\\nworld.\\nGreatly as Cleveland s tariff message had obstructed his\\nelection, he would have succeeded but for the perfidy of Tam-\\nmany. He carried the country by nearly 100,000 popular\\n335", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0405.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nmajority, being much larger than the popular majority he re-\\nceived in 1884, but the electoral vote of New York lost him\\nthe Presidency. The betrayal of Cleveland by Tammany\\nwas clearly evident by the returns of the election in that\\nState. Cleveland was at the head of the Democratic ticket\\nfor President, and Governor Hill, the favorite of Tammany,\\nwas on the same ticket for Governor, and he was re-elected\\nby a majority of 19,171, while Cleveland lost the State by a\\nmajority of 14,373. Tammany and Mr. Dana, of the Sun,\\nthat was then the Tammany organ, had their revenge.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0406.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "THE CLEVELAND-HARRISON-\\nWEAVER CONTEST\\n1892\\nPresident Harrison had anything but a tranquil adminis-\\ntration. Soon after his inauguration bitter factional strife\\nwas developed, and he seemed never to be able to get into\\nanything approaching close and sympathetic relations with\\nthe leaders of his party. He was much like Cleveland in his\\nconscientious devotion to his public duties, and he was poorly\\nequipped and had little taste for political direction. He was\\ngenerally respected by the people of all parties, but he held\\nthe political leaders of his own faith at arm s length. Senator\\nQuay called upon him soon after his inauguration, expecting\\nto receive the generous thanks of the President for his man-\\nagement of the desperate campaign that had given him and\\nthe party victory; but Quay s political trust in his chieftain\\nwas greatly chilled as the President congratulated his Field\\nMarshal that Providence had been with them in the contest\\nand carried them safely through. While Quay is of the same\\nold-school Presbyterian stock as Harrison, and had the train-\\ning of his Presbyterian minister father, his faith in foreordi-\\nnation was not so rugged as to assume that Providence\\nwould have carried Harrison through if Quay had not ex-\\nhausted all political resources, regular and irregular, to\\nwrest New York from Cleveland and give Harrison the vic-\\ntory. Cameron, who had served in the Senate with Harrison,\\nwhile he had entire faith in the integrity and ability of the\\nnew President, had no faith in his political usefulness, and\\nfrom the start there were not the most cordial relations\\nbetween the Pennsylvania Senators and the administration.\\nHarrison had failed to carry the popular majority over\\nCleveland, and the Republican majority in both Senate and\\nHouse was regarded as too small for the present and future\\n337", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0407.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nsafety of the party. It was this political necessity that led\\nto the admission of the six new States of North and South\\nDakota, Montana. Idaho. Washington, and Wyoming, which\\nwere expected to bring 12 additional Republican Senators, 7\\nadditional Republican Congressmen, and 19 additional Re-\\npublican electoral votes. How sadly the Republican leaders\\nmiscalculated on these new States is shown by the fact that\\nIdaho and North Dakota voted for Weaver, while Montana\\nand Wyoming were saved by nominal majorities, and all of\\nthese States, with the exception of North Dakota, voted\\nagainst the Republican candidate for President in 1896.\\nThe small Republican majority in the House was rapidly\\nand ruthlessly increased by admitting Republican contestants\\nregardless of the merits of their claims, and the whole policy\\nof the Republican leadership, outside of Harrison himself,\\nwho did not inspire it, was to maintain Republican supremacy\\nby might, regardless of right. Not only were six new States\\nadded, but a new Force bill was decided upon to restore\\nRepublican supremacy in the South. The attempt to revive\\nsuch a measure was simply midsummer madness, as it was\\nopposed by the entire conservative Republican element and\\narrayed the South in implacable hostility to the administra-\\ntion. Blaine had defeated the Force bill when it was urged\\nunder the Grant administration, and Senator J. Donald\\nCameron defeated it under the Harrison administration.\\nCameron had decided the contest between M. C. Butler,\\nDemocrat, and David T. Corbin, Republican, of South\\nCarolina, in 1877. Corbin was one of the ablest of the South\\nCarolina carpet-baggers, and was elected by the Republican\\nLegislature, that had been finally dispersed by President\\nHayes refusing to support it, and Butler had been elected\\nby the Hampton or Democratic Legislature.\\nThere was a peculiar condition of affairs in South Carolina\\nat the time. Patterson, the Republican Senator from that\\nState, was a fugitive after the Hampton Government attained\\npower, and Small. Cardoza, and a number of other colored\\nleaders and officials in the State were under indictment for\\nembezzlement and other frauds, and some of them had been\\nconvicted. On the other side, a number of Democratic\\ncitizens of South Carolina were under indictment in the\\nFederal Courts for outrages perpetrated by them in the\\nKu Klux organization, and had the course of justice been\\npermitted to go on without interruption, a large number of\\n338", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0408.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nthe leaders of both sides would have ended in prison. A\\ntruce was agreed upon, and finally an unwritten but well-\\nmaintained agreement was reached that there should be no\\nfurther prosecution of the Ku Klux clan, and no further\\nprosecution of Senator Patterson or any of the other Repub-\\nlicans who were then at the mercy of the Democrats. This\\nwas assented to by the Democrats on condition that Butler\\nshould be admitted to the Senate, and Cameron was the\\nman who accomplished it.\\nWhen the new Force bill came up under the Harrison\\nadministration, Cameron was earnestly opposed to it, and\\nhe is entitled to the full credit of having defeated it. His\\nSenatorial term expired on the 4th of March, 1891, and he\\nwas a candidate for re-election before a Republican Legis-\\nlature that had been chosen in the fall of 1890, when the\\nDemocrats elected Pattison, Democrat, to his second term\\nas Governor. It was expected that the vote on the Force\\nbill would be had before the Senatorial election, and Cameron\\nwas threatened with defeat if he did not line up with the\\nparty in its favor. A majority of the considerate Repub-\\nlicans of Pennsylvania doubtless agreed with him, but he\\nhad many political enemies, and they would have been glad\\nhad he given them an opportunity to attack him as opposing\\nthe accepted policy of the party.\\nSome time before the Legislature met, Cameron requested\\nme to meet him at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia.\\nHe stated the case frankly; said he could command the\\nRepublican nomination for Senator without a doubt and\\nby a large majority, but that if the Democrats would unite\\nwith the bolting Republicans, he might be defeated if a vote\\nwas reached on the Force bill before the Senatorial election\\nand he voting against it. What he desired was the assur-\\nance that if Cameron was threatened with defeat by the\\nRepublicans because of his opposition to the Force bill, the\\nDemocrats should not permit him to be crucified for opposing\\nand defeating a bill that they were most anxious to have\\ndefeated. Pattison had been elected Governor and William\\nF. Harrity had been announced as the coming Secretary of\\nthe Commonwealth. I said to Cameron that both of them\\nwere within two squares of us and that I could ascertain\\ntheir views in a very few minutes. I immediately called on\\nPattison and Harrity, presented the case to them, and they\\nboth authorized me to give the assurance to Senator Cameron\\n339", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0409.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nI: he :rr:e r\\nhe 1 en: :nr r _:\\nresrh 15 hhs.: Lrr:e:\\nclzhz iz z his r:r:::::\\n_ 5 nr:\\nrr: -:s r:: :re\\nTariff bill of i8\u00c2\u00a3o. Pr\\nthe _:rrriree is\\nof 1890 was kno~ r: as the I\\nhhr srv :::i: he rr\\n:rers:ve fear-res r:: 5:::e\\nere ::r:e :y :he m;:h:\\n2:: :r:i :::e 5 rive\\n:rs :he Reru :li\\nZ hie:: -ere i he r .:es:\\nhes: it _ :~h t 1 shirr\\nand soon after the McKinley\\nthe situation tree! v. and was\\nresrh :e :rr:r:~ elerr::\\nriirr he:.2.rst his\\nDemocrats would not\\nhat they would regard\\nriotic of his public acts.\\ni::: he rr :her_ size.\\nrrerir Te; hh iirr\\nto be sacrificed. The\\nby Republican votes,\\n:h ~2.= eh rriers::\\nlent McKinley was then d\\nS rr: Ferris 1::: :e T:\\ne McKinley Tariff, but i\\nis overruled in many of i\\n:e :he s: :::r rnrr 5\\n~h:\\nrherr rr\\n:h:.r:i\\nafter :he issire :he\\nhe ri ::::~ie:::\\nhe 15 rrenry rrsrrhrer:\\n5.: ::5i5:r; 5 lerrer: e\\n:he MTh::h; Tarrr\\nthat the RepubHcans had\\n:5o: hr: --her r:e Terrh\\na candidate the contest\\nby the more intelligent an\\n:he rhr :i. srrr\\nsuddenly retiring from tl\\nconvention met. His let)\\nemphatic It was notice\\nzeise: he :r rr:-rhv\\nThe 7.e:::. h:ir. e:\\n7th of June, with J. Sloal\\nsrl Trerrrr ihiir. T\\npresident. When McKinl\\nr/er.r r. re 11: r:: err\\nband it,\\nI:: :r\\nE.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0410.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ntion, but the swiftly changing events of American politics\\nmade him what was regarded as a hopeful candidate before\\na ballot was reached, and he was voted for by all of his\\nOhio delegates, excepting himself, who voted for Harrison.\\nThe ist and only ballot resulted as follows:\\nBenjamin Harrison, Ind...535|\\nJames G. Blaine, Maine. 182f\\nWm. McKinley, Jr., Ohio.. 182\\nThomas B. Reed, Maine 4\\nRobert T. Lincoln, Illinois.. 1\\nWhitelaw Reid, of New York, was nominated for Vice-\\nPresident by acclamation. The following platform was\\nunanimously adopted\\nThe representatives of the Republicans of the United States, as-\\nsembled in general convention on the shores of the Mississippi River,\\nthe everlasting bond of an indestructible republic, whose most\\nglorious chapter of history is the record of the Republican party,\\ncongratulate their countrymen on the majestic march of the nation\\nunder the banners inscribed with the principles of our platform of\\n1888, vindicated by victory at the polls and prosperity in our fields,\\nworkshops, and mines, and make the following declaration of prin-\\nciples\\nWe reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call atten-\\ntion to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condi-\\ntion of our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of\\nthe Republican Congress.\\nWe believe that all articles which cannot be produced in the United\\nStates, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that\\non all imports coming into competition with the products of Amer-\\nican labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference be-\\ntween wages abroad and at home.\\nWe assert that the prices of manufactured articles of general con-\\nsumption have been reduced under the operations of the Tariff Act\\nof 1890.\\nWe denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House\\nof Representatives to destroy our tariff laws piecemeal, as is mani-\\nfested by their attacks upon wool, lead, and lead ores, the chief prod-\\nucts of a number of States, and we ask the people for their judgment\\nthereon.\\nWe point to the success of the Republican policy of reciprocity,\\nunder which our export trade has vastly increased, and new and\\nenlarged markets have been opened for the products of our farms\\nand workshops.\\nWe remind the people of the bitter opposition of the Democratic\\nparty to this practical business measure, and claim that, executed by\\na Republican administration, our present laws will eventually give us\\ncontrol of the trade of the world.\\nThe American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetal-\\nlism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and sil-\\nver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such pro-\\n341", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0411.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nvisions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the mainte-\\nnance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchas-\\ning and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold, or\\npaper, shall be at all times equal. The interests of the producers\\nof the country, its farmers and its workingmen, demand that every\\ndollar, paper or coin, issued by the Government, shall be as good as\\nany other.\\nWe commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by our\\nGovernment to secure an international conference to adopt such\\nmeasures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver\\nfor use as money throughout the world.\\nWe demand that every citizen of the United States shall be al-\\nlowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections,\\nand that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such\\nlaws shall be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen,\\nbe he rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sov-\\nereign right guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest\\npopular ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people, as\\nwell as their just and equal protection under the laws, are the foun-\\ndation of our republican institutions, and the party will never relax\\nits efforts until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections\\nshall be fully guaranteed and protected in every State.\\nWe denounce the continued inhuman outrages perpetrated upon\\nAmerican citizens for political reasons in certain Southern States\\nof the Union.\\nWe favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restoration\\nof our mercantile marine by home-built ships, and the creation of a\\nnavy for the protection of our national interests and the honor of\\nour flag: the maintenance of the most friendly relations with all\\nforeign powers, entangling alliances with none, and the protection\\nof the rights of our fishermen.\\nWe reaffirm our approval of the Monroe Doctrine, and believe in\\nthe achievement of the manifest destiny of tHe Republic in its broad-\\nest sense.\\nWe favor the enactment of more stringent laws and regulations\\nfor the restriction of criminal, pauper, and contract immigration.\\nWe favor efficient legislation by Congress to protect the life and\\nlimbs of employes of transportation companies engaged in carrying\\non interstate commerce, and recommend legislation by the respective\\nStates that will protect employes engaged in State commerce, in\\nmining, and manufacturing.\\nThe Republican party has always been the champion of the\\noppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of\\nfaith, color, or nationality it sympathizes with the cause of home\\nrule in Ireland, and protests against the persecution of the Jews in\\nRussia.\\nThe ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelli-\\ngence of the people and the maintenance of freedom among men.\\nWe therefore declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and\\nconscience, of speech and press, and approve all agencies and instru-\\nmentalities which contribute to the education of the children of the\\nland; but, while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious lib-\\nerty, we are opposed to any union of Church and State.\\nWe reaffirm our opposition, declared in the Republican platform\\n342", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0412.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nof 1888, to all combinations of capital, organized in trusts or other-\\nwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens.\\nWe heartily endorse the action already taken upon this subject, and\\nask for such further legislation as may be required to .remedy any\\ndefects in existing laws, and to render their enforcement more\\ncomplete and effective.\\nWe approve the policy of extending to towns, villages, and rural\\ncommunities the advantages of the free delivery service, now en-\\njoyed by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the declara-\\ntion contained in the Republican platform of 1888, pledging the\\nreduction of letter postage to one cent, at the earliest possible mo-\\nment consistent with the maintenance of the Post-office Department,\\nand the highest class of postal service.\\nWe commend the spirit and evidence of reform in the civil ser-\\nvice, and the wise and consistent enforcement by the Republican\\nparty of the laws regulating the same.\\nThe construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest impor-\\ntance to the American people, both as a measure of national defence\\nand to build up and maintain American commerce, and it should be\\ncontrolled by the United States Government.\\nWe favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest\\npractical date, having due regard to the interests of the people of\\nthe Territories and of the United States. All the Federal officers\\nappointed for the Territories should be selected from bona fide\\nresidents thereof, and the right of self-government should be ac-\\ncorded as far as practicable.\\nWe favor cession, subject to the homestead laws, of the arid pub-\\nlic lands to the States and Territories in which they lie, under such\\nCongressional restrictions as to disposition, reclamation, and occu-\\npancy by settlers as will secure the maximum benefits to the people.\\nThe World s Columbian Exposition is a great national under-\\ntaking, and Congress should promptly enact such reasonable legis-\\nlation in aid thereof as will insure a discharge of the expenses and\\nobligations incident thereto, and the attainment of results commen-\\nsurate with the dignity and progress of the nation.\\nIn temperance we sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts\\nto lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote moral-\\nEver mindful of the services and sacrifices of the men who saved\\nthe life of the nation, we pledge anew to the veteran soldiers of the\\nRepublic a watchful care and recognition of their just claims upon a\\ngrateful people.\\nWe commend the able, patriotic, and thoroughly American admin-\\nistration of President Harrison. Under it the country has enjoyed\\nremarkable prosperity, and the dignity and honor of the nation, at\\nhome and abroad, have been faithfully maintained, and we offer the\\nrecord of pledges kept as a guarantee of faithful performance in the\\nfuture.\\nThe Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on\\nJune 21, and Cleveland was nominated for a third time after\\nthe most desperate and acrimonious strife I have ever wit-\\nnessed in a national convention. It was on that occasion\\n343", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0413.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthat Bourke Cockran made a speech against Cleveland that\\ngave him national fame, and it was one of extraordinary\\nability and power. The convention was really adverse to\\nCleveland s nomination. Had a majority of the delegates\\nfollowed their own personal inclinations he would have been\\ndefeated, and he was nominated solely by the matchless lead-\\nership of William C. Whitney. But for him and his won-\\nderful skill and energy, the convention would have run away\\nfrom Cleveland at the outset. Never in the history of Amer-\\nican politics w r as there such an achievement as the nomina-\\ntion of Cleveland over the solid and aggressively hostile vote\\nof his own State of New York, that was regarded as the\\npivotal State of the battle. Tammany had always opposed\\nCleveland in national conventions, but never before had con-\\ntrol of the delegation against him, and a protest was pub-\\nlished to the convention signed by every delegate from the\\nState, demanding his defeat.\\nCleveland was strong with the people, but weak with the\\npolitical leaders, and it was only Whitney s masterful man-\\nagement of the convention that held it to Cleveland. The\\nplatform was made by the enemies of Cleveland the nomi-\\nnation for Vice-President was made over his friends, and\\nthe hostility to him was so pronounced that the opposing\\nleaders were confident of his defeat at the polls. The con-\\nvention sat at night and far on in the morning hours, when\\nCleveland received 617 votes, just ten more than were neces-\\nsary to nominate him. Had he not been nominated on that\\nballot his defeat would have been certain.\\nThe strength of Cleveland s position before the people was\\npointedly illustrated by his nomination in a convention that\\nwas not specially friendly, but that was forced to make him\\nthe candidate because of the overwhelming popular Demo-\\ncratic sentiment that demanded it. A year or so before the\\nconvention met, he had written a brief and positive letter\\nagainst the free coinage of silver, and the Democrats of the\\nSouth and W^est almost with one voice declared against him\\nat the time, but when the Democratic people faced the con-\\nditions presented by the battle of 1892, the masses came to\\nthe support of Cleveland and the leaders were compelled to\\nfollow. The cheap-money craze had made serious inroads\\nin both of the great parties, and the Republican platform\\nwas a weak and awkward straddle of the whole issue, while\\nthe Democratic convention had an honest money plank\\n344", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0414.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ndeclaring for bimetallism and the free use of gold and silver\\nwith the intrinsic value of the dollar to be maintained.\\nThe Democratic Convention at Chicago was presided over\\nby William C. Owens, of Kentucky, as temporary president,\\nand William L. Wilson, of West Virginia, as permanent\\npresident. After a protracted and acrimonious discussion\\nthat extended the session of the convention of the second day\\nuntil long after midnight, the ballot for President was finally\\nreached, resulting as follows\\nGrover Cleveland, N. Y. ..617^\\nDavid B. Hill, N. Y 114\\nHorace Boies, Iowa 103\\nArthur P. Gorman, Md. 36^\\nAdlai E. Stevenson, 111... 16%\\nJohn G. Carlisle, Ky 14\\nWm. R. Morrison, 111 3\\nJames E. Campbell, Ohio. 2\\nWm. C. Whitney, N. Y 1\\nWm. E. Russell, Mass 1\\nRobert E. Pattison, Penn 1\\nThere was an animated contest for Vice-President, and\\nthe special friends of Cleveland were united in favor of Isaac\\nP. Gray, of Indiana, but they were defeated in their choice,\\nas they were on several vital points of the platform. Only\\none ballot was had for Vice-President, resulting as follows\\nAdlai E. Stevenson, 111 402\\nIsaac P. Gray, Ind. 344\\nAllen B. Morse,Mich 86\\nJohn L. Mitchell, Wis 45\\nHenry Watterson, Ky 26\\nBourke Cockran, N. Y 5\\nLambert Tree, 111 1\\nHorace Boies, Iowa 1\\nStevenson had not received the requisite two-thirds, but\\nhe so far outstripped the candidate of the Cleveland leaders\\nthat they cordially acquiesced, and the nomination of Steven-\\nson was made unanimous. The following platform was\\nadopted after having been amended in open convention,\\nwhere the tariff plank of the platform was substituted for\\nthe more temperate plank reported by the committee, by a\\nvote of 564 to 342.\\nSection i. The representatives of the Democratic party of the\\nUnited States, in national convention assembled, do reaffirm their\\nallegiance to the principles of the party as formulated by Jeffer-\\nson, and exemplified by the long and illustrious line of his suc-\\ncessors in Democratic leadership, from Madison to Cleveland we\\nbelieve the public welfare demands that these principles be applied\\nto the conduct of the Federal Government through the accession\\nto power of the party that advocates them; and we solemnly de-\\nclare that the need of a return to these fundamental principles of\\na free popular government, based on home rule and individual\\n345", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0415.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nliberty, was never more urgent than now, when the tendency to\\ncentralize all power at the Federal capital has become a menace\\nto the reserved rights of the States that strikes at the very roots of\\nour Government under the Constitution as framed by the fathers\\nof the Republic.\\nSec. 2. We warn the people of our common country, jealous for\\nthe preservation of their free institutions, that the policy of Federal\\ncontrol of elections to which the Republican party has committed\\nitself is fraught with the greatest dangers, scarcely less momentous\\nthan would result from a revolution practically establishing mon-\\narchy on the ruins of the Republic. It strikes at the North as well\\nas the South, and injures the colored citizen even more than the\\nwhite. It means a horde of deputy marshals at every polling-place\\narmed with Federal power, returning boards appointed and con-\\ntrolled by Federal authority, the outrage of the electoral rights of\\nthe people in the several States, the subjugation of the colored peo-\\nple to the control of the party in power, and the reviving of race\\nantagonisms now happily abated, of the utmost peril to the safety\\nand happiness of all; a measure deliberately and justly described\\nby a leading Republican Senator as the most infamous bill that\\never crossed the threshold of the Senate. Such a policy, if sanc-\\ntioned by law, would mean the dominance of a self-perpetuating\\noligarchy of office-holders, and the party first intrusted with its ma-\\nchinery could be dislodged from power only by an appeal to the re-\\nserved right of the people to resist oppression, which is inherent in\\nall self-governing communities. Two years ago, this revolutionary\\npolicy was emphatically condemned by the people at the polls but\\nin contempt of that verdict, the Republican party has defiantly de-\\nclared in its latest authoritative utterance that its success in the\\ncoming elections will mean the enactment of the Force bill, and the\\nusurpation of despotic control over elections in all the States. Be-\\nlieving that the preservation of republican government in the United\\nStates is dependent upon the defeat of this policy of legalized force\\nand fraud; we invite the support of all citizens who desire to see\\nthe Constitution maintained in its integrity, with the laws pursuant\\nthereto, which have given our country a hundred years of unex-\\nampled prosperity and we pledge the Democratic party, if it be\\nintrusted with power, not only to the defeat of the Force bill, but\\nalso to relentless opposition to the Republican policy of profligate\\nexpenditure, which in the short space of two years has squandered\\nan enormous surplus, and emptied an overflowing treasury, after\\npiling new burdens of taxation upon the already overtaxed labor\\nof the country.\\nSec. 3. We denounce the Republican protection as a fraud, a\\nrobbery of the great majority of the American people for the benefit\\nof the few. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the\\nDemocratic party that the Federal Government has no constitu-\\ntional power to impose and collect tariff duties, except for the pur-\\nposes of revenue only, and we demand that the collection of such\\ntaxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government when\\nhonestly and economically administered.\\nWe denounce the McKinley Tariff law enacted by the Fifty-first\\nCongress as the culminating atrocity of class legislation we endorse\\nthe efforts made by the Democrats of the present Congress to modify\\n346", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0416.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nits most oppressive features in the direction of free raw materials\\nand cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general consump-\\ntion, and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results that\\nwill follow the action of the people in intrusting power to the\\nDemocratic party. Since the McKinley Tariff went into operation,\\nthere have been ten reductions of the wages of laboring men to\\none increase. We deny that there has been any increase of pros-\\nperity to the country since that tariff went into operation, and we\\npoint to the dulness and distress, the wage reductions and strikes\\nin the iron trade, as the best possible evidence that no such prosperity\\nhas resulted from the McKinley act.\\nWe call the attention of thoughtful Americans to the fact that,\\nafter thirty years of restrictive taxes against the importation of\\nforeign wealth in exchange for our agricultural surplus, the homes\\nand farms of the country have become burdened with a real estate\\nmortgage debt of over $2,500,000,000, exclusive of all other forms\\nof indebtedness that in one of the chief agricultural States of the\\nWest there appears a real estate mortgage debt averaging $165\\nper capita of the total population, and that similar conditions and\\ntendencies are shown to exist in the other agricultural exporting\\nStates. We denounce a policy which fosters no industry so much\\nas it does that of the sheriff.\\nSec. 4. Trade interchange on the basis of reciprocal advantage to\\nthe countries participating is a time-honored doctrine of the Demo-\\ncratic faith; but we denounce the sham reciprocity which juggles\\nwith the people s desire for enlarged foreign markets and freer\\nexchanges by pretending to establish closer trade relations for a\\ncountry whose articles of export are almost exclusively agricul-\\ntural products with other countries that are also agricultural, while\\nerecting a custom-house barrier of prohibitive tariff taxes against\\nthe richest countries of the world, that stand ready to take our\\nentire surplus of products, and to exchange therefor commodities\\nwhich are necessaries and comforts of life among our own people.\\nSec. 5. We recognize, in the trusts and combinations which are\\ndesigned to enable capital to secure more than its just share of\\nthe joint, product of capital and labor, a natural consequence of the\\nprohibitive taxes which prevent the free competition which is the\\nlife of honest trade, but we believe their worst evils can be abated\\nby law and we demand the rigid enforcement of the laws made\\nto prevent and control them, together with such further legisla-\\ntion in restraint of their abuses as experience may show to be\\nnecessary.\\nSec. 6. The Republican party, while professing a policy of re-\\nserving the public land for small holdings by actual settlers, has\\ngiven away the people s heritage, till now a few railroad and non-\\nresident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than\\nthat of all our farms between the two seas. The last Democratic\\nadministration reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the\\nRepublican party touching the public domain, and reclaimed from\\ncorporations and syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored to\\nthe people, nearly 100,000,000 acres of valuable land, to be sacredly\\nheld as homesteads for our citizens, and we pledge ourselves to\\ncontinue this policy until every acre of land so unlawfully held shall\\nbe reclaimed and restored to the people.\\n347", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0417.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSec. 7. We denounce the Republican legislation known as the\\nSherman act of 1890 as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possi-\\nbilities of danger in the future which should make all of its sup-\\nporters, as well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. We\\nhold to the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of\\nthe country, and to the coinage of both gold and silver without\\ndiscrimination against either metal or charge for mintage; but\\nthe dollar unit of coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic\\nand exchangeable value, or be adjusted through international agree-\\nment, or by such safeguards of legislation as shall insure the main-\\ntenance of the parity of the two metals, and the equal power of\\nevery dollar at all times in the markets and in the payment of debts;\\nand we demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and\\nredeemable in such coin. We insist upon this policy as especially\\nnecessary for the protection of the farmers and laboring classes, the\\nfirst and most defenceless victims of unstable money and a fluctuating\\ncurrency.\\nSec. 8. We recommend that the prohibitory ten per cent, tax on\\nState bank issues be repealed.\\n_ Sec. 9. Public office is a public trust. We reaffirm the declara-\\ntion of the Democratic National Convention of 1876 for the reform\\nof the civil service, and we call for the honest enforcement of all\\nlaws regulating the same. The nomination of a President, as in\\nthe recent Republican convention, by delegations composed largely\\nof his appointees, holding office at his pleasure, is a scandalous satire\\nupon free popular institutions, and a startling illustration of the\\nmethods by which a President may gratify his ambition. We de-\\nnounce a policy under which Federal office-holders usurp control of\\nparty conventions in the States, and we pledge the Democratic party\\nto the reform of these and all other abuses which threaten individual\\nliberty and local self-government.\\nSec. 10. The Democratic party is the only party that has ever\\ngiven the country a foreign policy consistent and vigorous, com-\\npelling respect abroad and inspiring confidence at home. While\\navoiding entangling alliances, it has aimed to cultivate friendly\\nrelations with other nations, and especially with our American\\nneighbors on the American continent whose destiny is closely\\nlinked with our own, and we view with alarm the tendency to a\\npolicy of irritation and bluster which is liable at any time to con-\\nfront us with the alternative of humiliation or war. We favor the\\nmaintenance of a navy strong enough for all purposes of national\\ndefence, and to properly maintain the honor and dignity of the\\ncountry abroad.\\nSec. 11. This country has always been the refuge of the op-\\npressed from every land exiles for conscience sake; and in the\\nspirit of the founders of our Government, we condemn the oppres-\\nsion practised by the Russian Government upon its Lutheran and\\nJewish subjects, and we call upon our National Government, in the\\ninterest of justice and humanity, by all just and proper means, to\\nuse its prompt and best efforts to bring about a cessation of these\\ncruel persecutions in the dominions of the Czar, and to secure to\\nthe oppressed equal rights. We tender our profound and earnest\\nsympathy to those lovers of freedom who are struggling for home\\nrule and the great cause of local self-government in Ireland.\\n348", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0418.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSec. 12. We heartily approve all legitimate efforts to prevent the\\nUnited States from being used as the dumping-ground for the known\\ncriminals and professional paupers of Europe; and we demand the\\nrigid enforcement of the laws against Chinese immigration, or the\\nimportation of foreign workmen under contract, to degrade Ameri-\\ncan labor and lessen its wages; but we condemn and denounce any\\nand all attempts to restrict the immigration of the industrious and\\nworthy of foreign lands.\\nSec. 13. This convention hereby renews the expression of ap-\\npreciation of the patriotism of the soldiers and sailors of the Union\\nin the war for its preservation, and we favor just and liberal pen-\\nsions for all disabled Union soldiers, their widows and dependents;\\nbut we demand that the work of the Pension Office shall be done\\nindustriously, impartially, and honestly. We denounce the present\\nadministration of that office as incompetent, corrupt, disgraceful,\\nand dishonest.\\nSec. 14. The Federal Government should care for and improve\\nthe Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Republic,\\nso as to secure for the interior States easy and cheap transporta-\\ntion to the tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic is of\\nsufficient importance to demand the aid of the Government, such\\naid should be extended for a denfinite plan of continuous work until\\npermanent improvement is secured.\\nSec. 15. For purposes of national defence and the promotion of\\ncommerce between the States, we recognize the early construction\\nof the Nicaragua Canal, and its protection against foreign control,\\nas of great importance to the United States.\\nSec. 16. Recognizing the World s Columbian Exposition as a\\nnational undertaking of vast importance, in which the General Gov-\\nernment has invited the co-operation of all the powers of the world,\\nand appreciating the acceptance by many of such powers of the\\ninvitation extended, and the broadest liberal efforts being made by\\nthem to contribute to the grandeur of the undertaking, we are of\\nthe opinion that Congress should make such necessary financial pro-\\nvision as shall be requisite to the maintenance of the national honor\\nand public faith.\\nSec. 17. Popular education being the only safe basis of popular\\nsuffrage, we recommend to the several States most liberal appro-\\npriations for the public schools. Free common schools are the\\nnursery of good government, and they have always received the\\nfostering care of the Democratic party, which favors every means\\nof increasing intelligence. Freedom of education, being an essen-\\ntial of civil and religious liberty, as well as a necessity for the de-\\nvelopment of intelligence, must not be interfered with under any\\npretext whatever. We are opposed to State interference with pa-\\nrental rights and rights of conscience in the education of children,\\nas an infringement of the fundamental Democratic doctrine that\\nthe largest individual liberty consistent with the rights of others\\ninsures the highest type of American citizenship and the best\\ngovernment.\\nSec. 18. We approve the action of the present House of Repre-\\nsentatives in passing bills for the admission into the Union as States\\nof the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona, and we favor the\\nearly admission of all the Territories having necessary population\\n349", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0419.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nand resources to admit them to Statehood and. while the} remain\\nTerritories, we hold that the officials appointed to administer the\\ngovernment of any Territory, together with the Districts of Columbia\\nand Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory or dis-\\ntrict in which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic\\nparty believes in home rule, and the control of their own affairs by\\nthe people of the vicinage.\\nSec. 19. We favor legislation by Congress and State Legislatures\\nto protect the lives and limbs of railway employees, and those of\\nother hazardous transportation companies, and denounce the inac-\\ntivity of the Republican party, and particularly the Republican\\nSenate, for causing the defeat of measures beneficial and protective\\nto this class of wageworkers.\\nSec. 20. We are in favor of the enactment by the States of laws\\nfor abolishing the notorious sweating system, for abolishing con-\\ntract convict labor, and for prohibiting the employment in factories\\nof children under fifteen 3-ears of age.\\nSec. 21. We are opposed to all sumptuary laws as an interfer-\\nence with the individual rights of the citizen.\\nSec 22. Upon this statement of principles and policies, the\\nDemocratic party asks the intelligent judgment of the American\\npeople. It asks a change of administration and a change of party\\nin order that there may be a change of system and a change of\\nmethods, thus assuring the maintenance unimpaired of institutions\\nunder which the Republic has grown great and powerful.\\nThe platform, as originally reported, contained, instead of\\nof the first paragraph of Section 3 above, the following\\nWe reiterate the oft-repeated doctrines of the Democratic party\\nthat the necessity of the Government is the only justification for\\ntaxation, and whenever a tax is unnecessary it is unjustifiable; that\\nwhen custom-house taxation is levied upon articles of any kind\\nproduced. in this country, the difference between the cost of labor\\nhere and labor abroad, when such a difference exists, fully\\nmeasures any possible benefits to labor; and the enormous addi-\\ntional impositions of the existing tariff fall with crushing force\\nupon our farmers and workingmen, and, for the mere advantage\\nof the few whom it enriches, exact from labor a grossly unjust\\nshare of the expenses of the Government; and we demand such a\\nrevision of the tariff laws as will remove their iniquitous inequali-\\nties, lighten their oppressions, and put them on a constitutional and\\nequitable basis. But in making reduction in taxes, it is not proposed\\nto injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote their healthy\\ngrowth. From the foundation of this Government, taxes collected\\nat the custom-house have been the chief source of Federal revenue.\\nSuch they must continue to be. Moreover, many industries have\\ncome to rely upon legislation for successful continuance, so that any\\nchange of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and\\ncapital thus involved. The process of reform must be subject in\\nthe execution to this plain dictate of justice.\\nThe National Prohibition Convention was held at Cincin-\\nnati on the 29th of June, with John P. St. John, of Kansas,\\n350", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0420.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nas temporary chairman, and Eli Ritter, of Indiana, as per-\\nmanent chairman. The convention remained in session two\\ndays. The following was the only ballot for President\\nJohn Bidwell, Cal 590\\nGideon T. Stewart, Ohio... 179\\nW. J. Demorest, N. Y 139\\nScattering 3\\nA single ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows\\nL P. Cranfill, Texas 417\\nJoshua Levering, Md 351\\nW. W. Satterlee, Minn. 26\\nT. R. Carskoden, W. Va 19\\nThe nominations of Bidwell and Cranfill were made unani-\\nmous. The following platform was adopted\\nThe Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, ac-\\nknowledging Almighty God as the source of all true government,\\nand His law as the standard to which all human enactments must\\nconform to secure the blessings of peace and prosperity, presents\\nthe following declaration of principles\\ni. The liquor traffic is a foe to civilization, the arch enemy of\\npopular government, and a public nuisance. It is the citadel of the\\nforces that corrupt politics, promote poverty and crime, degrade\\nthe nation s home life, thwart the will of the people, and deliver\\nour country into the hands of rapacious class interests. All laws\\nthat, under the guise of regulation, legalize and protect this traffic,\\nor make the Government share in its ill-gotten gains, are vicious\\nin principle and powerless as a remedy.\\nWe declare anew for the entire suppression of the manufacture,\\nsale, importation, exportation, and transportation of alcoholic liq-\\nuors as a beverage, by Federal and State legislation; and the full\\npowers of the Government should be exerted to secure this result.\\nAny party that fails to recognize the dominant nature of this issue\\nin American politics is undeserving of the support of the people.\\n2. No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of\\nsex, and equal labor should receive equal wages, without regard\\nto sex.\\n3. The money of the country should be gold, silver, and paper,\\nand be issued by the General Government only, and in sufficient\\nquantities to meet the demands of business and give full opportu-\\nnity for the employment of labor. To this end an increase in the\\nvolume of money is demanded, and no individual or corporation\\nshould be allowed to make any profit through its issue. It should\\nbe made a legal tender for the payment of all debts, public and\\nprivate. Its volume should be fixed at a definite sum per capita,\\nand made to increase with our increase in population.\\n4. We favor the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold.\\n(Rejected by the convention.)\\n5. Tariffs should be levied only as a defence against foreign gov-\\nernments which put tariffs upon or bar our products from their\\n351", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0421.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nmarkets, revenue being incidental. The residue of means necessary\\nto an economical administration of the Government should be raised\\nby levying a burden on what the people possess instead of upon what\\nwe consume.\\n6. Railroad, telegraph, and other public corporations should be\\ncontrolled by the Government in the interest of the people, and no\\nhigher charges allowed than necessary to give fair interest on the\\ncapital actually invested.\\n7. Foreign immigration has become a burden upon industry, one\\nof the factors in depressing wages and causing discontent there-\\nfore our immigration laws should be revised and strictly enforced.\\nThe time of residence for naturalization should be extended, and\\nno naturalized person should be allowed to vote until one year after\\nhe becomes a citizen.\\n8. Non-resident aliens should not be allowed to acquire land in\\nthis country, and we favor the limitation of individual and cor-\\nporate ownership of land. All unearned grants of lands to railroad\\ncompanies or other corporations should be reclaimed.\\n9. Years of inaction and treachery on the part of the Republican\\nand Democratic parties have resulted in the present reign of mob\\nlaw, and we demand that every citizen be protected in the right of\\ntrial by constitutional tribunals.\\n10. All men should be protected by law in their right to one day s\\nrest in seven.\\n11. Arbitration is the wisest and most economical and humane\\nmethod of settling national differences.\\n12. Speculations in margins, the cornering of grain, money, and\\nproducts, and the formation of pools, trusts, and combinations for\\nthe arbitrary advancement of prices, should be suppressed.\\n13. We pledge that the Prohibition party 7 if elected to power will\\never grant just pensions to disabled veterans of the Union army\\nand navy, their widows and orphans.\\n14. We stand unequivocally for the American public school, and\\nopposed to any appropriation of public moneys for sectarian schools.\\nWe declare that only by united support of such common schools,\\ntaught in the English language, can we hope to become and remain\\nan homogeneous and harmonious people.\\n15. We arraign the Republican and Democratic parties as false\\nto the standards reared by their founders as faithless to the prin-\\nciples of the illustrious leaders of the past to whom the} do homage\\nwith the lips; as recreant to the higher law, which is as inflexible\\nin political affairs as in personal life; and as no longer embodying\\nthe aspirations of the American people, or inviting the confidence of\\nenlightened progressive patriotism. Their protests against the ad-\\nmission of moral issues into politics is a confession of their own\\nmoral degenerac3^. The declaration of an eminent authority, that\\nmunicipal misrule is the one conspicuous failure of American\\npolitics, follows as a natural consequence of such degeneracy, and\\nis true alike of cities under Republican and Democratic control.\\nEach accuses the other of extravagance in Congressional appropria-\\ntions, and both are alike guilty each protests when out of power\\nagainst the infraction of the civil service laws, and each when in\\npower violates those laws in letter and spirit each professes fealty\\nto the interests of the toiling masses, but both covertly truckle to\\n352", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0422.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nthe money power in their administration of public affairs. Even the\\ntariff issue, as represented in the Democratic Mills bill and the\\nRepublican McKinley bill, is no longer treated by them as an issue\\nupon great and divergent principles of government, but is a mere\\ncatering to different sectional and class interests. The attempt in\\nmany States to wrest the Australian ballot system from its true\\npurpose, and to so deform it as to render it extremely difficult for\\nnew parties to exercise the rights of suffrage, is an outrage upon\\npopular government. The competition of both the parties for the\\nvote of the slums, and their assiduous courting of the liquor power\\nand subserviency to the money power, have resulted in placing those\\npowers in the position of practical arbiters of the destinies of the\\nnation. We renew our protest against these perilous tendencies, and\\ninvite all citizens to join us in the upbuilding of a party that, as\\nshown in five national campaigns, prefers temporary defeat to an\\nabandonment of the claims of justice, sobriety, personal rights, and\\nthe protection of American homes.\\nThe only opposition being to the fourth resolution declar-\\ning for the free coinage of silver, that was defeated by a vote\\nof 596 to 335.\\nThe campaign of 1892 gave birth to the People s party,\\nthat embraced the old Greenbackers and most of the other\\nodds and ends of former side political organizations, and\\nit proved to be an important factor in the struggle. It held\\nits national convention at Omaha on the 26. of July, with\\nC. H. Ellington, of Georgia, as temporary chairman and\\nH. L. Loucks, of South Dakota, as permanent president.\\nThe 1st and only ballot for President resulted as follows\\nJames B. Weaver, Iowa .995\\nJames H. Kyle, S. D 265\\nScattering\\nOnly one ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows\\nJames G. Field, Virginia. .733 II Benj. S. Terrell, Texas,\\n554\\nThe nominations of Weaver and Field were made unani-\\nmous and the following platform adopted\\nAssembled upon the 116th anniversary of the Declaration of Inde-\\npendence, the People s party of America, in their first national con-\\nvention, invoking upon their action the blessing of Almighty God,\\nputs forth, in the name and on behalf of the people of this country,\\nthe following preamble and declaration of principles\\nThe conditions which surround us best justify our co-operation;\\nwe meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral,\\npolitical, and material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot-box,\\nthe Legislature, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the\\n353", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0423.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nbench. The people are demoralized; most of the States have been\\ncompelled to isolate the voters at the polling-places to prevent uni-\\nversal intimidation or bribery. The newspapers are largely subsi-\\ndized or muzzled public opinion silenced business prostrated our\\nhomes covered with mortgages labor impoverished and the land\\nconcentrating in the hands of the capitalists. The urban workmen\\nare denied the right of organization for self-protection; imported\\npauperized labor beats down their wages; a hireling standing army,\\nunrecognized by our laws, is established to shoot them down, and\\nthey are rapidly degenerating into European conditions. The fruits\\nof the toil of millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes\\nfor a few, unprecedented in the history of mankind; and the pos-\\nsessors of these, in turn, despise the Republic and endanger liberty.\\nFrom the same prolific womb of governmental injustice we breed\\nthe two great classes of tramps and millionaires.\\nThe national power to create money is appropriated to enrich bond-\\nholders; a vast public debt, payable in legal tender currency, has\\nbeen funded into gold-bearing bonds, thereby adding millions to the\\nburdens of the people. Silver, which has been accepted as coin\\nsince the dawn of history, has been demonetized to add to the pur-\\nchasing power of gold by decreasing the value of all forms of prop-\\nerty as well as human labor and the supply of currency is purposely\\nabridged to fatten usurers, bankrupt enterprise, and enslave industry.\\nA vast conspiracy against mankind has been organized on two con-\\ntinents, and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If not met\\nand overthrown at once, it forebodes terrible social convulsions, the\\ndestruction of civilization, or the establishment of an absolute des-\\npotism.\\nWe have witnessed for more than a quarter of a century the strug-\\ngles of the two great political parties for power and plunder, while\\ngrievous wrongs have been inflicted upon the suffering people. We\\ncharge that the controlling influences dominating both these parties\\nhave permitted the existing dreadful condition to develop without\\nserious effort to prevent or restrain them. Neither do they now\\npromise us any substantial reform. They have agreed together to\\nignore in the campaign every issue but one. They propose to drown\\nthe outcries of a plundered people with the uproar of a sham battle\\nover the tariff, so that capitalists, corporations, national banks, rings,\\ntrusts, watered stock, the demonetization of silver, and the oppres-\\nsions of the usurers may all be lost sight of. They propose to sac-\\nrifice our homes, lives, and children on the altar of mammon to\\ndestroy the multitude in order to secure corruption funds from the\\nmillionaires.\\nAssembled on the anniversary of the birthday of the nation, and\\nfilled with the spirit of the grand general chief who established our\\nindependence, we seek to restore the government of the Republic\\nto the hands of the plain people, with whose class it originated.\\nWe assert our purposes to be identical with the purposes of the na-\\ntional Constitution, to form a more perfect union and establish\\njustice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence,\\npromote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty for\\nourselves and our posterity. We declare that this Republic can only\\nendure as a free Government while built upon the love of the whole\\npeople for each other and for the nation; that it cannot be pinned\\n354", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0424.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\ntogether by bayonets; that the civil war is over, and that, every pas-\\nsion and resentment which grew out of it must die with it; and that\\nwe must be in fact, as we are in name, one united brotherhood of\\nfreemen.\\nOur country finds itself confronted by conditions for which there\\nis no precedent in the history of the world our annual agricultural\\nproductions amount to billions of dollars in value, which must,\\nwithin a few weeks or months, be exchanged for billions of dollars\\nof commodities consumed in their production the existing currency\\nsupply is wholly inadequate to make this exchange the results are\\nfalling prices, the formation of combines and rings, the impoverish-\\nment of the producing class. We pledge ourselves, if given power,\\nwe will labor to correct these evils by wise and reasonable legisla-\\ntion, in accordance with the terms of our platform. We believe that\\nthe powers of Government in other words, of the people should be\\nexpanded (as in the case of the postal service) as rapidly and as\\nfar as the good sense of an intelligent people and the teachings of\\nexperience shall justify, to the end that oppression, injustice, and\\npoverty shall eventually cease in the land.\\nWhile our sympathies as a party of reform are naturally upon the\\nside of every proposition which will tend to make men intelligent,\\nvirtuous, and temperate, we nevertheless regard these questions\\nimportant as they are as secondary to the great issues now pressing\\nfor solution, and upon which not only our individual prosperity but\\nthe very existence of free institutions depends and we ask all men\\nto first help us to determine whether we are to have a Republic\\nto administer before we differ as to the conditions upon which it is\\nto be administered; believing that the forces of reform this day\\norganized will never cease to move forward until every wrong is\\nremedied, and equal rights and equal privileges securely established\\nfor all the men and women of this country.\\nWe declare, therefore\\nFirst. That the union of the labor forces of the United States this\\nday consummated shall be permanent and perpetual may its spirit\\nenter all hearts for the salvation of the Republic and the uplifting\\nof mankind\\nSecond. Wealth belongs to him who creates it, and every dollar\\ntaken from industry without an equivalent is robbery. If any will\\nnot work, neither shall he eat. The interests of rural and civic\\nlabor are the same; their enemies are identical.\\nThird. We believe that the time has come when the railroad cor-\\nporations will either own the people or the people must own the rail-\\nroads and, should the Government enter upon the work of owning\\nand managing all railroads, we should favor an amendment to the\\nConstitution by which all persons engaged in the Government ser-\\nvice shall be placed under a civil service regulation of the most rigid\\ncharacter, so as to prevent the increase of the power of the national\\nadministration by the use of such additional Government em-\\nployes.\\nWe demand\\nFirst, A national currency, safe, sound, and flexible, issued by the\\nGeneral Government only, a full legal tender for all debts, public\\nand private, and that, without the use of banking corporations, a\\njust, equitable, and efficient means of distribution direct to the peo-\\n355", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0425.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npie, at a tax not to exceed two per cent, per annum, to be provided\\nas set forth in the sub-treasury plan of the Farmers Alliance, or a\\nbetter system; also, by payments in discharge of its obligations for\\npublic improvements.\\n(a) We demand free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at\\nthe present legal ratio of sixteen to one.\\n(b) We demand that the amount of circulating medium be speed-\\nily increased to not less than lifty dollars per capita.\\n(c) We demand a graduated income tax.\\n(d) We believe that the money of the country should be kept as\\nmuch as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand\\nthat all State and national revenues shall be limited to the necessary\\nexpenses of the Government economically and honestly adminis-\\ntered.\\n(e) We demand that postal savings banks be established by the\\nGovernment for the safe deposit of the earnings of the people and\\nto facilitate exchange.\\nSecond, Transportation. Transportation being a means of ex-\\nchange and a public necessity, the Government should own and oper-\\nate the railroads in the interest of the people.\\n(a) The telegraph and telephone, like the post-office system,\\nbeing a necessity for the transmission of news, should be owned and\\noperated by the Government in the interest of the people.\\nThird, Land. The land, including all the natural sources of\\nwealth, is the heritage of the people, and should not be monopolized\\nfor speculative purposes, and alien ownership of land should be pro-\\nhibited. All land now held by railroads and other corporations in\\nexcess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned by aliens,\\nshould be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual set-\\ntlers only.\\nThe following supplemental report was made, not to be\\nregarded, as a part of the party platform, but as expressive\\nof the opinion of the party, as follows\\nWhereas, Other questions have been presented for our considera-\\ntion, we hereby submit the following, not as a part of the platform\\nof the People s party, but as resolutions expressive of the sentiment\\nof this convention.\\ni. Resolved, That we demand a free ballot and a fair count in all\\nelections, and pledge ourselves to secure it to every legal voter with-\\nout federal intervention, through the adoption by the States of the\\nunperverted Australian or secret ballot system.\\n2. Resolved, That the revenue derived from a graduated income\\ntax should be applied to the reduction of the burden of taxation now\\nresting upon the domestic industries of this country.\\n3. Resolved, That we pledge our support to fair and liberal pen-\\nsions to ex-Union soldiers and sailors.\\n4. Resolved, That we condemn the fallacy of protecting American\\nlabor under the present system, which opens our ports to the pauper\\nand criminal classes of the world, and crowds outour wage-earners;\\nand we denounce the present ineffective laws against contract labor,\\nand demand the further restriction of undesirable immigration.\\n356", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0426.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\n5. Resolved, That we cordially sympathize with the efforts of\\norganized workingmen to shorten the hours of labor, and demand\\na rigid enforcement of the existing eight-hour law on Government\\nwork, and ask that a penalty clause be added to the said law.\\n6. Resolved, That we regard the maintenance of a large stand-\\ning army of mercenaries, known as the Pinkerton system, as a\\nmenace to our liberties, and we demand its abolition; and we con-\\ndemn the recent invasion of the Territory of Wyoming by the hired\\nassassins of plutocracy, assisted by Federal officials.\\n7. Resolved, That we commend to the favorable consideration of\\nthe people and the reform press the legislative system known as the\\ninitiative and referendum.\\n8. Resolved, That we favor a constitutional provision limiting the\\noffice of President and Vice-President to one term, and providing\\nfor the election of Senators of the United States by a direct vote of\\nthe people.\\n9. Resolved, That we oppose any subsidy or national aid to any\\nprivate corporation for any purpose.\\nThe convention was a mass assembly, as Texas cast more\\nvotes than New York and nearly thrice the vote of Pennsyl-\\nvania.\\nThe Socialists Labor Convention met at New York on\\nthe 28th of August, and nominated Simon Wing, of Massa-\\nchusetts, for President and Charles H. Machett, of New\\nYork, for Vice-President, and adopted the following plat-\\nform\\nSocial Demands: I. Reduction of the hours of labor in propor- \\\\c\\ntion to the progress of production.\\n2. The United States shall obtain possession of the railroads,\\ncanals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means of public trans-\\nportation and communication.\\n3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads,\\nferries, water-works, gas-works, electric plants, and all industries\\nrequiring municipal franchises.\\n4. The public lands to be declared inalienable. Revocation of all\\nland grants to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which\\nhave not been complied with.\\n5. Legal incorporation by the States of local trade unions which\\nhave no national organization.\\n6. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money.\\n7. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific manage-\\nment of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the\\nnatural resources of the country. v\\n8. Inventions to be free to all the inventors to be remunerated by\\nthe nation.\\n9. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances the smaller\\nincomes to be exempt.\\n357", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0427.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n10. School education of all children under fourteen years of age\\nto be compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by public assist-\\nance in meals, clothing, books, etc., where necessary.\\n11. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary laws.\\nUnabridged right of combination.\\n12. Official statistics concerning the condition of labor. Prohi-\\nbition of the employment of children of school age, and of the em-\\nployment of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or\\nmorality. Abolition of the convict labor contract system.\\n13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United States.\\nEqualization of women s wages with those of men where equal ser-\\nvice is performed.\\n14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all occupations, and\\nan efficient employers liability law.\\nPolitical Demands: 1. The people to have the right to propose\\nlaws and to vote upon all measures of importance, according to the\\nreferendum principle.\\n2. Abolition of the Presidency. Vice-Presidency, and Senate of the\\nUnited States. An Executive Board to be established, whose mem-\\nbers are to be elected, and may at any time be recalled, by the House\\nof Representatives, as the only legislative body. The States and\\nmunicipalities to adopt corresponding amendments to their consti-\\ntutions and statutes.\\n3. Municipal self-government.\\n4. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and\\nequal right of suffrage, without regard to color, creed, or sex. Elec-\\ntion days to be legal holidays. The principle of minority represen-\\ntation to be introduced.\\n5. All public officers to be subject to recall by their respective con-\\nstituencies.\\n6. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United States.\\nAdministration of justice to be free of charge. Abolition of capital\\npunishment.\\nThe battle between Cleveland and Harrison was very\\nearnestly contested, and it will be remembered as the only\\ninstance in which the party of power was defeated when\\nthe country was prosperous. The McKinley Tariff bill had\\nlargely increased protection to our manufactures, but without\\nmaterially increasing wages. The result was an unusual\\nnumber of labor strikes, the most notable of which was that\\nof Homestead at the Carnegie works, and the Republicans\\nsuffered very generally throughout the country by the loss\\nof industrial votes.\\nThe following table presents the popular and electoral\\nvote of 1892", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0428.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "y-\\nkJuM^J\\nAND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSTATES.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nCalifornia\\nColorado\\nConnecticut\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nIdaho\\nIllinois\\n(Indiana\\nIowa\\nKansas\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaine\\nMaryland\\nMassachusetts..\\nMichigan\\nMinnesota\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nMontana\\nNebraska\\nNevada\\nNew Hampshire\\nNew Jersey\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2New York\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2North Carolina..\\nNorth Dakota.\\nOhio\\nOregon\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island\\nSouth Carolina..\\nSouth Dakota.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nVermont\\nVirginia\\nWashington\\nWest Virginia..\\nWisconsin\\nWyoming\\nTotals\\nPopular Voti\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a00\\no\\nCD\\nCD\\nC/2\\n2\\n3\\nu\\no\\nu\\nni\\na c\\noj a\\no\\nffl\\np o\\ni\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n.aS\\nso\\no\\nw\\n.go\\nrt\\nen\\nEj\\n13\\naj\\nCI\\nCD O\\na\\nO\\n11\\na\\na\\na\\no\\nto\\nu\\nu\\nflj\\nw\\na\\nu\\n4)\\nBj\\nCD\\n138,138\\n9,197\\n85,181\\n239\\n87,834\\n46,884\\n11,831\\n113\\n8\\n117,908\\n117,618\\n25,226\\n8,056\\n8\\n1\\n38,620\\n53,584\\n1,638\\n4\\n82,395\\n77,025\\n806\\n4,025\\n329\\n6\\n18,581\\n18,083\\n13\\n565\\n3\\n30,143\\n4,843\\n475\\n4\\n129,361\\n48,305\\n42,937\\n988\\n13\\n8,599\\n10,520\\n288\\n3\\n426,281\\n399,288\\n22,207\\n25,870\\n24\\n262,740\\n255,615\\n22,208\\n13,050\\n15\\n196,367\\n219,795\\n20,595\\n6,402\\n13\\n157,237\\n163,111\\n4,539\\n10\\n175,461\\n135,441\\n23,500\\n6,442\\n13\\n87,922\\n13,281\\n13,282\\n8\\n48,044\\n62,931\\n2,381\\n3,062\\n336\\n6\\n113,866\\n92,736\\n796\\n5,877\\n27\\n8\\n176,813\\n202,814\\n3,210\\n1,539\\n649\\n15\\n202,296\\nV 222,708\\n19,892\\n14,069\\n5\\n9\\n100,920\\n.122,823\\n29,313\\n12,182\\n9\\n40,237\\n1,406\\n10,256\\n910\\n9\\n268,398\\n226,918\\n41,213\\n4,331\\n17\\n17,581\\n18,851\\n7,334\\n549\\n3\\n24,943\\n87,227\\n83,134\\n4,902\\n8\\n714\\n2,811\\n7,264\\n89\\n3\\n42,081\\n45,658\\n292\\n1,297\\n4\\n171,042\\n156,068\\n969\\n8,131\\n1,337\\n10\\n654,868\\n609,350\\n16,429\\n38,190\\n17,956\\n36\\n132,951\\n100,342\\n44,736\\n2,636\\n11\\n__\\n17,519\\n17,700\\n899\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n404,115\\n405,187\\n14,850\\n26,012\\n1\\n22\\n14,243\\n35,002\\n26,965\\n2,281\\n3\\n1\\n452,264\\n516,011\\n8,714\\n25.123\\n898\\n32\\n24,335\\n26,972\\n228\\n1,654\\n4\\n54,692\\n13,345\\n2,407\\n9\\n9,081\\n34,888\\n26,544\\n4\\n138,874\\n100,331\\n23,447\\n4,851\\n12\\n239,148\\n81,444\\n99,688\\n2,165\\n15\\n16,325\\n37,992\\n43\\n1,415\\n4\\n163,977\\n113,262\\n12,275\\n2,738\\n12\\n29,802\\n36,460\\n19,165\\n2,542\\n4\\n84,467\\n80,293\\n4,166\\n2,145\\n6\\n177,335\\n170,791\\n9,909\\n13,132\\n12\\n8,454\\n7,722\\n530\\n277\\n3\\n145\\n5,556,543\\n5,175,582\\n1,040,886\\n255,841\\n21,532\\n22\\nOne of the notable features of the foregoing table is in\\nthe fact that both Republicans and Democrats fused with\\n359", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0429.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nthe Weaver or People s party in different States. Xo votes\\nwere cast for Cleveland in Colorado, Kansas, North Dakota,\\nand Wyoming, and none were cast for Harrison in Florida,\\nand only a nominal vote given him in Alabama and Missis-\\nsippi. The general political disturbance of the country may\\nbe understood when it is remembered that Weaver received\\nnear a million votes for President, while the Prohibition\\ncandidate kept the vote of that party up to its highest point.\\nCleveland and Jackson are the only Presidential candi-\\ndates in the history of the Republic who made three con-\\nsecutive contests for the place, carried a popular plurality or\\nmajority each time, and increased it at each successive\\ncontest, and both were defeated in one battle, although\\nreceiving a larger popular vote than the successful com-\\npetitor.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0430.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "WILLIAM MCKINLEY", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0431.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0432.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "THE McKINLEY-BRYAN CONTEST\\n1896\\nCleveland and Harrison were cast in the same mould of\\nstatesmanship, differing only in degree, and they had some\\nimportant qualities in common. Both stood for a better\\npolitical system than was acceptable to their respective\\nparties, and both regarded public duty as paramount to\\npolitical or individual interests. They are the only two men\\nof the nation each of whom retired from the Presidency\\ndefeated by the other. Both were vastly in advance of the\\ndominant sentiment of their followers in the support of civil\\nservice reform. Neither of them was accomplished as a\\nnational politician. They never could have nominated them-\\nselves for President by political manipulation, nor could they\\nhave mastered the intricacies inevitable in the management\\nof a great national contest. They employed none of the arts\\nwhich have been common among public men to popularize\\nthemselves, and both were called to the leadership of their\\nrespective parties in Presidential battles because they were\\nwanted rather than because they wanted the place. Both\\nwere regarded as unsympathetic by the ardent political\\nleaders of their parties when it came to the distribution of\\nadministration patronage, and yet no two Presidents were\\never more pronounced in their devotion to their party faith.\\nCleveland was a Democrat all through from hat to boots\\nHarrison was equally positive as a Republican, and both held\\nto the better teachings of their parties in the better days.\\nCleveland was a Jackson Democrat, Harrison a Lincoln\\nRepublican, and neither took to the modern political frills\\nwhich sacrifice the substance of conviction to glittering\\nshadows to protect political degeneracy. Cleveland was the\\nmore positive in purpose and bolder in action Harrison was\\nprobably the stronger intellectual force, with greater aptness\\nin adaptability to political movements, and both were thor-\\n361", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0433.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\noughly honest, tireless in devotion to duty, and sincerely\\npatriotic. Both were exemplars of public and private purity,\\nalike in home and trust, and the prattle of Baby McKee\\nand of Little Ruth would at any time call either to forget-\\nfulness of the honors and cares of State. Both finally retired\\nfrom the Presidency, leaving records as Chief Magistrates\\nwhich will ever shed rich lustre upon the annals of the Re-\\npublic.\\nCleveland s second administration fell upon troublous\\ntimes. The country was about to enter upon a severe season\\nof industrial and business depression, that no political power\\nnor the wisest legislation could have prevented. The prod-\\nucts of our farms had reached the minimum of value. Debts\\nwere steadily increasing, labor was largely unemployed, and\\nconsumption of the necessaries of life was reduced to the low-\\nest standard. The McKinley tariff of 1890 had given ex-\\ncessive protection to our industries, but that only stimulated\\nproduction while it narrowed the markets for our products,\\nand it was not surprising when silver reached the point that\\nmade a dollar worth only 50 cents, that the free silver theory\\nshould attract the hopeless debtor class by the promise of pay-\\ning their obligations practically with one-half the money they\\nhad borrowed.\\nBoth parties were severely honeycombed with the cheap-\\nmoney theory, and although Cleveland had a Democratic\\nCongress and was able, after the most exhaustive effort, to\\nhalt the continued purchase of silver for coinage, it was the\\nlast and onlv achievement he attained with the aid of Con-\\ngress to better our financial system. It was most fortunate\\nfor the country that in this fearful peril to our national credit\\nGrover Cleveland was President of the United States. He\\nstood impregnable as the rock of Gibraltar when the fierce\\nwaves of repudiation surged against him from both parties,\\nand when the West and South appeared to be practically\\nunanimous in demanding cheap money, while even the more\\nstable business and financial States of the Xorth were greatly\\ndivided on the issue. Just as the peril to our national honor\\nincreased Cleveland s determination and courage to maintain\\nthe right increased with it, and he finally braved a howling\\nrepudiation Congress by a demand for gold bonds to sustain\\nGovernment credit with notice that, if refused by Congress,\\nwhereby a loss of many millions would be forced upon the\\ncountry, he would sell bonds, as then authorized by law, to\\n362", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0434.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nany extent necessary to maintain the most scrupulous faith\\nof the nation.\\nCongress refused and Cleveland stood grandly alone with\\nCongress against him, and saved the Republic from a stain of\\ndishonor that would have been ineffaceable. This was a vastly\\nmore heroic act than Jackson s throttling of nullification, as\\nJackson was sustained by the patriotic devotion to the Union.\\nAnother record of his administration that stands out among\\nthe heroic of Presidential actions was his promptness and\\ncourage in meeting the Chicago riots when the commerce of\\nthe nation was interrupted by lawlessness. In a single order\\nissued by Cleveland directing public peace to be maintained\\nand commerce permitted to go on uninterrupted by the strong\\narm of national power he effaced forever the last lingering\\ndregs of States rights that would make a great Common-\\nwealth the prey of the lawless with the National Government\\npowerless to interfere. The Governor of Illinois was in\\nhearty and open sympathy with the lawless, and refused the\\nprotection to public peace and to commerce that was his\\nsworn duty to give, and the civil authorities of Chicago were\\nthe mere plaything of the mob.\\nThese two acts of Grover Cleveland will go into history as\\namong the most heroic and self-sacrificing acts of any of our\\nlong line of Presidents! Harrison would doubtless have met\\nboth of these emergencies as Cleveland did, but Cleveland\\nhad to brave the overwhelming prejudices of his own party\\nto discharge the duty, while Harrison would have been\\nheartily and unitedly sustained by his party in meeting the\\nChicago issue, and would have had the majority of his party\\nfollowers in sympathy with him in maintaining the national\\ncredit. Cleveland retired from his second term of the Presi-\\ndency with his party very generally alienated from him, and\\nyet he had not in any material degree departed from the\\nDemocratic platform on which he was re-elected. He was\\nnot in any measure an apostate, but he stood resolutely where\\nhis party had planted him, while his party apostatized and\\nbecame his bitterest foe.\\nNo administration can command the support of the coun-\\ntry when industry and trade are severely depressed. It mat-\\nters not what may be the true cause of financial, commercial,\\nand industrial revulsion it is always charged to the policy of\\nthe party in power, and Cleveland could not escape political\\ndisaster because of conditions which he had no more part\\n363", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0435.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nin producing than he had in creating the stars when they first\\nsang together. The mid-administration elections of 1894\\nresulted in the most disastrous defeat the Democracy had\\never suffered, and the cheap-money heresy rapidly grew in\\nstrength, disintegrating both the old parties until the ques-\\ntion of maintaining national credit became one of the gravest\\never presented to the people, with the single exception of the\\nsecession that caused our civil war.\\nThe Wilson Tariff bill was passed with protective features\\nsufficiently liberal to maintain our industries with the en-\\nlarged markets it would have produced for American prod-\\nucts, but it was assailed as one of the chief causes of our\\nindustrial depression, and it became an important factor in\\nthe election of McKinley in 1896. It is now demonstrated\\nbefore the close of the McKinley administration, that the pro-\\ntective features of the Wilson bill were more than equal to\\nthe necessities of the present. New and unexpected condi-\\ntions brought this country suddenly to a policy of expansion\\nin territory and trade, and to-day we have hardly an indus-\\ntry that really needs protection if it can have free markets\\nfor its products.\\nCleveland was bitterly assailed as unfriendly to a liberal\\npension policy for our soldiers. He came into his second\\nterm in the midst of a tidal wave of pension profligacy.\\nPrivate pensions were passed by the hundreds in Congress\\nusually without debate, and often with only a small frac-\\ntion of a quorum present. Cleveland vetoed a number of\\nthese bills, and I cannot recall one vetoed private pension\\nbill that was passed over his veto, although there may have\\nbeen a very few.\\nI happened to witness a painful exhibition of the coward-\\nice of Congressmen in meeting the pension question after\\nCleveland had vetoed a bill greatly enlarging our pension\\nsystem. On the morning of the day that the veto was to be\\ntaken in the House to sustain the veto or pass the bill, not-\\nwithstanding the objections of the President, I called upon\\nSpeaker Carlisle in his room in the Capitol, and there found\\nhim in earnest consultation with twelve or fifteen leading\\nDemocratic Congressmen. There was grave danger that the\\nbill would pass over the veto, although certainly not one-third\\nof the members of the House believed that the bill was just.\\nThe question discussed at that conference was who of the\\nDemocratic leaders could afford to take the floor in defence\\n364", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0436.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nof the veto. All heartily approved of it, but only two of all\\nthose present expressed his willingness to come to the front\\nand stand for the right. Governor Curtin, then a member of\\nthe House, had the courage to say that as the friend of the\\ntrue soldier he would defend the veto on the floor, and while\\nevery one present agreed with him, a majority of them de-\\nclared that it was a necessity, for their own safety at home,\\nto vote for the bill. It was only by the greatest effort that\\nthe veto was sustained for want of a two-thirds vote,\\nalthough a decided majority of the House voted for the bill.\\nSuch were the conditions in which the people entered\\nupon the memorable contest of 1896. Governor McKinley\\nand Speaker Reed took the lead early in the race for the\\nRepublican nomination for President, and McKinley was\\nmost fortunate in having his Warwick in Mark A. Hanna,\\nof Ohio, who conducted the McKinley battle on the same\\nlines that Samuel J. Tilden conducted the contest for his\\nnomination in 1876. His fight was won by well-organized\\nand earnestly directed contests in every debatable State, and\\nfor a year or more before the convention met Hanna was\\ntireless in his work. He had a strong candidate in McKin-\\nley; a man of blameless character, of admitted ability, a\\nchampion of protection, a soldier who had carried his musket\\nas a private in the flame of battle, and possessing many\\nattributes of personal popularity. Reed in his rough way\\nfought his battle more heroically than wisely, and was finally\\nunhorsed at the close of the contest by McKinley sweeping\\nsome of the New England States from him. That defeated\\nReed, and McKinley s nomination was assured.\\nOn only one point did Hanna seriously miscalculate the\\nlines of safety. He saw the cheap-money and repudiation\\nissue formidable on every side and in both parties, and he\\ndecided that McKinley should be nominated for President on\\na platform that straddled the money issue in a cowardly way.\\nIn order to give the cue to the party on the money issue, he\\ncalled the Republican State Convention of Ohio to meet\\non the nth of March, 1896, and that convention adopted\\nthe following money plank, intended to be the McKinley\\nplatform\\nWe contend for honest money for a currency of gold, silver,\\nand paper with which to measure our exchanges, that shall be as\\nsound as the Government and as untarnished as its honor, and to\\nthat end we favor bimetallism, and demand the use of both gold and\\n365", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0437.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nsilver as standard money, either in accordance with a ratio to be\\nfixed by an international agreement, if that can be obtained, or under\\nsuch restrictions and such provisions, to be determined by legisla-\\ntion, as will secure the maintenance of the parities of value of the\\ntwo metals so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dol-\\nlar, whether of silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal.\\nThe Ohio money plank was generally accepted by the\\nRepublicans of the West as a cunning straddle, that would\\nhold the cheap-money Republicans, whose devotion to pro-\\ntection made them willing to yield something on the money\\nquestion, but it was severely criticised by a number of the\\nablest Republicans of the East, and before the convention\\nmet it became evident that the friends of an emphatic honest-\\nmoney plank were likely to dominate the body.\\nThe Republican National Convention met at St. Louis\\non the 1 6th of June. There was little or no dispute as to\\nwho would be nominated for President, as a decided majority\\nof the delegates came there for the purpose of nominating\\nMcKinley. Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, was tem-\\nporary chairman and present Senator John M. Thurston, of\\nNebraska, permanent president. The struggle over the\\nmoney plank of the platform kept the convention in idleness\\nuntil the third day, when an agreement was reached in favor\\nof the gold standard. There has been some dispute recently\\nas to who made Hanna adopt the gold platform. There were\\nmany and very earnest consultations in St. Louis before an\\nagreement with Hanna could be reached, and it was finally\\naccomplished by a number of able members of the body\\ndeciding that they would notify Hanna, giving him one hour\\nto accept the gold-standard platform, or they would carry it\\ninto the convention and compel McKinley s friends to meet\\nthe issue in open debate. I was at the same hotel, on the\\nsame floor with Hanna, and knew just when that proposition\\nwas sent to him, and knew also that in little over half an\\nhour he agreed to the demand of the gold-standard Repub-\\nlicans, and it was then adopted without a contest. When\\nthe platform was reported, Senator Teller, of Colorado, who\\nled the Silver Republicans, and who was a member of the\\ncommittee on resolutions, offered the following as a substi-\\ntute for the money plank of the platform\\nThe Republican party favors the use of both gold and silver as\\nequal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free, un-\\nrestricted, and independent coinage of gold and silver at our mints\\nat the ratio of 16 parts of silver to I of gold.\\n366", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0438.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nSenator Teller delivered an earnest and able argument\\nin support of his substitute, but it was rejected by 8i8J votes\\nto 105J. A separate vote was also had on the financial plank\\nas reported by the majority, and it was adopted by 812J to\\n110J. When the platform was adopted, Senator Cannon, of\\nUtah, presented a protest against the money plank of the\\nplatform, after which thirty-four delegates from the Western\\nStates, including Senators Teller and Cannon, withdrew\\nfrom the convention. There was only one ballot for Presi-\\ndent, as follows\\nWilliam McKinley, Ohio 661^\\nThomas B. Reed, Me 84j|\\nMatthew S. Quay, Pa... 61 j|\\nLevi P. Morton, N. Y. 58\\nWilliam B. Allison, la 35^\\nJ. Donald Cameron, Pa. 1\\nBlank 4\\nThe nomination of Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey, for\\nVice-President was made on the 1st ballot by the following\\nvote\\nGarret A. Hobart, N. J. 535^\\nHenry Clay Evans, Tenn. 277^\\nMorgan J. Bulkeley, Conn. 39\\nJames A. Walker, Va 24\\nCharles E. Lippitt, R. I. 8\\nThomas B. Reed, Maine 3\\nChauncey M. Depew, N. Y. 3\\nJohn M. Thurston, Neb 2\\nFred D. Grant, N. Y 2\\nLevi P. Morton, N. Y 1\\nThe nominations of McKinley and Hobart were made\\nunanimous with the wildest enthusiasm. The following is\\nthe Republican platform as adopted by the convention\\nThe Republicans of the United States, assembled by their repre-\\nsentatives in national convention, appealing for the popular and his-\\ntorical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements of\\nthe thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address\\nthemselves to the awakened intelligence, experience, and conscience\\nof their countrymen in the following declaration of facts and prin-\\nciples\\nFor the first time since the Civil War the American people have\\nwitnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted\\nDemocratic control of the Government. It has been a record of\\nunparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster. In administrative\\nmanagement it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, en-\\ntailed an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with\\nborrowed money, piled up the public debt by $262,000,000 in time of\\npeace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace\\nhanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien\\nsyndicates, and reversed all the measures and results of successful\\nRepublican rule.\\nIn the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted\\n367", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0439.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nindustry and trade with prolonged depression, closed factories,\\nreduced work and wages, halted enterprise, and crippled American\\nproduction while stimulating foreign production for the American\\nmarket. Every consideration of public safety and individual inter-\\nest demands that the Government shall be rescued from the hands\\nof those who have shown themselves incapable of conducting it\\nwithout disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored\\nto the party which for thirty years administered it with unequalled\\nsuccess and prosperity, and in this connection we heartily endorse\\nthe wisdom, the patriotism, and the success of the administration of\\nPresident Harrison.\\nWe renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection\\nas the bulwark of American industrial independence and the foun-\\ndation of American development and prosperity. This true Ameri-\\ncan policy taxes foreign products and encourages home industry;\\nit puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods it secures the Ameri-\\ncan market for the American producer it upholds the American\\nstandard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the fac-\\ntory by the side of the farm, and makes the American farmer less\\ndependent on foreign demand and price it diffuses general thrift,\\nand founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its rea-\\nsonable application it is just, fair, and impartial, equally opposed\\nto foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimina-\\ntion and individual favoritism.\\nWe denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious\\nto the public credit, and destructive to business enterprise. We\\ndemand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into\\ncompetition with American products as will not only furnish ade-\\nquate revenue for the necessary expenses of the Government, but\\nwill protect American labor from degradation to the wage level of\\nother lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The\\nquestion of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the con-\\nditions of the time and of production; the ruling and uncompromis-\\ning principle is the protection and development of American labor\\nand industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then it\\nwants rest.\\nWe believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated\\nby the last Republican administration was a national calamity, and\\nwe demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equal-\\nize our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which now\\nobstruct the sale of American products in the ports of other coun-\\ntries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms,\\nforests, and factories.\\nProtection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy,\\nand go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down\\nboth, and both must be re-established. Protection for what we pro-\\nduce free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not\\nproduce; reciprocity agreements of mutual interests which gain open\\nmarkets for us in return for our open market to others. Protection\\nbuilds up domestic industry and trade, and secures our own market\\nfor ourselves: reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds an out-\\nlet for our surplus.\\nWe condemn the present administration for not keeping faith with\\nthe sugar-producers of this country. The Republican party favors\\n3 68", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0440.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nsuch protection as will lead to the production on American soil of\\nall the sugar which the American people use, and for which they\\npay other countries more than $100,000,000 annually.\\nTo all our products to those of the mine and the fields, as well\\nas those of the shop and factory to hemp, to wool, the product of\\nthe great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to the finished\\nwoollens of the mills we promise the most ample protection.\\nWe favor restoring the early American policy of discriminating\\nduties for the upbuilding of our merchant marine and the protection\\nof our shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American\\nships the product of American labor, employed in American ship-\\nyards, sailing under the Stars and Stripes, and manned, officered,\\nand owned by Americans may regain the carrying of our foreign\\ncommerce.\\nThe Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused\\nthe enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie\\npayments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold.\\nWe are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase\\nour currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, there-\\nfore, opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international\\nagreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which\\nwe pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be\\nobtained the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our sil-\\nver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and\\nwe favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obliga-\\ntions of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper,\\nat the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations\\nof the earth.\\nThe veterans of the Union armies deserve and should receive fair\\ntreatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable, they\\nshould be given the preference in the matter of employment, and\\nthey are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated\\nto secure the fulfilment of the pledges made to them in the dark\\ndays of the country s peril. We denounce the practice in the Pen-\\nsion Bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present\\nadministration, of reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names\\nfrom the rolls, as deserving the severest condemnation of the Ameri-\\ncan people.\\nOur foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and digni-\\nfied, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere carefully\\nwatched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be controlled\\nby the United States, and no foreign power should be permitted to\\ninterfere with them the Nicaragua Canal should be built, owned,\\nand operated by the United States and by the purchase of the Dan-\\nish islands we should secure a proper and much-needed naval station\\nin the West Indies.\\nThe massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and\\njust indignation of the American people, and we believe that the\\nUnited States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert\\nto bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents\\nhave been exposed to the gravest dangers and American property\\ndestroyed. There and everywhere American citizens and American\\nproperty must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost.\\nWe reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we re-\\n369", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0441.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENT\\naffirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by\\nresponding to the appeal of any American State for friendly inter-\\nvention in case of European encroachment We have not interfered\\nand shall not interfere with the existing possessions of any Emro-\\npean power in this hemisphere, but those possessions must not on\\nany pretext be extended. We hopefully look forward to the eventual\\nwithdrawal of the European powers from this hem:??:: ere 1:1\\nthe ultimate union of all English-speaking parts of the continent by\\nthe free consent of its inhabitar.-.:\\nFrom the hour of achieving their own independence the he\\nof the United States have regarded with sympathy :he r:r;;r!ti\\nother American people to free themselves from Zur:;t::; ::~::.l-\\ntion. We watch with deep and abiding interest the her::: rirt t\\nthe Cuban patriots against zruelty and oppress::- ir. i ::r\\nhopes go out for the full success of their determined\\nliberty.\\nThe Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being\\nunable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens,\\nor to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the Gov-\\nernment of the United States should actively use its influence and\\ngood offices to restore peace and give independence to the island.\\nThe peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of its\\nrightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a naval\\npower commensurate with its position and responsibility. We there-\\nfore favor the continued enlargement of the navy and a complete\\nsystem of harbor and seacoas: iefer:es\\nFor the protection of the quality of our American citizenship and\\nof the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competiticr.\\nlow-priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thor-\\noughly enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the\\nUnited States those who can neither read nor write\\nThe civil service law was placed on the statute book b} r the Re-\\npublican party, which has always sustained ft and we renew onr\\nrepeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honest!;.- en-\\nforced and extended wherever practicable.\\nWe demand that even- citizen of the United States shall be allowed\\nto cast one free and unrestricted ballot and that such ballot shall\\nbe counted and returned as cast\\nWe proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and\\nbarbarous practice, well known as Ijmching, or killing of human\\nbeings suspected or charged with crime, without process of law.\\nWe favor the creation of a national Board of Arbitration to settle\\nand adjust differences which may arise between employer: i:::\\nemployes engaged in interstate commerce.\\nWe believe in an immediate return to the free-homes :e\\nof the Republican party 7 and urge the passage by Congre: i sat-\\nisfactory free-homestead measure such as has already passed the\\nHouse, and is now pending in the Senate,\\nWe favor the admission of the remainir.r _ erritrries at the earliest\\npracticable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of\\nthe Territories and of the United States. All the Federal Pre-\\nappointed for the Territories should be selected from bona fid\u00c2\u00a3 resi-\\ndents thereof, and the right of self-government should be accorded\\nas far as practicable.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0442.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nWe believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation in\\nthe Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legisla-\\ntion may be intelligently enacted.\\nWe sympathise with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and\\nprevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality.\\nThe Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of\\nwomen. Protection of American industries includes equal opportu-\\nnities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We\\nfavor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and\\nwelcome their co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic\\nand Populist mismanagement and misrule.\\nSuch are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By\\nthese principles we will abide and these policies we will put into\\nexecution. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the\\nAmerican people. Confident alike in the history of our great party\\nand in the justice of our cause, we present our platform and our\\ncandidates in the full assurance that the election will bring victory\\nto the Republican party and prosperity to the people of the United\\nStates.\\nThe Democratic National Convention met. at Chicago on\\nthe 7th of July, and the emphatic deliverance of the Repub-\\nlican convention in favor of the gold standard greatly-\\nstrengthened the free-silver Democratic element, but the\\nsound-money Democrats had control of the national commit-\\ntee, with William F. Harrity, chairman, whose duty it was\\nto call the convention to order. Earnest efforts were made\\nto harmonize the party in the organization, but the Free\\nSilverites were aggressive from the start, and when the\\nnational committee named Senator Hill, of New York, as\\ntemporary chairman, a bitter debate was precipitated, and\\nSenator Daniel, of Virginia, an out-and-out Free Silverite,\\nwas elected by 556 to 349. On the second day the report of\\nthe committee on credentials strengthened the free-silver\\nwing by the admission of the Bryan delegation from Ne-\\nbraska, and four sound-money Democrats were rejected from\\nMichigan, and their places given to free-silver delegates.\\nSenator White, of California, was made permanent president.\\nThe platform was adopted, as is usual, before the nomination\\nfor President, and it was in the protracted and intensely\\nbitter debate of the money question that brought out the\\neloquent and dramatic address of William J. Bryan, that\\ncarried him into the Democratic nomination with a tidal\\nwave.\\nA sound financial plank was offered by the minority, but\\nrejected by 626 to 303. Another resolution, declaring, We\\ncommend the honesty, economy, courage, and fidelity of the\\n371", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0443.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npresent Democratic (Cleveland) administration, was greeted\\nwith a yell of derision and rejected by 564 to 357. Senator\\nHill offered two amendments to temper the repudiation\\nplank, but they were rejected without a division. The\\nplatform was then adopted by 628 to 301. The sound-money\\nDemocrats found themselves in a helpless and hopeless\\nminority. Many of them desired to withdraw from the\\nconvention, but the more considerate refused to do so, and\\nall of them remained, 178 of them refusing to vote on the\\n1st ballot for President. Chairman Harrity, of the national\\ncommittee, with his delegation participated in all the ballots\\nand steadily voted for ex-Governor Pattison. Five ballots\\nwere had for President, with Bryan starting at 119 to 235\\nfor Bland, of Missouri, who was the father of the silver\\ndollar, and should have been accepted as the logical candidate\\nof the free-silver party, but Bryan s crown of thorns had\\ncaptured the convention, and he won an easy victory. The\\nfollowing table gives the five ballots for President in detail\\nWhole number of votes\\nNecessary for a choice (two-thirds)\\nWilliam J. Bryan, Nebraska\\nRichard P. Bland, Missouri\\nRobert E. Pattison, Pennsylvania\\nHorace Boies. Iowa\\nJoseph S. C. Blackburn, Kentucky\\nJohn R. McLean, Ohio\\nClaude Matthews, Indiana\\nBenjamin R. Tillman, South Carolina\\nSylvester Pennoyer, Oregon\\nHenry M. Teller, Colorado\\nAdlai E. Stevenson, Illinois\\nWilliam E. Russell, Massachusetts\\nJames E. Campbell, Ohio\\nDavid B. Hill, New York\\nDavid Turpie, Indiana\\nNot voting\\n752\\n502\\n119\\n235\\n95\\n85\\n83\\n54\\n37\\n17\\n7\\n2\\n1\\n1\\n178\\n512\\n190\\n283\\n100\\n41\\n41\\n53\\n33\\n10\\n1\\n162\\n768\\n512\\n219\\n291\\n97\\n36\\n27\\n54\\n34\\n1\\n162\\n513\\n280\\n241\\n97\\n33\\n27\\n46\\n36\\n1\\n162\\n768\\n512\\n500\\n106\\n95\\n26\\n31\\n1\\n1\\n162\\nOn the 5th ballot Bryan was only 12 votes short of the\\nnecessary two-thirds, and immediately after the roll-call was\\ncompleted, and before the vote had been given, 78 delegates\\nchanged their votes from other candidates to Bryan, giving\\nhim the nomination. The convention received the result\\nwith the wildest cheers for Bryan, mingled with some hisses\\nand general sullen silence among the sound-money Demo-\\ncrats.\\n372", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0444.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nThere was a spirited contest for the Vice-Presidency, in\\nwhich John R. McLean, of Ohio, was well to the front, and\\nled all others on the 4th ballot, but on the 5th a whirl was\\nmade to Sewall, of Maine, giving him the nomination. The\\nfollowing table gives the ballot in detail\\nWhole number of votes\\nNecessary for a choice (two-thirds).\\nArthur Sewall, Maine\\nJoseph C. Sibley, Pennsylvania\\nJohn R. McLean, Ohio\\nGeorge F. Williams, Massachusetts\\nRichard P. Bland, Missouri\\nWalter A. Clark, North Carolina...\\nJohn R. Williams, Illinois\\nWilliam F. Harrity, Pennsylvania..\\nHorace Boies, Iowa\\nJoseph S. C Blackburn, Kentucky\\nJohn W. Daniel, Virginia\\nJames H. Lewis, Washington\\nRobert E. Pattison, Pennsylvania...\\nHenry M. Teller, Colorado\\nStephen M. White, California\\nGeorge W. Fithian, Illinois\\nNot voting\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nA\\nin\\nu\\na\\n0)\\nu\\n670\\n02\\n675\\ne\\nfc\\n675\\n677\\n447\\n450\\n450\\n452\\n100\\n37\\n97\\n261\\n163\\n113\\n50\\n111\\n158\\n210\\n296\\n76\\n16\\n15\\n9\\n62\\n294\\n255\\n50\\n22\\n22\\n46\\n22\\n13\\n21\\n21\\n19\\n11\\n20\\n20\\n11\\n11\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n260\\n1\\n6\\n54\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n255\\n255\\n253\\n679\\n453\\n568\\n32\\n9\\n22\\n11\\n36\\n1\\n251\\nThe following is the full text of the Democratic platform\\nWe, the Democrats of the United States, in national convention\\nassembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential prin-\\nciples of justice and liberty, upon which our institutions are founded,\\nand which the Democratic party has advocated from Jefferson s\\ntime to our own freedom of speech, freedom of the press, free-\\ndom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the equality\\nof all citizens before the law, and the faithful observance of constitu-\\ntional limitations.\\nDuring all these years the Democratic party has resisted the ten-\\ndency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power,\\nand steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of gov-\\nernment established by the founders of this republic of republics.\\nUnder its guidance and teachings, the great principle of local self-\\ngovernment has found its best expression in the maintenance of the\\nrights of the States, and in its assertion of the necessity of confin-\\ning the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted by\\nthe Constitution of the United States.\\nThe Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citizen\\nthe rights of civil and religious liberty. The Democratic party has\\nalways been the exponent of political liberty and religious freedom,\\nand it renews its obligations and reaffirms its devotion to these\\nfundamental principles of the Constitution.\\n373", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0445.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nRecognizing that the money question is paramount to all others\\nat this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Con-\\nstitution names silver and gold together as the money metals of\\nthe United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress\\nunder the Constitution made the silver dollar the money unit, and\\nadmitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar\\nunit.\\nWe declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the\\nknowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the\\nappreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of com-\\nmodities produced by the people a heavy increase in the burden\\nof taxation and of all debts, public and private the enrichment of\\nthe money-lending class at home and abroad the prostration of in-\\ndustry and impoverishment of the people.\\nWe are unalterably opposed to monometallism, which has locked\\nfast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard\\ntimes. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption\\nhas brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is\\nnot only un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened\\non the United States only by the stifling of that spirit and love of-\\nliberty which proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won\\nit in the war of the Revolution.\\nWe demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and\\ngold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one without waiting for\\nthe aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the stan-\\ndard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for\\nall debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will\\nprevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of legal tender\\nmoney by private contract.\\nWe are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the\\nholders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved\\nby law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either sil-\\nver coin or gold coin.\\nWe are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the\\nUnited States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with\\nbanking syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at enormous\\nprofit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to main-\\ntain the policy of gold monometallism.\\nCongress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and\\nPresident Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated\\nto corporations or individuals. We therefore denounce the issuance\\nof notes intended to circulate as money by national banks as in\\nderogation of the Constitution, and we demand that all paper which\\nis made a legal tender for public and private debts, or which is\\nreceivable for duties to the United States, shall be issued by the\\nGovernment of the United States and shall be redeemable in coin.\\nWe hold that tariff duties should be levied for purposes of reve-\\nnue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally through-\\nout the country, and not discriminate between class or section, and\\nthat taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government\\nhonestly and economically administered.\\nWe denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to\\nrestore the McKinley law, which has twice been condemned by the\\npeople in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea\\n374", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0446.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nof protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts\\nand monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, re-\\nstricted trade, and deprived the producers of the great American\\nstaples of access to their natural markets.\\nUntil the money question is settled we are opposed to any agita-\\ntion for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are\\nnecessary to meet the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse de-\\ncision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. But for this de-\\ncision by the Supreme Court, there would be no deficit in the reve-\\nnue under the law passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursu-\\nance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly one hundred\\nyears, that court having in that decision sustained constitutional ob-\\njections to its enactment which had previously been overruled by\\nthe ablest judges who have ever sat on that bench. We declare\\nthat it is the duty of Congress to use all the constitutional power\\nwhich remains after that decision, or which may come from its re-\\nversal by the court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the\\nburdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the\\nend that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses of the\\nGovernment.\\nWe hold that the most efficient way of protecting American labor\\nis to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete\\nwith it in the home market, and that the value of the home market to\\nour American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a vicious\\nmonetary system which depresses the prices of their products below\\nthe cost of production, and thus deprives them of the means of pur-\\nchasing the products of our home manufactories and, as labor\\ncreates the wealth of the country, we demand the passage of such\\nlaws as may be necessary to protect it in all its rights.\\nWe are in favor of the arbitration of differences between em-\\nployers engaged in interstate commerce and their employes, and\\nrecommend such legislation as is necessary to carry out this prin-\\nciple.\\nThe absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our\\nleading railroad systems, and the formation of trusts and pools re-\\nquire a stricter control by the Federal Government of those arteries\\nof commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers of the\\ninterstate commerce commission, and such restrictions and guar-\\nantees in the control of railroads as will protect the people from\\nrobbery and oppression.\\nWe denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the\\npeople by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of recent\\nRepublican Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while the labor\\nthat pays them is unemployed and the products of the people s toil\\nare depressed in price till they no longer repay the cost of produc-\\ntion. We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which\\nbefits a democratic government and a reduction in the number of\\nuseless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the\\npeople.\\nWe denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in\\nlocal affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States\\nand a crime against free institutions, and we especially object to\\ngovernment by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of\\noppression by which Federal judges, in contempt of the laws of the\\n375", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0447.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nStates and rights of citizens, become at once legislators, judges, and\\nexecutioners and we approve the bill passed at the last session\\nof the United States Senate, and now pending in the House of Rep-\\nresentatives, relative to contempts in Federal courts and providing\\nfor trials by jury in certain cases of contempt.\\nNo discrimination should be indulged in by the Government of\\nthe United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of\\nthe refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad\\nFunding bill, and denounce the effort of the present Republican Con^\\ngress to enact a similar measure.\\nRecognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we\\nheartily endorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pensions,\\nthat no name shall be arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll\\nand the fact of enlistment and service should be deemed conclusive\\nevidence against disease and disability before enlistment.\\nWe favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico,\\nArizona, and Oklahoma into the Union as States, and we favor\\nthe early admission of all the Territories having the necessary\\npopulation and resources to entitle them to statehood, and, while\\nthey remain Territories, we hold that the officials appointed to ad-\\nminister the government of any Territory, together with the Dis-\\ntrict of Columbia and Alaska, should be bond fide residents of the\\nTerritory or district in which the duties are to be performed. The\\nDemocratic party believes in home rule, and that all public lands\\nof the United States should be appropriated to the establishment\\nof free homes for American citizens.\\nWe recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a dele-\\ngate in Congress, and that the general land and timber laws of\\nthe United States be extended to said Territory.\\nThe Monroe Doctrine, as originally declared and as interpreted\\nby succeeding Presidents, is a permanent part of the foreign policy\\nof the United States, and must at all times be maintained.\\nWe extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic\\nstruggle for liberty and independence.\\nWe are opposed to life tenure in the public service, except as\\nprovided in the Constitution. We favor appointments based upon\\nmerit, fixed terms of office, and such an administration of the civil\\nservice laws as will afford equal opportunities to all citizens of ascer-\\ntained fitness.\\nWe declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic, estab-\\nlished by custom and usage of a hundred years, and sanctioned by\\nthe examples of the greatest and wisest of those who founded and\\nhave maintained our Government, that no man should be eligible\\nfor a third term of the Presidential office.\\nThe Federal Government should care for and improve the Mis-\\nsissippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to\\nsecure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tide-\\nwater. When any waterway of the Republic is of sufficient impor-\\ntance to demand aid of the Government, such aid should be ex-\\ntended upon a definite plan of continuous work until permanent im-\\nprovement is secured.\\nConfiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of its\\nsuccess at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of prin-\\nciples and purposes to the considerate judgment of the American\\n376", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0448.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\npeople. We invite the support of all citizens who approve them,\\nand. who desire to have them made effective, through legislation,\\nfor the relief of the people and the restoration of the country s\\nprosperity.\\nA minority of the Committee on Resolutions, consisting\\nof the members from sixteen States, submitted a dissenting\\nreport, expressing their inability to give their assent to\\nmany declarations of the platform. Some are ill-\\nconsidered and ambiguously phrased, while others are ex-\\ntreme and revolutionary of the well-recognized principles\\nof the party. They offered two amendments, the first a\\nsubstitute for the financial plank, as follows\\nWe declare our belief that the experiment on the part of the\\nUnited States alone of free silver coinage and a change in the\\nexisting standard of value, independently of the action of other\\ngreat nations, would not only imperil our finances, but would\\nretard, or entirely prevent, the establishment of international\\nbimetallism, to which the efforts of the Government should be\\nsteadily directed.\\nIt would place this country at once upon a silver basis, impair\\ncontracts, disturb business, diminish the purchasing power of the\\nwages of labor, and inflict irreparable evils upon our nation s com-\\nmerce and industry.\\nUntil international co-operation among leading nations for the\\ncoinage of silver can be secured, we favor the rigid maintenance\\nof the existing gold standard as essential to the preservation of our\\nnational credit, the redemption of our public pledges, and the keep-\\ning inviolate of our country s honor.\\nWe insist that all our paper currency shall be kept at a parity\\nwith gold. The Democratic party is the party of hard money, and\\nis opposed to legal tender paper money as a part of our permanent\\nfinancial system, and we therefore favor the gradual retirement\\nand cancellation of all United States notes and treasury notes, under\\nsuch legislative provisions as will prevent undue contraction.\\nWe demand that the national credit shall be resolutely maintained\\nat all times and under all circumstances.\\nThe People s party, then better known as the Populists,\\nand the Free Silver party, held their conventions at St. Louis\\non the 22d of July. The cheap-money elements were divided\\ninto two extreme factions, with a third that was known as\\nthe Middle-of-the-Road men. The Populist convention\\nwas presided over by Senator Butler, of North Carolina, as\\ntemporary chairman, and Senator Allen, of Nebraska, as\\npermanent president, and the question of acting with the\\nDemocratic party in support of the Chicago platform and\\ncandidate for President, was settled by the preliminary mo-\\n377", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0449.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntion to proceed to the nomination of a candidate for Vice-\\nPresident. It was adopted by 785 to 615. That meant the\\nnomination of Bryan, but the rejection of Sewall. A single\\nballot was had for Vice-President, resulting as follows\\nThomas E. Watson, Ga. 539%\\nArthur Sewall, Maine 257j|\\nFrank Burkett, Miss 190%\\nHarry Skinner, N. C 142^\\nA. L. Mims, Tenn 118 T 5 g\\nMann Page, Virginia 89\\n-TS\\nWatson lacked over 100 of the majority, but a sufficient\\nnumber of delegates promptly changed their votes to make\\nhim the nominee. After nominating the candidate for Vice-\\nPresident, the convention proceeded to ballot for President,\\nas follows\\nWilliam J. Bryan, Neb. ..1,042\\nS. F. Norton, 111 321\\nEugene B. Debs, Ind 8\\nIgnatius Donnelly, Minn. 3\\nJ. S. Coxey, Ohio 1\\nThe following platform was adopted after three minority\\nreports had been rejected\\nThe People s party, assembled in national convention, reaffirms\\nits allegiance to the principles declared by the founders of the Re-\\npublic, and also to the fundamental principles of just government\\nas enunciated in the platform of the party in 1892.\\nWe recognize that through the connivance of the present and\\npreceding administrations the country has reached a crisis in its\\nnational life as predicted in our declaration four years ago, and\\nthat prompt and patriotic action is the supreme duty of the hour.\\nWe realize that while we have political independence our financial\\nand industrial independence is yet to be attained by restoring to\\nour country the constitutional control and exercise of the functions\\nnecessary to a people s government, which functions have been\\nbasely surrendered by our public servants to corporate monopolies.\\nThe influence of European money-changers has been more potent\\nin shaping legislation than the voice of the American people.\\nExecutive power and patronage have been used to corrupt our\\nLegislatures and defeat the will of the people, and plutocracy has\\nbeen enthroned upon the ruins of democracy. To restore the Gov-\\nernment intended by the fathers and for the welfare and prosperity\\nof this and future generations, we demand the establishment of an\\neconomic and financial system which shall make us masters of our\\nown affairs, and independent of European control, by the adoption of\\nthe following declaration of principles\\n1. We demand a national money, safe and sound, issued by the\\nGeneral Government only, without the intervention of banks of\\nissue, to be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private; a\\njust, equitable, and efficient means of distribution direct to the\\npeople and through the lawful disbursements of the Government.\\n378", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0450.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\n2. We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and\\ngold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without waiting\\nfor the consent of foreign nations.\\n3. We demand that the volume of circulating medium be\\nspeedily increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of\\nbusiness and population and to restore the just level of prices of\\nlabor and production.\\n4. We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the interest-\\nbearing debt made by the present administration as unnecessary and\\nwithout authority of law, and demand that no more bonds be issued\\nexcept by specific act of Congress.\\n5. We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetiza-\\ntion of the lawful money of the United States by private contract.\\n6. We demand that the Government, in payment of its obliga-\\ntions, shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which\\nthey are to be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding\\nadministrations for surrendering this option to the holders of Gov-\\nernment obligations.\\n7. We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that aggre-\\ngated wealth shall bear its just proportion of taxation; and we\\nregard the recent decision of the Supreme Court relative to the\\nincome tax law as a misinterpretation of the Constitution, and an\\ninvasion of the rightful powers of Congress over the subject of\\ntaxation.\\n8. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the\\nGovernment for the safe deposit of the savings of the people and\\nto facilitate exchange.\\n9. Transportation being a means of exchange and a public neces-\\nsity, Government should own and operate the railroads in the in-\\nterests of the people and on a non-partisan basis, to the end that\\nall may be accorded the same treatment in transportation, and that\\nthe tyranny and political power now exercised by the great rail-\\nroad corporations, which result in the impairment, if not the de-\\nstruction, of the political rights and personal liberties of the citizen,\\nmay be destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished gradually,\\nin a manner consistent with sound public policy.\\n10. The interest of the United States in the public highways, built\\nwith public moneys, and the proceeds of extensive grants of land\\nto the Pacific railroads should never be alienated, mortgaged, or\\nsold, but guarded and protected for the general welfare as provided\\nby the laws organizing such railroads. The foreclosure of existing\\nliens of the United States on these roads should at once follow\\ndefault in the payment thereof by the debtor-companies and at\\nthe foreclosure sales of said roads the Government shall purchase\\nthe same if it become necessary to protect its interests therein, or\\nif they can be purchased at a reasonable price and the Government\\nshall operate said railroads as public highways for the benefit of the\\nwhole people, and not in the interest of the few, under suitable\\nprovisions for protection of life and property, giving to all trans-\\nportation interests equal privileges and equal rates for fares and\\nfreight.\\n11. We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding these\\ndebts, and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be executed\\nand administered according to their true intent and spirit.\\n379", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0451.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n12. The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity for\\nthe transmission of news, should be owned and operated by the\\nGovernment in the interest of the people.\\n13. The true policy demands that national and State legislation\\nshall be such as will ultimately enable even* prudent and industri-\\nous citizen to secure a home, and therefore the lands should not\\nbe monopolized for speculative purposes. All lands now held by\\nrailroads and other corporations in excess of their actual needs\\nshould b\\\\- lawful means be reclaimed by the Government and held\\nfor actual settlers only, and subject to the right of even* human\\nbeing to acquire a home upon the soil, and private land monopoly,\\nas well as alien ownership, should be prohibited.\\n14. We condemn the frauds by which the land grants to the Pa-\\ncific Railroad companies have, through the connivance of the Interior\\nDepartment, robbed multitudes of actual bona fide settlers of their\\nhomes and miners of their claims, and we demand legislation by\\nCongress which will enforce the exemption of mineral land from\\nsuch grants after as well as before the patent.\\n15. We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be\\ngranted free homes as provided in the National Homestead law. and\\nthat no exception be made in the case of Indian reservations when\\nopened for settlement, and that all lands not now patented come\\nunder this demand.\\nWe favor a system of direct legislation through the initiative and\\nreferendum under proper constitutional safeguards.\\n1. We demand the election of President, Vice-President, and\\nUnited States Senators by a direct vote of the people.\\n2. We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest sym-\\npathy in their heroic struggle for political freedom and independ-\\nence, and we believe the time has come when the United States, the\\ngreat Republic of the world should recognize that Cuba is and of\\nright out to be a free and independent State.\\n3. We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of\\nColumbia, and the early admission of Territories as States.\\n4. All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price\\nof labor and its products.\\n5. In times of great industrial depression, idle labor should be\\nemployed on public works as far as practicable.\\n6. The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison\\ncitizens for indirect contempt, and ruling by injunction, should be\\nprevented by proper legislation.\\n7. We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers.\\n8. Believing that the elective franchise and an untrammelled ballot\\nare essential to a government of. for, and b}* the people, the People s\\npart\\\\- condemn the wholesale system of disfranchisement adopted\\nin some of the States as unrepublican and undemocratic, and we\\ndeclare it to be the duty of the several State Legislatures to take\\nsuch action as will secure a full, free, and fair ballot and an honest\\ncount.\\n9. While the foregoing propositions constitute the platform upon\\nwhich our party stands, and for the vindication of which its organ-\\nization will be maintained, we recognize that the great and pressing\\nissue of the present campaign upon which the present Presidential\\nelection will turn is the financial question, and upon this great and\\n380", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0452.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nspecific issue between the parties we cordially invite the aid and\\nco-operation of all organizations and citizens agreeing with us upon\\nthis vital question.\\nThe National Silver party held its convention at the same\\ntime and place, with Frank G. Newlands, of Nevada, as tem-\\nporary chairman, and William P. St. John, of New York, as\\npermanent president. No time during the proceedings of\\nthe convention was a vote had to indicate the number of dele-\\ngates. William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, was nominated for\\nPresident, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice-President,\\nboth by acclamation. The following platform was adopted\\nThe National Silver party of America, in convention assembled,\\nhereby adopts the following declaration of principles\\nFirst, the paramount issue at this time in the United States is\\nindisputably the money question. It is between the British gold\\nstandard, gold bonds, and bank currency on the one side, and the\\nbimetallic standard, no bonds, Government currency, and an Ameri-\\ncan policy on the other.\\nOn this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a distinctive\\nAmerican financial system. We are unalterably opposed to the single\\ngold standard, and demand the immediate return to the constitu-\\ntional standard of gold and silver, by the restoration by this Govern-\\nment, independently of any foreign power, of the unrestricted coin-\\nage of both gold and silver into standard money, at the ratio of\\nsixteen to one, and upon terms of exact equality, as they existed\\nprior to 1873 the silver coin to be of full legal tender, equally with\\ngold, for all debts and dues, public and private and we demand\\nsuch legislation as will prevent for the future the destruction of the\\nlegal tender quality of any kind of money by private contract.\\nWe hold that the power to control and regulate a paper currency\\nis inseparable from the power to coin money, and hence that all\\ncurrency intended to circulate as money should be issued, and its\\nvolume controlled, by the General Government only, and should be\\na legal tender.\\nWe are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States of\\ninterest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as a blun-\\nder worse than a crime the present treasury policy, concurred in by\\na Republican House of Representatives, of plunging the country\\ninto debt by hundreds of millions in the vain attempt to maintain\\nthe gold standard by borrowing gold and we demand the payment\\nof all coin obligations of the United States as provided by existing\\nlaws, in either gold or silver coin, at the option of the Government,\\nand not at the option of the creditor.\\nThe demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the\\ndemand for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering\\nall prices measured by that standard; and, since that unjust and\\nindefensible act, the prices of American products have fallen, upon\\nan average, nearly fifty per cent., carrying down with them pro-\\nportionately the money value of all other forms of property.\\n381", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0453.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nSuch fall of prices has destroyed the profits of legitimate indus-\\ntry, injuring the producer for the benefit of the non-producer; in-\\ncreasing the burden of the debtor, swelling the gains of the creditor,\\nparalyzing the productive energies of the American people, relegat-\\ning to idleness vast numbers of willing workers, sending the shad-\\nows of despair into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land\\nwith tramps and paupers, and building up colossal fortunes at the\\nmoney centres.\\nIn the effort to maintain the gold standard, the country has, within\\nthe last two years, in a time of profound peace and plenty, been\\nloaded down with $262,000,000 of additional interest-bearing debt\\nunder such circumstances as to allow a syndicate of native and for-\\neign bankers to realize a net profit of millions on a single deal.\\nIt stands confessed that the gold standard can be only upheld by\\nso depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of our prod-\\nucts below the European, and even below the Asiatic, level to enable\\nus to sell in foreign markets, thus aggravating the very evils of\\nwhich our people so bitterly complain, degrading American labor and\\nstriking at the foundations of our civilization itself.\\nThe advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that the real\\ncause of our distress is overproduction that we have produced so\\nmuch that it made us poor which implies that the true remedy is\\nto close the factory, abandon the farm, and throw a multitude of\\npeople out of employment a doctrine that leaves us unnerved and\\ndisheartened, and absolutely without hope for the future.\\nWe affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such economic\\nparadox as overproduction, and at the same time tens of thousands\\nof our fellow-citizens remaining half clothed and half fed, and pit-\\neously clamoring for the common necessities of life.\\nOver and above all other questions of policy, we are in favor of\\nrestoring to the people of the United States the time-honored money\\nof the Constitution gold and silver, not one, but both the money\\nof Washington and Hamilton and Jefferson and Monroe and Jack-\\nson and Lincoln, to the end that the American people may receive\\nhonest pay for an honest product that the American debtor may pay\\nhis just obligations in an honest standard, and not in a dishonest and\\nunsound standard, appreciated one hundred per cent, in purchasing\\npower, and no appreciation in debt-paying power; and to the end,\\nfurther, that silver standard countries may be deprived of the unjust\\nadvantage they now enjoy, in the difference in exchange between\\ngold and silver, an advantage which tariff legislation cannot over-\\ncome.\\nWe, therefore, confidently appeal to the people of the United\\nStates to hold in abeyance all other questions, however important\\nand even momentous they may appear, to sunder, if need be, all for-\\nmer party ties and affiliations, and unite in one supreme effort to\\nfree themselves and their children from the domination of the money\\npower a power more destructive than any which has ever been\\nfastened upon the civilized men of any race or in any age. And\\nupon the consummation of our desires and efforts we invoke the\\naid of all patriotic American citizens, and the gracious favor of\\nDivine Providence.\\nThe sound-money Democrats of the country called a\\n382", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0454.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nnational convention that met at Indianapolis on the 2d of\\nSeptember, and adopted the title of the National Democratic\\nparty. Governor Flower, of New York, was temporary\\nchairman, and Senator Caflery, of Louisiana, was perma-\\nnent president. General John M. Palmer, of Illinois, was\\nnominated for President on the 1st ballot, receiving 769\\nvotes to 118J votes for General Edward S. Bragg, of Wis-\\nconsin. General Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, was nomi-\\nnated for Vice-President by acclamation. The following\\nplatform was unanimously adopted\\nThis convention has assembled to uphold the principles on which\\ndepend the honor and welfare of the American people, in order that\\nDemocrats throughout the Union may unite their patriotic efforts\\nto avert disaster from their country and ruin from their party.\\nThe Democratic party is pledged to equal and exact justice to all\\nmen, of every creed and condition to the largest freedom of the\\nindividual consistent with good government; to the preservation of\\nthe Federal Government in its constitutional vigor, and to the sup-\\nport of the States in all their just rights; to economy in the public\\nexpenditures to the maintenance of the public faith and sound\\nmoney; and it is opposed to paternalism and all class legislation.\\nThe declarations of the Chicago convention attack individual\\nfreedom, the right of private contract, the independence of the judi-\\nciary, and the authority of the President to enforce Federal laws.\\nThey advocate a reckless attempt to increase the price of silver by\\nlegislation, to the debasement of our monetary standard, and threaten\\nunlimited issues of paper money by the Government. They abandon\\nfor Republican allies the Democratic cause of tariff reform, to court\\nthe favor of protectionists to their fiscal heresy.\\nIn view of these and other grave departures from Democratic prin-\\nciples, we cannot support the candidates of that convention nor be\\nbound by its acts.\\nThe Democratic party has survived defeats, but could not survive\\na victory won in behalf of the doctrine and policy proclaimed in its\\nname at Chicago.\\nThe conditions, however, which make possible such utterances\\nfrom a national convention are the direct result of class legislation\\nby the Republican party. It still proclaims, as it has for years, the\\npower and duty of Government to raise and maintain prices by law,\\nand it proposes no remedy for existing evils, except oppressive and\\nunjust taxation.\\nThe National Democracy here convened therefore renews its decla-\\nration of faith in Democratic principles, especially as applicable to\\nthe conditions of the times. Taxation tariff, excise, or direct is\\nrightfully imposed only for public purposes, and not for private\\ngain. Its amount is justly measured by public expenditures, which\\nshould be limited by scrupulous economy. The sum derived by the\\nTreasury from tariff and excise levies is affected by the state of trade\\nand volume of consumption. The amount required by the Treas-\\nury is determined by the appropriations made by Congress. The\\n383", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0455.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ndemand of the Republican party for an increase in tariff taxation\\nhas its pretext in the deficiency of revenue, which has its causes in\\nthe stagnation of trade and reduced consumption, due entirely to the\\nloss of confidence that has followed the Populist threat of free coin-\\nage and depreciation of our money, and the Republican practice\\nof extravagant appropriations beyond the needs of good government.\\nWe arraign and condemn the Populist conventions of Chicago\\nand St. Louis for their co-operation with the Republican party in\\ncreating these conditions, which are pleaded in justification of a\\nheavy increase of the burdens of the people by a further resort to\\nprotection. We therefore denounce protection and its ally, free\\ncoinage of silver, as schemes for the personal profit of a few at the\\nexpense of the masses, and oppose the two parties which stand for\\nthese schemes as hostile to the people of the Republic, whose food\\nand shelter, comfort and prosperity, are attacked by higher taxes\\nand depreciated money. In fine, we reaffirm the historic Democratic\\ndoctrine of tariff for revenue only.\\nWe demand that henceforth modern and liberal policies toward\\nAmerican shipping shall take the place of our imitation of the\\nrestricted statutes of the eighteenth century, which were long ago\\nabandoned by every maritime power but the United States, and\\nwhich, to the nation s humiliation, have driven American capital\\nand enterprise to the use of alien flags and alien crews, have made\\nthe Stars and Stripes almost an unknown emblem in foreign ,ports,\\nand have virtually extinguished the race of American seamen. We\\noppose the pretence that discriminating duties will promote shipping;\\nthat scheme is an invitation to commercial warfare upon the United\\nStates, un-American in the light of our great commercial treaties,\\noffering no gain whatever to American shipping, while greatly in-\\ncreasing ocean freights on our agricultural and manufactured\\nproducts.\\nThe experience of mankind has shown that, by reason of their\\nnatural qualities, gold is the necessary money of the large affairs of\\ncommerce and business, while silver is conveniently adapted to minor\\ntransactions, and the most beneficial use of both together can be\\ninsured only by the adoption of the former as a standard of mone-\\ntary measure, and the maintenance of silver at a parity with gold\\nby its limited coinage under suitable safeguards of law. Thus the\\nlargest possible enjoyment of both metals is gained with a value\\nuniversally accepted throughout the world, which constitutes the\\nonly practical bimetallic currency, assuring the most stable standard,\\nand especially the best and safest money for all who earn their live-\\nlihood by labor or the produce of husbandry. They cannot suffer\\nwhen paid in the best money known to man, but are the peculiar and\\nmost defenceless victims of a debased and fluctuating currency,\\nwhich offers continual profits to the money-changer at their cost.\\nRealizing these truths, demonstrated by long and public incon-\\nvenience and loss, the Democratic party, in the interests of the masses\\nand of equal justice to all, practically established by the legislation\\nof 1834 and 1853 the gold standard of monetary measurement, and\\nlikewise entirely divorced the Government from banking and cur-\\nrency issues. To this long-established Democratic policy we adhere,\\nand insist upon the maintenance of the gold standard, and of the\\nparity therewith of every dollar issued by the Government, and are\\n384", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0456.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nfirmly opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and to the\\ncompulsory purchase of silver bullion. But we denounce also the\\nfurther maintenance of the present costly patchwork system of\\nnational paper currency as a constant source of injury and peril.\\nWe assert the necessity of such intelligent currency reform as will\\nconfine the Government to its legitimate functions, completely sepa-\\nrated from the banking business, and afford to all sections of our\\ncountry uniform, safe, and elastic bank currency under governmental\\nsupervision, measured in volume by the needs of business.\\nThe fidelity, patriotism, and courage with which President Cleve-\\nland has fulfilled his great public trust, the high character of his\\nadministration, its wisdom and energy in the maintenance of civil\\norder and the enforcement of the laws, its equal regard for the rights\\nof every class and every section, its firm and dignified conduct of for-\\neign affairs, and its sturdy persistence in upholding the credit and\\nhonor of the nation, are fully recognized by the Democratic party,\\nand will secure to him a place in history beside the fathers of the\\nRepublic.\\nWe also commend the administration for the great progress made\\nin the reform of the public service, and we endorse its effort to\\nextend the merit system still further. We demand that no back-\\nward step be taken, but that the reform be supported and advanced\\nuntil the un-Democratic spoils system of appointments shall be erad-\\nicated.\\nWe demand strict economy in the appropriations and in the admin-\\nistration of the Government.\\nWe favor arbitration for the settlement of international disputes.\\nWe favor a liberal policy of pensions to deserving soldiers and\\nsailors of the United States.\\nThe Supreme Court of the United States was wisely established\\nby the framers of our Constitution as one of the three co-ordinate\\nbranches of the Government. Its independence and authority to\\ninterpret the law of the land without fear or favor must be main-\\ntained. We condemn all efforts to degrade that tribunal or impair\\nthe confidence and respect which it has deservedly held.\\nThe Democratic party ever has maintained, and ever will main-\\ntain, the supremacy of law, the independence of its judicial adminis-\\ntration, the inviolability of contracts, and the obligations of all good\\ncitizens to resist every illegal trust, combination, or attempt against\\nthe just rights of property and the good order of society, in which\\nare bound up the peace and happiness of our people.\\nBelieving these principles to be essential to the well-being of the\\nRepublic, we submit them to the consideration of the American\\npeople.\\nThe National Prohibition party held its national conven-\\ntion at Pittsburg on the 27th of May. A. A. Stevens, of\\nPennsylvania, was temporary chairman, and Oliver W.\\nStewart, of Illinois, permanent president. The delibera-\\ntions of the convention were seriously disturbed by the free-\\nsilver issue, and the opposing factions known as the Nar-\\nrow-Gaugers and the Broad-Gaugers, the latter being\\n385", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0457.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nfavorable to a general platform covering free coinage and all\\nother national questions, while the former wanted the issue\\nconfined to the liquor question. The majority and minority\\nreports were made on the platform, and the convention\\ndecided to bring both reports before the body and pass upon\\nthem seriatim. It was finally decided by a vote of 427 to 387\\nto reject the free-coinage plank, and the Narrow-Gaugers\\nthen adopted their own platform as follows\\nWe, the members of the Prohibition party, in national conven-\\ntion assembled, renewing our declaration of allegiance to Almighty\\nGod as the rightful Ruler of the universe, lay down the following\\nas our declaration of political purpose:\\nThe Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, declares\\nits firm conviction that the manufacture, exportation, importation,\\nand sale of alcoholic beverages has produced such social, commer-\\ncial, industrial, and political wrongs, and is now so threatening the\\nperpetuity of all our social and political institutions, that the sup-\\npression of the same, by a national party organized therefor, is\\nthe greatest object to be accomplished by the voters of our country,\\nand is of such importance that it of right ought to control the\\npolitical actions of all our patriotic citizens until such suppression is\\naccomplished.\\nThe urgency of this course demands the union, without further\\ndelay, of all citizens who desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic\\ntherefore be it\\nResolved, That we favor the legal prohibition by State and na-\\ntional legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale of alco-\\nholic beverages. That we declare our purpose to organize and unite\\nall the friends of prohibition into one party, and in order to ac-\\ncomplish this end we deem it of right to leave every Prohibitionist\\nthe freedom of his own convictions upon all other political ques-\\ntions, and trust our representatives to take such action upon other\\npolitical questions as the changes occasioned by prohibition and\\nthe welfare of the whole people shall demand.\\nResolved, That the right of suffrage ought not to be abridged on\\naccount of sex.\\nImmediately after the adoption of the platform, the\\nBroad-Gaugers withdrew, and those who remained nomi-\\nnated Joshua Levering, of Maryland, for President by\\nacclamation, and on a ballot for Vice-President, Hale John-\\nson, of Illinois, was chosen, receiving 309 votes to 132 for\\nT. C. Hughes, of Arizona.\\nThe seceders from the Prohibition convention met in\\nPittsburg on the next day, May 28th, with A. L. Moore, of\\nMichigan, as chairman, and the roll-call showed 299 dele-\\ngates present. Rev. Charles E. Bentley, of Nebraska, was\\nnominated for President, and James A. Southgate, of North\\n386", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0458.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nCarolina, was nominated for Vice-President, both by ac-\\nclamation. The following platform was adopted\\nThe National party, recognizing God as the author of all just\\npower in government, presents the following declaration of prin-\\nciples, which it pledges itself to enact into effective legislation when\\ngiven the power to do so\\ni. The suppression of the manufacture and sale, importation, ex-\\nportation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage\\npurposes. We utterly reject all plans for regulating or compromis-\\ning with this traffic, whether such plans be called local option, taxa-\\ntion, license, or public control. The sale of liquors for medicinal\\nand other legitimate uses should be conducted by the State, without\\nprofit, and with such regulations as will prevent fraud or evasion.\\n2. No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of\\nsex.\\n3. All money should be issued by the General Government only,\\nand without the intervention of any private citizen, corporation, or\\nbanking institution. It should be based upon the wealth, stability,\\nand integrity of the nation. It should be a full legal tender for all\\ndebts, public and private, and should be of sufficient volume to meet\\nthe demands of the legitimate business interests of the country. For\\nthe purpose of honestly liquidating our outstanding coin obligations,\\nwe favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold, at\\nthe ratio of 16 to I, without consulting any other nation.\\n4. Land is the common heritage of the people and should be pre-\\nserved from monopoly and speculation. All unearned grants of\\nland subject to forfeiture should be reclaimed by the Government,\\nand no portion of the public domain should hereafter be granted ex-\\ncept to actual settlers, continuous use being essential to tenure.\\n5. Railroads, telegraphs, and other natural monopolies should\\nbe owned and operated by the Government, giving to the people\\nthe benefit of service at actual cost.\\n6. The national Constitution should be so amended as to allow the\\nnational revenues to be raised by equitable adjustment of taxation\\non the properties and incomes of the people, and import duties\\nshould be levied as a means of securing equitable commercial rela-\\ntions with other nations.\\n7. The contract convict labor system, through which speculators\\nare enriched at the expense of the State, should be abolished.\\n8. All citizens should be protected by law in their right to one\\nday of rest in seven, without oppressing any who conscientiously ob-\\nserve any other than the first day of the week.\\n9. The American public schools, taught in the English language,\\nshould be maintained, and no public funds should be appropriated\\nfor sectarian institutions.\\n10. The President, Vice-President, and United States Senators\\nshould be elected by direct vote of the people.\\n11. Ex-soldiers and sailors of the United States army and navy,\\ntheir widows and minor children, should receive liberal pensions,\\ngraded on disability and term of service, not merely as a debt of\\ngratitude, but for service rendered in the preservation of the Union.\\n12. Our immigration laws should be so revised as to exclude\\n387", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0459.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npaupers and criminals. None but citizens of the United States\\nshould be allowed to vote in any State, and naturalized citizens\\nshould not vote until one year after naturalization papers have been\\nissued.\\n13. The initiative and referendum, and proportional representation\\nshould be adopted.\\nThe Socialist Labor party held a national convention in\\nNew York on the 4th of July, and gave a full week to the\\ndeliberations of the body, which were devoted almost wholly\\nto disputation as to the policy and purposes of the organiza-\\ntion. The attendance was limited, as Charles H. Matchett,\\nof New York, was nominated for President on the 1st\\nballot, receiving 43 votes to 23 for Matthew Maguire, of\\nNew Jersey, and 4 for William Watkins, of Ohio. Matthew\\nMaguire was then nominated for Vice-President by acclama-\\ntion. The following platform was adopted\\nThe Socialist Labor party of the United States, in convention\\nassembled, reasserts the inalienable right of all men to life, lib-\\nerty, and the pursuit of happiness.\\nWith the founders of the American Republic, we hold that the\\npurpose of government is to secure every citizen in the enjoyment\\nof this right; but in the light of our social conditions, we hold,\\nfurthermore, that no such right can be exercised under a system\\nof economic inequality, essentially destructive of life, of liberty, and\\nof happiness.\\nWith the founders of this Republic, we hold that the true theory\\nof politics is that the machinery of government must be owned\\nand controlled by the whole people; but in the light of our indus-\\ntrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true theory of\\neconomics is that the machinery of production must likewise belong\\nto the people in common.\\nTo the obvious fact, that our despotic system of economics is the\\ndirect opposite of our democratic system of politics, can plainly be\\ntraced the existence of a privileged class, the corruption of gov-\\nernment by that class, the alienation of public property, public fran-\\nchises, and public functions to that class, and the abject dependence\\nof the mightiest nations upon that class.\\nAgain, through the perversion of Democracy to the ends of plu-\\ntocracy, labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone produces, is\\ndenied the means of self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness\\nin wage slavery, is even deprived of the necessaries of life. Human\\npower and natural forces are thus wasted that the plutocracy may\\nrule. Ignorance and misery, with all their concomitant evils, are\\nperpetuated, that the people may be kept in bondage. Science and\\ninvention are diverted from their humane purpose to the enslave-\\nment of women and children.\\nAgainst such a system the Socialist Labor party once more enters\\nits protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental declaration,\\n388", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0460.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nthat private property in the natural sources of production and in the\\ninstruments of labor is the obvious cause of all economic servitude\\nand political dependence.\\nThe time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social\\nevolution, this system, through the destructive action of its fail-\\nures and crises on the one hand, and the constructive tendencies of\\nits trusts and other capitalistic combinations on the other hand,\\nshall have worked out its own downfall.\\nWe therefore call upon the wage-workers of the United States,\\nand upon all other honest citizens, to organize under the banner\\nof the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious body, aware of its\\nrights and determined to conquer them by taking possession of the\\npublic powers so that, held together by an indomitable spirit of\\nsolidarity under the most trying conditions of the present class\\nstruggle, we may put a summary end to that barbarous struggle by\\nthe abolition of classes, the restoration of the land, and of all the\\nmeans of production, transportation, and distribution to the people\\nas a collective body, and the substitution of the co-operative com-\\nmonwealth for the present state of planless production, industrial\\nwar, and social disorder; a commonwealth in which every worker\\nshall have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, mul-\\ntiplied by all the modern factors of civilization.\\nWith a view to immediate improvement in the condition of labor,\\nwe present the following demands\\ni. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the progress\\nof production.\\n2. The United States to obtain possession of the mines, railroads,\\ncanals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means of public trans-\\nportation and communication the employes to operate the same\\nco-operatively under control of the Federal Government and to elect\\ntheir own superior officers, but no employe shall be discharged\\nfor political reasons.\\n3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads,\\nferries, water-works, gas-works, electric plants, and all industries\\nrequiring municipal franchises the employes to operate the same\\nco-operatively under control of the municipal administration and to\\nelect their own superior officers, but no employe shall be discharged\\nfor political reasons.\\n4. The public lands to be declared inalienable. Revocation of all\\nland grants to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which\\nhave not been complied with.\\n5. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money.\\n6. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific manage-\\nment of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the\\nnatural resources of the country.\\n7. Inventions to be free to all the inventors to be remunerated\\nby the nation.\\n8. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances the smaller\\nincomes to be exempt.\\n9. School education of all children under fourteen years of age\\nto be compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by public assist-\\nance in meals, clothing, books, etc., where necessary.\\n10. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary laws.\\nUnabridged right of combination.\\n389", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0461.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\n11. Prohibition of the employment of children of school age, and\\nthe employment of female labor in occupations detrimental to health\\nor morality. Abolition of the convict labor contract system.\\n12. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities\\n(county, city, state, and nation).\\n13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United States.\\nEqualization of women s wages with those of men where equal\\nservice is performed.\\n14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all occupations,\\nand an efficient employers liability law.\\n15. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote\\nupon all measures of importance, according to the referendum\\nprinciple.\\n16. Abolition of the veto power of the executive (national, State,\\nand municipal) wherever it exists.\\n17. Abolition of the United States Senate and all upper legisla-\\ntive chambers.\\n18. Municipal self-government.\\n19. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and\\nequal right of suffrage without regard to color, creed, or sex.\\nElection days to be legal holidays. The principle of proportional\\nrepresentation to be introduced.\\n20. All public officers to be subject to recall by their respective\\nconstituencies.\\n21. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United States.\\nAdministration of justice to be free of charge. Abolition of capital\\npunishment.\\nThe great battle of 1896 is yet fresh in the memories of\\nthe people. Its most notable feature was the unexampled\\ncampaign made by Bryan, the Democratic candidate for\\nPresident. He covered a larger portion of territory and\\ndelivered more speeches during the campaign than had\\never before been accomplished by any man in our political\\nhistory, and he enthused his followers to a very remarkable\\ndegree. Considering the complications which confronted\\nhim, resulting from the internal feuds of his own household,\\nand an open split on the Vice-Presidency, he made the most\\nmemorable Presidential campaign of the Republic and swept\\nevery State west of the Mississippi, with the exception of\\nCalifornia and North Dakota. Even Kansas and Nebraska,\\ntwo rock-ribbed Republican States, gave Bryan large majori-\\nties, but Bryan did not carry a single electoral vote east of\\nthe Mississippi and north of the Ohio and the Potomac.\\nThe following tables exhibit the popular and electoral votes\\nof 1896:", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0462.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nPOPULAR VOTE.\\nSTATES.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nCalifornia\\nColorado\\nConnecticut\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nIdaho\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nKansas\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaine\\nMaryland\\nMassachusetts\\nMichigan\\nMinnesota\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nMontana\\nNebraska\\nNevada\\nNew Hampshire.\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nNorth Carolina\\nNorth Dakota...\\nOhio\\nOregon\\nPennsylvania\\nRhode Island\\nSouth Carolina\\nSouth Dakota\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nUtah\\nVermont\\nVirginia\\nWashington\\nWest Virginia\\nWisconsin\\nWyoming\\nM\\no\\n54,737\\n37,512\\n146,688\\n26.271\\n110,285\\n20,452\\n11,257\\n60,091\\n6,324\\n607,130\\n323,754\\n289,293\\n159,541\\n218,171\\n22,037\\n80,461\\n136,978\\n278,976\\n293,582\\n193,503\\n5,123\\n304,940\\n10,494\\n103,064\\n1,938\\n57,444\\n221,367\\n819,838\\n155,222\\n26,335\\n525,991\\n48,779\\n728,300\\n37,437\\n9,313\\n41,042\\n148,773\\n167,520\\n13,491\\n50,991\\n135,388\\n39,153\\n104,414\\n268,135\\n10,072\\nC\\nu n\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2552!\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\na\\nA\\na\\nu\\nPQ\\n131,226\\n110,103\\n144,766\\n161,269\\n56,740\\n16,615\\n31,958\\n94,672\\n23,192\\n464,523\\n305,573\\n223,741\\n171,810\\n217,890\\n77,175\\n34.587\\n104,746\\n105,711\\n237,268\\n139,735\\n63,793\\n363,652\\n42,537\\n115,999\\n8,377\\n21,650\\n133,675\\n551,369\\n174,488\\n20,686\\n477,497\\n46,662\\n433,230\\n14,459\\n58,801\\n41,225\\n166,268\\n370,434\\n64,607\\n10,607\\n154,985\\n51.646\\n92,927\\n165,523\\n10,655\\nTotals 7,111,607 6,509,052 222,583 134,645 131,312 13,968 36,373\\n24,089\\n21,730\\n2,389\\n2,387\\n15,181\\n7,517\\n575\\n379\\n4,525\\n79,572\\n4G1\\n286\\n\u00c2\u00abs.2\\nCu o\\nsi\\n.ej\\no\\n6,462\\n6,390\\n2,145\\n4,516\\n1,209\\n5,114\\n1,915\\n1,866\\n2,507\\n11,749\\n6,968\\n3,222\\n1,071\\n2,355\\n2,797\\n3,520\\n6,373\\n18,950\\n578\\n1,858\\n977\\n10,921\\n1,166\\n824\\n1,951\\n5,046\\n21\\n1,329\\n2,127\\n1,668\\n677\\n4,584\\nbe\\n.5\\n2%\\n2,147\\n839\\n2,573\\n1,717\\n1,800\\n602\\n644\\n5,716\\n181\\n9,796\\n3.056\\n3.192\\n1,921\\n4,781\\n1,589\\n5,922\\n2,998\\n5,025\\n4,363\\n485\\n2,169\\n186\\n1,243\\n683\\n3,098\\n1,786\\n728\\n2,350\\n968\\n1,203\\n7,509\\n136\\n*j\\nCD tf\\nW u\\n893\\n1,047\\n386\\no\\no\\nOS\\nA\\nO\\n1.611\\n160\\n1,228\\n1,147\\n324\\n453\\n588\\n2,114\\n297\\n954\\n599\\n186\\n228\\n3,985\\n17,667\\n1,167\\n1,683\\n558\\n115\\n1,314\\nBryan and Watson s vote is included in the vote for W. J. Bryan.\\n39i", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0463.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nELECTORAL VOTE.\\nSTATES.\\nAlabama\\nArkansas\\nCalifornia\\nColorado\\nConnecticut\\nDelaware\\nFlorida\\nGeorgia\\nIdaho\\nIllinois\\nIndiana\\nIowa\\nKansas\\nKentucky\\nLouisiana\\nMaine\\nMaryland\\nMassachusetts.\\nMichigan\\nMinnesota\\nMississippi\\nMissouri\\nMontana\\nNebraska\\nNevada\\nNew Hampshire\\nNew Jersey\\nNew York\\nNorth Carolina.,\\nNorth Dakota...\\nOhio\\nOregon\\nPennsylvania.\\nRhode Island\\nSouth Carolina..\\nSouth Dakota.\\nTennessee\\nTexas\\nUtah\\nVermont\\nVirginia\\nWashington\\nWest Virginia..\\nWisconsin\\nWyoming\\nTotals\\nPresident.\\nM\\n24\\n15\\n13\\n12\\n15\\n14\\n9\\n4\\n10\\n33\\n3\\n23\\n4\\n32\\n4\\n6\\n12\\nc\\nel\\nu\\n271\\n11\\n4\\n13\\n3\\n10\\n1\\n3\\n8\\n3\\n11\\n9\\n4\\n12\\n15\\n3\\n12\\n4\\nVice-President.\\n176\\nc\\no\\ncj\\nsi\\n\\\\fi\\nXI\\nS3\\nw\\nxn\\n11\\n5\\n3\\n8\\n6\\n1\\n4\\n3\\n4\\n13\\n3\\n24\\n15\\n13\\n10\\n12\\n1\\n4\\n4\\n6\\n8\\n15\\n14\\n9\\n9\\n13\\n4\\n2\\n1\\n4\\n3\\n4\\n4\\n10\\n36\\n6\\n5\\n3\\n23\\n4\\n32\\n4\\n9\\n2\\n2\\n12\\n15\\n2\\n1\\n4\\n12\\n6\\n12\\n2\\n2\\no\\n1\\n271\\n149\\n27\\nNo mere party contest in the history of the country, and\\nindeed no other contest, with the single exception of the\\nissue of secession and civil war, ever exhibited so large\\n392", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0464.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\na measure of political independence as is shown in the vote\\nfor President in 1896. While the Democrats had a sound-\\nmoney national ticket with such acceptable candidates as\\nPalmer and Buckner, a very small proportion of the sound-\\nmoney Democratic vote of the country was cast for that\\nticket. McKinley certainly received 500,000 Democratic\\nvotes, cast for him directly to assure the defeat of Bryan, and\\nBryan certainly received not less than 250,000 Republican\\nvotes.\\nIt was not until six weeks before the election that the\\nRepublicans felt confident of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.\\nThe first canvass of the Republican State committee made\\nin Ohio indicated the defeat of McKinley, but as the business\\nand industrial interests of the country faced the question\\nof cheap money, and the business convulsion it must produce,\\nthe Republican ranks were steadily increased, and the States\\nwhich were regarded as doubtful in September gave large\\nmajorities for McKinley in November.\\nThis campaign gave a most impressive illustration of the\\ntrue independence of American journalism. A number of\\nthe leading newspapers of the country which had supported\\nCleveland in his three contests, repudiated the Chicago\\nplatform and its candidate, and they stood in the forefront\\nof American journalism, embracing such journals as the\\nBoston Herald and Globe, the Hartford Times, the New\\nYork World, Sun, Herald, Times, and Evening Post, the\\nPhiladelphia Times and Record, the Baltimore Sun, the\\nLouisville Courier- Journal, and others. These journals were\\nall strongly owned and entirely independent in their political\\naction. Not one of them ever had conference or communica-\\ntion with the McKinley leaders, or received or proposed any\\nterms for their support, or ever sought, accepted, or desired\\nfavors from the McKinley administration. Some of them\\nsuffered pecuniary sacrifice, but they performed a heroic\\nduty, and it was the inspiration they gave to the conservative\\nDemocratic sentiment of the country that made McKinley\\nPresident by an overwhelming majority.\\nOn the other side, especially in the West, and to some\\nextent in the South, scores of thousands of the Republicans\\nwho had always voted the national ticket gave enthusiastic\\nsupport to Bryan, as he carried some of the strongest\\nRepublican States of the West, while losing a large fraction\\nof the Democratic vote. This struggle settled the financial\\n393", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0465.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\npolicy of the country, as Congress has recently distinctly\\nestablished the gold standard by statute, in accord with the\\nfinancial policy of all the great civilized nations of the world\\nand while the money issue may play some part in the national\\nstruggle of the present year, it will be wisely subordinated\\nto other issues and probably be eliminated from the future\\npolitical battles of the nation.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0466.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "SUMMARY OF POPULAR VOTES FOR\\nPRESIDENTS\\nI was surprised, after careful examination of the various\\npolitical handbooks, to find no table of the popular vote for\\nPresident prior to 1824, and I made exhaustive effort to ob-\\ntain official records in the archives of the nation and of the\\ndifferent States, to supply something approaching an intelli-\\ngent table of the popular vote cast for the early Presidents\\nbut I learned that the failure of others to supply such tables\\nwas not because of negligence, but because there are no\\nrecords to furnish them. In Pennsylvania the vote returned\\nto the Capitol was less than 5000 for Washington, and the\\nvote of record for his second election but little exceeds 5000.\\nThe returns, however, are fragmentary and valueless. I\\nwas compelled to abandon the purpose of giving tables of the\\npopular vote for Presidents prior to 1824, because all that\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2could be obtained would be confusing rather than instructive.\\nI have also found much difficulty in trying to reconcile the\\nconflicting returns of every Presidential election since 1824.\\nAfter a very full and careful examination of these conflicting\\nfigures, I have adopted the tables prepared by Mr. Stanwood\\nin his admirable work entitled A History of the Presi-\\ndency, and I regard them as more nearly accurate than any\\nother tables presented. The entire accuracy of these elec-\\ntion tables is not a matter of vital importance, as in none of\\nthe many conflicting returns of different States would the\\nresult have been changed by the variations in the returns as\\nstated in the many publications which for some years past\\nhave annually given them. The following summary of the\\npopular vote for Presidents since 1824, with the electoral\\nvote cast at each election, is taken from the New York\\nWorld Almanac for 1900, the figures of which, as will be\\nseen, usually vary from those presented in the tables I give\\nwith each chapter of this volume\\n395", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0467.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nELECTORAL AXD POPULAR VOTES.\\nYear cf\\nElection.\\nCandidates for President, State, and\\nPolitical Party.\\nPopular\\nVote.\\nElec-\\nrftllt y- Vote.\\nCandidates for Vice-President, State,\\nand Political Party.\\nElec-\\ntoral\\nVote.\\n1824....\\n155,872\\n105,321\\n45,587\\n44,282\\n50,551 !(b)99\\n84\\nJohn C.Calhoun,* S. C. E.ep\\nNathan Sanford, N. Y., Rep\\n182\\n30\\n24\\n37\\n41\\nNathaniel Macon, X, C, Rep.\\nM. Van Buren, N. Y., Rep\\nHenry CI \u00e2\u0080\u00a2v, Kv., Rep\\n2\\n;W7.231\\n509,097\\n130,134\\n178\\n83\\nJohn C. Calhoun,* S. C, Dem\\nRichard Ru.h, Pa., Nat. R\\n171\\n83\\n7\\n6\u00c2\u00bb7,502\\n530.1S9\\n33,108\\n157,313\\n219\\n49\\nI J\\n189\\nHenry Clav, Kv., Xat. R\\nJohn Sergeant, Pa., Nat. R\\n11\\nWilliam Wirt (c), Md., Anti-M\\nWilliam Wilkins, Pa., Dem\\n7\\n30\\n1866....\\n1840....\\nW. H. Harrison, 0., Whig\\n761,549\\n1\\nS 73G,656\\n24,893\\n1\\n170R. M. Johnson (d).*Kv., Dem\\n147\\nHugh L. White, Tenn., Whig\\n56\\nHi\\n60\\nJohn Tvler, Va., Whig\\n47\\n23\\nW. H. Harrison,* 0., Whig\\nJaineaG. Bimey, N. Y., Lib\\n1, 275,017\\n1,153.702\\n7,059\\n146,315\\nJohn Tyler,* Va., Whig.\\n234\\nL. W. Tazewell, Va., Dem\\n43\\n11\\n1\\n1844....\\n1848...\\n1,337,243\\n1,299,068\\n62,300\\n38,175\\n739,557\\n170\\n105\\nGeorge M. Dallas,* Ph., Dem.\\n170\\nHenry Clav, Ky., Whig\\n105\\n163\\n1,360,101\\n1,220,544\\n291,253\\nMillorH nilmmtH V Wl.iV\\n163\\n127 William O. Rntler. Kv.. 11\u00e2\u0084\u00a2\\n127\\nMartin Van Buren, X. Y., F. Soil\\n254\\n42\\nChas. F. Adams, Mass., F. Soil\\n|WinfieldScott, X. J., Whig\\nJohn P. Hale, X. H.. F. D. (i)\\nDaniel Webster (k), Mas?., Whig\\n1,601,474\\n1,380,576\\n156,149\\n1.670\\n820,836\\nWilliam R. King,* Ala., Dem\\nWilliam A. Graham, N. C. Whig\\nGeorge W. Julian, Ind., F. D\\n254\\n42\\n1856....\\n1 S3S 169\\n174\\n1,341,264\\n114 William I.. Davtnn. N_ j.. Ren\\n114\\n\u00c2\u00a374 .535\\n8\\n8\\nI860....\\nStephen A. Douglas, 111., Dem j 1,375,157\\n491,195\\n180\\n12\\n72\\n39\\nUO\\n19\\n72\\n589,581\\n39\\n1864...\\n2,216,067\\n1,808,725\\n407,349\\ne212\\n21\\n7il4\\n212\\n31\\n1868...-\\nUlvsses S. Grant,* 111., Rep\\n3,015,071\\n305,456\\nSchuyler Colfax,* Ind., Rep\\nF. P. Blair, Jr., Mo., Dem\\n214\\n_80\\n80\\njr. DMir, or., -lv.,\\n18?8..~\\nCI vises S. Grant.* 111., Rep\\n3,597,070\\n2,834,079\\n29,408\\n5,608\\n76: ,99i\\n286 Henry Wilson,* Mass., Rep\\ng JB. Gratz Brown, Mo., D. L\\niJohn Q. Adams, Mass., Dem\\n286\\nCharles O Conor, X. Y., Dem\\n47\\n42!\\n18\\n2!\\n1\\nGeorge W. Julian, Ind., Lib\\n5\\n5\\n3\\n3\\nWillis B. Machen, Kv., Dem\\nN. P. Banks, Mass., Lib\\n1\\n1\\n1876....\\nRutherford B. Haves,* 0.. Rep\\n4,284,385\\n4,033,950\\n81,740\\n9,522\\n2,636\\n184\\nhlS5\\ni\\n214\\nWilliam A. Wheeler,* X. Y., Rep....\\nGideon T. Stewart,0., Pro\\nD. Kirkpatrick, N. Y., Amer\\n185\\n1880....\\n4,449,053\\n4,442,035\\n307,306\\n10,305\\n707\\n7,018\\nChester A.Arthur,* X. Y., Eep\\n214\\nW. S. Hancock, Pa., Dem\\n155\\nWilliam H. English, Ind., Dem\\nB. J. Chambers, Texas, Gre nb\\nH. A. Thom-oson. O.. Pro\\n155\\n1884-...\\nNeal Dow, Me., Pro\\nJohn W. Phelps, Vt., Amer\\n4,911,017\\n4,848,334\\n151,809\\n133,825\\n219\\n219\\n182\\n163\\nWilliam Daniel, Md., Pro\\nA. IL West, Miss., Peop\\nBenjamin F. Butler, Mass., Peop\\nP. D. Wigginton, Cal., Amer\\n396", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0468.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nelectoral and popular vote Continued.\\nYear of\\nElection.\\nCandidates for President, State, and\\nPolitical Party.\\nPopular\\nVote.\\n5,538,233\\n5,440,216\\n249,907\\n148,105\\n2,808\\n1,591\\nPlu-\\nrality.\\n93,017\\nElec\\ntoral\\nVote.\\nCandidates i\u00c2\u00abr Vice-President, State,\\nand Political Party.\\nEls-\\ntoral\\nVote.\\n1888....\\nClinton B. Fisk, N. J., Pro\\n168\\n233\\nAllen G. Thunnan, O., Dem\\n1*8\\nLevi P. Morton,* N. Y., Rep\\n233\\nJohn A. Brooks, Mo., Pro\\nW. H. T. Waketield, Kan., U d L....\\nAlson J. Streeter, 111., U. L\\nR. H. Cowdry, 111., U d L\\n189*....\\n5,556,918\\n5,176,108\\n1,041,028\\n264,133\\n21,164\\n380,810\\nT01,851\\n277\\n145\\n22\\nWhitelawReid, N. Y., Rep..\\nS7T\\n145\\nJohn Bidwell, Cal., Pro\\nS2\\nCharles H. Matchett, N. Y., Soc. L...\\nIS IKS\\nWilliam McKinley,* 0., Rep\\n7,104,779\\n6,502,925\\n132,007\\n133,148\\n36,274)\\n13,969 1\\n271\\n176\\nGarret A. Hobart,* N. J., Rep\\nWilliam J. Bryan, Neb., Dem.\\nWilliam J. Bryan, Neb., Pop.\\n17tJ\\nCharles H. Matchett, N. Y., Soc. L....\\nCharles E. Bcntlev, Neb., Nat. (j)\\nMatthew Maguire, N. J., Soc. L\\nlames H. Southgate, N. C, Nat. (j\\nThe candidates starred were elected, (a) The first Republican Party Is claimed by the present Democratic Party as If s\\nprogenitor, (b) No candidate having a majority of the electoral vote, the House of Representatives elected Adams, (c) Can-\\ndidate of the Anti-Masonic Party, (d) There being no choice, the Senate elected Johnson, (e) Eleven Southern States,\\nbaing within the belligerent territory, did not vote, (f Three Southern States disfranchised, (g) Horace Greeley died after\\nelection, and Democratic electors scattered their vote, (h) There being a dispute over the electoral votes of Florida, Louisi-\\nana, Oregon, and South Carolina, they were referred by Congress to \u00c2\u00bbn electoral commission composed of eight Republicans\\nand ssven Democrats, which, by a strict party vote, awarded 185 electoral votes to Hayes and 184 to Tilden. (i) Free Demo-\\ncrat, (j) Free-Silver Prohibition Party, (k) In Massachusetts. There was also a Native American ticket in that State,\\nwhich received 1.34 votes.\\nI also present the lists of the Presidents and Vice-Presi-\\ndents of the United States, as given in the New York World\\nAlmanac for 1900, as follows\\nPRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nName.\\nGeorge Washington..\\nJohn Adams\\nThomas Jefferson\\nJames Madison\\nJames Monroe\\nJohn Quincy Adams.\\nAndrew Jackson\\nMartin Van Butch..\\nWilliam II. Harrison.\\nJohn Tyler\\nJames K.Polk\\nZachary Taylor\\nMillard Fillmore\\nFranklin Pierce\\nJame3 Buchanan\\nAbraham Lincoln\\nAndrew Johnson\\nUlysses S. Grant\\nRntherford B. Hayes.\\nJames A. Garfield\\nChester A. Arthur....\\nGroyer Cleveland\\nBenjamin Harrison....\\nGrover Cleveland\\nWilliam McKinley.\\nBirthplace.\\nWestmoreland Co., Va.\\nQuincy, Mass\\nShadwell, Va\\nPort Conway, Va\\nWestmoreland Co., Va.\\nQuincy, Mass\\nUnion Co., N. C...\\nKinderbook, N. Y...\\nBerkeley, Va\\nGreenway, Va\\nMecklenburg, Co., N.C\\nOrange Co., Va\\nSummerhill, N. Y.\\nHillsboro, N. H....\\nCove Gap, Pa\\nLame Co., Kv\\nRaleigh, N. C\\nPoint Pleasant, O..,\\nDelaware, O\\nCuvahoga Co., O...\\nFairfield, Vt\\nCaldwell, N.J\\nNorth Bend, O\\nCaldwell, N. J\\nNiles, O\\nPaternal\\nAncestry.\\n1732\\n1735\\n1743\\n1751\\n1758\\n1767\\n1767\\n1782\\n1773\\n1790\\n1795\\n1784\\n1S00\\n1804\\n1791\\n1809\\n1\\n1822\\n1822\\n1831\\n1830\\n1837\\n1833\\nH37\\n1843\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nWelsh\\nEnglish\\nScotch\\nEnglish\\nScotch-Irish.\\nDutch\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nScotch-Irish,\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nScotch-Irish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nScotch\\nScotch\\nEnglish\\nScotch-Irish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nScotch-Irish\\nPi-o\\nVa~\\nMass,\\nVa....\\nVa....\\nVa...\\nMass\\nTenn\\nN. Y\\nO...\\nVa...\\nTenn\\nLa...\\nN. Y\\nN. H\\nPa...\\n111...\\nTenn\\nD. C.\\nO...\\nO...\\nN. Y\\nN. Y\\nLid..\\nN. Y\\nO...\\nInaugurated.\\n1797\\n1801\\n1809\\n1817\\n1825\\n1829\\n1837\\n1841\\n1841\\n1845\\n1849\\n1850\\n1853\\n1857\\n1861\\n1865\\n1869\\n1877\\n18S1\\n1881\\n18S5\\n1889\\n1893\\n1897\\nPolitics.\\nFed....\\nFed....\\nRep....\\nRep....\\nRep....\\nRep....\\nDem...,\\nDem...,\\nWhig..\\nDem...\\nDem...\\nWhig..\\nWhig..\\nDem...\\nDem...\\nRep...\\nRep...\\nRep...\\nRep...\\nRep...\\nRep...\\nDem...\\nRep\\nDem...\\nRep...\\nPlace of Death.\\nMt. Vernon, Va\\nQuincy, Mass\\nMonticello, Va\\nMontpelier, Va\\nNew York City\\nWashington, D. C\\nHermitage, Tenn\\nLindenwold, N. Y\\nWashington, D. C\\nRichmond, Va\\nNashville, Tenn\\nWashington, D. C...\\nBuffalo, N. Y\\nConcord, N. II\\nWheatland, Pa\\nWashington, D. C...\\nCarter s Depot, Tenn..\\nMt. McGregor, N. Y.\\nFremont, O\\nLong Branch, N. J\\nNew York City\\n1799\\n1\\n1826\\n1826\\n1831\\n1843\\n1845\\n1862\\n1841\\n1802\\n1849\\n1850\\n1874\\n18K9\\n1S68\\n1865\\n1875\\n1885\\n189,\\n18S1\\n397", "height": "3736", "width": "2245", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0469.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nVICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nNam*.\\nBirthplace.\\n1 John Adams\\nS Thomas Jefferson\\n3 Aaron Burr\\n4 George Clinton\\n5 Elbridge Gerry\\n6 Daniel D. Tompkins..\\n7 John C. Calhoun\\n8 Martin Van Buren....\\n9 Richard M. Johnson..\\n10 John Tvler\\n11 George M. Dallas\\n12 Millard Fillmore.....\\n13. William R. Kin-\\n14 John C. Breckenridge.\\n15 Hannibal Hamlin\\n16i Andrew Johnson\\n1 7 Schuyler Colfax\\n1? Henrv Wilson\\n19 William A. Wheeler.\\n20 Chester A. Arthur...\\n21|Thos. A. Hendricks..\\nLevi P. Morton\\n23jAdlai E. Stevenson...\\n24 Garret A. Hobart\\niQuincy, Mass\\njShadwell, Va\\nj Newark, N. J\\nUlster Co., N. Y\\nMarblehead, Mass\\nScarsdale, N. Y\\n(Abbeville, S. C\\nKinderhook, N. Y\\nLouisville, Ky\\njGreenway, Va\\nPhiladelphia. Pa\\nSummer Hill, N. Y...\\n(Sampson Co., N. C\\nLexington, Ky\\nParis, Me\\nRaleigh, N. C\\nNew York City, N. Y\\n|Farmington, N. H...\\nIMalone, N. Y\\nFairfield, Vt\\nMuskingum Co., O.\\nShoreham, Vt\\n(Christian Co., Ky\\niLong Branch, N. J...\\n1735\\n1743\\n1756\\n1739\\n1744\\n1774\\n1762\\n1782\\n1780\\n1790\\n1792\\n1300\\n1786\\n1821\\n1309\\n1\\n1823\\n1812\\n1819\\n1830\\n1819\\n1S24\\n1835\\n1844\\nPaternal\\nAncestry.\\nEnglish\\nWelsh\\nEuglith\\nEngli-h\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nScotch-Irish.\\nDutch\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish\\nScotch\\nEnglish\\nFnglish\\nEnglish\\nEnglish.\\nEnglish\\nScotch-Irish\\nScotch-Irish\\nScotch\\nScotch-Irish\\nEnglish\\nMass.\\nN. Y.\\nN. Y.\\nMass.\\nN. Y.\\nS. C.\\nN. Y.\\nKy...\\na\\nPa....\\nN. Y\\nAla...\\nKv.-\\nM?...\\nTenn,\\nInd..\\nMass\\nN. Y\\nN. Y\\nInd..\\nN. Y\\n111...\\nN. J.\\nPolitics.\\n1189 Fed\\n1797 Rep\\n1801\\n1S05\\n1813\\n1817\\n1825\\n1S33\\n1637\\n1641\\n1845\\n1649\\nlS53JDem\\n1857\\n1S61\\n1865\\n1869\\n1873\\n1877\\n1831\\n1685\\n18S9\\n1893\\n1897\\nRep..\\nRep..\\nRep..\\nRep..\\nE.ep..\\nDrm\\nDem\\nDem\\nDem\\nWhig\\nDem.\\nRep..\\nRep..\\nRep..\\nRep..\\nRep.\\nRep..\\nDem\\nRep..\\nDem\\nRep..\\nPlace of Death.\\nQuincy, Mass\\nMonti cello, Va\\nStaten Island, N. Y...\\nWashington, D. C\\nWashington, D. C\\nStaten Island, N. Y.\\nWashington, D. C\\nKinderhook, N. Y\\nFrankfort, Ky\\nRichmond, Na\\nPhiladelphia, Pa\\nBuffalo, N. T\\nDallas Co., Ala\\nLexington. Ky\\nBangor, Me\\nCarter Co., Tenn\\nMankato, Minn\\nWashington,!). C\\nMalone, N. Y\\nNew York City, N. Y.\\nIndianapolis, Ind\\nI aterson, N. J 169$ t\\ni8i 5\\n96\\nlt)2C\\nB3\\n183C\\n86\\n1819\\n73\\n1514\\n70\\n1825\\n51\\nc ;o\\n6S\\n1862\\n79\\n1650\\n70\\n:se r\\n72\\n1864\\n72\\n1874\\n74\\n1853\\n67\\n1875\\n\u00c2\u00a34\\n1891\\n61\\n1875\\n60\\n1885\\n52\\niS7\u00c2\u00a3\\n13\\nI=\u00c2\u00a37\\n65\\n1886\\n\u00c2\u00a35\\n:s*i\\n66\\nc\\nPresident Buchanan was the only Chief Magistrate of the\\nRepublic who, having served one term in the Presidency,\\nwas not a candidate for re-election. ^He announced his pur-\\npose not to be a candidate in his inaugural address, and I\\ndoubt not that he nevei swerved from that determination.\\nAt the close of his administration the political conditions\\ngave no promise of his re-election, however much he might\\nhave desired it, but he was then past the patriarchal years,\\nand he is the one President who entered the office to\\nserve only a term and adhered to it. The elder Adams was\\ndefeated for re-election by Jefferson; the younger Adams\\nwas defeated for re-election by Jackson Van Buren was de-\\nfeated for re-election by the elder Harrison, and the younger\\nHarrison was defeated for re-election by Cleveland, while\\nHayes, Polk and Pierce were candidates for re-election, but\\nwere rejected by the party.\\nFour Vice-Presidents succeeded to the Presidency by the\\ndeath of the President, and all of them were earnest candi-\\ndates for election to another term. Tyler and Johnson\\nsought the Democratic nomination and failed. Fillmore\\nfailed in the struggle for the Whig nomination, and Arthur\\nwas defeated by Blaine.\\nWashington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Lin-\\ncoln, Grant, and Cleveland were twice elected President.\\nJefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland were each defeated for the\\n398", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0470.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nPresidency, although twice elected. Jefferson and Jackson\\nwere defeated in their first contests, and then elected to two\\nsuccessive terms, and Cleveland was elected in 1884, defeated\\nin 1888, and re-elected in 1892. Jackson and Cleveland are\\nthe only two Presidents who were candidates in three na-\\ntional elections and received an increased plurality in each\\nsuccessive contest. Both were defeated in one battle when\\nthey had received the largest popular vote. Grant was the\\nonly President who made a struggle for a third term.\\nFour Presidents died in office namely, Harrison in 1841,\\nafter having served but little over a month; Taylor in 1850,\\nafter having served less than a year and a half; Lincoln in\\n1865, only a little more than a month after his second\\ninauguration, and Garfield in 1881, before the close of the\\nfirst year of his administration.\\nSix Vice-Presidents have died in office: Clinton in 1812,\\nafter having presided over the Senate for seven years Gerry\\nin 1814, after little more than a year of service; William\\nR. King, in 1853, wno to \u00c2\u00b0k tne oatn as Vice-President\\non the 4th of March of that year in Cuba, and died soon\\nthereafter; Henry Wilson in 1875, having served but little\\nmore than half his term; Thomas A. Hendricks in 1885,\\nhaving served less than a year, and Hobart in 1899, leaving\\nnearly a year and a half of his term unexpired.\\nNo President pro tern, of the Senate has ever reached the\\nPresidency. There was only one occasion in the history of\\nthe Government when it seemed probable that the President\\npro tent, might be called to the chief executive office of the\\nnation. Johnson, as Vice-President, had succeeded Lincoln\\nas President, and Senator Wade, of Ohio, was president\\npro tern, of the Senate. In 1868, some ten months before\\nthe expiration of Johnson s term, he was impeached by the\\nHouse, and acquitted in the Senate by a single vote. The\\nquestion was then raised as to whether the President pro tern.\\nof the Senate was such an officer as was contemplated by the\\nConstitution to fill the office of President, and there was con-\\nsiderable agitation from time to time on the subject in Con-\\ngress, which finally culminated in the passage of the Presi-\\ndential Succession bill of January 18, 1886, by which the suc-\\ncession to the Presidency is fully defined and eligibles are\\nprovided quite sufficient in number to meet any possible\\nemergency. The following is the full text of the present law\\nregulating the Presidential succession\\n399", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0471.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nBe it enacted, etc., that in case of the removal, death, resigna-\\ntion, or inability of both the President and Vice-President of the\\nUnited States, the Secretary of State, or if there be none, or in\\ncase of his removal, death, resignation, or inability, then the Secre-\\ntary of the Treasury, or if there be none, or in case of his removal,\\ndeath, resignation, or inability, then the Secretary of War, or if\\nthere be none, or in case of his removal, death, resignation, or in-\\nability, then the Attorney-General, or if there be none, or in case\\nof his removal, death, resignation, or inability, then the Postmaster-\\nGeneral, or if there be none, or in case of his removal, death, resig-\\nnation, or inability, then the Secretary of the Navy, or if there\\nbe none, or in case of his removal, death, resignation, or inability,\\nthen the Secretary of the Interior shall act as President until the\\ndisability of the President or Vice-President is removed, or a\\nPresident shall be elected provided, that whenever the powers and\\nduties of the office of President of the United States shall devolve\\nupon any of the persons named herein, if Congress be not then in\\nsession, or if it would not meet in accordance with law within\\ntwenty days thereafter, it shall be the duty of the person upon whom\\nsaid powers and duties shall devolve to issue a proclamation con-\\nvening Congress in extraordinary session, giving twenty days notice\\nof the time of meeting.\\nSection 2. That the preceding section shall only be held to\\ndescribe and apply to such officers as shall have been appointed ,by\\nthe advice and consent of the Senate to the offices therein named,\\nand such as are eligible to the office of President under the Consti-\\ntution, and not under impeachment by the House of Representatives\\nof the United States at the time the powers and duties of the office\\nshall devolve upon them respectively.\\nSec. 3. That sections 146, 147, 148, 149, and 150 of the Revised\\nStatutes are hereby repealed.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0472.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "CONTESTED PRESIDENTIAL ELEC-\\nTIONS\\nThere have been only two seriously contested elections in\\nthe history of our Presidential conflicts. They were the\\ncontest between Jefferson and Burr in 1 800-1 and the con-\\ntest between Hayes and Tilden in 1876-7. The Hayes-Til-\\nden contest brought the country to the verge of revolution,\\nand the very close battle between Garfield and Hancock four\\nyears later, and the Cleveland-Blaine struggle of 1884, that\\nturned upon 1.100 majority in a vote of nearly 6,000,000 in\\nNew York State, taught the necessity of having some definite\\nstatute providing for the determination of disputed electoral\\nvotes in the States by which such disputes would be prac-\\ntically eliminated from the powers of Congress. The fol-\\nlowing is the full text of the present statute, approved Feb-\\nruary 3, 1887, providing for the determination of contested\\nelectors\\nBe it enacted, etc., that the electors of each State shall meet and\\ngive their votes on the second Monday in January next following\\ntheir appointment, at such place in each State as the Legislature\\nof such State shall direct.\\nSection 2. That if any State shall have provided, by laws en-\\nacted prior to the day fixed for the appointment of the electors,\\nfor its final determination of any controversy or contest concern-\\ning the appointment of all or any of the electors of such State, by\\njudicial or other methods of procedure, and such determination\\nshall have been made at least six days before the time fixed for the\\nmeeting of the electors, such determination made pursuant to such\\nlaw so existing on said day, and made at least six days prior to the\\nsaid time of meeting of the electors, shall be conclusive, and shall\\ngovern in the counting of the electoral votes as provided in the\\nConstitution, as hereinafter regulated, so far as the ascertainment\\nof the electors appointed by. such State is concerned.\\nSec. 3. That it shall be the duty of the executive of each\\nState, as soon as practicable after the conclusion of the appointment\\nof electors in such State, by the final ascertainment under and in\\npursuance of the laws of such State providing for such ascertain-\\nment, to communicate under the seal of the State, to the Secretary\\n401", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0473.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\nof State of the United States, a certificate of such ascertainment of\\nthe electors appointed, setting forth the names of such electors and\\nthe canvass or other ascertainment, under the laws of such State,\\nof the number of votes given or cast for each person for whose\\nappointment any and all votes have been given or cast; and it shall\\nalso thereupon be the duty of the executive of each State to deliver\\nto the electors of such State, on or before the day on which they are\\nrequired, by the preceding section, to meet, the same certificate, in\\ntriplicate, under the seal of the State; and such certificate shall be\\nenclosed and transmitted by the electors at the same time and in\\nthe same manner as is provided by law for transmitting by such\\nelectors to the seat of government the lists of all persons voted for\\nas President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President: and\\nSection 136 of the Revised Statutes is hereby repealed; and if there\\nshall have been any final determination in the State of a controversy\\nor contest, as provided for in Section 2 of this act, it shall be the\\nduty of the executive of such State, as soon as practicable after such\\ndetermination, to commur.::i:e. under the seal of the State, to the\\nSecretary of State of the United States, a certificate of such deter-\\nmination, in form and manner as the same shall have been made;\\nand the Secretary of State of the United State;, as soon as prac-\\nticable after the receipt at the State Department of each of the cer-\\ntificates hereinbefore directed to be transmitted to the Secretary\\nof State, shall publish, in such public newspaper as he shall desig-\\nnate, such certificates in full; and at the first meeting of Congrt\\nthereafter, he shall transmit to the two Houses of Congress copies\\nin full of each and every such certificate so received theretofore at\\nthe State Departmer.:.\\nSec. 4. That Congress shall be in session on the second\\nWednesday in Februan- succeeding every meeting of the electors.\\nThe Senate and House of Representatives shall meet in the hall\\nof the House of Representatives at the hour of one o clock in the\\nafternoon, on that day, and the President of the Senate shall be\\ntheir presiding officer. Two tellers shall be previously appointed\\non the part o\u00c2\u00a3 the Senate, and two on the part of the House of\\nRepresentatives, to whom shall be handed, as they are opened by\\nthe President of the Senate, all the certificates and papers purport-\\ning to be the certificates of the electoral vote, which certificates and\\npapers shall be opened, presented, and acted upon in the alphabetical\\norder of the States, beginnirg ::h the letter A; and said tellers,\\nhaving then read the same in the presence and hearing of the two\\nHouses, shall make a list of the votes as they shall appear from\\nthe said certificates, and, the votes having been ascertained and\\ncounted in the manner and according to the rules in this act pro-\\nvided, the result of the same shall be delivered to the President of\\nthe Senate, who shall thereupon announce the state of the vote,\\nwhich announcement shall be deemed a sufficient declaration of the\\npersons, if any, elected President and Vice-President of the United\\nStates, and, together with a list of the votes, be entered on the\\njournals of the two Houses. Upon such reading of any such cer-\\ntificate or paper, the President of the Senate shall call for objections,\\nif any. Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state\\nclearly and concisely, and without argument, the ground thereof, and\\nshall be signed by at least one senator and one member of the House\\nA 02", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0474.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "AND HOW WE MAKE THEM\\nof Representatives before the same shall be received. When all ob-\\njections so made to any vote or paper from a State shall have been\\nreceived and read, the Senate shall thereupon withdraw, and such\\nobjections shall be submitted to the Senate for its decision; and the\\nSpeaker of the House of Representatives shall, in like manner, sub-\\nmit such objections to the House of Represestatives for its decision;\\nand no electoral vote or votes from any State which shall have been\\nregularly given by electors, whose appointment has been lawfully\\ncertified to according to Section 3 of this act, from which but one re-\\nturn has been received, shall be rejected; but the two Houses con-\\ncurrently may reject the vote or votes when they agree that such\\nvote or votes have not been s regularly given by electors whose\\nappointment has been so certified. If more than one return or\\npaper purporting to be a return from a State shall have been re-\\nceived by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only,\\nshall be counted which shall have been regularly given by the elect-\\nors who are shown by the determination mentioned in Section 2\\nof this act to have been appointed, if the determination in said sec-\\ntion provided for shall have been made, or by such successors, or\\nsubstitutes, in case of a vacancy in the board of electors v so ascer-\\ntained, as have been appointed to fill such vacancy in the mode\\nprovided by the laws of the State but in case there shall arise a\\nquestion which of two or more of such State authorities determin-\\ning what electors have been appointed, as mentioned in Section 2 of\\nthis act, is the lawful tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given\\nof those electors, and those only, of such State shall be counted\\nwhose title as electors the two Houses, acting separately, shall con-\\ncurrently decide is supported by the decision of such State so au-\\nthorized by its laws and in such case of more than one return or\\npaper purporting to be a return from a State, if there shall have\\nbeen no such determination of the question in the State aforesaid,\\nthen those votes, and those only, shall be counted which the two\\nHouses shall concurrently decide were cast by lawful electors ap-\\npointed in accordance with the laws of the State, unless the two\\nHouses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide such votes not\\nto be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such\\nState. But if the two Houses shall disagree in respect of the count-\\ning of such votes, then and in that case the votes of the electors whose\\nappointment shall have been certified by the executive of the State,\\nunder the seal thereof, shall be counted. When the two Houses\\nhave voted, they shall immediately again meet, and the presiding\\nofficer shall then announce the decision of the questions submitted.\\nNo votes or papers from any other State shall be acted upon until the\\nobjections previously made to the votes \u00c2\u00a9r papers from any State\\nshall have been finally disposed of.\\nSec. 5. That while the two Houses shall be in meeting as pro-\\nvided in this act, the President of the Senate shall have power to\\npreserve order; and no debate shall be allowed and no question shall\\nbe put by the presiding officer, except to either House on a motion\\nto withdraw.\\nSec. 6. That when the two Houses separate to decide upon\\nan objection that may have been made to the counting of any elec-\\ntoral vote or votes from any State, or other question arising in the\\nmatter, each Senator and Representative may speak to such objec-\\n403", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0475.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "OUR PRESIDENTS\\ntion or question five minutes, and not more than once; but after\\nsuch debate shall have lasted two hours, it shall be the duty of the\\npresiding officer of each House to put the main question without\\nfurther debate.\\nSec. 7. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until the\\ncount of electoral votes shall be completed and the result declared\\nand no recess shall be taken unless a question shall have arisen in\\nregard to counting any such votes, or otherwise under this act, in\\nwhich case it shall be competent for either House, acting separately,\\nin the manner hereinbefore provided, to direct a recess of such\\nHouse not beyond the next calendar day, Sunday excepted, at the\\nhour of ten o clock in the forenoon. But if the counting of the\\nelectoral votes and the declaration of the result shall not have been\\ncompleted before the fifth calendar day next after such first meet-\\ning of the two Houses, no further or other recess shall be taken by\\neither House.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0476.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAbolition party, birth of the, and\\nits first candidates, 65 its sec-\\nond nominations, 84, 85 its plat-\\nform in 1844, 85-88 its leaders\\ndenounced by Greeley, 90.\\nAdams, Charles Francis, a candi-\\ndate for the nomination of Pres-\\nident by the Liberal Republi-\\ncans, 229.\\nAdams, John, his first election to\\nthe Vice-Presidency, 2-4 his\\nsecond election to the Vice-Pres-\\nidency, 4-6 his election to the\\nPresidency, 7-1 1; supported by\\nWashington as the Federalist\\ncandidate, 8 the campaign the\\nmost defamatory in American\\npolitics, 9 his vote in the third\\nElectoral College, 10, 11 de-\\nfeated for the Presidency, 12-20\\nhis ungracious departure from\\nthe Executive Mansion, 20; his\\nafter-life and death, 20.\\nAdams, John Quincy, defeated for\\nthe Presidency, 35, 37 his elec-\\ntion to the Presidency by Con-\\ngress, 39-46 his popular vote,\\n42 his vote in the tenth Electo-\\nral College, 43, 45 the real au-\\nthor of the Monroe Doctrine, 46\\ndefeated for the Presidency, 47-\\n51 a model President, his after-\\nlife and death, 45, 46.\\nAdams, John Quincy, receives the\\nVice-Presidential nomination of\\nthe Democratic dissenters in\\n1872, 238 offered the nomina-\\ntion of the Presidency by the\\nsame party, 238.\\nAdams, Samuel, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the third Electoral\\nCollege, 10, 11.\\nAlien and Sedition laws, passage\\nof, and their purposes, 12, 13.\\nAllen, Philip, at a national Whig\\nconvention in 1848, 107.\\nAmerican National party, its can-\\ndidates and platform in 1876,\\n260 its candidates and platform\\nin 1880, 283 its candidates and\\nplatform in 1888, 330-332 splits\\non a question of voting, 331.\\nAmerican Prohibition National\\nparty (a split from the Prohibi-\\ntion party), its candidates and\\nplatform in 1884, 304, 305.\\nAnti-Mason party, its birth and\\npower, 52, 53 calls the first po-\\nlitical national convention ever\\nheld in the country, at Philadel-\\nphia, 52 its nominations, 53\\nits ticket adopted by the Nation-\\nal Republicans in several States,\\n54-\\nAnti-Monopoly party, its candi-\\ndates and platform in 1884, 299-\\n301.\\nArmstrong, James, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the first Electoral\\nCollege, 3, 4.\\nArthur, Chester A., his election to\\nthe Vice Presidency, 274-284\\nsucceeds to the Presidency after\\nthe death of Garfield, 286 his\\nadmirable adminstration, 286,\\n287 the author meets him at a\\ndinner given by Cameron, 287\\nhis life after his retirement from\\noffice, 287.\\nAshman, George, permanent chair-\\n405", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0477.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nman of Republican National Con-\\nvention of i860, 157.\\nBanks, Nathaniel P., his vote for\\nthe Vice-Presidency in the twen-\\nty-second Electoral College, 241.\\nBarnburners, the, 98, 99, 107.\\nBell, John, the nominee of the\\nConstitutional Union party for\\nthe Presidency, 173, 174; the\\nauthor s account of his debate\\nwith Johnson, 204.\\nBently, Rev. Charles E., the nom-\\ninee for the Presidency of the\\nBroad-Gauge Prohibitionists,\\n386 his popular vote, 391.\\nBenton, Thomas H., at a national\\nWhig convention in 1848, 107.\\nBidwell, John, nominated for the\\nPresidency by the Prohibition\\nparty, 351 his popular vote,\\n259-\\nBirney, James G., the candidate\\nof the Abolition party, his first\\ndefeat for the Presidency, 65, 71,\\n72 his second defeat for the\\nPresidency as the candidate of\\nthe Liberty party, 90, 91.\\nBlack, James, nominated for the\\nPresidency by the Prohibition\\nparty in 1872, 228 at the Prohi-\\nbition National Convention in\\n1888, 329.\\nBlaine, James G., compared with\\nHenry Clay, 244-246 at the Re-\\npublican convention at Cincin-\\nnati in 1876, 247-249, 252 his\\nefforts to secure the Republican\\nnomination for the Presidency in\\n1880, 270, 274 defeated for the\\nPresidency, 288-315 he favored\\nthe nominations of General\\nSherman and Robert T. Lincoln,\\n288 his nomination, 289 his\\npopular and electoral vote, 308,\\n309 why he was defeated in\\nNew York State and lost the\\nelection, 309-312 how he treat-\\ned the Cleveland scandal, 312\\nhe declines the Presidential\\nnomination in 1888, 315 his\\nafter-life, 315.\\nBlair, Francis P., shelters Johnson\\nduring his incapacity after his\\ninauguration, 204 nominated\\nfor the Vice-Presidency by the\\nDemocrats in 1868, 216.\\nBooth, Newton, receives the\\nGreenback nomination for\\nthe Presidency, 257.\\nBramlette, Thomas E., his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the twenty-\\nsecond Electoral College, 241.\\nBreckenridge, John C, defeated\\nfor the Presidency, 166-176.\\nBrooks, John A., nominated for\\nthe Vice-Presidency by the Pro-\\nhibition party, 329.\\nBrown, B. Gratz, the nominee of the\\nLiberal Republicans for the Pres-\\nidency, 229-231 nominated for\\nthe same office by the Democrats,\\n238 his vote in the twenty-sec-\\nond Electoral College, 241.\\nBryan, William J., his defeat for\\nthe Presidency, 361 394 his\\nnomination by the Democratic\\nparty, 37*-373 his nomination\\nby the People s party, 378 his\\nremarkable campaign, 390 his\\npopular vote, 391 his electoral\\nvote, 392 the remarkable polit-\\nical independence shown in the\\ncontest, 392-394.\\nBuchanan, James, his election to\\nthe Presidency, 130-153 favored\\nby the Southern Democrats, 130,\\n131 his nomination at Cincin-\\nnati, 131, 132 one of the most\\ndesperately fought conflicts in\\nAmerican politics, 145 his pop-\\nular and electoral vote, 148 far-\\nreaching effects of his quarrel\\nwith Forney, 149- 151 his po-\\nlitical methods compared with\\nthose of the present day, 151,\\n152, and note his determination\\nto end the slavery agitation, 152\\nhis reputation, character, and\\ndeath, 153.\\nBuckner, Simon B., the nominee\\nof the Sound Money Demo-\\ncrats for the Vice-Presidency, 383.\\nBurchard, Rev. Samuel D., his ef-\\nfort to restore public confidence\\nin Blaine s integrity jeopardizes\\nhis election to the Presidency,\\n310-312.\\n406", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0478.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nBurr, Aaron, his vote for the Pres-\\nidency in the second Electoral\\nCollege, 6 his character, 9 his\\nvote in the third Electoral Col-\\nlege, 10, 11 his election to the\\nVice-Presidency, 12-20 his infa-\\nmous attempt to defeat Jefferson\\nin the Electoral College, 17, 18, 19.\\nButler, Benjamin F., the nominee\\nof the Anti-Monopoly party for\\nthe Presidency, 299 receives the\\nPresidential nomination of the\\nNational Greenback party,\\n301 his popular vote, 308, 309.\\nCalhoun, John C, his first elec-\\ntion to the Vice-Presidency, 39-\\n45 his second election to the\\nsame office, 49-51; Jackson s\\nquarrel with, 52.\\nCameron, Donald J., at the Repub-\\nlican convention of 1 876, 248,\\n249 the chief factor in securing\\nthe election of Hayes, 265 his\\ndinner given in honor of Arthur,\\n287 his strained relations with\\nHarrison, 337, 338 his defeat of\\nthe Force bill and how it affected\\nhis political fortunes, 339, 340.\\nCampbell, Judge, his appointment\\nas postmaster-general by Pierce\\nrevives NativeAmericanism, 128.\\nCass, Lewis, how he came to be\\nnominated and defeated for the\\nPresidency, 98 at a Whig na-\\ntional convention in 1848, 107\\npopular and electoral vote cast\\nfor him, 112 his popularity in\\nthe West, 113.\\nChamberlain, Edward M., nom-\\ninated for the Vice Presidency\\nby the Labor Reform party in\\n1872, 227.\\nChambers, B. B., Greenback\\ncandidate for the Vice -Presi-\\ndency, 281.\\nChase, Salmon P., his anticipated\\nnomination for the Presidency\\nby the Democrats, 211, 212 how\\nhis defeat by Tilden was avenged\\nby Conkling, 268, 269.\\nClay, Henry, his first defeat for the\\nPresidency, 39-45 his vote for\\nthe Vice-Presidency in the tenth\\nElectoral College, 43 his second\\ndefeat for the Presidency, 53-57;\\nhis third defeat for the Presi-\\ndency, 75-93 his reply to the\\naddress of the Kentucky electors,\\n92, 93 compared with Blaine,\\n244-246.\\nCleveland, Grover, his first election\\nto the Presidency, 288-315 the\\nspirited and earnest character of\\nthe campaign, 288 his nomina-\\ntion, 294 his popular and elec-\\ntoral vote, 308, 309 how he\\ngamed the vote of New York\\nState, 310-312 Dana s estrange-\\nment from, 312-315 his treat-\\nment of the Blaine scandal, 312\\ndevoted to his official duties, 314\\nhis defeat for the Presidency,\\n316-336 his unanimous nomi-\\nnation, 316 character of the\\ncampaign, 332 his popular and\\nelectoral vote, 333 why he lost\\nthe election, 334; governed by\\nhis convictions, 334 his social\\nand political character outlined in\\ntheauthor s intercourse with him,\\n335 his second election to the\\nPresidency, 337-360 his nomi-\\nnation, 343-345 character of the\\ncampaign, 358 his popular and\\nelectoral vote, 359 his contests\\nfor the Presidency like those of\\nJackson, 360; compared with\\nHarrison, 361 a review of his\\nadministration, 362-365; his\\nadministration condemned at\\nthe Democratic National Con-\\nvention of 1896, 371, 372.\\nClinton, De Witt, defeated for the\\nPresidency, 29-31.\\nClinton, George, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the first Electoral\\nCollege, 3, 4 in the second, 6\\nin the third, 10, 11 his first elec-\\ntion to the Vice-Presidency, 22-\\n24 his defeat for the Presidency\\nand his second election to the\\nVice-Presidency, 25-27 died in\\noffice, 28.\\nCochrane, John, nominated for\\nVice-President by revolting Re-\\npublicans in 1864, and his with-\\ndrawal, 192.\\n407", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0479.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nCockran,Bourke, his speech against\\nthe nomination of Cleveland at\\nthe Democratic National Con-\\nvention of 1892, 344.\\nColfax, Schuyler, his election to\\nthe Vice-Presidency, 210-220.\\nColquitt, Alfred H., his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the twenty-\\nsecond Electoral College, 241.\\nConant, John A., receives the\\nVice-Presidential nomination of\\nthe American Prohibition Na-\\ntional party, 304.\\nConkling, Roscoe, his efforts to\\nsecure the nomination of Grant\\nat the Republican convention of\\n1S80, at Chicago, 270, 271, 274\\nhis breach with Garfield, 284,\\n285 his strained relations with\\nArthur, 286 his retirement from\\npolitics and his death, 285, 286.\\nConstitutional Union party, its\\nconvention at Baltimore in i860,\\nand its candidates and platform,\\n173, 174.\\nContested Presidential elections,\\nand the statute relating to, 401-\\n404.\\nCooper, Peter, receives the\\nGreenback nomination for\\nPresident, 257.\\nCorwin, Thomas, his illustration\\nof the Taylor-Cass campaign in\\na speech in Ohio, 113, 114.\\nCowdrey, Robert H., nominated\\nfor the Presidency by the United\\nLabor party, 327.\\nCranfill, J. P., the Vice-Presiden-\\ntial nominee of the Prohibition\\nparty, 351.\\nCrawford, William H., defeated for\\nthe Presidency, 39-45.\\nCurtin, Andrew G., his visit to\\nJohnson accompanied by the\\nauthor, 205-207 a candidate for\\nthe nomination of Vice-Presi-\\ndent in 1868, 210 a cabinet posi-\\ntion refused him by Grant, who\\nappoints him minister to Russia,\\n222 his courage in opposing\\npernicious pension legislation\\nexposes the cowardice of Con-\\ngressmen, 364, 365.\\nCurtis, James Langdon, nomi-\\nnated for the Presidency by the\\nAmerican party, 331.\\nDallas, George M., his election\\nto the Vice-Presidency in 1844,\\n75-93-\\nDana, Charles A., the story of his\\nbitter estrangement from Cleve-\\nland, 312-315 his ability and\\ncharacter, 313.\\nDaniel, John W., elected chairman\\nof the Democratic National Con-\\nvention of 1896, 371.\\nDaniel, William, the Vice-Presi-\\ndential nominee of the Prohibi-\\ntion party in 1884, 305.\\nDavis, David, works for the nom-\\nination of Lincoln, 157 nomi-\\nnated for the Presidency by the\\nLabor Reform party, 227, 228\\nfavored as the nominee of the\\nLiberal Republicans in 1872,\\n229 his vote for President in\\nthe twenty-second Electoral Col-\\nlege, 241 his declination of\\nservice on the Hayes -Tilden\\nElectoral Commission, and its\\nresults, 264.\\nDavis, Jefferson, his tribute to Lin-\\ncoln, 200, 201 Johnson puzzled\\nhow to dispose of him, 206, 207.\\nDearborn, Henry A. S., nominat-\\ned to the Vice Presidency by\\nthe Native American party, no.\\nDepew, Chauncey M., at the Re-\\npublican National Convention of\\n1888, 319, 320.\\nDonelson, Andrew Jackson, re-\\nceives the. Vice-Presidential nom-\\nination of the American Nation-\\nal Council, 142.\\nDougherty, Daniel, his memorable\\nspeech before the Democratic\\nNational Convention of 1880,\\n278, 279.\\nDouglas, Stephen A., his defeat\\nfor the Presidency, 166-176.\\nDow, Neal, the Presidential nomi-\\nnee of the Prohibition party in\\n1880, 282 at the Prohibition con-\\nvention of 1888, 329.\\nElectoral and popular votes for\\nPresidents and Vice-Presidents,\\n408", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0480.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nwith their States and parties,\\n395-397-\\nElectoral College, vote of the first,\\n3, 4; of the second, 6 of the\\nthird, 10, 11 of the fourth, 15,\\n16, 18 of the fifth, 24 of the\\nsixth, 27; of the seventh, 30; of\\nthe eighth, 34, 35; of the ninth,\\n36, 37; of the tenth, 43, 45; of\\nthe eleventh, 51; of the twelfth,\\n56, 57; of the thirteenth, 64; of\\nthe fourteenth, 73 of the fif-\\nteenth, 91; of the sixteenth, 112;\\nof the seventeenth, 127; of the\\neighteenth, 148 of the nine-\\nteenth, 175, 176; of the twen-\\ntieth, 193, 194 of the twenty-\\nfirst, 217, 218 of the twenty-sec-\\nond, 241; of the twenty-third,\\n264 of the twenty-fourth, 283,\\n284; of the twenty-fifth, 308, 309;\\nof the twenty-sixth, 333; of the\\ntwenty-seventh, 359; of the twen-\\nty-eighth, 392.\\nElectors, how the functions of,\\nwere first exercised, 11, 16.\\nEllmaker, Amos, nominated for\\nthe Vice-Presidency by the Anti-\\nMason party, 53; his vote in\\nthe twelfth Electoral College, 56,\\n57-\\nEllsworth, Oliver, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the third Electoral\\nCollege, 10, 11.\\nEnglish, William H.,his defeat for\\nthe Vice-Presidency, 279-284.\\nEvans, Samuel, receives the Vice-\\nPresidential nomination of the\\nUnion Labor party, 325.\\nEverett, Edward, nominated for\\nthe Vice-Presidency by the Con-\\nstitutional Union party, 173.\\nFederal party, the, preferred by\\nWashington, Adams, and Ham-\\nilton, 2, 5, 7, 8 opposed by Jef-\\nferson, 5, 7; its policy, 7, 8\\npasses the Alien and Sedition\\nlaws, 12 its bitter opposition to\\nJefferson, 21, 22, 23 practically\\noverthrown by the success of\\nthe war of 1812, 32; perishes\\nwith the election of Monroe, 39.\\nFenton, Reuben E,, his reluctance\\nto aid in the nomination of Gree-\\nley to the Presidency, 230.\\nField, James G., receives the Peo-\\nple s party nomination for the\\nVice-Presidency, 353.\\nFillraore, Millard, his election to\\nthe Vice-Presidency, 105-112 he\\nsucceeds to the Presidency after\\nthe death of Taylor, 116; he re-\\nverses the policy of the adminis-\\ntration, 116; his defeat for the\\nPresidency, 130-153.\\nFisk, Clinton B., nominated for\\nthe Presidency by the Prohibi-\\ntion party, 329 his popular vote,\\n333-\\nFloyd, John, his defeat for the\\nPresidency, 56, 57.\\nFoote, Rev. Charles E., candidate\\nof the Liberty League for Vice-\\nPresident in 1848, in.\\nForney, Colonel John W., obtains\\nthe consent of Grant to accept\\nthe Republican nomination to\\nthe Presidency, 203.\\nFranklin, Benjamin, solicited to\\nbecome the competitor of Wash-\\nington, 3.\\nFree- Silver party. See People s\\nparty.\\nFree-Soil Democratic party, its first\\nconvention and nominees, 107,\\n108; its platform, 108-110; its\\ncandidates and platform in 1852,\\n123-126.\\nFremont, John C, his defeat for the\\nPresidency, 130-153 his nom-\\nination by the first Republican\\nNational Convention, at Phila-\\ndelphia, 136-138; his nomina-\\ntion endorsed by the anti-slavery\\nseceders from the American Na-\\ntional Council, 143 visited by\\nthe author, 147 his nomination\\nfor President by revolting Re-\\npublicans to defeat Lincoln, and\\nhis final rejection of it, 192.\\nGarfield, James A., his election\\nto the Presidency, 270-287 his\\nnomination, 271-274 character\\nof the campaign, 283 his popu-\\nlar and electoral vote, 283, 284\\nhis character, 284 his disa-\\n409", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0481.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\ngreement with Conkling, 284,\\n285.\\nGerry, Elbridge, his election to the\\nVice-Presidency, 28-31.\\nGould, Jay, what a dinner with,\\ncost Blaine, 310.\\nGraham, William A., receives the\\nWhig nomination to the Vice-\\nPresidency in 1852, 121.\\nGranger, Francis, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 63, 64.\\n\u00c2\u00a9rant, General Ulysses S., his first\\nelection to the Presidency, 202-\\n220 the obstacles to his nomina-\\ntion, 202, 203 his dispute with\\nJohnson, 204 refuses to ride\\nwith Johnson to the inauguration\\nceremonies, 204 his nomination\\nat Chicago, 209-211 his popular\\nand electoral vote, 217, 218 his\\nsecond election to thePresidency,\\n221-243 his unfitness for civil\\naffairs, 221-223; the author s\\nwell intended suggestions to\\nhim, 222, 223 his re-election op-\\nposed by the author, 223 his\\ndiscussion of public affairs with\\nthe author, 223-225 his despotic\\ncontrol of the party machinery,\\n225 how his name was changed,\\n235 at the grave of Greeley,\\n243 scandals which disgraced\\nhis administration, 246 his dis-\\ncussion of the question of a third\\nterm, 246 Conkling presents his\\nname as a candidate for a third\\nterm of the Presidency before\\nthe Republican National Con-\\nvention of 1880, 270, 271 his\\ndisappointment at not securing\\na nomination to a third term,\\n277.\\nGreeley, Horace, denounces the\\nleaders of the Abolition party for\\ndefeating Clay, 90 disgruntled\\nat the nomination of Taylor, 105;\\nfinally decides to support Taylor,\\nand is sent to Congress by the\\nWhigs of New York, 105; opposes\\nthe nomination of Seward to the\\nPresidency, 155 opposes the re-\\nnomination of Lincoln, 183 his\\ndefeat for the Presidency, 221-\\n243 his nomination at Cincin-\\nnati, 228-234 nominated by the\\nDemocrats at Baltimore, 238\\nhis popular vote, 239, 240 his\\nelectoral vote, 241 cause of his\\ndefeat, 242 incidents of his cam-\\npaign, 242, 243 his sad death,\\n240, 243.\\nGreenback (or Independent Na-\\ntional) party, under the leader-\\nship of George H. Pendleton,\\n219, 220 its candidates and\\nplatform in 1876, 257, 258 its\\ncandidates and platform in 1880,\\n281, 282.\\nGreer, James R., nominated for the\\nVice-Presidency by the American\\nparty, 331.\\nGroesbeck, William S., his vote\\nfor the Vice-Presidency in the\\ntwenty-second Electoral College,\\n241.\\nHale, John P., nominated for the\\nPresidency by the Liberty party,\\nin nominated for the Presi-\\ndency by the Free-Soil Demo-\\ncrats, 123.\\nHamilton, Alexander, in sympathy\\nwith Washington and Adams,\\nand opposed to Jefferson, 7, 8.\\nHamlin, Hannibal, his election to\\nthe Vice-Presidency in i860, 154-\\n169.\\nHancock, John, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the first Electoral\\nCollege, 3, 4.\\nHancock, Winfield S., defeated for\\nthe Presidency, 278-284; his\\npopular and electoral vote, 283-\\n284.\\nHanna, Mark A., his mistake in\\nmaking McKinley straddle the\\nmoney question, 365, 366.\\nHarper, Robert G., his first defeat\\nfor the Vice-Presidency, 34, 35\\nhis second defeat for the Vice-\\nPresidency, 36, 37.\\nHarrison, Benjamin, his election\\nto the Presidency, 316-336 his\\nnomination, 319, 320 character\\nof the campaign, 332; his popular\\nand electoral vote, 333 his ad-\\nministration not a tranquil one,\\n337-340 defeated for the Presi-\\n410", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0482.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\ndency, 337-360 his nomination,\\n340, 341 character of the cam-\\npaign, 358 his popular and elec-\\ntoral vote, 359.\\nHarrison, Robert H., his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the first Elec-\\ntoral College, 3, 4.\\nHarrison, William Henry, defeat-\\ned for the Presidency, 59-64\\ncharacter of the campaign, 161\\nhis election to the Presidency,\\n65-74 1 birth of the Abolition\\nparty during the campaign, 65\\nhow his nomination was se-\\ncured, 67, 68 a national party\\nplatform presented for the first\\ntime during this election, 70 the\\ncampaign one of great popular\\ninterest, 71 his popular and\\nelectoral vote, 71, 72, 73 his\\ndeath shortly after his inaugu-\\nration, 73.\\nHayes, Rutherford B., his election\\nto the Presidency, 244-267 his\\nnomination, 249; his popular\\nvote, 262 his election decided\\nby the Electoral Commission ap-\\npointed by Congress, 263 his\\nelectoral vote as determined by\\nthe Electoral Commission, 264.\\nHendricks, Thomas A., nominated\\nfor the Vice-Presidency, 253 his\\nelection to the Vice-Presidency,\\n294-309.\\nHenry, John, his vote for the Pres-\\nidency in the third Electoral Col-\\nlege, 10, n.\\nHill, David B., at the Democratic\\nNational Convention of 1896,\\n37i, 372.\\nHobart, Garret A., his election to\\nthe Vice -Presidency, 367-394;\\nhis electoral vote, 392.\\nHouston, General Samuel, at a na-\\ntional Whig convention in 1848,\\n107.\\nHoward, John Eager, his vote for\\nVice-President in the eighth\\nElectoral College, 34, 35.\\nHughes, Archbishop, how Sew-\\nard s friendship for, deprived\\nhim of the nomination for the\\nPresidency, 156.\\nHunkers, the, 98, 99.\\nHuntington, Samuel, his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the first Elec-\\ntoral College, 3, 4.\\nIndustrial Congress party and\\ntheir candidates in 1848, in.\\nIngersoll, Jared, Federalist nomi-\\nnee for Vice-President in 1804,\\n29; his electoral vote, 30.\\nIngersoll, Robert G., his speech\\nnominating Bjlaine before the\\nRepublican convention of 1876,\\n247, 248.\\nIredell, James, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the third Electoral\\nCollege, 10, n.\\nJackson, Andrew, defeated for\\nthe Presidency, 39-45 though\\nreceiving the largest popular\\nand electoral vote, 42, 43 his\\nvote for the Vice-Presidency in\\nthe tenth Electoral College, 43\\nhis first election to the Presi-\\ndency, 47-51 his initiation of\\nthe spoils system, 47 character\\nof his campaign and to what\\nhis popularity was due, 47-49\\nhis popular and electoral vote,\\n50, 51 his second election to\\nthe Presidency, 51-58 confused\\ncondition of politics during his\\nsecond campaign, 51, 52; his\\npopular and electoral vote, 55,\\n56, 57 his after-life and death,\\n58.\\nJay, John, his vote for the Presi-\\ndency in the first Electoral Col-\\nlege, 3, 4; in the third, 10, n;\\nin the fourth, 15, 16.\\nJefferson, Thomas, his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the second\\nElectoral College, 6 his election\\nto the Vice-Presideney, 7-1 1 his\\nelection to the Presidency de-\\nfeated by the influence of Wash-\\nington, 9 defamatory character\\nof the campaign, 9 his first elec-\\ntion to the Presidency, 12-16\\nthe revolutionary character of\\nthe campaign, 12, 13 his vote\\nin the fourth Electoral College,\\n15, 16, 18 Burr s infamous at-\\ntempt to deprive him of his elec-\\n411", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0483.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\ntion, 17. 18, 19; his honorable\\nrt: _ Ei. rft:: zii z.t:..:z. :j\\ni r 1 -=V. _ -.t rt-ierEl-\\nists, 17, iS; his opposition to\\nz t z r. 1 t t r. 7 2:5\\ne:: d t.t: ::t Presi-\\ndency, 21-24.; bitterly opposed\\n17 :it rrier^l:=i=. 2: lis ;_r-\\n_ e 5 1 _:_.;_ i i 21\\n1 _ 1 r t e t e ie t\\ne:: e ::t::::-: :_\\n~t lEErle; J.. r_:= v::t\\nlz= PresiEtEij :e EEt \u00c2\u00b1e\\\\:j-\\n::~-jiii r:::.:::.:: P etet\\n:-jee=:e Htrs:*Et* V e:ee ;Ei:ti\\nt V;:t-Pre= it\\nK:r ri:-:k _ :EEli E:EE.~E:ti\\n1 t-r rt 5 :t 7 .:_.\\n1 r rr. 1 1 1 5 1 1 r\\nY: :t r\u00c2\u00b1-=: it: .17 :e e t\\nI l z zi rrv\\nee e s t s\\nlit it- :f_i-:r: 1\\n.~iT l. i EIr IE\\n183; his strength with the pen-\\nKiet r.-_:_5 e:e fr=: ititi: rtr. :e i: :l_ r. s _r.:ti-\\ne::", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0484.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nsonable request, 184, 185 he\\nseeks the nomination of Andrew\\nJohnson for Vice-President rath-\\ner than that of Hamlin, and his\\nreason for the preference, 185,\\n186 his unanimous renomina-\\ntion at Baltimore, 186 an at-\\ntempt to create a revolt against\\nhim in the Republican party,\\n191-193 his election made cer-\\ntain by the victories of Sherman\\nand Sheridan, 193 his popular\\nand electoral vote, 194 vote of\\nthe soldiers, 194 his friends ef-\\nforts to win Pennsylvania, 195\\nand how the State was carried,\\n196, 197 he favored compen-\\nsated emancipation, 197, 198\\nhis character and traits, 198, 199\\nthe unpardonable assaults upon\\nhis reputation, 199; his home\\nlife, 199, 200 a tribute from Jef-\\nferson Davis, 200, 201 he sus-\\npects that Grant favored the elec-\\ntion of McClellan, 224.\\nLincoln, Benjamin, his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the first Elec-\\ntoral College, 3, 4.\\nLincoln, Robert T., a candidate\\nfor the Democratic nomination\\nto the Presidency, 288, 289.\\nMcClellan, General George B.,\\ndefeated for the Presidency, 183-\\n294.\\nMcGlynn, Rev. Edward, prepares\\nthe platform of the United La-\\nbor party, 327-329.\\nMachen, Willis B., his vote for the\\nPresidency in the twenty-second\\nElectoral College, 241.\\nMachett, Charles H., nominated\\nfor the Vice-Presidency by the\\nSocialists Labor party, 357; nom-\\ninated for the Presidency by the\\nsame party, 388; his popular\\nvote, 391.\\nMackey Robert W. how he thwart-\\ned the Democrats in holding\\nFlorida for Tilden, 265.\\nMcKinley, William, the disastrous\\neffect of his tariff bill, 340; pres-\\nident of the Republican National\\nConvention of 1892, 340; his elec-\\ntion to the Presidency, 361-394;\\nhis nomination, 365; his strad-\\ndle of the money issue, 365, 366;\\nhis popular vote, 391; his elec-\\ntoral vote, 392; the lesson of the\\ncampaign, 392-394.\\nMcLean, John R., at the Demo-\\ncratic National Convention of\\n1896, 373.\\nMacon, Nathaniel, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 43.\\nMadison, James, his first almost\\nunanimous election to the Presi-\\ndency, 25-27; his vote in the\\nsixth Electoral College, 27 his\\nsecond election to the Presidency,\\n28-31 his nomination depended\\nupon his vigorous war policy\\nwith England, 28 his vote in\\nthe seventh Electoral College,\\n30, 31.\\nMaguire, Matthew, the nominee\\nof the Socialists Labor party for\\nVice-President, 388.\\nMangum, Willie P., defeated for\\nthe Presidency, 59-64.\\nManning, Daniel, secures the first\\nnomination of Cleveland to the\\nPresidency, 293, 294.\\nMarshall, John, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 34, 35.\\nMedill, Colonel Joseph, leads the\\nfight for Lincoln in Republican\\nNational Convention of i860,\\n157-\\nMilton, John, his vote for the Presi-\\ndency in the first Electoral Col-\\nlege, 3, 4.\\nMonroe, James, his vote for the\\nVice Presidency in the sixth\\nElectoral College, 27 his first\\nelection to the Presidency, 32-\\n35 his animated canvass for\\nthe nomination, 33 Federalists\\nmake little or no opposition, 34;\\nhis vote in the eighth Electoral\\nCollege, 34, 35 his second elec-\\ntion to the Presidency, 35, 38\\nhis election unanimous, no for-\\nmal nominations being made by\\nany party, 35, 36 the vote of\\nthe ninth Electoral College, 36-\\n37 his peaceful reign, after-life,\\nand death, 32, 38.\\n413", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0485.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nMorton, Levi P., his election to the\\nVice-Presidency, 320-326.\\nNational Democratic Sound\\nMoney party, its candidates\\nand platform in 1896, 382-385.\\nNational Greenback party, its\\ncandidates and platform in 1884,\\n301-304.\\nNative American (or Know-Noth-\\ning party, birth of, no, in;\\nits first convention and candi-\\ndates, no; its nomination of\\nGeneral Taylor, 103 its evolu-\\ntion into the American National\\nCouncil, which meets at Phila-\\ndelphia in 1856 and nominates\\nMillard Fillmore for President\\nand Andrew Jackson Donelson\\nfor Vice-President, 140-142 its\\nplatform, 142, 143; its disappear-\\nance, 174.\\nO Conor, Charles, nominated for\\nthe Presidency by Democratic\\ndissenters in 1872, 238; he de-\\nclines the nomination, 238.\\nPalmer, John M., his vote for the\\nPresidency in the twenty-second\\nElectoral College, 241 the nom-\\ninee for the Presidency by the\\nSound Money Democrats,\\n383; his popular vote, 391.\\nParker, Joel; nominated for the\\nVice -Presidency by the Labor\\nReformers, 227, 228.\\nPendleton, George H., nominated\\nfor the Vice- Presidency, 190;\\nleads the Greenback party,\\nand looks for the Democratic\\nnomination to the Presidency,\\n219.\\nPeople s party, its candidates and\\nplatform in 1892, 353~357; its\\ncandidates and platform in 1896,\\n377-382.\\nPhelps, John W., nominated for\\nPresident by the American par-\\nity, 283.\\nPierce, Franklin, his election to\\nthe Presidency, 115 -129; his\\nnomination at Baltimore, 117,\\n118 the Democrats enthusiastic\\nin his support, 119, 120 his pop-\\nular and electoral vote, 127 his\\nwanton reopening of the slavery\\nissue, 127, 128 his appointment\\nof Judge Campbell to his cabinet\\nexcites^ the Native Americans,\\n128 his failure to secure a re-\\nnomination, 129.\\nPinckney, Charles C, his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the third Elec-\\ntoral College, 10, 11 in the\\nfourth, 15, 16 his first defeat\\nfor the Presidency, 23, 24 his\\nsecond defeat for the Presi-\\ndency, 26, 27.\\nPinckney, Thomas, his vote for\\nthe Presidency in the third Elec-\\ntoral College, 10, 11.\\nPiatt, Thomas C, backs his col-\\nleague in his disagreement with\\nGarfield, 285.\\nPolk, James K., defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 73 his election\\nto the Presidency, 75-93;- his\\nnominaiton at Baltimore, 79, 82\\nhis party s platform, 82, 83 his\\npopular and electoral vote, 91 in-\\ncidents of the campaign, 91-93.\\nPomeroy, Samuel C, the nominee\\nof the American party for the\\nVice-Presidency, 283 receives\\nthe Presidential nomination of\\nthe American Prohibition Na-\\ntional party, 304.\\nPopular vote, the, in early nation-\\nal contests had no particular\\nsignificance, 10.\\nPopulists. See People s party.\\nPresidential elections, contested,\\nthe law regulating, 401-404.\\nPresidents and Vice-Presidents of\\nthe United States, with many\\nfacts concerning their elections\\nand tenure of office, 397-399 the\\nlaw regulating the Presidential\\nsuccession, 399, 400.\\nProhibition party, holds a national\\nconvention in 1872 and nomi-\\nnates candidates for President\\nandVice-President, 228; its candi-\\ndates and platform in 1876, 258-\\n260 its candidates and platform\\nin 1880, 282 its candidates and\\nplatform in 1884, 305-308 its\\n414", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0486.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\ncandidates and platform in 1888,\\n329, 330 its candidates and plat-\\nform in 1892, 350-353 its candi-\\ndates and platform in 1896, 385,\\n386 the Broad-Gaugers with-\\ndraw from, 386.\\nProhibition Broad-Gauge par-\\nty, its candidates and platform\\nin 1896, 386-388.\\nQuay, Matthew S., not in touch\\nwith Harrison, 337.\\nReed, Thomas B., in the Republi-\\ncan National Convention of 1896,\\n365.\\nReid, Whitelaw, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 341-360.\\nRepublican (Democratic) party, its\\nbirth and growth during Wash-\\nington s administration, 3, 7 op-\\nposes the passage of the Alien\\nand Sedition laws, 12, 13 its\\nsixty years dominance initiated\\nby the election of Jefferson, 21\\ndivides into National Republi-\\ncans and Democratic Republi-\\ncans, 53 changes its name to the\\nDemocratic party during Jack-\\nson s second administration, 52,\\n53 Jackson s mastery of, 60 the\\nfirst party to present a national\\nparty platform, 70; its platform\\nin 1844, 82, 83; its platform in\\n1848, 100-102; its platform in\\n1852, 118, 119; demoralized by\\nthe repeal of the Missouri Com-\\npromise, 127, 128, 130; its plat-\\nform in 1856, 132-135 a split in\\nthe convention at Charleston in\\ni860 results in the nomination\\nof two tickets and the adoption\\nof two platforms, 166-173 its\\nplatform in 1864, 190, 191 its\\nhopeless condition at the close\\nof the Rebellion, 203 how it\\nfailed to secure the leadership\\nof Grant, 203 its platform in\\n1868, 212-215 its platform in\\n1872, 237, 238 after its nomina-\\ntion of Greeley dissenters hold a\\nconvention and make nomina-\\ntions, which are declined, 238\\nplatform of Democratic dissent-\\ners in 1872, 238, 239; the party\\nplatform\\nplatform\\nplatform in li\\nplatform in if\\nn 1876, 254-257; its\\nn 1880, 279-281 its\\n294-299 its\\n316-319; its\\nplatform in 1892, 345-350 its\\nplatform in 1896, 373-377.\\nRepublican party, its forty years\\ndominance, 21; its birth in 1854,\\nin New York, 136 its entrance\\ninto national politics in 1856,\\n130, 136-138 its first platform,\\n139, 140 its affiliations with the\\nKnow- Nothing party, 156;\\nits convention at Chicago in i860\\nthe ablest that had ever met up to\\nthat time, 163, 164 its platform\\nin i860, 164-166 its platform in\\n1864, 187, 188 why Grant, a\\npro- slavery Democrat, became\\nits candidate, 203 its platform\\nin 1868, 208, 209 its platform in\\n1872, 235-237 its platform in\\n1876, 249-252 its subversion of\\nthe popular will in making\\nHayes President, 264-268; its\\nplatform in 1880, 274-277; its\\nplatform in 1884, 290-292; its\\nplatform in 1S88, 320-325 its\\nplatform in 1892, 341-343; its\\nplatform in 1896, 367-371.\\nRodney, Daniel, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 36, 37.\\nRoss, James, defeated for the Vice-\\nPresidency, 34, 35.\\nRush, Richard, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 36, 37 his sec-\\nond defeat for the same office,\\n51.\\nRussell, John, nominated for the\\nVice-Presidency by the Prohibi-\\ntion party, 228.\\nRutledge, John, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the first Electoral\\nCollege, 3, 4.\\nSt. John, John P., receives the\\nPresidential nomination of the\\nProhibition party, 305 his pop-\\nular vote, 308, 309 at the Na-\\ntional Prohibition Convention in\\n1888, 329 at that of 1892, 350.\\nSanford Nathan, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 43.\\n415", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0487.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nScott, General Winfield, regarded\\nas the first soldier of the Repub-\\nlic, 66 his fondness for writing\\nletters loses him the Presidential\\nnomination, 68 his invasion of\\nMexico, 95, 96 defeated for the\\nPresidency, 115-129; his nomi-\\nnation at Baltimore, 120, 121.\\nSergeant, John, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 53, 56, 57.\\nSewall, Arthur, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 373-394; his\\nelectoral vote, 392.\\nSeward, William H., his ability\\nand character, and how he failed\\nto be nominated for the Presi-\\ndency, 154-162.\\nSeymour, Horatio, defeated for the\\nPresidency, 202-220 his nomi-\\nnation at New York, 211 -216;\\nhis popular and electoral vote,\\n217, 21S.\\nSherman, John, a candidate for\\nthe Democratic nomination of\\nPresident in 1880, 288, 289.\\nSmith, Gerrit, nominated in 1848 for\\nthe Presidency by the Liberty\\nLeague party and the Industrial\\nCongress party, 111.\\nSmith, Greene Clay, is nominated\\nfor the Presidency by the Prohi-\\nbitionists, 258.\\nSmith, William, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 51 -again de-\\nfeated for the same office, 63, 64.\\nSocialists Labor party, its candi-\\ndates and platform in 1892, 357,\\n35S its candidates and platform\\nin 1896, 388-390.\\nSouthgate, James A., the Vice-Pres-\\nidential nominee of the Broad-\\nGauge Prohibition party, 3S6.\\nStevens, Thaddeus, how he carried\\nthe Whig convention for Harri-\\nson, 6S.\\nStevenson, Adlai E., his election to\\nthe Vice-Presidency, 345-360.\\nStewart, G. T., nominated for the\\nVice Presidency by the Prohi-\\nbitionists, 258.\\nStockton, Richard, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 36, 37.\\nStreeter, Alson J., receives the\\nPresidential nomination of the\\nUnion Labor party, 325 his pop-\\nular vote, 333.\\nSwett, Leonard, Lincoln s closest\\nfriend, works for his nomination,\\n157.\\nTammany Hall, its opposition to\\nTilden causes its rejection from\\nthe Democratic National Con-\\nvention of 1S80, 278 its attempt\\nto control the Democratic Na-\\ntional Convention in 1884, 292,\\n293 its delegates oppose the\\nunanimous nomination of Cleve-\\nland, but welcome that of Hen-\\ndricks with the heartiest cheers,\\n294 and the Sun, its organ, de-\\nfeated Cleveland for the Presi-\\ndency in 1S88, 315, 335, 336; its\\nprotest ignored in the national\\nconvention of 1892, 344.\\nTaylor, Zachary, his election to\\nthe Presidency, 94, 114 his cam-\\npaign in Mexico, 95 his vote in\\nthe convention, 104 sends the\\nletter notifying him of his nomi-\\nnation to the dead-letter office,\\n106 episodes of the nominating\\nconvention, 107 birth of the Na-\\ntive American party during this\\ncampaign, no his popular and\\nelectoral vote, 112 how Corwin\\nhelped him, 113, 114 his cabinet\\nand its policy, 115 his death,\\n116.\\nTazewell, L. W., his vote in the\\nfourteenth Electoral College for\\nVice-President, 73.\\nTellfair, Edward, his vote for the\\nPresidency in the first Electoral\\nCollege, 3, 4.\\nTexas, the question of its annexa-\\ntion, 94, 95.\\nThompson, A. M., nominated for\\nthe Vice-Presidency by the Pro-\\nhibition party, 2S2.\\nThurman, Allen G., a candidate\\nfor the Presidential nomination\\nof the Anti-Monopoly party, 299\\nhis defeat for the Vice-Presiden-\\ncy, 316-336.\\nTilden, Samuel J., how Grant\\nwould have enforced the decision\\nof the Electoral Commission in\\n416", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0488.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nthe case of his disputed election,\\n223 his defeat for the Presiden-\\ncy, 244-267 his character and\\nreputation, 252 earnestness of\\nthe campaign, 261 his popular\\nvote, 262 Congress creates the\\nElectoral Commission to decide\\nthe election of, 263 his electoral\\nvote, as determined by the Elec-\\ntoral Commission, 264; his\\nweakness in protecting his own\\ninterests, 265, 266; his defeat at-\\ntributed to Conkling, who grati-\\nfied a grudge caused by Tilden s\\ndefeat of Chase for the Demo-\\ncratic nomination for the Presi-\\ndency in 1868, 268, 269 his nom-\\nination opposed by Tammany\\nHall in the Democratic National\\nConvention of 1880, 278.\\nTompkins, Daniel D., his first elec-\\ntion to the Vice-Presidency, 34,\\n35 his second election to the\\nVice-Presidency, 35, 37.\\nTyler, John, defeated for the Vice-\\nPresidency, 63,64; his election\\nto the Vice-Presidency, 65-74\\nsucceeds to the Presidency on the\\ndeath of Harrison, 74 his wreck-\\ning of the Whig party, 75-77 his\\nlife after his retirement, 77 ap-\\nproves the bill annexing Texas a\\nfew days before the inaugura-\\ntion of Polk, 94.\\nUnion Labor party, its candidates\\nand platform in 1888, 325-327.\\nUnited Labor party, its candidates\\nand platform in 1888, 327-329\\nits candidates and platform in\\n1896, 388-390.\\nVallandigham, Clement L., fore-\\nmost in organizing the Liberal\\nRepublican party, 229.\\nVan Buren, Martin, defeated for\\nthe Vice Presidency, 43 his\\nelection to the Vice-Presidency,\\n56, 57 his election to the Presi-\\ndency, 59-64 and the birth of\\nthe Whig party, 50; his nomina-\\ntion dictated by Jackson, 60\\nthe campaign one of intense bit-\\nterness, 61, 62 his popular and\\nelectoral vote, 62, 63, 64; defeated\\nfor the Presidency, 65-74 causes\\nof his unpopularity, 68, 69 his\\ndefeat for the Presidency, 94-\\n114.\\nWade, Benjamin F., a candidate\\nfor the nomination of Vice-Presi-\\ndent, an example of the swift\\nmutations in American politics,\\n210, 211.\\nWaitt, William S., nominated in\\n1848 for the Vice-Presidency by\\nthe Industrial Congress party,\\nin.\\nWakefield, W. H. T., receives the\\nVice-Presidential nomination of\\nthe United Labor party, 327.\\nWalker, James B., nominated for\\nthe Presidency by the American\\nNational party, 260.\\nWashington, George, his first\\nelection to the Presidency, 1-4\\nhe received no formal nomina-\\ntion, 2; a pronounced Federal-\\nist, 2; opposition to his election,\\n2, 3 vote of the first Electoral\\nCollege, 3, 4; his second election\\nto the Presidency, 4-6 vote of\\nthe second Electoral College, 5, 6;\\nregarded as the richest man in\\nthe country, 7 his vote for the\\nPresidency in the third Electoral\\nCollege, 10, 11.\\nWatson, Thomas E., the nominee\\nof the People s party for the\\nVice-Presidency, 378 his popu-\\nlar and electoral vote, 391, 392.\\nWeaver, James B., Greenback\\ncandidate for the Presidency,\\n281 receives the People s party\\nnomination for the Presidency,\\n353 his popular and electoral\\nvote, 359.\\nWebster, Daniel, defeated for the\\nPresidency, 59-64.\\nWeed, Thurlow, leads the fight for\\nSeward in the Republican Na-\\ntional Convention of i860, 157\\ndisappointed at Lincoln s nom-\\nination, he refuses to name a\\ncandidate for the Vice -Presi-\\ndency, 162.\\nWest, A. M., receives the Vice-\\n417", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0489.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nPresidential nomination of the\\nNational Greenback party,\\n301.\\nWheeler, William A., his election\\nto the Vice Presidency, 249-\\n269.\\nWhig party, birth of, 59 wreck\\nof, by Tyler, 75-77 its nomina-\\ntion of Clay, 89, 90 its platform\\nfor 1844, 84 its lack of harmony\\nin campaign of 1848, 103-106 its\\nplatform in the campaign of\\n1852, 121-123 makes its final\\nbattle, 128 in 1856 nominates\\nthe candidates of the American\\nNational Union, 143 its plat-\\nform, 143-145.\\nWhite, Hugh L., defeated for the\\nPresidency, 63, 64.\\nWhitney, William C, whose leader-\\nship secured the third Presiden-\\ntial nomination of Cleveland in\\n1898, 344.\\nWide-Awakes, the, description\\nof, 174, 175.\\nWilkins, William, defeated for the\\nVice-Presidency, 56, 57.\\nWilson, Henry, his nomination foi\\nthe Vice-Presidency, 235, 241\\nhow his name was changed, 235.\\nWing, Simon, nominated for the\\nPresidency by the Socialists La-\\nbor party, 357 his popular vote,\\n359-\\nWirt, William, the nominee for\\nPresident of the Anti- Mason\\nparty, 53 his vote in the twelfth\\nElectoral College, 56, 57.\\nTHE END", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0490.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "BISMARCK S AUTOBIOGRAPHY\\nBISMARCK, The Man and the Statesman Being the\\nReflections and Reminiscences of Otto, Prince von\\nBismarck, Written and Dictated by Himself after his\\nRetirement from Office. Translated from the German\\nunder the Supervision of A. J. Butler, late Fellow of\\nTrinity College, Cambridge. Two Vols. With Two\\nPhotogravure Portraits. 8vo, Cloth, Ornamental, Un-\\ncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $1 50.\\nIn his reflections and reminiscences, Prince Bismarck presents\\nhimself in the more familiar garb of polite society, with the\\npolished manner of a man of the world, keeping his tongue under\\ncontrol, a great and commanding figure, self-centred and self-re.\\nstrained, a courtier and a statesman, filling not unworthily with\\nhis gigantic personality the world -stage on which he moved.\\nLondon Times.\\nThe book is remarkably full as regards internal affairs and espe-\\ncially as regards the influences which prevailed at the Berlin court,\\nas to the characters both of the kings of Prussia and the other men\\nwith whom Bismarck was brought in contact, and it contains a\\nminute criticism on the workings of the Prussian and German\\nConstitutions. London Daily Chronicle.\\nThis is a great work, one of the most important produced in\\nmodern times. It is a work gloriously full of great lights, and\\ncarries the study of the founding and founded empire and its in-\\nner motives on through the Gulturkampf down to the last days of\\nthe lamented Frederick I. Independent, N. Y.\\nHARPER BROTHERS, Publishers\\nNEW YORK AND LONDON\\n^jf The above work will be sent by mail, postage prepaid, to any\\npart of the United States, Canada, or Mexico, on receipt of the price.", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0491.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "By G. W. E. RUSSELL\\nCOLLECTIONS AND RECOLLECTIONS. By One\\nWho Has Kept a Diary. With One Illustration.\\nCrown 8vo, Cloth, Ornamental, Deckel Edges and Gilt\\nTop, 82 50.\\nIt does not often happen that a volume of reminiscences pre-\\nsents so much interesting and attractive matter. It is difficult\\nto lay aside a hook which contains so much of the salt which sea-\\nsons life. Such a volume is a never-failing resource for the reader\\nwearied of overmuch feeding on the solid viands of literature.\\nEspecially commendable is the spirit of kindness which pervades\\nthe narratives. There are no flings at living pygmies or dead\\nlions. Brooklyn Eagle.\\nTHE RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM EWART\\nGLADSTONE. Queen s Prime- Ministers.) Portrait.\\nCrown 8vo, Cloth, $1 00.\\nMr. George W. E. Russell, who writes this book, has done a\\ndifficult task well. The personal biography is necessarily brief,\\nbecause the plan of the book calls for a political biography, and\\nbecause Gladstone entered public life at twenty-two, and has lived\\nand breathed the air of Parliament ever since. Yet it would not\\nbe possible to measure his public career justly without that knowl-\\nedge of his personality and his ingrained tastes. Mr. Russell has\\nprovided the needful information in a succinct form, and his final\\nchapter, in which he analyzes Mr. Gladstone s character, is elo-\\nquent in its restraint and vigor of touch. Atlantic Monthly.\\nHARPER BROTHERS, Publishers\\nNEW YORK AND LONDON\\nESp 3 Either of the above works will he sent oy mail, postage pre-\\npaid, to any part of the United States, Canada, or Mexico, on receipt\\nof the price.", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0492.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0493.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3739", "width": "2254", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0494.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3736", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0495.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3967", "width": "2569", "jp2-path": "ourpresidentsh00mccl_0496.jp2"}}