Class, < M^ gT£V Book_ r\^ A. K. McCLURE OUR PRESIDENTS AND HOW WE MAKE THEM BY A. K. McCLURE, LL.D. ILLUSTRATED NEW YORK AND LONDON HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS 19OO 63366 Copyright, i?oo, by A. K. McCluxe. All rights reserved. CONTENTS PAGE The Washington Elections, 1789-92 1 The Jefferson- Adams-Burr Contest, 1 800-1 12 The Jefferson-Pinckney Contest, 1804 . . / 21 The Madison-Pinckney-Clinton Contests, 1808-12 25 The Monroe Elections, 1816-20 32 The Adams-Jackson-Crawford-Clay Contest, 1824 39 The Jackson- Adams-Clay Contests, 1828-32 47 The Van Buren-Harrison Contest, 1836 59 The Harrison- Van Buren Contest, 1840 65 The Polk-Clay Contest, 1844 75 The Taylor-Cass-Van Buren Contest, 1848 94 The Pierce-Scott Contest, 1852 115 The Buchanan-Fremont-Ftllmore Contest, 1856 130 The Lincoln-Breckenridge-Douglas-Bell Contest, i860 . . .154 The Lincoln-McClellan Contest, 1864 183 The Grant-Seymour Contest, 1868 202 The Grant-Greeley Contest, 1872 221 The Hayes-Tilden Contest, 1876 244 The Garfield-Hancock Contest, 1880 270 The Cleveland-Blaine Contest, 1884 288 The Harrison-Cleveland Contest, 1888 316 The Cleveland-Harrison-Weaver Contest, 1892 337 The McKinley-Bryan Contest, 1896 361 ILLUSTRATIONS A. K. McCLURE Frontispiece GEORGE WASHINGTON Facing p. x JOHN ADAMS " 12 THOMAS JEFFERSON " 20 JAMES MADISON " 24 JAMES MONROE . " 32 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS „ " 38 ANDREW JACKSON " 46 MARTIN VAN BUREN " 58 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON " 64 JOHN TYLER " 70 JAMES K. POLK " 74 ZACHARY TAYLOR " 94 MILLARD FILLMORE " 106 FRANKLIN PIERCE " H4 JAMES BUCHANAN " 130 ABRAHAM LINCOLN " 154 ANDREW JOHNSON " 182 ULYSSES S. GRANT " 202 RUTHERFORD B. HAYES " 244 JAMES A. GARFIELD " 270 CHESTER A. ARTHUR " 274 GROVER CLEVELAND " 288 BENJAMIN HARRISON " 316 WILLIAM MCKINLEY " 360 INTRODUCTION The crux of American politics is the quadrennial elec- tion of President. In the ebb and flow of our political activity the flood-tide comes in the Presidential contests. There are often tumultuous struggles and decisive events in the intervals, but their political effect and all the issues and movements of parties crystallize in the recurring con- flict for the possession of the chief executive power. Our American system makes the President the centre and focus of political life. He is at once Prime Minister and independent executive. He blends the functions of what in parliamentary government is the head of the Cabinet, and what in other government is the head of the State. He is a vital part of the legislative power without being amenable to its control or dependent on its life. He is the framer of policies and the arbiter of parties. All this makes the election of President the central chord and the arterial force of our broad political action. The history of Presidential elections, if not the history of the nation, is at least the history of its determining periods. The successive epochs of our national progress, with their passionate struggles and controlling influences, are fully reflected in these contests. After the retirement of Washington the battles from 1800 for a quarter of a century, which gave the succession of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, marked the reaction from federal authority and the rise of the democratic impulse in the young Republic. Then came the period running through the three contests and two elections of Jackson, the heirship of vii OUR PRESIDENTS Van Buren, and the cyclonic reversal under "Tippecanoe and Tyler too" in 1840, which turned on practical ques- tions of internal polity and signalized the transition from the formative stage of the government to the inevitable clash between the sections. This was followed by the long political and moral contention between freedom and slavery, which began with the success of Polk and the Texas annexation policy in 1844 an d ended with the defeat of the divided Democracy and the election of Lincoln in i860, when the political combat culminated in the armed and colossal struggle of the civil war. Since its conclusion and its settlements the nation has been engaged in the mighty work of internal upbuilding, never equalled anywhere else in the world, and the elections have involved the contending theories. The narrative of these elections, with the rise and fall of parties, their divisions and their creeds, presents the out- lines of the national development. For this work Colonel McClure, by experience, taste, and special knowledge, is peculiarly and pre-eminently fitted. It is doubtful if any other living American has borne so active and so intimate a part in so many Presidential elections. Not yet of age, but already a zealous and eager observer of political move- ments as a young editor, he attended the Whig National Convention of 1848 in Philadelphia, and witnessed the nomination of General Taylor. From that time he has been personally familiar with the inner workings of every national convention and campaign. Including this year, there have been twenty-nine Presidential contests in our history. Colonel McClure has actively participated in four- teen, or practically one-half of the entire number. He was born at Centre, Perry County, Pennsylvania, on the 9th of January, 1828. Spending his youth on his father's farm, he became a tanner's apprentice at fifteen, and remained at this trade for three years. His schooling was very limited, and his mental equipment was almost wholly the rich endowment nature had given him and viii INTRODUCTION the attainments which his extraordinary intellectual force brought in after-years. At nineteen he became the editor of the Juniata Sentinel, and his natural ability and vigor- ous pen soon gave him a recognized position and a dis- tinct influence. Before he was twenty-one he served as a conferee for Andrew G. Curtin in his Congressional can- didacy, and laid the foundations of his long and intimate friendship with the great War Governor. Speedily called to the editorship of a more important paper at Chambers- burg, his impress broadened, and in 1853, at the age of twenty-five, he was nominated by the Whigs for Auditor- General, the youngest man ever named by any party in Pennsylvania for a State office. Four years later he was elected to the Legislature, serving in the House and then in the Senate for several years. His career in that body was brilliant and distinctive. He was independent, fear- less, and aggressive, a ready and trenchant debater, and he displayed political and parliamentary abilities of the high- est order. In the Republican National Convention of i860 he played a prominent part. He and Curtin were potential in leading the Pennsylvania break from Cameron to Lin- coln, and in promoting the nomination of the latter. With that success he accepted the chairmanship of the State Committee, and made a dashing and energetic cam- paign, which resulted in the October State victory that as- sured and portended the election of Lincoln. This rela- tion to the contest and subsequent service with Governor Curtin, in directing Pennsylvania's part in the war, placed him on an intimate footing with the President, and during those dramatic and trying years he was a commanding figure in the State. Later he settled in Philadelphia in the practice of the law ; became one of the leading spirits in the Republican revolt of 1872 which led to the Greeley movement ; returned to the Legislature, where, free from party shackles, he waged unsparing war against jobbery and wrong, and where his forensic talent, his bold attacks, ix OUR PRESIDENTS and rare powers of invective and sarcasm made him at once respected and feared. Finally, he found what was to prove his higher and truer place, and entered upon what was to be his main life-work in the establishment of the Philadelphia Times, where he has had an ample and conspicuous arena for the editorial genius which has ranked him among the foremost journalists of the coun- . try. Here, for twenty-five years, with ripened experience and mellowed spirit, but with unabated passion for politi- cal movements, Colonel McClure has been both the actor and the critic in the great and constantly changing drama of public events. Standing between both parties, bound by neither, but in the counsels of each, he has been ex- ceptionally informed on all the currents of political activ- ity. No one has had a broader acquaintance with the public men of his time, or has been more thoroughly be- hind the scenes in the shifting transformations of pubiic action. From his earliest years politics has had an ex- traordinary fascination for his fertile mind, and his taste and talent for it have been equally marked. There has been no national convention of either party for years that he has not attended, and the episodes and influences which have turned the decision of the hour have been as familiar to him as the broader principles which have moulded the general course of action. Colonel McClure is thus peculiarly qualified, not only to present the large history of Presidential contests, but to illuminate it with the instructive side-lights which are as entertaining as they are suggestive. Comprehensive in its treatment, infused with the very life and spirit of political action, prepared with complete knowledge, and written in a style of singular charm and force, this work is not only a labor of love, but a valuable contribution to the historical literature of American politics. Charles Emory Smith Washington, April, 1900 PREFACE I have endeavored in this volume to supply a want in our political history by giving not only a detailed and reliable report of the nomination and election of every President of the United States, but by giving with it many important sidelights relating to the selection and character of our Chief Magistrates. With a personal knowledge of national conventions cover- ing over half a century, and an intimate acquaintance with the chief actors of both parties in selecting Presidential candidates, I am able to give the inside movements of some of our important national struggles which are imperfectly understood. The inspiration and organization of all the various political parties, great and small, are concisely pre- sented, and the personal reminiscences of the struggles of the great men of the country have been most carefully prepared. Absolute accuracy in the preparation of political history covering a period of one hundred and twelve years is not to be expected, as record evidence is at times either imper- fectly preserved or entirely destroyed; but no pains have been spared to make this volume a complete and reliable history of our Presidents and how we make them. I am indebted to Edward Stanwood's " History of Presi- dential Elections" and to Greeley's " Political Text-Book of i860" for valuable data of the earlier conflicts for the Presidency. Many of the personal and political reminiscences given are an elaboration of a series of articles originally prepared for the Saturday Evening Post, of Philadelphia. A. K. M. Philadelphia, March 1, 1900. GEORGE WASHINGTON THE WASHINGTON ELECTIONS 1789-1792 The first election for President of the United States was held on the first Wednesday of January, 1789, and it was an election in which the people took no part whatever in most of the States. The election should have been held in November, 1788, but the Constitution of 1787, that required ratification by nine States to make it the supreme law of the nation, did not receive the approval of the requisite number of States until the 21st of June, 1788, when New Hampshire made up the ninth State approving it. Vermont followed five days later, and New York, after a bitter struggle, ratified the Constitution on the 26th of July. There was then ample time for Congress to make provisions for a Presidential election in November, but many weeks were wasted in a struggle for the location of the national capitol, and it was not until the 13th of September that Congress was prepared to pass a resolution declaring the ratification of the Con- stitution, and directing the election of Presidential electors. Communication was at that time very slow and uncertain between the several States, and as Congress did not fix the time for an election until the middle of September, the first Wednesday of January, 1789, was deemed the earliest period at which an election could be had. Considering the length of time required to communicate with the different States, and the extreme difficulty in the States communicating with their people and Legislatures, it was practically impossible to have a Presidential election in which the people of the country generally could participate. None of the States had made any preparation for an elec- tion, and the only practical method for choosing electors was by the Legislatures, as the Constitution provided then, as it does now, that each State shall appoint Presidential electors OUR PRESIDENTS " in such manner as its Legislature may direct." Attempts were made to hold popular elections in New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, but even in New Hampshire and Massachusetts, after elections had been held after a fashion, the Legislatures of those States finally chose the electors. There were next to no votes cast in Pennsylvania,* Maryland, and Virginia, as there was no contest, the election of Washington being conceded by all ; and whatever votes were cast in the States have never found their way into the political statistics of the country. Rhode Island and North Carolina had not ratified the Constitution and did not choose electors, and in New York a bitter contest arose in the Legislature between the friends and opponents of the Constitution, resulting in a disagreement between the Senate and House that was not adjusted in time for the Legislature to choose electors. Thus, New York, Rhode Island, and North Carolina gave no votes for President in the Electoral College of 1789. There had been no formal nomination of Washington for President and Adams for Vice-President in any part of the country. In later Presidential elections it was common for Legislatures and mass-meetings to present candidates for President, but I cannot find a record of any formal presenta- tion of either the name of Washington or Adams as candi- dates at the first Presidential election. Washington was accepted as the logical ruler of the Republic, whose sword had won its independence, and Massachusetts, the State of Lexington and Bunker Hill, was conceded the second place on the ticket by general assent. Both were pronounced Federalists, and Washington was much more positive in his partisanship than is now generally believed. He was consulted about the choice of a Vice-President, and he answered that while he took it for granted that " a true Federalist " would be elected to the Vice-Presidency, he was unwilling to indicate any preference ; but it was gener- ally known that he and his immediate friends preferred John Adams, who had been one of the committee with Jefferson to prepare the Declaration of Independence, and who had written a very vigorous pamphlet in favor of the adoption of the Constitution. It is now generally assumed that there was no shade of *Imperfect returns at Harrisburg show 5930 votes cast in Pennsyl- vania for Washington in 1789 and 4576 in 1792. AND HOW WE MAKE THEM opposition to Washington's election to the Presidency, but the anti-Federalists, many of whom were opposed to the Constitution, made several ineffectual efforts to defeat him. It is known that Franklin was approached on the question of being Washington's competitor, but there is little doubt that he peremptorily refused. At that time the Presidential electors did not vote directly for President and Vice-Presi- dent as they do now. Each elector voted for two men for President, both of whom could not be a resident of the same State, and the candidate receiving the largest vote, if a majority, was chosen President, and the candidate receiving the second largest vote for President became Vice-President. Several movements were made, without ever attaining the dignity of importance, to have votes quietly taken from Washington and given to Adams, and other movements were made to defeat Adams for Vice-President, but all of them were signal failures. It is understood that Hamilton, the closest friend of Washington, was not friendly to Adams. There is some reason to believe that he would have seconded the movement of the anti-Federalists to make George Clinton Vice-President had it given any promise of success. The electoral colleges met on the first Wednesday of Feb- ruary, 1789, and elected Washington President, he receiving 69 votes, being the full number of electors, and John Adams received 34 votes for President, which made him Vice- President, although he did not receive a majority of the electoral votes. The following table shows the vote in detail as cast by the Electoral College, all of the men having been voted for only as Presidential candidates : g G G O O § be C/j be c G STATES. G as be S < G G 3 W *a3 >> a! M V G w u a! X X u G O -t-» G O be 6 be T3 P G O u a < "a) h ■a u c3 O PI G g u G O a G PI •— > O u a> O G O G O s •— > G PQ New Hampshire 5 5 Massachusetts 10 1 10 5 2 Connecticut New Jersey 6 1 5 Pennsylvania 10 8 9i Delaware 3 — 3 — — — — — — OUR PRESIDENTS c c c o o o M bfl . M be c STATES. i 2 xn bo o 6 C/5 s c<5 T3 — > C X S >— > C O o o o c nS W c O id tu K t-i D 6 o -4-> C o 0) o 0) O bo •a « a "o >— > c o +J a r* O >— I p 09 E t-f .5 o c o S-i (D it! 0) 1— 1 u PQ New Hampshire 6 3 16 4 9 12 7 15 3 8 21 12 8 4 4 6 3 16 4 9 7 14 3 8 7 12 1 21 12 4 4 Vermont Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina South Carolina 1 Georgia Kentucky Total . . . 132 77 50 4 1 THE ADAMS-JEFFERSON CONTEST 1796 While it was generally accepted that Washington would not be a candidate for a third term, he gave no definite ex- pression on the subject until he issued his farewell address a short time before the election of 1796. Washington was an extremely reticent man, and it is possible that, in view of the serious complications between this country and France, he may have anticipated a contingency that would make him accept a third election to the Presidency, but it seems to have been well understood by those nearest to him in official circles that he earnestly desired to retire to private life at the expiration of his second term. He was then the richest man in the country, his wealth being almost wholly composed of land and slaves, and for twenty years he had been unable to give any attention to his large business interests. While his election and re-election to the Presidency by a unanimous vote were very gratifying to him, he greatly preferred the life upon his plantation, where he gave most careful attention to all the details of its management. As early as 1793 it was generally accepted by the public that Washington would not be a candidate for re-election, and that Jefferson and Adams would be the logical com- petitors for the succession. Jefferson had cleared his decks for the battle by resigning his office as Secretary of State early in 1794. He was not in harmony with the severe Fed- eral policy of Washington, and was very positively hostile to the policy of the administration in failing to support the French Revolution. Jefferson led the Democratic forces of the country ; Washington, and Adams as his logical succes- sor, led the Federal forces, and between them there was an irreconcilable dispute as to the form of government the new Republic should assume. Washington, Adams, Hamilton, OUR PRESIDENTS and their associates did not believe in the capacity of the people for self-government. They favored the strongest possible government, with checks and balances which could effectually restrain what they regarded as positive and dan- gerous ebullitions of public sentiment. They would have made Senators for life and given only the semblance of gov- ernment to the people. Jefferson, on the other hand, took the broad ground that the people were sovereign and should rule. He logically supported the French Revolution against the Bourbon Kings, and cherished the strongest prejudices against England. As Secretary of State he could not well have remained in the Washington Cabinet the last two years of the administration, but he doubtless resigned to be entirely free to make his great battle for the Presidency in 1796. Neither Jefferson nor Adams was nominated for the Presi- dency in 1796 by anv Legislature or mass-meeting of which there is any record as far as I have been able to ascertain. Adams was the choice of Washington, and the logical suc- cessor to Washington as the Federal candidate for President, and Jefferson stood head and shoulders over all the Repub- licans of that day. The title of Republican was adopted by the friends of Jefferson, and the Democratic party was founded in 1796 by Jefferson under the name of Republican, established as the majority party of the nation four years later, and it fought and won the Democratic battles under that name until 1824, when the Jackson party changed the title to Democracy. If the overshadowing individuality of Washington could have been eliminated from the contest of 1796. Jefferson would have defeated Adams by a decided majority, but "Washington was earnestly enlisted in the support of Adams, and all the power of the administration was wielded in favor of the Federal candidate. While Washington was not charged with violent partisanship in his appointments, it is none the less true that when the issue came between Adams and Jefferson, every Federal official of the country felt bound to support, with all the power he possessed, the candidate preferred by Washington. Had Grover Cleveland lived in that day, he would have had ample opportunity to denounce the " pernicious activity" of office-holders with as much reason as he denounced them a century later in his support of civil service reform. Not only were the Federal officials aggressively enlisted 8 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM in favor of Adams, but the personal influence of Washington, that was greater than that ever wielded by any other official or citizen of the Republic down to the present time, was a serious obstacle to Jefferson's success. The people loved Jefferson as the author of the Declaration of Independence, and a large majority of them sympathized with his liberal ideas of popular government, but the name of Washington was sacred to a large majority, and his wishes were para- mount in deciding their political action. Such were the con- ditions under which Jefferson entered the contest against Adams in 1796. In this contest, for the first time, there were two candidates distinctly declared as competitors for the Presidency, and other candidates as distinctly declared as competitors for Vice-President, although all had to be voted for as candi- dates for President in the Electoral College. At that time Aaron Burr was in the zenith of his power. He was one of the most astute politicians of that day, inordinately am- bitious, unscrupulous in his methods, and he was generally accepted by the friends of Jefferson as the candidate for Vice-President. New York was a Federal State, but it was hoped that by the masterly ability of Burr the electoral vote of New York might be won for Jefferson, although while there was entire unanimity among the Republicans in support of Jefferson, there was not equal unanimity in the support of Burr. He failed to carry New York for Jefferson, but succeeded in carrying it for Jefferson and himself in 1800, and his victory was won so early in the contest by the election of a Repub- lican Legislature in that State in May, 1800, that he prac- tically decided the battle against Adams. The Presidential contest between Jefferson and Adams developed into the most defamatory campaign ever known in the history of American politics, unless the second campaign of 1800 between the same leaders may be accepted as equal- ling it. In no modern national campaign have candidates and parties been so maliciously defamed as were candidates and parties when Jefferson and Adams fought for power in the contest of the Fathers of the Republic. Jefferson was denounced as an unscrupulous demagogue, and Adams was denounceS as a kingly despot without sympathy with the people, and opposed to every principle of popular govern- ment. OUR PRESIDENTS There were few newspapers, but it was the age of the pam- phleteer, and the political pamphlets of those days, if com- pared with the political asperities of the present age, would make the partisan vituperation of the evening of the nine- teenth century appear as tame and feeble. Nor were political leaders of that day any less unscrupulous than are the political leaders of the present. The struggles of mean ambition were as common then as now, and political leaders jostled each other in the most vituperative assaults to give victory to their cause. The contest ended in November, when the elections were held in the various States. Tennessee had been admitted to the Union on the 1st of June, 1796, making sixteen States to participate in the choice of a President. Of these, six States held some form of popular elections, while ten chose their electors by the Legislature. The popular vote cast at these elections had no material significance. There was but one ticket voted for in nearly or quite all of the six States which assumed to choose electors by popular vote, as the New England States were solid for Adams, and the Southern States, where elections were held, were strong in the support of Jefferson. The result was the election of Adams in the Electoral College by a vote of 71 to 68 for Jefferson, who thereby became Vice-President. The following is the vote in detail, as cast in the Electoral College, the electors voting only for President : u (0 > c u w > to to C c c > fe a] > C O -t-> 6 5 - A 60 •0 ^ STATES. of S ■0 < c 09 U m c c to s 03 u O to c c ca" to C c E to a E to B 03 < S c3 H u > O bo u 0) •—1 e .a u 1— ( to s bo Li O S OS c to 2i 3 6 H H < 'Jl 6 •— > ►-> O Cfi —1 New Hampshire .... Vermont 4. 16 — 4 13 1 _ _ _ 2 _ Massachusetts — 4 — — — — 4 — — — — — — — 4 5 New York 12 7 — 12 7 — — — — — — — — — — New Jersey Pennsylvania 1 14 2 13 Delaware 3 — 3 IO AND HOW WE MAKE THEM d d to' CO CO > to f* CO s! O O !* B d fi" O -4-> fc CO fi c3 o CO 43 to fi *o 44 STATES. 3 co* co In co it! co fi 44 o fi u u CO a u o CO fi o fi J* fi !S CO o +-> CO fi 43 3 o fi -a fi 43 O ►-> 7 •— > co S o H 4 to cS a o 43 H 4 p « fi o c3 < 8 "3 S to CO > O O co bo u o CD •— ) C 43 O •— > (— 1 CO CO a ct) •— > CO bo (-, o (0 t— i "co fi a «s CO fi CO c 43 O •— » 2 o CO co *£ oj 43 O Maryland Virginia 1 20 1 1 15 R 1 North Carolina 1 11 1 6 — 3 1 — 1 South Carolina — 8 8 Georgia — 4 4 — 4 — — 4 — — — — — Kentucky _ Tennessee — 3 — 3 — — — — — — — — — Total 71 68 59 30 15 11 7 5 3 2 2 2 1 It will be seen by the foregoing table that Pennsylvania,* Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina cast divided elec- toral votes for the Presidency between Jefferson and Adams. In Pennsylvania, Adams received I electoral vote to 14 for Jefferson. In Maryland, Adams received 7 to 4 for Jeffer- son. In Virginia, Jefferson's own State, Adams received 1 to 20 for Jefferson, and in North Carolina the vote was 1 for Adams to 11 for Jefferson. In all of these States the electors were chosen by popular vote, and they were doubtless selected with reference to their character and intelligence without pledges as to how they should cast their ballots in the electoral colleges. One of the Virginia electors exercised his admitted right to vote against Jefferson, who had the largest popular following in the State. It was this independent ac- tion of a few electors in 1796 that made both parties draw their lines severely in the selection of the candidates for electors, and from that time until the present all electoral tickets have been made up of men who were accepted as solemnly pledged to vote for their party candidates in the Electoral College. *The popular vote, as imperfectly preserved at Harrisburg, gives Adams 11,552 and Jefferson 8373, but as 14 of the 15 electors voted for Jefferson the vote of record is incomplete and misleading. II THE JEFFERSON-ADAMS-BURR CONTEST i 800-1 The Presidential contest of 1800 was as revolutionary in its aim and in its accomplishment as was the Republican revolution of i860. The Federalists had practically undis- puted control of the Government for twelve years, under Washington and John Adams, and the power of the Federal party, with the overwhelming" individuality of Washing- ton in its favor, accomplished the election of Adams over Jefferson in 1796. When the battle of 1800 opened, Wash- ington was dead, and Hamilton, one of the ablest of the Washington political lieutenants, was not in hearty sympathy with Adams. The Federalists held both branches of Congress, and a tidal wave of partisan bitterness and personal defamation ran riot, both in Congress and throughout the country. Our foreign complications with France had become very serious, and Congress approved what was then regarded as very extensive preparations for a war that was bitterly opposed by the Republican minority, the followers of Jefferson. So violent were the political discussions of the country that Adams, acting in accord with the Federal theory of a strong suppressive government, demanded and secured the passage of what are known as the Alien and Sedition laws, which now rank among the most odious legislative acts in the history of the Republic. While the Alien and Sedition laws were apparently aimed at those who were open enemies of the country in war, they were, in fact, intended to suppress criticism of the adminis- tration and to impose the severest penalties for open hostility to its policy. The first session of the Congress of 1797-98 12 JOHN ADAMS AND HOW WE MAKE THEM lasted eight months, and even in the fierce passions of civil war the Congressional debates did not equal the asperities of the Congressional debates of a century ago. The first Alien law lengthened the period for naturalization to fourteen years, and all emigrants were required to be registered and the certificate of registration to be the only proof of resi- dence. All alien enemies were forbidden the right of citizen- ship under any circumstances. Another of the series gave the President the power in case of war to seize or expel all resident aliens of the nation at war with us, and yet another gave the President power to deport any alien whom he might think dangerous to the country, and if after being ordered away he remained in the country, he was subject to imprisonment for three years and forbidden citizenship. In addition to these provisions, aliens so imprisoned could be removed from the country by the President's order. Such were the general provisions of the Alien law. The Sedition bill, that was part of the same policy, declared that any who hindered officers in the dis- charge of their duties or opposed any of the laws of the country were gailty of high crime and misdemeanor, punish- able by fine and imprisonment. Those who were guilty of writing or publishing any false and malicious writings against Congress or the President, or aided therein, were made pun- ishable by a fine of $2000 and imprisonment for two years. These measures were in harmony with the Federal theory of government. The Federal leaders did not believe the people capable of self-government, and Adams felt justified in imposing the severest penalties upon all who severely criticised or violently opposed the administration. Washing- ton was yet alive and in full mental and physical vigor when these laws were passed, and it is reasonable to assume that he approved of them, as he could have defeated them if he had opposed their enactment. Hamilton vainly protested against the Alien and Sedition laws as a fatal political blunder, but Federalism had never suffered defeat, and President Adams never doubted his re-election until the vote was declared against him. The contest of 1800 had its lines so well defined from the outset that candidates for President and Vice-President were as clearly indicated, although without any formal declaration, as national tickets would be indicated by a national convention of modern times. There is no record 13 OUR PRESIDENTS of the Congressional caucus in 1800, but it seems to be an accepted tradition that the Federals, who had a majority of the House, first called a secret caucus to confer about the management of the campaign. They did not formally name candidates, but by general consent Adams was accepted as the candidate for President and Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, for Vice-President. Apparently well- authenticated reports tell of a Republican Congressional caucus held during the same year, but there is no preserved record of it. If such a caucus was held, candidates were not nominated nor was any declaration of principles made. The chief object of the Republican caucus seems to have been to harmonize the friends of Jefferson on Burr as the accepted candidate for Vice-President, but no preference was expressed in any formal way. When the Federalists held their first caucus the Republicans denounced it as a " Jacobinical conclave," and so severe were the criticisms of the Philadelphia Aurora, the leading Jefferson organ, that its editor was at one time arraigned before the bar of the Senate. The contest of 1800 opened early in the year, the reported Congressional caucuses having been held in February or March, and from that time until the election the political discussions were acrimonious to a degree that would surprise the present generation. Jefferson had cordially united his friends in the support of Burr, and it was Burr's magnificent leadership that carried the electoral vote of New York by winning the Legislature of that State as early as May. New York had voted for Adams in 1796, and the loss to Adams of one of the leading States of the Union and its transfer to Jefferson made the battle next to hopeless for Adams, but he and his friends fought it out to the bitter end. No new States had been admitted during the Adams administration, and the same sixteen States w T hich had elected Adams over Jefferson were then to pass a second judgment upon the great leaders of the two opposing political theories of that day. In Pennsylvania the Federalists controlled the Senate chiefly by hold-over Senators, as the popular senti- ment of the State was strongly for Jefferson. In the three previous elections for President the Pennsylvania Legisla- ture had passed special acts authorizing a popular vote for President, but in 1800, the Federals having control of the Senate, refused to pass a bill for an election whereby the 14 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM choice of electors was thrown into the Legislature, and it required joint action of the Federal Senate and the largely Republican House to provide for a choice of electors even by the Legislature. The Federal Senators refused to go into joint convention except upon conditions which would divide the electoral vote, and the Republicans of the House were compelled to choose between disfranchising the State, as New York had been disfranchised in 1789, or to concede a large minority of the electors to Adams. It was finally agreed that each House should nominate 8 electors, and that the Houses should then meet jointly and each member should vote together for 15 of the 16 thus nominated. The result was that the Federalists forced the election of 7 Adams electors with 8 for Jefferson. The Federal Senators, 13 in number, who controlled the Senate against the 11 Republicans, were heralded by their party papers and leaders as grand heroes, because by the accident of power in one body of the Legislature not immediately chosen by the people they had wrested 7 electors from Jefferson, which would have been given to him either by a popular vote or by a joint vote of the Legislature. Rhode Island at this election for the first time chose electors by popular vote, making 6 States which chose elec- tors by the vote of the people and 10 which chose electors by the Legislature. As the electoral colleges could vote only for candidates for President, Jefferson and Burr re- ceived precisely the same vote, 73 in number, and Adams received 65, with 64 for Pinckney and 1 for John Jay. The following is the table of the vote as cast in the electoral col- leges : S3 > ■Ji d O > t/3 Cfl tn •Ji u z 3 >; STATES. u cfl fe •— > 3 cfl - 'Ji M -d a >> Sj s c < (X ■—» u a < C A O Q O >— 1 New Hampshire 6 6 Vermont — — 4 16 4 4 16 3 _ Massachusetts Rhode Island 1 15 OUR PRESIDENTS j > o 03 c o > 03 OS Xfl 03 U fc JH o > STATES. 4> u 03 B c £ t—i 03 s K t3 c ;£ 6 o c < fu ►— . o < O c o 9 9 New York 12 12 17 f 17 New Jersey Pennsylvania 8 8 i 7 Delaware 5 5 3 5 3 5 Maryland * Virginia 21 21 North Carolina 8 8 4 8 8 4 4 4 South Carolina Georgia Kentucky 4 4 Tennessee 3 3 65 64 73 73 1 * One Marj^land elector did not attend. It is impossible to give anything like an intelligent pres- entation of the popular vote between Jefferson and Adams. In most of the States which chose electors by popular vote there was practically no contest, as the New England States voted solidly for Adams, and the Southern States south of Maryland voted as solidly for Jefferson, with the exception of North Carolina, where an electoral ticket seems to have been chosen on the original theory that electors should exercise sound discretion in the choice of a President, and in the exercise of that discretion 4 of the North Carolina electors voted for Adams and 8 for Jefferson. Had Penn- sylvania been permitted to give expression either to the popular will or to the decided Republican majority of the Legislature, 7 of the Pennsylvania votes would have been taken from Adams and added to Jefferson, which would have made him 80 electoral votes to 58 for Adams. Jefferson had won his election, and there should have been no question about according it to him. Under the electoral system of that day, by which each elector voted for two candidates for President, Jefferson and Burr each received 72> votes for the Presidency, and upon the face of the returns 16 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM were equally entitled to claim the highest honor of the Republic. True, Burr had not been discussed or seriously thought of as a candidate for President. He was accepted by the Republicans distinctly as the candidate for Vice- President, and the whole battle was fought out on the issue between Jefferson and Adams. Had Burr been honest and manly, he would have ended the struggle at once by declar- ing that the people had elected Jefferson to the Presidency, and that Burr could not consent to be presented to the country and the world as seeking to wear the stolen honors of the Government ; but Burr developed his true character as soon as he discovered that his vote was equal to that given to Jefferson. While he did not make any open or visible effort to elect himself over Jefferson, he silently assented to the use of his name, and thus made the Presi- dency hang in uncertainty from the time of the election in November until the 17th of February, when the contest was finally decided in favor of Jefferson, and Burr stamped with infamy. That he wished to be elected over Jefferson cannot be reasonably doubted. If he had not permitted the use of his name without protest as a candidate against Jefferson, there would have been no discussion and no uncertainty, as the House would have chosen Jefferson on the 1st ballot. Jefferson could have accomplished his own election with- out a serious contest if he had accepted the proposition of the Federalists to give him the election, to which he was entitled by the vote of the people, if he would agree not to remove the Federalists who then filled all the offices of the Government. Under Washington and Adams, the Repub- licans were practically proscribed in national appointments, and Adams had been specially proscriptive in dispensing the patronage of his administration. One of the most dis- creditable acts of his administration was the creation, by his Federal Congress in the expiring hours of Federal rule, of a number of judges, to whom commissions were issued by Adams at midnight before his retirement from office. They were known in political discussions of that day as the " midnight judges," and the measure was so odious that it speedily destroyed itself. Jefferson, while not specially proscriptive in political appointments, regarded it as incon- sistent with his appreciation of executive duties to give any pledge to the opposition to retain their friends in office. They naturally assumed that Jefferson would be as proscrip- l 7 OUR PRESIDENTS tive as Adams had been, and that their only safety was in making terms with Jefferson, whose election they could accomplish without difficulty. It is quite probable that they could have made such terms with Burr, and it is possible that such conditions were pro- posed and accepted, but the Federalists knew that the defeat of Jefferson would be a monstrous perversion of the popular will; and Hamilton and Bayard, of Delaware, and other prominent Federalists earnestly opposed all affiliation with Burr. Burr having failed to announce that Jefferson had been elected President by the people, and should be elected by the House, and Jefferson having refused to make terms with the Federalists, the election went into the House under rules which had been adopted by Congress to meet the special case. Under the rules, the House was required to retire to its own chamber after the announcement of the electoral vote showing no choice, and proceed to ballot for President, and to continue to ballot without adjournment until a choice was effected. That session of the House con- tinued for seven days. The balloting began on the nth of February and ended on the 17th, as the House, instead of adjourning, simply took recesses from time to time. Each State could cast but one vote in the House, and that vote was determined by a majority of the delegation. Where the delegation was evenly divided the State had no vote. The following is the vote of the States en the 1st ballot, Febru- ary n, 1801 : STATES. Jefferson. Burr. _ 4 1 1 3 11 — 2 — 7 6 4 3 2 9 4 — 1 4 4 16 3 9 1 — 5 1 — 9 1 — 55 49 State voted for. New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts. . Rhode Island. . . Connecticut . . . . New York New Jersey Pennsylvania. . . Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina. South Carolina. Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Total Burr. Divided — Blank. Burr. Burr. Burr. Jefferson. Jefferson. Jefferson. Burr. Divided — Blank. Jefferson. Jefferson. Burr. Jefferson. Jefferson. Jefferson. 18 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Nineteen ballots were taken on the same clay, then a recess was taken until the 12th, when 9 additional ballots were taken, and 1 ballot was taken on the 13th, 4 on the 14th, 1 on the 16th (the 15th being Sunday), and 1 on the 17th, making an aggregate of 35 ballots, all of which were precisely a repetition of the 1st ballot given in the foregoing table. Jefferson received the vote of 8 States, Burr of 6, and 2 were blank, because of divided delegations. The vote of 9 States was necessary to an election, and there was no choice. On the 2d ballot cast on the 17th, being the 36th ballot in all, Jefferson was successful, receiving the votes of 10 States to 4 for Burr and 2 blank. The changes in favor of Jefferson were made by one Vermont member declining to vote, thus allowing his colleague to cast the vote of the State for President, and by four from Maryland also declin- ing to vote, by which the tie in that State was broken in Jefferson's favor. In addition to these changes South Carolina and Delaware cast blank votes, but they did not help Jefferson, as he required the positive vote of 9 States to accomplish his election. It was James A. Bayard, of Delaware, a leading Federalist, who changed his vote on the last ballot from a vote for Burr to a blank ballot. Jefferson was thus de- clared elected President, and Burr became Vice-President by the mandate of the Constitution, he having received the highest electoral vote for President excepting that cast for Jefferson. It can be readily understood that Burr's permission of the use of his name to defeat the election of Jefferson in the House made an impassable gulf between them, and that contest dated the decline of Burr's power in the land. He knew that there could be no future for him, and his restless genius sought new fields in which to gratify his ambition, ending in his arrest and trial for treason, and also staining his skirts with the murder of Hamilton. Hamilton was open in his hostility to Burr in the contest between Jefferson and Burr in the House, and it was Burr's resentment of Hamilton's hostility to his election that made him seize upon a trivial pretext to force Hamilton into a duel, in which Hamilton fell mortally wounded at the first fire. Burr's public career was thus ended by the Jefferson-Burr contest, and although he lived many years thereafter, he drank the 19 OUR PRESIDENTS bitterest dregs of sorrow, and died in poverty and un- lamented. Adams accepted his defeat most ungracefully. He re- mained in the Executive Mansion until midnight of the 3d of March, 1801, when he and his family deserted it, leaving it vacant for Jefferson to enter, without a host to welcome him. It was the only instance in which the retiring President did not personally receive the incoming President in the Executive Mansion, with the single exception of President Johnson, who did not remain at the White House to receive Grant : but Johnson was excusable from the fact that Grant had expressed his purpose not to permit Johnson to accom- pany him in the inauguration ceremonies. Jefferson, in marked contrast with the pomp and ceremony of Federal inaugurations, appeared on the 4th of March clad in home- spun, and rode his own horse unattended to the Capitol, and after the inauguration ceremonies returned to the Executive Mansion in like manner. Both Jefferson and Adams lived for more than a quarter of a century after their great battle terminated in 1800, and time greatly mellowed the asperities of their desperate political conflicts. In the later years of their life, when both had lived long in retirement, they had friendly correspondence ; and it is one of the most notable events in our political annals that Jefferson and Adams, who stood side by side in presenting the Declaration of Indepen- dence to Congress, and who had fought the fiercest political battles of the nation as opposing leaders, both died on the same day — the natal day of the Republic — July 4, 1826. THOMAS JEFFERSON THE JEFFERSON-PINCKNEY CONTEST 1804 The election of Jefferson in 1800 was a complete revolu- tion in the political policy of the new Republic, and it main- tained its supremacy for sixty years. The Republican party that triumphed with Jefferson never suffered a defeat until after the name of the party had been changed to Democracy under Jackson. John Quincy Adams, who was elected Presi- dent in 1824, was nominated and supported as a Republican, as were Jackson, Crawford, and Clay, and the Whig tri- umphs of 1840 and 1848 stand in our history as accidental victories without changing the general policy of the Govern- ment in any material respect. It may be accepted as a fact that from 1800 until 1900, the full period of a century, there have been but two political policies established and main- tained in the government of this country. The Democratic policy ruled from 1800 to i860, and from i860 to 1900 the Republican policy has maintained its supremacy, notwith- standing the two Democratic administrations of Cleveland. They were but temporary checks upon Republican mastery, as the Whig successes of 1840 and 1848 were mere tem- porary checks upon Democratic rule. With Jefferson's success in 1800 came, for the first time, the control of the Republicans in both branches of Congress, and Jefferson thus had the entire legislative power of the Government in thorough sympathy and harmony with him- self. He was bitterly opposed by the Federalists at every step. They justly criticised his hostility to an American navy ; they complained vehemently of his removals from office in partisan interests, and they specially assailed his ostentatious attempts to limit the authority and powers of the General Government to give the supreme sovereignty of the nation to the people. 21, OUR PRESIDENTS The one act of his administration that was most violently assailed was his purchase of Louisiana in 1803. It was proclaimed by the Federalists as the most flagrant usurpa- tion of authority, as an utter overthrow of the Constitution, and as the beginning of the end of the Union. There is not an argument made to-day against the acquisition of the Phil- ippines and Puerto Rico that is not the echo of the earnest arguments made by the Federalists against the acquisition of Louisiana. The ablest of the Federalists proclaimed in the Senate and House that the Union was practically destroyed by the acquisition of a distant country, containing a people with no sympathy with our interests or institutions ; who were generally strangers to our language and could never be educated to the proper standard of American citizenship. But the country then, as now, believed in expansion, and the acquisition of Louisiana stands out as one of the grandest achievements of statesmanship exhibited by any administra- tion, from Washington to McKinley. The contest between Jefferson and Burr for the Presi 7 dency, after one had been distinctly supported as a candidate for President and the other as distinctly as a candidate for Vice-President, taught the necessity of changing the method of choosing a President in the Electoral College, but the Federalists bitterly opposed the change, chiefly on the ground that it was desired solely to gratify the personal ambition and interests of Jefferson. The proposed amend- ment prevailed, however, and was ratified by thirteen of the sixteen States in ample time for the contest of 1804. The dissenting States in the ratification of the amendment were Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware. Under that amendment the electors voted for President and Vice-Presi- dent as they do to-day, and the candidate for Vice-President must now have a majority of the electoral vote as well as the candidate for President to be successful. The Congressional caucus that made Presidents for many years became an accepted institution in 1804, when the Re- publican or Jeffersonian members of Congress were publicly invited to meet on the 25th of February. They unanimously nominated Mr. Jefferson for re-election, and as Burr was unthought of for Vice-President, they nominated George Clinton, of New York, for that office. This was the first open political caucus or convention to nominate national can- didates. The caucuses of 1800 were held in secret by both 22 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM the Federalists and Republicans, and no record was pre- served of their actions. Those who called the caucus, appre- ciating the prejudice that would likely be provoked by Con- gress attempting to dictate the candidates for President and Vice-President, distinctly declared that the caucus or con- ference was called solely as individuals, and not as official representatives of the Senate and House. If the Federalists held a caucus in 1804, there is no record of it that I have been able to find, but they united on Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, for President, and Rufus King, of New York, for Vice-President. Both of the parties gave the second place on their respective tickets to New York, clearly indicating that they regarded New York as one of the pivotal States of the conflict. Ohio had been admitted into the Union in 1802, making 17 States to take part in the election of 1804, and the new apportionment, shaped by the census of 1800, enlarged the number of electoral votes. While the Federalists had greatly diminished in popular strength by the loss of power and the steadily gaining approval of Jefferson and his Republican policy, they did not abate in any degree the intensity of their hostility to Jefferson, and in a few States where contests were made, the campaigns were conducted on the old defamatory lines which marked the two great battles between Jefferson and Adams. In most of the States there was practically no contest, but in Massachusetts and Connecticut, where Federalism had always maintained its supremacy, the Federalists fought with an earnestness and desperation such as might have been expected in a hopeful struggle. The fiercest battle was fought in Massachusetts, where for the first time the Repub- licans defeated the Federalists in the largest vote ever cast in the State. Jefferson electors received 29,310 votes to 25,- yyy for the Pinckney ticket, giving Jefferson a majority of 3533. This was a terrible blow to Adams, and it was aggra- vated by the fact that while Massachusetts faltered, Con- necticut gave her electoral vote to the Federal ticket. Dela- ware, with her three electoral votes, was the only other State that maintained her devotion to the Federal cause, and the electoral votes of those 2 States, with 2 added from the 11 votes of Maryland, summed up the entire vote of the Federal candidate for President in the Electoral College, the vote being 162 for Jefferson to 14 for Pinckney, and a like vote 23 OUR PRESIDENTS for Clinton and King for Vice-President, table presents the official vote cast in the elec Tl-i^ IrXl ~ — — - -~ T r.: ~ /- ■ . . ^~ -.-.i_-:': z:~- - : - a. - - STATES. - - c : te - -- =i B — a. _ Z - - E - - a. 5 : a : — $z - . - ~ _ 3 - New Hampshire _ _ Vermont 6 - ; Massachusetts 19 ' i Rhode Island A — Connecticut . — r _ 1 Ne~w York 19 8 — New Terser — Pennsylvania 20 -: •:••: Delaware .... : Maryland r - 9 . Virginia 24 — M — North Carolina 14 — 14 — South Carolina Georgia 10 — :■: — 6 — -: — Kentucky 8 - Tennessee r r Ohio 3 — 3 — Total : -•: 14 :-:: 14 JAMES MADISON THE MADISON-PINCKNEY-CLINTON CONTESTS 1808-12 The election of Jefferson ended the line of the succession to the Presidency from the Vice-Presidency. Adams as Vice-President succeeded Washington as President, and Jefferson as Vice-President succeeded Adams, but the Burr fiasco made it impossible for the succession to be maintained, and for many years the line of succession to the Presidency was in the Premiers of the administration. Indeed during the entire century from 1800 to 1900 but one Vice-President has been elected to the Presidency. That single exception was Martin Van Buren, and he started under the Jackson administration as Premier. Madison, who was Secretary of State under Jefferson, succeeded Jefferson to the Presi- dency; Monroe, Secretary of State under Madison, suc- ceeded Madison as President ; John Quincy Adams, Secre- tary of State under Monroe, succeeded Monroe as President, and since that time Buchanan was the only Secretary of State who reached the Presidency, although Webster, Cass and Blaine, who were Premiers under several administrations, were defeated in Presidential contests. Madison was generally regarded as the favorite of Jeffer- son for the succession, and Jefferson's power at that time was second only to the power of Washington in dictating who should succeed him to the highest honor of the Repub- lic. Irritating opposition to Madison came from his own State of Virginia, where the friends of Monroe were quite aggressive. Two caucuses had been held in the Virginia Legislature, one by the friends of Madison, and the other, much smaller in number, by the friends of Monroe, and both were thus formally presented to the country to succeed Jef- ferson. A caucus of the Republican members of both branches of 25 OUR PRESIDENTS Congress was called to meet on the 23d of January, 1808. It was known that the friends of Madison largely outnum- bered the friends of Monroe in Congress, and the active supporters of Monroe earnestly opposed a nomination by the Congressional caucus. The caucus was held, however, and was attended by a majority of the Senators and Represen- tatives, and Madison was nominated on the 1st ballot, re- ceiving 83 votes to 3 for Monroe and 3 for George Clinton. Monroe had a considerably larger strength in Congress, but the result was predetermined, and a number of them did not participate. George Clinton was nominated by substantially the same vote for Vice-President. The caucus system was under fire, and the caucus, in justification of its own act, adopted a resolution declaring that in making the nomina- tions the members had " acted only in their individual char- acters as citizens," and because it was " the most practical mode of consulting and respecting the interests and wishes of all upon a subject so truly interesting to the people of the United States." It was a considerable time before the friends of Monroe gave a cordial adhesion to the caucus nominations, but Jef- ferson, who was friendly to both Madison and Monroe, in- terposed and reconciled the friends of Monroe by the ex- pectation that Monroe would succeed Madison ; and as there was practically no serious opposition to Madison presented by the Federalists, the campaign drifted into the general ac- ceptance of Madison's election long before the election was held. The Federalists did not hold any caucus or formally present candidates, but accepted Pinckney and King, for whom they had voted in the last contest against Jefferson. In the New England States vigorous contests were made by the Federalists to regain the supremacy they had lost, and New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Rhode Island, which had voted for Jefferson, were regained by the Federalists, but the struggle was not made with any hope of defeating Madison for President. There had been no increase in the number of States nor in the vote of the electoral colleges. Madison won an easy and decisive victory, receiving 122 electoral votes to 47 for Pinckney and 6 for George Clinton, who was the regular nominee of the Republicans for Vice- President, and who was elected to that office by 113 electoral votes to 47 for King and 15 scattering. New York was o viously disaffected, as while the Republican caucus had a 26 >- AND HOW WE MAKE THEM corded to Clinton of that State the second place on the ticket, and elected him Vice-President, the electoral vote of New York was divided, Madison receiving 13 to 6 cast for Clin- ton, and in the same electoral college Clinton received 13 votes for Vice-President to 3 for Madison and 3 for Monroe. The votes of North Carolina and Maryland were also divided, but that was not unusual, as after Washington re- tired the electoral votes of those States were divided, because their electors were chosen by Congressional districts. There is no intelligent record of the popular vote, and it would be needless to attempt to present it, as outside of New England the States which were contested generally chose their electors by the Legislature. The following is the vote in detail as cast in the Electoral College : President. Vice-President. c3 >i !* c« ffi > fc 03 B > 525 a! > >j STATES. O >, c 8 O £ +j ■ti a 3 6 a •a bO c c3 u a bo w bO & bo 05 J Cfi tfl a ea 1—1 O u O a »— . •— > B 3 04 New Hampshire 7 7 Vermont 6 13 8 6 19 4 9 13 8 3 6 3 Massachusetts 19 Rhode Island 4 Connecticut 9 New York New Tersey Pennsylvania 20 20 Delaware 9 — 3 2 9 — — — 8 Maryland 2 Virginia 24 11 10 6 — 3 24 11 10 6 — — — North Carolina 3 South Carolina — Kentucky * 7 - 7 Tennessee 5 3 — — 5 — 3 — Ohio 122 6 47 113 3 9 3 47 * One Kentucky elector did not attend. The State was entitled to 8 votes. 27 OUR PRESIDENTS The battle for Madison's second election in 1812 began in the early period of our second war with Great Britain. Many complicated foreign questions excited earnest discus- sion and renewed the partisan bitterness of the earlier na- tional contests, while the struggle for the renewal of the charter of the United States bank convulsed financial and business circles. The bill was lost by indefinite postpone- ment in the House in 181 1 by a single vote, and soon there- after a like bill was rejected in the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice-President. Madison did not possess the breadth of statesmanship so grandly exhibited by Jefferson, and he lacked in the positive qualities needed to meet the grave issues which confronted him. He parried our foreign ques- tions with almost endless diplomatic correspondence, and in the conduct of the war he lacked in the settled purpose and methods which are always necessary to sustain a government in such a crisis. It was then that Clay came to the front as Commoner of the nation, and it was his able, eloquent, and inspiring utter- ances and actions, aided by Senator Crawford, of Georgia, that saved the administration when it was apparently threat- ened with defeat. Madison was unwilling to accept war with England until it became clearly evident that he must declare war or give the Federalists a restoration to power, and it was only after he had been very earnestly appealed to by the men upon whom he had most to depend, that he sent a message to Congress pointing out the necessity of a decla- ration of war, to which both branches in secret sessions gave their approval. It was not until after Madison had decided upon an ag- gressive war policy with England that the Congressional caucus was called to nominate Republican candidates for President and Vice-President. The caucus met on the 12th of May apparently without objection, and Madison was re- nominated by a unanimous vote, only one member present declining to vote. Clinton had died in office, and a new nom- ination had to be made for Vice-President. John Langdon, of New Hampshire, who was the first Senator to be Presi- dent pro tern, of the body, was nominated for Vice-Presi- dent, receiving 64 votes to 16 for Elbridge Gerry and 2 scat- tering. Langdon declined the nomination, and the second caucus was convened when Gerry was nominated by a vote of 74 to 3 scattering. While the proceedings of the caucus 28 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM were apparently very harmonious, there was significance in the fact that some 50 Republican Senators and Representa- tives did not attend, only one being present from New York State. The reason for the New York members declining to at- tend the caucus was soon developed by a counter movement, made in New York, to bring out DeWitt Clinton, who was the leader of the Republicans of that State, as the candidate in opposition to Madison. The Federalists had no part in making him the competitor of Madison, but they were quite willing, in their utter helplessness, to support any bolt against the omnipotence of the Republican caucus. Many of the Republicans thought that the administration was not sufficiently aggressive in its opposition to England, and many others opposed Madison and were ready to support Clinton or any other promising candidate who was entirely opposed to the war. Had Clinton acted in harmony with the Republicans and supported Madison, he would have been a very formidable competitor of Monroe for the succession, but in allowing himself to be made a candidate of the opposi- tion, he entirely lost his position as a Republican leader. Madison had been nominated by the Republican Congres- sional caucus on the 12th of May, and on the 29th of May a caucus of the Republican members of the New York Leg- islature was held, at which 91 of the 93 members were pres- ent, and they unanimously nominated Clinton as a candidate for President, and the Federalists gradually dropped into his support. The Federalists took no formal action for the selection of candidates until September, when a conference of the leaders of that party was held in New York, with repre- sentatives from 11 States, and that conference nominated Clinton President with Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President. The campaign logically drifted into a square issue between the war and the peace parties, and even with all the factional hostility to Madison in the Republican ranks, such an issue could result only in the success of the party that sustained the Government in its war with England. The Federalists car- ried a solid New England vote for Clinton with the excep- tion of Vermont, that broke loose from her Federal moor- ings and cast her entire electoral vote for Madison. New York, with the largest electoral vote of any State, was car- ried chiefly by Clinton's personal popularity, and New Jer- sey was lost to Madison in disregard of the popular vote of 29 OUR PRESIDENTS the State by a Federal Senate and House that was suc- cessful against a Republican majority by reason of the pe- culiar shaping of the legislative districts. The Legisla- ture repealed the law for the choice of electors by a popular vote, and elected Federal electors by the Legislature. Had the popular vote of New Jersey prevailed, the vote between Madison and Clinton in the Electoral College would have been 136 for Madison to 81 for Clinton. The following is the vote as cast by the electoral colleges : President. Vice- President. STATES. > c •3 cj 3 •a s •—I > Jzi c c c -t-> Q t/5 w a u u V bo 'u S Jafed Ingersoll, Penn. New Hampshire 8 25 6 25 15 11 8 12 8 3 7 8 22 4 9 29 8 4 5 1 8 2 25 6 25 15 11 8 12 8 3 .7 7 Vermont Massachusetts 20 Rhode Island 4 Connecticut 9 New York 29 New Jersey 8 Pennsylvania Delaware 4 Maryland 5 Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia _ Kentucky , Tennessee Louisiana , Ohio Total 128 89 131 Louisiana was admitted into the L^nion on the 8th of April, 1812, and participated in the Presidential election, making 18 States. It will be seen that there was but one State that cast a divided electoral vote. Maryland continued 30 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM to choose all but the electors at large by Congressional dis- tricts, and gave 6 votes to Madison and 5 to Clinton. North Carolina changed her method of electing by districts to the choice of electors by the Legislature, thus making her elec- toral vote solid. Gerry, the candidate for Vice-President on the ticket with Madison, received 3 more votes in the Elec- toral College than were given to Madison, one of which came from New Hampshire and two from Massachusetts. THE MONROE ELECTIONS 1816-20 The election of James Monroe to the Presidency in 18 16 and his re-election in 1820 did not rise to the dignity of political contests. The Federal party was practically over- thrown by the success of the war with England, and after the close of the war Federalism never asserted itself as a political factor in national affairs. There were murmurings of discontent in the Republican organization, but the Fed- eralists were then in the unenviable attitude of having sympathized with the enemy in a foreign war, and the prejudices of the" patriotic people of the country were in- tensified against the action of the Hartford convention, for which the Federalists were held responsible. Whether justly or unjustly, it was believed by the Repub- licans throughout the country that the Hartford convention- ists had given " blue-light " signals to the enemy's ships, and thereby hindered the escape of American vessels which were blockaded. The overthrow of Federalism was so complete that the party never again formally presented candidates for President and Vice-President, and the first Monroe election of 1816 would probably have been as unani- mous in the Electoral College as was his second election but for the fact that the three Federal States which voted against Monroe did not hold popular elections for President at all, but chose their electors by the Legislature. Massachusetts, the home of Adams, that had always chosen Presidential electors by popular vote, repealed the law in 181 6, so that there was not a single elector chosen by the people against Monroe. While Monroe's two elections and administrations are now pointed to as the " era of good feeling," that has never been repeated in this country, Monroe himself did not ^2 JAMES MONROE *AND HOW WE MAKE THEM reach the Presidency by the rosy path that would now be naturally accepted for him in his journey to the highest civil trust of the nation. The usual Congressional caucus was called on the ioth of March, 1816, asking the Republican Senators and Representatives to meet on the 12th for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice- President. Only 58 of the 141 Republican members attended this meeting, and, instead of taking action, a resolution was passed calling a general caucus for the 16th, and at that caucus 118 members appeared. There were strong and widespread prejudices against the Congressional caucus system, and it was denounced by many prominent Repub- licans as " King Caucus" that sought to control the people in the selection of the highest officers. Senator Crawford, of Georgia, who had been the leading Senator, as Clay was the leading Representative, in the support of the war during the Madison administration, was an aggressive candidate for President, and was more popular with the politicians generally throughout the country than was Monroe. Great anxiety was felt about the probable action of the caucus, as it was feared that Monroe might be overthrown, notwithstanding the fact that he was favored by both Jefferson and Madison. When the caucus met with twenty-three Republican absentees, the majority of whom absented themselves because they were positively opposed to the caucus system, Mr. Clay offered a resolution declaring it inexpedient to nominate candidates, but his proposition failed. He thus put himself on record as early as 1816 against the caucus system, and he rejected and took the field against it as a candidate in 1824. The canvass between Monroe and Crawford was very animated, and Monroe succeeded by only 11 majority, the vote being 65 for Monroe and 54 for Crawford. Governor Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, was nominated for Vice-President, receiving 20 votes more than were given to Monroe. The Crawford sentiment was strong in New York and New Jersey, as well as in North Carolina, Ken- tucky, and his native State of Georgia, and public meetings were held in different sections of the country after the nomi- nations had been made, denouncing the caucus system, at one of which Roger B. Taney, who later became Chief Justice, was one of the aggressive opponents. Had there been a formidable Federal party, it is doubtful 33 OUR PRESIDENTS whether Monroe's election might not have been seriously imperilled, but the war feeling was too fresh in the minds of the people to tolerate anything that w r as in sympathy with that expiring political organization. The Republicans who were opposed to Monroe had to choose between falling in with the caucus nomination, and giving Monroe a unanimous support, or making a square fight as a bolting Republican faction, without permitting the aid of the Federalists. As that was impracticable, the Republican discontent gradually subsided and the election of Monroe was conceded by all. The Federalists made no nomination, but supported Rufus King, one of their old national candidates, and scattered their few votes for Vice-President, no two of the three States voting for the same candidate. Indiana had adopted a State Constitution in June, but was not formally admitted to the Union until the nth of December, after the Presidential election had been held. The State, however, had voted for President, and elected three Republican electors for Monroe, but an animated dispute arose in Congress about counting the vote, because of the alleged ineligibility of Indiana to vote for President when not formally admitted into the Union, even though the people had adopted a State Consti- tution several months before the election. The two bodies separated, to enable the House to decide the issue, but finally the question was postponed by a nearly unanimous vote, and the Senate invited to return, when the vote was declared as follows : President. Vice-President. STATES. C3 > of o u c o s 05 a; £ c s 05 Daniel D. Tompkins, N.V. •6 u O & o of 01 O 05 s 08 > 05 U cS 3 c .c o •—I u o ft i-i a 6 +j Ih d m ■d g STATES. c8 > o U a be g fl o •a o c c CD (X OS > .fl Oh o n 2 ffi o xn U as d cfl U5 W tfi § (h 0) fl a fl Pi fl Q .fl o 1—1 fl >— > o .a o Connecticut 9 5 New York 29 8 — 29 8 — — — New Jersey Pennsylvania 25 — 25 — — — Delaware 8 3 8 I I — 3 Maryland Virginia 25 , 25 North Carolina 15 — 15 — — — — South Carolina 11 — 11 — — — — Georgia 8 8 Kentucky 12 _ 12 __ _ _ . Tennessee 8 3 8 — 8 3 8 3 — — — _ Louisiana _ Ohio _ Indiana 3 Total 183 34 183 22 5 4 3 Monroe's re-election in 1820 presents the singular political spectacle of his success without having been formally nomi- nated by any party, and without a single electoral vote being chosen against him. That had occurred in Washington's two elections, but it was not believed possible that, with the bitter partisan disputes which immediately followed Wash- ington's retirement, any man could ever be chosen for the Presidency without more or less of a contest. Monroe's administration had no serious political or diplomatic prob- lem to confront it, and the country was rapidly recovering from the war and proud of the achievements of the American army and navy in the second contest with the English. Monroe was naturally cautious and conservative. There was nothing aggressive in the policy of his administration, and really no occasion to invite aggression. The Federal Party was practically extinct, and the Republicans were in 35 OUR PRESIDENTS thorough accord with the Monroe administration. A feeble movement was made early in 1820 to supersede Monroe, but it never attained importance, and even those who attempted it denied responsibility for it. The usual Republican Con- gressional caucus was called, and very few members took the trouble to attend it. as there was really nothing to do : and it was deemed better for the party- to accept Monroe and Tompkins for re-election than to have formal nomina- tions made by a very few representatives of the party. Monroe and Tompkins were thus accepted without any formalities whatever as the Republican candidates for Presi- dent and Vice-President, and no opposing candidates were presented in any way whatever of which I can find any record or tradition. Monroe thus ran in 1820. as Washing- ton did at both his elections, without opposition, and every electoral vote of the nation was chosen for him. Five new States had been admitted and participated in the election of 1820. Mississippi came in December. 1817 : Illinois in December. 1818: Alabama in December. 1819; Maine in March. 1820. and Missouri had adopted a Consti- tution in July. 1820. and although not formally admitted into the Union until August. 1821. the vote of that State was counted, as was the vote of Indiana in 18 16. The following is the official vote as announced by Congress : Preside:" Vice-Presidext. - X T. > «3 . g z •— > s X - at = z 2 ■ STATES. > <* — - Z. z - O . D < = — * - PU Z - O — '- - z — OB — - 6 — r - X :• - = -s-> - T = - — - — — r; r. - a Knl.c — r. Maine 9 1 9 — 1 New Hampshire Vermont B — s — Massachusetts 15 — f V 4 — -± — Connecticut 9 — 9 — New York 29 — •29 — 36 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM President. Vice-President. Xfl ►* a 3 £ fc-i s 'A fc % c 4) STATES. > © —> »— > Q ti (* f* Q New Jersey 8 8 Pennsylvania* 24 — 24 — — — Delaware 4 11 10 1 4 Maryland Virginia 25 25 North Carolina 15 15 11 — 11 — — — Georgia 8 8 Alabama 3 2 — Q o 2 ] — Mississippi* Louisiana 3 12 — Q O 12 Kentucky , — Tennessee* 7 — 7 — — — Ohio 8 — 8 — — — Indiana 3 3 3 — 3 3 Q o Illinois Missouri Total 231 1 1 218 8 1 1 4 * One elector in each of the States of Pennsylvania, Mississippi, and Tennessee died after appointment, and before the meetings of the electors. It will be seen that a single electoral vote was cast against Monroe in the New Hampshire Electoral College. The whole 8 electors were chosen as Monroe men, and would have voted for him had it been necessary to elect him, but one of the New Hampshire electors gave as his reason for voting for John Quincy Adams for President and Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President, that he was unwilling that any other President than Washington should receive a unanimous electoral vote. Monroe's administrations were uneventful beyond the assertion of what has ever since been known as the Monroe Doctrine, that was evolved by Monroe and John Quincy Z7 OUR PRESIDENTS Adams, his Secretary of State, and the first serious contest in Congress over the Slavery issue, growing out of the admission of Missouri as a State. After the admission of Louisiana as a State the remainder of the territory embrac- ing the Louisiana purchase was organized as the Territory of Missouri, and in 1818 the portion of the territory now embraced in the State of Missouri applied for admission into the Union as a State. In 1819 the House passed a bill for the admission of Missouri, with a clause prohibiting slavery, but it was not accepted by the Senate. In 1820 the Senate sent a bill to the House for the admis- sion of Maine, and authorizing the organization of the State of Missouri. The House had already passed a bill for the admission of Maine, but it refused to accept the Senate's provision relating to Missouri. There was very violent agitation on the Slavery question for some time, and many feared that it would end in the disruption of the Union ; but Clay became the pacificator, and chiefly by his efforts what has ever since been known as the Missouri Compromise was accepted, admitting Missouri as a slave State, but prohibiting slavery' in all of the Louisiana terri- tory north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes north latitude. This compromise did not fully satisfy either side, but it was accepted, and on the 10th of August, 1821, President Monroe proclaimed the admission of Missouri into the Union. Monroe had the most Unruffled period of rule ever known in the history of the Republic. Washington, with all his omnipotence, was fearfully beset by factional strife and the wrangles of ambition on every side, and there was no period of his two administrations in which he was not greatly fretted by the persistent and often desperate disputes among those who should have been his friends ; but Monroe had an entirely peaceful reign, with the single exception of the slavery dispute over the Missouri question, and at the close of his term he retired to his home in Virginia entirely exhausted in fortune. For several years he acted as a Justice of the Peace, but his severely straitened circum- stances finally compelled him to make his home with his son-in-law in New York, where he died in 183 1, and, like Jefferson and Adams, on the 4th of July. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS THE ADAMS-JACKSON-CRAWFORD- CLAY CONTEST 1824 With the re-election of Monroe in 1820, the Federal party had perished as a political factor ; " King Caucus," as the Congressional caucus for nominating national candidates had been generally designated, had fulfilled its mission, and none pretended that it could be revived to name the successor of Monroe. As Federalism was unfelt and unfeared, and as the Congressional caucus had lost its prestige and power, the Presidential field of 1824 invited a free-for-all race, and the discussion of the succession began actively as early as 1822. It seemed unaccountable that the Republicans, after having had the benefit of the Congressional caucus to concentrate their vote on national candidates, did not conceive the idea of a general conference of representative Republicans from the different States to unite them on candidates for Presi- dent and Vice-President, but no national convention was ever held by any party until the anti-Masons inaugurated it in Philadelphia in 1830, two years before the Presidential election of 1832. As there was practically no Federal party, none but Re- publicans were discussed for the succession to Monroe. It is a common but erroneous idea that John Quincy Adams was in harmony with the Federal sentiment of his State and New England generally. After having filled a number of important offices, principally in diplomatic circles, he was elected to the United States Senate as a Federalist by the Massachusetts Legislature in 1802, but he heartily sup- ported, the administration of Jefferson, resulting in instruc- tions passed by the Legislature demanding that he should change his political policy. He refused to obey the Legis- lative instructions, but resigned his seat in the Senate, and thenceforth he acted uniformly with the Republicans, and was Secretary of State during the eight years of Monroe's administration. 39 OUR PRESIDENTS While very many candidates were discussed for the suc- cession, when the time came for concentration only six names remained, and three of those were members of the Monroe Cabinet. They were John Quincy Adams. Secretary of State : John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War ; William H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury : Henry Clay, of Kentucky, who had been Speaker of the House ; Ex-Gover- nor De Witt Clinton, of New York, who was not then in official position, and General Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, who had been Senator. Representative, and Supreme Judge. Mr. Clay was presented to the people as a candidate for President by the Kentucky Legislature as early as the iStli of November, 1822, or two years before the election, and the Missouri Legislature also adopted a resolution about the same time recommending Mr. Clay. During the year 1823 the Legislatures of Illinois. Ohio, and Louisiana had also formally favored Clay. General Jackson was first formally named for the Presi- dency by a mass-meeting in Blount County, Tenn.. early in 1823. and that was followed up by various mass-meetings and local conventions in different parts of the LTnion. Mr. Adams, although not in sympathy with the Federalists. having earnestly supported the war with England against the Federal sentiment of his State, was presented as a can- didate by the Legislature of Massachusetts, and it was seconded by most of the New England States during the early part of the year 1824. Clinton was nominated by local mass-meetings in N York and Ohio. Calhoun was presented by the Legislature of South Carolina, and Crawford by the Legislature of Vir- ginia. It is worthy of note that while Adams was the Premier of the administration, Crawford was obviously the favorite candidate of President Monroe, as the Legislature of Virginia recommended Crawford, and Virginia voted for him at the election. All of these candidates were opposed to the Congressional caucus excepting Crawford, who had been the competitor of Monroe in the caucus in 1816. His friends made earnest effort to get the prestige of a caucus nomination, and Senators and 5 Representatives from different States calle a caucus to meet on the 14th of February, 1824. "' to recom- mend candidates to the people of the Cnited States for the office of President and Vice-President." That call was met 40 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM by a card signed by 24 Republican Senators and members declaring that of the 261 Senators and Representatives there were 81 who were opposed to the caucus. The caucus was held, however, but only 66 members appeared, a majority of whom were from 4 States, and 8 States were not represented at all. A motion to adjourn to meet some weeks later was opposed by Air. Van Buren and rejected. A ballot was then had for President, when Crawford received 64, Adams 2, Jackson 1, and Macon 1. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, was also nominated for Vice-President. The caucus nomination was certainly a hindrance rather than a help to Crawford, as it concentrated his opponents to a very large extent. The caucus system had become very odious, and with 5 of the 6 candidates openly hostile to the caucus, it placed Crawford at a decided disadvantage. Gal- latin, who was of foreign birth, was bitterly assailed, and a month before the election he withdrew his name as a can- didate, but no attempt was made to give formal nomination to a successor for him on the ticket. Strange as it may appear, Pennsylvania, the home of Gallatin, did not cordially respond to his nomination, and there was a decided preference in that State in favor of Calhoun for Vice-President. Calhoun and Clinton, being without any large measure of support, gradually dropped out of the Presidential contest, leaving Adams, Jackson, Crawford, and Clay to make the scrub race. There were 24 States to participate in the election, and New York, Ver- mont, Delaware, South Carolina, Georgia and Louisiana chose their electors by their Legislatures, while Maine, Massachusetts, Maryland, Illinois, and Kentucky chose elec- tors by districts, and in the other States popular elections were held and electors chosen by general ticket. An incident that occurred in the selection of electors by the Legislature of New York resulted in making Clay the fourth candidate in the Electoral College instead of the third. There were 3 of the electors chosen by the Legislature who were elected as Clay men by a combination between the Clay and Adams men, who in the Electoral College divided their votes between Adams, Crawford, and Jackson, and had they voted for Clay, as it was expected they would, Clay would have had 40 votes in the electoral colleges and Crawford only 38. As only the three highest candidates in the Elec- toral College could be returned to the House from which a 41 OUR PRESIDENTS choice had to be made, Crawford was thus returned instead of Clay, and if Clay had been returned, it is probable that Adams would not have been chosen President. The Xew York Legislature had a protracted contest in choosing elec- tors. The combined strength of the -candidates in the two Houses as shown by the ist ballot was 60 for Crawford. 57 for Adams, and 39 for Clay. Finally a combination was made between the friends of Adams and Clay, and divided electors were chosen, by which Adams received 26 votes, Crawford 5, Clay 4, and Jackson 1. In Delaware the elec- tors were divided by a like dispute in the Legislature. The contest was not one of great bitterness, and in some States there was practically no contest at all. Massachusetts and Virginia, for instance, did not poll half their votes, as they were really not contested, one being conceded to Adams and the other to Crawford. The following is the popular vote of the States except where the electors were chosen by the Legislature, as nearly as it can be ascertained after the most exhaustive investigation of the records : STATES. Jackson. Adams. Crawford. Clay. 643 Maine* Xew Hampshire Vermont? Massachusetts* Rhode Island Connecticut. , New Yorkf New Jersey 10,985 Pennsylvania 36.100 Delaware! Marvland* 14.523 Virginia North Carolina . . South Carolinaf. Georgiaf Alabama Mississippi Louisiana? Kentucky* Tennessee Missouri Ohio Indiana Illinois* , 2.861 20,415 9.443 3.234 6,455 20,19? 987 7.343 1,901 10,289 2.336 4,107 30, 68* 6,616 2,145 200 7,5>~ 1,978 9,110 1,196 5.440 4.206 14,6:: 3,646 3,1 8 489 15.621 ! 2.416 1,680 1,694 216 311 12.280 3,095 1,542 Totals ! 153,544 108.740 119 312 219 46.618 1.609 695 416 67 17.321 1,401 19.255 5.315 1,047 47.136 *By districts. tBy Legis .- 4-2 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM The popular vote as given in the foregoing table does not fully represent the relative strength of the opposition can- didates to Jackson. There were what were called " Opposi- tion" tickets, " People's" tickets, and " Convention" tickets voted in different States. It will be seen that Jackson re- ceived no votes in New England excepting a few in New Hampshire, and in most of those States electoral tickets were known as " Opposition" designed to concentrate all the op- position to Adams, and in North Carolina the Jackson ticket was voted as the " People's" ticket, but no more intelligent and satisfactory presentation of the popular vote can be gath- ered from the records than that presented. The following is the vote of the Electoral College : President. Vice-President. pi 'j> pi c d o !* p: h c/5 O t/3 £* £ e > STATES. c o o a o R O "0 u o G nj CG P! O o c o en 0} O < •— i r~ ffi *—t "A B < % ffi Maine 9 8 — 9 ! 7 — — 1 New Hampshire Vermont — 7 15 — ' 7 15 — — — — Massachusetts.. _ Rhode Island . . — 4 — 3 — — — Connecticut — 8 8 New York . New Jersey 1 8 26 5 4 29 8 7 — — — Pennsylvania. . . 28 — — — 28 — — — — — Delaware . 7 1 3 2 1 — 1 10 — — 1 — 2 Maryland Virginia 24 — — 24 North Carolina . 15 — — — 15 — — — South Carolina . 11 — — — 11 — — Georgia 9 9 Alabama . . 5 . 5 Mississippi 3 — — — 3 — — — — — Louisiana. 3 2 — — 5 — — — Kentucky . — — — 14 7 7 — — — Tennessee . 11 — — — 11 — — Missouri. . — r — 3 . — . — 3 Ohio 5 2 1 16 5 3 16 : — Indiana . . . Illinois. . . . Total . 99 84 41 37 182 30 24 13 9 2 43 OUR PRESIDENTS Jackson led the popular vote, as was generally expected, and next to him is Adams, with Clay third and Crawford fourth. While all of the 4 candidates were regarded as Re- publicans as between Federalism and Republicanism, the friends of Adams in a number of the States fought the battle under the title of National Republicans, and the supporters of Jackson, who represented the more Democratic element of the opponents of Federalism, entitled themselves in some- States the Democratic Republicans. As was generally ex- pected, there was no choice for President, as no one of the 4 candidates had a majority of either the popular or electoral votes, but Calhoun was elected Vice-President by a large ma- jority, having received the support of the Adams men gener- ally in Xew England, and of the Jackson men in Pennsyl- vania, Maryland, North and South Carolina, and indeed in all of the Southern States, excepting Georgia, Kentucky, and [Missouri. Thus for the second time in the history of the Republic the Presidential election was remanded to the House for final decision, and the names of Jackson, Adams, and Crawford, the three highest in the Electoral College, were returned to that body from which a choice had to be made by a ma- jority of the States. Although Clay had received less votes than Crawford, he was a very much more potent factor in deciding the contest between the three candidates than Craw- ford could have been, and it soon became evident that the friends of Clay were in much closer accord and sympathy with Adams than they were with the friends of either Craw- ford or Jackson. Clay certainly had no love for Jackson, as Jackson was not accredited with any great qualities of states- manship, and it was the general apprehension that Clay would control the election in favor of Adams that made the friends of Jackson publish the accusation of " bargain and sale" between Adams and Clay, by which Clay was to make Adams President and receive the position of Premier under the administration. Although the Legislature of Kentucky had requested the Congressmen from that State to vote for Jackson, there were well-known reasons, both public and personal, why Clay could not favor Jackson, and on the first ballot in the House Adams received the votes of 13 States, with 7 for Jackson and 4 for Crawford. The majority of the delegation of each State decided how the vote should be cast, and the following table shows not only how the vote of 44 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM each State was given, but the divisions in the different del- egations in deciding between the three candidates : STATES. Adams. Jackson. Crawford. Vote for— Maine 7 6 5 12 2 6 18 1 1 5 1 1 2 8 1 10 1 1 2 5 25 3 1 2 9 3 1 1 4 9 2 3 14 1 1 19 10 7 2 Adams. New Hampshire Vermont Adams. Adams. Massachusetts Adams. Rhode Island Adams. Connecticut Adams. New York New Jersey Adams. Jackson. Jackson. Crawford. Adams. Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia Crawford. North Carolina Crawford. South Carolina. . . Jackson. Crawford Georgia Alabama Jackson. Jackson. Adams. Adams. Jackson. Adams. Mississippi Louisiana Kentucky Tennessee Missouri Ohio Adams. Indiana Jackson. Adams. Illinois 87 71 54 The administration of John Quincy Adams will be re- garded by the careful and dispassionate student of American history as the model government of the Republic. He was the most accomplished scholar who ever filled the position, and surpassed all others in general and accurate intelligence. He was a tireless student until the day of his death, and he had no taste and no fitness for political manipulation. He removed but two men from office during his four years in the Presidency, and they were dismissed for very good cause, and in the discharge of his official duties he looked solely to what he conceived to be the interests of the nation. He made no efforts to popularize himself personally ; was regarded as austere and unapproachable, but he was always courteous, and the arts of the demagogue had no 45 OUR PRESIDENTS place in the Executive Mansion. He was the real author of the Monroe Doctrine, and earnestly attempted to accom- plish what Blaine struggled to accomplish three-quarters of a century later — that is, the unity of the South American governments in sympathy with our Government. His Cab- inet was not in political harmony, but as he regarded politics as entirely outside of Cabinet duties, he never took note of political disagreements. He aimed to win a re-election solely- by deserving the considerate approval of the American people. After his defeat he returned to his home in Massa- chusetts, but was soon elected to Congress, where he con- tinued until his death in 1848. As an illustration of the careful methods of his life my own experience in obtaining his autograph serves a good purpose. A few weeks before his death, when I was the editor of a village newspaper and ambitious to have the auto- graphs of the celebrated men of the country, I wrote him asking for an autograph letter. I received no reply, and after his death was announced I assumed that the letter had gone into the waste basket ; but three months after his death I received a letter franked by Louise Catharine Adams (widows of Presidents were then accorded the franking privilege), and the envelope contained only the autograph of John Quincy Adams, clipped from a public document that he had franked. The pressure of duties had prevented him from answering my letter, but the fact that it was answered by his wife so long after his death is evidence that many let- ters had accumulated, all of which were answered by Mrs. Adams. He fitly died in the Capitol of the nation. He was stricken with paralysis during a session of the House, and died on the following day, having written, as I believe, the most lustrous political record of any of our statesmen, with the single exception of Abraham Lincoln. ANDREW JACKSON THE JACKSON-ADAMS-CLAY CONTESTS 1828-32 The election of Jackson to the Presidency in 1828 was not in any sense a revolution as to the general policy of the Gov- ernment, but it was a decided revolution in the political methods of our national administrations. Madison, Mon- roe, and Adams were not confronted by the spoils system. They never entertained the question of removing men from office to reward political friends or to punish political enemies. The civil service system of the Government under those administrations was an ideal system, but the Jackson lead- ers openly inspired the followers of their favorite to earnest political action by the declaration that " to the victors belong the spoils." That slogan was first heard in the Jackson- Adams campaign of 1828, and when Jackson succeeded, for the first time Washington was overrun with a countless host of greedy spoilsmen, clamoring for the dismissal of every man who had not supported Jackson. Jackson himself was thoroughly committed to the policy of political proscription, and from that day until the present time it has been generally accepted that a change of politics in the national administrations means a general change of the now enormous army of Federal officers, excepting as it is feebly restrained by all parties professing devotion to a civil service system with none honestly maintaining it. When it is remembered that Jackson was defeated by Adams in 1824, although having more popular and electoral votes than Adams, it is not surprising that the friends of Jackson became intensely embittered, and they opened the campaign of 1828 immediately after the inauguration of Adams in 1825. In the Southwest, where Jackson lived and had his chief strength outside of Pennsylvania, the cockpit, the race-course and the gaming-table were favorite amuse- 47 OUR PRESIDENTS merits, and the people were strongly prejudiced against what they regarded as the aristocratic power that had been main- tained by the Virginia Presidents and continued by Adams. They had a candidate who enthused his followers to the ut- termost, and the quiet citizens of Washington, long used to the delectable and cultivated official circles which had pre- vailed from Washington to the second Adams, were shocked at the mob of Democratic place-hunters who crowded into the Capitol when Jackson became President, and had access to the White House regardless of conventionality, where :=::: is reported to have smoked his corn-cob pipe during his greeting of visitors. With Jackson came the spoils sys- tem that has done so much to demoralize the politics of the Republic. Jackson held a very strong position before the nation, not only because of his triumph over the British at Xew Or- leans, but because of the high civil positions which he had rilled with reasonable credit, but without displaying any high standard of statesmanship. He aided in framing the Tennessee Constitution in 1796.. and was elected as the first Representative in Congress by the people after the admission of the State, then entitled to only one member. He had been an ardent supporter of Jefferson in his first contest with the elder Adams, and in 1797 he was elected to the United Statrs Senate, but he resigned a year later to be- come a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State, where he served until 1804. and was again elected Senator in 1823. He had filled all those important civil positions before he had attained any military distinction. He had served in the last year of the war of the revolution as a boy, and the only thing notable that is preserved of his military record of that day is the tradition that after he had been captured by the British he was wounded by an English officer because he refused to clean the officer's boots. It is not likely that he ever would have been a prominent candidate for President but for the fact that he defeated the English in the battle of Xew Orleans on the 8th of January. [815. Had there been steamships, cables, and telegraphs at that time Jackson could never have commanded the hero worship that twice elected him President and made him practically political dictator. The treaty of peace between England and the United States was signed at Ghent on December 24. 18 14. but it re- 4$ AND HOW WE MAKE THEM quired nearly a month for the Government to receive infor- mation that the treaty had been signed and that the war was ended. On January 8, 1815, more than a fortnight after England and the United States were actually at peace by their own treaty, the battle of New Orleans was fought be- tween Jackson and Packenham, and a victory achieved over the English that then electrified the country as thoroughly as did Dewey's victory at Manila. That victory, and that vic- tory alone, made Jackson President, and with his rugged and indomitable will, for nearly a generation he stamped his im- press upon the policy of the Government w T ith greater em- phasis than any other living man since Washington. The Presidential contest of 1828 formally began soon after the inauguration of Adams, when the Legislature of Tennessee presented Jackson as a candidate, and the crit- icisms of the Adams administration revived much of the political asperities and resentments of the violent discussions between the old Federalist and Republican parties in the days of Jefferson and the elder Adams. One of the reasons strongly urged against the re-election of Adams was that his administration had become recklessly extravagant, as the expenditures of the Government under him had reached the enormous sum of nearly $14,000,000 a year. Adams was attacked also because of his liberal views on the questions of protection and public improvements, although Jackson had sustained nearly or quite the same views by his votes in Congress. Adams had no trained polit- ical leaders ; his Cabinet was divided even on the question of supporting himself, and the ideal statesmanship that Adams worshipped was not calculated to school and equip great politicians. Chiefly through the efforts of Martin Van Buren the supporters of Crawford were brought into the support of Jackson, a feat that was probably not difficult from the fact that Clay, the Secretary of State under Adams, was not friendly with Crawford. The Congressional caucus was not thought of, and Adams became a candidate to succeed himself by resolutions of Legislatures and mass-meetings. Calhoun, who was the Vice-President under Adams, was accepted by the friends of Jackson and received nearly as large an electoral vote as his chief. It was a contest between the dignified statesman- ship of that day and the Democratic element of the country. Adams was accepted as the National Republican candidate 49 OUR PRESIDENTS and Jackson was supported under the flags of Republican Democracy, and in some sections of Democracy alone. It was this contest and the success of Jackson that crystallized the Republican party of Jefferson into the Democratic party that then had the ablest political leaders of the nation. The friends of Adams seem to have been confident of his re-election, and a majority of the States chose their electors by popular vote. It was a battle between the Democratic hero of New Orleans, the friend of the people, and the aristocratic power of the Republic. With Jack- son's great prestige and Adams's feebleness in resources to support himself in the great contest before the people, it is not surprising that Jackson was elected by a very large pop- ular and electoral majority. The following is the popular vote where a direct vote was had in the several States be- tween Jackson and Adams : STATES. Maine* New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts . . Rhode Island . . . Connecticut .... New York* New Jersey Pennsylvania. . . Delawaret. Maryland* Virginia North Carolina. South Carolinat Georgiaf Alabamaf Mississippif. . . . Louisianat Kentuckyf Tennessee* Missouri Ohio Indiana Illinois Totals Jackson. Adams. 13,927 20,733 20,922 24,134 8,350 25,363 6,016 29,876 821 2,754 4,448 13,838 140,763 135,413 21,951 23,764 101,652 50,848 24,565 25,527 26,752 12,101 37,857 13,918 19,363 No opposition. 17,138 1,938 6,772 1,581 4,603 4,076 39,397 31,460 44,2?3 2,240 8,272 3,400 67,597 63,396 22,257 17,052 9,560 4,662 647,276 508,064 * Chosen by districts. t By Legislature. 50 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM The majority for Jackson was so decisive both in popular and electoral votes that the verdict was accepted by the coun- try, and the vote was counted and declared by Congress without any incident worthy of note. The following table presents the vote in detail for President and Vice-President in the Electoral College : President. Vice-President. STATES. a a o e a o to M o cc) 1—! w 3 of B a •d < o G '3 a u ai d O O 6 a c w ■d u V *-> 1 6 < S3 O o o 1 Maine 1 20 28 5 8 8 7 15 4 8 16 8 3 6 1 20 28 5 24 15 11 2 5 3 5 14 11 16 5 3 3 8 8 7 15 4 8 16 8 3 6 New Hampshire Vermont — Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia 24 — 15 — 11 North Carolina South Carolina Georgia 9 5 3 5 14 11 16 5 3 3 — Alabama Mississippi Louisiana Kentucky Tennessee Ohio Indiana Illinois Missouri Totals 178 83 171 83 (7 1 The campaign of 1832 resulting in the triumphant re-elec- 51 OUR PRESIDENTS tion of Jackson developed a more confused condition of politics in the nation than had ever been presented. The Federal party was dead, and did not even pretend to main- tain its organization in any of the States. The Republican party was divided between the National Republicans and the Democratic Republicans, who followed Jackson, and finally adopted the flag of Democracy. Jackson's first administration had been anything but a peaceful one. An open quarrel had broken out between Jackson and Vice-Pres- ident Calhoun, and Jackson was not only a good hater, but a good fighter. He was largely influenced by Van Buren, who was his Secretary of State, and who was one of the most sagacious political managers of his day. He aimed to suc- ceed Jackson as President by having the Jackson administra- tion enlisted in his favor, and his first step toward that end was to overthrow Calhoun, and Jackson emphasized his hostility to Calhoun by dictating the nomination of Van Buren for Vice-President. A considerable number of prominent old Republicans who had supported Jackson had become alienated from him be- cause of the intensely partisan qualities of his administration and because of his aggressive interference in the Cabinet scandal resulting from Mrs. Eaton's social ambition as the wife of a Cabinet minister. Scandals were multiplied in Washington about the Jackson Kitchen Cabinet., of which Amos Kendall was regarded as the chief, but with all the dis- turbance in the National Capitol, the people of the country were sturdy in their devotion to Jackson, as was proved by his large majority*, both in popular and electoral votes, over Clay, who was confessedly the ablest leader of the opposi- tion. This contest brings us to the introduction of the National Convention. The first political national convention held in this country was called to meet in Philadelphia in Septem- ber, 1830. by a number of prominent anti-Masonic leaders. The anti-Mason party had sprung up suddenly and attained great power in the North, as it was the only outlet for the old Federalists, most of whom were in sympathy with the opposition of the new party to Ma sonic and all other secret societies. The death of William Morgan, who, it was claimed, had been murdered by the Masons for revealing the secrets of the order, was most dramatically presented in the political 52 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM organs of the day, and the new party speedily absorbed most of the opposition elements to the Democracy in the Northern States. The anti-Masonic national convention that met in Philadelphia in 1830 was presided over by Francis Granger, of New York, and was composed of 96 delegates, represent- ing New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, Maryland, and the Territory of Michigan. This convention was held more than two years before the Presidential election, for which it was expected to nominate candidates for President, but instead of making nominations, it adjourned to meet in Baltimore in September, 183 1, when it had 112 delegates, with Indiana and Ohio added to the States presented. John C. Spencer was its president, and William Wirt, of Maryland, was nominated for President, and Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsyl- vania, for Vice-President. Instead of passing a platform, as is now common, the convention issued an elaborate ad- dress to the people of the Union. This action of the anti-Masons was followed by the Na- tional Republicans, who met in national convention at Bal- timore, on December 12, 1831, with 17 States, represented by 157 delegates. Henry Clay was nominated for President and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President. No platform was adopted by this convention, but it followed the anti-Masons by issuing an address to the people of the coun- try in which it was stated that " the political history of the Union for the last three years exhibits a series of measures plainly dictated in all their principal features by blind cupid- ity or vindictive party spirit, marked throughout by a dis- regard of good policy, justice, and every high and generous sentiment, and terminating in a dissolution of the Cabinet under circumstances more discreditable than any of the kind to be met with in the annals of the civilized world." The Democrats followed the anti-Masons and National Republicans by calling a National Democratic convention, to meet in Baltimore in May, 1832, to nominate a candidate for Vice-President. Jackson was so universally accepted as the candidate of the Democrats for re-election that the conven- tion was not allowed to make a nomination for the first office, but a resolution was passed declaring that the convention " cordially concurred in the repeated nominations that Gen- eral Jackson had received in various parts of the country for re-election as President." The convention adopted the two- 53 OUR PRESIDENTS thirds rule that has prevailed in every Democratic conven- tion from that day until the present time, requiring that " two-thirds of the whole number of the votes in the conven- tion shall be necessary to constitute a choice." Van Buren was nominated for Vice-President, receiving 208 votes to 26 for Richard M. Johnson and 49 for Philip P. Barbour. No platform of principles was adopted, nor was an address issued by the convention to the people, but a reso- lution was passed declaring that " in place of a general ad- dress from this body" the delegations should address their respective constituents on the political issues of the day. Never were two candidates presented for the first office of the nation who so widely differed in their chief qualities. Jackson was a clear-headed man of rugged intellect, of in- flexible purpose, a relentless opponent and a devoted friend, while Clay was the most magnetic of all the popular leaders this country has ever produced. No one before or since Clay's time has approached him in that peculiar quality but James G. Blaine. The hero-worship of Jackson was earnest and always aggressive when summoned to battle, but Clay was beloved and idolized beyond that accorded to any leader of any party in the history of the Republic. He was a most brilliant orator, imposing in presence and gifted in every grace that attracted the multitude, and he was imperious as Caesar in his leadership. His friends battled for him with matchless enthusiasm, but Jackson was so strongly en- trenched in the confidence of the masses that he won an easy victory over, the Sage of Ashland. The contest was one of unusual violence and defamation, and it was doubtless aggravated by the personal enmity that existed between Jackson and Clay. The veto of the bill re- chartering the Bank of the United States had greatly dis- turbed financial circles, and it was believed in the early part of the struggle that the financial and business interests of the country would endanger Jackson's success, but the popular prejudice against banks in that day was so great that Jack- son largely profited by the open opposition of his former sup- porters who were interested in maintaining a national finan- cial institution. The anti-Masonic electoral ticket was adopted by the National Republicans in several of the States, and it is specially shown in the popular vote of Vermont, where Clay appears to have carried the State, and yet the electoral vote was given to William Wirt, the anti-Masonic 54 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM candidate. Had it been possible for the electoral vote of that State to elect Clay President, it would have been cast for him. The number of electors had been enlarged by the new apportionment, and Delaware had provided for the choice of electors by a popular vote, leaving South Carolina as the only State to appoint electors by the Legislature. That State continued the system of the legislative choice of electors without interruption until the civil war of 1861. Several of the States also abandoned the election of delegates by the district system, Maryland alone adhering to it. In Alabama there was no electoral ticket opposed to Jackson, and the popular vote is not attainable. Georgia was also without an anti-Jackson electoral ticket, while Missouri, that was friendly to Clay in 1824, seems to have made no battle for him against Jackson. The following is the popular vote, as nearly as it can be ascertained : STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts. . Rhode Island. . . Connecticut. . . . New York New Jersey. , . . Pennsylvania. . . Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina. South Carolina. Georgia Alabama Mississippi Louisiana Kentucky Tennessee Missouri Ohio Indiana Illinois Totals Jackson. 687,502 Clay. 33,291 27,204 25,486 19,010 7,870 11,152 14,545 33,003 2,126 2,810 11,269 17,755 168,497 154,896 23,856 23,393 90,983 56,716 4,110 4,276 19,156 19,160 33,609 11,451 24,862 4,563 20,750 5,919 4,049 2,528 36,247 43,396 28,740 1,436 5,192 81,246 76,539 31,552 15,472 14,147 5,429 530,189 55 OUR PRESIDENTS There was some ragged voting for President and much more for Vice-President. Jackson received 219 votes in the Electoral College to 49 for Clay, 1 1 for Floyd, and 7 for Wirt, given by Vermont, and which would have gone to Clay had they been needed. South Carolina, under the influence of Calhoun, refused to vote for either Jackson or Van Buren, but cast the electoral vote for John Floyd, of Virginia, for President, and for Henry Lee. of Massachu- setts, for Vice-President. Van Buren was not acceptable to all the friends of Jackson, as the Pennsylvania Democratic Convention positively instructed the electors to vote for William Wilkins for Vice-President, which instructions were obeyed in the Electoral College, and a convention of Jackson men had been held in June, in Charlotteville. Va., and nominated P. P. Barbour, of that State, for the Vice- Presidency, with Jackson for President. A like convention was held, composed of delegates from a number of counties in North Carolina, in which Jackson and Barbour were nominated, but Barbour did not reach the dignity of support in the Electoral College. There were no disputes as to the return of the electoral colleges, and the vote was declared by Congress as follows : President. \ riCE-PRESIDENT s > - = . r c 2 53 = - - STATE - >> - — 5 •- - D - £ ft -' - — - > — ' — - - s a 1 £ - - 5 * u : F > -. 9 = - £ . >> - r. S X d >, — c - 2 — - •— — c g < K — St % : —1 £ S ~r 10 — — — 10 — — : — — New Hampshire 7 — — — : — — — — Vermont . — 14 ' 14 . Massachusetts Rhode Island — 4 — — — 4 — — — Connecticut — 8 — — - — — — New York 42 — — — 42 — — New Jersev - — — — 8 — — — — Pennsvlvania 30 — — 3 30 Delaware — 56 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM President. Vice-President. a > a fc d c c c P c a) Ph STATES. c o o eg •— > > 3 1 CI u W Ph G tS 43 en g 1 ■si V. eg o> 03 S3 s £ O o a > £ £ o >— > £ W < 3 5 Q o 5 — — — Virginia 23 28 North Carolina 15 15 — — South Carolina 11 — 11 — 11 — — 11 Georgia _ Alabama 7 4 — — — 7 4 — — — _ Mississippi Louisiana 5 15 — — 5 1 15 - — Kentucky _ 15 21 9 5 4 — — 15 21 9 5 4 — Ohio Indiana Illinois Missouri _ Totals 219 49 11 7 189 49 30 11 7 Jackson's second administration was even more tempestu- ous than the first. His nullification proclamation that convulsed the country from centre to circumference, and the first " pocket veto " in the history of the country by which he had killed the Land bill, were among the later acts of his first administration, and entered very largely into the bitterness of political dispute that continued during his second term. Both were denounced as violent usurpations, and it is doubtful whether any but Andrew Jackson could have made the record he left on both of those vital issues. He had vetoed the recharter of the United States Bank during his first term, and supplemented that hostility to the institution early in his second term by the removal of the Government deposits from -the bank. His Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Duane, resolutely opposed the removal of the deposits, but Jackson would not brook opposition, and in order to carry out his new financial policy, he accepted 57 OUR PRESIDENTS Duane's resignation and appointed Roger B. Taney, who was in accord with the President, and who was finally rewarded by his promotion to the Chief Justiceship of the United States. He had devoted followers in Congress; he was absolute master of Congressional action during his second term, and he was heartily supported by the great mass of the people, a very large portion of whom regarded him as the model patriot and the infallible political oracle of the nation. They loved his courage and his pugnacity, and as he always was the winner, they had every inspiration to rejoice over the triumphs of their devotedly worshipped leader. Strange as it may seem, the first evidence of the weakness of Jackson's popular strength was exhibited in his own State of Tennessee, where Hugh L. White, a Senator from that State, was nominated to succeed Jackson as President by the Tennessee Legislature. Jackson was much disturbed by it. When the question was before the Legislatures of Alabama and Tennessee, copies of the Washington Globe, the organ of the administration, containing severe assaults upon Senator White, were franked to the members of those Legislatures by the President himself; but notwithstanding all Jackson's efforts to make Van Buren his successor, Tennessee voted for Judge White by 10,000 majority. Upon his retirement from the Presidency in 1837, he imitated Washington by a farewell address to the American people, that was received by a large majority as second in reverence only to the farewell address of Washington. His health was feeble when his stormy eight years of Presiden- tial rule were ended, and after the inauguration of Van Buren he retired to " The Hermitage," his home, near Nashville, in Tennessee, where he died on the 8th of June, 1845- MARTIN VAN BUREN THE VAN BUREN-HARRISON CONTEST 1836 The national contest of 1836 that made Martin Van Buren President gave birth to a new political organization known as the Whig party. The opposition to Jackson agreed only in opposing Jackson, but it was not possible to unite on any national policy. The strongest organized element of the opposition was the anti-Masonic party, that was very powerful in the North, but among the opponents of Jackson were many who, like Mr. Clay, were Masons of high degree, and they could not act with a political party that made anti-Masonry one of the cardinal principles of its faith. The National Republican party practically perished with the defeat of Clay in 1832, and a very large majority of its members were not in sympathy with the anti-Masons. These conditions led to the organization of the Whig party in 1834, and it gradually absorbed all the old National Republicans, Federalists, anti-Masons, and all the other varied forms of opposition to Jackson. Its name and its declaration of principles were declared by a number of lead- ing men in 1834, and it gradually developed in strength until it was the leading factor in the support of Harrison in 1836, and won the election of Harrison by an over- whelming majority of both the popular and electoral votes in 1840. The Whig party maintained itself as one of the ablest political organizations the country has ever had, but it was much more noted for its conservative restraints upon the Democrats than for the successful establishment of its policy in the administration of the Government. It elected two Presidents, Harrison and Taylor, but neither seriously impressed the policy of the Whig party upon the nation. It practically perished in 1852, when it made its last great 59 OUR PRESIDENTS battle for General Scott for President, and carried but four States. As the contest of 1836 was approached the various ele- ments of opposition to Jackson felt confident that they could poll a majority of the popular vote, but there was no possibility of their uniting upon any one candidate without suffering great loss in their popular following. It was decided, therefore, that instead of attempting to unite the opposition to Jackson on one candidate, they would support several candidates who were particularly strong in their respective localities, with the hope that a majority of the electors might thus be chosen who would unite in the elec- tion of the strongest of the opposition candidates. The Democrats were very much disturbed, as signs of disintegration were visible to all. Jackson was the most potent of any of our retiring Presidents, with the exception of Washington, and he dictated Van Buren for the succes- sion. Without the omnipotent power of Jackson, Van Buren could not have been nominated or elected. Jackson had the Democracy thoroughly organized, and he wielded all the official power of his administration relentlessly to carry out his political aims. There was much hesitation about the Democrats accepting a national convention, be- cause of the opposition to Van Buren, but Jackson per- sonally importuned the leading Democrats to summon a convention at an early period, and a convention was finally called, to be held in Baltimore on the 20th of May, 1835. nearly a year and a half before the Presidential election. It was not a representative convention, as although over six hundred delegates attended, a majority of them were from Maryland alone, but each State was allowed to cast the vote corresponding with its representation in Congress. Van Buren was nominated unanimously on the 1st ballot, and Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, was made the candidate for Vice-President, receiving 178 votes, with 87 cast for William C. Rives, of Virginia. The two-thirds rule was reaffirmed in the convention, and even after John- son had been nominated under the rule Virginia to approve the action of the convention pre.' im as the candidate for Vice-President. No platforr jdor and no address was issued by the body to the peo country. The prominent candidates presented in < )sitioi 60 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Van Buren were General William H. Harrison and Judge John McLean, of Ohio ; Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, and Judge Hugh L. White, of Tennessee. Willie P. Mangum, who received the electoral vote of South Carolina chosen by the Legislature, was not a candidate before the people, and it is remarkable that South Carolina, at war with Jackson on the right of nullification, cast her electoral vote for Mangum, who was one of the leaders of the Whig party and afterward distinguished as a Whig United States Senator. No attempt was made to bring these opposing opposition elements together. Harrison was first nominated at Harris- burg, Penn., by two State conventions, both meeting osten- sibly as anti-Masons, the one being Democratic and the other inclining to the new Whig organization, and he was also presented by Legislatures and mass-meetings in other States. Webster was nominated by the Whig Legislature of Massachusetts, and Judge White was nominated by the Legislatures of Tennessee and Alabama, and by mass- meetings in different sections of the South. He was then a United States Senator from Tennessee, but at war with Jackson, and he was confessedly the strongest opponent of Jackson in the entire South. The fact that he could com- mand a nomination from the Democratic Legislature of Tennessee while Jackson was President is the best evidence of his exceptional popularity with the people, and it was proved also by him carrying the electoral vote of the State over Van Buren by a decided majority. Judge McLean gradually dropped out of the fight, as he was from Harrison's State, and Harrison soon developed as much the strongest candidate of the entire opposition competitors. The contest was one of intense bitterness. There were no conflicting opposition tickets run against Van Buren. In States where White was strongest the opposition united on White electoral tickets, where Harrison was strongest they united on Harrison electoral tickets, and where Webster was strongest they united on Webster electoral tickets. The campaign was thus shrewdly managed by the opposition, and it gave some promise of success, as if a majority of the electoral votes had been chosen against Van Buren, they would doubtless have been united upon one candidate before the time for meeting of the electoral colleges. In Clay's State the battle was made for Harrison 61 OUR PRESIDENTS with him in the forefront of the fight, and Harrison carried the State by a safe majority. The defamation of the contest of 1836 was equal to any of the malignant contests of the early days of the Republic. Van Buren, Harrison, White, and Webster were most vindictively assailed, and their public and private lives criticised far beyond the lines of decent disputation. Van Buren was proclaimed the mere puppet of Jackson ; Harri- son was denounced as a failure in field and forum, where he had been General, Governor, and Senator; Webster was defamed as an old blue-light Federalist, and White was assailed in the South as an ingrate who had sacrificed his self-respect to ambition. There were twenty-six States to participate in the election of 1836. Arkansas had come into the Union on the 15th of June, and Michigan, where electors were chosen before the admission of the State, was formally admitted into the Union on the 26th of January, 1837, before the electoral count took place in Congress, and the precedent in the Missouri case in 1821 settled the right of Michigan ' to participate in the election. In all of the States, with the single exception of South Carolina, the electors were chosen by popular vote and by general ticket. The following was the popular vote as returned for the several candidates, taking the vote of the opposition electors chosen as an indication of the choice of their respective States : STATES. Van Buren. Harrison. White. Webster. Maine 22,990 18,722 14,039 34,474 2,964 19,291 166,815 25,592 91,475 4,153 22,168 30,261 26,910 15,239 6,228 20,996 Vermont 42,247 Rhode Island. . 2,710 18,749 138,543 26,137 87,111 4,733 25,852 Connecticut New York Pen ncvl van ia Delaware Virginia. North Carolina South Carolina* Georgia 23,468 23,626 22,104 24,876 * Chosen by the Legislature. 62 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM STATES. Van Buren. Harrison. White. Webster. Alabama. . 20,506 9,979 3,653 2,400 33,025 26,129 10,995 96,948 32,478 17,275 7,332 15,612 9,688 3,383 1,238 Mississippi Louisiana . Arkansas Kentucky 36,687 Tennessee 36,168 7,337 Missouri Ohio. 105,404 41,281 14,292 4,045 Indiana.. Illinois Michigan Totals 762,678 548,007 145,396 42,247 As Van Buren was successful, not only by a small popular majority, but by a clear majority of the electoral vote, no effort was necessary to unite the opposition electoral col- leges, and they divided their votes between Harrison, White, and Webster, according to the preferences of the respective States. Virginia refused to give her electoral vote to Johnson for Vice-President, and that left him without an election, as he had not a majority of the whole Electoral College. He was, however, promptly elected by the Senate, receiving 33 votes to 16 for Francis Granger. He was the only Vice-President in the history of the Republic who was not elected by the Electoral College. When Adams, Jackson, Crawford, and Clay ran in 1824, and there was no choice for President in the Electoral College, John C. Calhoun received a decided majority in the college and was elected without an appeal to the Senate. The following is the vote as cast for President and Vice- President in the electoral colleges : OUR PRESIDENTS President. Vice-Preside> rr. > c -J >> Z a z u > STATES. 2 u u 5 o ■x. c - < 3 £2 X 0/ 2 o bo G •— 1 o bo c ? & a > c SI - s hi be o fit • 5 ■d oS y c3 u O X '3 c S-" 99 § 1 S * :* - ""■• > Maine 10 7 — — — 10 7 — — New Hampshire .... Vermont i — 14 — 7 14 — Massachusetts Rhode Island 4 — — — 4 — — Connecticut 8 42 8 — — — 8 .42 ~8 ~ New York New Jersey Pennsylvania 30 — — — — 30 — — '— Delaware 3 10 — — 3 10 Virginia 8M 23 North Carolina 15 — — — — 15 — — South Carolina — — — — 11 — — n — Georgia — — 11 — — — — li . — Alabama 7 4 — — — — 7 4 — — Mississippi Louisiana 5 3 15 — — — 5 3 15 — Arkansas ........... Kentucky Tennessee 4 15 4 — 15 — Ohio 5 3 21 9 — 5 3 31 9 — Indiana Illinois Michigan Totals 170 73 26 14 ! li 147 ■ i 47 23 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON \i \^J^6ju^^ UtOj THE HARRISON-VAN BUREN CONTEST 1840 Memorable as was the campaign of 1840 that called Gen- eral Harrison to the Presidency by a popular whirlwind, the thoughtful student of American politics will regard that campaign as even more memorable because it gave birth to a party, of the humblest pretensions at the start as a political power, that twenty years later saw its principles triumph in the election of Lincoln, and the mastery of the party that has controlled the policy of the Government for forty years. The Abolition D arty v that was the corner-stone upon which the modern Republican party is reared, was organized in December, 1839, at Warsaw, Genesee County, N. Y., when, at a mass convention, with but few States represented, it nominated James G. Birney, of New York, for President, and Francis G. Lemoyne, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-Presi- dent. This party had but one vital principle that made up its political faith, and that was the abolition of slavery. It was looked upon as a movement of a few political cranks, and was not regarded as a possible factor in that or any future political contest. It cast a few votes in 1840, but in 1844 it diverted enough votes from Henry Clay in New York State to defeat him for the Presidency. Its total vote in 1840 aggregated only 7069, one-third of which was cast in New York and one- fourth in Massachusetts ; but it was the party of destiny, and its origin can be studied with profit. Its few supporters of that day who braved the prejudices of all parties were actuated by a sincere conviction, and that con- viction was made more and more acceptable from year to year as the aggressions of slavery multiplied, until it finally died a colossal suicide. The divided opposition elements which had polled within 30,000 of the vote received by Van Buren in 1836 were 65 OUR PRESIDENTS coerced by supreme necessities to united action for the cam- paign of 1840. But three candidates were prominently dis- cussed. They were General William H. Harrison of Ohio, Henry Clay of Kentucky, and Winfield Scott of Virginia. Clay was much the ablest of them, and had the most enthusi- astic and earnest friends, but the old anti-Masonic element crucified Clay in the Whig convention of 1839, just as Seward was crucified in the convention of i860 by the American sentiment that was an indispensable factor to enable the Republicans to win. Clay was a Royal Arch Mason, and he would doubtless have lost largely in the rank and file of the anti-Masons, who had been educated in the fiercest strife of political contests to believe that Masonry was incompatible with patriotism. Harrison had been Governor of the Indiana Territory, Senator in Congress and a successful general, having won a decisive victory over the English and the Indians at Tippe- canoe. Scott was green with the laurels of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, and was regarded as the first soldier of the Republic. One thing strongly in Harrison's favor was the fact that in the free-for-all race of 1836 he had largely out- stripped his anti-Jackson associate candidates for President. The Whig National Convention was called to meet at Harrisburg on the 4th of December, 1839, just one year be- fore the Presidential election, and no national convention in the history of our politics ever moved with such extreme caution. It was three days after the convention was organ- ized before a ballot was reached for President, the whole time having been occupied in formal conferences of com- mittees appointed by each delegation to confer in the frank- est way as to the best ticket to unite the incongruous opposi- tion elements. Clay had made exhaustive effort to unite the opposition, even if necessary to sacrifice himself. On re- peated occasions he publicly declared that his name should not be entertained if it was in any degree an obstacle to suc- cess, and in a Buffalo address delivered some time before the convention met, he said : " If my name creates any obstacle to union and harmony, away with it, and concentrate upon some individual more acceptable to all branches of the office." A Union Pennsylvania convention had been held in Har- risburg in September, embracing representatives of the old National Republicans, anti-Masons, and Whigs. It was 66 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM largely planned and carried out by Thaddeus Stevens, whose violent anti-Masonic convictions made him the opponent of Clay, and that convention, while highly complimenting Clay, declared that General Harrison was the most available of all the candidates named for President. Governor Barbour, of Virginia, presided over the national convention, and instead of proceeding to ballot for candidates, the convention, after careful consideration, decided that the delegations from the different States should confer with each other, through sub- committees, and if possible reach a conclusion as to the best nomination and report to the convention. While there is no official record of the action of these committees, it is known that at the start more favored Clay than any of the two other candidates, as one of the known facts relating to their action gave Clay 103 votes to 94 for Harrison and 57 for Scott. This vote is based on the assumption that the entire delegation of each State would vote in harmony with its committee, as the resolution under which the committees were appointed provided that " each State represented shall vote its full electoral vote by such delegation in the committee." After three days of confer- ence, the joint committees reported to the convention that they had decided in favor of Harrison by a vote of 148 to 90 for Clay and 16 for Scott. On the following day the convention accepted the report of the committees by adopting a resolution declaring General Harrison the candidate of the convention, and it was unan- imously approved amidst great enthusiasm. The friends of Clay gave very prompt and cordial support to the action of the convention, and the friends of Harrison proved their appreciation of the magnanimity of Clay's friends by unani- mously nominating John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi- dent, who was the leader of the Clay forces in the convention. No platform or expression of principles was given in any manner. Indeed, none of the political questions of the day diverted the convention at any time from the supreme pur- pose of uniting the opposition to Van Buren on a single ticket. It was the vote of Virginia that finally decided the question of making Harrison the candidate of the convention. The three prominent candidates were all sons of Virginia, and had Clay been available he would doubtless have been pre- ferred. A very earnest effort was made to force the nomina- 67 \ OUR PRESIDENTS tion of General Scott when Clay was conceded to be unavail- able, and the Virginia delegates long hesitated in making a choice between Harrison and Scott. Both were of Old Do- minion birth, and the pride of the Mother of Presidents would have been gratified with the nomination of either. It was at this stage of the contest that Thaddeus Stevens, who was the leading delegate from Pennsylvania, con- trolled the Virginia delegation by a scheme that was more effective than creditable. Scott, who was quite too fond of writing letters, had written a letter to Francis Granger, of New York, in which he evidently sought to conciliate the antislavery sentiment of that State. It was a private letter, but Granger exhibited it to Stevens and permitted Stevens to use it in his own way. As the headquarters of the Vir- ginia delegation were the centre of attraction, they were always crowded, and Stevens called there along with many others. Before leaving he dropped the Scott letter on the floor, and it was soon discovered and its contents made known to the Virginians. That letter decided the Virginians to support Harrison and to reject Scott. Either could have been elected if nominated, as the Van Buren defeat of 1840 was one of the most sweeping political hurricanes in the his- tory of the country. My authority for this is Mr. Stevens himself. He disliked Scott on general principles through his great aversion to all men whose vanity was conspicuous, but he had a much stronger reason for nominating Harrison in his possession of an autograph letter from General Harrison, assuring Stevens that if he, Harrison, was elected President, Stevens would be a member of his Cabinet. After the election Ste- vens said nothing and made no movement to make himself prominent as a candidate for the Cabinet, as he felt entirely secure, while Josiah Randall, father of the late Samuel J. Randall, and then a prominent Whig, and Charles B. Pen- rose, grandfather of the present United States Senator Pen- rose, entered the field aggressively as candidates for a Cab- inet portfolio. When the Cabinet was announced, Stevens was dumbfounded to find his name omitted. He never for- gave Webster, who was made the head of the Cabinet, for the failure, and he believed until the day of his death that Web- ster had prevented his appointment. There was much dissatisfaction with the Van Buren ad- ministration. The severe business and industrial depression 68 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM which came upon the country about the middle of Van Buren's term was very disastrous, and the financial troubles were largely charged to the arbitrary financial system intro- duced by Jackson and maintained by Van Buren. Labor was largely unemployed and business was paralyzed. So grave were the financial disturbances that several of the States were swept from their honest moorings by the cheap money craze, and irresponsible banks were created almost without limit or restraint, all of which brought speedy and fearful disaster to the people. A large portion of the Democratic party had not at any time heartily favored Van Buren, and only their devotion to Jackson made them accept Van Buren as their candidate. The Democratic leaders of a number of the States openly declared that they would not participate in the national con- vention. A convention was finally called, and met in Balti- more on the 5th of May, 1840, with Connecticut, Delaware, Virginia, South Carolina, and Illinois not represented, while some of the other States had but one or two delegates. Gov- ernor William Carroll, of Tennessee, presided over the con- vention, and Van Buren was renominated by the adoption of a resolution declaring that as he was the unanimous choice of the party and the convention, " he should be presented as the Democratic candidate for the office of President." An- other resolution, offered at the same time and by the same man, Mr. Clay, of Alabama, was as follows : " That the con- vention deem it expedient at the present time not to choose between the individuals in nomination, but to leave the de- cision to their Republican Democratic fellow-citizens in the several States, trusting that before the election shall take place their opinions shall become so concentrated as to secure the choice of a Vice-President by the electoral colleges. ,, There was positive opposition to the election of Vice- President Johnson in 1836, as was shown by his failure to command a majority of the electoral votes, while Van Buren was elected President, and that opposition seems to have increased rather than diminished. There was much discus- sion in the convention after it had unanimously adopted the first resolution declaring Van Buren the candidate for Presi- dent as to what action the convention should take on the Vice-Presidency, and finally the resolution before quoted was unanimously adopted, leaving the party without a formally nominated candidate for the second place on the ticket. 69 OUR PRESIDENTS This convention for the first time presented a national party platform as follows : i. Resolved, That the Federal Government is one of limited powers derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and dan- gerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 2. Resolved, That the Constitution does not confer upon the Gen- eral Government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvement. 3. Resolved, That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States, contracted for local internal improvements, or other State purposes; nor would such assumption be just or expedient. 4. Resolved, That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interest of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country ; that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to complete an ample protection of person and property from domestic violence or foreign aggression. 5. Resolved, That it is the duty of every branch of the Govern- ment to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the Govern- ment. 6. Resolved, That Congress has no power to charter a United States Bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hos- tility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our Repub- lican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will of the people. 7. Resolved, That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of every- thing appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Con- stitution; that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made to in- duce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take in- cipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions. 8. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the Govern- ment from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the Government and the rights of the people. 9. Resolved, That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Consti- tution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the 70 JOHN TYLER AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the present privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the Alien and Sedition laws from our statute book. The campaign of 1840 was the most unique of our political history. The Democrats, in attempting to belittle General Harrison, declared that he lived in a " log cabin" and drank hard cider. Instead of resenting these expressions, intended to prejudice the public against the Whig candidate, the Whigs at once took up the log cabin as one of the great illustrative features of the contest, and when the battle reached its zenith, and the people gathered by thousands at the mass-meetings, the log cabin was always in the proces- sion as the symbol of the simplicity of the party candidate for President. It was a campaign of speeches and songs, and it developed a new class of campaign orators, of which the then celebrated and long after well-known Buckeye Blacksmith was a type. It was the first national campaign in which the masses of the people took intense interest, and alike in the cities of the East, the prairies of the West, and the savannas of the South the people were singing and shouting for " Tippe- canoe and Tyler, too." The Whig campaign culminated in a tempest against the Democrats, and resulted in the over- whelming defeat of Van Buren, and General Harrison cer- tainly contributed largely to the result by taking the stump in Ohio in September and October, to vindicate himself against the accusations made that he was a mere puppet in the hands of political leaders and unable to speak for him- self. The following was the popular vote for Harrison and Van Buren : STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts. . . Rhode Island . . . Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Harrison. 46,612 26,163 32,440 72,874 5,278 31,601 225,817 33,351 144,021 5,967 Van Buren. 46,201 32,761 18,018 51,944 3,301 25,296 212,527 31,034 143,672 4,874 Birney. 194 126 319 1,621 42 174 2,808 69 343 71 OUR PRESIDENTS STATES. Maryland Virginia North Carolina. . South Carolina*. Georgia Alabama Mississippi Louisiana Kentucky Tennessee Missouri Arkansas Ohio Indiana Illinois Michigan Totals Harrison. 33,528 42,501 46,376 40,261 28,471 19,518 11,296 58,489 60,391 22,972 5,160 148,157 65,302 45,537 22,933 1,275,016 Van Buren. 28,752 43,893 33,782 31,921 33,991 16,995 7,616 32,616 48,289 29,760 6,766 124,782 51,604 47,476 21,131 1,129,102 Birney. 903 149 321 7,069 * Chosen by Legislature. There was nothing to quibble about in declaring the count in Congress, as Harrison had nearly three-fourths of the electoral vote, with a very large popular majority. While the Democrats had not nominated any candidate for Vice-Presi- dent, and as a division of the vote would be of little conse- quence, the Democratic electors generally voted for Vice- President Johnson for re-election. Virginia, that cast a solid vote against him four years before, gave him 22 of the 23 votes, and South Carolina, while voting for Van Buren, gave its 11 votes to L. W. Tazewell, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi- dent, leaving Johnson with only 48 of the 294 electoral votes. The following is the vote as cast in the electoral colleges : AND HOW WE MAKE THEM President. Vice-President. STATES. 6 o rt o 03 'C U C« w Martin Van Buren, N. Y. > u % Eh PI Xi o •— 1 M rt" o 09 rt rrt o •—I > rt" rt ft M V s rt •— > Maine 10 7 14 4 8 42 8 30 3 10 15 11 4 5 15 15 21 9 3 7 23 11 7 4 3 5 10 7 14 4 8 42 8 30 3 10 15 11 4 5 15 15 21 9 3 7 22 7 4 3 5 11 New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts ^^ Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Tersev Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia 1 North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Alabama Mississippi Louisiana Kentucky Tennessee Missouri Arkansas Ohio Indiana Illinois Michigan , Totals 234 60 234 48 11 1 Harrison was in feeble health when he was called from the clerkship of the Cincinnati courts, that he had held for many- years, to the highest civil trust of the world, and the intense pressure upon him after his election so impaired his vitality that he died a little more than a month after his inauguration. Harrison's death was the first break in the Presidency since 73 OUR PRESIDENTS the organization of the Government. John Tyler was Vice- President, and was living quietly on his farm on the Virginia Peninsula. He could not be reached by railways, and tele- graphs were unknown. He had no knowledge that he had become President through the death of Harrison until late the next day, when Webster and another member of the Cabinet finally found their way to his home, partly by water and partly overland, and formally announced to him the death of the President and the new duties which devolved upon him. He hastened to Washington to find a very grave dispute among the leading statesmen of both parties as to whether he became President or simply Acting President. It was important to determine whether he was President with the full title. The question was brought up in Con- gress, and in the midst of a discussion on the subject a mes- sage was received from the Executive Mansion signed " John Tyler, President." The dispute was at once ended, and the question settled for all time. JAMES K. POLK THE POLK-CLAY CONTEST 1844 President Tyler wrecked the Whig party and defeated Henry Clay for President in 1844. The Whigs had carried a majority in both Senate and House in the Harrison sweep of 1840, and they confidently expected that the Whig policy of a national bank to take the place of the bungling Sub- Treasury, of aid to public improvements, and of a protective tariff to stimulate our industries, would inaugurate a Whig political system that could be permanently maintained by the American people. President Harrison died only a little more than a month after he had been inaugurated. He was the oldest President at the time of his inauguration that the country has had, either before or since, and he was physi- cally unequal to the severe exactions put upon him by the clamor for political positions. Civil service reform had then no part in the politics of the country, and as Jackson and Van Buren had been vindictively proscriptive in Federal appointments, it was logically expected that there would be a general removal of the Van Buren favorites. Harrison exhausted his vitality by trying to meet his friends and confer with them about political appointments, in addition to the important questions of State which demanded his attention, and he literally wore himself out and died from exhaustion. John Tyler, who had been one of the most ardent of the Clay Whigs, was confidently expected to maintain the policy of Harrison. The public measures advocated by Clay were well understood by all, and it was reasonable to assume that Tyler, who had been long one of his most earnest supporters, was in entire accord with his chief. A special session of Congress was summoned to meet on the 31st of May, 1841, and the Whigs expected to carry all their political theories into practical effect by national statutes at an early day. 75 OUR PRESIDENTS To the surprise of some of the leaders, President Tyler exhibited some measure of unsoundness on the question of the United States Bank, but after repeated conferences with him they believed that they could frame a bill that would entirely meet his views and command his approval. The bill was passed by a decided majority in both branches, and the Whigs were dumbfounded by a prompt veto from the President. Other conferences followed, and a new bill was framed, to which the President assented, and although it was passed without amendment, another veto followed. The first veto of the Bank bill brought out very angry criticisms from a number of the Whig leaders, and one of the most earnest and aggressive of Tyler's critics was John Minor Botts, then a Whig Congressman from Vir- ginia, and one of the most brilliant and erratic of the Whig leaders of his day. It was believed that the irritation of the President, caused by the criticisms of leading Whigs, finally decided the President to veto the second Bank bill. Thus the Whigs were defeated in one of the cardinal measures of their faith. The Whig Senators and Repre- sentatives met in caucus and published an address to the country, in which it was declared that " those who brought the President into power can no longer in any manner or degree be justly held responsible or blamed for the adminis- tration of the Executive branch of the Government." Thus the Whig power was broken and demoralized at the very threshold of its existence, and the chasm between the Whig Senate and House, on the one side, and the President, on the other, steadily widened and deepened until it was admittedly impassable. President Tyler's political antecedents offer some excuse for his failure to approve the national bank. He opposed Jackson, as did many other able men in the South, because Jackson had violated the strict construction policy of South- ern leaders, especially in his aggressive warfare against nullification, and one trained in the school of strict con- struction of the supreme law could readily find excuse for withholding his approval from the United States Bank. The same principle applied to internal improvements by the Government, and could have been applied to forbid a pro- tective tariff. The only fruit the Whigs gathered from their great triumph of 1840 was the protective tariff of 1842, that became so popular, especially in the North, that -6 AND HOW. WE MAKE THEM many Democrats who supported Polk in 1844 declared that they favored the tariff of 1842, and that it could not be disturbed if Polk were elected. In Pennsylvania it was common to see in Democratic processions banners bearing the inscription of " Polk-Dallas-Shunk and the Tariff of 1842," and a letter received by Judge Kane, of Philadelphia, from Mr. Polk during the campaign was interpreted, and plausibly interpreted, as meaning an -approval of the then existing tariff. The Whigs, defeated in all their other important measures, were sadly crippled in the campaign for the succession, and even the tariff of 1842 was repealed for a moderate free-trade tariff in 1846. President Tyler had provoked the earnest and generally vindictive hostility of the Whigs without having made friends with the Democrats. They loved and cheered his apostasy, but gave no love or individual support to the apostate. He confidently expected that they would make him the Democratic candidate for President in 1844, and that delusion was cherished by him until the Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore to nominate national candi- dates. It was attended by a very large number of office- holders and other friends of Tyler. Finding that they could not command any support for their favorite in the convention, they improvised a national convention of their own on the same day that the Democratic convention met, and unanimously nominated Tyler for President without naming any candidate for Vice-President. The movement had no vitality, as there was no response from either the press or the public, and on the 20th of August Tyler wrote an elaborate and reproachful letter, withdrawing his name from the list of Presidential candidates. When his term ended he lived in retirement on his Virginia farm, unknown and unfelt as a political factor. He was among the almost forgotten men of the past when, half a generation later, he appeared in Washington as a member of the Peace Convention that was called in 1861 to devise some measures to prevent a civil war, that he did not live to see fulfil its bloody mission. When Van Buren was defeated for re-election to the Presidency in 1840, his friends imitated the Jackson tactics of 1825 by at once renominating him by mass-meetings and through Democratic newspapers as the Democratic candi- date for President in 1844, and a decided majority of the 77 OUR PRESIDENTS delegates to the national convention were either instructed for Van Buren or elected as his friends. Calhoun was favored by the Democrats of South Carolina and Georgia, and ex-Yice-President Johnson was an energetic candidate for the nomination, with General Cass, of Michigan, as the man who was looked to as most likely to concentrate the opposition to Van Buren. Van Buren was in the attitude before the Democratic National Convention of 1844 that Seward was before the Chicago Republican Convention of i860. A decided majority of the delegates desired his nomination, but many of them believed that Clay would defeat him, and they were quite willing to reaffirm the two-thirds rule, even against the earnest protest of Van Buren's most faithful leaders, because it was well known that he never could attain the two-thirds vote of the con- vention. Van Buren was regarded as a most accomplished and rather an unscrupulous politician. He was certainly a brilliant political leader, a very sagacious counsellor, and believed in shaping the policy of the party chiefly or wholly with the view of success ; but a short time before the meeting of the national convention he made one of the boldest political deliverances of his life against the annexation of Texas, and he did it with the knowledge that the Democrats of the South were practically united in the support of annexation, with a very large proportion of the Northern Democrats in harmony with it. In the month of May letters were given to the public from both Van Buren and Clay, opposing the annexation of Texas at that time as inexpedi- ent, because it would mean war with Mexico, unless annexed with the consent of that nation. Clay's letter did not strengthen him in the South, but certainly strengthened him in the North, and should have prevented the Abolition vote in New York from sacrificing Clay and electing an ardent supporter of the annexation of Texas with its slave Consti- tution, and under a treaty that permitted its subdivision into four new States, each of which would increase the slave power in the Senate. Yan Buren's letter was made public just about one month before the meeting of the Democratic National Con- vention, and it was severely criticised by Southern news- papers and Democratic leaders generally, and with great severity* by those who desired his defeat. The Richmond 78 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Enquirer, then one of the ablest and most influential of the Democratic organs of the country, edited by Mr. Ritchie, demanded that the instructions which had been given to the Virginia delegates to support Van Buren should be rescinded. In some instances delegates did disobey Van Buren instructions and others resigned rather than sup- port him. The convention met in Baltimore on the 27th of May, South Carolina being the only State not represented. The first important movement made in the body after its organi- zation was the readoption of the two-thirds rule, which all understood meant the defeat of Van Buren, notwithstanding that a majority of the delegates would vote for him. The sincere and earnest friends of Van Buren battled earnestly against the adoption of the rule, but it finally prevailed by a vote of 148 to 118, and a large majority of the votes in favor of the rule were cast by Southern delegates. It was claimed by his friends, and I doubt not with reason, that had the delegates in the convention voted as they had been instructed to vote, Van Buren would have received within a very few votes of the necessary two-thirds to make a nomination on the 1st ballot. The convention was anything but harmonious, and stormy debates were common from N the beginning to the end of the proceedings of the convention. Finally the convention reached the ballot for President, and Van Buren received on the 1st ballot 146 votes to 120 for all others, giving him a clear majority of 26 of the whole convention, but under the two-thirds rule it required 178 to nominate him. The following table shows the nine ballots in detail, the last resulting in the nomination of James K. Polk, of Ten- nessee : 1st. 2d. 3d. 4th. 5th. 6th. 7th. 8th. 9th. M. Van Buren, N. Y.. 146 127 121 Ill 103 101 99 104 2 83 94 92 105 107 116 123 114 29 R. M. Johnson, Ky. . . 24 33 38 32 29 23 21 — — J. Buchanan, Pa 4 9 11 17 26 25 22 2 — L. Woodbury, N. H.. 2 1 2 Com. Stewart, Pa. . . . 1 1 J. C. Calhoun, S. C... 6 1 2 — — — — 2 — J. K. Polk, Tenn. -» * ■■ ' — * — ~ — 44 233 79 OUR PRESIDENTS Mr. Polk was the first " dark-horse" candidate ever nominated by any hopeful party for the Presidency. He had not been discussed as a candidate for President, but had been pressed by some of his political friends as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. He had been long in Congress, was distinguished for his ability and impartiality as Speaker of the House, and had been elected Governor of his State in 1841, but had been defeated in the contest for re-election in 1843, oru y one }" ear before his nomination for President. Although his nomination for President seemed to be a spontaneous movement of the convention to rescue the party from its bitter factional feuds and the wrangling ambitions of its leaders, there is little doubt that the slavery managers of the South would be satisfied with none other than a positive Texas annexationist, and secretly but systematically prepared a number of the dele- gates to accept Polk as a compromise when the conven- tion should come to a deadlock on the other candidates. Polk was heralded as the special friend and protege of Jackson, who was yet living, and those who paved the way for his nomination had very plausible arguments to offer, especially to Southern men, with whom the slavery issue had become vital. However the nomination of Polk may have been organized, it had all the appearance of a spon- taneous stampede in the convention. He had only 44 votes on the 8th ballot, the first in which his name appears. While the 9th ballot was in progress the delegates began to change their votes to Polk, and the result was that before its close the chairmen of delegations were jostling each other to get their votes recorded early for the successful candidate. The Morse experimental telegraph line had just been completed between Washington and Baltimore, and the Democratic leaders at Washington were advised by telegraph of Polk's nomination, to which a congratulatory response was promptly given. Although the Van Buren men had finally voted for Polk, preferring him to any of the candidates who had aggres- sively opposed the success of Van Buren, they were pro- foundly grieved at Van Buren's defeat. They believed that slavery had crucified Van Buren, and it was their purpose, during the fjush of their anger, to allow Polk to suffer a humiliating disaster. The friends of Polk well understood the deep disaffection that would confront them among the 80 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM friends of Van Buren, and they adopted the very shrewd policy of taking Van Buren's ablest lieutenant as the can- didate for Vice-President. Silas Wright, of New York, Van Buren's own State, was then one of the ablest of the Democratic Senators of that day, and a most zealous sup- porter of Van Buren. He was nominated for Vice-President by practically a unanimous vote, only eight of the Georgia delegates preferring Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire. Mr. Wright, being in the Senate at Washington, was at once informed by telegraph of his nomination, but smarting under what he believed to be the betrayal of Van Buren, he promptly sent a curt and peremptory declination back on the wire. Had there been no electric telegraph, Mr. Wright would have accepted the nomination for Vice-President and been elected to that position, but the success of Morse's great invention, that had been completed between Washing- ton and Baltimore only a few days before the convention met, changed his political destiny. After mature reflection the friends of Van Buren were brought to terms by the Democratic leaders in the interest of Polk, and they decided to give a cordial support to the national ticket, but New York was regarded as certain to vote against Polk unless some extraordinary measures were adopted to save it. It was finally decided that only by nominating Senator Wright for Governor could the vote of the State be assured to Polk, and the man who had declined the Vice-Presidency that was within his reach, because he expected and really desired the ticket to be defeated, was compelled to resign his seat in the Senate to accept the Democratic nomination for Governor of New York. He was admittedly the strongest man in the party, and it was that nomination that saved the Democrats of New York from demoralization and made Mr. Polk Presi- dent. Two years later Wright suffered a humiliating defeat in a contest for re-election, and thus ended a political career that should have been rounded out in the second office of the Government. Jackson was made President because there were no steamers, cables, or telegraphs to advise him on the 8th of January, 1815, when he fought and won the battle of New Orleans, that peace had been declared between the two nations a fortnight before, and Silas Wright lost the Vice-Presidency and ended his political career in disaster 81 OUR PRESIDENTS because the telegraph had just been invented and put into operation between Washington and Baltimore. The convention then proceeded to a second nomination for Vice-President, with the following result: John Fairfield, Maine Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire Lewis Cass, Michigan R. M. Johnson, Kentucky Com. Stewart, Pennsylvania Geo. M. Dallas, Pennsylvania . . . . Wm, L. Marcv, New York 1st 2d Ballot. Ballot. 107 30 44 6 39 — 26 — 23 — 13 220 5 — The nomination of Dallas was made unanimous. In constructing the Democratic platform for 1844 the Democrats threw out a political drag-net. The first Demo- cratic national platform that had been adopted by the con- vention of 1840 was embodied in its entirety in the platform of this convention, and the following new resolutions added : Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust, not in factitious sjmibols, not in displays and appeals insulting to the judgment and subversive of the intellect of the people, but in a clear reliance upon the intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people. Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world, as the great moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and we contrast it with the creed and practice of Federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular creduliry Resolved, Therefore, that, entertaining these views, the Demo- cratic party of this Union, through the delegates assembled in gen- eral convention of the States, coming together in a spirit of con- cord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative Government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert before the American people the declaration of principles avowed by them on a former occasion, when, in general convention, they presented their candidates for the popular suffrage. Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sa- credly applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution: and that we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, and to any law. for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike in- expedient in policy and repugnant to the Constitution. 82 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Resolved, That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto power by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public interest, to suspend the passage of a bill, whose merits cannot secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representa- tives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has thrice saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States. Resolved, That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable ; that no portion of the same ought to be ceded to England or any other power ; and that the reoccupa- tion of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas at the earliest prac- tical period are great American measures which this convention recommends to the cordial support of the Democracy of the Union. Resolved, That this convention hold in the highest estimation and regard their illustrious fellow-citizen, Martin Van Buren of New York; that we cherish the most grateful and abiding sense of the ability, integrity, and firmness with which he discharged the duties of the high office of President of the United States, and especially of the inflexible fidelity with which he maintained the true doctrines of the Constitution and the measures of the Democratic party during his trying and nobly arduous administration ; that in the memorable struggle of 1840 he fell a martyr to the great principles of which he was the worthy representative, and we revere him as such ; and that we hereby tender to him, in honorable retirement, the assurance of the deeply seated confidence, affection, and respect of the American Democracy. The Whigs had nominated their national ticket in advance of the Democrats, the convention having been held at Bal- timore on the 1st of May, with every State fully represented. It was a national assembly of unusual ability, and was most heartily and enthusiastically united in the support of Clay for the Presidency. It did not require the formality of a ballot to present him as the Whig candidate, and his nomina- tion was made by acclamation. It required three ballots to nominate a candidate for Vice-President, as follows : First. Second. Third. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J Millard Fillmore, N. Y John Sergeant, Penn 101 83 53 38 118 74 51 32 155 79 40 Total 275 275 274 83' OUR PRESIDENTS The platform adopted by the Whigs was brief but ex- pressive. The Whig faith was tersely given in a single reso- lution. The other resolutions were simply eloquent tributes to Clay and Frelinghuysen, and the convention adjourned, making the welkin ring with cheers for " Harry Clay of the West " and for the " Mill Boy of the Slashes," and ab- solutely confident of the triumphant election of their great leader to the highest honors of the Republic. The first Whig national platform was as follows : Resolved, That, in presenting to the country the names of Henry Clay for President and of Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice-Presi- dent of the United States, this convention is actuated by the con- viction that all the great principles of the Whig party — principles inseparable from the public honor and prosperity — will be main- tained and advanced by these candidates. Resolved, That these principles may be summed as comprising: a well-regulated currency; a tariff for revenue to defray the neces- sary expenses of the Government, and discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country; the distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the public lands ; a single term for the presidency ; a reform of executive usurpations ; and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to every branch of the public service the greatest prac- tical efficiency, controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy. Resolved, That the name of Henry Clay needs no eulogy. The history of the country since his first appearance in public life is his history. Its brightest pages of prosperity and success are identified with the principles which he has upheld, as its darkest and more disastrous pages are with every material departure in our public policy from those principles. Resolved, That in Theodore Frelinghuysen we present a man pledged alike by his Revolutionary ancestry and his own public course to every measure calculated to sustain the honor and interest of the country. Inheriting the principles as well as the name of a father who, with Washington, on the fields of Trenton and of Mon- mouth, perilled life in the contest for liberty, and afterward, as a Senator of the United States, acted with Washington in establishing and perpetuating that liberty, Theodore Frelinghuysen, by his course as Attorney-General of the State of New Jersey for twelve years, and subsequently as a Senator of the United States for several years, was always strenuous on the side of law, order, and the Constitu- tion, while, as a private man, his head, his hand, and his heart have- been given without stint to the cause of morals, education, philan- thropy, and religion. The third national convention that presented candidates for the campaign of 1844 was that of the Abolitionists. They had grown since 1840, when they first nominated Mr. Birney as their candidate, and their platform, elaborate as it 84 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM is, is well worthy of careful study. It met at Buffalo, in August, 1843, and nominated James G. Birney, of New York, for President, and Thomas Morris, of Ohio, for Vice- President, and it increased its vote up to 62,300, all of which were cast in the Northern States, including 15,812 for Birney in New York. As nearly all of them were of Whig antecedents, they would have preferred Clay to Polk if they had not presented a ticket of their own to divert their votes, and it was their support of Birney that gave Polk the majority over Clay in the Empire State, whose elec- toral vote decided the contest. The following is the full text of the first platform presented by an Abolition national convention : r Resolved, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle of true democracy, as well as of pure Christianity, which spurns all incon- sistent limitations ; and neither the political party which repudiates it nor the political system which is not based upon it can be truly democratic or permanent. Resolved, That the Liberty party, placing itself upon this broad principle, will demand the absolute and unqualified divorce of the General Government from slavery, and also the restoration of equal- ity of rights among men, in every State where the party exists or may exist. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized for any temporary purpose by interested politicians, but has arisen from among the people in consequence of a conviction, hourly gaining ground, that no other party in the country represents the true principles of American liberty or the true spirit of the Constitution of the United States. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized merely for the overthrow of slavery. Its first decided effort must indeed be directed against slaveholding as the grossest and most revolting manifestation of despotism, but it will also carry out the principle of equal rights into all its practical consequences and applications, and support every just measure conducive to individual and social freedom. Resolved, That the Liberty party is not a sectional party, but a national party; was not originated in a desire to accomplish a single object, but in a comprehensive regard to the great interests of the whole country; is not a new party nor a third party, but is the party of 1776, reviving the principles of that memorable era, and striving to carry them into practical application. Resolved, That it was understood in the times of the Declara- tion and the Constitution that the existence of slavery in some of the States was in derogation of the principles of American liberty, and a deep stain upon the character of the country and the implied faith of the States ; and the nation was pledged that slavery should never be extended beyond its then existing limits, but should be gradually, and yet at no distant day, wholly abolished by State authority. 85 OUR PRESIDENTS Resolved, That the faith of the States and the nation thus pledged _ was most nobly redeemed by the voluntary abolition of slavery in several of the States, and by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787 for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, then the only territory in the United States, and consequently the only territory subject in this respect to the control of Con- gress, by which ordinance slavery was forever excluded from the vast regions which now compose the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illi- nois, Michigan, and the Territory of Wisconsin, and an incapacity, to bear up any other than free men was impressed on the soil itself. Resolved, That the faith of the States and nation thus pledged has been shamefully violated by the omission on the part of many of the States to take any measures whatever for the abolition of slavery within their respective limits ; by the continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia and in the Territories of Louisiana and Florida ; by the legislation of Congress ; by the protection af- forded by national legislation and negotiation to slaveholding in American vessels, on the high seas, employed in the coastwise slave traffic ; and by the extension of slavery far beyond its original limits, by acts of Congress admitting new Slave States into the Union. Resolved, That the fundamental truth of the Declaration of In- dependence, that all men are endowed by their Creator with cer- tain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness, was made the fundamental law of our National Government by that amendment of the Constitution which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. Resolved, That we recognize as sound the doctrine maintained by slaveholding jurists, that slavery is against natural rights and strictly local, and that its existence and continuance rest on no other support than State legislation, and not on any authority of Congress. Resolved,. That the General Government has, under the Constitu- tion, no power to establish or continue slavery anywhere, and there- fore that all treaties and acts of Congress establishing, continuing, or favoring slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Territory of Florida, or on the high seas, are unconstitutional, and all attempts to hold men as property within the limits of exclusive national jurisdiction ought to be prohibited by law. Resolved, That the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, which confer extraordinary political powers on the owners of slaves, and thereby constituting the two hundred and fifty thou- sand slaveholders in the Slave States a privileged aristocracy, and the provision for the reclamation of fugitive slaves from service, are anti-republican in their character, dangerous to the liberties of the people, and ought to be abrogated. Resolved, That the practical operation of the second of these provisions is seen in the enactment of the Act of Congress respect- ing persons escaping from their masters, which act, if the construc- tion given to it by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Prigg v. Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the habeas corpus acts of all the States, takes away the whole legal security of per- sonal freedom, and ought therefore to be immediately repealed. Resolved, That the peculiar patronage and support hitherto ex- 86 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM tended to slavery and slavehoiding by the General Government ought to be immediately withdrawn, and the example and influence of national authority ought to be arrayed on the side of liberty and free labor. Resolved, That the practice of the General Government, which prevails in the Slave States, of employing slaves upon the public works, instead of free laborers, and paying aristocratic masters, with a view to secure or reward political services, is utterly indefensible and ought to be abandoned. _ Resolved, That the freedom of speech and of the press, and the right of petition and the right of trial by jury, are sacred and in- violable; and that all rules, regulations, and laws in derogation of either are oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be endured by free people. Resolved, That we regard voting, in an eminent degree, as a moral and religious duty, which, when exercised, should be by voting for those who will do all in their power for immediate emancipation. Resolved, That this convention recommend to the friends of lib- erty in all those Free States where any inequality of rights and privi- leges exists on account of color, to employ their utmost energies to remove all such remnants and effects of the slave system. Whereas, The Constitution of these United States is a series of agreements, covenants, or contracts between the people of the United States, each with all and all with each ; and Whereas, It is a principle of universal morality, that the moral laws of the Creator are paramount to all human laws ; or, in the language of an Apostle, that "we ought to obey God rather than men;" and Whereas, The principle of common law, that any contract, cove- nant, or agreement to do an act derogatory to natural rights is vitiated and annulled by its inherent immorality, has been recognized by one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, who in a recent case expressly holds that any " contract that rests upon such a basis is void;" and Whereas, The third clause of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, when construed as providing for the surrender of a fugitive slave, does " rest upon such a basis," in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural right, namely, his natural right to his own liberty, and is, therefore, ab- solutely void ; therefore, Resolved, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood by this nation and the world, that, as Abolitionists, considering that the strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, and our hope for it in our conformity to the laws of God and our respect for the rights of man, we owe it to the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, as a proof of our allegiance to Him, in all our civil relations and offices, whether as private citizens or as public functionaries sworn to sup- port the Constitution of the United States, to regard and to treat the third clause of the fourth article of that instrument, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and consequently as forming no part of the Constitution of the United States, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it. Resolved, That the power given to Congress by the Constitution, to provide for calling out the militia to suppress insurrection, does 87 OUR PRESIDENTS not make it the duty of the Government to maintain slavery by mili- :ir; : :t ::::.. It— i:-r= :: ~ii:t :: :'r.t :;:;■ ::' zr.t z:~zt~~ :: £:r-'. a part of soch military force. When freemen unsheath the sword, :: ii-.i-.i :t :_: E:r:kt ::r ! :':••: r~ r.:: f:r its:::;; — . Resolved, That to preserve the peace of the citizens and secure the blessings of freedom, die Legislature of each of the Free States ought to keep in force .suitable statutes rendering it penal for any of its inhabitants to transport, or aid in transporting from such State, any person sought to be thus transported merely because subject to the slave laws of any other State; this remnant of independence being accorded to the Free States by the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Prigg v. The State of Pennsylvania. Mr. Clay enjoyed a much larger measure of personal pop- ularity than any other man in the nation, and he was univer- sally accepted as the most gifted political orator of his day. He was to the Whigs of that time what Blaine was to the Republicans during his several unsuccessful battles for the Presidency. It is a notable fact in political history that no z re-t~ ir.er.: political orator ever succeeded in reaching the Presidency. Garfield was the nearest approach to it, but he was a contemporary of Blaine, and Blaine far outstripped him either on the hustings or in parliamentary debate. Clay had entered both the House and Senate when little more than eligible by age, and he was admittedly the most accom- plished presiding ofiicer the House ever had. He was the Commoner of the war of 1812, and rendered most conspicu- ous service to his country. His speeches in the House did more than the persuasion of any other dozen men to force the young Republic into a second contest with England on the right of search on the high seas. He was always strong in argument, was often impassioned and superbly eloquent, and in every great emergency of the country during the first half of the present century he was the pacificator. President Madison was most reluctant to declare war against Eng- land, and he yielded to it only when it became a supreme necessity to obey the general demand of the country for an appeal to arms. When Clay was nominated for President in 1844, it was generally believed that he would have an easy victory over Van Buren, and when Polk, of Tennessee, was made the compromise candidate against him,, the Whigs at first be- lieved that the nomination of a comparatively obscure man against the great chieftain of the Whigs would give them a walk-over. The campaign had made little progress, how- 88 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM ever, until the Whigs discovered that the Democrats were going to be thoroughly united on Polk, and that he was prob- ably the strongest candidate who could have been nominated against Clay. His chief strength was in his negative qual- ities. He had not been involved in any of the conflicts of ambition among the Democratic leaders. He was regarded as the favorite of Jackson, and while his nomination had been made without any previous discussion or suggestion of his claims to the Presidency, he had filled high State and national positions with credit, and he could not be accused of incompetency. I doubt indeed whether any other Demo- crat could have been nominated by the Democratic conven- tion to make a successful battle against Clay. The Whigs entered the contest defiant in confidence and enthusiastic to a degree that had never before been exhibited in the support of any candidate. The devotion of the Whigs to Clay was little less than idolatry, and strong men shed scalding tears over his defeat. He was largely handicapped in his battle by the complications put upon the Whig party by President Tyler. The Cabinet was wholly Democratic and bitterly against Clay. Under the demoralization caused by Tyler's betrayal of the party the Whigs had lost the House in 1842, but they retained their mastery in the Senate, and a new peril to Clay was soon developed in the growth of the Abolition sentiment of Western New York. Neither Clay nor Polk made campaign speeches, and both maintained themselves with scrupulous dignity throughout the long and exceptionally desperate contest. Pennsylvania was then, as in i860, the pivotal State of the struggle, and the death of the Democratic candidate for Gov- ernor during the midsummer deprived the Whigs of a source of strength that most likely would have given them the State in October. The Democrats had a violent factional dispute in choosing a candidate for Governor. Mr. Muhlen- berg, who had been a bolting candidate against Governor Wolfe in 1835, thereby electing Ritner, the anti-Masonic can- didate, was finally nominated for Governor over Francis R. Shunk, the candidate of the opposing faction. Muhlenberg was weakened by his aggressive factional record, and the Democrats were hardly hopeful of his election, but he died just when the struggle was at its zenith, and Shunk was then unanimously and cordially accepted as the Democratic leader. 89 OUR PRESIDENTS The Whigs had nominated General Markle, of Westmore- land, who was unquestionably the strongest man they could have presented. The Presidential battle was practically fought in that contest for Governor, and when Shunk was elected by 4397 majority, there were few who cherished much hope of Clay's election. Pennsylvania lost in October could not be regained in November, but the Whigs did not in any measure relax their efforts, and Polk carried the State over Clay by 6332. When Pennsylvania faltered the greatly impaired hopes Of the Whigs centred in New York, as it was believed that New York might decide the contest in favor of Clay, even with Pennsylvania certain to vote against him. The nomina- tion of Silas Wright for Governor had thoroughly united the Van Buren followers in support of Polk, and while Clay stood against the annexation of Texas and the extension of the slave power, the antislavery sentiment of New York was greatly strengthened by the fact that both Clay and Polk were Southerners and slaveholders. Birney, the Abolition candidate, received 15,812 votes, while Polk's majority in the State was 5106. Mr. Greeley, who was one of the leaders in the antislavery movement, and much more practical than the organized Abolitionists, bitterly denounced that party for defeating Clay. In his Wliig Almanac for 1845 he had an elaborate review of the contest, in which he said : " The year 1844 just ended has witnessed one of the most extraordinary political contests that has ever occurred. So nice and equal a balance of parties ; so universal and intense an interest; so desperate and protracted a struggle, are en- tirely without parallel. . . . James K. Polk owes his election to the Birney or Liberty party. Had there been no such party drawing its votes nine-tenths from the Whig ranks, Mr. Clay would have received at least the votes of New York and Michigan, in addition to those actually cast for him, giving him 146 electoral votes to Polk's 129. To Birney & Co., therefore, is the country indebted for the elec- tion of Polk and the annexation and anti-tariff ascendency in the Federal Government." The number of States voting was 26, the same as in 1840. The new Congressional apportionment had reduced the Representatives from 242 to 223, making the total number of electors 275. The following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote: 90 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts . . Rhode Island. . . Connecticut New York New Jersey .... Pennsylvania . . . Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina. South Carolina* Georgia Alabama Mississippi Louisiana Kentucky Tennessee Missouri Arkansas Ohio Michigan Indiana Illinois Totals Popular Vote. M "o ft w Texas, December 29, 1845 '■> Iowa, December 28, 1846, and Wisconsin, May 29, 1848, and the Presidential electors were then for the first time all chosen on the same day, with the single exception of Massachusetts. Van Buren did not carry a State, but he gave Taylor an easy triumph by the large Democratic defection he caused in the pivotal States. The following table exhibits the popular and electoral votes as declared by Congress: OUR PRESIDENTS STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts . . Rhode Island. . . Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania . . . Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina. . South Carolina* Georgia Alabama Florida Mississippi Louisiana Texas Arkansas Missouri Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Michigan Indiana Illinois Wisconsin Iowa Totals Popular Vote. Xi o at 35,125 14,781 23,122 61,070 6,779 30,314 218,603 40,015 185,513 6,421 37,702 45,124 43,550 47,544 30,482 3,116 25,922 18,217 4,509 7,588 32,671 64,705 67,141 138,360 23,940 69,907 53,047 13,747 11,084 1,360,099 39,880 27,763 10,948 35,281 3,646 27,046 114,318 36,901 171,176 5,898 34,528 46,586 34,869 44,802 31,363 1,847 26,537 15,370 10,668 9,300 40,077 58,419 49,720 154,775 30,687 74,745 56,300 15,001 12,093 %> 12,096 7,560 13,837 38,058 730 5,005 120,510 829 11,263 80 125 1,220,544 35,354 10,389 8,100 15,774 10,418 1,126 291,263 Electors. O 6 12 4 6 36 7 26 3 11 10 3 6 13 12 163 *By Legislature. All parties made earnest efforts to control the popular branch of Congress, and national interest naturally centred in the Wilmot district of Pennsylvania, as he was the author of the Wilmot Proviso, that was the fountain of the slavery 112 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM dispute. He had been twice elected to Congress in what was then a strong Democratic district, composed of Bradford Susquehanna, and Tioga, but which have been amon? the strongest Republican counties in the State since the organi- zation of that party. The district had given over 2000 majority for Polk against Clay, and although Wilmot was the only member of Congress from Pennsylvania who voted for the tariff of 1846, he was re-elected in the fall of that year by a decided majority. When Van Buren was nominated, Wilmot openly declared himself as a Free-Soil Democrat, but he received the regular Democratic nomination for Congress in his district. The Cass pro-slavery Democrats bolted and nominated Jonah Brewster as a Simon-pure Democrat, and the Whigs nomi- nated Henry W. Tracy, confidently expecting to elect him. Wilmot was triumphantly elected, receiving 8597 votes to 4795 for Tracy, Whig, and 922 for Brewster, Cass Democrat He also nearly evenly divided the Democratic vote of Bradford and Tioga between Cass and Van Buren, giving laylor a large plurality over Cass in the district While the Wilmot Free-Soil Democrats bolted on the Democratic national ticket, they generally supported Morris Longstreth, the Democratic candidate for Governor, who was defeated by Johnson in October by 305 majority The re-election of Wilmot in one of the strong Democratic districts of Pennsylvania greatly strengthened the anti- slavery cause throughout the country. He and his followers fell back into the regular Democratic line in 1852 in support ot Fierce, and they finally severed their relations with the Democratic party in 1854, provoked by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in 1856 they carried the Northern counties of the State by large majorities for Fremont Cass earned every State west of the Pennsylvania line including Ohio, where the antislavery sentiment of the Western Reserve was unwilling to accept a large slaveholder as a candidate for President. Corwin, the most brilliant and impressive of the stump-speakers of that day, made desper- ate efforts to save the State, but Van Buren received over 35,000 votes, and Cass won the electors by a plurality of oyer 16,000 I once heard Corwin in his inimitable way tell the story of that campaign. The people of Ohio in* that day were taught their politics by mass-meetings, and any one of the audience was entirely at liberty to interrogate 113 OUR PRESIDENTS the speaker. Corwin, in his plausible and fascinating way, was trying to explain how the antislavery cause would be best served by electing a slaveholder President, when a tall, lank countryman, sitting on the fence, put a very pointed question to him, that he felt unable to answer. He tried to meet it in a humorous way, but only aroused his interrogator to make a more pointed inquiry of him, that Corwin could not answer. He was one of the few orators who could convulse an audience with his superb humor, and his facial expression was at times even more mirth provoking than his language. The question involved the negro issue, and Cor- win had an unusually swarthy complexion, and he unhorsed his inquirer by saying to his audience with an expression that powerfully accentuated his remark : " I submit, fellow- citizens, whether it is proper to put such a question to a man of my complexion," and the dispute ended in boisterous laughter and cheers for Corwin. The Whigs won easy vic- tories in all the debatable States of the South ; and General Taylor came to the Presidency knowing less about how his election had been accomplished than any man who had ever been called to the Chief Magistracy of the Republic. Thus was Martin Van Buren avenged for the Southern betrayal of 1844. FRANKLIN PIERCE THE PIERCE-SCOTT CONTEST 1852 While the Whigs were apprehensive as to General Tay- lor's fidelity to an aggressive Whig policy both before and after his election, when he came to the selection of his Cab- inet he quieted all doubts by appointing a positive Whig Cabinet, with John M. Clayton, one of the ablest of the Whig leaders of that day and an eminently practical politician, to the Premiership. Taylor had little fitness for responsible civil duties, and charged his Cabinet, that was made up of eminently able men, with the administration of their differ- ent departments. The slavery question was uppermost in the politics of the day, and the Taylor Cabinet finally decided upon a policy to solve the delicate problem by admitting none of the newly acquired Mexican possessions as Territories, but leaving the question of slavery to be determined by them- selves when they came to admission as States. This policy was antagonized by the ultra antislavery peo- ple, who wanted the distinct prohibition of slavery in Terri- torial organizations, and also by the extreme slavery Whigs, who desired them admitted as Territories without any ex- pression on slavery, believing that slaves could be taken into any Territory south of the Missouri Compromise line unless prohibited by the organic law. Clay had returned to the Senate, and being neither more nor less than human, he had little inclination to harmonize with an accidental Whig Pres- ident who filled the position to which Clay felt he was justly entitled. As opposed to the policy of the President, Clay came in as pacificator and proposed what then became known, and what have since been known as the Compromise Measures of 1850. It is doubtful whether either the admin- istration or the Clay Compromise policy could have been suc- cessful had the President lived. Certainly the Compromise bill would have failed, but it is uncertain whether the ad- 115 ... .... _ . _•_. : v- T7 : ; :: int. m.r... : :rm :r. ::jl: imt t._t: 5 .:m: .-.'.:. potior through Congress. Its policy w 1:11:1.11 mt fit .5ft m me it i: lemit :nii = :: in :::.: f: trim :ni : : i:izt. Prt.iitn: 7i; . : : : :ei V i; : :S = : m : _ 7. .:: :_ 7....:::rt _-::mit 7re_iitn: : ■ .:: .7 :: ins :mzt if V:;~- -rt.iitin _i; izr _ itmm inmrei me ;:..:.:!. : ..:: : _e_ :: :iie _ inn- isirmm in me ernne.: .mirile men in I : n r r t f f :: neei me : . : : :. : 1 : : fit:; :n nit it" . ;. ; : me : rerrz.z ry — :rt i.-:e :. t iri; mi ' . ze-7 re.- . :tif if iz: in irnmziy .1: nit rrtfiitn: 11: itn :.: zezmie 7re._:ien: iimneiz it reveiiei iht i:..i" :: nit i im.i.fzrii :i I: ' if :i 1: .5 i.me n 11: " t z.zer "rezkei iinnsti: He if :n nit ::r.i. itize :: nit _17.fr mrim:5ii.mzi mi if : :fti :: :t me zjimmizn :: iis : : ...:;■ ::: nttn; 1.7 fin - t: lii'it in nit 7t.r.::::tf Tit :n;;:n..; zziferrei "i:i: in .izmei z::i"-t.ii: iznii :t:::t it ieiveren ii:_ mem- zrn'z.e f t tin- : z-i _ir:i fitti: .1 ...1: iit :if: in. i:: "mz_i Tin; mi nit :::-;i n: : 1 :: iit :mi;- mi :n:.i: nit rrtfiitn: i:r m _iz.it: zzzizer n: m izzme :: if z :.:- lift :: : imie ini :i:t; trt ii::nnit-i : iemmr :he • t f it t: :: rtf ft : n if f: r. :i '" nii i_trt.ii :: _- n t n if nitn nnir :: lit _:tif.:n mi it •if f: 1:1 intniti :; in: it rnrmiti if 1 1 f : 1 r 5 ~ - " nm: --------- :--.-_-- nm meiemer " 7 1:1 - i« ±t ll":- '-■.:..?:- .:._: x_: __; =•_:- in:. :: mt _-rtf.it:::; : nit ieim :: nit rrtf.it 1: mi ...- :e 7 itr it m t.ft: nit :■:..:;- :z nit ;i:n mi tfzrmrei zie " 11: :: me Nzrii very itnenzmiv ::;::: 1.1: Aiier iit :e:m:e 7re_iien: lie i7 1:; rm.f t iitif.ntf trt rt mi in; m_.it lit iif: ireiz unit ::' ins ize if iinniinr. :.: me : : t: :: me i innifirin ::: iiiei nit _.i; _:m- :-::::.:t iitfintf zmt: :::: mmmti :: inmrt-f : t:z ::::::. imrnt: : it Prtiiitn: 7:t; itiimei nrsi :::.!:: mt i :::::: :: f . 1 " t r n: me _ n::n: :: _■:- ...::::..: ft::::: .1 :i 1: :: me 1 ::::.: f.ni :: _.m::m:i if i _- rtt ii:t nn .1 :i : r :: 1 ft" trt.; fn.iiti: _ .in t i.nt n in: ::r nit :: mtn: :: 7enii ::" _:: :-:«: :<:•: : : - it. in; ier 11:1; :: i "t i it::n : mi i::i in :i :r : : :.:: iin.ff.::: :: 7":m mi i"t iin:n: if 7tiri::riei :.:- out restTJctioDS as to slawefy- . :.z z ■_.:: mt : : lie ::i AND HOW WE MAKE THEM united the Democratic party, as the friends of slavery ex- tension had won a substantial triumph, and the Democrats of the North were generally in harmony with that policy, but it greatly weakened the Whigs in the North without strengthening them in the South, and Fillmore, and Web- ster, then Secretary of State, became rival candidates for the Whig nomination, while the anti-Compromise or antislavery element of the Whigs united on General Scott. When the Democratic National Convention met at Balti- more, June i, 1852, the leaders were entirely confident of electing their candidates. John W. Davis, of Indiana, was made President, and the two-thirds rule reaffirmed. The sessions of the convention were protracted, lasting six days, but there was little angry dispute as to either candidates or measures. There were 49 ballots for President, Cass and Buchanan being the leading competitors at the start. The Virginia delegation, that was always potential in Democratic conventions, had become weary of the hopeless contest be- tween the candidates, and on the 35th ballot cast a solid vote for Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, whose name had not up to that time been before the convention. The friends of Cass made an earnest rally, but were unable to concentrate sufficient strength to approach the two-thirds vote, and Marcy finally loomed up as the leading competitor of Pierce. The following table gives the detail vote on each ballot : BALLOTS. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 1 . 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. (3 a Bj to c c eJ >> >-I 6 c (A 3 u GO 3 bo m rt pj O 0) n /-.- - - _ Maine 13 15 15 39 12 15 93 - 10 4 30 :s 14 IS 15 12 - 5 13 11 Massac -use"* 3 Pe""5vlva"ia 14 71 C - •' ■ 9 3 39 T _ ------ 21 Illi-ois 19 V-'---- ;-;- Wisconsin Iowa ->r. ^_._, 3 Kansas 3 California — Total*; 359 :^o The nomination of Fremont was made unanimous with great enthusiasm, and there was only one ballot for V: re- President, resulting as follows : William L. Dayton, N. J. . 859 — < <*Abraham Lincoln, 111 110« X. ?. 3mk=. Vi== 46 David Wilmot, Penn 43 Charles Sumner, Mass 35 T a::: C:l'.a~ er. ".": 15 John A. King, X. Y 9 S. C. Pomeroy, Kan 8 'homas Ford, Ohio 7 Henry Wilson, Mass 5 Cassius M. Clay. Ky 4 Henry C. Carey, Penn. 3 Wm. F. Johnston* Penn 2 138 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Mr. Dayton was then declared the nominee of the conven- tion by a unanimous vote, and the following platform was adopted : This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present administra- tion, to the extension of slavery into Free Territory ; in favor of admitting Kansas as a Free State, of restoring the action of the Federal Government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson ; and who purpose to unite in presenting candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, do resolve as follows : Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Con- stitution is essential to the preservation of our republican institu- tions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States, shall be preserved. Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold it to be a self-evident truth, that all men are endowed with the unalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior designs of our Federal Government were to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction; that, as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any Territory of the United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein. That we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, of any individual or associa- tion of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Terri- tory of the United States while the present Constitution shall be maintained. Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Territories of the United States, for their govern- ment, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery. Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United States was ordained and established by the people in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro- vide for the common defence, and secure the blessings of liberty, and contains ample provision for the protection of the life, liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been -fraudulently and violently taken from them ; their territory has been invaded by an armed force ; spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive officers have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the Government, tyrannical and unconstitu- tional laws have been enacted and enforced ; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of 139 OUR PRESIDENTS an extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office; the right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an im- partial jury has been denied; the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures has been violated; they have been deprived of life, liberty, and property without due process of law; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged; the right to choose their representatives has been made of no effect; murders 1 robberies, and arsons have been instigated and encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished; that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of the present administration; and that for this high crime against the Constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the adminis: ra- tion, the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and accessories, either before or after the fact, before the country and before the world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a sure and condign punishment hereafter. Resolved, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State of the Union, with her present free Constitution, as at once the most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil strife now raging in her territory. Resolved, That the highwayman's plea, that "might makes right," embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that gave it their sanction. Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, by the most central and practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country, and that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and, as an auxiliary thereto, the. immediate construction of an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the improvement of rivers and harbors, of a national character, required for the ac- commodation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. The American or Know-Xothing party had become the leading factor of the opposition elements to Democracy in the elections of 1854-55. In some sections the Whig party was entirely obliterated, and in the South there was no organiza- tion opposed to Democracy but the American. The cardinal principle of its faith was that " Americans must rule America.'" and its reposition to the Catholic Church was pos- itive and pronounced. It had gravitated from the original Native -Americans of 1844 i nto tne Order of United Ameri- cans, and it coalesce a with the remnants of the Whig party 14.0 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM and with the antiadministration Democrats in most of the Northern States. It had reached about its highest measure of strength in 1855, chiefly because of its strong hold in the South. In New England and the far Western States the Americans had been very generally absorbed in the Repub- lican organization when the battle opened for the Presidency in 1856. The American National Council was called to meet in Phil- adelphia on the 19th of February, 1856, and nearly all the States were represented. The Council was a secret body, in accordance with the usages of the party. After three days of animated discussion it adopted a party platform, and on the 226. of February the Council adjourned and organized the American National Nominating Convention. Ephraim Marsh, of New Jersey, was made president. An earnest effort was made in the convention to antagonize the right of the National Council to make the platform for the party. Mr. Killinger, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution, declar- ing that the Council had no authority to prescribe a platform of principles, and that the convention should nominate no man for President or Vice-President " who is not in favor of interdicting the introduction of slavery into territory North 36 30' by Congressional action," but his proposition failed by a vote of 141 to 59. The failure of this resolution led to the retirement from the convention of the more pronounced antislavery delegates or North Americans, as they were called. The convention then proceeded to ballot for Presi- dent as follows : M. Fillmore, New York George Law, New York Garrett Davis, Kentucky John McLean, Ohio R. F. Stockton, New Jersey Sam. Houston, Texas John Bell, Tennessee Kenneth Raynor, North Carolina Erastus Brooks, New York Lewis D. Campbell, Ohio John M. Clayton, Delaware 1st 2d Ballot. Ballot. 71 179 27 24 13 10 7 13 8 — 6 3 5 — 2 14 2 — 1 — 1 — 141 OUR PRESIDENTS After the 26. ballot, Mr. Fillmore was unanimously de- clared the nominee, and on the 1st ballot Andrew Jackson Donelson, of Tennessee, who was the adopted son of General Jackson, was nominated for Vice-President, receiving 181 votes to 8 for Governor Gardner, of Massachusetts, 8 for Percy Walker, of Alabama, and 8 for Kenneth Raynor, of Xorth Carolina. The following platform was then unani- mously adopted : 1. An humble acknowledgment of the Supreme Being, for his protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful Revolu- tionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in the preservation of their liberties, the independence and the union of these States. 2. The perpetuation of the Federal Union and Constitution, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties and the only sure bulwark of American independence. 3. Americans must rule America ; and to this end native-born citizens should be selected for all State, Federal and municipal offices of Government employment, in preference to all others. Nevertheless, 4. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens. 5. No person should be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth) who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and State Constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws as rules of political action. 6. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good-will between the citizens of the several States, and, to this end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertain- ing solely to the individual States, and non-intervention by each State with the affairs of any other State. 7. The recognition of the right of native-born and naturalized citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any Territory thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admis- sion into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one representative in Congress ; provided^ ahvays, that none but those who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Ter- ritory, ought to participate in the formation of a constitution or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State. 8. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory ought to admit others than citizens to the right of suffrage, or of holding political offices of the United States. 9. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an 142 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers and persons convicted of crime from landing upon our shores ; but no interference with the vested rights of foreigners. 10. Opposition to any union between Church and State; no inter- ference with religious faith or worship, and no test oaths for office. 11. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public ex- penditures. 12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally enacted, until said laws shall be repealed or shall be declared null and void by competent judicial authority. 13. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the present administration in the general management of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in removing "Americans" (by designa- tion) and conservatives in principle from office, and placing for- eigners and ultraists in their places; as shown in a truckling sub- serviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado toward the weaker powers ; as shown in reopening sectional agita- tion, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise ; as shown in grant- ing to unnaturalized foreigners the right of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska question ; as shown in the corruptions which pervade some of the departments of the Government; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval officers through prejudice or caprice; and as shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations. 14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and to prevent the disas- trous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the "American party" upon the principles hereinbefore stated. 15. That each State Council shall have authority to amend their several constitutions, so as to abolish the several degrees, and sub- stitute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations, for fellowship and admission into the party. 16. A free and open discussion of all political principles em- braced in our platform. The seceding delegates, consisting of the antislavery wing of the party and small in number, organized a convention of their own, and without the formality of a ballot, nom- inated John C. Fremont, of California, for President, and Ex-Governor William F. Johnston, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President, but they finally supported Fremont and Day- ton. The fragments of the old Whig party met in national con- vention at Baltimore on the 17th of September, in which 26 States were raggedly represented. Edward Bates, of Mis- souri, presided over the convention, and the proceedings were uneventful. Fillmore and Donelson, the candidates nominated by the American party, were unanimously nomi- nated for President and Vice-President by resolution, and the following platform adopted : 143 OUR PRESIDENTS Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States, now here as- sembled, hereby declare their reverence for the Constitution of the United States, their unalterable attachment to the national Union, and a fixed determination to do all in their power to preserve them for themselves and their posterity. They have no new principles to announce, no new platform to establish, but are content to broadly rest — where their fathers rested — upon the Constitution - of the [Jnited States, wishing nc safer guide, no higher la". Resolved, That we regard with the deepest interest and anxiety the present disordered condition of our national affairs — a portion of the country ravaged by civil war, large sections of our popula- tion embittered by mutual recriminations; and we distinctly trace these calamities to the culpable neglect of duty by the present r.atitna! ad:rt_irustrati:n. Resolved, That the Government of the United States was formed by the conjunction in political unity of widespread geographical sections, materially iiffermg not only in climate and products, but in social and domestic institutions; and that any cause that shall permanently array the different se:t::r.s ::' the Ur :r. in r.:l:t::al h:st:lity and trgamzed parties, fttmded ::__; :r. gergrathital dis- tinctions, must inevitably prove fatal to a continuance of the national Union. Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States declare, as a fundamental rule of political faith, an absolute necessity for avoid- ing geographical parties. The danger so clearly discerned by the Father of his Country has now become fearfully apparent in the agitation now convulsing the nation, and must be arrested at once if we would preserve our Constitution and our Union from dis- memberment, and the name of America from being blotted out from the family of civilized nations. Resolved, That all who revere the Constitution and the Union must look with alarm at the parties in the field in the present Presi- dential campaign — one claiming only to represent sixteen Northern States, and the other appealing mainly to the passions and prejudices of the Southern States; that the success of either faction must add fuel to the flame which now threatens to wrap our dearest interests in a common ruin. Resolved, That the only remedy for an evil so appalling is to support a candidate pledged to neither of the geographical sections now arrayed in political antagonism, but holding both in a just and equal regard. We congratulate the friends of the Union that such a candidate exists in Millard Fillmore. Resolved, That, without adopting or referring to the peculiar doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candidate, we look to him as a well-tried and faithful friend of the Constitution and the Union, eminent alike for his wisdom and firm- ness; for his justice and moderation in our foreign relations; for his calm and pacific temperament, so well becoming the head of a great nation; for his devotion to the Constitution in its true spirit; his inflexibility in executing the laws; but, beyond all these attri- butes, in ptssessing the :r.e trar.scendant merit ::' being a representa- tive :: neither :: the t~: se:ti:r.al ramies n: ~ struggling ttr pclit- i:a^_ supremacy. Resolved, That, in the present exigency of polititai affairs we I44 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of adminis- tration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of the Gov- ernment. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and that the Union is imperilled ; and we proclaim the conviction that the restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace. The campaign of 1856 was one of the most desperately fought conflicts in the history of American politics. In some of the Northern States, and particularly in Pennsylvania, that had to be carried against Buchanan in October to give promise of his defeat, the American party, or the supporters of Fillmore and Donelson, were nearly or quite as strong as the distinctive Republicans. Both were opposed to the elec- tion of Buchanan, but they were wide apart not only on the slavery issue, but on the questions of citizenship and re- ligious proscription. As the contest warmed up the neces- sity for some sort of union between these elements was ac- cepted on both sides, and in Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, and some other States the Americans, Republicans, and old Whigs united on State tickets. Illinois, while it gave its electoral vote to Buchanan, elected Colonel Bissell, an anti- slavery and anti-Buchanan Democrat, Governor, and in Pennsylvania the Democratic ticket was successful in Octo- ber only by a very small majority. In several of the States they harmonized on an electoral ticket. They did it by printing two electoral tickets for the two wings of the opposition. On one ticket the first can- didate for elector was John C. Fremont, and on the other ticket was the name of Millard Fillmore. The understand- ing was that if the Union electoral ticket succeeded, the en- tire vote, less the one lost by using the names of Fillmore and Fremont, should be cast for either candidate if thereby he could be elected, and if such united vote would not elect either candidate the vote was to be divided between Fillmore and Fremont, as the voters indicated by the first name at the head of the ticket. In common with the great mass of conservative Whigs who were at first greatly disappointed in the nomination of Fremont and the radical attitude of the new Republican party, I gradually drifted into the contest because of the offensive deliverances on slavery made by the Cincinnati platform. I knew Mr. Buchanan personally, and if I could have obeyed my individual preferences as to a candidate, 145 OUR PRESIDENTS would have voted for him. The slavery issue soon became so sharply defined that the great mass of the Whigs of the Xorth fell in to the support of Fremont. There was consid- erable defection of prominent Whigs in Buchanan's State, embracing the Reeds, the Ingersolls, the Whartons, the Ran- dalls, and others of Philadelphia, whose conservative Whig views, with their great personal respect for Buchanan, in- fluenced them to support him. Buchanan was not a mag- netic man, not a popular man in the common acceptation of the term, but he was respected by all not only for his ability, but for his integrity and generally blameless reputation. He was a very courteous gentleman, but the multitude did not rush into his arms as it did into the arms of Clay and Blaine, and it is quite probable that his bachelor life, a destiny given him by a devotion with tragic end, doubtless made him less genial than he might have been. Pennsylvania was the pivotal State in the contest, and Colonel Forney was chairman of the Democratic State Com- mittee. He was thoroughly familiar with the political situa- tion, and greatly impaired his health by his exhaustive ef- forts to save Buchanan in his home State. His relations with Buchanan were of the closest and most confidential nature, and each implicitly trusted the other. Buchanan knew For- ney's ability in the management of a great political battle, and there was no concealment between them as to the reward Forney should receive if Buchanan succeeded. Forney's ambition was to continue in journalism, and it was not only understood, but the assurance voluntarily given to Forney by Buchanan, that if Buchanan became President, Forney should conduct the national organ in Washington and receive the Senate printing. What was then known as the Senate print- ing was an abuse that had grown up from small to large pro- portions until it became a fortune to any man who received it during the period of an administration. Gales and Seaton, of the Xational Intelligencer, had enjoyed it for many years, and when Democratic administrations became more dis- tinctly partisan the favoritism was continued and the profits magnified. It was deemed a necessity for each administra- tion to have an organ, and it was accepted in those days as the Democratic oracle of the nation. By making Forney the editor of the administration organ at Washington with the Senate printing, his highest ambition in his journalistic ca- reer would have been gratified, with ample fortune added. i 4 6 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM So intimate were Buchanan and Forney, that Forney's fam- ily spent part of the summer at Wheatland, where Forney would occasionally tarry for a day's rest and to consult with his chief. Both parties were very confident of carrying the State in October, but Forney outgeneralled the leaders of the Union ticket by his masterful manipulation of Philadelphia, and the Buchanan State ticket was successful in October by 3500 majority. Had the Buchanan State ticket been defeated, Buchanan's defeat for President would have been clearly foreshadowed, as it would doubtless have made a successful union on the electoral tickets in New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois, as had already been done in Pennsylvania. Not- withstanding the loss of Pennsylvania in October, the friends of Fremont and Fillmore made desperate efforts to carry the State in November, and so well did they fight their battle that Buchanan's majority in the State over the combined vote of Fremont and Fillmore was only 1025. The Fremont and Fillmore people believed that they had been defrauded out of the October election in Pennsylvania, and Forney was denounced with extreme bitterness that had lost none of its intensity in the Senatorial fight of 1857, when the resent- ments of the opposition made Forney's defeat for Senator possible in a Democratic Legislature. Buchanan, Fremont, and Fillmore each bore themselves with great dignity during the campaign. Fillmore was not in sympathy with Buchanan, but he had even less sympathy for Fremont and the radical Republican policy he represented. Fremont made his home during the contest in New York, under the strictest orders not to discuss any political ques- tion, either orally or by letter, with any outside of those in charge of his campaign. Along with several others, I called upon him at his home some time before the election, simply to pay our respects to the man we were supporting for Presi- dent, and he was so extremely cautious that he evaded the most ordinary expressions relating to the conduct and pros- pects of the battle. He impressed me as possessing a stronger, individuality than I had credited him with, and his enforced policy of silence made him appear as a severely dig- nified gentleman with strong intellectual possibilities. But considering the record he made in the early part of the war, when he had, for the first time, opportunity to display his abilities, there are few who will not feel that his election to 147 OUR PRESIDENTS the Presidency might have been equally disastrous to him- self and to the country. The battle ended by the election of Buchanan, although Fremont carried the New England States and New York and the Northwestern Democratic States with the whirl of the tempest. The following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote : STATES. Maine New Hampshire. Vermont Massachusetts.. . Rhode Island . . . Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania. . . Delaware Maryland Virginia. ....... North Carolina. . South Carolina* Georgia Alabama Florida Mississippi Louisiana Texas Arkansas Missouri Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Michigan Indiana Illinois Wisconsin Iowa Califprnia Totals Popular Vote. c d S 39,080 32,789 10,569 39,240 6,680 34,995 195,878 46,943 230,710 8,004 39,115 89,706 48,246 56,578 46,739 6,358 35,446 22,164 31,169 21,910 58,164 73,638 74,642 170,874 52,136 118,670 105,348 52,843 36,170 53,365 1,838,169 67,379 38,345 39,561 108,190 11,467 42,715 276,007 28,338 147,510 308 281 291 314 187,497 71,762 94,375 93,189 66,090 43,954 20,691 3,325 422 545 19,626 1,675 2,615 124,604 24,115 82,175 6,175 47,460 60,310 36,886 42,228 28,552 4,833 24,195 20,709 15,639 10,787 48,524 68,178 67,416 28,126 1,660 22,386 37,444 579 9,180 36,165 1,341,264 874,534 Electoral Vote. 7 27 3 15 10 8 10 9 3 7 6 4 4 9 12 12 13 11 174 5 5 13 4 6 35 »23 6 114 * Chosen by Legislature. I48 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM A quarrel between Buchanan and Forney was more far- reaching in its results than can well be estimated by those not entirely familiar with the beginning and the end of the dispute. During the campaign, Buchanan, greatly pressed with the increased correspondence that came to him, asked Forney to send him a competent and trustworthy secretary, and Buchanan, for the first time, abandoned his uniform pol- icy of writing all his own letters in clear, beautiful copper- plate style. Forney sent one of his own assistants to aid Buchanan, and having charge of Buchanan's correspondence he became cognizant of the fact that the Southern leaders were very generally and earnestly demanding of Buchanan the pledge that Forney should not be made editor of the ad- ministration organ. Buchanan parried the appeals of the Southern friends for some time, but finally, knowing that his election depended upon a united South, they became mandatory, and Buchanan, without advising Forney of the fact, finally gave his pledge that Forney should not be chosen. The secretary was in- dignant at this betrayal of his friend, and quietly sought For- ney, advised him of the fact and expressed his purpose not to return. Forney required the secretary to go back and perform his duties and take no note of what had happened. He was greatly disappointed, as it denied him what was the great ambition of his life, involving editorial distinction and fortune, but he believed that Buchanan had yielded to im- perious necessity and that he would not be allowed to suffer from the change. It was not until after the election that Buchanan informed Forney of the necessity of making a change in his reward, and Forney proposed to accept a position in the Cabinet, to which Buchanan would have willingly consented, but the same intense opposition to Forney as a Cabinet officer surged against him from the South. It was next proposed by Bu- chanan that Forney should take the Berlin mission with a lib- eral commercial salary added, but Mrs. Forney peremptorily refused to entertain it. It was finally agreed that Forney should be elected to the Senate. The Democrats had a ma- jority of three on joint ballot, and it was not doubted that any Democrat nominated by the caucus would be chosen. Henry D. Foster, a very prominent Democrat, who had been in Congress and who was the Democratic candidate for Gov- ernor in i860, was a member of the House. He was a can- didate for Senator, and doubtless would have been chosen 149 OUR PRESIDENTS had Forney not been suddenly injected into the field. It was not until the Legislature was about to meet that Forney's candidacy was decided upon. It required very prompt and positive action to secure the nomination of Forney, and Buchanan, with all his extreme caution under ordinary cir- cumstances, wrote a letter to Senator Mott urging the election of Forney. That letter became public and greatly exas- perated the friends of the other candidates, but a new Demo- cratic administration with the President from the State and just on the threshold of great political power was able to command the nomination for Forney, and it was accom- plished, but leaving many open sores. The Republicans and Americans of the Legislature were smarting under what they regarded as the fraud that Forney engineered to give the State to Buchanan, and they were quite willing to join any movement to defeat him. General Cameron had come into the Republican party in 1856, and was at the head of the electoral ticket, and he had a very strong hold upon some old Democratic friends. He pro- posed to the Republicans and Americans of the Legislature that if they would give him a united vote he could command three Democratic votes and be elected. The Union caucus, as it was called, appointed a committee to whom three Demo- crats must be shown and give their pledges to vote for Cameron, and if such report was made back to the caucus by the committee, without giving the names of the Demo- crats who were to vote for Cameron, the Republicans were pledged to vote unitedly for Cameron on the 1st ballot. The committee saw Representatives Lebo, Maneer, and Wagonseller, Democrats, who pledged themselves to vote for Cameron if they could elect him, and to the surprise of all parties except the very few who understood the arrange- ment, Cameron was elected Senator and Forney suffered a most humiliating defeat. After Forney's defeat for Senator, it became much more difficult than even before for Buchanan to reward him, as he doubtless felt should be done. Efforts were made to give him a liberal share of the post-office printing, but Forney and Buchanan were gradually becoming estranged, and finally Forney decided that he could not harmonize with Buchanan and his friends, and that he would renew his journalistic ca- reer on independent lines. The result was the establishment of the Philadelphia Press. 150 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM The slavery issue speedily divided Douglas and Buchanan, and Forney had his opportunity. He had suffered much from the proscriptive hatred of the South, and he became Douglas's ablest and most enthusiastic supporter in the North, which brought him into direct antagonism with Buchanan. From the time that battle began, Forney and Buchanan were strangers during the remainder of their lives, and no one man did more to educate the North up to the elec- tion of Abraham Lincoln than John W. Forney. We are told that the political methods of the present age are greatly degenerate as compared with the political meth- ods of the old-school leaders, of which Buchanan was about the last representative in the White House. It will surprise many of the present day to be told that Buchanan gave per- sonal attention not only to organize county leaders in his sup- port for the Presidency, but wrote elaborate letters even to township leaders. I have in my possession a number of Mr. Buchanan's post-Presidential letters, and I think it due to the truth of history to give one of them as a foot-note to illus- trate the politics of half a century ago.* Perry County, to ^Private and Confidential. Wheatland, near Lancaster, 12 Dec, 1851. My dear Sir: A friend from Cumberland County, who has re- cently been in Perry, expresses much doubt about your county and says that unless strong efforts shall be made, it will go for Cass. I understand you elect by county meeting ; and this mode is not a fair method of ascertaining public opinion throughout a large county. What can be done? My enemies perceiving that my prospects are daily becoming brighter and brighter throughout the Union are now intent upon producing such an appearance of division at home as they imagine may deter other States from voting for my nomination. In this point of view it is important I should carry Perry, if this can be done by fair and honorable means. Cass, their apparent but not their real candidate, can now make no show ; but they will go for any candidate against myself. Pennsylvania has now for the first time in her history an opportunity of furnishing the candidate, should she think proper to exert her power with a reasonable degree of unanimity. I intend to write to my friends Black and Steward; but my main reliance is on yourself. General Fetter and Judge Junkin were formerly my warm friends — whether they are so now or not I do not know. Are A. B. Anderson and young Mclntire my friends? I think you once told me they were. I am informed that young Miller is my bitter foe. Could you make a trip over the county and ascertain the state of public opinion? I should esteem it a very great favor if you would; and in that event, I should insist that you shall not ?oend your own 151 OUR PRESIDENTS which the letter refers, is a small county adjoining Franklin, the birthplace of Buchanan. It had only a single delegate to the Democratic State Convention, and, considering Bu- chanan's location, he should have been able to command its support without special effort. The friend to whom he wrote was an Associate Judge of the county and active in politics, and when it is remembered that this letter is only one of very_ many written to a single small county to gain a single del- egate for Buchanan against General Cass, who lived in a dis- tant State, the political methods employed to reach the Presi- dency in that day will be generally accepted as no improve- ment on the methods now employed to gain the highest hon- ors of the Republic. Buchanan entered the Presidency earnestly determined to end the slavery agitation, but unfortunately he hoped to end it by the unqualified success of slavery in all of the new Ter- ritories and the right of transit through the free States of slaves as servants. The Dred Scott decision was foreshad- owed in his inaugural address, and he and the pro-slaVery statesmen of that time were confident that the Republican ebullition of 1856 was a mere tidal wave that would speedily perish, and that the South would be so strongly entrenched for the defence of slavery that it could not be successfully as- sailed. He was elected by the South ; he was the strictest of strict constructionists on all Constitutional questions, and he naturally sustained the South in going far beyond what his money in supporting me. This would be both unreasonable and un- just. If you could pass a few days in this manner, you would confer a favor upon me which I trust I may some day be able to repay. But you must not go at all unless at my expense. Your services will place me under obligations which I shall never forget without expending your own money for my benefit. If you should ascertain that the county is against me and cannot be carried, as the Perry Democrat indicates, then it would be use- less to make the effort. If it can be carried, then we must go to work and have the proper concert of action to bring my friends to the county meeting. Will you let me hear from you soon on this subject, and believe me ever to be sincerely and gratefully your friend. James Buchanan. Hon. George Blattenberger. P.S. — Jos. Bailey, who is a strange, capricious man, is now against me, though in 1843 he was one of my warmest friends and sup- porters, as you will perceive by the address which I send you. What have I done since? 152 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM judgment approved in the efforts to force slavery into Kan- sas and Nebraska. The strength of the slavery sentiment steadily grew under the aggravations of the pro-slavery men who sought to force slavery into the new Territories of the West, and it was this continued discussion and the outrages perpetrated on the people of Kansas and Nebraska that made the election of a Republican President possible in i860, and that finally pre- cipitated the Civil War. Buchanan adhered to the South until open rebellion was organized by the capture of forts and arsenals and the organization of a Confederate govern- ment, but when he found himself powerless to restrain the South from armed rebellion, he reorganized his Cabinet and exhausted his then wasted powers to bring the South into submission to the Government. He had an aggressively loyal Cabinet during the last few months of his administra- tion, and when he retired, generally denounced by the loyal sentiment of the country as a faithless Executive, he ear- nestly supported the Government in every measure necessary to suppress the rebellion and prevent the dismemberment of the Republic. He died soon after the close of the war, a thor- oughly honest and patriotic public servant, but widely mis- understood. His revolutionary Kansas-Nebraska policy made the Republican revolution of i860 inevitable, and made Abraham Lincoln President. THE LINCOLN-BRECKENRIDGE- DOUGLAS-BELL CONTEST i860 In i860 the nation proclaimed the third great political epoch of its history by an aggressive departure from Democ- racy to the Republicanism that has since ruled without material interruption. There have been two Democratic administrations since the Republican epoch of i860, but though they, for the time, halted and modified the Republican policy, they never had the power to make a decisive reversal of Republican mastery. Thus an epoch of twelve years of Federalism, another of sixty years of Democracy, and an- other of forty years of Republicanism tell the story of the political revolutions of the Republic during a period of one hundred and twelve years. When Fremont made his brilliant campaign of 1856 and narrowly escaped election to the Presidency, it was generally accepted by all the varied phases of politics opposed to radi- cal Republicanism that the Republican movement was like a bee — biggest at its birth — and that it never could win a national victory ; but all the chief events affecting the polit- ical sentiment of the country from 1856 until i860 tended to strengthen Republican sentiment and to alienate a large por- tion of the intelligent elements of Democracy. The signifi- cant elections of 1858 and 1859, with the Kansas-Nebraska war convulsing the country from centre to circumference, steadily strengthened Republican lines, and when the leaders of the party came to face the great battle of i860 they well understood that success was within their reach, and never did a party exhibit greater sagacity in leadership than was displayed in the convention that nominated Lincoln. William H. Seward was the confessed Republican leader of the nation. He was admittedly its ablest champion and was among its earliest supporters. He had been long in the Senate, and was the peer of any in the discussion of all the 154 ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND HOW WE MAKE THEM grave questions which then agitated our national Legisla- ture. He was not only the ablest of his party, but he was one of the most exemplary and courteous of men. Two- thirds of all the delegates elected to that convention were friends of Seward and expected to vote for him, and his nomination would have been inevitable on the 1st ballot had not the convention been restrained by considerations of expediency which were most reluctantly accepted. Lincoln's own delegation from Illinois embraced one-third of positive Seward men. They were instructed for Lincoln without hope of his nomination at the time, and most of them ex- pected to perform a mere perfunctory duty by voting for him on one or more ballots. Horace Greeley had sounded the first note of warning against the nomination of Seward, and his paper, the New York Tribune, was then the most influential journal ever published in this country. It was the Republican Bible, and its weekly edition was more read in the West than all other Eastern papers combined. He startled the party by a series of dignified and masterly articles in favor of Edward Bates, of Missouri, for President, on the ground that Seward was not available, and that a man of the great ability and conser- vative attitude of Bates alone could win in that contest. But though the conservative element of the opposition to the Democracy was not enthusiastic for Seward and his " irre- pressible conflict," the true reason of Seward's defeat was not presented either by Mr. Greeley or by any public discus- sion before the meeting of the convention. I have read many romances about how, why and by whom Abraham Lincoln was nominated for President at Chicago, but the explanation is very simple, and when presented must be accepted by all as conclusive. Henry S. Lane had been nominated as the Republican candidate for Governor of In- diana, and Andrew G. Curtin had been nominated by the Re- publicans for Governor of Pennsylvania. These States voted for Governor and other State officers on the second Tuesday of October, and they were the pivotal States of the national contest. It was an absolute necessity to carry them in October to assure the election of a Republican Presi- dent, and the first inquiry of the Republican leaders at Chi- cago, outside of those who were blindly devoted to Seward, was " Who can carry Indiana and Pennsylvania ? " Lane and Curtin were there solely for the purpose of get- 155 OUR PRESIDENTS ting" the strongest possible national ticket nominated to aid them in their State contests. With Lane was John D. De- frees, as Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Indiana, and I was with Curtin, as he had charged me with the same responsible duty in Pennsylvania. Curtin and Lane decided that they could not be elected if Seward were nom- inated for President. They were not personally or politically hostile to him ; they had but one thing in view, and that was their own election, which was essential to elect a Republican President. Prior to i860 the Republican party had never carried either Pennsylvania or Indiana. Opposition to the pro-slavery policy of the Buchanan administration had crystallized anti- slavery Democrats, Whigs, and Americans into the support of Union State tickets, and had elected them ; but in Penn- sylvania the Republican name was omitted from necessity, and the organization was entitled the People's party. In both of these States there was an organized and powerful American party yet in existence, without which the Repub- licans could not succeed. It was the remnant of the Ameri- can or Know-Nothing revolution of 1854, and they cherished their own faith with great fidelity and would not support any candidate who was friendly to the Catholics. When Seward was elected Governor of New York in 1838 it was largely by the influence of Archbishop Hughes, one of the ablest Catholic prelates this country has ever had; and Seward, not only because of his gratitude to his Catholic friends, but because of his broad and liberal views generally, in a message to the Legislature urged a division of the school fund between the Catholics and Protestants. ^That was the rock on which Seward was wrecked. Had he been nom- inated, the entire American element of the opposition would have been aggressively against him, and Pennsylvania and Indiana would have been lost not only by the defeat of Cur- tin and Lane in October, but by the defeat of Seward in No- vember. The situation was earnestly presented by Curtin and Lane, and Mr. Defrees and I accompanied them in their confer- ences with various delegations which were devoted to Seward, but were willing to abandon him — not because they loved Seward less, but because they loved Republican success more. I saw several rural delegates from New England States shed tears as they confessed that they must abandon 156 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Seward because he could not carry Pennsylvania and In- diana, and certainly more than one-third of all the delegates who voted for Lincoln in that convention did it in sincerest sorrow because compelled to abandon their great leader for the sake of victory. Under such conditions the Seward lines were steadily weakening, but never was a movement so ably led as was the Seward movement at Chicago. It was literally a battle of giants. Thurlow Weed, the master of masters in politics, led the fight for Seward, and he had around him Governor Mor- gan, Chairman of the National Commitee ; Raymond, of the Times, and many others of distinguished ability in such struggles. Weed invited Lane to drive with him, and, in the course of their conversation, assured him that if his delega- tion would support Seward all the money needed to carry his election in Indiana would be generously furnished ; but Lane knew that no amount of money could give him victory in October with Seward as the national candidate. The convention met on Wednesday, May 16, and George Ashman, of Massachusetts, was made permanent president. The first day was devoted to routine duties, and the second to the adoption of a platform and rules to govern the conven- tion. The convention adjourned on Thursday evening pro- foundly impressed with the great battle that was to be fought on the following day, and both sides exhausted political strategy to gain the advantage. Weed organized a most im- posing street parade of the Seward people. They had thou- sands of Seward spectators outside of the delegates, and it was one of the most impressive public displays I have ever witnessed. They paraded the streets for an hour or more before the meeting of the convention. The friends of Lincoln had been tireless in their efforts, and they displayed wonderful ability in handling their forces. The leaders in immediate charge of the Lincoln people were Colonel Medill, of the Chicago Tribune; David Davis, after- ward Judge of the Supreme Court ; Norman B. Judd, Chair- man of the Republican State Committee, and Leonard Swett, who was almost a copy of Lincoln physically, and who was Lincoln's closest friend until the day of his death. When they found that the Seward parade was to come off, they counselled how to meet it, and they finally decided that while the Seward men were parading they would fill the immense temporary wigwam — erected for the convention, and capable 157 OUR PRESIDENTS of holding five thousand spectators — with men who should go there solely for the purpose of hurrahing for Lincoln. They carried this plan into very successful operation, and when the Seward procession attempted to march into the con- vention hall they found it filled to overflowing, and very few Seward men outside the delegation could obtain admission. Just before the convention opened I saw the New York delegation file in and fill the only vacant place in the immense building. They were appalled when they saw how they had been outgeneralled. Almost immediately behind the New York men, who were under the lead of Evarts as Chairman of the delegation, sat Horace Greeley at the head of the Oregon delegation. That new State, just admitted into the Union, was so far from civilization, as the iron horse had not yet been heard in either the Rockies or the Sierra Ne- vadas, that the Republican convention selected a number of prominent men in the East, including Greeley, to represent the State. I never saw a more benignant face than that of Greeley's when the nomination of Lincoln was declared. ' It was known by the supporters of Seward that Pennsylvania and Indiana had both decided to support Lincoln, the Penn- sylvanians having declared for Lincoln by four majority over Bates, after giving a complimentary ballot to Cameron. With very little preliminary movement the ballot began, and Seward's two-thirds vote of the convention dwindled down to 1 73 \ when 234 were necessary to a choice. Lincoln, with Pennsylvania and Ohio giving complimentary ballots to Cameron and Chase, had 102 votes. As the ballots were announced, every vote for Lincoln was cheered to the echo, while there were but few cheers for Seward except from the delegates themselves. When the 2d ballot was called the Seward people felt that they must largely increase their strength or fall in the race. As Lincoln gained most of the vote of Pennsylvania, with important gains from other States, the wildest cheering greeted the announcements, and when the ballot was given with only 10 votes gained by Seward and 75 votes gained by Lincoln, it became evident to all that Seward's strength was exhausted and that Lincoln was the coming man. The next and last ballot soon showed Lincoln as leading Seward, and from that time on it was diffi- cult to announce the votes of the States because of the frenzied cheers for " Abe Lincoln." When the last State was called it was known that Lincoln 158 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM was either nominated or very close to it. The vote as re- corded was 23 1 J for Lincoln, being 2 J votes short of a ma- jority, and 180 for Seward, with some 50 scattering. Be- fore the result was announced Chairman Carter, of Ohio, got up on his chair to assure the attention of the President, and said: - " I rise to announce the change of four votes from Ohio from Mr. Chase to Abraham Lincoln." It was known then that this gave Lincoln the majority, and I have never before nor since witnessed such a scene as was made by the great mass of the Lincoln people who were in the hall. A large charcoal picture of Lincoln was presented in the gallery at the rear of the hall, and the whole vast audi- ence, with few exceptions outside of the New York delega- tion, rose to indulge in the wildest enthusiasm for some minutes. When order was finally restored, Maine, Massachusetts, and Missouri changed a number of votes to Lincoln, giving him a total of 354, being 120 odd votes more than he needed. When the vote was announced by the President cheers broke out afresh, but they soon quieted down to await the action of the New York delegation that was expected to move the unanimous nomination. There was certainly fully five min- utes of dead silence in the body, as the New York delegates were mortified beyond expression at their discomfiture ; but after a long wait that seemed to be vastly longer than it was, the tall form of William M. Evarts arose, and with re- luctance that was unconcealed said : " Mr. President, I move that the nomination of Abraham Lincoln be made unanimous." Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, rose as soon as he saw Evarts rise, and when Evarts's motion was made An- drew seconded it, and with the unanimous vote of the con- vention and the heartiest huzzas from the many thousands who witnessed the proceedings, Abraham Lincoln was de- clared the Republican candidate for President. The conven- tion adjourned to meet again in the evening to nominate a candidate for Vice-Presiderit. As there will be general interest felt in the proceedings of the Republican National Convention that gave the country the first Republican President in Abraham Lincoln, I give the detailed vote of each State represented in the conven- tion on the three ballots for President, as follows : 159 OUR PRESIDENTS 1st Ballot. STATES. ■d o o o c c u a d O £ - pq c d o o d d 33 .S3 O o "£. d Q 3 s g 3 1 1 -4-3 C O g S u h l l 1) a .s *s Maine 10 1 21 70 ~n 3 8 5 12 4 10 2 8 8 6 2 2 173£ 6 > 4 2 4 14 6 8 26 22 2 1 102 1 2 3 47* 1 1 1 50£ l 7 8 6 18 2 1 5 48 5 1 1 4 1 12 1 1 1 1 2 8 34 1 2 49 14 14 New Hampshire Vermont 10 Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Maryland Delaware Virginia Kentucky Ohio Indiana Missouri Michigan Illinois Texas Wisconsin Iowa California Minnesota Oregon Kansas Nebraska District of Columbia Totals 10 2d Ballot. STATES. •d s- d c* o a c 3 OB a d u s Gd U R d o - o o5 CO cS o c c ►. d G >> d 'J Maine 10 1 22 TO 4 2^ 3 6 9 10 4 3 4 48 4 8 1 2 New Hampshire Vermont. . . Massachusetts. . . Rhode Island 3 • — i — Connecticut o _ 2 New York New Jersey 2^ — 10 Pennsylvania Maryland 160 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM 2d Ballot. STATES. u ciJ & 4) CO y 13 PQ c o 0) a O (3 o O n o O Delaware 8 7 12 6 10 2 8 8 6 3 2 6 14 9 14 26 22 5 1 18 5 1 3 6 29 2 10 — Kentucky. . — Ohio — Missouri — Michigan — ■ — — — Dist. of Columbia Totals my 2 i 181 35 2 8 42K 2 . STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts . . , Rhode Island . . . Connecticut New York New Jersey. Pennsylvania . . Maryland Delaware Virginia Kentucky Ohio 8d Ballot. 10 1 18 1 1 70 5 2 4 15 6 9 10 8 5 4 52 9 6 14 13 29 3 o +J >> a Q O 161 OUR PRESIDENTS 3d Ballot. STATES. *d u OS »3 o +1 m 6 CO d O c' u c 3 c •J a o -t-> >> d Q d O Indiana 12 6 10 2 8 8 1 6 3 2 18 2 26 22 4 1 — — Missouri Michigan Illinois Texas Wisconsin Iowa California Minnesota Oregon Kansas Nebraska Dist. of Columbia Totals 180 22 24^ 231^ 5 1 1 So keen were the disappointments of the New York dele- gation, and Mr. Weed, who was the Seward leader, that when earnestly urged to name a candidate for Vice-President, who would have been accepted by a nearly unanimous vote, they churlishly refused to do so. Governor Morgan would have been taken as the candidate to emphasize the desire of the friends of Lincoln to recognize the friends of Seward, but he peremptorily refused to accept it, and the convention then nominated Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, as a representative of the Democratic-Republican element ; but New York divided her vote between five candidates, giving a bare ma- jority to Hamlin from personal choice. As the friends of Seward declined to indicate a candidate for Vice-President the convention reassembled in the even- ing to enter a free-for-all race for the second place on the ticket. Hamlin commanded nearly a solid vote from New England that attracted others. He was known throughout the country as the man who had resigned the chairmanship of his committee in the Senate in 1856 to declare himself for Fremont, although an earnest Democrat up to that time, and that he had accepted the Republican nomination for Gov- 162 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM ernor and won out by an overwhelming majority. There was a strong sentiment in the convention in favor of Cassius M. Clay, not because he was personally preferred, but because it was thought wise by many to desectionalize the party by taking a candidate for Vice-President from a Slave State. Hamlin had a good lead on the ist ballot, and on the 2d won an easy victory. The two ballots were as follows : 1st Ballot. 2d Ballot. STATES. O 09 M a ffl \ u 0) c £ 1 ffl O a S tylaine 2 9 h 3 23 23 18 4 2 5 1 1 2 20 1 4 9 1 1 1 2 7 24 16 1 1 2 11 7 1 1 9 2 8 1 3 6 5 16 10 10 1 8 5 35 6 11 8 2 48 8 8 2 5 6 6 1 16 10 10 26 8 10 70 14 54 10 6 46 , 12 13 8 20 5 3 7 7 3 2 2 1 23 28 14 5 4 2 6 5 1 1 1 New Hampshire Vermont — Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut 9 New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Maryland Delaware Virginia Kentucky Ohio Indiana Missouri Michigan Illinois Wisconsin Iowa California Minnesota Oregon 2 Kansas 3 Nebraska 6 District of Columbia.. . Totals 101}4 38^ 51 58 194 367 86 13 The Chicago convention that nominated Lincoln for Pres- ident was not only the ablest national political body that ever 163 OUR PRESIDENTS met in the country up to that time, but it exhibited the high- est type of political strategy. It has never since then been equalled in ability and leadership, with the single exception of the Republican convention of 1880, in which the friends of Grant made their last stand to give their chieftain a third term. As compared with these two, all subsequent conven- tions were tame. The following platform was unanimously adopted : Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Repub- lican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in dis- charge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : 1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Cpnsti- tution — " that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed " — is essential to the preserva- tion of our republican institutions ; and that the Federal Constitu- tion, the rights of the States, and the union of the States, must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the States this nation owes its unprec- edented increase in population, its surprising development of ma- terial resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we con- gratulate the country that no Republican' member of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own do- mestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and en- durance of our political fabric depends ; and we denounce the law- less invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its des- 164 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM perate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas ; in construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in person ; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Fed- eral courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people. 6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extrava- gance which pervades every department of the Federal Government ; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans ; while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit pro- visions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Con- stitution against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individual, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave-trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of ju- dicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 11. That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people and accepted by the House of Representatives. 12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen lib- eral wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enter- prise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence. 13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of 165 OUR PRESIDENTS the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free-homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or sup- pliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has al- ready passed the House. 14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. The bitter estrangement of Douglas and President Buchanan made an impassable gulf between Douglas and the radical Southerners who stood by Buchanan. Douglas had a desperate contest in his State for re-election to the Senate in 1858, when he was opposed by Lincoln as the Republican candidate, and was even more vindictively opposed by all the power of the national administration. Lincoln won the State, as he carried the Republican or Union State ticket, but the legislative districts were so gerrymandered that Douglas won the Legislature and came back in triumph to defy the President. There was no reasonable prospect, therefore, of Democratic unity in the campaign of i860. Douglas, who was the most astute of all the Democratic pol- iticians of his day, clearly foresaw that the violent attitude of the South must result in the defeat of the slavery party and the early extinction of slavery ; but slavery had always been omnipotent since the battle began, and it would not learn that its mastery could be overthrown. The Democratic National Convention was called for the first time to meet far South, in the city of Charleston, the home of Calhoun, the cradle of nullification, and the one place in the Union where secession ran rampant. It was obviously intended to environ the convention with an army of the ablest Southern leadership. The convention met on the 23d of April, i860, and every State was fully represented, with double delegations from Illinois and New York. The few administration followers in Illinois had made a rump Democratic organization and sent an anti-Douglas delega- tion to Charleston, and in New York they had another con- test between the " Hards" and the " Softs," the " Hards" being opposed to Douglas and the " Softs" for him. Caleb Cushing was made permanent president, and it was decided that no ballot should be had for President until a platform was adopted. On the following day the convention did not 166 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM get beyond the settlement of contested seats, admitting the " Softs" of New York and the Douglas men from Illinois, and the debates on even the most trivial disputes were un- usually bitter. On the third dav threats of bolting became common among the Southern delegates, as the admission of the Douglas delegates from New York and Illinois clearly indicated that the Douglas people controlled the convention. On the fourth day majority and minority reports were made on the platform, the majority by Mr. Avery, of North Caro- lina, and the minority by Mr. Payne, of Ohio. General Ben- jamin F. Butler, who was a prominent delegate in the con- vention, as he would be anywhere, and who voted for Jef- ferson Davis for the Presidency right along, presented a minority report of his own, and Senator Bayard, of Dela- ware, followed with a platform of his invention. On the fifth day Senator Bigler, of Pennsylvania, moved to recom- mit the platforms to the committee with instructions to re- port in an hour, and the motion to recommit was carried, 152 to 151, while the motion to instruct was lost by a very large vote. On the same day Mr. Avery, from the majority of the committee on platform, reported a new declaration of prin- ciples, and an elaborate discussion followed, and Mr. Sam- uels, of Iowa, presented a new minority report. After a protracted and ill-tempered debate, it was finally decided that the vote on the platform should be taken on Monday, the 30th, and on that day the convention proceeded to vote without debate. Butler's platform was rejected by 198 to 105. Next the minority report of Mr. Samuels, being the Douglas platform, was carried by 165 to 138. The report of the committee as amended was then adopted without a vote by States, upon which the Alabama delegation pre- sented a written protest announcing the purpose of the del- egates to withdraw from the convention. The Mississippi, Florida, and Texas delegations gave like notice, and the Louisiana delegation excepting two, the South Carolina delegation excepting three, with three of the Arkansas dele- gation, two of the Delaware delegation, including Senator Bayard, and one from North Carolina then withdrew from the convention. There were great pomp and ceremony in this proceeding, as formal protests and elaborate speeches were made by the retiring delegates. The convention was thus largely depleted, but a resolution, declaring that two- thirds of a full convention, being 202 votes, shall be neces- 167 OUR PRESIDENTS sary to make nominations, was adopted by 141 to 112. The convention then proceeded to ballot for President with the following result: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 45. 56. 57. BALLOTS. O Q 145^ 147 148^ 149 149^ 149^ 150y 2 150^ 150^ 150^ 150^ 150^ 149^ 150 150 150 150 150 150 150 150^ 150^ 152^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 152^ 152^ 152^ 152 151^ 151^ 151^1 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151^ 151 V* 151^ 151^ 151^ 35 36J^ 42 37^ 37^ 39^ 38^ 38^ 41 39^ 39^ 39^ 39^ 41 41^ 42 42 41^ 42 4!^ 41^ 41^ 41 y> 41^ 41^ 42^ 42 42 45 47^ 47^ 47^ 47^| 47^ 48 64^ 66 66^ 66^ 66^ 65Y 2 , 26 25 y* 25 m, 25 m 25 12 25 12 25 12V« 25 13 25 13 32V4 3 22^ 3 22y , 3 wy 9i 5 22 4^-, 22 4^ 16 m, 16 W9, 16 5^, 16 5V6 16 5^ 16 5 16 5 16 5 16 5 16 5 16 5 16 5 16 4 16 4 16 4 16 4 16 4 20^ 2 16 4 16 4 16 4 M 6 7 6 6 6 5^ 6^ 6 20 20^ 20^ 20^ 20^ 20U 20i| 20^ 20^ 20^ 19^ 19^ 19^ 9 5^ 5^ 5^ 14^ 8* 13 12^ 13 12^ 12^ 12^ 13 13 13 13 13 13 13 14 14 14 14 14 16 14 14 14 y* 2H 2^ 168 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM * Douglas had a large plurality of the votes, but could not obtain even a two-thirds vote of the remaining delegates. After the 57th ballot a motion was made to adjourn the con- vention to reassemble at Baltimore on the 18th of June. That was adopted by 195 to 55, whereupon President Cushing ad- journed the convention to reconvene in Baltimore. The re- tiring delegates met at St. Andrew's Hall, in Charleston, elected Senator Bayard, of Delaware, president, and after much discussion adopted a platform of its own. After spending four days wholly devoted to discussion, that body adjourned to reconvene in Richmond on the second Monday in June. This convention reconvened in Richmond on the nth of June, with delegates from Alabama, Texas, Louisi- ana, Mississippi, Georgia, South Carolina, Florida, Tennes- see, and Virginia. John Erwin, of Alabama, was made President, when it adjourned to meet again in Richmond on the 2 1st of June, and reassembled on that day and awaited the action of the Democratic seceders of the Baltimore con- vention, who nominated Breckenridge and Lane, when it accepted the candidates of the seceders and their platform, and adjourned sine die. The regular Democratic National Convention reassembled in Baltimore on the 18th of June, and the first three days were devoted to a wrangling discussion on rules, platforms, rights of delegates, etc. The first disturbing questions the convention had to meet were the admission of delegates and the right of partial delegations representing States to cast the full vote of the State. The decision of the convention started another small tidal wave of secession and Virginia re- tired. North Carolina followed, then Tennessee, and a por- tion of Maryland. Later California and Delaware withdrew with a part of Kentucky, and President Cushing became so disgusted that he resigned his position and bolted himself. The convention finally proceeded to ballot for President, and two ballots were had, with the following result : OUR PRESIDENTS 1st Ballot. 2D Ballot. STATES. u5 "So o Q 6 12 'u C M o u ffl 0> O to ci So o 0) !H • c O 0) 1-1 ffl 0) 'u O - Maine 5M 5 5 10 4 %% 35 10 ^A IK 9 6 b 23 13 11 6 5 4 2K 1 3 ~K K 3 IK *K 1 7 5 5 10 4 BK 35 2y 2 10 3 1 9 6 1^ J* 3 23 13 11 6 5 4 4 H 7 New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Terse v Pennsylvania 2K Maryland Virginia North Carolina Alabama /• Louisiana Arkansas Missouri IK Tennessee Kentucky *K Ohio Indiana Illinois Michigan Wisconsin ; _ Iowa Minnesota 173^ 5 10 181^ ?K 5K As Douglas had received nearly the unanimous vote of the remaining delegates, it was finally resolved that as he had two-thirds of all the votes given in the convention, he was the nominee of the party for President. Benjamin Fitzpat- rick, Senator from Alabama, was nominated for Vice-Presi- dent, receiving 198J votes to 1 for William C. Alexander, of New Jersey. Senator Fitzpatrick declined the nomination when notified of it, and the National Committee supplied the vacancy by the nomination of Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia. The platform adopted by this convention was as follows : AND HOW WE MAKE THEM I. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in conven- tion assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic convention at Cincinnati in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when ap- plied to the same subject-matters; and we recommend as the only further resolutions the following: Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial legisla- ture, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Con- stitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the Territories — 2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of con- stitutional law. 3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. 4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be- tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional government aid as will insure the con- struction of a railroad to the Pacific Coast at the earliest practicable period. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honor- able to ourselves and just to Spain. 6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in char- acter, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effects. 7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the Territorial governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, im- posed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Government. The seceders from the Baltimore convention, who were really representing the seceders from the Charleston con- vention then in session at Richmond, immediately organized a new convention in the Front Street Theatre, of Baltimore, with 21 States fully or partially represented. Caleb Cushing was made chairman, and after adopting the two-thirds rule, a ballot was had for President, all of the votes being cast for J. C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, by the following States : OUR PRESIDENTS Vermont % Massachusetts 8 New York 2 Pennsylvania 4 Maryland 4J£ Virginia 11^| North Carolina 8j| Georgia 10 Florida 3 Alabama 9 Louisiana 6 Mississippi 7 Texas 4 Arkansas 4 Missouri 1 Tennessee 9^ Kentucky 4)| Minnesota 1 California 4 Oregon 3 Breckenridge, having received the unanimous vote of the convention, was declared the candidate with great enthusi- asm, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, received a like unanimous vote for Vice-President on the 1st ballot. The convention then adopted the following platform, being the same that had been reported to the Charleston convention by the ma- jority of the platform committee : Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolu- tions : i. That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary ; and during its existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their rights either of person or of property being destroyed or impaired by Congressional legis- lation. 2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its de- partments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State constitution, the right of sovereignty com- mences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States ; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institu- tion of slavery. 4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. 5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faith- ful execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in character, sub- versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. 6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens. Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy com- munication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts — 172 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Therefore be it Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. A convention of delegates, representing the Constitutional Union party, met at Baltimore on the 9th of May and nom- inated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. Two ballots were had, as follows : John Bell Samuel Houston.. . . John M. Botts John McLean J. J. Crittendon Edward Everett . . . William Goggin . . . William A. Graham William L. Sharkey William C. Rieves. . 1st Ballot. 2d Ballot. 68^ 57 138 69 21 7 1 28 1 25 3 22 9^ 18 • 7 13 8M Mr. Bell was declared the unanimous choice of the con- vention, and Mr. Everett was unanimously nominated with- out the formality of a ballot. The following platform was adopted by this convention : Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties, therefore — Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws, and that, as representatives of the constitutional Union men of the country in national convention assembled, we hereby pledge our- selves to maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the 173 OUR PRESIDENTS example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- mon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. It will be noticed that the American party had entirely dis- appeared as a political factor in i860, and what was called the Constitutional Union party had its origin from a num- ber of old and conservative Americans who could not follow either of the old parties. The movement originated chiefly with the friends of General Houston, of Texas, who had separated from the Democratic party and was elected Gov- ernor of his State after he identified himself with the Ameri- can organization. It was expected by those who did the pre- liminary work of organizing the Constitutional Union party that Houston would be made the candidate for President, and it will be seen that on the 1st ballot he was within 9 votes of Bell. The movement gained unexpected strength through the North, and when the delegates assembled at Bal- timore a majority of them regarded it as a necessity to nom- inate two of the ablest, cleanest, and most conservative men of the country, and John Bell was taken because it was known that he could command a much larger vote from the old Whigs and Americans of the South, where the Republi- cans could have no votes, than any other candidate. The American party never reappeared in the political arena after 1856, when it succeeded in carrying the electoral vote of Maryland for Fillmore. The contest was one of great activity, with much more. bit- terness exhibited by the Democratic factions toward each other than either displayed toward the Republicans. Douglas took the stump and spoke as far South as New Orleans, throughout the West, in various places in New York and other Eastern States. His speeches were the ablest and most aggressive ever delivered in a national contest. Lincoln, Breckenridge, and Bell took no prominent individual part in the battle. One of the peculiar features of the cam- paign of i860 was the development of a war spirit in the North that was quickened by the organization known as " The Wide-A wakes." They were Republican organizations uniformed by caps and capes, and each one carrying a lantern in night processions. Many of them drilled as military com- panies, for the threat of war came up with almost every echo 174 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM from the South. The young men of the North, and espe- cially the young men just from our colleges, entered largely and very enthusiastically into the Lincoln ranks, and in no previous Presidential battle was there such able and general discussion of public questions on the hustings. The slavery question had presented a new phase to the people of the North. It was not a mere battle against slavery, although that appealed very strongly to the convictions of most of the Republicans, but the South had, by the deliverances of its leading men, made the issue directly against the mastery of the free labor of the North. It was denounced by some of the ablest Southern leaders as unworthy of respect or recogni- tion, holding that labor was menial, and that the North was made up very largely of " small-fisted farmers" and " greasy mechanics," and Senator Chestnut, of South Carolina, who delivered the most honest and one of the ablest speeches on the labor question, compared the slave labor of the South most favorably with the " mud-sills of the North." This at- titude of the South logically brought the most intelligent labor classes of all conditions into the support of the Repub- lican ticket to vindicate their own manhood and indepen- dence. The following table presents the popular and electoral vote: STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts. . Rhode Island . . . Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania. . . Delaware Maryland Virginia 62,811 37,519 33,803 106,533 12,244 43,792 362,646 58,324 268,030 3,815 2,294 1,929 Popular Vote. e4 bo o Q a ID m 26,693 25,881 6,849 34,372 7,707t 15,522 312,510t 62,801t 16,765 1,023 5,966 16,290 bo CQ :m 6,368 2,112 218 5,939 14,641 178,8711 7,337 42,482 74,323 2,046 441 1,969 22,331 3,291 12,776 3,864 41,760 74,681 Electoral Vote 5 5 13 4 6 35 4 27 15 i75 OUR PRESIDENTS Popular Vote. Electoral Vote STATES. c o o c p A ai u & < en «S "3 O a a o Q O of be 3 "C c o o d c O >— i c c "3 c O o o c 3 OS "Si s o Q 9 D w 2 o | George W. Cass, Pa 26 Daniel W. Voorhees, Ind. . ..13 J. H. Caton 16 Augustus C. Dodge, Iowa. . . 9 John S. Phelps, Mo 8 Very soon after the 2d ballot began Mr Guthrie's name was withdrawn, followed by the withdrawal of other candi- dates, and Mr. Pendleton was nominated unanimously. The following platform was adopted with little opposition : Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution as the only- solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people, and as a framework of Government equally conducive to the wel- fare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern. Resolved, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the 190 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretence of a military necessity, or war power higher than the Con- stitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the ma- terial prosperity of the country essentially impaired — justice, hu- manity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ulti- mate convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal union of the States. Resolved, That the direct interference of the military authorities of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Mary- land, Missouri, and Delaware was a shameful violation of the Con- stitution ; and a repetition of such acts in the approaching election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power under our control. Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired; and they hereby declare that they consider that the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection ; the arbitrary military arrest, imprison- ment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law exists in full force; the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press ; the denial of the right of asylum ; the open and avowed disregard of State rights ; the employment of unusual test oaths ; and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms in their defence ; are calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who are now, and long have been, prisoners of war and in a suffering condition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and com- mon humanity. Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors of our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea, under the flag of our country ; and, in the event of its attaining power, they will receive all the care, protection, and regard that the brave sol- diers and sailors of the Republic have so nobly earned. The renomination of Lincoln by the Republican National Convention was so entirely assured early in the year that the Republican opponents of the President made a desperate effort to crystallize an opposition to Lincoln of such formid- able character as to compel the national convention to choose another candidate. The call for the Republican convention to meet at Baltimore was issued on the 226. of February, and very active efforts were made by the leaders of the 191 OUR PRESIDENTS opposition to place a Republican ticket in the field before Lincoln could be renominated. A mass convention was called, to meet at Cleveland on the 31st of May, and some three hundred and fifty responded to the call. John Coch- rane, of New York, was made permanent president, and without the formality of a ballot John C. Fremont was nominated for President and John Cochrane for Vice- President by acclamation. Both promptly accepted the nominations, but instead of inspiring Republican revolt against Lincoln, as was anticipated, the nominations gave no exhibition of popular strength, and after considerable conference between the insurgents and the regulars, Fremont and Cochrane announced their retirement from the contest on the 2 1 st of September, and urged the re-election of Lincoln. The following platform was adopted by the Fre- mont convention : First. That the Federal Union shall be preserved. Second. That the Constitution and laws of the United States must be observed and obeyed. Third. That the Rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms, and without compromise. Fourth. That the rights of free speech, free press, and the habeas corpus be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been proclaimed. Fifth. That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Federal Constitution should be amended to prohibit its re-establishment, and to secure to all men absolute equality before the law. Sixth. That integrity and economy are demanded at all times in the administration of the Government, and that in time of war the want of them is criminal. Seventh. That the right of asylum, except for crime and sub- ject to law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; that any violation of it cannot be overlooked, and must not go unre- buked. Eighth. That the national policy known as the " Monroe Doc- trine" has become a recognized principle, and that the establish- ment of an anti-republican government on this continent by any foreign power cannot be tolerated. Ninth. That the gratitude and support of the nation are due to the faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy for their heroic achievements of deathless valor in defence of our imperilled country and civil liberty. Tenth. That the one-term policy for the Presidency adopted by the people is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and should be maintained by constitutional amendments. Eleventh. That the Constitution should be so amended that the President and Vice-President shall be elected by a direct vote of the people. 192 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Twelfth. That the question of the reconstruction of the rebellious States belongs to the people, through their representatives in Con- gress, and not to the Executive. Thirteenth. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a meas- ure of justice. The country was prepared, at the time the Democratic platform was adopted, to receive its demands relating to the war with some respect, but the aspect of the contest was speedily changed by Sherman's capture of Atlanta and Sheridan's brilliant victories in the Shenandoah Valley. General McClellan and his friends appreciated the unfortu- nate expression of the convention against the war, that was made very generally odious among loyal people by the thrilling victories of the army, and in his letter of acceptance, that he delayed long enough to give the fullest consideration to the subject, he plainly dissented from the war plank of the platform. He said : " I could not look in the face of my gallant comrades of the army and navy who have survived so many bloody battles and tell them that their labors and the sacrifice of so many of our slain and wounded brethren had been in vain, that we had abandoned that Union for which we have so often perilled our lives ;" to which he added : " No peace can be permanent without union." While the contest had been fairly doubtful and at times exceedingly gloomy for Lincoln, the victories of Sherman and Sheridan caused a sudden tidal wave, that utterly over- whelmed McClellan and left him the worst defeated candi- date of history in any contested election, receiving only 21 electoral votes to 212 for Lincoln. The following table gives the popular and electoral vote, with the soldier vote in a separate table, as cast in the field : STATTP^ Popular Vote. Electoral Vote. Lincoln. McClellan. Lincoln. McClellan. Maine 72,278 36,595 42,422 126,742 14,343 44,693 47,736 33,034 13,325 48,745 8,718 42,288 7 5 5 12 4 6 New Hampshire Vermont — Massachusetts . . . Rhode Island Connecticut 193 OUR PRESIDENTS STATES. Popular Vote. Lincoln. ' McClellan. New York New Jersey. . . Pennsylvania Delaware .... Maryland Kentucky .... West Virginia. Ohio Indiana , Illinois Michigan Iowa Wisconsin Minnesota Kansas Missouri Nevada* California Oregon Totals. 368,726 60,723 296,389 8,155 40,153 27,786 23.223 265.154 150,422 189,487 85,352 87,331 79,564 25.060 14,228 72,991 9,826 62,134 9.SSS 2.213,665 361, 68, 276. 8, 32, 64, 10, 205, 130, 158, 67, 49, 63, 17, 3, 31, 6, 43, 986 014 308 767 739 301 457 568 233 349 370 260 875 375 871 026 594 841 457 1,802.237 Electoral Vote. Lincoln. ! McClellan. 33 26 21 13 16 4 3 11 2 5 3 212 11 21 *Xevada chose three electors, one of whom died before election. STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Pennsylvania . . . Maryland Kentucky Ohio Michigan Iowa Wisconsin California Totals Soldier Vote. Lincoln. 4,174 2,066 243 26,712 2,800 1,194 41,146 9,402 15,178 11,372 2,600 116,887 McClellan. 741 690 49 12,349 321 2,823 9,757 2,959 1,364 2,458 237 33.74S The army vote of Vermont, Kansas,, and Minnesota was not received in time to be taken into the official count, and part of the vote of Wisconsin was rejected for informality. 194 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM The States of Tennessee and Louisiana also held elections and were carried for Lincoln, but their votes were not neces- sary to the election of the Republican ticket, and although Lincoln earnestly desired that these States should be recog- nized and the votes counted, Congress, by joint resolution, that Lincoln signed with great reluctance, declared that they should not be recognized, and they were omitted in the final count by Congress. Pennsylvania was the only Republican State that faltered in the fall elections of 1864. There was no State ticket to be chosen, and the Republicans in charge of the campaign assumed that Lincoln would carry the State without extraor- dinary efforts, while the friends of McClellan, a native of the State, with strong individual and social relations, made exhaustive efforts to give him the victory. The October election was practically a stand-off, and Lincoln telegraphed me on the morning after the election to come to Washington. He was much distressed at the attitude of our State, and apprehensive that New York, with Horatio Seymour as Governor, one of the ablest Democrats of the country, might vote for McClellan, as Tammany was then in the very zenith of its power. I had been Chairman of the State Committee when Lincoln was elected in i860, and General Cameron was my successor in 1864. He was thoroughly competent for the task, but evidently did not appreciate the perils which confronted him. Lincoln asked me to join Cameron and devote the intervening month between the October and November elections to assure a victory. I answered that I could not make the suggestion to Cameron, as our political relations were not especially friendly, to which he replied, asking me whether I would do it if so requested by Cameron. I of course assented, and the following day I received a letter from Cameron at my home in Chambersburg, requesting me to join him, where I found Honorable Wayne MacVeagh, who had been the Republican chairman the year before and who was then not more friendly to Cameron than myself. We all united in an earnest effort to win the State, always acting in entire harmony with Cameron and his committee. I had private quarters at the Continental, while Cameron's quarters were at the Girard, and, as requested, advised Lincoln each day of the apparent progress of the battle. My reports were not so assuring as he desired, for the 195 OUR PRESIDENTS friends of McClellan, inspired by the partial victory of October, renewed their energies for the November fight. Postmaster-General Dennison came to see me on a special mission from Lincoln about two weeks before the election to learn the situation as precisely as possible, and I had to tell him that I saw but little hope of carrying the State on the home vote. The army vote would doubtless be largely for Lincoln and give him the State, but it would be declared a "bayonet election," and with such a result in Pennsylvania, and New York lost, as was possible, while Lincoln's election could not be defeated, as the Southern States did not vote, the moral power of the new administration to prosecute the war and attain peace would be greatly impaired. My answer to Lincoln was that I would go to Washington within a few days if it should appear necessary to take extreme measures to save the State on the home vote. As the political conditions did not improve, I telegraphed to Lincoln that I would meet him at nine o'clock in the evening to discuss the campaign. I found him nervously anxious about Pennsylvania, although not doubting his re-election. He knew that New York was trembling in the balance and might be lost, and his fears were fully war- ranted, as he had but little over 6000 majority in a million votes. I told him that I had not confidence in the State being carried by the home vote, but that it could be done without interfering with the military operations of the army, as Grant was then besieging Petersburg and Sheridan had whipped the Confederates clear out of the valley. I sug- gested that he should in some way have Grant furlough five thousand Pennsylvania soldiers home for twenty days, and that Sheridan should do the same, as that vote cast at home would insure a home majority. He hesitated about making the request of Grant for reasons which I could not understand, and I then suggested that General Meade was a soldier and a gentleman, and that he could safely senc an order to him as Commander of the Army of the Potomac, and that Meade would obey it and permit the order to be returned. A messenger from the War Office went the next morning to Meade, bearing the order from Lincoln, brought it bad with him, and fully five thousand Pennsylvania soldiers wen furloughed to return home. I said : " How about Sheridan ?" Lincoln's face brightened and with great enthusiasm he said : 196 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM " Oh, Phil ; he's all right." The same order went to Sheridan, of which no record was ever kept, and Sheridan sent five thousand of his veterans home to vote as they shot, and Lincoln's majority on the home vote was 5712, to which the army vote added 14,363, making a total majority in the State of 20,075. It is not generally known how earnestly Lincoln labored for compensated emancipation. He made earnest efforts to save the Border States to the Union by the assurance of compensation for slaves, and even after all the slave States south of the Potomac and the Ohio had joined the Confed- eracy, he adhered to the policy of compensated emancipation until the day of his death. In August, 1864, when the political situation presented a very gloomy aspect, I had a long conference with Lincoln at the White House, and he then introduced the subject of compensated emancipa- tion. In that conversation he gave me the first intimation of his purpose to try and end the war by paying the South $400,000,000 as compensation for the freedom of the slaves. He had the proposition written out in his own handwriting, but he well knew that if such a purpose on his part were made public, it would make his re-election impossible. He discussed it freely and very earnestly, however, and said that he regarded compensated emancipation as the only way to restore fellowship between the States. He did not doubt the ability of the North to overthrow the military power of the Confederacy, but what he most feared was that the people of the South, driven to desperation by the severe sacrifices they had suffered, and the general desola- tion of their country, that gave them no hope of regaining prosperity, would make their armies disband into guerrilla squads and would be implacable in their resentments against the Government. In all of the many expressions I heard Lincoln make use of, toward the close of the war, he always exhibited an earnest desire to do something that would impressively teach the Southern people that they were not to be held as con- quered subjects of a despotic power, but were to come back into the Union and enjoy the blessings of a reunited people. Lincoln believed that in no way could he so widely and profoundly impress the Southern people with the desire of the Government to deal with them in generous justice as 197 OUR PRESIDENTS by paying them $400,000,000 as compensation for the loss of their slaves. I can never forget the earnestness with which he spoke of this proposition at a time when he did not dare breathe it to the public. He said the war was costing $4,000,000 a day, and that it would certainly last for more than four months, thus costing the Government more than the whole amount he would have gladly given as compensation for the freedom of the slaves, not to calculate the sacrifice of life and destruction of property. He fretted because he could not convey to the South what he bejieved should be done to close the war and enable them to re- establish their homes and fruitful fields. He believed in his theory of compensated emancipation until his death, and he abandoned it only a short time before the surrender of Lee. He would have suggested it to Vice-President Stephens, of the Confederacy, at their City Point meeting in the winter of 1865, had not Stephens advised him at the outset that he was instructed by Jefferson Davis to entertain no proposition that did not perpetuate the Confederacy, and after his return he wrote a message to Congress in favor of it, submitted it to his Cabinet, by which it was nearly or quite unanimously disapproved, and he endorsed upon it the disapproval of the Cabinet and laid it away. Lincoln was the most notable combination of sadness and mirth that I ever met with in any of our public men. His face in repose, under all circumstances, was one of the saddest I ever beheld. It would brighten in conversation, and at times would portray a measure of sorrow that could not be surpassed. He was from his youth much given to melancholy. While he was known as fond of sports and brimful of humor, a very large portion of his life was always given to isolation and solitude, when he gave free latitude to the melancholy tendencies of his mind. Strange as it may seem, he was always a hopeful man, never pessimistic, and always inclined when discussing any question to take the bright side. He was severely conscien- tious in his convictions and in his actions. He had faith in the present and greater faith in the future. He had been in early life what is now commonly called an agnostic, with a strong inclination to atheism, but in his mature years he never exhibited a trace of it. I have never known any man who had greater reverence for God than Abraham Lincoln. Throughout his writings, political and otherwise, will be 198 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM found multiplied expressions of his abiding faith in the Great Ruler of nations and individuals. In a single sentence to be found in Lincoln's second in- augural address the country and the world have the most complete portrayal of his character. When he was inau- gurated for a second term as President, on the 4th of March, 1865, the military power of the Confederacy was broken, and many in his position would have exhibited the pride of the victor over the vanquished on such an occasion ; but after stating in the kindest and most temperate language the duty of himself and of the patriotic people of the country to protect the Union against dismemberment, he does not utter a word of resentment against the South. " With mal- ice toward none; with charity for all," was the brief and eloquent sentence in which he defined the duty of those who had then substantially destroyed the power of the Rebellion. That beautiful expression came from the heart of Abraham Lincoln, and it profoundly impressed the whole country, then wildly impassioned by the bitterness of fraternal strife. He knew the resentments which must confront him in restoring the shattered fragments of the Union, and his supreme desire was to have the bitterness of the conflict perish when peace came. No man who has filled the Presidential chair was so vin- dictively and malignantly defamed as was Lincoln in the South. The opponents of the war in the North were guilty of unpardonable assaults upon his integrity, his ability, and his methods, but the South had no knowledge of him, as he had filled no important part in national affairs before his election to the Presidency; and his humble birth in Ken- tucky, close by the birthplace of Jefferson Davis, and his exaggerated rudeness of appearance and manner made the people of the South ready to believe anything to his discredit. He was proclaimed throughout the Confederacy as a second Nero; as a bloody and remorseless butcher; as a vulgar clown who met the sorrows of the nation with ribald jest. Not a single virtue was conceded to him. No one could know Lincoln well without seeing some features of his home life. I have seen him in grave conversa- tion with public men on the most momentous subjects, when ' Tad " Lincoln, his favorite boy, would rush into the room, bounce on to his father's lap, throw his arms around his neck, and play hobby-horse on his foot regardless of all the sacred 199 OUR PRESIDENTS affairs of State. There never was a frown from the father, and the fretting questions of even a great war seemed to per- ish until '" Tad '" had completed his romp. The greatest sor- row of Lincoln's life shadowed the altar of his own home, and it was one he had to suffer in silence. The calamity that befell Mrs. Lincoln after his death was visible to those who had opportunity to see for themselves at an early period of his administration. Mrs. Lincoln was mentally unbalanced, but not sufficiently so to prevent the performance of her so- cial functions, and her vagaries often led to severe reflections upon the President, at times even to the extent of charging her with sympathy for the South, as her brothers were prom- inent in the Southern army. I first saw Mrs. Lincoln at Harrisburg on the night that Lincoln made his midnight journey to Washington, and the greatest difficulty we had on that occasion was to prevent her from creating a scene that would have given publicity to the movement. I thought her a fool, and was so disgusted with her that I never spoke to her afterward, although I had fre- quently gone with ladies to her receptions. I wronged her, for she was then not wholly responsible, and soon after Lin- coln's death the climax came, leaving her to grope out the remainder of her life in the starless midnight of insanity. With Lincoln's many other sorrows, considering his love of home and family, it may be understood how keenly he suf- fered, and how he was clouded by shadows for which the world could give no relief. Xo man ever came in contact with Abraham Lincoln who did not learn to love, honor, and even reverence him. His ablest political enemies ever paid the highest tributes, not only to his personal attributes, but to his masterly ability, and none surpassed Stephen A. Douglas, the ablest foeman Lin- coln ever met, in his appreciation of Lincoln's qualities. He had to accept vastly the gravest responsibilities ever put upon any President of the L'nited States, and I am quite sure that no other man could have filled Lincoln's place during the Civil "War with equal safety to the Republic. Had he been vindictive and resentful his fame would not be without blemish to-day. "What was to me the most beautiful tribute I have ever heard paid to him came from the lips of Jefferson Davis, when I visited him at his home in Mississippi some ten years after the war. He never tired of discussing the character 200 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM and the actions of Lincoln, and asked me many questions about his personal qualities. After he had heard all that could be given in the brief time that I had, he said with a degree of mingled earnestness and pathos that few could have equalled: " Next to the destruction of the Confederacy, the death of Abraham Lincoln was the darkest day the South has ever known." THE GRANT-SEYMOUR CONTEST 1868 To the casual reader of our political history, the election and re-election of Grant to the Presidency immediately after the close of the war would seem to be a result at once logical and inevitable ; but there are few of the present day who have any knowledge of the many obstacles which confronted Grant in his transfer from the highest military to the highest civil duties of the nation. It is noted that Grant, the Great Captain of the Age. was elected and re-elected by large majorities ; that General Hayes, another soldier of national fame, succeeded him ; that General Garfield, a soldier-statesman, succeeded Hayes, defeating Hancock, the most brilliant Democratic soldier of the war, by only a few thousands on the popular vote ; that Blaine, the first civilian candidate of the party, was the first Republican to suffer defeat after the political revolution of i860; that General Harrison, another honored soldier, was successful as the Republican candidate in 1888, and that Major McKinley, now Chief Magistrate of the Republic, carried his musket as a private in the flame of battle, and came out of the war an officer promoted for gallantry. With such a line of military Presidents, the natural assumption of the student of our political history would be that General Grant's election came about because none could question its fitness. There were very serious obstacles to Grant's nomination for the Presidency by the Republicans in 1868. First, he was not a Republican and never had been. He had never voted a Republican ticket, and he never cast a Republican ballot until after he had been eight years a Republican Presi- dent. His last vote before he re-entered the army was cast for a radical pro-slavery Democrat, and he did not even sym- 202 U. S. GRANT AND HOW WE MAKE THEM pathize with Stephen A. Douglas in i860, although he lived in Illinois, the home of the great Democratic leader of that day. Second, he was resolutely averse to being a candidate for the Presidency. He was General of the Army, with free- dom to retire without diminution of pay ; he had no political training, and felt himself unfitted for a political career. He was honest and apparently fixed in his purpose not to become a candidate. These objections at first appeared to be in- superable obstacles to Grant's nomination, but he was human, and had he declined the Presidency when it was ap- parently within his reach, he would have stood as the only man in the history of the Republic who had refused its crown. The Democrats were in a hopeless condition, and they at once began a systematic movement to make him their candi- date. This alarmed the Republicans, and they made equally earnest and methodical efforts to make him their leader. It is doubtful upon which side General Grant would have fallen had it not been for the early estrangement between President Johnson and himself. Johnson made repeated attempts to overslaugh him either directly or indirectly. He ordered Grant to Mexico to get him out of the country, but Grant re- fused to go, and he afterward made an earnest effort to supersede Grant by calling General Thomas to the command of the army, but Thomas stubbornly refused to consider the call. As the Republicans were then in bitter warfare against Johnson> Grant logically found sympathy in Republican cir- cles, and finally, with visible reluctance, he agreed to become the candidate of the Republicans. Had he been nominated by the Democrats he would have been elected, but his admin- istration would have greatly conserved and liberalized the Democratic teachings of that day. His final assent to be- come the Republican candidate for President was obtained by the late Colonel Forney. The assassination of Lincoln and the succession of Vice- President Johnson to the Presidency repeated the political history of Tyler and Fillmore in a radical change of the pol- icy of the Government. Johnson started under a cloud in his career as Vice-President. On the day of his inauguration he appeared in the Senate visibly intoxicated, and delivered a maudlin harangue so disgraceful that a correct report was never permitted to be given to the public. The report of that address as severely modified by the omission of the most of- 203 OUR PRESIDENTS fensive expressions was highly discreditable. He was im- mediately hurried away to the country residence of the elder Francis P. Blair, and there remained most of the time until more than a month later, when Lincoln was assassinated. He never attempted to resume his place in the Senate as presiding officer, although he was frequently in Washington and was there on the night of the assassination. As President he at first startled the country by the most violent demands for the punishment of all those prominently igaged in the Rebellion. His favorite declaration was that e made odious." It was not long, however, until his i were materially changed, and he gradually ire sympathy with the South and aggressively icy of the Republicans in Congress. It was ■•etween the Executive and the legislative powers ot tne Government that led to the radical policy of reconstruction and the wholesale enfranchisement of the col- ored voters of the South. All the reconstruction measures were vetoed by the President and passed over his veto by the Senate and House, and the issue grew more and more in bit- terness until it culminated in the impeachment of Johnson, in which he escaped conviction by a single vote. Grant and Johnson had an acrimonious dispute when Grant, as Secre- tary of War ad interim, admitted Stanton back to the office after the Senate had refused to approve his removal by the President, and from that time Grant and Johnson never met or exchanged courtesies on any other than official occasions, where the necessity for it was imperative. When the ar- rangements were about to be made for the inauguration of Grant, he peremptorily refused to permit President Johnson to accompany him in the carriage to the Capitol for the in- auguration ceremonies, and Johnson did not make his ap- pearance on that occasion. I never met President Johnson but once during his term in the White House. I had met him casually before and during the war, but cherished a strong prejudice against him as an arch demagogue because of a debate between him and Senator Bell, his colleague from Tennessee, that I happened to hear in the Senate. Bell was one of the ablest and most dignified of Senators, and I never witnessed a more offensive exhibition of the studied arts of the demagogue than John- son displayed in that Senatorial controversy. It was on some phase of the sectional issue, and Bell's exalted patriotism and 204 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM manly plea for union and fellowship contrasted with John- son as the soaring eagle contrasts with the mousing owl. I had voted for his nomination for Vice-President in the Re- publican convention of 1864, because I surrendered my own preferences to considerations of expediency presented by Lincoln. When he made the disgraceful exhibition of himself on inauguration day as he appeared as Vice-President in the Senate, I published an editorial in my Chambersburg paper denouncing Johnson as having offended against the dignity and decency not only of our own Government, but of civilized governments throughout the world, and demanded his resig- nation. Little more than a month thereafter he became Pres- ident, and a troop of new friends flocked about him. It is needless to say that he was soon advised of the severe Civ- icism I had made upon the inauguration address. I did not see or hear from him or communicate with him in any way until the early fall, when Governor Curtin informed me that he had received a request from the President for Curtin and myself to visit him at Washington. My answer to Curtin was that as he was in an official position it was probably his duty to regard a request from the President as a command, but as I was not anybody of consequence, I would not go. Within a fortnight a second and more pressing request was made to Curtin for us to come to Washington to confer with the President on the political situation. Curtin felt that we should go. He thought it possible that Johnson might yet be saved from political apostasy, although I had no confi- dence whatever in the future of the administration, judging from the surroundings he had invited, but I accompanied the Governor to Washington and called upon the President. At that time Johnson had attempted and largely carried out a scheme of reconstruction of his own, that had gradually drifted him into very close and sympathetic relations with the ruling class of the South that had been active in rebellion. He had appointed provisional Governors, Legislatures had been chosen, Congressmen and Senators had been elected to some extent, and I was utterly surprised to find the President entirely confident that his scheme of reconstruction would be sanctioned by Congress. I was well informed by conference with the leading Republicans of the North as to the policy they would pursue in Congress, and I knew that there was not the shadow of a chance for any of his reconstructed 205 OUR PRESIDENTS States to be readmitted into the Union on the basis of his policy. Curtin's more responsible official position and general dis- trust made him quite willing to avoid discussion with the President, who opened the conversation by an earnest ap- peal to us to give tranquillity to the country and renewed prosperity to business by accepting his method of reconstruc- tion, that he always spoke of as " my policy.'' I answered by stating that it would be simply a waste of time and effort to attempt to maintain his policy, as not a single Senator and Representative then elected to the next Congress, or to be elected thereafter by Southern States as then reconstructed, would be admitted into Congress. He seemed to be utterly amazed at the audacity of such a declaration, and informed me in the most imperious and insolent manner that every State would be restored to the Union and to representation in the coming Congress. I told him that he was suffering from the common misfortune of power in seldom hearing the truth. He exhibited much irritation, and several times walked the full length of the Executive Chamber with rapid step, ap- parently to get cooling time for his passion. He finally tem- pered the discussion by more courteous expression, and we went over the whole ground with rugged frankness on both sides, ending in the disagreement on which we had started. I then asked him what he proposed to do with Jefferson Davis, who was still in prison at Fortress Monroe, charged with complicity in the assassination of Lincoln. I saw that he was much embarrassed by the inquiry, and told him that he owed it to the truth of history, to Davis himself and to public justice to give him a fair trial. I reminded him also that Wurz, who had just been tried by a court-martial for wanton and murderous brutality to the Union prisoners, with the judgment in the case then in the hands of the Gov- ernment, but not announced, would be condemned and ex- ecuted, as he was poor and friendless. I said that if Wurz was guilty of studied brutality to prisoners he deserved to die, but that if he was simply executing the policy of the government of the Confederacy, as was then publicly charged, of deliberately and systematically murdering Union prisoners by giving them unwholesome or insufficient food, and withholding the necessary and possible attention to the sick and dying, the responsible criminal was Jefferson Davis. In answer, the President asked how that could be done, to 206 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM which I responded by saying that a court-martial, consisting of Generals Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Sheridan and Meade, could well be charged with so grave an inquiry, as their judgment would be accepted by the country and the world. If they condemned Davis, he deserved to be executed. If they acquitted him, as I believed they would, he would stand acquitted of one of the most colossal crimes ever charged against an individual. To my surprise, the President answered that there was strong prejudice growing up against court-martials. He was quite right in that declara- tion, as up to that time he had used them freely and almost wholly in the administration of justice in all cases having any connection with the war. He had denounced Davis as an assassin, and in his new relations with the South, which changed his conditions materially, he was anxious to protect Davis, and evidently did not wish his accusations to be passed upon by a competent court. I then said to the President that it was his duty to dis- charge Davis ; that Davis should either be tried or given his liberty at an early day, as he had already been long in prison, and I reminded him also that he could not try a man for treason who was President of a government that had be- leaguered our Capitol for four years, and that had been recognized by our own Government and by the leading gov- ernments of the world as a belligerent power. The discus- sion of the Davis question, that was a very unpleasant one to the President, brought the conference to a finish, and every prediction that I made to him about his reconstruction policy was fulfilled to the letter. Curtin took only an inci- dental part in the conference, and we parted with ceremonial courtesy, never to meet again. While the Republicans had been seriously divided by John- son's defection, chiefly because of the large patronage he had to dispense, their columns became gradually reunited, and in 1868 it was practically a solid Republican party arrayed against Johnson with a very few deserters; and the Democrats, while appreciating Johnson's betrayal of the Republicans, had no love and little respect for the be- trayer. From the time that Grant's candidacy was announced no other aspirant was seriously discussed in Republican cir- cles, and his name brought not only most of the later strag- glers of the party into the fold, but commanded the support of a large Democratic element in addition. 207 OUR PRESIDENTS The Republican National Convention met at Chicago on the 20th of May, and easily finished its work in two days. Carl Schurz was temporary president, and General Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut, was the permanent president. The usual preliminaries were disposed of without jar dur- ing the first day, and the committee on resolutions reported promptly on the morning of the second day. The following is the full text of the platform as adopted by a unanimous vote: The National Republican party of the United States, assembled in national convention in the city of Chicago, on the 21st day of May, 1868, make the following declaration of principles : 1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the re- construction policy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in the majority of the States lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing equal civil and political rights to all ; and it is the duty of the Gov- ernment to sustain those institutions and to prevent the people of such States from being remitted to a state of anarchy. 2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question of suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States. 3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime; and the national honor requires the payment of the public indebt- edness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter, but the spirit of the laws under which it was contracted. 4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized, and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. 5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preserva- tion of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption ; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon, whenever it can be honestly done. 6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is so to improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threat- ened or suspected. 7. The Government of the United States should be administered with the strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical reform. 8. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession to the Presidency of Andrew Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support; who has usurped high legislative and judicial functions; who has refused to execute the laws; who has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws ; who has employed his execu- 208 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM tive powers to render insecure the property, the peace, the liberty and life of the citizen; who has abused the pardoning power; who has denounced the national Legislature as unconstitutional ; who has persistently and corruptly resisted, by every means in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion ; who has perverted the public patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption; and who has been justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of thirty-five Senators. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by the United States as a relic of feudal times, not authorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to protection in all their rights of citizenship, as though they were native born; and no citizen of the United States, native or natural- ized, must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country; and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the Government to inter- fere in his behalf. 10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there were none entitled to more special honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise and imperilled their lives in the service of the country ; the bounties and pensions provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the nation are obligations never to be forgotten ; the widows and orphans of the gallant dead are the wards of the people — a sacred legacy bequeathed to the nation's protecting care. 11. Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, development, and resources, and increase of power to this Republic — the asylum of the oppressed of all nations — should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. 12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed peoples struggling for their rights. 13. We highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forbear- ance with which men who have served in the Rebellion, but who now frankly and honestly co-operate with us in restoring the peace of the country and reconstructing the Southern State governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back into the communion of the loyal people ; and we favor the removal of the disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon the late rebels in the same measure as the spirit of disloyalty will die out, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people. 14. We recognize the great principles laid down in the immortal Declaration of Independence as the true foundation of Democratic government; and we hail with gladness every effort toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of American soil. The convention then proceeded to make nominations, and after an able and impassioned speech by General Logan pre- senting General Grant's' name, the roll was called and every vote responded in favor of Grant, giving 650 in all. As soon 209 OUR PRESIDENTS as the vote was announced, a curtain on the rear of the stage was lifted, presenting a heroic picture of Grant, and the con- vention responded to the nomination and the picture of the Great Captain with deafening cheers. There was a spirited contest for the Vice-Presidency. Wade, of Ohio, had the lead, and Fenton, of New York, Wil- son, of Massachusetts, and Colfax, of Indiana, all started with a very promising vote. I was chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation, and in obedience to the unanimous instructions of the State, presented to the convention the name of Andrew G. Curtin for second place on the ticket. It soon became evident that the contest would be between Wade and Colfax, and when the struggle was thus narrowed Colfax won an easy victory. The following table presents the several bal- lots for Vice-President : First. Second Third. Fourth Fifth. Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio 147 170 178 206 38 Reuben E. Fenton, of New York . . 126 144 139 144 69 Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts. . 119 114 101 87 — Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana 115 145 165 186 541 Andrew G. Curtin, of Penn 51 45 40 — — Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine 28 30 25 25 — James Speed, of Kentucky 22 — — — • — James Harlan, of Iowa 16 14 — — — John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland.. — Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas. . . 6 — — — — William D. Kelley, of Penn 4 — — — — The swift mutations in American politics were strangely illustrated in the nomination for Vice-President at that con- vention. Senator Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, who was about closing a term of eighteen years in the service of the Senate, who was then President pro tern, of that body, and who was expected to reach the Presidency for a period of eight months by the impeachment and dismissal of President Johnson, was the prominent candidate for Vice-President before the meeting of the convention. It was generally be- lieved that Johnson would be successfully impeached; that Wade would become President for the remainder of the term, with illimitable patronage, and that his nomination for the Vice-Presidency was apparently assured. But when many delegates were on their way to Chicago on Saturday, the 2IO AND HOW WE MAKE THEM 1 6th, the trained lightning sped the message westward that Johnson had been acquitted by a single vote in the Senate, and that ended Wade's candidacy. He had many friends in- dependent of the prospective power that had made him for- midable, and they made a stubborn battle for him, but though he was highest of all on the ist ballot, on the 5th and final vote he had but 38 votes to 541 for Schuyler Colfax and 69 for Senator Fenton, of New York. Thus two crushing dis- asters had befallen Wade in a single week. He had the Pres- idency apparently within his grasp — and this would have carried the Vice-Presidency for another term — but he was smitten in both efforts, and these crowning disasters closely followed his defeat for re-election to the Senate. He was the sturdy, bluff, uncompromising patriot of the Senate dur- ing the war, and after these three disasters came upon him in quick succession, the old man groped his way along for a few years in solitude and then slept the dreamless sleep of the dead. The Democratic National Convention met in New York on the 4th of July, and there was a strong sentiment among the delegates favorable to the nomination of a liberal Repub- lican for President. The Republicans had nominated a Democrat, and Chief Justice Chase, who was an old-time Democrat, and who had won a very large measure of Demo- cratic confidence by his rulings in the impeachment case of President Johnson, was a favorite with a very powerful circle of friends, who had quietly, but very thoroughly, as they believed, organized to have him nominated by a spon- taneous tidal wave after a protracted deadlock between the leading candidates. I have every reason to believe that Chase would have been nominated at the time Seymour was chosen, and in like manner, had it not been for the carefully laid plan of Samuel J. Tilden to prevent the success of Chase. Horatio Seymour, the ablest Democrat of that day, was president of the convention, and he had no more idea of be- ing nominated for President than he had of becoming the Czar of Russia. It was generally supposed that Seymour left the chair of the convention because some votes had been cast for him for President, but he really left the chair be- cause he expected to aid in the nomination of Chase, and when Seymour called another to preside, the Tilden strategy completed its purpose by an able Democrat demanding the nomination of Horatio Seymour, and delivering a most elo- 211 OUR PRESIDENTS quent and impressive eulogy upon the confessed leader of the Democracy. In vain did Seymour give a peremptory decli- nation. The convention had been organized for its work, and men in nearly every delegation who had been assigned to their task rose and swelled the hurrah for Seymour. When he found the tide was likely to be overwhelming, he declared with equal earnestness and pathos, " Your candi- date I cannot be ;" but the wave sped on and Seymour was made the candidate by a practically unanimous vote. He was prevailed upon to consider the subject, and that meant, of course, that he could not decline. There had been twenty-one ballots before the nomination of Seymour, in which Pendleton, Hancock, and Hendricks were the leading competitors. It was then that the nomination of Chase was expected to be made just as the nomination of Seymour was made, and Tilden's was the master hand that shaped the ac- tion of the conventon. Tilden was a master leader, as subtle and sagacious as he was able, and he thoroughly organized the plan to nominate Seymour, not so much because he desired Seymour as the candidate, as because he was implacable in his hostility to Chase. It was well known by Chase and his friends that Til- den crucified Chase in the Democratic convention of 1868, and this act of Tilden's had an impressive sequel eight years later, when the election of Tilden hung in the balance in the Senate, and when the accomplished daughter of Chase de- cided the battle against Tilden. The convention met on the 4th of July, which was Satur- day, and nothing beyond organization was accomplished until Monday. The supporters of Pendleton were altogether the most aggressive of all the candidates. They represented the " Greenback " issue that had then taken form, and ex- hibited considerable popular strength, not only in the Demo- cratic party, but to some extent in the Republican party. The two-thirds rule was reaffirmed, and on Tuesday the com- mittee on platform reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : The Democratic party, in national convention assembled, repos- ing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of the people, standing upon the Constitution as the foundation and limitation of the powers of the Government and the guarantee of the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery and secession as having been settled, for all time to come, by the 212 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM war, or the voluntary action of the Southern States in constitutional conventions assembled, and never to be renewed or reagitated, do, with the return of peace, demand : i. Immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union under the Constitution, and of civil government to the Ameri- can people. 2. Amnesty for all past political offences, and the regulation of the elective franchise in the States by their citizens. 3. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government, eco- nomically administered, being honestly applied to such payment, and where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States. 4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to its real value, including Government bonds and other public securities. 5. One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer and the officeholder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bondholder. 6. Economy in the administration of the Government ; the re- duction of the standing army and navy; the abolition of the Freed- men's Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure negro supremacy; simplification of the system, and discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting internal revenue, so that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened ; the credit of the Government and the currency made good ; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State militia into national forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, and such equal taxation under the internal revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to domestic manufacturers, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best promote and encourage the great industrial interests of the country. 7. Reform of abuses in the administration, the expulsion of cor- rupt men from office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restora- tion of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive and judicial departments of the Government, the subordination of the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease. 8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens, at home and abroad ; the assertion of American nationality which shall command the respect of foreign powers, and furnish an example and encouragement to peoples struggling for national in- tegrity, constitutional liberty, and individual rights, and the main- tenance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crime committed beyond their juris- diction. In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Radical party for its disregard of right, and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its career. After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of 213 OUR PRESIDENTS Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the Government and the preservation of the Union under the Con- stitution, it has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge under which alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in the time of profound peace, to military despotism and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and the press ; it has substituted arbitrary seiz- ures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber inqui- sitions for the constitutional tribunals ; it has disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free from searches and seiz- ures ; it has entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and letters without any specific charge or notice or affidavit, as required by the organic law ; it has converted the American Capitol into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and official espionage to which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort; it has abolished the right of appeal, on important consti- tutional questions, to the supreme judicial tribunals, and threat- ened to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrev- ocably vested by the Constitution, while the learned Chief Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and partisan charges preferred against the President. Its corruption and extravagance have exceeded anything known in history, and, by its frauds and monopolies, it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the President of his con- stitutional power of appointment, even of his own Cabinet. Under its repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next and inaugurate its President, we will meet, as a subjected and conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the Con- stitution. And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the United States threw off all subjection to the British crown the privilege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several States, and have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the political power of each State respectively and that any attempt by Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this right, or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power, which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned by the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end in a single centralized and consolidated government, in which the separate existence of the States will be entirely absorbed, and unqualified despotism be established in place of a Federal union of coequal States. And that we regard the Reconstruction Acts (so- called) of Congress, as such, as usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void. That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our country to victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution. 214 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM That the public lands should be distributed as widely as possible among the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre- emption or homestead lands, or sold in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the Government. When grants of the public lands may be allowed, necessary for the encouragement of important public improvements, the proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so applied. That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising the powers of his high office in resisting the aggressions of Congress upon the constitutional rights of the States and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people, and in behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard. Upon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every patriot, including all the conservative element and all who desire to sup- port the Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past dif- ferences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle for the liberties of the people; and that to all such, to whatever party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and brethren. Resolved, That this convention sympathize cordially with the workingmen of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights and interests of the laboring classes of the country. Resolved, That the thanks of the convention are tendered to Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase for the justice, dignity, and impartiality with which he presided over the court of impeachment on the trial of President Andrew Johnson. The ballots for President began on Tuesday and ended Thursday. The following table gives the ballots in detail : BAL- LOTS. d 3 o a o ■*-> a o d o u < a Ph M o o u PI CO 2 "3 «n pi > ,cf o u pi O m U o PI oS CO pi c u P o s ►»■ Ph bo a 'u O) H-> +-> aJ o CO 1 2 4 5 6 7 8 9 105 104 119$* 118^ 122 122^ 137H 156^ 144 65 52 34^ 32 24 21 ™M 6 5V a 33^ 40^ 45^ 43^ 46 47 42^ 28 24^ 33 33 33 33 33 33 26 26 26 26 27 27 13 15^ 13 13 13 13 7 7 7 16 % 7 6 6 6 6 13 12 8 15 12 12 12 12 2^ 2 9^ im 30 39^ 75 80^ 9 10^ 4^ 2 9^ 5 H 8 11 16 10>6 1 1 1 215 OUR PRESIDENTS BAL- LOTS. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19, 30. 21. 22. c o . c t* fl Pi O A n o *j o 53 a B o C X3 c •— > o o CJ e C3 X CQ o u o O c a. u o K IB i-c 2 ■a Ih o u c o 13 C6 CO c3 < o 147^ 6 34 7 144^ 5^ 32V£ — — 7 145^ 4V6 30 — — 7 134^, 4^ 4«V£ — — < 130 56 — — i 129^ 5V6 79V£ — — 7 107V* 5^ 113^ — — 1 70V4 6 137V6 — — 7 56^ 10 144^ — — 31H — 135 V£ — — 22 — — 142^ - — — — — 135^ - — — — 4 90^ — — — be c H 3 O s © >, X CO < o +J 05 «s o Ih JG O H ffi — 13 — 13 — 12 — 12 — 12 — 12 6 4 16 12 19 12 1 4 12 82^ 12^ 88 12V£ 89 81 mi 8m 70^ 80 87 107^ 121 132 140^ - fc H 13^ 13 ^ 1^ 3^ 3V* 5 9 5 Before the 22d ballot was announced delegations began to change their votes to Seymour, and the changes were continued amid great enthusiam until he received the unanimous nomination. The twenty-one votes given him on the last ballot were all cast by Ohio delegates. It was charged that the nomination of Seymour had been carefully planned by his friends before the meeting of the convention, in imitation of the nominations of Polk and Pierce, but in point of fact the nomination of Seymour was not planned by his friends nor had they any idea of nominat- ing him when the convention met, as his name was not before the convention at all until the 226. ballot and the third day of balloting. He was most earnestly averse to accepting the nomination. His health was impaired, he had had many and very earnest political conflicts, and he felt himself physically and mentally unequal to the exacting duties of a campaign. His nomination was, as I have stated, conceived and executed for the purpose of defeating Chase. Having failed to nominate a Republican for President, the convention unanimously nominated General Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, for Vice-President without the formality of a ballot. He was one of the most radical and aggressive of Republicans when the Republican party was organized in 1856, and brought the first important victory to that party when, in the early fall of 1856, he was elected to Congress 216 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM from St. Louis, being the first Republican who ever repre- sented a Southern State in the national Legislature. I remember meeting him in Washington just before the clash of arms began, after the bombardment of Sumter. He was impatient with Lincoln for not precipitating the war, and told me that he would go back to Missouri the next day, and that the country would soon hear of battles fought in that State. He executed his purpose, for it was through him chiefly or wholly that the early and bloody battles of Missouri were fought. He was one of the most brilliant of the corps commanders of the army, but had evidently fallen into disfavor with Grant, and Blair was as tireless a fighter as Grant himself. In a public letter, directed to J. C. Broadhead a short time before the convention met, General Blair denounced Grant as aiming at imperialism, and declared that his election to the Presidency would date the downfall of our Republican institutions. General Blair spoke frequently during the contest, but his speeches were so violent that they gave offence to many conservative Democrats ; and after the October elections, which were disastrous to the Democrats, the New York World, the leading Democratic organ, came out in a leader demanding that he be retired from the ticket; but Blair was not the man to retreat under fire. Seymour took the stump, to present the party in a more conservative attitude, and delivered a number of speeches, which rank among the ablest popular addresses of American politics; but he could not halt the tidal wave that swept Grant into the Presidency. The following table gives the electoral and popular vote : STATES. Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts . . Rhode Island. . . Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania. . . Popular Vote. Grant. 70,426 38,191 44,167 136,477 12,993 50,641 419,883 80,121 342,280 Seymour. 42,396 31,224 12,045 59,408 6,548 47,600 429,883 83,001 313,382 Electoral Vote. 7 5 5 12 4 6 26 Grant . Seymour. 33 7 217 OUR PRESIDENTS STATES. Delaware Maryland Virginia* West Virginia . . North Carolina. South Carolina . Georgia Floridaf Alabama Mississippi* .... Louisiana Texas* Arkansas Missouri Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Michigan Indiana Illinois Wisconsin Minnesota Iowa Nebraska Kansas Nevada California Oregon Totals. Popular Vote. Grant. 7,623 30,438 29,025 96,226 62,301 57,134 76,366 33,263 22,152 85,671 56,757 39,566 280,128 128,550 176,552 250,293 108,857 43,542 120,399 9,729 31,049 6,480 54,592 10,961 3,012,833 Seymour. 10,980 62,357 20,306 84,090 45,237 102,822 72,086 80,225 19,078 59,788 26,311 115,889 238,700 97,069 166,980 199,143 84,710 28,072 74,040 5,439 14,019 5,218 54,078 11,125 2,703,249 Electoral Vote. Grant. 5 11 10 21 8 13 16 214 Seymour. 11 80 * Did not vote. t Chosen by Legislature. There was dispute as to the right of some of the Southern States to participate in the election. It will be seen that West Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, and Kentucky had all participated in the election. Fortunately, the disputed States did not in any way affect the result, and Congress passed a joint resolution declaring that none of the rebellious States should be entitled to electoral votes, unless at the time of the election they had adopted Constitu- tions since the 4th of March, 1867, and had an organized State Government, and unless such States had representation 218 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM in Congress under the Reconstruction laws. Of course, President Johnson vetoed the measure, but it was promptly passed over the veto by both branches of Congress, and became a law. By that resolution, Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas were absolutely excluded from the election. The other Southern States had representation in Congress, with the exception of Georgia. The question whether Georgia should be permitted to have her vote counted re- sulted in a very serious dispute, on which the Senate and the House divided, but Mr. Wade, President of the Senate, in declaring the result, counted the vote of Georgia and precipitated a very disgraceful scene, in which General Butler most offensively assailed the presiding officer. There was no question whatever as to the election of Grant and Colfax, and Congress duly declared them President and Vice-President of the United States. The contest of 1868 crystallized the " Greenback " senti- ment of the country under the leadership of George H. Pendleton, who was the nominee for Vice-President with McClellan in 1864, and who expected to capture the Demo- cratic National Convention of 1868, to nominate himself for President on the Greenback platform. The Pendleton followers were the hustlers of that convention, and they were all decorated with a badge that was an imitation of the greenback. Gold had been at a high premium during the war, and was at a considerable premium in 1868, with resumption apparently very far off. The cheap-money idea had been industriously impressed upon the people by the demagogues of that day, and as many of the obligations of the United States were payable only in lawful money, while the bonds issued during the war were payable in coin, it was easy to make plausible appeal to the prejudices of the industrial classes, who were paying very high prices for all the necessaries of life. This theory had been very widely discussed by the various shades of opposition to the Republicans, but the Pendleton movement for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency dignified it as a national issue, and it succeeded in making the New York Democratic platform go more than half way in favor of repudiation of our obligations by payment in greenbacks. The greenback issue thus vitalized became a very important one in many of the States and caused strange political revolutions, such as the election of Demo- 219 OUR PRESIDENTS cratic Governors and Democratic Legislatures in Maine and Ohio. It is doubtful whether the Republicans could have been lined up squarely in the support of the national credit with any other candidate than Grant, and one of the first acts that he signed as President distinctly provided for the payment in coin of all bonds of the Government bearing interest, and declared also that specie payments should be resumed as speedily as practicable. The Greenback party not only figured largely in State politics, but became formidable as a third party in national contests, and the free-silver theory of to-day is simply the old greenback issue of cheap money in another form. THE GRANT-GREELEY CONTEST 1872 General Grant was a thorough soldier, with little quali- fication for civil duties and a natural distaste for politics. I doubt whether he had any defined political policy when he entered the Presidency. He believed in maintaining the credit of the Government, and accepted in a conservative way the general policy of the Republican party, but he knew little or nothing of the political leadership of the nation, and his friends generally felt that the success of his administra- tion would depend very largely upon surrounding him with a Cabinet composed of the ablest and most sagacious men of the party, but Grant cherished no such ideas himself. He evidently assumed that politics could be run by general orders, as an army could be commanded, and it was that mistake that alienated a very large portion of the Repub- licans from him in the early period of his administration, and culminated in the Liberal Republican Convention at Cincinnati in 1872. I had frequently met General Grant before his nomination and election to the Presidency, but only in the most casual way on social occasions, and never had any conversation with him, either on politics generally or on his candidacy for the Presidency. I was earnestly in favor of his nomina- tion and election, because I believed that calling him to the Presidency would do more to reconcile the South and give better assurance of sectional tranquillity than the election of any of the leading Republican statesmen of that day. I had just changed my residence to Philadelphia, having suffered serious financial disaster in the burning of Chambersburg by McCausland, and it was my settled purpose after Grant's election to cease active participation in politics and devote my efforts wholly to my profession. My first and only meeting with Grant before his retire- 221 OUR PRESIDENTS ment from the Presidency, at which we had any protracted conversation, was a short time before his inauguration. Chief Justice Read, of Pennsylvania, handed me a letter, addressed to the President-elect, and asked me to deliver it in person when I next visited Washington. I did not know its contents, but inferred that it related to the appointment of Curtin to a Cabinet office. A few days thereafter when in Washington I called upon General Grant at his head- quarters and delivered the letter, and after a very brief conversation, rose to take my leave. He had opened the letter in the meantime, and as I reached the door he called me back, saying that Judge Read's letter strongly urged the appointment of Curtin to the Cabinet, and that he desired to tell me frankly as a close friend of Curtin why he could not meet the wishes of the many friends of Curtin by giving him a Cabinet portfolio. He spoke very highly of Curtin, and showed his appreciation of Curtin's position by nominat- ing him as* Minister to Russia at an early day after his inauguration, and against the protest of Senator Cameron. In the course of the conversation I saw Grant's crude theory of conducting a national administration. He said that his Cabinet officers would be his official confidential family, and he desired to appoint them entirely in accordance with his personal preferences. I said to him that it was certainly his right to have only men in his Cabinet who were entirely agreeable to himself, but that it was very important for him to have the ablest politicians of the country largely repre- sented in it, to save his administration from the many political complications which would otherwise confront him. I saw that Grant was not a willing listener to any sugges- tions, although given in the most courteous manner, and he answered with a somewhat liberal display of what some called " obstinacy " and others called " determination," as one of the leading attributes of his character. I then spoke more freely and frankly, and finally said to him that if I were suddenly called to the command of the army, with little or no military experience, I would feel that my greatest need was generals ; and I added that it was in no measure disrespectful to him to say that, having been called from the command of the army to the Presidency of the Republic, without experience in high civil duties, his greatest need was statesmen. The advice was not grateful to Grant; on the contrary, he was obviously fretted, as none of the many 222 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM who sought favors at his hands had ventured to tell him the truth so plainly. When the conversation ended he gave me a moderately cordial good-by, and I never again met him, excepting once at the large banquet given by Mr. Childs on the evening after the opening of the Philadelphia Cen- tennial in 1876, until soon after he had retired from his eight years' service in the Presidency, and never had any communication with him. I opposed his renomination, participated in the Liberal Republican Convention that nominated Greeley, had charge of the Greeley campaign in Pennsylvania, and labored very earnestly for Grant's defeat in 1872. On the day that he retired from the Presidency I had an editorial in the Phila- delphia Times, speaking of General Grant as history would record his achievements, and of necessity highly compli- mentary to him. A few days thereafter I met him with Mr. Childs at the Continental Hotel, and he came forward in a manner that was unusually demonstrative for Grant, and was profuse in his thanks for the editorial referred to. He said that he specially valued it because it came from one who had been among his severest critics during his Presidential term, and he ended by inviting me to lunch with him at Mr. Drexel's office that afternoon. I willingly accepted the invitation and spent two hours with Grant, most of the time alone after Mr. Drexel and Mr. Childs had left us. I was surprised to find him one of the most agreeable of conversationalists, and he discussed politics generally and the Hayes-Tilden contest with a degree of frankness and intelligence that surprised me. He said that he confidently expected the Electoral Commission to give the vote of Louisiana to Mr. Tilden, but that as Chief Magistrate it was his duty only to maintain the law, and that when the law of the nation made the Electoral Commission a final tribunal for the settlement of the dispute, he would have maintained that judgment with all the power of the Government. I was specially gratified at this interview to have a par- ticular prejudice that I had cherished against Grant since 1864 entirely dissipated by a conversation into which I cautiously led him on the Lincoln-McClellan campaign of 1864. I have stated in another chapter that Mr. Lincoln hesitated in October, 1864, to send an order to General Grant to furlough five thousand of his Pennsylvania soldiers 223 OUR PRESIDENTS home to vote for President, and sent it to Meade. I had known how Lincoln had sustained Grant after the battle of Shiloh, when Grant had few friends and none outside of Lincoln able to sustain him. When Lincoln hesitated to send the order to Grant, I spoke very freely and reminded Lincoln how he had saved Grant, and wanted to know why he could not now trust the man who would have been overwhelmed but for the generous and heroic offices of Lincoln. Lincoln finally answered that he had never received or heard of any expression from General Grant expressing a preference for his election over General McClellan. Lin- coln certainly at that time doubted Grant's attitude in that contest, and having been one of the many who had urged Lincoln to remove Grant from his command after Shiloh, I could not fail to cherish some prejudice against Grant as wanting in fidelity to Lincoln. In our general discussion of politics I remarked that he had very studiously avoided all political expression during the war, and that I had specially noted his silence during the campaign of 1864 between Lincoln and McClellan. His answer was prompt and given evidently in the frankest manner, as he said substantially : " Of course, I could not with propriety give any public expression in a political contest where one candidate had given me the highest com- mission in the army and the other candidate had been my predecessor in command of the army." The answer was given in such simple earnestness that I never thereafter doubted Grant's fidelity to Lincoln, although Lincoln cer- tainly was disappointed that Grant gave no expression during the campaign. On the night of Lincoln's election Grant sent him a very hearty telegram of congratulation. President Grant drifted into a political control that ulti- mately made his administration intensely sectional and fac- tional, and during his first administration he was intolerant of criticism, and often openly disregarded Republican senti- ment in sustaining many of his favorites, who brought scandals upon his rule. On great questions, however, Grant certainly was great. He conceived the idea of territorial expansion that has been so successfully carried out by the present administration with the hearty approval .of an over- whelming majority' of the people. He made an earnest movement for the annexation of San Domingo, and he gave exhaustive public and private efforts to attain it. This 224 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM policy was severely criticised by some of the leading members of the party, prominent among whom were Sumner and Greeley, and the San Domingo scheme was ridiculed from one end of the country to the other as a wild, visionary, political enterprise, designed to give place and fortune to administration favorites. So bitter did the Republican national feud become that the anti-administration leaders decided to take the initiative in opposing Grant's re-election. At no time in the history of any administration was the political machinery of the Government so complete and despotic as it was under Grant, although not in any degree personally directed by himself, and it was well known that the opposition would have little voice in the regular Republican convention, and that it was entirely powerless to prevent Grant being presented as the Republican nominee. The first national conventions of the year were held at Columbus, O., in February. The Labor Reformers were first in the field, as their convention was held at Columbus on the 2 ist of February, with Edward M. Chamberlain, of Massachusetts, as President. This convention was made up largely or wholly of men who believed in the greenback policy, as it demanded an indefinite issue of greenbacks, which would be a legal tender for the payment of all public and private debts. The following is the full text of its platform : We hold that all political power is inherent in the people, and free government is founded on their authority and established for their benefit; that all citizens are equal in political rights, entitled to the largest religious and political liberty compatible with the good order of society, as also to the use and enjoyment of the fruits of their labor and talents; and no man or set of men is entitled to exclusive separable endowments and privileges, or immunities from the Government, but in consideration of public services ; and any laws destructive of these fundamental principles are without moral binding force, and should be repealed. And believing that all the evils resulting from unjust legislation now affecting the industrial classes can be removed by the adoption of the principles contained in the following declaration, therefore, Resolved, That it is the duty of the Government to establish a just standard of distribution of capital and labor by providing a purely national circulating medium, based on the faith and re- sources of the nation, issued directly to the people without the intervention of any system of banking corporations ; which money shall be legal tender in the payment of all debts, public and private, and interchangeable at the option of the holder for Government 225 OUR PRESIDENTS bonds bearing a rate of interest not to exceed 3.65 per cent., subject to future legislation by Congress. 2. That the national debt should be paid in good faith, according to the original contract, at the earliest option of the Government, without mortgaging the property of the people or the future earn- ings of labor, to enrich a few capitalists at home and abroad. 3. That justice demands that the burdens of Government should be so adjusted as to bear equally on all classes, and that the exemp- tion from taxation of Government bonds bearing extortionate rates of interest is a violation of all just principles of revenue laws. 4. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted to landless settlers only, in amounts not ex- ceeding one hundred and sixty acres of land. 5. That Congress should modify the tariff so as to admit free such articles of common use as we can neither produce nor grow, and lay duties for revenue mainly upon articles of luxury and upon such articles of manufacture as will, we having the raw materials in abundance, assist in further developing the resources of the country. 6. That the presence in our country of Chinese laborers, im- ported by capitalists in large numbers for servile use, is an evil, entailing want and its attendant train of misery and crime/ on all classes of the American people, and should be prohibited by legislation. 7. That we ask for the enactment of a law by which all me- chanics and day-laborers employed by or on behalf of the Govern- ment, whether directly or indirectly, through persons, firms, or corporations, contracting with the State, shall conform to the re- duced standard of eight hours a day, recently adopted by Congress for national employes, and also for an amendment to the acts of incorporation for cities and towns, by which all laborers and mechanics employed at their expense shall conform to the same number of hours. 8. That the enlightened spirit of the age demands the abolition of the system of contract labor in our prisons and other reformatory institutions. 9. That the protection of life, liberty, and property are the three cardinal principles of government, and the first two are more sacred than the latter ; therefore money needed for prosecuting wars should, as it is required, be assessed and collected from the wealth of the country, and not entailed as a burden upon posterity. 10. That it is the duty of the Government to exercise its power over railroads and telegraph corporations, that they shall not in any case be privileged to exact such rates of freight, transportation, or charges, by whatever name, as may bear unduly or unequally upon the producer or consumer. 11. That there should be such a reform in the civil service of the national Government as will remove it beyond all partisan influ- ence, and place it in the charge and under the direction of intelli- gent and competent business men. 12. That as both history and experience teach us that power ever seeks to perpetuate itself by every and all means, and that its 226 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM prolonged possession in the hands of one person is always dan- gerous to the interests of a free people, and believing that the spirit of our organic laws and the stability and safety of our free in- stitutions are best obeyed on the one hand and secured on the other by a regular constitutional change in the chief of the country at each election ; therefore, we are in favor of limiting the oc- cupancy of the Presidential chair to one term. 13. That we are in favor of granting general amnesty and restor- ing the Union at once on the basis of equality of rights and priv- ileges to all, the impartial administration of justice being the only true bond of union to bind the States together and restore the government of the people. 14. That we demand the subjection of the military to the civil authorities, and the confinement of its operations to national pur- poses alone. 15. That we deem it expedient for Congress to supervise the patent laws, so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own ideas and inventions. 16. That fitness, and not political or personal considerations, should be the only recommendation to public office, either appointive or elective, and any and all laws looking to the establishment of this principle are heartily approved. Four ballots were had to nominate a candidate for Presi- dent, resulting in the choice of David Davis, of Illinois. The following table exhibits the ballots in detail : First. Second. Third. Fourth. John W. Geary, of Pennsylvania. . Horace H. Day, of New York David Davis, of Illinois 60 59 47 13 8 iy 1 6 21 88 76 7 1 59 93 12 7 5 14 11 3 201 Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts J. M. Palmer, of Illinois Joel Parker, of New Jersey George W. Julian, of Indiana B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri Horace Greeley, of New York. . . . 7 Two ballots were had for Vice-President, as follows : First. Second. E. M. Chamberlain, Massachusetts. . . . Joel Parker, New Jersey 72 70 18 31 10 57 112 Allanson M. West, Mississippi Thomas Ewinef, Ohio 22 W. G. Bryan, Tennessee 227 OUR PRESIDENTS Davis and Parker were unanimously declared the candi- dates of the party for President and Vice-President. Although Judge Davis had responded by telegraph to the notification of his nomination from the convention, expressing his gratitude for the honor conferred, he did not definitely accept. Had Judge Davis been nominated by the Liberal Republicans at Cincinnati in May, he would doubt- less have remained as the candidate of the Labor Reformers, but in June, when there was no possibility of him being a candidate of any other organization, Davis and Parker both declined and retired from the contest. A small portion of the delegates were reconvened, and Charles O'Conor, of Xew York, was nominated for President, without naming any candidate for Vice-President. Thus, the Labor Reform organization was practically out of the battle of 1872. A Prohibition National Convention was also held at Co- lumbus on the 226. of February, with representatives from nine States, and Samuel Chase, of Ohio, was made perma- nent president. An elaborate platform was adopted, but the party does not seem to have been of sufficient importance to command the publication of its platform in full in the newspapers, and it is lost to history, as I have not been able to find it. James Black, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for President, and John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice- President by a unanimous vote, after having been presented by a committee on nominations. The Liberal Republican National Convention met at Cincinnati on the 1st of May. The organized Republican opposition to Grant had its origin in the State contest in Missouri, where the Democrats and the Liberals united to efface a most proscriptive Constitution and laws, denying all rights of citizenship to those who had been engaged in rebellion. A number of meetings were held in the Western cities to organize the Liberal Republican party, and it was a mass-meeting of the Liberals of Missouri in Jefferson City, in January, 1872, that first decided to call a national convention of Liberal Republicans, and fixed Cincinnati and the 1st of May as the place and time for it to assemble. It seemed evident to all who had intelligently and dis- passionately observed the political situation that the majority of the people of the country would vote against the re- election of Grant if they could be heartily united, but the elements were strangely incongruous, as Greeley, Sumner, 228 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Trumbull, and many others of the Liberal leaders had been among the most earnest champions of radical Republicanism, and had antagonized the Democratic party so fiercely and persistently as to make unity between them apparently im- possible. It was only the utterly helpless condition of the Democrats that made them entertain the question of fusing with the Liberals by taking their ticket and platform. Strange as it may seem, Mr. Vallandingham, one of the most aggressive of all the Northern " Copperheads" during the war, and who had been arrested by Burnside and banished into the Southern lines, was one of the first of the leading Democrats to propose a union of all the elements opposed to Grant and unite in fully accepting the results of the war, the reconstruction policy, and the amendments to the Constitution. I attended this convention as a delegate and acted as chairman of the delegation. Of the prominent men named for the nomination, I greatly preferred David Davis, the executor of Abraham Lincoln, and a man so conservative and liberal in his political views and so thor- oughly identified with the substantial interests of the country that he would have provoked no antagonism whatever from the financial and business interests of the nation, but Horace Greeley was his competitor for the place, and there was no man in the country for whom I cherished stronger affection. I had known Greeley for many years. When the Liberal agitation began, the prominent can- didates discussed were Horace Greeley, Charles Francis Adams, David Davis, and B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri. Greeley became intensely interested in his own nomination. He felt that he had devoted his life to the best efforts for his country, and especially for the lowly. He was the foremost of all in the great battle for the overthrow of slavery, and he craved the recognition of his work by an election to the Presidency. Before the convention met he made an appointment to meet me at the Colonnade Hotel in Philadelphia. He felt that he could speak with entire freedom to me, and he opened his heart to the full extent of saying how much he desired the nomination and what it meant to him. Could I have made him President, I would gladly have done so, but I knew that he could not be elected, and told him so with frankness that he appreciated. He yielded to my judgment as to his availability, and accepted the sugges- 229 OUR PRESIDENTS tion that had then been made generally by the more conserva- tive of the Liberal Republicans that David Davis would be the only candidate who could certainly defeat Grant. He was conservative, able, and clear-headed, and the business inter- ests of the country would have had entire confidence in him. In answer to my statement that the Democrats certainly could not be united in Greeley's favor, and without which an election could not be accomplished, he said : " Well, if they won't take me head foremost, they might take me boots foremost," meaning for Vice-President. I said I did not doubt that his nomination for the second place could be accomplished with every prospect of success at the election. We parted with the distinct understanding that his friends should move unitedly to nominate David Davis for President and Greeley for Vice-President. When we reached Cincinnati a conference of the leading friends of Davis and Greeley was held the night before the convention met, Senator Fenton being present as the leader of the Greeley forces. Leonard Swett, the immediate repre- sentative of Davis, was present, along with John D. Defrees, of Indiana, and a number of others. The plan of operation was agreed upon, and when we adjourned to enjoy a late supper we regarded it as settled that Davis and Greeley would be nominated on the next day. About midnight it was whispered that General Frank P. Blair, as the representative of B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, and others had held a secret conference to unite the Greeley and Brown forces to make Greeley the candidate for Presi- dent and Brown second on the ticket. We soon discovered that the movement had been thoroughly organized, and many Greeley men who were much more zealous than discreet at once accepted the new situation, and forced even Fenton to fall back to the support of Greeley. Fenton was one of Greeley's most sincere and devoted friends, and it was with great reluctance that he joined in the effort to nominate Greeley when he felt that it could result only in crucifying him. The withdrawal of the Greeley men from the Davis-Greeley combination left Davis a hopeless candi- date, as the convention was largely radical and little inclined to consider questions of expediency. The Liberal Republican National Convention was simply a huge mass-meeting, with nearly all of the States of the Union represented, and it was boiling over with go-as-you- 230 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM please independence in politics. Stanley Matthews, afterward made Supreme Judge, was temporary president, and although he denounced the Grant administration in his opening speech as a monument of corruption, he soon thereafter bolted Greeley and supported Grant. Carl Schurz was made per- manent president. The contest for President was evidently narrowed down to Adams and Greeley. I voted on every ballot for Adams, with whom I had little sympathy, and three-fourths of the Pennsylvania delegation voted with me. On the 6th ballot Greeley was nominated by changes of votes after the ballot had been announced, but I did not change the vote of Pennsylvania until he had received a majority of the votes of the convention. The following are the ballots for President : Charles Francis Adams, Mass. . . Horace Greeley, New York Lyman Trumbull, Illinois B. Gratz Brown, Missouri David Davis, Illinois Andrew G. Curtin, Pennsylvania Salmon P. Chase, Ohio First. Second Third. Fourth Fifth. 203 243 264 279 258 147 245 258 251 309 110 148 156 141 81 95 2 2 2 2 92^ 62 2^ 75 41 51 30 1 — — 24 Sixth. 324 332 19 6 32 Mr. Greeley's nomination was made unanimous, and the convention proceeded to ballot for Vice-President as follows : First. Second. B. Gratz Brown, Missouri. . . . Lyman Trumbull, Illinois. . . . George W. Julian, Indiana. . . , Gilbert C. Walker, Virginia. . . Cassius M. Clay, Kentucky. . . Jacob D. Cox, Ohio John M. Scoville, New Jersey Thomas W. Tipton, Nebraska John M. Palmer, Illinois 237 435 158 175 134^ — 84K 75 34 — 25 — 12 — 8 3 — 8 The following platform was unanimously adopted : The administration now in power has rendered itself guilty of wanton disregard of the laws of the land, and of usurping powers not granted by the Constitution; it has acted as if the laws had binding force only for those who were governed, and not for those 231 OUR PRESIDENTS who govern. It has thus struck a blow at the fundamental prin- ciples of constitutional government and the liberties of the citizen. The President of the United States has openly used the powers and opportunities of his high office for the promotion of personal ends. He has kept notoriously corrupt and unworthy men in places of power and responsibility, to the detriment of the public interest. He has used the public service of the Government as a machinery of corruption and personal influence, and has interfered with tyran- nical arrogance in the political affairs of States and municipalities. He has rewarded with influential and lucrative offices men who had acquired his favor by valuable presents, thus stimulating the demoralization of our political life by his conspicuous example. He has shown himself deplorably unequal to the task imposed upon him by the necessities of the country, and culpably careless of the responsibilities of his high office. The partisans of the administration, assuming to be the Repub- lican party and controlling its organization, have attempted to justify such wrongs and palliate such abuses to the end of maintaining partisan ascendancy. They have stood in the way of necessary investigations and indis- pensable reforms, pretending that no serious fault could be found with the present administration of public affairs, thus seeking to blind the eyes of the people. They have kept alive the passions and resentments of the late civil war, to use them for their own advantage ; they have resorted to arbitrary measures in direct conflict with the organic law, instead of appealing to the better instincts and latent patriotism of the Southern people by restoring to them those rights the enjoyment of which is indispensable to a successful administration of their local affairs, and would tend to revive a patriotic and hopeful national feeling. They have degraded themselves and the name of their party, once justly entitled to the confidence of the nation, by a base syco- phancy to the dispenser of executire power and patronage, un- worthy of republican freemen ; they have sought to silence the voice of just criticism, and stifle the moral sense of the people, and to subjugate public opinion by tyrannical party discipline. They are striving to maintain themselves in authority for selfish ends by an unscrupulous use of the power which rightfully belongs to the people, and should be employed only in the service of the country. Believing that an organization thus led and controlled can no longer be of service to the best interests of the Republic, we have resolved to make an independent appeal to the sober judgment, conscience, and patriotism of the American people. We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in national convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following prin- ciples as essential to just government: i. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political. 2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these States. 232 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments of the Constitution. 3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all dis- abilities imposed on account of the Rebellion, which was finally subdued seven years > ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in complete pacification in all sections of the country. 4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. The public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the military authority, and the freedom of the person under the protec- tion of the habeas corpus. We demand for the individual the largest liberty consistent with public order, for the State self-gov- ernment, and for the nation a return to the methods of peace and the constitutional limitations of power. 5. The civil service of the Government has become a mere instru- ment of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the perpetuity of repub- lican government. We therefore regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour ; that honesty, capacity and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public employment ; that the offices of the Government cease to be a matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public station shall become again a post of honor. To this end it is imperatively required that no President shall be a candidate for re-election. 6. We demand a system of Federal taxation which shall not un- necessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which shall provide the means necessary to pay the expenses of the Gov- ernment, economically administered, the pensions, the interest on the public debt, and a moderate reduction annually of the principal thereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective systems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the people in their congressional districts and the decision of Congress thereon, wholly free from executive interference or dictation. 7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we de- nounce repudiation in every form and guise. 8. A speedy return to specie payments is demanded alike by the highest considerations of commercial morality and honest govern- ment. 9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame or the full rewards of their patriotism. 10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to actual settlers. 11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in its inter- course with foreign nations to cultivate the friendships of peace by treating with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishon- orable to demand what is not right or submit to what is wrong. 12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles, and 233 : ini^rr OUR PRESrDI T: the support of the candidates nominated by this convention, we ■jz-r.Zz __:i :::__..; _.::.: t :i__ ::-::t:i:.:r ::' ill :i:r.::.: :::;rt-- .:-:_; rtrir: :: ; rt :; _ 5 :•: ..:.:_! ____!: _.-::_: When the convention adjourned I regarded the opportu- nity to make a successful contest against Grant as wholly lost. Greeley had been hammering the Democrats in his pungent paragraphs for thirty years, and they could have little sympathy with him, and the business interests of the country could not accept a President whose financial policy was expressed in the single sentence, " The way to resume is to resume," referring, of course, to the resumption of specie payments, then the most vital issue. There were a number of prominent Democrats at the convention spectators, and I was surprised to learn before mi< rhir rriarry :: rhtrrr iiai ieciiti ::■ favzr :he r^rrrtimriir. : the Cmcirmati ticket by the Democratic convention. Ti.t Itmirnr. :: 7trr.t__tt lei :fr f:r rht of Greeley by the Democratic National Convention, as a unml er : : iri.tr S :_.tes, but it was not until the Srirt IrrrTttrrirr. :f Irr_i_.rr_. :_:.: -- ~ :: : ::' ..: nrt : At:: ir:; .-:; for Governor, with a positive declaration in favor of sup- porting I he Libera] 7 -publican national ticket, that thel 1 : sition of the Democratic party was finally determined. After the ::A _.::::.: it 1 5 i : t^ _ ':;- Her. ir_ _"-:_. rht It::::- ::_r:r ii.rurt _._ :: rht ::..:; :f rht rrr:; rrt::.:ii t:: it I: is vtr." etrrtrsAv _.::trrti rh_r rht :::1; :l:i:::t rht Atrrrrcrirs i.il is :: _____ in is ttrr ::' rht Literal Re: l::ir. :r:.:t__::_t. Tl:t Rtc_i:L:_.r. >.____:____: :rr rht =rh :: uirt art: it =11 : .::-. tlt^tttt 1- 1 tttr. thrrrh _:: trii _-.tr. _.: :ir.. : rj_.tr-. ~. :._.r.:r. :: lertril __r_L__: _ ...... - - _ ^ _-_--_ - __ . , _ . :'t::::::: rrrtr : iismriin^ _ : :v rht :r_;: . _■__:_. rr.:r.:l:_ itfzrt rht rrrterir^ :f rht :: _____:: rr_r re: h:_ :.:.r::5t rt:r :: it 1 :_. L'rrrfl rhtrr It til :ttr. _.rr =lrr_:_. .:::: :t ■•■f:i:tr : : rrtst ::r:tr.:_ :: ""t:: become a very formidable political -:- AND HOW WE MAKE THEM announcement of his retirement his fellowship with them gradually diminished, and when later he announced that, notwithstanding his public declination, he would be a can- didate for renomination, the Washington newspaper men organized and made an aggressive battle against him. It is not disputed that they accomplished his defeat, as Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, was nominated on the ist ballot, receiving 3644 votes to 321 J for Colfax. The campaign literature of this contest presented the singular fact that neither of the Republican candidates for the two highest offices of the Government bore his own proper name. Grant's name was Hiram Ulysses, but when he was appointed a cadet to West Point he was erroneously entered as Ulysses S. Grant, and he accepted that name until his death. Another campaign story told how Henry Wilson's true name was Jeremiah Colbath, and that when known as the " Natick Cobbler " he studied night and day to advance himself. He was very much charmed with the eloquence of Representative Wilson, of New Hampshire, and he finally adopted the name of Henry Wilson, by which he was known throughout his entire public career. The following platform was unanimously adopted : The Republican party of the United States, assembled in national convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and 6th days of June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history, and announces its position upon the questions before the country. During eleven years of supremacy it has accepted with grand courage the solemn duties of the time. It suppressed a gigantic rebellion, emancipated four millions of slaves, decreed the equal citizenship of all, and established universal suffrage. Exhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for political offences, and warmly welcomed all who proved loyalty by obeying the laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased with firm hand the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a wise and humane policy toward the Indians. The Pa- cific Railroad and similar vast enterprises have been generously aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of the naturalized citizens' rights secured from European powers. A uniform national currency has been provided, repudiation frowned down, the national credit sustained under the most extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower rates. The revenues have been carefully collected and honestly applied. Despite annual large reductions of the rates of taxation, the public debt has been reduced during General Grant's Presidency at the rate of a hundred millions a year. Great financial crises have been avoided, and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land. Menacing foreign difficulties have been peacefully and honorably 235 OUR PRESIDENTS composed, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high respect throughout the world. This glorious record of the pas: is the party's best pledge for the future- We believe the people will not intrust the Government to any part}- or combination of men composed chiefly of those who have resisted every step of this benefi- cent progress. 2. The recent amendments to the national Constitution should be cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are law. and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be intrusted only to the parly that secured these amendments. 3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be established and effectu- ally maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administra- tion should admit am - discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed, color, or previous condition of servitude. 4. The National Government should seek to maintain honorable peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and sym- pathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty. 5. Any system of the civil sen-ice under which the subordinate positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatalh* demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the 5; _ ; :ern by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage and, make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public positions, without practically creating a life-tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to cor- porations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. " The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pen- sions, and the interest on the public debt should furnish a moderate balance for the reduction of the principal, and that revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, should be. raised by duties upon importations, the details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country. 8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation, and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people : We favor such additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the Government to all soldiers and sailors who were honorably dis- charged, and who. in the line of duty, became disabled, without regard to the length of service or cause of such discharge. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers concerning allegiance — "Once a subject always a subject" — having at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, and the American idea of the individual right to transfer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our Government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the assumption of unauthorized claims by their former governments, and we urge continued careful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration. 236 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and the way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization. 12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box ; and therefore they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the balance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom. Their admission to wider spheres of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration. 15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land. 16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by them to the States and to the Federal Government. It disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by interference with the rights not surrendered by the people to either the State or the National Government. 17. It is the duty of the General Government to adopt such measures as may tend to encourage and restore American commerce and shipbuilding. 18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integ- rity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have com- mended him to the heart of the American people, and with him at our head we start to-day upon a new march to victory. 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, known to the whole land from the early days of the great struggle for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legis- lator, and representative man of American institutions, is worthy to associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge our best efforts to bestow upon them. The Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore on the 9th of July. Thomas Jefferson Randolph, of Virginia, was the temporary president and ex-Senator James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, was permanent president. The Cincinnati Liberal Republican platform was reported by the 237 OUR PRESIDENTS committee without the change of a word. Senator Bayard, of Delaware, vigorously opposed it, but it was adopted by 670 to 62. A ballot was had for President, resulting as follows : Horace Greeley, New York, 686 Jeremiah S. Black, Pennsyl- vania 21 Thos. F. Bayard, Delaware, 16 Wm. S. Groesback, Ohio ... 2 Blank 7 On the 1st ballot for Vice-President, B. Gratz Brown received 713 votes to 6 for John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky, and 13 blank. The nominations were then made unanimous. It was one of the most harmonious conventions that I ever witnessed, and there was very general and absolute confi- dence felt that the Democrats and Liberals united could sweep the country and elect Greeley to the Presidency. There were few among the Democratic leaders who openly and determinedly dissented. In point of fact the Democratic leaders were quite sufficiently united on Greeley to have given him the victory, but the rank and file refused to fol- low, as was proved by the State elections, all of which showed that the Democrats lost more of their following than the Republicans gave them from the Liberal ranks. It was not until September 3d that the Democratic opposi- tion to Greeley took form, when a national convention was held at Louisville, Ky., and nominated Charles O'Conor, of New York, for President and John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President without the formality of a ballot. Adams had agreed to accept the nomination if O'Conor stood at the head of the ticket, but O'Conor promptly and peremptorily declined, after which Mr. Lyon, president of the convention, was nominated for President, but he also declined. The nomination for President was then tendered to Mr. Adams, but he refused, and finally the convention renominated O'Conor, and adjourned without inquiring whether the candidates would stand or decline. The following is the platform adopted by the Democratic dissenters : _ Whereas, A frequent recurrence to first principles, and eternal vigilance against abuses, are the wisest provisions for liberty, which is the source of progress, and fidelity to our constitutional system is the only protection for either; therefore, Resolved, That the original basis of our whole political structure is a consent in every part thereof. The people of each State volun- tarily created their State, and the States voluntarily formed the 238 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Union; and each State has provided, by its written Constitution, for everything a State should do for the protection of life, liberty, and property within it; and each State, jointly with the others, pro- vided a Federal Union for foreign and inter-State relations. Resolved, That all government powers, whether State or Federal, are trust powers coming from the people of each State ; and that they are limited to the written letter of the Constitution and the laws passed in pursuance of it, which powers must be exercised in the utmost good faith, the Constitution itself providing in what man- ner they may be altered and amended. Resolved, That the interests of labor and capital should not be permitted to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious legisla- tion. While such a conflict continues, labor, which is the parent of wealth, is entitled to paramount consideration. Resolved, That we proclaim to the world that principle is to be preferred to power; that the Democratic party is held together by the cohesion of time-honored principles which they will never sur- render in exchange for all the offices which presidents can confer. The pangs of the minorities are doubtless excruciating ; but we wel- come an eternal minority under the banner inscribed with our prin- ciples rather than an almighty and everlasting majority purchased by their abandonment. Resolved, That, having been betrayed at Baltimore into a false creed and a false leadership by the convention, we repudiate both, and appeal to the people to approve our platform, and to rally to the polls and support the true platform, and the candidates who embody it. Resolved, That we are opposed to giving public lands to corpora- tions, and favor their disposal to actual settlers only. Resolved, That we favor a judicious tariff for revenue purposes only, and that we are unalterably opposed to class legislation which enriches a few at the expense of the many under the plea of pro- tection. The campaign was a very earnest one, but after the Greeley tide had struck its ebb in the North Carolina elec- tion in August, the battle was a hopeless one for Greeley, and he was defeated by a very large majority. The follow- ing table gives the popular vote : STATES. Grant. Greeley. O'Conor. Black. Maine 61,422 37,168 41,481 133,472 13,665 50,638 440,736 91,656 349,589 29,087 31,424 10,927 59,260 5,329 45,880 387,281 76,456 212,041 * 100 593 204 1,454 630 New Hampshire 200 Vermont Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut 206 New York 201 New Jersey Pennsylvania 1,630 239 OUR PRESIDENTS STATES. Delaware Maryland Virginia West Virginia. North Carolina South Carolina. Georgia Florida Alabama Mississippi .... Louisiana* .... Louisiana! .... Texas Arkansas Missouri Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Michigan Indiana Illinois Wisconsin Minnesota .... Iowa Nebraska Kansas Nevada California Oregon Totals. Grant. 11,115 66,760 93,468 32,315 94,769 72,290 62,550 17,763 90,272 82,175 71,663 59,975 47,468 41,373 119,196 85,655 88,766 281,852 138,455 186,147 241,944 104,997 55,117 131,566 18,329 67,048 8,413 54,020 11,819 3,597,132 Greeley. 10,206 67,687 91,654 29,451 70,094 22,703 76,356 15,427 79,444 47,288 57,029 66,467 66,546 37,927 151,434 94,391 99,995 244,321 78,355 163,632 184,938 86,477 34,423 71,196 7,812 32,970 6,236 40,718 7,730 2,834,125 O'Conor. Black. 487 19 42 600 187 4,000 2,580 2,439 2,374 1,163 2,861 1,417 3,058 834 2,221 596 1,068 572 29,489 2,100 1,271 5,608 * " Custom house" count. The total vote of the country, as given above, includes these returns. + Count by the Warmouth returning board. If these returns should be substituted' for the others, the total vote of the country would be: for Grant, 3,585,444 ; Greeley, 2,843,563. I find that many tables of the popular vote are discordant, and I have accepted the table prepared by Mr. Stanwood as he presented it. The Louisiana dispute arose from two re- turning boards. Governor Warmouth, who was, by virtue of his office, the head of the returning board, had supported Greeley, and the dispute led to two returning boards, each of which made a different return of the official vote of the State, one giving it to Greeley and the other to Grant. Mr. Greeley died soon after the election and before the electoral colleges met, and the minority electors, who had been chosen for Greeley, were entirely at sea, as will be seen by the fol- lowing table of the electoral vote as returned to Congress. 240 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM There were many quibbles raised in the joint convention of the two houses in counting and declaring the vote. Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts, objected to the Georgia votes cast for Greeley because he was dead at the time, and various other technical objections were made, but the table I give shows the vote as it was accepted : President. Vice-President. STATES. >— ( a u O EC CO cd CO en 5 (3 i— i co" M _o 'u -d C o W < CO a o Xi EH 6 c * o u « u o «" 6 8 4 18 >, % CD to o a u o K 3* O c/T G © t— > CO *n o 2 2 i— i CO > > Q 1 1 CO CO oj 3 C o CO % >> u a cd 6 a o « S3 -4-> oS !h «■ d c i— i a .5 "3 i be u o cd O +j" +j P D< O O X -d 0) u 5 5 «-T CD g Oh c o 1—1 3 3 M CD* +-> -t-J CD S U m H CO a o ,cs EH 3 3 CO CO oj 8 CO c oj CQ PU c oS 1 d ^' o CD £1 CO CD O U o CO a l 1 c CD O oj CO Maine 7 5 5 13 4 6 35 9 29 3 11 5 10 7 4 10 8 8* 6* 22 11 15 21 10 5 11 3 5 3 6 3 8 8 6 12 8 - 7 5 5 4 6 35 9 29 3 11 5 10 7 4 10 8 8* 22 11 15 21 10 5 11 3 5 3 6 3 8 5 8* 8 6* 6 12 8 5 Vermont. — Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey — Pennsylvania — Maryland Virginia — West Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Florida — Alabama Mississippi Louisiana — Louisiana Texas — Arkansas — Kentucky Ohio 1 Michigan Indiana — Illinois Wisconsin Minnesota Iowa Kansas Nevada California Total (as declared) 286 42 286 47 5 1 ♦Rejected by Congress. 241 OUR PRESIDENTS From the time that Greeley was nominated in May, until probably a month after the meeting of the Democratic con- vention in July, everything pointed to his triumphant elec- tion. Leading men of the party were daily announcing themselves as his supporters, and a tidal wave that would sweep Greeley into the Presidency seemed certain. But in August the great business interests of the country, then rocked in the tempest of inflation created by the war, became appalled at the prospect of the election of Greeley, whose financial and business policy would be but an experiment. All knew that the business of the country was dangerously inflated, and that disaster must come sooner or later, but they felt that it would be delayed by the re-election of Grant, and in the brief period of one month the Greeley tide began its ebb, which doomed him to a most humiliating defeat. Had David Davis been the candidate there would have been no such apprehension in business and monetary circles, and I have never doubted that he would have been elected as the logical successor of Abraham Lincoln. Although I had opposed the nomination of Greeley, he well understood that it was solely because I felt that I was thus a better friend to him than he was to himself, and I devoted my time to tireless effort to give him success. Out- side his editorial duties, in which he was a master of masters, he was as guileless and unsophisticated as a child, and even his closest friends trembled when they regarded his election to the Presidency as more than probable. About the ist of August, before the revulsion had become visible, I was sent for by Waldo Hutchings to meet the friends of Greeley in conference at the Astor House. Among those present were Mr. Hutchings, Whitelaw Reid, ex-Congressman Cochran, and several others, and they informed me that I had been sent for to call upon Greeley and earnestly admonish him against making any pledges or promises whatever, before the election, as to his Cabinet appointments. They said that if elected President his safety would be in having about him an able, faithful and discreet Cabinet, and they feared that in the kindness of his heart he would become complicated with those who sought to importune him for preferment. In order to keep him from visitors he was then hidden away in a private upstairs room in Brooklyn, where I was directed to call on my mission. I never saw a happier face than that of Greeley when I 242 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM met him, as he was then entirely confident of success, and in a very kind and facetious way he reminded me that I had underestimated his strength with the people. When oppor- tunity came in the conversation I suggested to him that a man who was elected President by a combination of op- posing political interests would have very grave and com- plicated duties to perform, and that he should especially avoid any Cabinet complications. With the simplicity and confidence of a child his answer was : " Don't misunderstand me; you ought to know that I would appoint no Cabinet officer from your section without your approval." He was surprised to find that I was not there to obtain promises, but to warn him against the peril of saying to others just what he had said to me, and after reviewing the conditions he agreed that his only safety was in avoiding all obligations relating to appointments until the duty confronted him. He asked me to go to North Carolina and give a week to the campaign in that State, and to that I agreed, although I was in charge of the Pennsylvania battle. That was the last time that I saw Horace Greeley. After the disastrous elec- tions of October, which clearly foreshadowed his defeat, he made New England and Western tours, and delivered speeches which well compare with the grandest utterances of our best statesmanship. But the tide against him was resist- less, and while nursing a dying wife and worn out by his ceaseless offices of affection, the blow came that clouded one of the noblest, purest, and ablest of the great men of the land. On the last day that he put pen to paper he wrote me a brief letter saying that he was " a man of many sorrows," but that he " could not forget the gallant though luckless struggle " I had made in his behalf. Broken in health, be- reaved in his affections, and disappointed in his greatest am- bition, his reason toppled from its throne and he died an in- mate of an asylum. The two chieftains of the political con- test of 1872 were brought together soon after the victor and vanquished were declared, as President Grant stood at the tomb of Horace Greeley to pay the last tribute of himself and the nation to the fallen philanthropist. THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST 1876 The Presidential contest of 1876 brought into the national political arena the strongest personality developed by the Republican party, with the single exception of Abraham Lincoln. James G. Blaine was admittedly the Henry Clay of the Republican party, and both were equally idolized and equally fated. The Republican party had men of profounder intellect than Blaine, but no one who so completed the circle of all the qualities of a popular leader, including masterly ability as a disputant. Like Clay, he was idolized by his friends and most bitterly defamed by his foes, and both were twice defeated by their party for Presidential nomina- tions when the party was successful, and both nominated only to suffer defeat. With an intimate knowledge of the public men of the last half century, I regard Blaine as the most magnetic man I have ever met. His greeting to friend and stranger was always generous without gush, and at once brought all who had any communication with him into apparently the closest relations. He remembered names of the humblest and most distant of his acquaintances; always knew something of their communities and their interests. It was not the art of a demagogue, but the natural impulse of a big-hearted, big-brained enthusiast, and Blaine was an enthusiast in everything that enlisted his interest. When, in addition to these charming personal qualities, he possessed every attri- bute of a great popular orator, it is not difficult to under- stand why Blaine became the favorite of the people. Like all who have reached any measure of distinction in that line, he had bitter and malignant foes, and he could well have said of himself, as Clay once did when overcome by an exhibition of the generosity of his friends, who had paid a note that greatly embarrassed him : " Never had man such friends and such enemies as Henry Clay." The chief difference between Clay and Blaine was in the fact that the 244 RUTHERFORD B. HAYES V AND HOW WE MAKE THEM masses did not know Clay from personal contact, while the masses well knew Blaine, and saw him as he was in his every-day life as well as in his great achievements in politics and statesmanship. In another respect Blaine differed widely from Clay. Blaine was a fatalist, and from 1876, when he was first defeated for the Republican nomi- nation for President in Cincinnati, until his name was last presented to the Republican National Convention in 1892, he was oppressed, profoundly oppressed, with the belief that he never could be President; while Clay hoped to realize the great dream of his life, and confidently expected his election to the Presidency until his final defeat in the Philadelphia convention of 1848. I saw Blaine soon after the Cincinnati convention of 1876, and talked with him for an hour alone at the Continental Hotel, and I well remember the sad expression of his strong face when he said : " I am the Henry Clay of the Republican party ; I can never be President." He was standing by a window looking out upon the street, with his arm over my shoulder, and he spoke of his hopes and fears with a subdued eloquence that was painfully impressive. He was again defeated for nomination in 1880, thus suffering two defeats when the candidates chosen by the convention were elected. He was nominated in 1884 and defeated, thus completing the circle of the sad history of Clay and the Whig party. Clay was defeated in the Harrisburg convention of Decem- ber, 1839, by Harrison, who was elected ; he was nominated by the Baltimore convention in 1844, and defeated by Polk ; and in 1848 he was again defeated for the nomination in the Philadelphia convention by Taylor, who was elected. Thus both Clay and Blaine were twice defeated in their respective party conventions when their successful competi- tors were elected, and both nominated when their parties suffered defeats. Soon after Blaine's nomination, in 1884, I sent a brilliant staff correspondent of my paper, who had intimate personal relations with Blaine, to stay with him at Augusta for several weeks. One pleasant afternoon they walked along the banks of the Penobscot River, when Blaine insensibly diverted the conversation into a soliloquy. He said : " Clay was defeated in two conventions when he could have been elected President, and he was nominated for President when his competitor was elected, and that com- petitor was one who had not been publicly discussed as 245 OUR PRESIDENTS a Presidential candidate before the meeting of the Baltimore convention of 1844. I was defeated in two conventions when I could have been elected. I am nominated now with a competitor alike obscure with the competitor of Clay." He then brought the soliloquy to a climax by holding up his hand and repeating what he seemed to regard as talis- manic figures, "1844-1884." Clay was defeated in 1844, and Blaine was impressed with the belief that he would suffer defeat in 1884. The prospect for Republican success was not flattering at the opening of the campaign of 1876. The Grant adminis- tration was severely criticised and the party greatly weak- ened by the scandals of the Whiskey Ring, the impeachment of Secretary Belknap, and by the general business depression that began in 1873. The Democrats had carried a large majority in the popular branch of Congress in 1874, and the Republicans were so seriously alarmed at the prospect of losing the election of 1876 that Senator Oliver P. Morton, the ablest of the Republican leaders, made an earnest effort to procure an amendment to the Constitution providing for the election of Presidents by popular vote, but the scheme failed. There was also some disturbance in the Republican party, caused by the evident desire of General Grant to secure a third term. He had written a letter to General Harry White, of Pennsylvania, that was very unlike Grant, whose habit was to express his convictions clearly and tersely, but in this letter he elaborately discussed the question of a third term, without distinctly declaring whether he would or would not accept it. There was but one conclusion that could be drawn from the letter, and that was that Grant was more than willing to have a third nomination tendered to him. The State convention of Pennsylvania, over which General White presided, had declared with emphasis " opposition to the election to the Presidency of any person for a third term." General White expected a letter from President Grant in accord with that expression, but the nearest that Grant came to a declination was in the single sentence of the letter, speaking of the third term, he said : " I do not want it any more than I did the first," to which he added the suggestion that the Constitution put no restriction upon the period a President might serve. Another pointed admonition to Grant not to press his 246 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM candidacy was given by the adoption of a resolution in the House, declaring that the established precedent of Wash- ington, who retired from the Presidency after the second term, had become " a part of our Republican system of government, and that any departure from this time-honored custom would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions." This resolution passed by 234 to 18, and was supported not only by all the Democrats, but of the 88 Republicans voting, 70 voted for it. One of the peculiar features of the contest for the Republican nomina- tion was presented in the candidacy of Benjamin H. Bristow, then Secretary of the Treasury, who was not in harmony with the President, and yet refused to resign. He was the candidate of the most violent anti-Grant element. The Republican convention met at Cincinnati on the 14th of June, and it was one of the most earnest and stubborn contests I have ever witnessed. Blaine had a clear majority of the delegates in the convention, and certainly would have been nominated with anything like fair play. On the Sunday morning immediately before the meeting of the convention, and when all the delegates and the outside political hustlers were earnestly at work in Cincinnati, a dispatch came from Washington that fell like a thunderbolt from an unclouded sky upon Blaine's friends. He had fallen at the church door when about to enter for service, and was unconscious for some time, and the opponents of Blaine made the most of the misfortune. The first reports of his illness were greatly exaggerated, and his friends at the convention were much disconcerted and discouraged, but when on Monday morning he tele- graphed them himself that his illness was not serious, all were again thoroughly united to force his nomination. The friends of Blaine had a majority of the convention. There was not an hour during the sessions of that body that a majority of the delegates did not desire to nominate him for President, but many were held by instructions or other complications, as was the entire Pennsylvania delegation, made up almost wholly of Blaine men, but instructed for Governor Hartranft. Strange as it may seem, he received the votes of a majority of all the delegates in the convention, but not on any one ballot, and never was the wish of a nominating body so artfully misled from its intent. The speech of Ingersoll nominating Blaine was the most 247 OUR PRESIDENTS powerful and impressive I ever heard before a deliberative body, and had a ballot been reached on that day no combina- tion could have prevented Blaine's success. The struggle was desperate for delay, and the opponents of Blaine, fearing that the session might be extended into the evening, and thus reach a ballot without adjournment, had the gas clan- destinely cut off from the building, and an adjournment was enforced by darkness. The enemies of Blaine were very powerful. President Grant was one of the most aggressive and vindictive, and ex-Senator Cameron, who was then Secretary of War. was chairman of the Pennsylvania delega- tion, and pitiless and tireless in his opposition to Blaine. At nearly midnight, before the second day of the conven- tion, Cameron had decided that he must give up the battle against Blaine and assent to his nomination, as his delegation had become very refractor}-, and all knew that Blaine could be nominated whenever all who desired his nomination were free to vote for him. His defeat was planned in and executed from Cameron's room, who had his trusted lieutenants about him, including the late Robert W. Mackey. who was the most accomplished and practical politician of his day in Pennsylvania, and the late William H. Kemble. It was ircided to propose to the Pennsylvania delegation that as they were instructed for Hartranft. and to vote as a unit, they should do so only while Hartranft's vote increased, and that whenever he dropped in the race the delegation should then vote as a unit as the majority directed. This was enthusiastically accepted by the friends of Blaine, as they believed that Hartranft's strength would soon be exhausted, and that then they would get a solid vote for Blaine ; but Mackey and Kemble, who understood how to manage politicians of every grade, including the carpet-baggers and colored political speculators from the South, arranged with a number of delegations, chiefly in the Southern States, to have Hartranft's vote increased slightly on every ballot. Instead of starting Hartranft with an exhibition of his full strength, part of it was held back, and, to the consternation of the Blaine men from this State, Hartranft's vote was maintained until the climax came in the landslide to Gov- ernor Hayes, of Ohio, as a compromise candidate. But for Secretary Cameron and State Treasurer Mackey and ex- State Treasurer Kemble. Blaine's nomination would have been absolutely certain at the Cincinnati convention in iS~: 248 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM The convention had as permanent president Edward Mc- Pherson, of Pennsylvania, who was a devoted friend of Blaine, but whose delegation, under the manipulation of Chairman Cameron, was held from Blaine until it was too late to be of service to him. Conkling, of New York, who had the unanimous support of his State, was the favorite candidate of the administration, but from Blaine's opponents was heard on every side the slogan " anybody to beat Blaine." It was not until the third day that a ballot was reached, and on the 7th a stampede was made to Governor Hayes, of Ohio, and he was unanimously declared the nomi- nee of the party. The following table exhibits the ballots in detail : , I 4-S u •3 n xtx Blaine 285 125 113 99 61 58 11 3 296 120 114 93 64 63 4 293 113 121 90 67 68 3 292 108 126 84 68 71 5 286 95 114 82 104 69 5 308 85 111 81 113 50 5 351 Morton ___ Bristow 21 Conkling Hayes.. . . 384 Hartranft Jewell Scattering ___ William A. Wheeler, of New York, was nominated for Vice-President without a formal ballot, as soon after the bal- loting began the several other candidates were withdrawn, and he was nominated by acclamation. The following plat- form was unanimously adopted : When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged of human slavery, and when the strength of government of the people, by the people, and for the people, was to be demonstrated, the Republican party came into power. Its deeds have passed into history, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their memories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind, and looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and pur- pose, we, the representatives of the party in national convention assembled, make the following declaration of principles : 1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By the combined workings of the national and State governments, un- der their respective Constitutions, the rights of every citizen are secured, at home and abroad, and the common welfare promoted. 2. The Republican party has preserved these governments to the 249 OUR PRESIDENTS hundredth anniversary of the nation's birth, and they are now em- bodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle, " That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- tain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness; that for the attainment of these ends govern- ments have been instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Until these truths are cheer- fully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced, the work of the Republican party is unfinished. 3. The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the Union, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free en- joyment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party stands sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforce- ment of the principles embodied by the recent constitutional amend- ments is vested by those amendments in the Congress of the United States, and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legislative and executive departments of the Government to put into imme- diate and vigorous exercise all their constitutional powers for re- moving any just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To this end we imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are placed beyond dispute or recall. 4. In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, the National Government assumed to remove any doubts of its purpose to discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, and " sol- emnly pledged its faith to make provision, at the earliest practicable period, for the redemption of the United States notes in coin." Commercial prosperity, public morals, and national credit demand that this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to specie payment. 5. Under the Constitution the President and heads of depart- ments are to make nominations for office; the Senate is to advise and consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of the public service demands that these distinctions be respected ; that Senators and Representatives, who may be judges and accusers, should not dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule in appointments should have reference to the honesty, fidelity, and capacity of the appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmony and vigor of administration require its policy to be represented, but permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole reference to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful ser- vice to the country. 6. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concern- ing political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid respon- sibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of all who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, and unsparing. 7. The public-school system of the several States is a bulwark of the American Republic, and, with a view to its security and per- manence, we recommend an amendment to the Constitution of the United States forbidding the application of any public funds or 250 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM property for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control. 8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures and the obli- gations of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to pro- mote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the whole country. g. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public land to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be devoted to free homes for the people. 10. It is the imperative duty of the Government so to modify exist- ing treaties with European governments, that the same protection shall be afforded to the adopted American citizen that is given to the native-born ; and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect emigrants, in the absence of power in the States for that purpose. n. It is the immediate duty of Congress fully to investigate the effect of immigration and importation of Mongolians upon the moral and material interests of the country. 12. The Republican party recognizes with its approval the sub- stantial advances recently made toward the establishment of equal rights for women by the many important amendments effected by Republican Legislatures in the laws which concern the personal and property relations of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the ap- pointment and election of women to the superintendence of educa- tion, charities, and other public trusts. The honest demands of this class of citizens for additional rights, privileges, and immunities should be treated with respectful consideration. 13. The Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Territories of the United States for their government, and in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to prohibit and extirpate, in the Territories, that relic of barbarism — polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end and the supremacy of American institutions in all the Territories. 14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those who imperilled their lives for the country's preservation in the kind- est remembrance. 15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. We therefore note with deep solicitude that the Democratic party counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a united South, secured through the efforts of those who were recently arrayed against the nation ; and we invoke the earnest attention of the country to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would reopen sectional strife and imperil national honor and human rights. 16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in char- acter and spirit as when it sympathized with treason ; with making its control of the House of Representatives the triumph and opportu- nity of the nation's recent foes ; with reasserting and applauding in the national Capitol the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion ; with sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate soldiers to the front ; with deliberately proposing to repudiate the plighted faith of the Government ; with being equally false and imbe- cile upon the overshadowing financial questions ; with thwarting the ends of justice by its partisan mismanagement and obstruction of 251 OUR PRESIDENTS :-■ t^tigation: with proving itself, through the period of its ascend- ancy in the lower house of Congress, utterly incompetent to admin- ister the Government; and we warn the country against trusting a party thus alike unworthy, recreant and incapable. : " The national administration merits commendation for its honor- able work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs, and President Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the American people for his patriotism and his eminent services, in war and in peace. 18. We present as our candidates for President and Vice-Presi- dent of the United States two distinguished statesmen, of eminent ability and character, and conspicuously fitted for those high offices, and we confidently appeal to the American people to intrust the administration of their public affairs to Rutherford B. Hayes and William A. Wheeler. The friends of Blaine were grievously disappointed at the action of the Cincinnati convention, but Blaine promptly came to the front in his heroic way, and made a tireless bat- tle for the success of the ticket. The Democratic convention met at St. Louis on the 28th of June. Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, was temporary chairman, and was succeeded by General John A. McCler- nand, of Illinois, as permanent presiding officer. This was the first convention to cross the Father of Waters, and it was a thoroughly organized Tilden convention before it met. Til- den was the ablest political manager in the Democratic party of that day. He was tireless, methodical, and sagacious, and he made his nomination over Hancock and Hendricks by early and complete organization of his friends in all the debatable States. He had won national reputation by his courage in bringing Tweed to justice, and he was regarded by the country generally as well equipped for the high duties of Chief Magistrate. The friends of Hendricks made a des- perate battle for him, but they were outclassed in leadership, and it was a Tilden convention when the body convened, with very able men to hold it in subjection. The Tilden forces required little leadership at St. Louis, as his nomination had been thoroughly accomplished before the convention met. Tilden exhausted his wonderful pow- ers of organization in getting control of the delegations of doubtful States, and looked minutely to the men who should r rhosen as delegates, and when the convention met there was no boisterous jostling between the opposing forces, as the majority was complete in its organization and moved with directness to the accomplishment of its purpose. 252 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM William L. Scott, of Erie, Perm., who was twice elected to Congress in an overwhelmingly Republican district, was the accepted leader of the Tilden people. He was personally popular, self-poised, sagacious, and discreet, and all he had to do was to keep his solid lines unbroken. The minority was dumbfounded at the development of the Tilden strength, but the Hendricks people, led by McDonald, of Indiana — afterward United States Senator — and most zealously and aggressively aided by the helpless Tammany minority in the New York delegation, fought heroically at every step ; but with Scott to manage and Harry Watterson to inspire the Tilden people, they maintained their mastery from start to finish, and Tilden was declared the nominee. When the nomination was announced the convention pre- sented a singular spectacle. The Tilden delegates were at once upon their feet cheering lustily and waving their hand- kerchiefs, and one after another of the minority delegations rose and joined in the huzzas for the declared candidate, but the Indiana delegates sat stubbornly in their seats, pre- senting the appearance of a small cleared patch in a forest. The convention waited some minutes for the Indiana men to rise, but they kept their seats. The next day Hendricks was made the candidate for Vice-President in spite of the pro- tests of his delegation and his friends, and finally the conven- tion joined in united cheers for the ticket. Much bitterness was developed during the struggle be- tween the opposing clans, and a duel between General Mor- gan, a fighting Democratic soldier of Ohio, and Colonel Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was only averted, when the con- vention adjourned, by Colonel Watterson hurrying Brecken- ridge off to dinner, and compelling him to make concessions which properly satisfied the Ohio warrior. It required only two ballots to give Tilden the nomination, as follows : Samuel J. Tilden, N. Y. . . Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind Winfield S. Hancock, Penn William Allen, Ohio Thomas F. Bayard, Del. . . . Joel Parker, N. J Allen G. Thurman, Ohio. . . First. Second. 417 535 140 60 75 59 56 54 33 11 18 18 — 7 253 OUR PRESIDENTS The platform was prepared under Tilden's own direction, and it was unanimously adopted as follows : We, the delegates of the Democratic party of the United States, in national convention assembled, do hereby declare the adminis- tration of the Federal Government to be in urgent need of im- mediate reform; do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of this con- vention, and of the Democratic party in each State, a zealous effort and co-operation to this end; and do hereby appeal to our fellow- citizens of every former political connection to undertake with us this first and most pressing patriotic duty. For the Democracy of the whole country, we do here reaffirm our faith in the permanence of the Federal Union, our devotion to the Constitution of the United States, with its amendments uni- versally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that en- gendered civil war, and do here record our steadfast confidence in the perpetuity of Republican self-government. In absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority — the vital principle of republics ; in the supremacy of the civil over the mili- tary authority ; in the total separation of Church and State, for the sake alike of civil and religious freedom ; in the equality of all citizens before just laws of their own enactment; in the liberty of individual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws ; in the faithful edu- cation of the rising generation, that they may preserve, enjoy, and transmit these best conditions of human happiness and hope — we behold the noblest products of a hundred years of changeful history ; but, while upholding the bond of our Union and great charter of these our rights, it behooves a free people to practise also that eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty. Reform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the whole people the Union, eleven years ago happily rescued from the danger of a secession of States, but now to be saved from a corrupt centralism which, after inflicting upon ten States the rapacity of carpet-bag tyrannies, has honeycombed the offices of the Federal Government itself with incapacity, waste, and fraud ; infected States and municipalities with the contagion of misrule, and locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of hard times. Reform is necessary to establish a sound currency, restore the public credit, and maintain the national honor. We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of peace, to make good the promise of the legal tender notes, which are a changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and the non-payment of which is a disregard of the plighted faith of the nation. We denounce the improvidence which, in eleven years of peace, has taken from the people in Federal taxes thirteen times the whole amount of the legal tender notes, and squandered four times their sum in useless expense without accumulating any reserve for their redemption. We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party which, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward resumption, no preparation for resumption, but instead has ob- 254 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM structed resumption, by wasting our resources and exhausting all our surplus income ; and, while annually professing to intend a speedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hindrances thereto. As such hindrance, we denounce the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and we here demand its repeal. We demand a judicious system of preparation by public econ- omy, by official retrenchment, and by wise finance, which shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect ability and its perfect readiness to meet any of its promises at the call of the creditor entitled to payment. We believe such a system, well devised, and, above all, intrusted to competent hands for its execution, creating at no time an arti- ficial scarcity of currency, and at no time alarming the public mind into a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-five per cent, of all business transactions are performed — a system open, public, and inspiring general confidence — would, from the day of its adoption, bring healing on its wings to all our harassed industries, set in motion the wheels of commerce, manu- factures, and the mechanic arts, restore employment to labor, and renew in all its natural resources the prosperity of the people. Reform is necessary in the sum and modes of Federal taxation, to the end that capital may be set free from distrust, and labor lightly burdened. We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four thousand articles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false pretence. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising revenue. It has impov- erished many industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might purchase the products of American labor. It has de- graded American commerce from the first to an inferior rank on the high seas. It has cut down the sales of American manufactures at home and abroad and depleted the returns of American agricul- ture — an industry followed by half our people. It costs the people five times more than it produces to the treasury, obstructs the proc- esses of production, and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and bank- rupts honest merchants. We demand that all custom-house taxation shall be only for revenue. Reform is necessary in the scale of public expense — Federal, State, and municipal. Our Federal taxation has swollen from sixty millions gold, in i860, to four hundred and fifty millions currency, in 1870; our aggregate taxation from one hundred and fifty-four millions gold, in i860, to seven hundred and thirty millions cur- rency, in 1870 ; or in one decade from less than five dollars per head to more than eighteen dollars per head. Since the peace, the people have paid to their tax gatherers more than thrice the sum of the national debt, and more than twice that sum for the Fed- eral Government alone. We demand a rigorous frugality in every department, and from every officer of the Government. Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of the public lands and their diversion from actual settlers by the party in power, which has squandered two hundred million acres upon rail- roads alone, and out of more than thrice that aggregate has dis- posed of less than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil. Reform is necessary to correct the omissions of a Republican 255 OUR PRESIDENTS Congress, and the errors of our treaties and diplomacy, which have stripped our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race re- crossing the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and have exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and, in fact, now by law denied citizenship through naturalization as being neither accustomed to the traditions of a progressive civilization nor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which thus discards the liberty-loving German and tolerates a re- vival of the Cooly trade in Mongolian women imported for im- moral purposes, and Mongolian men held to perform servile labor- contracts, and demand such modification of the treaty with the Chinese empire or such legislation within constitutional limitations as shall prevent further importation or immigration of the Mon- golian race. Reform is necessary, and can never be effected but by making it the controlling issue of the elections, and lifting it above the two false issues with which the office-holding class and the party in power seek to smother it : i. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support belong exclusively to the several States, and which the Democratic party has cherished from their foundation, and is re- solved to maintain without prejudice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and without largesses from the treasury to any. 2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged, but now reunited in one indivisible republic and a common destiny. Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election; be a prize fought for at the ballot-box; be a brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held- for fidelity in the public employ ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men, nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, promises falsified in the performance attest that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary reform. Reform is necessary even more in the higher grades of the pub- lic service. President, Vice-President, judges, Senators, Represen- tatives, Cabinet officers — these and all others in authority are the people's servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite ; they are a public trust. When the annals of this Republic show the disgrace and censure of a Vice-President ; a late Speaker of the House of Representa- tives marketing his rulings as a presiding officer ; three Senators profiting secretly by their votes as law-makers ; five chairmen of the leading committees of the House of Representatives exposed in jobbery; a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing balances in the public accounts ; a late Attorney-General misappropriating pub- lic funds ; a Secretary of the Navy enriched or enriching friends by percentages levied off the profits of contractors with his depart- ment; an ambassador to England censured in a dishonorable speculation; the President's private secretary barely escaping con-, 256 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM viction upon trial for guilty complicity in frauds upon the revenue; a Secretary of War impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, — the demonstration is complete that the first step in reform must be the people's choice of honest men from another party, lest the disease of one political organization infect the body politic, and lest, by making no change of men or parties, we get no change of measures and no real reform. All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes, the product of sixteen years' ascendency of the Republican party, create a necessity for reform confessed by Republicans themselves ; but their reformers are voted down in convention and displaced from the Cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the eighty thousand office-holders, its leaders and guides. Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties, that we may have change of measures and of men. Resolved, That this convention, representing the Democratic party of the United States, do cordially endorse the action of the present House of Representatives in reducing and curtailing the expenses of the Federal Government, in cutting down salaries, ex- travagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and places not required by the public necessities ; and we shall trust to the firmness of the Democratic members of the House that no com- mittee of conference and no misinterpretation of the rules shall be allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of economy de- manded by the country. Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have a just claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their fellow- citizens. Business and trade were very much depressed in 1876, as the country was then approaching the panic and industrial troubles of 1877, which convulsed the country from Eastern to Western sea, and the Greenback or Independent National party, as it was called, exhibited formidable proportions in the contest. It held its national convention at Indianapolis on the 1 8th of May, with Thomas J. Durant, of Washington, D. C, as permanent president. Peter Cooper, the noted philanthropist of New York, was unanimously nominated for President, and Newton Booth, then a California Senator, was in like manner nominated for Vice-President, but he declined, and General Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, was substi- tuted. There were 19 States represented by 239 delegates. The following platform was unanimously adopted : The Independent party is called into existence by the necessities of the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is de- prived of its just reward, by a ruinous policy which the Republican and Democratic parties refuse to change, and in view of the failure 257 OUR PRESIDENTS of these parties to furnish relief to the depressed industries of the country, thereby disappointing the just hopes and expectations of the suffering people, we declare our principles, and invite all inde- pendent and patriotic men to join our ranks in this movement for financial reform and industrial emancipation. i. We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the Specie-Resumption act of January 14. 1875, and the rescue of our industries from ruin and disaster resulting from its enforcement; and we call upon all patriotic men to organize, in every Congres- sional district of the country, with a view of electing Representa- tives to Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in this regard, and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of contraction. 2. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the Government, and convertible on demand into United States obli- gations, bearing a rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on each one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes at par, will afford the best circulating medium ever devised. Such United States notes should be full legal tender for all purposes ex- cept for the payment of such obligations as are, by existing con- tracts, especially made payable in coin, and we hold that it is the duty of the Government to provide such circulating medium, and insist, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, that bank paper must be suppressed, and the circulation restored to the nation, to whom it belongs. 3. It is the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legisla- tion, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate business, agricultural, mining, manufacturing, and commercial. 4. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold bonds, for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made, for a long period, hewers of wood and drawers of water for foreigners, especially as the American people would gladly and promptly take, at par, all bonds the Government may need to sell, provided they are made payable at the option of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.65 per cent, per annum, or even a lower rate. 5. We further protest against the sale of Government bonds for the purpose of purchasing silver, to be used as a substitute for our more convenient and less fluctuating fractional currency, which, although well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in operation it will still further oppress, in taxation, an already over- burdened people. The Prohibitionists held their national convention at Cleveland, O., on the 17th of May, and nominated Greene Clay Smith, of Kentucky, for President, and G. T. Stewart, of Ohio, for Vice-President, by acclamation, and adopted the following platform : The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized in the name of the people to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in the Government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, sub- mit in this centennial year of the Republic, for the suffrages of all 258 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM good citizens, the following platform of national reforms and meas- ures: i. The legal prohibition in the District of Columbia, the Terri- tories, and in every other place subject to the laws of Congress, of the importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic beverages as high crimes against society; an amendment of the national Constitution to render these prohibitory measures universal and permanent; and the adoption of treaty stipulations with foreign powers to prevent the importation and exportation of all alcoholic beverages. 2. The abolition of class legislation and of special privileges in the Government, and of the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibility to office without distinction of race, religious creed, property, or sex. 3. The appropriation of the public lands in limited quantities to actual settlers only; the reduction of the rates of inland and ocean postage ; of telegraphic communication ; of railroad and water trans- portation and travel to the lowest practicable point by force of law, wisely and justly framed, with reference not only to the interests of capital employed, but to the higher claims of the general good. 4. The suppression by law of lottery and gambling in gold, stocks, produce, and every form of money and property, and the penal inhibition of the use of the public mails for advertising schemes of gambling and lotteries. 5. The abolition of those foul enormities, polygamy and the social evil, and the protection of purity, peace, and happiness of homes by ample and efficient legislation. 6. The national observance of the Christian Sabbath, established by laws prohibiting ordinary labor and business in all departments of public service and private employment (works of necessity, char- ity, and religion excepted) on that day. 7. The establishment by mandatory provisions in national and State Constitutions, and by all necessary legislation, of a system of free public schools for the universal and forced education of all the youth of the land. 8. The free use of the Bible, not as a ground of religious creeds, but as text-book of the purest morality, the best liberty, and the noblest literature, in our public schools, that our children may grow up in its light, and that its spirit and principles may pervade the nation. 9. The separation of the Government in all departments and institutions, including the public schools and all funds for their maintenance, from the control of every religious sect or other asso- ciation, and the protection alike of all sects by equal laws, with entire freedom of religious faith and worship. 10. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated with foreign governments of a provision for the amicable settlement of international difficulties by arbitration. 11. The abolition of all barbarous modes and instruments of pun- ishment ; the recognition of the laws of God and the claims of humanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, and of that higher and wiser civilization worthy of our age and nation, which regards the reform of criminals as a means for the prevention of crime. 12. The abolition of executive and legislative patronage, and the election of President, Vice-President, United States Senators, 259 OUR PRESIDENTS' and of all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the people. 13. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to immigrants from all nations, the guarantee to them of ample protection, and of equal rights and privileges. 14. The separation of the money of Government from all bank- ing institutions. The National Government only should exercise the high prerogative of issuing paper money, and that should be sub- ject to prompt redemption on demand in gold and silver, the only equal standards of value recognized by the civilized world. 15. The reduction of the salaries of public officers in a just ratio with the decline of wages and market prices, the abolition of sine- cures, unnecessary offices, and official fees and perquisites ; the prac- tice of strict economy in Government expenses, and a free and thor- ough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public trusts. A mass convention held under the name of the American National party met in Pittsburg on the 9th of June, 1875, and nominated James B. Walker, of Illinois, for President, and Donald Kirkpatrick, of -New York, for Vice-President. This political organization made no figure in the contest of 1876, and did not again appear in the subsequent national elections. The following platform was adopted : We hold : 1. That ours is a Christian and not a heathen nation, and that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil government 2. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath. 3. That the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating drinks as a beverage is the true policy on the tem- perance question. 4. The charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal and State Legislatures should be withdrawn, and their oaths prohibited by law. 5. That the civil equality secured to all American citizens by Arti- cle 13th, 14th, and 15th of our amended Constitution should be pre- served inviolate. 6. That arbitration of differences with nations is the most direct and sure method of securing and perpetuating a permanent peace. 7. That to cultivate the intellect without improving the morals of men. is to make mere adepts and experts ; therefore, the Bible should be associated with books of science and literature in all our educa- tional institutions. 8. That land and other monopolies should be discountenanced. 9. That the Government should furnish the people with an ample and sound currency, and a return to specie payment as soon as prac- ticable. 10. That maintenance of the public credit, protection to all loyal citizens, and justice to Indians are essential to the honor and safety of our nation. 11. And finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-Presi- dent of the United States. 260 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM The contest of 1876 was conducted with great earnestness, but it was not distinguished for the defamation of can- didates. The popular tide seemed to be with Tilden, as the reformation he had wrought in the Democratic party by the overthrow of Tweed in New York presented him in bold contrast to the administration of Grant, that had brought a tempest of scandals upon the party ; but misfortune seemed to multiply upon Tilden from the beginning to the close of the battle. His first disaster, and what in the end proved to be a fatal one, was the result of the admission of Colorado into the Union. Thomas N. Patterson, an active Democrat, had been chosen as a delegate to Congress from Colorado in 1874 by a majority of 2163, and he gave the Democrats, who largely controlled the House, the positive assurance that the admission of Colorado would bring in another Democratic State. They had the power to exclude Colorado, but believing that the large majority of the Democrats had, under Patterson's lead in 1874, anchored the Territory safely in the Democratic column, the Democrats admitted the new State, and her three electoral votes decided the election against Tilden, as even with South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana taken from Tilden, all of which had voted for him, Hayes was chosen by a single vote. The first State election in Colorado was held in the summer of 1876, and to the utter consternation of the Demo- crats the Republicans elected the entire State ticket with 25 majority on joint ballot in the Legislature, and it was settled before the State election that the new State would not be put to the trouble and expense of another election for President in the fall, and that the Legislature would choose the electors, as it did. Tilden thus started in the contest with three electoral votes positively assured against him in the new State, that had been admitted because it was confi- dently expected to be Democratic. On the popular vote Tilden had, according to the Repub- lican returns, 252,224 majority over Hayes, and had the electoral colleges cast their votes as the popular vote was cast in Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina, Tilden would have received 203 to 156 for Hayes. The following table presents the popular vote and gives the Democratic and Republican returns of Florida and Louisiana, with the totals as they would appear with either count accepted : 261 OUR PRESIDENTS STATES. T3 X m 13 a o o o i CO OS 6 o Maine New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia West Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Florida * Florida f Alabama Mississippi Louisiana * Louisiana f Texas Arkansas Missouri Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Michigan Indiana Illinois AVisconsin , Minnesota Iowa Nebraska Kansas Colorado:}: Nevada California Oregon Total, Republican count. Total, Democratic count 49,917 38,509 20,350 108,777 10,712 61,934 521,949 115,962 366,204 13,381 91,780 139,670 56,495 125,427 90.896 130,088 22,927 24,434 102,989 112,173 70,508 83,723 104,803 58,071 203,077 133,166 159,696 323,182 141,095 213,526 258,601 123,926 48,799 112,121 17,554 37,902 9,308 76,468 14,149 66,300 41,539 44,428 150,063 15,787 59,034 489,207 103,517 384,184 10,752 71,981 95,558 42,046 108,417 91,870 50,446 23,849 24,340 68,708 52,605 75,315 77,174 44,803 38,669 145,029 89,566 97,156 330,698 166,534 208,011 278,232 130,070 72,962 171,326 31,916 78,322 10,383 78,322 15,206 663 76 779 68 774 1,987 712 7,187 33 1,373 289 3,498 1,944 3,057 9,060 17,233 9,533 1,509 2,311 9,901 2,320 7,776 44 510 4,285,992 4,300,590 4,033,768 4,036,298 81,737 81,737* 84 60 378 2,359 43 1,319 10 64 818 1,636 766 141 27 72 36 1,599 110 9,522 9,522 * Republican count. t Democratic count. 262 % By Legislature. AND HOW WE MAKE THEM On the morning after the election, newspapers of all parties announced the election of Tilden for President, but a murmur of the coming storm came at the same time from Senator Chandler, of New Hampshire, who was secretary of the national committee, of which Senator Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan, was chairman, who announced that Hayes was elected, and declared that the States of Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina had honestly voted for Hayes, and that he would finally receive their electoral votes. With the whole machinery of the Government in the hands of the Republicans, it was almost a hopeless battle for Tilden to fight for the disputed Southern States, but the Democratic people became violently aroused, and threats were freely made that the inauguration of Hayes would be prevented by mob violence if attempted. So grave had the situation become that both branches of Congress finally passed an act, creating what was known as the Electoral Commission, that should be a tribunal of last resort, to determine the disputed election. The bill passed the House by the vote of 158 Democrats and 33 Republicans, with 68 Republicans and 18 Democrats voting in the negative ; and in the Senate the bill was passed by the votes of 26 Democrats and 21 Republicans, with 16 Repub- licans and 1 Democrat voting against it. The measure was approved by the President on the 29th of January. As a majority of the Democrats in both Houses favored the measure, it was assumed that Tilden desired them to support it, but in point of fact Tilden was irresolute, and put it upon his friends to decide what should be done. Had any other man been the Democratic candidate, he would have been a great leader and an aggressive one ; but from the beginning to the close of the post-election battle Tilden was apparently dwarfed into utter helplessness, and when it became ^eyident that the Commission would decide against him, he distinctly disclaimed all responsibility for the creation of the tribunal. The Electoral Commission was finally made up under the law, composed of Senators Edmunds, Morton, Freling- huysen, Republicans, and Thurman and Bayard, Democrats ; of Representatives Payne, Hunton, and Abbott, Democrats, and Garfield and Hoar, Republicans, with Justices Strong and Miller, Republicans, and Clifford and Field, Democrats, and the fifth member of the court to be chosen by the four. Justice David Davis was first chosen as the fifth judicial 263 OUR PRESIDENTS member of the court, but he declined, as he had just been elected to the Senate by Illinois, and Justice Bradley was then selected to fill his place. Had Davis remained on the Commission, it is reasonably certain that the vote of the Electoral Commission would have been 8 for Tilden and 7 for Hayes. This Commission, whose judgment was to be final, decided in favor of Hayes on every disputed proposition by a vote of 8 to 7, and thus made him President by the following electoral vote: STATES. Hayes. Tilden. STATES. Hayes. Tilden. Maine 7 5 5 13 4 29 7 4 8 6 35 9 3 8 11 5 10 11 10 8 Texas 22 11 21 10 5 11 3 5 3 3 6 3 8 New Hampshire . . . Vermont Arkansas 6 Missouri 15 Massachusetts Tennessee 12 Rhode Island Kentucky . . 12 Connecticut Ohio "... New York Michigan ' New Jersey Pennsylvania Indiana 15 Illinois Delaware Maryland Wisconsin Minnesota Iowa Nebraska — Virginia West Virginia . . . — North Carolina .... South Carolina. . Kansas Colorado — Georgia , Nevada Florida ... . California Alabama Oregon Louisiana. . . 185 184 The true history of the struggle for the control of the electoral votes of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana has never been written and now never can be fully written. The ablest men of both sides attended the contest in those States to battle for or against the action of the returning boards. All three States had voted for Tilden, but the returning boards, which had been created by the carpet-bag rule of the South, set aside the returns on the plea of fraud and certified the electoral vote for Hayes. The strength of the claim of the Democrats was practically admitted after the inaugura- tion of Hayes by the President aiding in the adjustments which gave the Democrats the Governors and the Legislatures 264 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM of those States, and ousting the Republicans who had given the electoral vote to the President. The chief factor in the bold and revolutionary action that returned the three States named for the Republican candi- date for President was J. Donald Cameron, then Secretary of War under President Grant, and later United States Sen- ator. He is nothing if not heroic when occasion demands it. I remember calling upon him at the Continental Hotel a few days after the election, and inquired of him whether he really meant to force the reversal of the vote in those States and have Hayes returned as elected. He answered with per- fect frankness that he had started in to do it, that he meant to do it, and that it was right to do it, as the Republicans had not opportunity to vote in the South, and the only way to meet such frauds was by the strong power of the Govern- ment. But for the assurance that the army and navy would sus- tain the returning boards of those States in whatever they did under color of law, the reversal of the popular vote never could have been accomplished. The State of Florida was manipulated by Robert W. Mackey, who was the most ac- complished politician the Republicans have ever produced in Pennsylvania. He w r as apparently dying of consumption for ten years, and when it became necessary to send some competent man to handle Florida, he was selected. He started on his mission, and his racking cough and general consumptive features gave plausibility to the statement that he was going South to nurse his health. Two Democratic visiting committeemen were on the same train, and he over- heard them mature their plans to hold the State for Tilden. He telegraphed to C. D. Brigham, who had been a prominent editor and Republican politician in Pittsburg, but who then resided in Florida, to meet him at the station, and before the Democrats attempted to carry their plans into execution they were completely blocked by Mackey, who could sum- mon all the Federal officials to his aid. Governor Curtin and Senator Sherman met face to face at New Orleans in the struggle to win the electoral vote of Louisiana, and at one stage of the battle Tilden could have secured the vote by telegraphing a single word to Curtin ; but Tilden seemed to have lost his cunning, and hesitation was exhibited by him at every stage of the conflict when the promptest action was indispensable. I visited him at his 265 OUR PRESIDENTS home in Gramercy Park when the contest was on at white heat, and was amazed to find his table covered with legal briefs, as though his election depended upon the law that would govern before a competent and impartial judicial tribunal. He permitted himself and his friends to become involved in a compromising way in the Oregon dispute for a single elector, and had the same method been adopted in Louisiana, he would have won. Instead of discussing the situation as it was, he presented to me elaborate arguments to show how it should be, and I could not refrain from reminding him that he was not dealing with judicial tribu- nals nor with honest men, and that he must either meet them on their own ground and with their own weapons or he must fall in the fight. He seemed to be utterly bewildered, and the man who had organized his nomination and election with consummate skill shrivelled up into pitiable indecision and inaction when he had the power to cast the die for or against himself. The severe strain upon the popular sentiment of the cqun- try that had given Tilden 250,000 majority for President was greatly tempered, especially in the South, by a very shrewd movement planned early in the after-election contest to con- ciliate the leading people of the South. They received posi- tive assurances from men very close to Hayes, and who gave the assurance of Hayes's approval of the movement, that if Hayes should be inaugurated President without violence the State governments of Louisiana, Florida, and South Caro- lina would' be given to the Democrats. That Hayes ap- proved of the plan is evidenced by the fact that after he became President he stood resolutely by the promise made by his friends to give the Democrats control of the govern- ments of those States. There was not serious friction in Florida ; the Democratic candidate for Governor was allowed to be inaugurated on a returned majority of 195 as given by the Supreme Court. In South Carolina the face of the returns gave Wade Hamp- ton 1 134 majority for Governor, with about a like majority for the Democratic Presidential electors, but the Returning Board threw out Democratic counties and returned Cham- berlain, Republican, as elected Governor by a majority of 3433, and gave the Republican electors majorities ranging from 600 to 900. Two Legislatures were organized and two claimants for 266 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM the Governorship were qualified, but after a long siege, in which the friends of Hampton were with difficulty restrained from taking violent possession of the Capitol, the Republi- cans gave up the contest, as they discovered that President Hayes would not support them, and Hampton and his asso- ciate Democratic candidates and a Democratic Legislature were accepted. The great battle was made in Louisiana, where the Return- ing Board gave Hayes the State by a majority of 4807, and declared the Republican electors chosen by about the same majority. The face of the returns gave a majority of 7876 for Tilden and 8101 for Nichols, Democratic candidate for Governor. There, as in South Carolina, two Governors were qualified and two Legislatures organized, and Stephen B. Packard, who had been counted in as the Republican Governor, and had been largely instrumental in giving the electoral vote to Hayes, and thereby electing him, demanded that the President should sustain him, logically insisting that if Hayes was elected Packard was elected, and that if Packard must go out Hayes must go out with him. The faith of the President and his friends were pledged to the people of property in Louisiana that they should have their own State government, but it was a most difficult obli- gation to discharge. Finally, the President appointed a committee of eminent Republicans, two of whom were the present Senator Hawley, of Connecticut, and ex-Attorney- General Wayne MacVeagh, of Washington, to go to New Orleans and solve the problem. The first necessity to accom- plish that result was to withdraw enough Senators and Rep- resentatives from the Packard Legislature to the Nichols Legislature to give Nichols a quorum in both houses of un- disputed legislators, as that would leave Packard without a Legislature and clothe Nichols's government with all the ceremony of law. Many of the Packard legislators were negroes, and most of them commercial. The change could be effected only by purchase, in which the Hawley and MacVeagh committee had no part. There were enough and to spare of Packard legis- lators who were willing to sell out, but the Democrats were impoverished and could not raise money to buy them. One of the active men in the movement was Duncan F. Kenner, one of the most prominent men in the State for many years, and among the Senators in the market was one of his former 267 OUR PRESIDENTS slaves, who demanded a high price. The State had been desolated, business paralyzed, and the people of Louisiana had not recovered from the universal waste of war. and while they were more than willing to buy enough of the Packard men to give Nichols the Legislature, they were absolutely without the means to do it. In this emergency the Louisiana Lottery Company came forward and proposed to furnish the citizens of Xew Or- leans, who were managing the movement, all the money thev needed on condition that when the Democrats came into power and amended the Constitution, they should give the Louisiana Lottery a twenty-five-year charter in the Consti- tution. It was a hard bargain, but as they could do no bet- ter they accepted the proffer, and a very large sum of money was thus furnished and paid to the negroes and carpet-bag legislators, who were very glad to get under cover with cash in their pockets, knowing that the end of carpet-bag rule was near at hand. Packard finally found himself abandoned by a majority of the undisputed Senators and Representa- tives. His administration thus ended, and the promise of the friends of Hayes, which Hayes manfully sustained, was fully performed, and the property people of the South were given their right to govern their own States as the price of assenting to Hayes as President. The Xichols government kept faith with the Louisiana Lottery Company, and the people of Louisiana have ever since been unjustly criticised as the only State in the Lnion that gave the highest possible charter to a lottery company, as they could not explain the inexorable conditions which compelled them to do it. This was the last act of the great political drama of 1876-77 that made Rutherford B. Hayes President. The action of Tilden defeating Chase in the Democratic convention of 1868 had its sequel with mingled romance and reality in the defeat of Tilden for the Presidency in 1877, when the vote of Louisiana was passed upon by the Senate. Kate Chase Sprague was the most brilliant woman in "Washington society during the war period, and in every way one of the most attractive. Her home in "Washington was the centre of the most accomplished men in public life, and among them was Roscoe Conkling. the ablest of the Repub- lican Senators. The contest for the Presidency before the Electoral Commission in 1876-77 turned on the vote of 268 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Louisiana, and it required the approving vote of the Senate to give the electoral vote of that State to Hayes. Had it been given to Tilden, he would have been the President. Many believed that Hayes had not been elected and should not be declared elected, and among those who shared that conviction was Mr. Conkling, although he did not publicly express it. The Senate was carefully canvassed, and enough Repub- lican votes were marshalled to throw the vote of the Senate in favor of Tilden on the Louisiana issue if Conkling would lead in support of that policy, and it was understood that he had agreed to do so. When the crucial time came Conkling did not appear at all, and the anti-Hayes Repub- licans, being without a leader, fell back to their party lines and gave the vote of the State and the Presidential certificate to Hayes. It is an open secret that Conkling resolved his doubts as urged by Mrs. Sprague, who thereby avenged the defeat of her father in the Democratic nomination of 1868, that had been accomplished by Tilden ; and thus Tilden lost the Presidency, to which he had been elected by a popular majority of over 250,000. THE GARFIELD-HANCOCK CONTEST 1880 The greatest battle ever fought in a national convention was witnessed at Chicago where the Republican National Convention met on June 2, 1880. Grant had made his journey around the world, received the homage of the high- est rulers of every clime, and returned to be greeted with a degree of popular enthusiasm that had never before been given to any citizen of the Republic. During Grant's absence his friends had made tireless efforts to organize his forces in all the States, and the friends of Blaine, who fought this battle royal with the friends of Grant, had been equally earnest and ceaseless to give Blaine the victory. It was indeed a battle of giants, and the auditorium in which the convention was held was the most impressive picture I have ever witnessed. There were not less than ten thousand spectators in addition to the full delegations and alternates from the States. Neither of the opposing chieftains ever had a majority in the body, but for a week they stood up face to face with unbroken lines and belligerent leaders in hand-to-hand conflict. Among the delegates were Conkling, Garfield, Harrison, Logan, and many other conspicuous and able leaders of the opposing factions. Blaine's people, with the aid of the field, weakened Grant's lines by preventing the unit rule in any delegation, whereby Grant lost a considerable number of votes in New York, Pennsylvania, and other States. That was a test of the distinctive Grant strength in the body. Conkling opened the nominations by presenting the name of Grant, and he did it in imperial grandeur and with a degree of eloquence that was most impressive. Next to the speech of Ingersoll, who nominated Blaine in 1876, Conkling's appeal for the nomination of Grant will stand as the ablest of all the many able deliverances in the history 270 JAMES A. GARFIELD AND HOW WE MAKE THEM of American politics. I sat quite close to him on the platform when he delivered it, and he was a most interesting study. Had he been as discreet as he was eloquent, it would have been a perfect exhibition of impressive oratory ; but Conkling was inspired not only by his love of Grant, but more in- fluenced than he confessed to himself by an intense hatred of Blaine, that he cherished until his death. He mortally offended every friend of Blaine, and thereby made it impossible even to win the hesitating men in the Blaine ranks by his keen and pungent fling at the delegates who disregarded their instructions to vote as a unit for Grant, and by his aggressive assault upon Blaine when he referred to Grant as a candidate " without patronage, without emissaries, without committees, without bureaus, without telegraph wires running from his house to this convention or running from his house anywhere." Unlike the Ingersoll speech nominating Blaine in 1876, the speech of Conkling, able, eloquent, and grand as it was, left Grant weaker, instead of stronger. Very general interest centred in General Garfield, who was at the head of the Ohio delegation, that was instructed for Senator Sherman for President. Garfield knew the situation ; he knew that a third candidate must eventually be accepted, and he illy concealed his efforts to advance himself, while ostensibly struggling for Sherman. His speech nominating Sherman was a plea for peace rather than an aggressive presentation of Sherman's claims, and it was well understood that his plea for peace was, in fact, a plea for himself. At various stages of the balloting tidal waves of enthusiasm would start for Garfield, and he narrowly escaped a spontaneous nomination. He was per- sonally very popular, of imposing presence, a most accom- plished speaker, and he was finally accepted by the friends of Blaine because he was not the partisan of either Blaine or Grant, and also because they could certainly win with him, and thus defeat Grant. The convention became weary of what was evidently an equal contest between the Grant and Blaine forces, and all who were not intensely enlisted in the factional fight were glad to end the bitter struggle by accepting Garfield. Grant's memorable 306 stood by him and never lowered their flag until they were defeated and fell with their faces to the foe. Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, was the permanent 271 OUR PRESIDENTS president of the convention, and it was a battle of giants, lasting well in to the second week. Mr. Joy, who presented the name of Blaine to the convention, grievously disappointed the friends of the Plutned Knight. His advocacy of his chief was tame compared with the masterly orations of Conkling and Garfield, but his friends were in admirable fighting trim, and no such heroic struggle as that between Blaine and Grant has ever been recorded in the history of American politics. Conkling was chairman of his delegation, and was offensively imperious in every announcement that he made to the convention. His delegation had been instructed to vote a unit for Grant, but the convention had unshackled the delegates by allowing each one to cast his vote according to his choice, and Conkling in announcing the vote for Blaine in New York always did it with a sneer, and often with offensive expression. A ballot was not reached until Monday of the second week in the convention, and for two days the extraordinary spectacle was presented of Grant and Blaine holding their forces with but little variation, until the Blaine column finally broke for Garfield. The following table presents the ballots in detail : BALLOTS. 2 tfi u a O < to t) B a G nS u cc to 0) to to $ o c *os 2 6 to a OS >— > a u c-j c A O t— » 6 c (-. Xi to oS S to c B >b ft ft > oS ft 'O u o u e X! +J ft >. u a u o o OS R •d g G S •d ft" a oS .G K .9* !H ft o to '(h (^ OS K c 1 oS G V CQ "3 o 6 o *o A o a o u 1st 2d 3d 4th 5th 6th. 7th 8th. 9th 10th 11th 12th 13th 14th. 15th, 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 1 304 305 305 305 305 305 305 306 308 305 305 304 305 305 309 284 282 282 281 281 280 281 284 282 282 281 283 285 285 281 93 94 93 95 95 95 94 91 90 92 93 92 89 89 88 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 32 32 32 32 33 33 35 36 34 32 32 32 32 32 32 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 272 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM BALLOTS, 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 21st 22d 23d 24th 25th 26th 27th 28th 29th 30th 31st 32d. 33d. 34th 35th 36th 2 «3 U o3 < CO s c3 t— > 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 17 50 399 c o3 u CO 01 d) to CO >> 306 303 305 305 308 305 305 304 305 302 303 306 307 305 306 308 309 309 312 313 306 6 fl '3 s d to C9 g •— » 283 284 283 279 276 276 275 275 279 281 280 277 279 278 279 276 270 276 275 257 42 oS a u V 43 CO a 43 O •— > 88 90 91 96 93 96 97 97 93 94 93 93 91 116 120 118 117 110 107 99 3 6 d u 42 43 CO o3 d r-t H 36 36 35 32 35 35 35 36 35 35 36 36 35 35 33 37 44 44 30 23 5 c/3 -d C a ■d m & 4) bfl (-. o CD 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 12 11 11 11 11 11 11 d o •d R 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 7 4 3 3 4 4 3 CO 0) >-. w « ■d o n-i u o3 fi •d CI d a •d W 1 c 03 'Ci OJ 43 CO w 1 d o CO 'C s-l o3 W 53 1 # o3 'c? a n "3 +-> o e 754 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 755 756 756 755 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 378 379 379 378 While it was generally expected that the convention would eventually stampede to Garfield, the movement was given vitality and form by the Wisconsin delegation. The only name prominently discussed as a compromise candidate in addition to that of Garfield was the name of Senator Windom, of Minnesota, who had received the vote of his State from the start. In a caucus of the delegation a small majority of the Wisconsin delegation voted to prefer Garfield to Windom, and that movement started the tide that gave the victory to Garfield. It is quite possible that if Wisconsin had declared for Windom, instead of Garfield, as it failed to do by only a very few votes, Windom might have been made the candidate, as he occupied a very strong position in the party, was free from factional alliances, and probably would have been quite as strong a candidate with the people 273 OUR PRESIDENTS as Garfield. When the Wisconsin delegation decided to break the deadlock by accepting Garfield, it opened the door for the wearied anti-Grant gladiators to find speedy and gratifying refuge. Grant's column stood to him with mar- vellous fidelity. He started with 304 votes, never fell below 302, never rose above 313, and ended on the final ballot with 306. The nomination of Garfield was made unanimous amidst the wildest enthusiasm. Senator Conkling was in violent temper over the defeat of Grant, and when he was asked to name a candidate for Vice-President he at first petulantly refused to do so, but some of his more deliberate friends suggested the name of Chester A. Arthur, who was in the delegation. Arthur had acted as chairman during part of the balloting when Conkling was absent, and his dignified and manly manner of announcing the vote of his State contrasted very favorably with the offensive manner of Conkling. Conkling assented to rather than dictated the nomination of Arthur, and the 1st ballot for Vice-President was as follows: Chester A. Arthur, N. Y... 468 Elihu B. Washburne, 111. . . 199 Marshall Jewell, Conn 43 Horace Maynard, Tenn. ... 30 Edmund J. Davis, Texas . . 20 The nomination was promptly made unanimous, following platform was unanimously adopted : The Republican party in national convention assembled, at the end of twenty years since the Federal Government was first commit- ted to its charge, submits to the people of the United States this brief report of its administration. It suppressed the Rebellion which had armed nearly a million of men to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the Union of the States with freedom instead of sla- very as its corner-stone. It transformed four millions of human beings from the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Con- gress from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not exist. It has raised the value of our paper currency from thirty-eight per cent, to the par of gold. It has restored upon a solid basis payment in coin for all the national obligations, and has given us a currency absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended country. It has lifted the credit of the nation from the point where six per cent, bonds sold at eighty- six per cent, to that where four per cent, bonds are eagerly sought at a premium. Under its administration railways have increased from thirty-one thousand miles in i860 to more than eighty-two thousand miles in 1879. Our foreign trade has increased from seven hundred million dollars to one billion, one hundred and fifty million dollars in the same time, and our exports, which were twenty mil- Blanche K. Bruce (Col.), Miss 8 James L. Alcorn, Miss 4 Thomas Settle, Fla 2 Stewart L. Woodford, N. Y. 1 The 274 CHESTER A. ARTHUR AND HOW WE MAKE THEM lion dollars less than our imports in i860, were two hundred and sixty-four million more than our imports in 1879. Without resort- ing to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary expenses of government besides the accruing interest on the public debt, and has annually disbursed more than thirty million dollars for soldiers' pensions. It has paid eight hundred and eighty-eight million dollars of the public debt, and, by refunding the balance at lower rates, has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly one hundred and fifty-one million dollars to less than eighty-nine mil- lion dollars. All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire coun- try there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed. Upon this record the Republican party asks for the continued con- fidence and support of the people, and this convention submits for their approval the following statement of the principles and purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts : 1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty-one years has been such as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved through im- mense difficulties should be preserved ; that the peace regained should be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily re- stored, should be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation should be transmitted undiminished to future genera- tions ; that the order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired; that the pensions promised should be extin- guished by the full payment of every dollar thereof ; that the reviving industries should be further promoted, and that the commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged. 2. The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a mere contract; out of confederated States it made a sovereign nation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to the States ; but the boundary between the powers delegated and those reserved is to be determined by the national, and not by the State tribunals. 3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the sev- eral States, but it is the duty of the National Government to aid that work to the extent of its constitutional duty. The intelligence of the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several States, and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one State, but by the average genius of all. 4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law respecting an establishment of religion, but it is idle to hope that the nation can be protected against the influences of sectarianism while each State is exposed to its domination. We therefore recom- mend that the Constitution be so amended as to lay the same pro- hibition upon the Legislature of each State, and to forbid the appro- priation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools. 5. We affirm the belief avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American labor ; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to any railway or other corporation; that, slavery having perished in the States, its twin barbarity, polygamy, must die in the Terri- tories ; that everywhere the protection accorded to citizens of Ameri- 275 OUR PRESIDENTS can birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption; and that we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our watercourses and harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private persons or corporations must cease; that the obligations of the Republic to the men who preserved its integrity in the hour of battle are undiminished by the lapse of the fifteen years since their final victor}- — to do them perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful privilege and sacred duty of the American people. 6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse between the United States and foreign nations rests with Congress, or with the United States and its treaty-making powers, the Repub- lican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of those powers to restrain and limit that immigration by the enactment of such just, humane and reasonable provisions as will produce that result. 7. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the earlier career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the thoughts of our immediate predecessors to him for a Presiden- tial candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as Chief Executive, and that history will accord to his administration the honors which are due to an efficient, just, and courteous discharge of the public business, and will honor his interposition between the people and proposed partisan laws. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust of office and patronage; that to obtain possession of the national and State Governments and the control of place and position they have obstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the freedom of suffrage, and have devised fraudulent certifications and returns ; have labored to unseat lawfully elected members of Con- gress, to secure at all hazards the vote of a majority of the States in the House of Representatives ; have endeavored to occupy by force and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courageous action of Maine's patriotic sons ; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in prac- tice, attached partisan legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose passage the very movements of the Government depend, and have crushed the rights of individuals ; have advocated the principles and sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, and individual equality. The equal, steady, and complete enforcement of laws and the protection of all our citizens in the enjoyment cf all privileges and immunities guaranteed by the Constitution, are the first duties of the nation. The dangers of a solid South can only be averted by a faithful performance of every promise which the nation has made to the citizen. The execution of the laws and the punishment of all those who violate them are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can be secured and genuine prosperity established throughout the South. Whatever promises the nation makes, the nation must perform, and the nation cannot with safety delegate this duty to the States. The solid South must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all opinions must there find 2j6 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM free expression, and to this end the honest voter must be protected against terrorism, violence, or fraud. . And we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the Republican party to use every legitimate means to restore all the States of this Union to the most perfect harmony that may be practicable; and we submit it to the practical, sensible people of the United States to say whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests of our country at this time to surrender the administration of the National Government to the party which seeks to overthrow the existing policy under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there are now order, confidence, and hope. The Republican party, adhering to principles affirmed by its last national convention of respect for the constitutional rule covering appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes, that the reform of the civil service should be thorough, radical, and complete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the legislative with the executive department of the Government, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper, practical tests, shall admit to the public service. . General Grant had become intensely interested in the con- test for a third term, and he had every reason to believe that it would be accorded to him. Foreign travel and intelligent observation had greatly enlarged his narrow political ideas and tempered his political asperities, and he would undoubt- edly have made a much better President than ever he did before. But the unwritten law of the nation confronted him, declaring that no man could fill the Presidential chair for a longer period than did George Washington. It was that sentiment that decided the contest against him. He was at his home in Galena, not far from Chicago, dur- ing the sessions of the convention, but while he was advised of what transpired from day to day, he gave no directions and made no suggestions to his friends. He had the ablest gal- axy of leaders that ever appeared in a national convention in support of any one candidate, and he trusted them im- plicitly. On the morning after the convention adjourned he came to Chicago, and I met him at the Palmer House, where he had come to confer with his discomfited friends. His face gave no sign of the disappointment he had suffered. He met his friends in even a more genial way than was his custom. He expressed himself as entirely content with the decision of the convention, and greatly appreciated the sup- port that had been given him. He never looked better in his life, and while I could not congratulate him, I could truthfully express my gratification at seeing him the picture of health and comfort. OUR PRESIDENTS He was then in entire accord with his leading friends in their purpose to prevent the election of Garfield, and for two months after the campaign opened Garfield would have been overwhelmingly beaten, but after Conkling's conference with Garfield in Ohio, Grant's friends gave a most zealous support to Garfield's election, and barely saved him by the aid of Tammany's betrayal of Hancock. The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati "on the 22d of June, with John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky, as permanent president. The dispute over contested seats lasted until the second day. Massachusetts, that had never voted for a Democratic candidate for President, put up the fiercest fight between disputing delegations, and New York had a bitter factional quarrel between delegations chosen by the regular Democrats and another chosen by the Tammany people. The Tammany followers, under the lead of John Kelly, were very vindictive in their opposition to Tilden, openly declaring that they would not support Tilden if nomi- nated, and the Tammany delegation was rejected. ■ The position of Tilden was regarded as doubtful until well on in the second day of the contest, when an elaborate letter from him was read to the convention withdrawing his name. The letter had been prepared by Tilden and given to a trusted friend to use it only if it became evident that Tilden could not be again nominated, or that he could not be elected if nominated. The judgment of his most dispassionate friends was that he might be nominated, but that he could not be elected, with the fierce opposition of Tammany and his fail- ure to assert his right to the Presidency in 1877. After Tilden'* s withdrawal the contest was really between Hancock and Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. If the Tilden strength had been concentrated on Randall at the opening of the convention, his nomination would have been within the range of probability, but even after Tilden with- drew he hesitated until the 2d ballot before he gave Ran- dall any support. Bayard was a close second to Hancock on the 1st ballot, but he was at no time within sight of a nomination. It was on this occasion that the late Daniel Dougherty made the most eloquent speech of his life, presenting the name of Hancock to the convention. He was not a member of the delegation, but was called into it for the purpose on the morning of the day that the nomination was to be made. 278 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM He hurried around to my room at the St. Nicholas, as he hesitated about accepting the duty assigned him. He always prepared his important speeches and memorized them. I earnestly urged him to go at once to his room and write a short speech and be prepared to deliver it. He finally de- cided to do so, and in a speech of not over twenty minutes he delivered the greatest oration of his life. Only two ballots were had for President, and on the sec- ond Hancock was so largely in the lead, having 320 to 128 J for Randall, that the delegations began to change their votes until Hancock had 705 to 33 for all others. The following table gives the ballots in detail : CANDIDATES. First. Second. After changes. Thomas F. Bayard, Delaware 171 153^ 81 68K 65 62 38 8 31 320 113 50 65^ 31 6 128^ 22 705 2 Henry B. Payne, Ohio Allen G. Thurman, Ohio Stephen T. Field, California — William R. Morrison, Illinois Thomas A. Hendricks, Indiana 30 Samuel J. Tilden, New York Samuel J. Randall, Pennsylvania 1 Scattering As Indiana was one of the debatable States, William H. English, of that State, was nominated for Vice-President, with only Richard M. Bishop, of Ohio, named against him. Before the ballot had proceeded to any considerable extent, Bishop's name was withdrawn, and English given a unani- mous nomination. The following platform was unani- mously adopted : The Democrats of the United States, in convention assembled, declare — 1. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and example of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in the platform of the last national convention of the party. 2. Opposition to centralizationism and to that dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever be the form of government, a real despotism. No sumptuary laws ; separation of 279 OUR PRESIDENTS Church and State for the good of each ; common schools fostered and protected. 3. Home rule ; honest money, consisting of gold and silver, and paper convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the public faith, State and national ; and a tariff for revenue only. 4. The subordination of the military to the civil power, and a general and thorough reform of the civil service. 5. The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights, and must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States. 6. The existing administration is the representative of conspiracy only, and its claim of right to surround the ballot-boxes with troops and deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the electors, and the unprecedented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and despotic power, insult the people and imperil their institutions. 7. The grand fraud of 1876-77, by which, upon a false count of the electoral votes of two States, the candidate defeated at the polls was declared to be President, and, for the first time in American history, the will of the people was set aside under a threat of mili- tary violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representative government ; the Democratic party, to preserve the country from a civil war, submitted for a time in firm and patriotic faith that the people would punish this crime in 1880 ; this issue precedes and dwarfs every other; it imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Union than ever addressed the conscience of a nation of freemen. 8. We execrate the course of this administration in making places in the civil service a reward for political crime, and demand a reform by statute which shall make it forever impossible for the defeated candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains upon the people. 9. The resolution of Samuel T. Tilden not again to be a candidate for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his countrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of the Republican party, is received by the Democrats of the United States with sensibility, and they declare their confidence in his wisdom, patriotism, and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a common enemy, and they further assure him that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and respect of his fellow-citizens, who regard him as one who, by elevating the standards of public morality, merits the lasting grati- tude of his country and his party. 10. Free ships and a living chance for American commerce on the seas and on the land. No discrimination in favor of transportation lines, corporations, or monopolies. 11. Amendment of the Burlingame treaty. No more Chinese immigration, except for travel, education, and foreign commerce, and therein carefully guarded. 12. Public money and public credit for public purposes solely, and public land for actual settlers. 13. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cormorant and the commune. 14. We congratulate the country upon the honesty and thrift of a Democratic Congress, which has reduced the public expenditure forty million dollars a year; upon the continuation of prosperity at 280 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM home and the national honor abroad ; and, above all, upon the promise of such a change in the administration of the Government as shall insure us genuine and lasting reform in every department of the public service. The National Greenback party held its national convention at Chicago on the 9th of June, with Richard Trevellick, of Michigan, as permanent president. A single ballot was had for President, resulting as follows : Solon Chase, Maine 89 Edward P. Allis, Wis 41 Alexander Campbell, 111 . . . 21 James B. Weaver, Iowa . . 224*^ Henry B. Wright, Penn. . 126}f Stephen D. Dillaye, N. Y. 119 Benj. F. Butler, Mass 95 Before the vote was finally announced delegations speedily changed their votes to Weaver, and he was declared unani- mously chosen as the candidate. B. B. Chambers, of Texas, was nominated for Vice-President by 403 votes to 311 for Allanson M. West, of Mississippi. The following platform was adopted : 1. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power to be maintained by the people for the common benefit. The dele- gation of this right to corporations is a surrender of the central attribute of sovereignty, void of constitutional sanction, conferring upon a subordinate irresponsible power absolute dominion over industry and commerce. All money, whether metallic or paper, should be issued and its volume controlled by the Government, and not by or through banking corporations, and, when so issued, should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private. 2. That the bonds of the United States should not be refunded, but paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract. To enable the Government to meet these obligations, legal tender currency should be substituted for the notes of the national banks, the national banking system abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, as well as gold, established by law. 3. That labor should be so protected by national and State au- thority as to equalize its burdens and insure a just distribution of its results ; the eight-hour law of Congress should be enforced ; the sanitary condition of industrial establishments placed under rigid control ; the competition of contract labor abolished ; a bureau of labor statistics established; factories, mines, and workshops in- spected; the employment of children under fourteen years of age forbidden ; and wages paid in cash. 4. Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap labor being simply slavery, the importation and presence of Chinese serfs necessarily tends to brutalize and degrade American labor; therefore imme- diate steps should be taken to abrogate the Burlingame treaty. 5. Railroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-fulfilment of contract should be immediately reclaimed by Government; and henceforth the public domain reserved exclusively as homes for actual settlers. 281 OUR PRESIDENTS 6. It is the duty of Congress to regulate interstate commerce. All lines of communication and transportation should be brought under such legislative control as shall secure moderate, fair, and uniform rates for passenger and freight traffic. _ 7. We denounce, as destructive to prosperity and dangerous to liberty, the action of the old parties in fostering and sustaining gigantic land, railroad, and money corporations, invested with, and exercising, powers belonging to the Government, and yet not re- sponsible to it for the manner of their exercise. 8. That the Constitution, in giving Congress the power to borrow money, to declare war, to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, never intended that the men who loaned their money for an interest consideration should be preferred to the sol- dier and sailor who perilled their lives and shed their blood on land and sea in defence of their country ; and we condemn the cruel class legislation of the Republican party, which, while pro- fessing great gratitude to the soldier, has most unjustly discrimi- nated against him and in favor of the bondholder. 9. All property should bear its just proportion of taxation; and we demand a graduated income tax. 10. We denounce as most dangerous the efforts everywhere man- ifest to restrict the right of suffrage. 11. We are opposed to an increase of the standing army in time of peace, and the insidious scheme to establish an enormous mili- tary power under the guise of militia laws. 12. We demand absolute democratic rules for the government of Congress, placing all representatives of the people upon an equal footing, and taking away from committees a veto power greater than that of the President. 13. We demand a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, instead of a government of the bondholders, by the bondholders, and for the bondholders ; and we denounce every attempt to stir up sectional strife as an effort to conceal monstrous crimes against the people. 14. In the furtherance of these ends, we ask the co-operation of all fair-minded people. We have no quarrel with individuals, wage no war upon classes, but only against vicious institutions. We are not content to endure further discipline from our present actual rulers, who, having dominion over money, over transportation, over land and labor, and largely over the press and the machinery of government, wield unwarrantable power over our institutions, and over our life and property. 15. That every citizen of due age, sound mind, and not a felon, be fully enfranchised, and that this resolution be referred to the States, with recommendation for their favorable consideration. The Prohibition convention met at Cleveland on the 17th of June. The platform was substantially a repetition of the platform of 1876, and General Neal Dow, of Maine, was presented for President, and A. M. Thompson, of Ohio, for Vice-President. 282 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM The few scattered fragments of the American party held a convention on the 27th of June, and nominated John W. Phelps, of Vermont, for President, and Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, for Vice-President. Their platform declared against secret societies, Freemasonry in particular, and all other anti-Christian movements. The party was not heard of in the contest. The Presidential contest of 1880 was remarkable for the absence of bitterness or vituperation. Garfield and Hancock were both highly respected, and I cannot recall a struggle for the Presidency that exhibited less of the asperities which are usually displayed in the struggle for the political control of the nation. Hancock was beaten on the popular vote by a majority of but little over 7000, and he lost his election by Tammany failing to give him a cordial support in New York. The following table presents the popular and electoral vote of 1880 : STATES. Maine , New Hampshire Vermont Massachusetts. . . Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania . . , Delaware Maryland Virginia West Virginia. ., North Carolina. , South Carolina. , Georgia Florida Popular Vote. o u . cS O O^ JO 74,039 44,852 45,567 165,205 18,195 67,071 555,544 120,555 444,704 14,133 78,515 84,020 46,243 115,874 58,071 54,086 23,654 65,171* 40,794 18,316 111,960 10,779 64,415 534,511 122,565 407,428 15,275 93,706 128,586t 57,391 124,208 112,312 102,470 27,964 9) > B 4,408 528 1,215 4,548 236 868 12,373 2,617 20,668 120 818 9,079 1,126 566 969 93 180 682 20 409 1,517 191 1,939 Electoral Vote. 5 5 13 4 6 35 29 11 5 10 7 11 4 * Votes for a fusion electoral ticket, made up of three Democrats and four Greenbackers. A "straight " Greenback ticket was also voted for. + Two Democratic tickets were voted for in Virginia. The regular ticket received 96,912, and was successful; the " Readjusters " polled 31,674 votes. 283 OUR PRESIDENTS Popular Vote. Electoral Vote. •a a o .- •J -. = > — STATES. - - m - z - z T. S 'J- X ■ - 'Jl s -- ■- : 2 -.. = « o S = Z - = Ala.a-a Mississitr : L :u:s:ar.a. Texas Arkansas. 2-_':5$:uri . . I rr-ejfe: Kentutkv. . Ohio Mi:r.iga-. In liana. . . . Illinois Wis :o~s:r Minnesota . Iowa Nebraska . Kansas C:0:rat:.. Nevada.... Calif: :r:_ Oregon..... 34.5c4 ss.e-sr- -.-;•? 42.436 ::5.v: 107 677 106,306 575.04s IS-: £41 2i2.1:4 s:».os: 144.4V 93,909 181 ;: 54.979 121.549 27.4 V S.7S2 SO :4S oi.isc • o. i 50 65,067 156,428 60 7*o 266,603 128 191 140 >:s S40.S21 131. ■:■"■: 225.522 277 321 114.649 53.315 ::-5.*45 2v=2; c-.soi 24:47 9.613 SO. 42: i^s Totals 4.454.416 4.444.952 5.797 439 27.405 4,079 35.135 5.017 11.40;- 0.4:0 34, 995 12.^0 2 t.SoS 7. OS: £2.':: S.^cO lO.Sci 1.4:-: >.i72 249 43 -:- 2,616 ;-42 443 ■:} 2 so 592 ~a f 22 11 15 21 10 5 11 3 308,578 10,305 2.4 10 s 8 8 6 15 12 12 155 * Two Republican tickets -were voted for. Garfield possessed more political honors at one time than any other public man in the history of the country. After the November election of 1880, he was the Congressman from his district ; he was United States Senator-elect, having been chosen by the Ohio Legislature in January of the same year, and he was President-elect. He had many elements of popularity, but was not a courageous leader like Blaine. He was not a strong, aggressive man, although able in debate and one of the most scholarly of our public men. He had a most difficult role to fill when he came into the Presidency. Conkling wholly distrusted him when Garfield was first nominated for President, as was clearly evidenced by Conkling failing to call upon Garfield when Garfield made his first visit to New York after the Chicago conven- tion, although he stopped at the same hotel where Conkling 284 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM was a guest. Later in the campaign Conkling was earnestly urged to visit Garfield, and he made the visit, resulting in the Conkling and Grant forces earnestly supporting Gar- field's election. General Grant, for the first time in his life, took the stump to aid the Garfield cause ; but even after having turned the tide in favor of Garfield's election, Conkling knew that Garfield was not a self-reliant leader, and after the appoint- ment of Blaine to the Cabinet, with whom Conkling had no relations whatever, private or official, Conkling had little confidence in Garfield fulfilling his pledges made to the friends of Grant. The open breach came when Garfield nominated Robertson for Collector of New York. Robertson was one of the New York delegates to Chicago who voted against Grant, and was one of the most aggressive anti- Conkling men in the State. This appointment was at once charged upon Blaine, but the evidence is conclusive that it was made by Garfield alone, without even a suggestion from Blaine, who certainly did not desire to precipitate a war between the administration of which he was Premier and so formidable a political factor as Conkling. It was simply Garfield's blunder, made in haste, and it proved very clearly that he was not equipped to meet the political exigencies which confronted him. Conkling blundered even worse than Garfield. He petulantly resigned his seat in the Senate, in which his colleague, Senator Piatt (now Senator from New York), joined him, although he had served but a fraction of a year of his full term. Conkling confidently hoped to be re-elected by the New York Legislature, and he doubtless would have succeeded had not the presiding officer of the Senate, by a very shrewd and simple parliamentary act, postponed the election a week longer than Conkling expected. That delay was fatal, and a protracted and humiliating contest was made by Conkling and Piatt, each weak, both losing prestige and support, until finally the Republicans of the New York Legislature were compelled to cast them both aside and elect new Senators. Vice-President Arthur stood manfully abreast with Conkling, his friend, in his battle at Albany for re-election, but after the failure on the 1st ballot there never was a time when the re-election of Conkling and Piatt was possible. Conkling retired from politics utterly disgusted, located in New York, where he very rapidly acquired a lucrative practice, 285 OUR PRESIDENTS and his tragic death from exposure in the great blizzard of 1888 ended the career of one of the ablest of the statesmen of his day. Arthur was the fourth Vice-President who succeeded to the Presidency by the death of the President, and he was the second whose honors had come to him by the assassina- tion of his chief. The accession of Arthur created very general distrust in both business and political circles. He was little known beyond his factional conflicts in Xew York, having been removed from a leading Custom House office by Secretary Sherman. That removal was sustained by the Republican Senate in defiance of the power of Conkling. It was generally assumed that the administration of Arthur, under the lead of Conkling, would be one of political ven- geance, and of necessity convulse the party and end Repub- lican power in the nation. Business interests were disturbed because they feared that Arthur would be a political President with little exhibition of statesmanship, but Arthur rose to the full measure of his responsible duties. While he moved with great caution, to avoid a breach with his own friends, he soon offended Conkling, and gradually won the confidence and respect of the nation to an extent that few Presidents have enjoyed. The Garfield administration had been started on lines that Arthur could not follow, and the retirement of the Garfield Cabinet, with the exception of Robert T. Lincoln, then Secretary of War, was soon accomplished. The prosecution of the Star-Route Postal frauds was the one thing on which Blaine and MacYeagh, the Attorney-General, had decided to make a creditable record for the administration, and while Arthur was quite as honest as Garfield, political necessities compelled him to discourage those prosecutions. Beyond" that there was not a blemish on his administration of some three years and a half. He appreciated the fact that the President should be above the rule of faction, and in that he early offended Conkling. He nominated Conkling as Supreme Judge of the United States, but Conkling peremp- torily rejected it, and thenceforth the relations between Arthur and Conkling were severely strained. Arthur was the one of the four Yice-Presidents succeeding to the Presidency who did not change the policy of the administration. He gradually won the esteem of all parties in the land by his dignity, courtesy, and manliness in every 286 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM emergency that confronted him. He was one of the most genial and delightful of all the Presidents who occupied the White House, and he would doubtless have been nominated for President in 1884 but for the fact that Blaine had that honor safely mortgaged. Arthur was desirous of a nomina- tion, but Blaine was so strong with the leaders and also with the rank and file of the party that he won an easy victory over the President. The opposition to Arthur in the Republican convention of 1884 was not inspired by hostility to him or to his administration. It was simply the overwhelming Republican sentiment of the country that demanded Blaine as the party candidate for President. I had met President Arthur fre- quently during his Presidential term, although I never had any political or personal interests to serve. It was always a pleasure to call upon him and enjoy the dignified and cordial welcome he ever gave to visitors. I last saw him on the night of the Cleveland inauguration day, that closed his Presidential term. He was the guest of honor at a dinner given by Senator Cameron, and I was painfully impressed with what I then assumed to be the keen disappointment of Arthur at his retirement from the Presidency. He seemed greatly depressed in spirit and to lack his usual genial and fascinating qualities. It was not long after, however, when it became known that he had retired from the Presidential office the victim of a fatal disease, that exhausted his vitality. He lived a very quiet life, beloved by all who knew him and respected by the whole nation during the brief period between his retirement and his death. THE CLEVELAND-BLAINE CONTEST 1884 The Presidential campaign of 1884 was opened on June 5 by the Republican National Convention at Chicago, which nominated Blaine after the Arthur administration had made a feeble struggle against him. Strange as it may seem, Blaine took much less interest in his nomination at that time than he had in his contests of 1876 and 1880. He was pain- fully impressed by the conviction that he was fated not to be President, and he feared his defeat. A recent article by ex-Governor Boutwell, of Massachusetts, who was then in Congress with Blaine, stated that a short time before the meeting of the convention, when Blaine knew that the nomi- nation was within his own hands, he told Boutwell that he was glad to have some votes in the convention, but that he did not wish the nomination. He desired to defeat Presi- dent Arthur, and urged Boutwell to organize for the nomi- nation of General Sherman for President and Robert Lin- coln for Vice-President. I saw Blaine frequently during the months preceding the nomination, and he never exhibited any special gratification at the fact that he could then, for the first time, surely attain the leadership in his party for which he had so long strug- gled ; but he had not the courage to decline it. The nomi- tion came to him, and though he did not heartily welcome it, he was justly proud of it. The contest between Cleveland and Blaine was one of the most spirited and earnest of our national political struggles. The assassination of Garfield and the factional troubles which arose under Garfield, and continued to some extent under Arthur, greatly disturbed Republican tranquillity, and in 1882 the Democrats won all the debatable States and car- ried the popular branch of Congress. Grover Cleveland in that year became a national political factor by his election as 288 1 139 ' t - i f IT ^m : JSmBM - ..^■^■■rT ■ ■ GROVER CLEVELAND AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Governor of New York by nearly 200,000 majority. Blaine had the vital Republican element very earnestly in his sup- port, but had to confront the implacable opposition of many of the ablest leaders of his party. He had already been a candidate before two Republican conventions, in which his enemies had defamed him without limit, and the Grant influ- ence was as vindictive, although not so powerful, in 1884 as it was in 1876 and 1880. The Republican National Convention met at Chicago on the 3d of June, and ex-Representative John R. Lynch, of Mississippi (colored), was made temporary president, and ex-Senator John B. Henderson, of Missouri, permanent president. The friends of President Arthur, largely represent- ing Federal officials, made a very earnest battle for their chief, but it was a Blaine convention from start to finish. Many questions of party policy and rules were discussed and a platform adopted during the first three days of the convention, and it was not until the evening session of the third day that Presidential candidates were presented. On the morning of the fourth day, the convention proceeded to ballot, resulting in the nomination of Blaine, as follows : James G. Blaine, of Maine Chester A. Arthur, of New York. . George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. . John A. Logan, of Illinois John Sherman, of Ohio Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois William T. Sherman, of Missouri.. First. Second. Third. 334^ 278 349 276 375 274 93 85 69 63^ 30 61 28 53 25 13 13 13 4 4 8 2 2 2 Fourth. 541 207 41 7 15 2 The nomination of Blaine was made unanimous with great enthusiasm. The convention then adjourned until evening, when General John A. Logan, of Illinois, was nominated for Vice-President on the 1st ballot, receiving 779 votes to 7 for Lucius Fairchild, of Wisconsin, and 6 for Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana. General Logan was regarded as one of the most prominent of the Grant leaders, and it was con- sidered good policy to unite the two elements of the party by giving him second place. His nomination was also made unanimous, and cheered to the echo. The following plat- form was unanimously adopted : 289 OUR PRESIDENTS i. The Republicans of the United States, in national convention assembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they have triumphed in six successive Presidential elections, and con- gratulate the American people on the attainment of so many results in legislation and administration by which the Republican party has. after saving the Union, done so much to render its institut::r.r just, equal, and benefker.:. the safeguard of liberty, and the embodi- ment of the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful response to the demands of the people for the freedom and equality of all men ; for a united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens ; for the elevation of labor ; for an honest currency ; for purity in legislation ; and for integrity and accountability in all departments of the Government. And it accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and reform. 2. We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound states- manship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong and successful administration, a promise fully realized during the short period of his office as President of the United States. His distinguished sen-ices in war and in peace have endeared him to the hearts of the American people. 3. In the administration of President Arthur we recognize a vise, conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country has been blessed with remarkable prosperity-; and we believe his eminent services are entitled to and will receive the heart}- appro- val of ever}- good citizen. 4. It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights and promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity c: industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the com- fort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for revenue only, but that, in raising the requisite revenues for the Gov- ernment, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the laborers, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capi- tal, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity 5. Against the so-called economical system of the Democratic party-, which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our most earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxa- tion by a wise reduction of the surplus. 6. The Republican party- pledges itself to correct the irregulari- ties of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as ill relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great productive interests of the country. 7. "We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the danger threatening its future prosperity-: and we therefore respect the demands of the Representatives of this important agri- cultural interest for a readjustment of duties upon foreign wool, in order that such industry shall have full and adequate protection. 8. We have aways recommended the best money known to the 290 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM civilized world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all com- mercial nations in the establishment of an international standard which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage. 9. The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the States is one of the most important prerogatives of the General Government, and the Republican party distinctly announces its pur- pose to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry out the constitutional power of Congress over interstate com- merce. _ 10. The principle of the public regulation of railway corpora- tions is a wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of the people, and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust dis- crimination and excessive charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the people and to the railways alike the fair and equal pro- tection of the laws. 11. We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor; the enforcement of the eight-hour law; a wise and judicious system of genera] education by adequate appropriation from the national revenues wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere the protection of a citizen of American birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption, and we favor the settlement of na- tional differences by international arbitration. 12. The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave labor, and in a desire that all men may be truly free and equal, is unalterably opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any form of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we denounce the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe or Asia, as an offence against the spirit of American institutions, and we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary to carry out its purposes. 13. Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Re- publican administration, should be completed by the further exten- sion of the reformed system already established by law to all the grades of the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and pur- pose of the reform should be observed in all executive appoint- ments, and all laws at variance with the objects of existing reformed legislation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions which lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively avoided. 14. The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United States, and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings by actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such holdings are in the hands of non-resident aliens, and we will en- deavor to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil. We demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land-grants which have lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of incor- poration, in all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform the conditions of such grants. 15. The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union soldiers and sailors of the late war ; and the Republican party stands pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and for the widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The 291 OUR PRESIDENTS Republican party also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation contained in the Arrears act of 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall share alike, and their pensions begin with the date of disa- bility, and not with the date of the application. 16. The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which gives us the right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in American affairs — the policy which seeks peace and trade with all powers, but especially with "those of the Western Hemisphere. 17. We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American citizens and the interests of American commerce. We call upon Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has been depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a commerce which leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy which takes no law from superior force. 18. That appointments by the President to offices in the Terri- tories should be made from the bona fide citizens and residents of the Territories wherein they are to serve. 19. That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our Territories, and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power of the so-called Mormon Church, and that the law so enacted should be rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if possible, and by the military, if need be. 20. The people of the United States, in their organized capacity, constitute a nation, and not a mere confederacy of States. The National Government is supreme within the sphere of its national duties, but the States have reserved rights which should be faith- fully maintained, and which should be guarded with jealous care, so that the harmony of our system of government may be pre- served and the Union kept inviolate. 21. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free ballot, an honest count, and correct return. We denounce the fraud ' and violence practised by the Democracy in Southern States, by which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free institutions ; and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the fruits of such fraud and violence. 22. We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them our most earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legis- lation as will secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and political rights. The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on the 8th of July, and was temporarily organized with Richard D. Hubbard, of Texas, as chairman. The first day of the convention was unusually boisterous. The Tammany dele- gates, under the lead of John Kelly, were in a minority in the delegation, and under the Democratic unit rule their votes 292 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM would be cast for Cleveland, to whose nomination they were bitterly opposed. A desperate struggle was made to break the unit rule, and thus release Tammany from the support of Cleveland. The proposition was very largely defeated, and during the balloting the Tammany people made various and ineffectual efforts to have their votes recorded. On the morning of the second day, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, was made permanent president, and the presentation of can- didates for President followed, after which the platform was adopted and one ballot had for President, and on the follow- ing morning the 2d ballot was had, resulting in the selec- tion of Cleveland. Cleveland's nomination was accomplished solely by the earnest and skilful management of his cause by Daniel Manning, who was Secretary of the Treasury during half of Cleveland's first administration. Cleveland was a reluctant candidate, for he was not confident that he could be nomi- nated, and doubted if he could be elected if nominated ; but Manning gathered about him a very powerful organization, and under the unit rule carried the New York delegation solid for Cleveland, though Tammany, under the lead of John Kelly, stoutly opposed him. Randall had been named as the candidate for President by Pennsylvania, and had a delegation strongly committed to his support. I was present at the conferences of Randall's friends, and it became evident at an early stage of the battle that Randall's nomination was not within the range of possi- bility. His pronounced protection views made him ineligi- ble. Ex-Attorney-General William U. Hensel was there, and was actively enlisted in the Randall cause. When the defeat of Randall became clearly inevitable Hensel and I had a conference with Manning, and after a careful review of the situation it became apparent that Cleveland could be nominated with the aid of Randall's friends. We made no suggestions to Manning as to conditions, but told him that we would telegraph for Randall and have him there the next morning early, so that he and Randall could confer alone. Hensel and I telegraphed Randall urgently requesting him to take the first train for Chicago. He arrived the next morning, was brought directly by Mr. Hensel to my room, where Mr. Manning was in waiting, and Hensel and I went to breakfast. No one but Mr. Hensel and myself knew' of Randall's 293 OUR PRESIDENTS arrival, but within half an hour after he and Manning had met word was passed from Randall himself for his friends to support Cleveland. That settled the contest in Cleveland's favor. Tammany protested, but the Tammany vote was cast for Cleveland all the same under the unit rule that the New York Democrats have always maintained. The following are the ballots for President in detail : Grover Cleveland, of New York. . . . Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware . . . Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana. . Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana . . . John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky Roswell P. Flower, of New York . . . George Hoadly, of Ohio Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. . . . Second. 683 145^ 4 4 2 Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, upon whom the oppo- sition to Cleveland had largely united on the 2d ballot for President, was unanimously nominated for Vice-Presi- dent. On a motion to make the nomination of Cleveland unanimous, vigorous " nos " came up, especially from the Tammany Hall delegates, but the nomination of Hendricks was welcomed with the heartiest cheers. The following is the Democratic platform as adopted in 1884: The Democratic party of the Union, through its representatives in national convention assembled, recognizes that, as the nation grows older, new issues are born of time and progress, and old issues perish; but the fundamental principles of the Democracy, approved by the united voice of the people, remain and will ever remain, as the best and only security for the continuance of free government. The preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens be- fore the law, the reserved rights of the States, and the supremacy of the Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution, will ever form the true basis of our liberties, and can never be sur- rendered without destroying that balance of rights and powers which enables a continent to be developed in peace, and social order to be maintained by means of local self-government. But it is indis- pensable for the practicable application and enforcement of these fundamental principles that the Government should not always be controlled by one political party. Frequent change of administra- 294 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM tion is as necessary as constant recurrence to the popular will. Otherwise, abuses grow, and the Government, instead of being carried on for the general welfare, becomes an instrumentality for imposing heavy burdens on the many who are governed, for the benefit of the few who govern. Public servants thus become arbi- trary rulers. This is now the condition of the country; hence a change is demanded. . , . j • The Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is a reminiscence. In practice it is an organization for enriching those who control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been brought to light in every department of the Government are sufficient to have called for reform within the Republican party; yet those in authority, made reckless by the long possession of power, have succumbed to its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket against which the independent por- tion of the party are in open revolt. Therefore a change is de- manded. Such a change was alike necessary in 1876, but the will ot the people was then defeated by a fraud which can never be forgotten nor condoned. Again, in 1880, the change demanded by the people was defeated by the lavish use of money contributed by unscrupu- lous contractors and shameless jobbers, who had bargained tor unlawful profits or high office. The Republican party, during its legal, its stolen, and its bought tenures of power, has steadily de- cayed in moral character and political capacity. Its platform prom- ises are now a list of its past failures. It demands the restoration of our navy; it has squandered hundreds of millions to create a navy that does not exist. It calls upon Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has been depressed ; it imposed and has continued these burdens. It professes the policy of reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual settlers ; it has given away the people's heritage, till now a few railroads and non-resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than that of all our farms between the two seas. It professes a preference for free institutions ; it organized and tried to legalize a control of State elections by Federal troops. It professes a desire to elevate labor; it subjected American working-men to the com- petition of convict and imported contract labor. It protesses gratitude to all who were disabled or died in the war, leaving widows and orphans ; it left to a Democratic House of Representa- tives the first effort to equalize both bounties and pension^ It professes a pledge to correct the irregularities of our tariff; it created and has continued them. Its own tariff commission con- fessed the need of more than twenty per cent, reduction ; its Con- gress gave a reduction of less than four per cent. It professes the protection of American manufactures; it has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufactured goods and a hopeless competition with manufacturing nations, not one of which taxes raw materials It professes to protect all American industries; it has impoverished many, to subsidize a few. It professes the protection of American labor; it has depleted the returns of American agriculture, an in- dustry followed by half our people. It professes the equality ot all men before the law, attempting to fix the status of colored citizens ; the acts of its Congress were overset by the decisions of its courts It "accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and 295 OUR PRESIDENTS reform;" its caught criminals are permitted to escape through con- trived delays or actual connivance in the prosecution. Honeycombed with corruption, outbreaking exposures no longer shock its moral sense. Its honest members, its independent journals, no longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its canvasses or a veto upon bad nominations. That change is necessary is proved by an existing surplus of more than $100,000,000, which has yearly been collected from a suffering people.. Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. We denounce the Republican party for having failed to relieve the people from crushing war taxes, which have paralyzed business, crippled industry, and deprived labor of employ- ment and of just reward. The Democracy pledges itself to purify the administration from corruption, to restore economy, to revive respect for law, and to reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with due regard to the preservation of the faith of the nation to its creditors and pen- sioners. Knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting the occupations of the people should be cautious and conservative in method, not in advance of public opinion, but responsive to its de- mands, the Democratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to all interests. But, in making reduction in taxes, it is not proposed to injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote their healthy growth. From the foundation of this Gov- ernment, taxes collected at the custom house have been the chief source of Federal revenue. Such they must continue to be. More- over, many industries have come to rely upon legislation for suc- cessful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and capital thus involved. The process of reform must be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of justice: all taxation shall be limited to the requirements of econom- ical government. The necessary reduction in taxation can and must be effected without depriving American labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor, and without imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of production which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing in this country. Sufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the Federal Government, economically administered, including pensions, interest and principal of the public debt, can be got under our present system of taxation from custom-house taxes on fewer imported articles, bearing heaviest on articles of luxury, and bearing lightest on articles of necessity. We therefore denounce the abuses of the existing tariff; and, subject to the pre- ceding limitations, we demand that Federal taxation shall be exclu- sively for public purposes, and shall not exceed the needs of the Government economically administered. The system of direct taxation, known as the " internal revenue," is a war tax, and, so long as the law continues, the money de- rived therefrom should be sacredly devoted to the relief of the people from the remaining burdens of the war, and be made a fund to defray the expenses of the care and comfort of worthy soldiers disabled in the line of duty in the wars of the Republic, and for the payment of such pensions as Congress may from time to time grant to such soldiers, a like fund for the sailors having been already provided ; and any surplus should be paid into the Treasury. 206 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM We favor an American continental policy, based upon more inti- mate commercial and political relations with the fifteen sister re- publics of North, Central, and South America, but entangling alli- ances with none. We believe in honest money, the gold and silver coinage of the Constitution, and a circulating medium convertible into such money without loss. Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we hold that it is the duty of the Government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all citizens, of whatever nativ- ity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political. We believe in a free ballot and a fair count ; and we recall to the memory of our people the noble struggle of the Democrats in the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Congresses, by which a reluctant Repub- lican opposition was compelled to assent to legislation making everywhere illegal the presence of troops at the polls as the con- clusive proof that a Democratic administration will preserve liberty with order. The selection of Federal officers for the Territories should be restricted to citizens previously resident therein. We oppose sumptuary laws, which vex the citizens and interfere with individual liberty. We favor honest civil service reforms and the compensation of all United States officers by fixed salaries, the separation of Church and State, and the diffusion of free education by common schools, so that every child in the land may be taught the rights and duties of citizenship. While we favor all legislation which will tend to the equitable distribution of property, to the prevention of monopoly, and to the strict enforcement of individual rights against corporate abuses, we hold that the welfare of society depends upon a scrupulous regard for the rights of property as defined by law. We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and most enlightened. It should, therefore, be fostered and cherished. We favor the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor, and the enactment of laws by which labor organizations may be incorporated, and of such legislation as will tend to enlighten the people as to the true relation of capital and labor. We believe that the public land ought, as far as possible, to be kept as homesteads for actual settlers ; that all unearned lands heretofore improvidently granted to railroad corporations by the action of the Republican party should be restored to the public domain, and that no more grants of land shall be made to corpora- tions or be allowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees. We are opposed to all propositions which, upon any pretext, would convert the General Government into a machine for collect- ing taxes to be distributed among the States or the citizens thereof. In reaffirming the declaration of the Democratic platform of 1856, that " the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declara- tion of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Demo- cratic faith," we nevertheless do not sanction the importation of foreign labor or the admission of servile races, unfitted by habits, 297 OUR PRESIDENTS training, religion, or kindred, for absorption into the great body of our people, or for the citizenship which our laws confer. Ameri- can civilization demands that against the immigration or importa- tion of Mongolians to these shores our gates be closed. The Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this Govern- ment to protect with equal fidelity and vigilance the rights of its citizens, native and naturalized, at home and abroad ; and, to the end that this protection may be assured. United States papers of naturalization, issued by courts of competent jurisdiction, must be respected by the executive and legislative departments of our own Government and by all foreign powers. It is an imperative duty of this Government to efficiently protect all the rights of persons and property* of every American citizen in foreign lands, and demand and enforce full reparation for any invasion thereof. An American citizen is only responsible to his own Government for any act done in his own country or under her flag, and can only be tried therefor on her own soil and according to her laws ; and no power exists in this Government to expatriate an American citizen to be tried in any foreign land for any such act. This country has never had a well-defined and executed foreign policy, save under Democratic administration. That policy has ever been in regard to foreign nations, so long as they do no act detrimental to the interests of the country, or hurtful to our citi- zens, to let them alone. As the result of this policy, we recall the acquisition of Louisiana, Florida. California and the adjacent Mexi- can Territory by purchase alone, and contrast these grand acquisi- tions of Democratic statesmanship with the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican administration of nearly a quarter of a century. The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mis- sissippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tide water. Under a long period of Democratic rule and policy, our mer- chant marine was fast overtaking and on the point of outstripping that of Great Britain. Under twenty- years of Republican rule and policy, our commerce has been left to British bottoms, and the American flag has almost been swept off the high seas. Instead of the Republican party's British policy, we demand for the people of the United States an American policy. Under Democratic rule and policy, our merchants and sailors, flying the Stars and Stripes in every port, successfully searched out a market for the various products of American industry; under a quarter of a century of Republican rule and policy, despite our manifest advantages over all other nations, in high paid labor, favorable climates, and teem- ing soils ; despite freedom of trade among all these United States ; despite their population by the foremost races of men. and an annual immigration of the young, thrift}-, and adventurous of all nations ; despite our freedom here from the inherited burdens of life and industry in Old World monarchies, their costly war navies, their vast tax-consuming, non-producing standing armies ; despite twenty years of peace — that Republican rule and policy have man- aged to surrender to Great Britain, along with our commerce, the control of the markets of the world. Instead of the Republican 298 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM party's British policy, we demand, in behalf of the American Democ- racy, an American policy. Instead of the Republican party's dis- credited scheme and false pretence of friendship for American labor, expressed by imposing taxes, we demand, in behalf of the Democ- racy, freedom for American labor by reducing taxes, to the end that these United States may compete with unhindered powers for the primacy among nations in all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty. With profound regret we have been apprised by the venerable statesman, through whose person was struck that blow at the vital principles of republics, acquiescence in the will of the majority, that he cannot permit us again to place in his hands the leadership of the Democratic hosts, for th.2 reason that the achievement of reform in the administration of the Federal Government is an undertaking now too heavy for his age and failing strength. Rejoicing that his life has been prolonged until the general judgment of our fellow- countrymen is united in the wish that that wrong were righted in his person, for the Democracy of the United States we offer to him, in his withdrawal from public cares, not only our respectful sympathy and esteem, but also that best of homage of freemen — the pledge of our devotion to the principles and the cause now inseparable in the history of this Republic from the labors and the name of Samuel J. Tilden. With this statement of the hopes, principles and purposes of the Democratic party, the great issue of reform and change in adminis- tration is submitted to the people, in calm confidence that the pop- ular voice will pronounce in favor of new men and new and more favorable conditions for the growth of industry, the extension of trade and employment and due reward of labor and of capital, and the general welfare of the whole country. The campaign of 1884 gave birth to the Anti-Monopoly party, that held its national convention at Chicago on the 14th of May, with John F. Henry as permanent president. General Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, was nomi- nated as the candidate for President on the 1st ballot, receiv- ing 122 votes to 7 for Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, and 1 for Solon Chase, of Maine. No nomination for Vice-President was made. The National Committee later nominated A. M. West, of Mississippi, for that office. The following plat- form was adopted by a vote of 85 to 29 : The Anti-Monopoly organization of the United States, in con- vention assembled, declares : 1. That labor and capital should be allies; and we demand justice for both by protecting the rights of all against privileges for the few. 2. That corporations, the creatures of law, should be controlled by law. 3. That we propose the greatest reduction practicable in public expenses. 4. That in the enactment and vigorous execution of just laws, 299 OUR PRESIDENTS equality of rights, equality of burdens, equality of privileges, and equality of powers in all citizens, will be secured. To this end we declare : 5. That it is the duty of the Government to immediately exercise its constitutional prerogative to regulate commerce among the States. The great instruments by which this commerce is carried on are transportation, money, and the transmission of intelligence. They are now mercilessly controlled by giant monopolies, to the impoverishment of labor, the crushing out of healthful competi- tion, and the destruction of business security. We hold it, there- fore, to be the imperative and immediate duty of Congress to pass all needful laws for the control and regulation of these great agents of commerce, in accordance with the oft-repeated decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. 6. That these monopolies, which have exacted from enterprise such heavy tribute, have also inflicted countless wrongs upon the toiling millions of the United States ; and no system of reform should commend itself to the support of the people which does not protect the man who earns his bread by the sweat of his face. Bureaus of labor statistics must be established, both State and national ; arbitration take the place of brute force in the settle- ment of disputes between employer and employed : the national eight-hour law 7 be honestly enforced; the importation of foreign labor under contract be made illegal ; and whatever practical reforms may be necessary for the protection of united labor must be granted, to the end that unto the toiler shall be given that pro- portion of the profits of the thing or value created which his labor bears to the cost of production. 7. That we approve and favor the passage of an interstate com- merce bill. Navigable waters should be improved by the Govern- ment, and be free. 8. We demand the payment of the bonded debt as it falls due; the election of United States Senators by the direct vote of the people of their respective States ; a graduated income tax ; and a tariff, which is a tax upon the people, that shall be so levied as to bear as lightly as possible upon necessaries. We denounce the present tariff as being largely in the interest of monopoly, and demand that it be speedily and radically reformed in the interest of labor, instead of capital. 9. That no further grants of public lands shall be made to cor- porations. All enactments granting lands to corporations should be strictly construed, and all land grants should be forfeited where the terms upon which the grants were made have not been strictly complied with. The lands must be held for homes for actual settlers, and must not be subject to purchase or control by non- resident foreigners or other speculators. 10. That we deprecate the discrimination of American legisla- tion against the greatest of American industries — agriculture, by which it has been deprived of nearly all beneficial legislation, while forced to bear the brunt of taxation ; and we demand for it the fostering care of Government, and the just recognition of its im- portance in the development and advancement of our land ; and we appeal to the American farmer to co-operate with us in our endeavors to advance the national interests of the country and the 3°0 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM overthrow of monopoly in every shape, whenever and wherever found. The National party, that was the legatee of the Greenback party, held its national convention at Indianapolis, on the 28th of May, with James B. Weaver, of Iowa, its president. General Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, was nomi- nated for President on the 1st ballot, as follows: Benjamin F. Butler, Mass. 322 Jesse Harper, 111 99 Solon Chase, Me 2 Edward P. Allis, Wis 1 David Davis, 111 1 General Butler was then declared the choice of the conven- tion, but the motion to make it unanimous called out hisses from a portion of the delegates. A. M. West, of Mississippi, was nominated for Vice-President by acclamation. The fol- lowing platform was adopted : Eight years ago our young party met in this city for the first time, and proclaimed to the world its immortal principles, and placed before the American people as a Presidential candidate that great philanthropist and spotless statesman, Peter Cooper. Since that convention our party has organized all over the Union, and through discussion and agitation has been educating the people to a sense of their rights and duties to themselves and their country. These labors have accomplished wonders. We now have a great, harmonious party, and thousands who believe in our principles in the ranks of other parties. " We point with pride to our history." We forced the remonetiza- tion of the silver dollar; prevented the refunding of the public debt into long-time bonds ; secured the payment of the bonds, until " the best banking system the world ever saw," for robbing the producer, now totters because of its contracting foundation; we have stopped the wholesale destruction of the greenback currency, and secured a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States establishing forever the right of the people to issue their own money. Notwithstanding all this, never in our history have the banks, land-grant railroads, and other monopolies been more insolent in their demands for further privileges — still more class legislation. In this emergency the dominant parties are arrayed against the people, and are the abject tools of the corporate monopolies. In the last Congress, they repealed over twelve million dollars of annual taxes for the banks, throwing the burden upon the people to pay, or pay interest thereon. Both old parties in the present Congress vie with each other in their efforts to further repeal taxes in order to stop the payment of the public debt and save the banks whose charters they have renewed for twenty years. Notwithstanding the distress of business, the shrinkage of wages, and panic, they persist in locking up, on various 301 OUR PRESIDENTS pretexts, four hundred million dollars of money, every dollar of which the people pay interest upon, and need, and most of which should be promptly applied to pay bonds now payable. The old parties are united — as they cannot agree what taxes to repeal — in efforts to squander the income of the Government upon every pretext rather than pay the debt. A bill has already passed the United States Senate making the banks a present of over fifty million dollars more of the people's money, in order to enable them to levy a still greater burden of interest taxes. A joint effort is being made by the old party leaders to overthrow the sovereign constitutional power of the people to control their own financial affairs, and issue their own money, in order to forever enslave the masses to bankers and other business. The House of Representatives has passed bills reclaiming nearly one hundred mil- lion acres of land granted to and forfeited by railroad companies. These bills have gone to the Senate, a body composed largely of aristocratic millionaires, who, according to their own party papers, generally purchased their elections in order to protect great monopo- lies which they represent. This body has thus far defied the people and the House, and refused to act upon these bills in the interest of the people. Therefore we, the National party of the United States, in national convention assembled, this twenty-ninth day of May, a.d., 1884, de- clare : 1. That we hold the late decision of the Supreme Court on the legal tender question to be a full vindication of the theory which our party has always advocated on the right and authority of Con- gress over the issue of legal tender notes, and we hereby pledge ourselves to uphold said decision, and to defend the Constitution against alterations or amendments intended to deprive the people of any rights or privileges conferred by that instrument. We de- mand the issue of such money in sufficient quantities to supply the actual demand of trade and commerce, in accordance with the in- crease of population and the development of our industries. We demand the substitution of greenbacks for national bank notes, and the prompt payment of the public debt. We want that money which saved our country in time of war, and which has given it prosperity and happiness in peace. We condemn the retirement of the frac- tional currency and the small denomination of greenbacks, and de- mand their restoration. We demand the issue of the hoards of money now locked up in the United States Treasury, by applying them to the payment of the public debt now due. 2. We denounce, as dangerous to our republican institutions, those methods and policies of the Democratic and Republican par- ties which have sanctioned or permitted the establishment of land, railroad, money, and other gigantic corporate monopolies; and we demand such governmental action as may be necessary to take from such monopolies the powers they have so corruptly and unjustly usurped, and restore them to the people, to whom they belong. 3. The public lands being the natural inheritance of the people, we denounce that policy which has granted to corporations vast tracts of land, and we demand that immediate and vigorous meas- ures be taken to reclaim from such corporations, for the people's use 302 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM and benefit, all such land grants as have been forfeited by reason of non-fulfilment of contract, or that may have been wrongfully acquired by corrupt legislation, and that such reclaimed lands and other public domain be henceforth held as a sacred trust, to be granted only to actual settlers in limited quantities ; and we also de- mand that the alien ownership of land, individual or corporate, be prohibited. 4. We demand Congressional regulation of interstate commerce. We denounce "pooling," stock watering, and discrimination in rates and charges, and demand that Congress shall correct these abuses, even, if necessary, by the construction of national railroads. We also demand the establishment of a Government postal telegraph system. 5. All private property, all forms of money and obligations to pay money, should bear their just proportion of the public taxes. We demand a graduated income tax. 6. We demand the amelioration of the condition of labor, by enforcing the sanitary laws in industrial establishments, by the abolition of the convict labor system, by a rigid inspection of mines and factories, by a reduction of the hours of labor in industrial estab- lishments, by fostering educational institutions, and by abolishing child labor. 7. We condemn all importations of contracted labor, made with a view of reducing to starvation wages the workingmen of this coun- try, and demand laws for its prevention. 8. We insist upon a constitutional amendment reducing the terms of United States Senators. 9. We demand such rules for the government of Congress as shall place all representatives of the people upon an equal footing, and take away from committees a veto power greater than that of the President. 10. The question as to the amount of duties to be levied upon various articles of import has been agitated and quarrelled over, and has divided communities, for nearly a hundred years. It is not now, and never will be, settled, unless by the abolition of indirect taxa- tion. It is a convenient Issue, always raised when the people are excited over abuses in their midst. While we favor a wise revision of the tariff laws, with a view to raising a revenue from luxuries rather than necessities, we insist that, as an economic question, its importance is insignificant as compared with financial issues ; for whereas we have suffered our worst panics under low and also under high tariffs, we have never suffered from a panic, nor seen our fac- tories and workshops closed, while the volume of money in circula- tion was adequate to the needs of commerce. Give our farmers and manufacturers money as cheap as you now give it to our bankers, and they can pay high wages to labor, and compete with all the world. 11. For the purpose of testing the sense of the people upon the subject, we are in favor of submitting to a vote of the people an amendment to the Constitution in favor of suffrage regardless of sex, and also on the subject of the liquor traffic. 12. All disabled soldiers of the late war should be equitably pen- sioned, and we denounce the policy of keeping a small army of office- holders, whose only business is to prevent, on technical grounds, 303 OUR PRESIDENTS deserving soldiers from obtaining justice from the Government they helped to save. 13. As our name indicates, we are a national party, knowing no East, no West, no North, no South. Having no sectional preju- dices, we can properly place in nomination for the high offices of state, as candidates, men from any section of the Union. 14. We appeal to all people who believe in our principles to aid us by voice, pen, and votes. The Prohibitionists divided in the contest of 1884. Their first was a mass convention, held at Chicago on the 19th of June, under the title of the American Prohibition National Convention, with J. L. Barlow, of Connecticut, as president. The fact that it was not largely a representative body is evi- denced from the fact that on the ballot for President, Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, received 72 votes to 12 for all others, and was declared the nominee, and John A. Conant, of Con- necticut, was nominated for Vice-President without a ballot. This organization did not have any electoral tickets as far as I can learn. It adopted the following platform : We hold : 1. That ours is a Christian, and not a heathen, nation, and that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil government. 2. That the Bible should be associated with books of science and literature in all our educational institutions. 3. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath. 4. That we demand the prohibition of the importation, manufac- ture, and sale of intoxicating drinks. 5. That the charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal and State Legislatures should be withdrawn and their oaths prohib- ited by law. 6. We are opposed to putting prison labor or depreciated contract labor from foreign countries in competition with free labor to benefit manufacturers, corporations, and speculators. 7. We are in favor of a thorough revision and enforcement of the law concerning patents and inventions, for the prevention and pun- ishment of frauds either upon inventors or the general public. 8. We hold to and will vote for womaa suffrage. 9. We hold that civil equality secured to all American citizens by Articles Thirteen. Fourteen, and Fifteen of our amended national Constitution should be preserved inviolate, and the same equality should be extended to Indians and Chinamen. 10. That international differences should be settled by arbitration. 11. That land and other monopolies should be discouraged. 12. That the General Government should furnish the people with an ample and sound currency. 13. That it should be the settled policy of the Government to re- duce the tariffs and taxes as rapidly as the necessities of revenue and vested business interests will allow. 304 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM 14. That polygamy should be immediately suppressed by law, and that the Republican party is censurable for its long neglect of its duty in respect to this evil. 15. And, finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-Presi- dent of the United States. The regular national Prohibition party held its convention in Pittsburg on the 23d of July with Samuel Dickie, of Mich- igan, as permanent president. The sentiment of the party was very strongly in favor of Governor John P. St. John, of Kansas, who was unanimously nominated as President, and William Daniel, of Maryland, was chosen for Vice-President by a like unanimous vote. The following platform was adopted : The Prohibition-Home-Protection party, in national convention assembled, acknowledge Almighty God as the rightful sovereign of all men, from whom the just powers of government are derived, and to whose laws human enactments should conform. Peace, prosper- ity, and happiness only can come to the people when the laws of their national and State governments are in accord with the divine will. That the importation, manufacture, supply, and sale of alcoholic beverages, created and maintained by the laws of the national and State governments, during the entire history of such laws, is every- where shown to be the promoting cause of intemperance, with re- sulting^ crime and pauperism ; making large demands upon public and private charity; imposing large and unjust taxation and public burdens for penal and sheltering institutions upon thrift, industry, manufactures, and commerce ; endangering the public peace ; caus- ing desecration of the Sabbath; corrupting our politics, legislation, and administration of the laws ; shortening lives ; impairing health, and diminishing productive industry; causing education to be neg- lected and despised ; nullifying the teachings of the Bible, the Church, and the school, the standards and guides of our fathers and their children in the founding and growth under God of our widely ex- tended country ; and, while imperilling the perpetuity of our civil and religious liberties, are baleful fruits by which we know that these laws are alike contrary to God's laws and contravene our happiness ; and we call upon our fellow-citizens to aid in the repeal of these laws and in the legal suppression of this baneful liquor traffic. The fact that, during the twenty-four years in which the Repub- lican party has controlled the General Government and that of many of the States, no effort has been made to change this policy; that Territories have been created from the national domain and govern- ments from them established, and States admitted into the Union, in no instance in either of which has this traffic been forbidden, or the people of these Territories or States been permitted to prohibit it ; that there are now over two hundred thousand distilleries, brew- eries, wholesale and retail dealers in these drinks, holding certifi- cates and claiming the authority of Government for the continuation of a business which is so destructive to the moral and material wel- 305 OUR PRESIDENTS fare of the people, together with the fact that they have turned a deaf ear to remonstrance and petition for the correction of this abuse of civil government, is conclusive that the Republican party is insen- sible to or impotent for the redress of those wrongs, and should no longer be intrusted with the powers and responsibilities of govern- ment : that although this part}', in its late national convention, was silent on the liquor question, not so were its candidates. Messrs. Blaine and Logan. Within the year past Mr. Blaine has publicly recommended that the revenues derived from the liquor traffic shall be distributed among the States, and Senator Logan has by bill pro- posed to devote these revenues to the support of schools. Thus both virtually recommend the perpetuation of the traffic, and that the State and its citizens shall become partners in the liquor crime. The fact that the Democratic party has, in its national deliver- ances of party policy, arrayed itself on the side of the drink makers and sellers b} r declaring against the policy of prohibition of such traffic under the false name of "sumptuary laws," and, when in power in some of the States, in refusing remedial legislation, and. in Congress, of refusing to permit the creation of a board of inquiry to investigate and report upon the effects of this traffic, proves that the Democratic party should not be intrusted with power or place. There can be no greater peril to the nation than the existing com- petition of the Republican and Democratic parties for the liquor vote. Experience shows that any party not openly opposed to the traffic will engage in this competition, will court the favor of the criminal classes, will barter away the public morals, purity of the ballot, and every trust and object of good government, for party success ; and patriots and good citizens should find in this practice sufficient cause for immediate withdrawal from all connection with their party. That we favor reforms in the administration of the Government, in the abolition of all sinecures, useless offices and officers, in the election by the people of officers of the Government instead of ap- pointment by the President. That competency, honesty, and sobriety are essential qualifications for holding civil office, and we oppose the removal of such persons from mere administrative offices, except so far as it may be absolutel3 r necessary to secure effectiveness to the vital issues on which the general administration of the Govern- ment has been intrusted to a party. That the collection of revenue from alcohol, liquors, and tobacco should be abolished, as the vices of men are not a proper subject for taxation ; that revenue for customs duties should be levied for the support of the Government, economically administered ; and when so levied, the fostering of American labor, manufactures, and indus- tries should constantly be held in view. That the public land should be held for homes for the people and not for gifts to corporations, or to be held in large bodies for specu- lation upon the needs of actual settlers. That all money, coin and paper, shall be made, issued, and regu- lated by the General Government, and shall be a legal tender for all debts, public and private. That grateful care and support should be given to our soldiers and sailors, their dependent widows and orphans, disabled in the service of the country. 306 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM That we repudiate as un-American, contrary to and subversive of the principle of the Declaration of Independence, from which our Government has grown to be the government of fifty-five millions of people, and a recognized power among nations, that any person or people shall or may be excluded from residence or citizenship with all others who may desire the benefits which our institutions confer upon the oppressed of all nations. That while there are important reforms that are demanded for purity of administration and the welfare of the people, their impor- tance sinks into insignificance when compared with the reform of the drink traffic, which annually wastes eight hundred million dol- lars of the wealth created by toil and thrift, and drags down thou- sands of families from comfort to poverty; which fills jails, peni- tentiaries, insane asylums, hospitals, and institutions for depen- dency; which destroys the health, saps industry, and causes loss of life and property to thousands in the land, lowers intellectual and physical vigor, dulls the cunning hand of the artisan, is the chief cause of bankruptcy, insolvency, and loss in trade, and by its cor- rupting power endangers the perpetuity of free institutions. That Congress should exercise its undoubted power, and prohibit the manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages in the District of Columbia, in the Territories of the United States, and in all places over which the Government has exclusive jurisdiction; that here- after no State shall be admitted into the Union until its Constitution shall expressly prohibit polygamy and the manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages. We earnestly call the attention of the laborer and mechanic, the miner and manufacturer, and ask investigation of the baneful effects upon labor and industry caused by the needless liquor business, which will be found the robber who lessens wages and profits, the destroyer of happiness and the family welfare of the laboring man, and that labor and all legitimate industry demand deliverance from the taxation and loss which this traffic imposes, and that no tariff or other legislation can so healthily stimulate production or increase a demand for capital and labor, or produce so much of comfort and content as the suppressing of this traffic would bring to the labor- ing man, mechanic, or employer of labor throughout our land. That the activity and co-operation of the women of America for the promotion of temperance has in all the history of the past been a strength and encouragement which we gratefully acknowledge and record. In the later and present phase of the movement for the prohibition of the licensed traffic by the abolition of the drinking- saloon, the purity of purpose and method, the earnestness, zeal, in- telligence, and devotion of the mothers and daughters of the Women's Christian Temperance Union has been eminently blessed by God. Kansas and Iowa have been given her as " sheaves of re- joicing;" and the education and arousing of the public mind, and the demand for constitutional amendment now prevailing, are largely the fruit of her prayers and labors, and we rejoice to have our Christian women unite with us in sharing the labors that shall bring the abolition of this traffic to the polls, she shall join in the grand "Praise God, from whom all blessings flow," when by law our boys and friends shall be free from legal drink temptation. That we believe in the civil and political equality of the. sexes, and 307 OUR PRESIDENTS that the ballot in the hand of woman is a right for her protection, and would prove a powerful ally for the abolition of the drink- saloon, the execution of law, the promotion of reform in civil affairs, and the removal of corruption in public life; and thus believing, we relegate the practical outworking of this reform to the discretion of the Prohibition party in the several States, according to the condi- tion of public sentiment in those States ; that gratefully we acknowl- edge and praise God for the presence of His Spirit, guiding our coun- sels and granting the success which has been vouchsafed in the prog- ress of temperance reform, and looking to Him from whom all wis- dom and help come, we ask the voters of the United States to make, the principles of the above declaration a ruling principle in the gov- ernment of the nation and of the States. _ Resolved, That henceforth the Prohibition-Home-Protection party shall be called by the name of the Prohibition party. The following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote for 1884: Popular Vote. Electoral Vote. STATES. u 'cJ C*5*3 a u OJ §2 CQ+J . tfl C •5 e4 C CO CO n >— > . tag C O ■a J* •d a a bfl O v-3 « 4J a '3 5 Maine 52,140 39,183 17,331 122,481 12,391 67,199 563,154 127,798 392,785 16,964 96,932 185,497 67,317 142,952 69,890 94,667 31,766 93,951 76,510 62,540 72,209 43,249 39,514 146,724 19,030 65,923 562,005 123,440 473,804 12,951 85,699 139,356 63,096 125,068 21,733 48,603 28,031 59,591 43,509 46,347 3,953 552 785 24,433 422 1,688 16,994 3,496 16,992 6 531 2,160 1,571 1,752 10,026 928 2,305 25,016 6,159 15.283 55 2,794 138 939 454 6 36 9 3 8 12 6 11 9 12 4 10 9 8 6 New Hampshire. . Vermont Massachusetts. . . . Rhode Island .... Connecticut Pennsylvania .... Delaware Maryland Virginia 4 4 14 4 30 West Virginia North Carolina. . . South Carolina. . . Georgia 810 — 145 195 72 612 Florida Alabama Louisiana 873 — • 308 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Popular Vote. Electoral Vote. STATES. n D 6 <0 a '3 s . O.S a ■ OS u Hi r' w .s-s 'J? a »-» P* a! o •— > ■a o a c3 o «d c 0> G '3 I-H Texas 225,309 72,927 235,988 133,258 152,961 368,280 149,835 244,990 312,355 146,459 70,144 177,316 54,391 90,132 27,723 5,578 89,288 24,604 93,141 50,895 202,929 124,078 118,122 400,082 192,669 238,463 337,474 161,157 111,923 197,089 79,912 154,406 36,290 7,193 102,416 26,860 3,321 1,847 3,534 13 7 16 12 13 15 Arkansas Missouri . 2,153 1,131 3,139 11,069 18,403 3,028 12,074 7,656 4,684 1,472 2,899 4,495 761 Kentucky Ohio 957 1,691 5,179 42,243 8,293 10,910 4,598 3,583 23 Michigan Indiana 13 Illinois 22 Minnesota Iowa . 11 7 13 5 Kansas 16,341 1,953 26 2,017 726 9 Colorado Nevada 3 3 Oregon 2,920 492 8 3 4,874,986 4,851,981 175,370 150,369 219 182 No man was ever big enough to conduct a Presidential contest for himself. The intense interest a candidate must have in the struggle, and the constant strain upon him, would unbalance the most forceful intellect the world has ever pro- duced. Blaine would have been matchless in the skilful management of a Presidential campaign for another, but he was dwarfed by the overwhelming responsibilities of con- ducting the campaign for himself, and yet he assumed the supreme control of the struggle and directed it absolutely from start to finish. He was of heroic mould, and he wisely planned his own campaign tours to accomplish the best results. In point of fact, he had won his fight after stump- ing the country, and lost it by his stay in New York on his way home. He knew how to sway multitudes, and none 309 OUR PRESIDENTS could approach him in that important feature of a conflict; but he was not trained to consider the thousand intricacies which fall upon the management of every Presidential contest. Three causes combined to lose New York by noo majority when the electoral vote of that State would have made him President. One was his implacable quarrel with Conkling, that lost him iooo votes, cast directly for his opponent in Conkling's county of Oneida. They had quarrelled when both were comparatively young and rivals for the leadership of the House. In a heated controversy between them Blaine unhorsed Conkling, and inflicted wounds which never healed, and they never spoke from that time during their lives. When both were members of the Senate, if either had occa- sion to refer to the remarks made by the other, instead of referring to the " Senator from Maine'' or the " Senator from New Yerk," they would say : " It has been stated on this floor." Many efforts were made to bring them together, but Conkling was an intense hater, and Blaine was willing to be broken rather than bend. He dined with Jay Gould dur- ing his brief stay in New York City, and that brought him no votes and lost him many. The Burchard episode, that Blaine was blunderingly brought into in New York just on the eve of the election, was very generally accepted as costing him more than enough votes to have given him the State of New York, and thereby his election to the Presidency. It was miserably bad politics in its conception and could not have been more bunglingly executed. Blaine had suffered much from the attacks upon his public integrity, and some of his friends in New York assumed that it would be a great card to have him called upon by forty or fifty ministers of different denominations and congratulated as the candidate for Presi- dent. As originally planned it might have accomplished some good, and certainly would not have done any harm. It was intended that Rev. Dr. Tiffany should deliver the address V> Blaine. He was one of the most eloquent divines of the country, was well up in politics, had been in active political movements in Pennsylvania as a leader in the American party when he was connected with Dickinson's College, and was a candidate for United States Senator before the Legis- lature of 1855. Had he delivered the address to Blaine, it 310 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM would have been an elegant and faultless congratulation, but when the ministers met some of them strenuously objected to Dr. Tiffany as the oracle of the party, and there were indications of considerable ill-feeling. There was little time for conference, and the dispute was suddenly ended by some one proposing that the oldest minister present should deliver the address to Blaine, and that was adopted to settle the dispute. Dr. Burchard, unfortunately, happened to be the oldest minister in attendance, and he was rampant against " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," but none supposed for a moment that he would make such a fearful break as to publicly denounce Romanism in an address of congratulation to a Presidential candidate, whose mother and sisters were devout Catholics. On his way home from the West he had visited his sister at a convent in Indiana, where she was Mother Superior. Burchard, of course, had no opportunity for preparation, and when the ministerial crowd came into the presence of Blaine he fired off his address in a manner not highly creditable, and proclaimed the fatal sentence against " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion." Blaine in his reply made no reference to that feature of Dr. Burchard's address, and he seems not to have appreciated its fearful import until the next day, when he gave out an interview, disclaiming sympathy with it ; but it was accepted as an afterthought, and that deliverance of Dr. Burchard certainly drove away from Blaine more than the six hundred votes necessary to give him the State of New York and the Presidency. I saw Blaine soon after the election, and asked him why it was that he overlooked the expression at the time. He was a man of such keen perception and so ready in every emergency that I was amazed at his failure to turn the blunder to his advantage, as he could have done by a generous expression on the religious issue involved. He told me that he heard the expression distinctly, but that his mind was just then concentrated on his reply, as he generally spoke spontaneously, and that he thereby failed to become impressed with its importance. He said that when the proceedings were over, and he gave it a moment's reflection, he saw what a fearful mistake had been made; but the emergency was extreme and called for immediate action, and he unfortunately hesitated until another day had passed. It was then too late, and Dr. Burchard certainly cost Blaine 3ii OUR PRESIDENTS many more votes than would have given him his election. Had Blaine been under the command of a competent chairman of his national committee, he would never have been permitted to stop in Xew York after his great battle had been fought before the people, and had he gone directly from the West to his home in Maine, he would have been President instead of Cleveland. Blaine and Tilden are the only men I can recall who undertook to manage a Presidential contest for themselves, and both suffered defeats, for which they were wholly responsible. Blaine committed many serious blunders during the cam- paign of 1884. He and Cleveland were both made the targets of flagrant scandals, and when the Cleveland scandal was sent to Blaine in the early part of the contest, instead of peremptorily forbidding its use as a campaign factor, as would have been most wise, he sent it to his national com- mittee, and it was given publicity. The Blaine scandal was sent to Cleveland early in the fight, and he at once gave notice to those in charge of his campaign that any personal scandals against Blaine should not have the sanction of the Democratic organization. Blaine never would have com- mitted such a mistake if he had been managing a Presidential campaign for another, and had he been such responsible manager, he never would have permitted a libel suit to be instituted against a newspaper publisher for any scandal, however false and malignant. He was a man of intense earnestness, and the intensity of his interest in his own election for the Presidency unbalanced his judgment and made him often tr e creature of impulse when he should have been most dispassionate and philosophical. The scandals did not affect a thousand votes out of the many millions cast for President, and Blaine suffered vastly more than Cleveland, because he dignified the scandal against himself by legal proceedings for defamation. The fact that he voluntarily discontinued the suit after the election is the best evidence of the error committed against himself. Charles A. Dana, then editor of the Xew York Sun, became estranged from Mr. Cleveland the year before the Presidential election of 1884. He had earnestly supported Cleveland for Governor in 1882, but when a movement was made by Mr. Manning to organize the State for Cleveland in 1884 Dana was implacable in his opposition. I met him 312 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM several times before Cleveland was nominated, and he always discussed the question with an unusual degree of acrimony. He believed that Cleveland was not available; that he was unworthy of the position, and that if nominated he would be overwhelmingly defeated. He gave me no reason for his changed relations with Cleveland, and I did not learn the true cause until after Cleveland had been elected Presi- dent. Soon after Cleveland's nomination I was spending a few days at Saratoga, and was watching Dana's paper with much interest, for he was very much disgruntled. He did not at first declare himself aggressively against Cleveland's election, but one morning at Saratoga, in taking up the Sun, I found one of Dana's terrible deliverances against Cleveland, that left no possible chance for a reconciliation. I tele- graphed to Mr. Dana and asked him to meet me at his office at three o'clock that afternoon, and called there on my way home. Mr. Dana had gone too far to recede, but I tried to temper his bitterness, as I thought it would do great harm, not only to Cleveland, but to his own newspaper as well, then one of the most prosperous in the country. Mr. Dana was petulant and violent in his expressions against Cleveland, and said that he had decided to support General Butler, who was the candidate of the Labor- Socialistic element, and who, he said, would receive not less than 25,000 votes in New York City. I told him that Butler might receive 2500, and if there were 25,000 disgruntled Democrats who wanted to defeat Cleveland, they would certainly vote for Blaine. The result was about as I had predicted. Butler received only a few thousand votes, and Dana and his following, while ostensibly supporting Butler, voted squarely for Blaine. Dana's paper was the most aggressive of all the anti- Cleveland newspapers in the country, and it doubtless exerted great influence, but not sufficient to lose Cleveland the State. Charles A. Dana was the ablest editor ever developed by American journalism. Horace Greeley was more pungent and telling in his political articles, and Henry Watterson is more brilliant, but Charles A. Dana was the strongest editorial writer this country has ever produced. He was versatile, powerful, and elegant, but an unfortunate personal estrangement made him the bitterest of Cleveland's enemies, and paved the way for the Sun to be transformed from an 313 OUR PRESIDENTS out-and-out Tammany organ to the most aggressive of Republican organs. It was not until I met Cleveland at Albany, soon after his election, that I learned the cause of the estrangement be- tween Geveland and Dana, and the statement given by Mr. Cleveland was subsequently confirmed by Mr. Dana. Dana had very earnestly supported Cleveland's nomination and election for Governor in 1882, and after the election he wrote a personal letter to Cleveland asking the appointment of a friend to the position of Adjutant-General. His chief pur- pose was to give a position on the staff to his son, Paul Dana, who is now his successor in the editorial chair. Cleveland received that letter as he received thousands of other letters recommending appointments, instead of recognizing the claim Mr. Dana had upon him for the courtesy of an answer. Beecher had a candidate for the same position, and Cleve- land gave it to Beecher s man without any explanation what- ever to Dana, who felt that he had been discourteously treated by Cleveland. Mr. Dana gave no open sign of his disappointment, but some time after Cleveland's inauguration, when it became known that Dana felt grieved at the Governor, some mutual friends intervened and proposed to Cleveland that he should invite Dana to join with some acquaintances at the Executive Mansion. To this Cleveland readily assented. Dana was informed that Cleveland would tender such an invitation if it would be accepted, and he promptly assented. Cleveland then became involved in the pressing duties of the Legisla- ture, and allowed the session to close without extending the promised and expected invitation to Dana. Mr. Cleveland told me that he was entirely to blame for neglect in both instances, as Dana would doubtless have been satisfied if he had courteously informed him of his convictions which re- quired him to appoint another for Adjutant-General ; and he had no excuse to offer but that of neglect for not inviting Dana to dinner. Dana naturally assumed that Cleveland had given him deliberate affront, and Cleveland could make no satisfactory explanation. As Governor and as President he was first of all devoted to his official duties, which he discharged with rare fidelity, and he gave little time even to the common courtesies ' which most Governors and Presidents would recognize as justly belonging to their friends. Efforts were 3*4 AND HOW WE MAKE THEIvl made to conciliate Dana, but he never would discuss the question, and he sacrificed half the circulation of his paper in the campaign of 1884 in his battle against Cleveland. When Cleveland's election was announced, and the Repub- licans were disposed to dispute the vote of New York, Dana came out boldly and declared that Cleveland was elected and that no violent measures should be tolerated to deprive him of the honor conferred upon him by the people. It is quite possible that Dana got even with Cleveland in 1888. His paper gave a nominal support to Cleveland, but did more damage to the Cleveland cause than any other newspaper in the country by subtle and persistent attacks upon the administration and the party, though never exhibit- ing on the surface a trace of personal hostility to the Presi- dent. The Sun was then the organ of Tammany, and Tam- many certainly defeated Cleveland in 1888 by giving the State to Harrison, when Hill, the Democratic candidate for Governor on the same ticket, was elected by nearly 20,000. It is not a strained conclusion that Dana defeated Cleveland's re-election in 1888. The estrangement between Dana and Cleveland continued, as they never met or had any inter- course. Blaine's nomination was possible in 1888 when Harrison was made the candidate, but after hesitating for three days, during which time he freely conferred by cable with his friends, as he was then in Europe, he finally decided to decline. His belief that he was fated not to be President was not weakened by advancing age, and his final assent to the use of his name in 1892, at the Minneapolis convention that renominated Harrison, was the first exhibition of decay in one who had been a giant among the giants in the most event- ful history of the Republic. He had been a possibly success- ful candidate in four national conventions; had once been nominated and defeated, and it was a sad spectacle to see him, like a great oak with its green boughs broken and its heart corroding from the storms of many winters, broken in a tempest of political resentments and r m a struggle that had not so much as a silver lining to the cloud of despair that hung over him. His nomination was hopeless ; his defeat, if nominated, inevitable, and thus ended the life tragedy of one of the ablest, bravest, and most beloved of our public men. THE HARRISON-CLEVELAND CONTEST 1888 The Democratic National Convention of 1888 met at St. Louis on June 5, and it was the most perfunctory body of the kind I have ever witnessed. I never saw a national political body so entirely devoid of enthusiasm ; yet it was entirely fixed in its purpose to renominate President Cleveland. He appealed strongly to the convictions and judgment of the party, but not to its affection or enthusiasm. He was nomi- nated by a unanimous vote without the formality of a ballot, and it had been settled long before the convention met that the sturdy old Roman of Ohio, ex-Senator Thurman, should be the candidate for the second place, as Vice-President Hendricks had died in office. Patrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts, was permanent president of the body, and there were no questions of rules or party policy to excite discussion. Cleveland's nomination was unanimous, and on the single ballot for Vice-President, Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, had 690 votes to 105 for Isaac B. Gray, of Indiana, and 25 for John C. Black, of Illinois. The following platform was unanimously adopted : The Democratic party of the United States, in national conven- tion assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity to Democratic faith, and reaffirms the platform adopted by its representatives in the convention of 1884, and endorses the views expressed by President Cleveland in his last earnest message to Congress as the correct interpretation of that platform upon the question of tariff reduc- tion; and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic representa- tives in Congress to secure a reduction of excessive taxation. Chief among its principles of party faith are the maintenance of an indissoluble union of free and indestructible States, now about to enter upon its second century of unexampled progress and renown; devotion to a plan of government regulated by a written Constitution strictly specifying every granted power and expressly 316 * BENJAMIN HARRISON AND HOW WE MAKE THEM reserving to the States or people the entire ungranted residue of power; the encouragement of a jealous popular vigilance, directed to all who have been chosen for brief terms to enact and execute the laws and are charged with the duty of preserving peace, insur- ing equality, and establishing justice. The Democratic party welcomes an exacting scrutiny of the administration of the Executive power which, four years ago, was committed to its trusts in the election of Grover Cleveland, Presi- dent of the United States ; but it challenges the most searching inquiry concerning its fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited the suffrages of the people. During a most critical period of our financial affairs, resulting from over-taxation, the anomalous condition of our currency, and a public debt unmatured, it has, by the adoption of a wise and conservative policy, not only averted a disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the people. It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the Republican party touching the public domain, and has reclaimed from corporations and syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored to the people nearly one hundred millions of acres of valuable land to be sacredly held as homesteads for our citizens. While carefully guarding the interests of the taxpayers and con- forming strictly to the principles of justice and equity, it has paid out more for pensions and bounties to the soldiers and sailors of the Republic than was ever paid before during an equal period. It has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and prudent for- eign policy, preserving peace with all nations, while scrupulously maintaining all the rights and interests of our own Government and people at home and abroad. The exclusion from our shores of Chinese laborers has been effectually secured under the provision of a treaty the operation of which has been postponed by the action of a Republican majority in the Senate. Honest reform in the civil service has been inaugurated and maintained by President Cleveland, and he has brought the public service to the highest standard of efficiency, not only by rule and precept, but by the example of his own untiring and unselfish ad- ministration of public affairs. In every branch and department of the Government under Demo- cratic control the rights and welfare of all the people have been guarded and defended; every public interest has been protected, and the equality of all our citizens before the law, without regard to race or color, has been steadfastly maintained. Upon its record thus exhibited, and upon a pledge of a continu- ance to the people of these benefits, the Democracy invokes a re- newal of popular trust by the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who has been faithful, able, and prudent. We invoke, in addition to that trust, the transfer also to the Democracy of the entire legisla- tive power. The Republican party controlling the Senate and resisting in both houses of Congress a reformation of unjust and unequal tax laws which have outlasted the necessities of war and are now un- dermining" the abundance of a long peace, denies to the people equality before the law, and the fairness and the justice which are their right. Thus the cry of American labor for a better share in the rewards of industry is stifled with false pretences, enterprise is 317 OUR PRESIDENTS fettered and bound down to home markets, capital is discouraged with doubt, and unequal, unjust laws can neither be properly- amended nor repealed. The Democratic party will continue with all the power confided to it the struggle to reform these laws, in accordance with the pledges of its last platform, endorsed at the ballot-box by the suffrages of the people. Of all the industrious freemen of our land, the immense major- ity, including every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage from ex- cessive tax laws, but the price of nearly everything they buy is increased by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax legislation. All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. It is repugnant to the creed of Democracy that by such taxation the cost of the neces- saries of life should be unjustifiably increased to all our people. Judged by Democratic principles, the interests of the people are betrayed when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combinations are permitted to exist which, while unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the body of our citizens by depriving them of the benefits of natural competition. Every Democratic rule of govern- mental action is violated when, through unnecessary taxation, a vast sum of money, far beyond the needs of an economical adminis- tration, is drawn from the people and the channels of trade, and accumulated as a demoralizing surplus in the national Treasury. The money now lying idle in the Federal Treasury, resulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more than one hundred and twen- ty-five million dollars, and the surplus collected is reaching the sum of more than sixty millions annually. Debauched by this im- mense temptation, the remedy of the Republican party is to meet and exhaust by extravagant appropriations and expenses, whether constitutional or not. the accumulation of extravagant taxation. The Democratic policy is to enforce frugality in public expense, and to abolish unnecessary taxation. Our established domestic in- dustries and enterprises should not, and need not. be endangered by the reduction and correction of the burdens of taxation. On the contrary, a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the difference between the wages of American and foreign labor, must promote and encourage every branch of such industries and enterprises, by giving them assurance of extended market and steady and continuous operations in the interests of American labor, which should in no event be neglected. The revi- sion of our tax laws contemplated by the Democratic party should promote the advantage of such labor, by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life in the home of every workman, and at the same time securing to him steady and remunerative employment. Upon this question of tariff reform, so closely concerning every phase of our national life, and upon every question involved in the prob- lem of good government, the Democratic party submits its princi- ples and professions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people. Resolved, That this convention hereby endorses and recom- mends the early passage of the bill for the reduction of the reve- nue now pending in the House of Representatives. Resolved, That a just and liberal policy should be pursued in reference to the Territories ; that right of self-government is inher- ent in the people, and guaranteed under the Constitution ; that the 3'8 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Territories of Washington, Dakota, Montana, and New Mexico are, by virtue of population and development, entitled to admission into the Union as States, and we unqualifiedly condemn the course of the Republican party in refusing Statehood and self-government to their people. Resolved, That we express our cordial sympathy with the strug- gling people of all nations, in their efforts to secure for themselves the inestimable blessings of self-government, and civil and religious liberty, and we especially declare our sympathy with the efforts of those noble patriots who, led by Gladstone and Parnell, have con- ducted their grand and peaceful contest for home rule in Ireland. The Republican convention met at Chicago on the 19th of June, with M. M. Estee, of California, as permanent presi- dent. It was assumed by the friends of Blaine in Pennsyl- vania, and generally throughout the country, that he did not desire to be nominated as the Republican candidate for Presi- dent. Pennsylvania, where Blaine's friends were largely in the ascendency, declared in favor of Senator Sherman, of Ohio. Senator Quay was at the head of his delegation, with instructions from the State convention to support Sherman, and ex-Governor Hastings, then Adjutant-General, pre- sented the name of Sherman to the convention in the name of Pennsylvania. Blaine was in Europe, and while he evidently did not de- sire to confess himself a candidate, he seemed unwilling then to make his declination peremptory, as he had done in two letters long before the convention met. His hesitation de- layed the action of the convention several days, but finally he authorized the withdrawal of his name from the list of candidates, and a very earnest contest was made between the friends of Sherman, Gresham, Alger, and Harrison. Gov- ernor Alger was largely supported by the commercial dele- gates from the South, and Sherman and his friends bitterly complained that the Southern delegates had been corruptly diverted from the Sherman ranks. Gresham represented the more conservative Republican element. He was not a radical politician, as was shown by his support of Cleveland in 1892, but while conservative with Mugwump flavor, it was evident from the demonstrations made in Chicago during the convention that the labor elements of the country were very strongly in sympathy with him, although his own delegation was against him. Depew was only an ornamental candidate, and was brim- ful of humor as he mingled with the delegates and spec- s' OUR PRESIDENTS tators. He knew that the Grangers of the West would no more vote for him than they would for the Czar of Russia, but his State had declared for him with great unanimity, and he was very cordially supported by a number of friends out- side of New York. It soon became evident that Sherman could not succeed, as he reached his highest vote on the 2d ballot and steadily declined thereafter, while Harrison increased on every ballot from the first to the eighth, when he was nominated by a large majority. The following are the several ballots for President: c o a ■ *-> u 3 O ft <— s JS c ■ > ■ jz "Si - John Sherman, Ohio 229 HI 99 84 80 72 35 28 25 25 24 3 2 249 108 99 116 91 75 33 16 20 18 2 3 244 123 91 122 94 88 35 16 5 2 8 2 235 98 135 217 88 42 1 11 1 1 224 87 142 213 99 48 14 244 91 137 231 73 40 12 1 1 231 91 120 278 76 15 2 16 1 1 118 Russell A. Alger, Mich 59 100 James G. Blaine. Me 544 5 John J. Ingalls, Kan Jere. M. Rusk, Wis William W. Phelps, N. J E. H. Filler, Pa Robert T. Lincoln, 111 William McKinley, Jr., Ohio.. . . Samuel F. Miller, Iowa Frederick Douglass 4 J. B. Foraker, Ohio Frederick D. Grant, N. Y Creed Haymond, Cal — One ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows : Blanche K. Bruce (col.), Miss. 11 Walter F. Thomas, Texas. ... 1 Levi P. Morton, N. Y 591 Walter Wm. Phelps. N. J. 119 Wm. O. Bradley, Ky 103 The nomination of Morton was made unanimous, following platform was unanimously adopted : The The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their dele- gates in national convention, pause on the threshold of their pro- ceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the im- mortal champion of liberty and the rights of the people, Abraham Lincoln, and to cover also with wreaths of imperishable remem- brance and gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders, who have more recently been called away from our councils — Grant, Gar- field, Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their memories be faithfully cherished. We also recall with our greetings and with prayer for 320 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM his recovery, the name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in the history both of Republicans and of the Republic, the name of that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan. In the spirit of these great leaders, and of our own devotion to human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party, we send fraternal congratulations to our fellow-Americans of Brazil upon their great act of emancipation, which completed the abolition of slavery throughout the two American continents. We earnestly hope that we may soon congratulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of home rule for Ireland. We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the national Constitu- tion and to the indissoluble union of the States ; to the autonomy reserved to the States under the Constitution ; to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign-born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections, and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all the people to be the foundation of our republican Government, and demand effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of public authority. We charge that the present administration and the Democratic majority in Congress owe their existence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution and laws of the United States. We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection. We protest against its destruction, as proposed by the President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the interests of America. We accept the issue, and confidently appeal to the people for their judgment. The protec- tive system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been followed by disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the general business* the labor, and the farming interests of the country, and we heartily endorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican representatives in Congress opposing its passage. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate protection to that industry. The Republican party would effect all needed reduc- tion of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts, and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to our labor, and release from import duties those articles of foreign production, except luxuries, the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes, rather than the sur- render of any part of our protective system, at the joint behest of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers. 321 OCR PRESIDENTS We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of foreign contract labor, and of Chinese labor, alien to our civiliza- tion and our Constitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the existing laws against it. and favor such immediate legisla- tion as will exclude such labor from our shores. We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organ- ized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens, and we recommend to Congress and the State Legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such leg: sta- tion as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the transportation of their products to market. We approve the legisla- tion by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair dis- criminations between the States. We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers. not aliens, which the Republican party established in 1862. against the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which has brought our great Western domain into such magnificent de- velopment. The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the public domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under the administration of President Arthur, should be continued. We deny that the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, but declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and Democrats about fifty millions of acres of unearned lands, originally granted for the construction of railroads, have been restored to the public domain, in pursuance of the conditions inserted by the Republican party in the original grants. We charge the Demo- cratic administration with failure to execute the laws securing to settlers title to their homestead, and with using appropriations made for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies and prosecutions under the false pretence of exposing frauds and vin- dicating the law. The government by Congress of the Territories is based upon necessity only, to the end that they may become States in the Union; therefore, whenever the conditions of population, material resources, public intelligence, and morality are such as to insure a stable local government therein, the people of such Territories should be permitted, as a right inherent in them, the right to form for themselves constitutions and State governments, and be ad- mitted into the Union. Pending the preparation for statehood. all officers thereof should be selected from the bona-ride residents and citizens of the Territory wherein they are to serve. South Dakota should, of right, be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution framed and adopted by her people, and we heartily endorse the action of the Republican Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. The refusal of the Democratic House of Repre- sentatives, for partisan purposes, favorably to consider these bills is a wilful violation of the sacred American principle of local self- government and merits the condemnation of all just men. The pending bills in the Senate for acts to enable the people of Wash- ington, North Dakota, and Montana Territories to form constitu- tions and establish State governments should be passed without unnecessary delay. The Republican party 7 pledges itself to do all 322 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM in its power to facilitate the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Arizona to the enjoyment of self- government as States, such of them as are now qualified as soon as possible, and the others as soon as they become so. The political power of the Mormon Church in the Territories as exercised in the past is a menace to free institutions, a danger no longer to be suffered; therefore, we pledge the Republican party to appropriate legislation, asserting the sovereignty of the nation in all Territories where the same is questioned, and in furtherance of that end to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough to divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power, and thus stamp out the attendant wickedness of polygamy. The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic ad- ministration in its efforts to demonetize silver. We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce. In a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign, and the official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of the people, it is important that the sovereign and the people should possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of that intelligence which is to preserve us a free nation, therefore the State or nation, or both combined, should support free institutions of learning, sufficient to afford to every child growing up in the land the opportunity of a good common school education. We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Con- gress in the enactment of such legislation as will best secure the rehabilitation of our American merchant marine ; and we protest against the passage by Congress of a free-ship bill, as calculated to work injustice to labor by lessening the wages of those engaged in preparing materials as well as those directly employed in our ship- yards. We demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our navy ; for the construction of coast fortifications and modern ordnance, and other approved modern means of defence for the protection of our defenceless harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions to our soldiers ; for necessary works of national importance in the improvement of harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise, and foreign commerce ; for the encouragement of the shipping in- terests of the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific States, as well as for the payment of the maturing public debt. This policy will give em- ployment to our labor ; activity to our various industries ; increase the security of our country ; promote trade ; open new and direct markets for our produce, and cheapen the cost of transportation. We affirm this to be far better for our country than the Democratic policy of loaning the Government's money, without interest, to " pet banks." The conduct of foreign affairs by the present administration has been distinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. Having withdrawn from the Senate all pending treaties effected by Repub- lican administration for the removal of foreign burdens and re- strictions upon our commerce, and for its extension into better markets, it has neither effected nor proposed any others in their stead. Professing adherence to the Monroe Doctrine, it has seen, with idle complacency, the extension of foreign influence in Cen- 3 2 3 our presidents trA Arnerin iri ::' frreirr :nit f try Atrt in:rr : ur rtirriirs. .: i is refuser :: ;:::::: :Lr.;:::r. :r trnurirt E.17 .-. ~ ^~ ~- ~ ::- g-ir.:ri:i:r. :":■: :;r. = :r -j::::r.r :he A::i:ir:i Iirii — i ~ ::i: ::" v;-_A :r:;:r:ir:t _:: :he ~i.r:trir:t ::' :he Z.Iz-rz-r _ : ::: rt iri A : ur r.i:::r.A irfAerit :r _er.irA iri 5:.i:h Arr.tr: : = iri rt:t55iry ::r At it ti:;rrtr: ::' ::=:■ - ::- :r: Pirifi: :erri:;ry. ~.:A ^:u± America and with the islands and farther coasts of the Pacific Ocean. A arraign the present Democratic administration for its weak iri iir.rar.ri:::: :rti:ntr: :: :he rAheres : it5i An. iri As rrsii- lanimons surrender of the essential privileges to which onr fish- ir.r mt.~ irt tr_:::it: ir _irn ;ir r-irrs nrAtr At :rtiry ;:' :S:S. :he rtrirrrrA mr:::rrt A;ri5A:::r A ::;: in At ::mry :: r.a- tions, and which Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of At Ar::t: 5:i:ts At ::r.itrir At ;:.:; A :ht crest-: aArir- isrnrAr iri At Etmrnii: rri;:r:ry ir _:r.rress :: iri :ur fisheries 15 ;i::.:i:/- ir.i ::rs: :::.5iy ur: i:r::: .: iri 15 :tri- irg :: ies:r:y 1 1 .1: t ra:::nA mlusiry 1-: ir. in i is; tr 5.1':'. t resj:ur:e A itftr:t iri irs: 1 Artirn t: tr: .':.- nrre ■::" AmerAir. 1 ; ; . t - i..i:t :: 1 . :i:Aens ::' :he P.t: A - ii: ir: ~. r : 5 1 5 ■;:■::. 1.. sAke :r: 51:1:7 Aiir=:::n A AeAer.ie :: At 15 A: :he sirre rime :hi: :::irtr.s A; is 1:1: "1:5: be At: ran: Ay iri safegnari A hirr A.: 75-5 i: iri rr::e::s A~ — he:her hirh :: i:~ ri:h :: ;::r ir aii his riAi r:gh:s :: shivii iri "15: an:r: hirr rr::e;:Ar 1: h:rrt iri f;":~ arA r.r::er: hirr i:r:ii ir - n:t t: ArA ht may he : r 1 A~ f-A trriri _ht rr.tr - -•/. : izirizr^i :'r.t Rrru:.:::Er :ir:y ir. A:_ 1:.: :::.- : t :: lirtrt :: :'r.t _trr :::i: : :ir:; r.i t itstrrti r.:: : :: ; : :t :i.:t :■: r:rt5: ri" •'trrir.tr: :: 5: mi rrir:t :: frttiirr. :: :.'-.'/ :: :.:t ': :A : : : _: 1 5 ; t : : ; /.it 1 1 5 1 - : t i At :ii5t :: rtfrm :r : rt :. .. 5trv:;t "t -":.'. r : : fiii :: ktt; : .:: rAieti :t:i.:5- ::t; ri t :rA>:tr :rt.:5 r:r itnust :'rt:r :i:::Ai:t ris :r:ktr hi:. V.'t :htre::rt rtrti: : :.: it:Ari:::r. :: A.ii. :: ~::: "Th: rtfirrr :: :rt rr.'h 5tr::t 115;::.:.:/ i^rr vritr :rt At;i:- h:ir i::v::r:5:ri:_::: :h:Ai it ::rrrlt:ti ':;•' :ht frrrhtr -x:tr5.:r :: :he rt:':rrr. 5; 5:tr: i.rti:;' t5ii A:5rti jy li~ :: ih At r:iit5 :•: :ht 5 tr : :t :: :.\:. : 5 1;; .:i: t _rt 5riri: iri ;rr;:5t ::' At rtiirr: i'::.::.'.i :t ::5tr"t: ir. A. t::t:r:rt 1: : : r:r:tr:5 ir: 15 1: 1: ir:t :r :rt :: t:: :: t::.5:.rg rtfirrr itg 5 i:.:r : ;t rtitiit: :: At tr i :ri: At Arrt:5 :: free :r5: ::r:::r.5 r. irrk :r :he : : tr :: :rr::i. :i:r:rirt ri" :t 5t. in ri tr - :: _A.t Ariir :ir- m of Congress should ;it in :t 5: eriirgei 155 i. :y :i:i: iry rrir :hiii it::r:t ir :rrri:t t :in:::y ir :he rres- : 1 :Ai: : 5 :_ir :ii :: : : c tr"ti :r.e ^I'trrritr: ;rt5tr:i:. t: ir re:"5: .. . . ■_'_'"_ htrt"i:h trrr::i:ti 524 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially of all workingmen, whose prosperity is seriously threatened by the free- trade policy of the present administration. The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety of the people, and the purity of their homes. The Repub- lican party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and morality. There were two distinct Labor parties in existence in 1888, and they both called their national conventions to meet at Cincinnati on the 15th of May. The Union Labor party was the only one whose candidate figured in the contest. Mr. Streeter, its nominee for President, received 146,935 votes, with only 2418 for Cowdrey, who was the candidate of the United Labor party. The Union Labor Convention had rep- resentatives from twenty States, and John Seitz was per- manent president. There was no ballot for President, as Alson J. Streeter, of Illinois, was nominated by acclamation, and Samuel Evans, of Texas, was selected for Vice-President on the 1st ballot, receiving 124 votes, to 44 for T. P. Rynders, of Pennsylvania, and 32 for Charles R. Cunning- ham, of Arkansas. The following platform was unani- mously adopted : General discontent prevails on the part of the wealth-producer. Farmers are suffering from a poverty which has forced most of them to mortgage their estates, and the prices of products are so low as to offer no relief, except through bankruptcy, and laborers are sinking into greater dependence. Strikes are resorted to with- out bringing relief, because of the inability of employers, in many cases, to pay living wages, while more and more are driven into the street. Business men find collections almost impossible, and, meantime, hundreds of millions of idle public money, which is needed for relief, is locked up in the United States Treasury, or placed without interest in favored banks in grim mockery of dis- tress. Land monopoly flourishes as never before, and more owners of the soil are daily becoming tenants. Great transportation cor- porations still succeed in extorting their profits on watered stock through unjust charges. The United States Senate has become an open scandal, its membership being purchased by the rich in open defiance of the popular will. Various efforts are made to squ^ider the public money, which are designed to empty the Treasury with- out paying the public debt. Under these and other alarming con- ditions, we appeal to the people of our country to come out of old party organizations, whose indifference to the public welfare is responsible for this distress, and aid the Union Labor party to repeal existing class legislation, and relieve the distress of our industries by establishing the following principles : 3 2 5 OUR PRESIDENTS Land. — While we believe that the proper solution of the finan- cial question will greatly relieve those now in danger of losing their homes by mortgages and foreclosures, and enable all indus- trious persons to secure a home as the highest result of civilization, we oppose land monopoly in every form, demand the forfeiture of unearned grants, the limitation of land ownership, and such other legislation as will stop speculations in lands, and holding it un- used from those whose necessities require it. We believe the earth was made for the people, and not to en- able an idle aristocracy to subsist, through rents, upon the toil of the industrious, and that corners in land are as bad as corners in food, and that those who are not residents or citizens should not be allowed to own lands in the United States. A homestead should be exempt, to a limited extent, from execution or taxation. Transportation. — The means of communication and transporta- tion should be owned by the people, as is the United States postal service. Money. — The establishment of a national monetary system in the interest of the producer, instead of the speculator and usurer, by which the circulating medium, in necessary quantity and full lega^l tender, shall be issued directly to the people, without the interven- tion of banks, or loaned to citizens upon land security at a low rate of interest, to relieve them from extortions of usury and en- able them to control the money supply. Postal savings banks should be established. While we have free coinage of gold, we should have free coinage of silver. We demand the immediate ap- plication of all the money in the United States Treasury to the payment of the bonded debt, and condemn the further issue of interest-bearing bonds, either by the National Government or by States, Territories, or municipalities. Labor. — Arbitration should take the place of strikes and other injurious methods of settling labor disputes. The letting of convict labor to contractors should be prohibited, the contract system be abolished in public works, the hours of labor in industrial establish- ments be reduced, commensurate with the increased production by labor-saving machinery, employes protected from bodily injury, equal pay for equal work for both sexes, and labor, agricultural, and co-operative associations be fostered and encouraged by law. The foundation of a republic is in the intelligence of its citizens. and children who are driven into workshops, mines, and factories are deprived of the education which should be" secured to all by proper legislation. Pensions. — We demand the passage of a service pension bill to every honorably discharged soldier and sailor of the United States. Income Tax. — A graduated income tax is the most equitable system of taxation, placing the burden of Government on those who»can best afford to pay. instead of laying it on the farmers and producers, and exempting millionaire bondholders and corporations. United States Senate. — We demand a constitutional amendment making United States Senators elective by a direct vote of the people. Contract Labor. — We demand the strict enforcement of laws prohibiting the importation of subjects of foreign countries under contract. 3^6 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Chinese. — We demand the passage and enforcement of such legislation as will absolutely exclude the Chinese from the United States. Woman Suffrage. — The right to vote is inherent in citizenship, irrespective of sex, and is properly within the province of State legislation. Paramount Issues. — The paramount issues to be solved in the interests of humanity are the abolition of usury, monopoly, and trusts, and we denounce the Democratic and Republican parties for creating and perpetuating these monstrous evils. The United Labor party had a limited attendance at its convention. William B. Ogden was made president, and Rev. Edward McGlynn, of New York, a priest noted for his discussion of labor problems, prepared and reported the plat- form. Robert H. Cowdrey, of Illinois, was nominated for President, and W. H. T. Wakefield, of Kansas, for the sec- ond place on the ticket without the formality of a ballot. The following platform was unanimously adopted : We, the delegates of the United Labor party of the United States, in national convention assembled, hold that the corruptions of Gov- ernment and the impoverishment of the masses result from neglect of the self-evident truths proclaimed by the founders of this Repub- lic, that all men are created equal and are endowed with inalienable rights. We aim at the abolition of the system which compels men to pay their fellow-creatures for the use of the common bounties of nature, and permits monopolizers to deprive labor of natural oppor- tunities for employment. We see access to farming land denied to labor, except on payment of exorbitant rent or the acceptance of mortgage burdens, and labor, thus forbidden to employ itself, driven into the cities. We see the wage- workers of the cities subjected to this unnatural competition, and forced to pay an exorbitant share of their scanty earnings for cramped and unhealthful lodgings. We see the same intense com- petition condemning the great majority of business and professional men to a bitter and often unavailing struggle to avoid bankruptcy ; and that, while the price of all that labor produces ever falls, the price of land ever rises. We trace these evils to a fundamental wrong — the making of the the land on which all must live the exclusive property of but a por- tion of the community. To this denial of natural rights are due want of employment, low wages, business depressions, that intense competition which makes it so difficult for the majority of men to get a comfortable living, and that wrongful distribution of wealth which is producing the millionaire on one side and the tramp on the other. To give all men an interest in the land of their country; to enable all to share in the benefits of social growth and improvement ; to prevent the shutting out of labor from employment by the monopo- lization of natural opportunities ; to do away with the one-sided com- 327 OUR PRESIDENTS petition which cuts down wages to starvation rates; to restore life to business, and prevent periodical depressions ; to do away with that monstrous injustice which deprives producers of the fruits of their toil while idlers grow rich; to prevent the conflicts which are array- ing class against class, and which are fraught with menacing dangers to society — we propose so to change the existing system of taxation that no one shall be taxed on the wealth he produces, nor any one suffered to appropriate wealth he does not produce by taking to himself the increasing values which the growth of society adds to l?.r.i. What we propose is not the disturbing of any man in his holding or title: but, by taxation of land according to its value and not according to its area, to devote to common use and benefit those values which arise, not from the exertion of the individual, but from the growth of society, and to abolish all taxes on industry and its products. This increased taxation of land values must, while reliev- ing the working farmer and small homestead owner of the undue burdens now imposed upon them, make it unprofitable to hold land for speculation, and thus throw open abundant opportunities for the employment of labor and the building up of homes. We would do away with the present unjust and wasteful system of finance which piles up hundreds of millions of dollars in treasury vaults while we are paying interest on an enormous debt : and we would establish in its stead a monetary system in which a legal tender circulating' me- dium should be issued by the Government, without the intervention of banks. We wish to abolish the present unjust and wasteful system of own- ership of railroads and telegraphs by private corporations — a system which, while failing to supply adequately public needs, impoverishes the farmer, oppresses the manufacturer, hampers the merchant, im- pedes travel and communication, and builds up enormous fortunes and corrupting monopolies that are becoming more powerful than the Government itself. For this system we would substitute Gov- ernment ownership and control for the benefit of the whole people instead of private profit. While declaring the foregoing to be the fundamental principles and aims of the United Labor party, and while conscious that no reform can give effectual and permanent relief to labor that does not involve the legal recognition of equal rights to natural opportu- nities, we, nevertheless, as measures of relief from some of the evil effects of ignoring those rights, favor such legislation as may tend to reduce the hours of labor, to prevent the employment of children of tender years, to avoid the competition of convict labor with hon- est industry, to secure the sanitary inspection of tenements, facto- ries, and mines, and to put an end to the abuse of conspiracy laws. We desire also to simplify the procedure of our courts and dimin- ish the expense of legal proceedings, that the poor may therein be placed on an equality with the rich, and the long delays which now result in scandalous miscarriages of justice may be prevented. Since the ballot is the only means by which, in our Republic, the redress of political and social grievances is to be sought, we especially and emphatically declare for the adoption of what is known as the Aus- tralian system of voting, in order that the effectual secrecy of the ballot, and the relief of candidates for public office from the heavy 328 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM expenses now imposed upon them, may prevent bribery and intimida- tion, do away with practical discriminations in favor of the rich and unscrupulous, and lessen the pernicious influence of money in politics. We denounce the Democratic and Republican parties as hopelessly and shamelessly corrupt, and, by reason of their affiliation with monopolies, equally unworthy of the suffrages of those who do not live upon public plunder; we therefore require of those who would act with us that they sever all connection with both. In support of these aims, we solicit the co-operation of all patri- otic citizens, who, sick of the degradation of politics, desire by con- stitutional methods to establish justice, to preserve liberty, to extend the spirt of fraternity, and to elevate humanity. The Prohibition Convention of 1888 was the most notable assembly of Prohibitionists ever held in the country. It met at Indianapolis on the 20th of May, with several thousands in attendance outside of the delegates. According to the re- port of the committee on credentials there were 1029 del- egates present. Among those who participated in the pro- ceedings of the convention were James Black, the party can- didate for President in 1872, Neal Dow, who was the nom- inee in 1880, and John P. St. John, who led the Prohibition- ists in the Presidential contest of 1884. John P. St. John was the permanent president, and Clinton B. Fisk, of New Jersey, was nominated for President, and John A. Brooks, of Mis- souri, for Vice-President by acclamation without the for- mality of a ballot. The following platform was adopted with great enthusiasm : The Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, acknowl- edging Almighty God as the source of all power in government, do hereby declare : 1. That the manufacture, importation, exportation, transportation, and sale of alcoholic beverages should be made public crimes, and punished as such. 2. That such prohibition must be secured through amendments of our National and State Constitutions, enforced by adequate laws adequately supported by administrative authority ; and to this end the organization of the Prohibition party is imperatively demanded in State and nation. 3. That any form of license, taxation, or regulation of the liquor traffic is contrary to good government ; that any party which sup- ports regulation, license, or tax enters into alliance with such traffic and becomes the actual foe of the State's welfare, and that we arraign the Republican and Democratic parties for their per- sistent attitude in favor of the licensed iniquity, whereby they oppose the demand of the people for prohibition, and, through open com- plicity with the liquor cause, defeat the enforcement of law. 3 2 9 OUR PRESIDENTS 4. For the immediate abolition of the internal revenue system, whereby our National Government is deriving support from our greatest national vice. 5. That, an adequate public revenue being necessary, it may prop- erly be raised by impost duties and by an equitable assessment upon the property and the legitimate business of the country, but import duties should be so reduced that no surplus shall be accumulated in the treasury, and that the burdens of taxation shall be removed from foods, clothing, and other comforts and necessaries of life. 6. That civil service appointments for all civil offices, chiefly cler- ical in their duties, should be based upon moral, intellectual and physical qualifications, and not upon party service or party necessity. 7. That the right of suffrage rests on no mere circumstance of race, color, sex or nationality, and that where, from any cause, it has been held from citizens who are of suitable age and mentally and morally qualified for the exercise of an intelligent ballot, it should be restored by the people through the Legislatures of the sev- eral States, on such educational basis as they may deem wise. 8. For the abolition of polygamy and the establishment of uniform laws governing marriage and divorce. 9. For prohibiting all combinations of capital to control and to increase the cost of products for popular consumption. 10. For the preservation and defence of the Sabbath as a civil institution without oppressing any who religiously observe the same on anj' - other day than the first day of the week. 11. That arbitration is the Christian, wise, and economic method of settling national differences, and the same method shouftl, by judi- cious legislation, be applied to the settlement of disputes between large bodies of employes and emplo} > CD C/2 2 "3 u o u ni a c oj a o ffl

w .go !> rt ^ en « °* Ej 13 aj CI CD O a O 11 a a a o to 'u u flj w a u 4) > Bj CD 138,138 9,197 85,181 239 87,834 46,884 11,831 113 8 — 117,908 117,618 25,226 8,056 8 1 — 38,620 53,584 1,638 — — 4 82,395 77,025 806 4,025 329 6 — — 18,581 18,083 13 565 3 — — 30,143 4,843 475 4 — 129,361 48,305 42,937 988 13 — — 8,599 10,520 288 ■ — — 3 426,281 399,288 22,207 25,870 24 — — " 262,740 255,615 22,208 13,050 ■ 15 — — 196,367 219,795 20,595 6,402 — 13 — 157,237 163,111 4,539 — — 10 175,461 135,441 23,500 6,442 13 — — 87,922 13,281 13,282 8 — — 48,044 62,931 2,381 3,062 336 — 6 — 113,866 92,736 796 5,877 27 8 — — ■ 176,813 202,814 3,210 1,539 649 — 15 — 202,296 V 222,708 19,892 14,069 5 9 — 100,920 .122,823 29,313 12,182 — 9 — 40,237 ^ 1,406 10,256 910 ■ 9 — — 268,398 226,918 41,213 4,331 17 — — 17,581 18,851 7,334 549 — 3 — 24,943 87,227 83,134 4,902 — 8 — 714 2,811 7,264 89 — — 3 42,081 45,658 292 1,297 — 4 — 171,042 156,068 969 8,131 1,337 10 — — 654,868 609,350 16,429 38,190 17,956 36 — — 132,951 100,342 44,736 2,636 11 — — __ 17,519 •> 17,700 899 1 1 1 404,115 405,187 14,850 26,012 1 22 — 14,243 35,002 26,965 2,281 • — 3 1 452,264 516,011 8,714 25.123 898 — 32 — 24,335 26,972 228 1,654 — 4 — 54,692 13,345 2,407 9 — — 9,081 34,888 26,544 — 4 — 138,874 100,331 23,447 4,851 12 — — 239,148 81,444 99,688 2,165 15 — — 16,325 37,992 43 1,415 — 4 — 163,977 113,262 12,275 2,738 12 — — 29,802 ' 36,460 19,165 2,542 ■ — 4 — 84,467 80,293 4,166 2,145 6 — — 177,335 170,791 9,909 13,132 12 — — 8,454 7,722 530 277 3 145 5,556,543 5,175,582 1,040,886 255,841 21,532 22 One of the notable features of the foregoing table is in the fact that both Republicans and Democrats fused with 359 OUR PRESIDENTS the Weaver or People's party in different States. Xo votes were cast for Cleveland in Colorado, Kansas, North Dakota, and "Wyoming, and none were cast for Harrison in Florida, and only a nominal vote given him in Alabama and Missis- sippi. The general political disturbance of the country may be understood when it is remembered that Weaver received near a million votes for President, while the Prohibition candidate kept the vote of that party up to its highest point. Cleveland and Jackson are the only Presidential candi- dates in the history of the Republic who made three con- secutive contests for the place, carried a popular plurality or majority each time, and increased it at each successive contest, and both were defeated in one battle, although receiving a larger popular vote than the successful com- petitor. WILLIAM MCKINLEY THE McKINLEY-BRYAN CONTEST 1896 Cleveland and Harrison were cast in the same mould of statesmanship, differing only in degree, and they had some important qualities in common. Both stood for a better political system than was acceptable to their respective parties, and both regarded public duty as paramount to political or individual interests. They are the only two men of the nation each of whom retired from the Presidency defeated by the other. Both were vastly in advance of the dominant sentiment of their followers in the support of civil service reform. Neither of them was accomplished as a national politician. They never could have nominated them- selves for President by political manipulation, nor could they have mastered the intricacies inevitable in the management of a great national contest. They employed none of the arts which have been common among public men to popularize themselves, and both were called to the leadership of their respective parties in Presidential battles because they were wanted rather than because they wanted the place. Both were regarded as unsympathetic by the ardent political leaders of their parties when it came to the distribution of administration patronage, and yet no two Presidents were ever more pronounced in their devotion to their party faith. Cleveland was a Democrat all through from hat to boots ; Harrison was equally positive as a Republican, and both held to the better teachings of their parties in the better days. Cleveland was a Jackson Democrat, Harrison a Lincoln Republican, and neither took to the modern political frills which sacrifice the substance of conviction to glittering shadows to protect political degeneracy. Cleveland was the more positive in purpose and bolder in action ; Harrison was probably the stronger intellectual force, with greater aptness in adaptability to political movements, and both were thor- 361 OUR PRESIDENTS oughly honest, tireless in devotion to duty, and sincerely patriotic. Both were exemplars of public and private purity, alike in home and trust, and the prattle of " Baby McKee" and of " Little Ruth " would at any time call either to forget- fulness of the honors and cares of State. Both finally retired from the Presidency, leaving records as Chief Magistrates which will ever shed rich lustre upon the annals of the Re- public. Cleveland's second administration fell upon troublous times. The country was about to enter upon a severe season of industrial and business depression, that no political power nor the wisest legislation could have prevented. The prod- ucts of our farms had reached the minimum of value. Debts were steadily increasing, labor was largely unemployed, and consumption of the necessaries of life was reduced to the low- est standard. The McKinley tariff of 1890 had given ex- cessive protection to our industries, but that only stimulated production while it narrowed the markets for our products, and it was not surprising when silver reached the point that made a dollar worth only 50 cents, that the free silver theory should attract the hopeless debtor class by the promise of pay- ing their obligations practically with one-half the money they had borrowed. Both parties were severely honeycombed with the cheap- money theory, and although Cleveland had a Democratic Congress and was able, after the most exhaustive effort, to halt the continued purchase of silver for coinage, it was the last and onlv achievement he attained with the aid of Con- gress to better our financial system. It was most fortunate for the country that in this fearful peril to our national credit Grover Cleveland was President of the United States. He stood impregnable as the rock of Gibraltar when the fierce waves of repudiation surged against him from both parties, and when the West and South appeared to be practically unanimous in demanding cheap money, while even the more stable business and financial States of the Xorth were greatly divided on the issue. Just as the peril to our national honor increased Cleveland's determination and courage to maintain the right increased with it, and he finally braved a howling repudiation Congress by a demand for gold bonds to sustain Government credit with notice that, if refused by Congress, whereby a loss of many millions would be forced upon the country, he would sell bonds, as then authorized by law, to 362 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM any extent necessary to maintain the most scrupulous faith of the nation. Congress refused and Cleveland stood grandly alone with Congress against him, and saved the Republic from a stain of dishonor that would have been ineffaceable. This was a vastly more heroic act than Jackson's throttling of nullification, as Jackson was sustained by the patriotic devotion to the Union. Another record of his administration that stands out among the heroic of Presidential actions was his promptness and courage in meeting the Chicago riots when the commerce of the nation was interrupted by lawlessness. In a single order issued by Cleveland directing public peace to be maintained and commerce permitted to go on uninterrupted by the strong arm of national power he effaced forever the last lingering dregs of States' rights that would make a great Common- wealth the prey of the lawless with the National Government powerless to interfere. The Governor of Illinois was in hearty and open sympathy with the lawless, and refused the protection to public peace and to commerce that was his sworn duty to give, and the civil authorities of Chicago were the mere plaything of the mob. These two acts of Grover Cleveland will go into history as among the most heroic and self-sacrificing acts of any of our long line of Presidents! Harrison would doubtless have met both of these emergencies as Cleveland did, but Cleveland had to brave the overwhelming prejudices of his own party to discharge the duty, while Harrison would have been heartily and unitedly sustained by his party in meeting the Chicago issue, and would have had the majority of his party followers in sympathy with him in maintaining the national credit. Cleveland retired from his second term of the Presi- dency with his party very generally alienated from him, and yet he had not in any material degree departed from the Democratic platform on which he was re-elected. He was not in any measure an apostate, but he stood resolutely where his party had planted him, while his party apostatized and became his bitterest foe. No administration can command the support of the coun- try when industry and trade are severely depressed. It mat- ters not what may be the true cause of financial, commercial, and industrial revulsion ; it is always charged to the policy of the party in power, and Cleveland could not escape political disaster because of conditions which he had no more part 363 OUR PRESIDENTS in producing than he had in creating the stars when they first sang together. The mid-administration elections of 1894 resulted in the most disastrous defeat the Democracy had ever suffered, and the cheap-money heresy rapidly grew in strength, disintegrating both the old parties until the ques- tion of maintaining national credit became one of the gravest ever presented to the people, with the single exception of the secession that caused our civil war. The Wilson Tariff bill was passed with protective features sufficiently liberal to maintain our industries with the en- larged markets it would have produced for American prod- ucts, but it was assailed as one of the chief causes of our industrial depression, and it became an important factor in the election of McKinley in 1896. It is now demonstrated before the close of the McKinley administration, that the pro- tective features of the Wilson bill were more than equal to the necessities of the present. New and unexpected condi- tions brought this country suddenly to a policy of expansion in territory and trade, and to-day we have hardly an indus- try that really needs protection if it can have free markets for its products. Cleveland was bitterly assailed as unfriendly to a liberal pension policy for our soldiers. He came into his second term in the midst of a tidal wave of pension profligacy. Private pensions were passed by the hundreds in Congress usually without debate, and often with only a small frac- tion of a quorum present. Cleveland vetoed a number of these bills, and I cannot recall one vetoed private pension bill that was passed over his veto, although there may have been a very few. I happened to witness a painful exhibition of the coward- ice of Congressmen in meeting the pension question after Cleveland had vetoed a bill greatly enlarging our pension system. On the morning of the day that the veto was to be taken in the House to sustain the veto or pass the bill, not- withstanding the objections of the President, I called upon Speaker Carlisle in his room in the Capitol, and there found him in earnest consultation with twelve or fifteen leading Democratic Congressmen. There was grave danger that the bill would pass over the veto, although certainly not one-third of the members of the House believed that the bill was just. The question discussed at that conference was who of the Democratic leaders could afford to take the floor in defence 364 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM of the veto. All heartily approved of it, but only two of all those present expressed his willingness to come to the front and stand for the right. Governor Curtin, then a member of the House, had the courage to say that as the friend of the true soldier he would defend the veto on the floor, and while every one present agreed with him, a majority of them de- clared that it was a necessity, for their own safety at home, to vote for the bill. It was only by the greatest effort that the veto was sustained for want of a two-thirds vote, although a decided majority of the House voted for the bill. Such were the conditions in which the people entered upon the memorable contest of 1896. Governor McKinley and Speaker Reed took the lead early in the race for the Republican nomination for President, and McKinley was most fortunate in having his Warwick in Mark A. Hanna, of Ohio, who conducted the McKinley battle on the same lines that Samuel J. Tilden conducted the contest for his nomination in 1876. His fight was won by well-organized and earnestly directed contests in every debatable State, and for a year or more before the convention met Hanna was tireless in his work. He had a strong candidate in McKin- ley; a man of blameless character, of admitted ability, a champion of protection, a soldier who had carried his musket as a private in the flame of battle, and possessing many attributes of personal popularity. Reed in his rough way fought his battle more heroically than wisely, and was finally unhorsed at the close of the contest by McKinley sweeping some of the New England States from him. That defeated Reed, and McKinley's nomination was assured. On only one point did Hanna seriously miscalculate the lines of safety. He saw the cheap-money and repudiation issue formidable on every side and in both parties, and he decided that McKinley should be nominated for President on a platform that straddled the money issue in a cowardly way. In order to give the cue to the party on the money issue, he called the Republican State Convention of Ohio to meet on the nth of March, 1896, and that convention adopted the following money plank, intended to be the McKinley platform : " We contend for honest money ; for a currency of gold, silver, and paper with which to measure our exchanges, that shall be as sound as the Government and as untarnished as its honor, and to that end we favor bimetallism, and demand the use of both gold and 365 OUR PRESIDENTS silver as standard money, either in accordance with a ratio to be fixed by an international agreement, if that can be obtained, or under such restrictions and such provisions, to be determined by legisla- tion, as will secure the maintenance of the parities of value of the two metals so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dol- lar, whether of silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal." The Ohio money plank was generally accepted by the Republicans of the West as a cunning straddle, that would hold the cheap-money Republicans, whose devotion to pro- tection made them willing to yield something on the money question, but it was severely criticised by a number of the ablest Republicans of the East, and before the convention met it became evident that the friends of an emphatic honest- money plank were likely to dominate the body. The Republican National Convention met at St. Louis on the 1 6th of June. There was little or no dispute as to who would be nominated for President, as a decided majority of the delegates came there for the purpose of nominating McKinley. Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, was tem- porary chairman and present Senator John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, permanent president. The struggle over the money plank of the platform kept the convention in idleness until the third day, when an agreement was reached in favor of the gold standard. There has been some dispute recently as to who made Hanna adopt the gold platform. There were many and very earnest consultations in St. Louis before an agreement with Hanna could be reached, and it was finally accomplished by a number of able members of the body deciding that they would notify Hanna, giving him one hour to accept the gold-standard platform, or they would carry it into the convention and compel McKinley's friends to meet the issue in open debate. I was at the same hotel, on the same floor with Hanna, and knew just when that proposition was sent to him, and knew also that in little over half an hour he agreed to the demand of the gold-standard Repub- licans, and it was then adopted without a contest. When the platform was reported, Senator Teller, of Colorado, who led the Silver Republicans, and who was a member of the committee on resolutions, offered the following as a substi- tute for the money plank of the platform : " The Republican party favors the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free, un- restricted, and independent coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio of 16 parts of silver to I of gold." 366 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Senator Teller delivered an earnest and able argument in support of his substitute, but it was rejected by 8i8J votes to 105J. A separate vote was also had on the financial plank as reported by the majority, and it was adopted by 812J to 110J. When the platform was adopted, Senator Cannon, of Utah, presented a protest against the money plank of the platform, after which thirty-four delegates from the Western States, including Senators Teller and Cannon, withdrew from the convention. There was only one ballot for Presi- dent, as follows : William McKinley, Ohio . 661^ Thomas B. Reed, Me .... 84j| Matthew S. Quay, Pa... . 61 j| Levi P. Morton, N. Y. . . . 58 William B. Allison, la . . 35^ J. Donald Cameron, Pa. . 1 Blank 4 The nomination of Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey, for Vice-President was made on the 1st ballot by the following vote : Garret A. Hobart, N. J. . . 535^ Henry Clay Evans, Tenn. 277^ Morgan J. Bulkeley, Conn. 39 James A. Walker, "Va 24 Charles E. Lippitt, R. I. . 8 Thomas B. Reed, Maine 3 Chauncey M. Depew, N. Y. . . 3 John M. Thurston, Neb 2 Fred D. Grant, N. Y 2 Levi P. Morton, N. Y 1 The nominations of McKinley and Hobart were made unanimous with the wildest enthusiasm. The following is the Republican platform as adopted by the convention : The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their repre- sentatives in national convention, appealing for the popular and his- torical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements of the thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience, and conscience of their countrymen in the following declaration of facts and prin- ciples : For the first time since the Civil War the American people have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted Democratic control of the Government. It has been a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster. In administrative management it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, en- tailed an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the public debt by $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien syndicates, and reversed all the measures and results of successful Republican rule. In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted 367 OUR PRESIDENTS industry and trade with prolonged depression, closed factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise, and crippled American production while stimulating foreign production for the American market. Every consideration of public safety and individual inter- est demands that the Government shall be rescued from the hands of those who have shown themselves incapable of conducting it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored to the party which for thirty years administered it with unequalled success and prosperity, and in this connection we heartily endorse the wisdom, the patriotism, and the success of the administration of President Harrison. We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection as the bulwark of American industrial independence and the foun- dation of American development and prosperity. This true Ameri- can policy taxes foreign products and encourages home industry; it puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods ; it secures the Ameri- can market for the American producer ; it upholds the American standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the fac- tory by the side of the farm, and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign demand and price ; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its rea- sonable application it is just, fair, and impartial, equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimina- tion and individual favoritism. We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious to the public credit, and destructive to business enterprise. We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition with American products as will not only furnish ade- quate revenue for the necessary expenses of the Government, but will protect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the con- ditions of the time and of production; the ruling and uncompromis- ing principle is the protection and development of American labor and industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then it wants rest. We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by the last Republican administration was a national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equal- ize our trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of American products in the ports of other coun- tries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests, and factories. Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy, and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down both, and both must be re-established. Protection for what we pro- duce ; free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not produce; reciprocity agreements of mutual interests which gain open markets for us in return for our open market to others. Protection builds up domestic industry and trade, and secures our own market for ourselves: reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds an out- let for our surplus. We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith with the sugar-producers of this country. The Republican party favors 3 68 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM such protection as will lead to the production on American soil of all the sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other countries more than $100,000,000 annually. To all our products — to those of the mine and the fields, as well as those of the shop and factory ; to hemp, to wool, the product of the great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to the finished woollens of the mills — we promise the most ample protection. We favor restoring the early American policy of discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant marine and the protection of our shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships — the product of American labor, employed in American ship- yards, sailing under the Stars and Stripes, and manned, officered, and owned by Americans — may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce. The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, there- fore, opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our sil- ver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obliga- tions of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth. The veterans of the Union armies deserve and should receive fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable, they should be given the preference in the matter of employment, and they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfilment of the pledges made to them in the dark days of the country's peril. We denounce the practice in the Pen- sion Bureau, so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present administration, of reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the rolls, as deserving the severest condemnation of the Ameri- can people. Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and digni- fied, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere carefully watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere with them ; the Nicaragua Canal should be built, owned, and operated by the United States ; and by the purchase of the Dan- ish islands we should secure a proper and much-needed naval station in the West Indies. The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the United States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents have been exposed to the gravest dangers and American property destroyed. There and everywhere American citizens and American property must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost. We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we re- 369 OUR PRESIDENT ; affirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by responding to the appeal of any American State for friendly inter- vention in case of European encroachment We have not interfered and shall not interfere with the existing possessions of any Emro- pean power in this hemisphere, but those possessions must not on any pretext be extended. We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the European powers from this hem:??:: ere 1:1 :•: the ultimate union of all English-speaking parts of the continent by the free consent of its inhabitar.-.: From the hour of achieving their own independence the ;•:-:; he of the United States have regarded with sympathy :he r:r;;r!ti :: other American people to free themselves from Zur:;t::; ::~::.l- tion. We watch with deep and abiding interest the her::: rirt't ::' the Cuban patriots against zruelty and oppress::- ir. i ::r :: : : hopes go out for the full success of their determined :::::;: £:: liberty. The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the Gov- ernment of the United States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the island. The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a naval power commensurate with its position and responsibility. We there- fore favor the continued enlargement of the navy and a complete system of harbor and seacoas: iefer:es For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship and of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competiticr. :: low-priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thor- oughly enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the United States those who can neither read nor write The civil service law was placed on the statute book b} r the Re- publican party, which has always sustained ft and we renew onr repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honest!;.- en- forced and extended wherever practicable. We demand that even- citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and barbarous practice, well known as Ijmching, or killing of human beings suspected or charged with crime, without process of law. We favor the creation of a national Board of Arbitration to settle and adjust differences which may arise between employer: i::: employes engaged in interstate commerce. We believe in an immediate return to the free-homes :e : : ; of the Republican party 7 , and urge the passage by Congre: ; ::' i sat- isfactory free-homestead measure such as has already passed the House, and is now pending in the Senate, We favor the admission of the remainir.r _ erritrries at the earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of the Territories and of the United States. All the Federal : Pre- appointed for the Territories should be selected from bona fid£ resi- dents thereof, and the right of self-government should be accorded as far as practicable. AND HOW WE MAKE THEM We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legisla- tion may be intelligently enacted. We sympathise with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women. Protection of American industries includes equal opportu- nities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and welcome their co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic and Populist mismanagement and misrule. Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By these principles we will abide and these policies we will put into execution. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the American people. Confident alike in the history of our great party and in the justice of our cause, we present our platform and our candidates in the full assurance that the election will bring victory to the Republican party and prosperity to the people of the United States. The Democratic National Convention met. at Chicago on the 7th of July, and the emphatic deliverance of the Repub- lican convention in favor of the gold standard greatly- strengthened the free-silver Democratic element, but the sound-money Democrats had control of the national commit- tee, with William F. Harrity, chairman, whose duty it was to call the convention to order. Earnest efforts were made to harmonize the party in the organization, but the Free Silverites were aggressive from the start, and when the national committee named Senator Hill, of New York, as temporary chairman, a bitter debate was precipitated, and Senator Daniel, of Virginia, an out-and-out Free Silverite, was elected by 556 to 349. On the second day the report of the committee on credentials strengthened the free-silver wing by the admission of the Bryan delegation from Ne- braska, and four sound-money Democrats were rejected from Michigan, and their places given to free-silver delegates. Senator White, of California, was made permanent president. The platform was adopted, as is usual, before the nomination for President, and it was in the protracted and intensely bitter debate of the money question that brought out the eloquent and dramatic address of William J. Bryan, that carried him into the Democratic nomination with a tidal wave. A sound financial plank was offered by the minority, but rejected by 626 to 303. Another resolution, declaring, " We commend the honesty, economy, courage, and fidelity of the 371 OUR PRESIDENTS present Democratic (Cleveland) administration," was greeted with a yell of derision and rejected by 564 to 357. Senator Hill offered two amendments to temper the repudiation plank, but they were rejected without a division. The platform was then adopted by 628 to 301. The sound-money Democrats found themselves in a helpless and hopeless minority. Many of them desired to withdraw from the convention, but the more considerate refused to do so, and all of them remained, 178 of them refusing to vote on the 1st ballot for President. Chairman Harrity, of the national committee, with his delegation participated in all the ballots and steadily voted for ex-Governor Pattison. Five ballots were had for President, with Bryan starting at 119 to 235 for Bland, of Missouri, who was the father of the silver dollar, and should have been accepted as the logical candidate of the free-silver party, but Bryan's " crown of thorns" had captured the convention, and he won an easy victory. The following table gives the five ballots for President in detail : -~ Whole number of votes Necessary for a choice (two-thirds) William J. Bryan, Nebraska Richard P. Bland, Missouri Robert E. Pattison, Pennsylvania Horace Boies. Iowa Joseph S. C. Blackburn, Kentucky John R. McLean, Ohio Claude Matthews, Indiana Benjamin R. Tillman, South Carolina . . Sylvester Pennoyer, Oregon Henry M. Teller, Colorado Adlai E. Stevenson, Illinois William E. Russell, Massachusetts James E. Campbell, Ohio David B. Hill, New York David Turpie, Indiana Not voting .-. 752 502 119 235 95 85 83 54 37 17 7 2 1 1 178 512 190 283 100 41 41 53 33 10 1 162 768 512 219 291 97 36 27 54 34 ' 1 162 513 280 241 97 33 27 46 36 1 162 768 512 500 106 95 26 31 1 1 162 On the 5th ballot Bryan was only 12 votes short of the necessary two-thirds, and immediately after the roll-call was completed, and before the vote had been given, 78 delegates changed their votes from other candidates to Bryan, giving him the nomination. The convention received the result with the wildest cheers for Bryan, mingled with some hisses and general sullen silence among the sound-money Demo- crats. 372 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM There was a spirited contest for the Vice-Presidency, in which John R. McLean, of Ohio, was well to the front, and led all others on the 4th ballot, but on the 5th a whirl was made to Sewall, of Maine, giving him the nomination. The following table gives the ballot in detail : Whole number of votes Necessary for a choice (two-thirds). Arthur Sewall, Maine Joseph C. Sibley, Pennsylvania John R. McLean, Ohio George F. Williams, Massachusetts Richard P. Bland, Missouri Walter A. Clark, North Carolina... John R. Williams, Illinois William F. Harrity, Pennsylvania.. Horace Boies, Iowa Joseph S. C Blackburn, Kentucky . John W. Daniel, Virginia James H. Lewis, Washington Robert E. Pattison, Pennsylvania... Henry M. Teller, Colorado Stephen M. White, California George W. Fithian, Illinois Not voting •a A in u a 0) u 670 02 675 e fc 675 677 447 450 450 452 100 37 97 261 163 113 50 — 111 158 210 296 76 16 15 9 62 294 255 — 50 22 22 46 22 13 — — 21 21 19 11 20 — — — 20 — . — — 11 11 1 1 1 260 1 6 54 1 1 1 255 255 253 679 453 568 32 9 22 11 36 1 251 The following is the full text of the Democratic platform : We, the Democrats of the United States, in national convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential prin- ciples of justice and liberty, upon which our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic party has advocated from Jefferson's time to our own — freedom of speech, freedom of the press, free- dom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens before the law, and the faithful observance of constitu- tional limitations. During all these' years the Democratic party has resisted the ten- dency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power, and steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of gov- ernment established by the founders of this republic of republics. Under its guidance and teachings, the great principle of local self- government has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the States, and in its assertion of the necessity of confin- ing the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted by "the Constitution of the United States. The Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citizen the rights of civil and religious liberty. The Democratic party has always been the exponent of political liberty and religious freedom, and it renews its obligations and reaffirms its devotion to these fundamental principles of the Constitution. 373 OUR PRESIDENTS Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Con- stitution names silver and gold together as the money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver dollar the money unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar unit. We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of com- modities produced by the people ; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and private ; the enrichment of the money-lending class at home and abroad ; the prostration of in- dustry and impoverishment of the people. We are unalterably opposed to monometallism, which has locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that spirit and love of- liberty which proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in the war of the Revolution. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one without waiting' for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the stan- dard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private contract. We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either sil- ver coin or gold coin. We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at enormous profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to main- tain the policy of gold monometallism. Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or individuals. We therefore denounce the issuance of notes intended to circulate as money by national banks as in derogation of the Constitution, and we demand that all paper which is made a legal tender for public and private debts, or which is receivable for duties to the United States, shall be issued by the Government of the United States and shall be redeemable in coin. We hold that tariff duties should be levied for purposes of reve- nue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally through- out the country, and not discriminate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government honestly and economically administered. We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the McKinley law, which has twice been condemned by the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea 374 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, re- stricted trade, and deprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agita- tion for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to meet the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse de- cision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. But for this de- cision by the Supreme Court, there would be no deficit in the reve- nue under the law passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursu- ance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly one hundred years, that court having in that decision sustained constitutional ob- jections to its enactment which had previously been overruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat on that bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or which may come from its re- versal by the court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses of the Government. We hold that the most efficient way of protecting American labor is to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a vicious monetary system which depresses the prices of their products below the cost of production, and thus deprives them of the means of pur- chasing the products of our home manufactories ; and, as labor creates the wealth of the country, we demand the passage of such laws as may be necessary to protect it in all its rights. We are in favor of the arbitration of differences between em- ployers engaged in interstate commerce and their employes, and recommend such legislation as is necessary to carry out this prin- ciple. The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading railroad systems, and the formation of trusts and pools re- quire a stricter control by the Federal Government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers of the interstate commerce commission, and such restrictions and guar- antees in the control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression. We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while the labor that pays them is unemployed and the products of the people's toil are depressed in price till they no longer repay the cost of produc- tion. We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which befits a democratic government and a reduction in the number of useless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States and a crime against free institutions, and we especially object to government by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of oppression by which Federal judges, in contempt of the laws of the 375 OUR PRESIDENTS States and rights of citizens, become at once legislators, judges, and executioners ; and we approve the bill passed at the last session of the United States Senate, and now pending in the House of Rep- resentatives, relative to contempts in Federal courts and providing for trials by jury in certain cases of contempt. No discrimination should be indulged in by the Government of the United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad Funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present Republican Con^ gress to enact a similar measure. Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily endorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pensions, that no name shall be arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll ; and the fact of enlistment and service should be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment. We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and Oklahoma into the Union as States, and we favor the early admission of all the Territories having the necessary population and resources to entitle them to statehood, and, while they remain Territories, we hold that the officials appointed to ad- minister the government of any Territory, together with the Dis- trict of Columbia and Alaska, should be bond fide residents of the Territory or district in which the duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in home rule, and that all public lands of the United States should be appropriated to the establishment of free homes for American citizens. We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a dele- gate in Congress, and that the general land and timber laws of the United States be extended to said Territory. The Monroe Doctrine, as originally declared and as interpreted by succeeding Presidents, is a permanent part of the foreign policy of the United States, and must at all times be maintained. We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence. We are opposed to life tenure in the public service, except as provided in the Constitution. We favor appointments based upon merit, fixed terms of office, and such an administration of the civil service laws as will afford equal opportunities to all citizens of ascer- tained fitness. We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic, estab- lished by custom and usage of a hundred years, and sanctioned by the examples of the greatest and wisest of those who founded and have maintained our Government, that no man should be eligible for a third term of the Presidential office. The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mis- sissippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tide- water. When any waterway of the Republic is of sufficient impor- tance to demand aid of the Government, such aid should be ex- tended upon a definite plan of continuous work until permanent im- provement is secured. Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of its success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of prin- ciples and purposes to the considerate judgment of the American 376 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM people. We invite the support of all citizens who approve them, and. who desire to have them made effective, through legislation, for the relief of the people and the restoration of the country's prosperity. A minority of the Committee on Resolutions, consisting of the members from sixteen States, submitted a dissenting report, expressing their inability to give their assent to " many declarations" of the platform. " Some are ill- considered and ambiguously phrased, while others are ex- treme and revolutionary of the well-recognized principles of the party." They offered two amendments, the first a substitute for the financial plank, as follows : We declare our belief that the experiment on the part of the United States alone of free silver coinage and a change in the existing standard of value, independently of the action of other great nations, would not only imperil our finances, but would retard, or entirely prevent, the establishment of international bimetallism, to which the efforts of the Government should be steadily directed. It would place this country at once upon a silver basis, impair contracts, disturb business, diminish the purchasing power of the wages of labor, and inflict irreparable evils upon our nation's com- merce and industry. Until international co-operation among leading nations for the coinage of silver can be secured, we favor the rigid maintenance of the existing gold standard as essential to the preservation of our national credit, the redemption of our public pledges, and the keep- ing inviolate of our country's honor. We insist that all our paper currency shall be kept at a parity with gold. The Democratic party is the party of hard money, and is opposed to legal tender paper money as a part of our permanent financial system, and we therefore favor the gradual retirement and cancellation of all United States notes and treasury notes, under such legislative provisions as will prevent undue contraction. We demand that the national credit shall be resolutely maintained at all times and under all circumstances. The People's party, then better known as the Populists, and the Free Silver party, held their conventions at St. Louis on the 22d of July. The cheap-money elements were divided into two extreme factions, with a third that was known as the " Middle-of-the-Road " men. The Populist convention was presided over by Senator Butler, of North Carolina, as temporary chairman, and Senator Allen, of Nebraska, as permanent president, and the question of acting with the Democratic party in support of the Chicago platform and candidate for President, was settled by the preliminary mo- 377 OUR PRESIDENTS tion to proceed to the nomination of a candidate for Vice- President. It was adopted by 785 to 615. That meant the nomination of Bryan, but the rejection of Sewall. A single ballot was had for Vice-President, resulting as follows : Thomas E. Watson, Ga. . . 539% Arthur Sewall, Maine 257j| Frank Burkett, Miss 190% Harry Skinner, N. C 142^ A. L. Mims, Tenn 118 T 5 g Mann Page, Virginia 89 " -TS" Watson lacked over 100 of the majority, but a sufficient number of delegates promptly changed their votes to make him the nominee. After nominating the candidate for Vice- President, the convention proceeded to ballot for President, as follows : William J. Bryan, Neb. . ..1,042 S. F. Norton, 111 321 Eugene B. Debs, Ind 8 Ignatius Donnelly, Minn. ... 3 J. S. Coxey, Ohio 1 The following platform was adopted after three minority reports had been rejected : The People's party, assembled in national convention, reaffirms its allegiance to the principles declared by the founders of the Re- public, and also to the fundamental principles of just government as enunciated in the platform of the party in 1892. We recognize that through the connivance of the present and preceding administrations the country has reached a crisis in its national life as predicted in our declaration four years ago, and that prompt and patriotic action is the supreme duty of the hour. We realize that while we have political independence our financial and industrial independence is yet to be attained by restoring to our country the constitutional control and exercise of the functions necessary to a people's government, which functions have been basely surrendered by our public servants to corporate monopolies. The influence of European money-changers has been more potent in shaping legislation than the voice of the American people. Executive power and patronage have been used to corrupt our Legislatures and defeat the will of the people, and plutocracy has been enthroned upon the ruins 'of democracy. To restore the Gov- ernment intended by the fathers and for the welfare and prosperity of this and future generations, we demand the establishment of an economic and financial system which shall make us masters of our own affairs, and independent of European control, by the adoption of the following declaration of principles : 1. We demand a national money, safe and sound, issued by the General Government only, without the intervention of banks of issue, to be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private; a just, equitable, and efficient means of distribution direct to the people and through the lawful disbursements of the Government. 378 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM 2. We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without waiting for the consent of foreign nations. 3. We demand that the volume of circulating medium be speedily increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of business and population and to restore the just level of prices of labor and production. 4. We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the interest- bearing debt made by the present administration as unnecessary and without authority of law, and demand that no more bonds be issued except by specific act of Congress. 5. We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetiza- tion of the lawful money of the United States by private contract. 6. We demand that the Government, in payment of its obliga- tions, shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which they are to be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding administrations for surrendering this option to the holders of Gov- ernment obligations. 7. We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that aggre- gated wealth shall bear its just proportion of taxation; and we regard the recent decision of the Supreme Court relative to the income tax law as a misinterpretation of the Constitution, and an invasion of the rightful powers of Congress over the subject of taxation. 8. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people and to facilitate exchange. 9. Transportation being a means of exchange and a public neces- sity, Government should own and operate the railroads in the in- terests of the people and on a non-partisan basis, to the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in transportation, and that the tyranny and political power now exercised by the great rail- road corporations, which result in the impairment, if not the de- struction, of the political rights and personal liberties of the citizen, may be destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished gradually, in a manner consistent with sound public policy. 10. The interest of the United States in the public highways, built with public moneys, and the proceeds of extensive grants of land to the Pacific railroads should never be alienated, mortgaged, or sold, but guarded and protected for the general welfare as provided by the laws organizing such railroads. The foreclosure of existing liens of the United States on these roads should at once follow default in the payment thereof by the debtor-companies ; and at the foreclosure sales of said roads the Government shall purchase the same if it become necessary to protect its interests therein, or if they can be purchased at a reasonable price ; and the Government shall operate said railroads as public highways for the benefit of the whole people, and not in the interest of the few, under suitable provisions for protection of life and property, giving to all trans- portation interests equal privileges and equal rates for fares and freight. 11. We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding these debts, and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be executed and administered according to their true intent and spirit. 379 OUR PRESIDENTS 12. The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated by the Government in the interest of the people. 13. The true policy demands that national and State legislation shall be such as will ultimately enable even* prudent and industri- ous citizen to secure a home, and therefore the lands should not be monopolized for speculative purposes. All lands now held by railroads and other corporations in excess of their actual needs should b\- lawful means be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers only, and subject to the right of even* human being to acquire a home upon the soil, and private land monopoly, as well as alien ownership, should be prohibited. 14. We condemn the frauds by which the land grants to the Pa- cific Railroad companies have, through the connivance of the Interior Department, robbed multitudes of actual bona fide settlers of their homes and miners of their claims, and we demand legislation by Congress which will enforce the exemption of mineral land from such grants after as well as before the patent. 15. We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be granted free homes as provided in the National Homestead law. and that no exception be made in the case of Indian reservations when opened for settlement, and that all lands not now patented come under this demand. We favor a system of direct legislation through the initiative' and referendum under proper constitutional safeguards. 1. We demand the election of President, Vice-President, and United States Senators by a direct vote of the people. 2. We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest sym- pathy' in their heroic struggle for political freedom and independ- ence, and we believe the time has come when the United States, the great Republic of the world should recognize that Cuba is and of right out to be a free and independent State. 3. We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of Columbia, and the early admission of Territories as States. 4. All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price of labor and its products. 5. In times of great industrial depression, idle labor should be employed on public works as far as practicable. 6. The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison citizens for indirect contempt, and ruling by injunction, should be prevented by proper legislation. 7. We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers. 8. Believing that the elective franchise and an untrammelled ballot are essential to a government of. for, and b}* the people, the People's part\- condemn the wholesale system of disfranchisement adopted in some of the States as unrepublican and undemocratic, and we declare it to be the duty of the several State Legislatures to take such action as will secure a full, free, and fair ballot and an honest count. 9. While the foregoing propositions constitute the platform upon which our party stands, and for the vindication of which its organ- ization will be maintained, we recognize that the great and pressing issue of the present campaign upon which the present Presidential election will turn is the financial question, and upon this great and 380 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM specific issue between the parties we cordially invite the aid and co-operation of all organizations and citizens agreeing with us upon this vital question. The National Silver party held its convention at the same time and place, with Frank G. Newlands, of Nevada, as tem- porary chairman, and William P. St. John, of New York, as permanent president. No time during the proceedings of the convention was a vote had to indicate the number of dele- gates. William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, was nominated for President, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice-President, both by acclamation. The following platform was adopted : The National Silver party of America, in convention assembled, hereby adopts the following declaration of principles : First, the paramount issue at this time in the United States is indisputably the money question. It is between the British gold standard, gold bonds, and bank currency on the one side, and the bimetallic standard, no bonds, Government currency, and an Ameri- can policy on the other. On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a distinctive American financial system. We are unalterably opposed to the single gold standard, and demand the immediate return to the constitu- tional standard of gold and silver, by the restoration by this Govern- ment, independently of any foreign power, of the unrestricted coin- age of both gold and silver into standard money, at the ratio of sixteen to one, and upon terms of exact equality, as they existed prior to 1873 ; the silver coin to be of full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts and dues, public and private ; and we demand such legislation as will prevent for the future the destruction of the legal tender quality of any kind of money by private contract. We hold that the power to control and regulate a paper currency is inseparable from the power to coin money, and hence that all currency intended to circulate as money should be issued, and its volume controlled, by the General Government only, and should be a legal tender. We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States of interest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as a blun- der worse than a crime the present treasury policy, concurred in by a Republican House of Representatives, of plunging the country into debt by hundreds of millions in the vain attempt to maintain the gold standard by borrowing gold ; and we demand the payment of all coin obligations of the United States as provided by existing laws, in either gold or silver coin, at the option of the Government, and not at the option of the creditor. The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the demand for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering all prices measured by that standard; and, since that unjust and indefensible act, the prices of American products have fallen, upon an average, nearly fifty per cent., carrying down with them pro- portionately the money value of all other forms of property. 381 OUR PRESIDENTS Such fall of prices has destroyed the profits of legitimate indus- try, injuring the producer for the benefit of the non-producer; in- creasing the burden of the debtor, swelling the gains of the creditor, paralyzing the productive energies of the American people, relegat- ing to idleness vast numbers of willing workers, sending the shad- ows of despair into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land with tramps and paupers, and building up colossal fortunes at the money centres. In the effort to maintain the gold standard, the country has, within the last two years, in a time of profound peace and plenty, been loaded down with $262,000,000 of additional interest-bearing debt under such circumstances as to allow a syndicate of native and for- eign bankers to realize a net profit of millions on a single deal. ' It stands confessed that the gold standard can be only upheld by so depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of our prod- ucts below the European, and even below the Asiatic, level to enable us to sell in foreign markets, thus aggravating the very evils of which our people so bitterly complain, degrading American labor and striking at the foundations of our civilization itself. The advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that the real cause of our distress is overproduction — that we have produced so much that it made us poor — which implies that the true remedy is to close the factory, abandon the farm, and throw a multitude of people out of employment — a doctrine that leaves us unnerved and disheartened, and absolutely without hope for the future. We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such economic paradox as overproduction, and at the same time tens of thousands of our fellow-citizens remaining half clothed and half fed, and pit- eously clamoring for the common necessities of life. Over and above all other questions of policy, we are in favor of restoring to the people of the United States the time-honored money of the Constitution — gold and silver, not one, but both — the money of Washington and Hamilton and Jefferson and Monroe and Jack- son and Lincoln, to the end that the American people may receive honest pay for an honest product ; that the American debtor may pay his just obligations in an honest standard, and not in a dishonest and unsound standard, appreciated one hundred per cent, in purchasing power, and no appreciation in debt-paying power; and to the end, further, that silver standard countries may be deprived of the unjust advantage they now enjoy, in the difference in exchange between gold and silver, an advantage which tariff legislation cannot over- come. We, therefore, confidently appeal to the people of the United States to hold in abeyance all other questions, however important and even momentous they may appear, to sunder, if need be, all for- mer party ties and affiliations, and unite in one supreme effort to free themselves and their children from the domination of the money power — a power more destructive than any which has ever been fastened upon the civilized men of any race or in any age. And upon the consummation of our desires and efforts we invoke the aid of all patriotic American citizens, and the gracious favor of Divine Providence. The sound-money Democrats of the country called a 382 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM national convention that met at Indianapolis on the 2d of September, and adopted the title of the National Democratic party. Governor Flower, of New York, was temporary chairman, and Senator Caflery, of Louisiana, was perma- nent president. General John M. Palmer, of Illinois, was nominated for President on the 1st ballot, receiving 769 \ votes to 118J votes for General Edward S. Bragg, of Wis- consin. General Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, was nomi- nated for Vice-President by acclamation. The following platform was unanimously adopted : This convention has assembled to uphold the principles on which depend the honor and welfare of the American people, in order that Democrats throughout the Union may unite their patriotic efforts to avert disaster from their country and ruin from their party. The Democratic party is pledged to equal and exact justice to all men, of every creed and condition ; to the largest freedom of the individual consistent with good government; to the preservation of the Federal Government in its constitutional vigor, and to the sup- port of the States in all their just rights; to economy in the public expenditures ; to the maintenance of the public faith and sound money; and it is opposed to paternalism and all class legislation. The declarations of the Chicago convention attack individual freedom, the right of private contract, the independence of the judi- ciary, and the authority of the President to enforce Federal laws. They advocate a reckless attempt to increase the price of silver by legislation, to the debasement of our monetary standard, and threaten unlimited issues of paper money by the Government. They abandon for Republican allies the Democratic cause of tariff reform, to court the favor of protectionists to their fiscal heresy. In view of these and other grave departures from Democratic prin- ciples, we cannot support the candidates of that convention nor be bound by its acts. The Democratic party has survived defeats, but could not survive a victory won in behalf of the doctrine and policy proclaimed in its name at Chicago. The conditions, however, which make possible such utterances from a national convention are the direct result of class legislation by the Republican party. It still proclaims, as it has for years, the power and duty of Government to raise and maintain prices by law, and it proposes no remedy for existing evils, except oppressive and unjust taxation. The National Democracy here convened therefore renews its decla- ration of faith in Democratic principles, especially as applicable to the conditions of the times. Taxation — tariff, excise, or direct — is rightfully imposed only for public purposes, and not for private gain. Its amount is justly measured by public expenditures, which should be limited by scrupulous economy. The sum derived by the Treasury from tariff and excise levies is affected by the state of trade and volume of consumption. The amount required by the Treas- ury is determined by the appropriations made by Congress. The 383 OUR PRESIDENTS demand of the Republican party for an increase in tariff taxation has its pretext in the deficiency of revenue, which has its causes in the stagnation of trade and reduced consumption, due entirely to the loss of confidence that has followed the Populist threat of free coin- age and depreciation of our money, and the Republican practice of extravagant appropriations beyond the needs of good government. We arraign and condemn the Populist conventions of Chicago and St. Louis for their co-operation with the Republican party in creating these conditions, which are pleaded in justification of a heavy increase of the burdens of the people by a further resort to protection. We therefore denounce protection and its ally, free coinage of silver, as schemes for the personal profit of a few at the expense of the masses, and oppose the two parties which stand for these schemes as hostile to the people of the Republic, whose food and shelter, comfort and prosperity, are attacked by higher taxes and depreciated money. In fine, we reaffirm the historic Democratic doctrine of tariff for revenue only. We demand that henceforth modern and liberal policies toward American shipping shall take the place of our imitation of the restricted statutes of the eighteenth century, which were long ago abandoned by every maritime power but the United States, and which, to the nation's humiliation, have driven American capital and enterprise to the use of alien flags and alien crews, have made the Stars and Stripes almost an unknown emblem in foreign ,ports, and have virtually extinguished the race of American seamen. We oppose the pretence that discriminating duties will promote shipping; that scheme is an invitation to commercial warfare upon the United States, un-American in the light of our great commercial treaties, offering no gain whatever to American shipping, while greatly in- creasing ocean freights on our agricultural and manufactured products. The experience of mankind has shown that, by reason of their natural qualities, gold is the necessary money of the large affairs of commerce and business, while silver is conveniently adapted to minor transactions, and the most beneficial use of both together can be insured only by the adoption of the former as a standard of mone- tary measure, and the maintenance of silver at a parity with gold by its limited coinage under suitable safeguards of law. Thus the largest possible enjoyment of both metals is gained with a value universally accepted throughout the world, which constitutes the only practical bimetallic currency, assuring the most stable standard, and especially the best and safest money for all who earn their live- lihood by labor or the produce of husbandry. They cannot suffer when paid in the best money known to man, but are the peculiar and most defenceless victims of a debased and fluctuating currency, which offers continual profits to the money-changer at their cost. Realizing these truths, demonstrated by long and public incon- venience and loss, the Democratic party, in the interests of the masses and of equal justice to all, practically established by the legislation of 1834 and 1853 the gold standard of monetary measurement, and likewise entirely divorced the Government from banking and cur- rency issues. To this long-established Democratic policy we adhere, and insist upon the maintenance of the gold standard, and of the parity therewith of every dollar issued by the Government, and are 384 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM firmly opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and to the compulsory purchase of silver bullion. But we denounce also the further maintenance of the present costly patchwork system of national paper currency as a constant source of injury and peril. We assert the necessity of such intelligent currency reform as will confine the Government to its legitimate functions, completely sepa- rated from the banking business, and afford to all sections of our country uniform, safe, and elastic bank currency under governmental supervision, measured in volume by the needs of business. The fidelity, patriotism, and courage with which President Cleve- land has fulfilled his great public trust, the high character of his administration, its wisdom and energy in the maintenance of civil order and the enforcement of the laws, its equal regard for the rights of every class and every section, its firm and dignified conduct of for- eign affairs, and its sturdy persistence in upholding the credit and honor of the nation, are fully recognized by the Democratic party, and will secure to him a place in history beside the fathers of the Republic. We also commend the administration for the great progress made in the reform of the public service, and we endorse its effort to extend the merit system still further. We demand that no back- ward step be taken, but that the reform be supported and advanced until the un-Democratic spoils system of appointments shall be erad- icated. We demand strict economy in the appropriations and in the admin- istration of the Government. We favor arbitration for the settlement of international disputes. We favor a liberal policy of pensions to deserving soldiers and sailors of the United States. The Supreme Court of the United States was wisely established by the framers of our Constitution as one of the three co-ordinate branches of the Government. Its independence and authority to interpret the law of the land without fear or favor must be main- tained. We condemn all efforts to degrade that tribunal or impair the confidence and respect which it has deservedly held. The Democratic party ever has maintained, and ever will main- tain, the supremacy of law, the independence of its judicial adminis- tration, the inviolability of contracts, and the obligations of all good citizens to resist every illegal trust, combination, or attempt against the just rights of property and the good order of society, in which are bound up the peace and happiness of our people. Believing these principles to be essential to the well-being of the Republic, we submit them to the consideration of the American people. The National Prohibition party held its national conven- tion at Pittsburg on the 27th of May. A. A. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, was temporary chairman, and Oliver W. Stewart, of Illinois, permanent president. The delibera- tions of the convention were seriously disturbed by the free- silver issue, and the opposing factions known as the " Nar- row-Gaugers" and the "Broad-Gaugers," the latter being 385 OUR PRESIDENTS favorable to a general platform covering free coinage and all other national questions, while the former wanted the issue confined to the liquor question. The majority and minority reports were made on the platform, and the convention decided to bring both reports before the body and pass upon them seriatim. It was finally decided by a vote of 427 to 387 to reject the free-coinage plank, and the " Narrow-Gaugers " then adopted their own platform as follows : We, the members of the Prohibition party, in national conven- tion assembled, renewing our declaration of allegiance to Almighty God as the rightful Ruler of the universe, lay down the following as our declaration of political purpose: The Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, declares its firm conviction that the manufacture, exportation, importation, and sale of alcoholic beverages has produced such social, commer- cial, industrial, and political wrongs, and is now so threatening the perpetuity of all our social and political institutions, that the sup- pression of the same, by a national party organized therefor, is the greatest object to be accomplished by the voters of our country, and is of such importance that it of right ought to control the political actions of all our patriotic citizens until such suppression is accomplished. The urgency of this course demands the union, without further delay, of all citizens who desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic ; therefore be it Resolved, That we favor the legal prohibition by State and na- tional legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale of alco- holic beverages. That we declare our purpose to organize and unite all the friends of prohibition into one party, and in order to ac- complish this end we deem it of right to leave every Prohibitionist the freedom of his own convictions upon all other political ques- tions, and trust our representatives to take such action upon other political questions as the changes occasioned by prohibition and the welfare of the whole people shall demand. Resolved, That the right of suffrage ought not to be abridged on account of sex. Immediately after the adoption of the platform, the "Broad-Gaugers" withdrew, and those who remained nomi- nated Joshua Levering, of Maryland, for President by acclamation, and on a ballot for Vice-President, Hale John- son, of Illinois, was chosen, receiving 309 votes to 132 for T. C. Hughes, of Arizona. The seceders from the Prohibition convention met in Pittsburg on the next day, May 28th, with A. L. Moore, of Michigan, as chairman, and the roll-call showed 299 dele- gates present. Rev. Charles E. Bentley, of Nebraska, was nominated for President, and James A. Southgate, of North 386 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM Carolina, was nominated for Vice-President, both by ac- clamation. The following platform was adopted : The National party, recognizing God as the author of all just power in government, presents the following declaration of prin- ciples, which it pledges itself to enact into effective legislation when given the power to do so : i. The suppression of the manufacture and sale, importation, ex- portation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes. We utterly reject all plans for regulating or compromis- ing with this traffic, whether such plans be called local option, taxa- tion, license, or public control. The sale of liquors for medicinal and other legitimate uses should be conducted by the State, without profit, and with such regulations as will prevent fraud or evasion. 2. No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of sex. 3. All money should be issued by the General Government only, and without the intervention of any private citizen, corporation, or banking institution. It should be based upon the wealth, stability, and integrity of the nation. It should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, and should be of sufficient volume to meet the demands of the legitimate business interests of the country. For the purpose of honestly liquidating our outstanding coin obligations, we favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold, at the ratio of 16 to I, without consulting any other nation. 4. Land is the common heritage of the people and should be pre- served from monopoly and speculation. All unearned grants of land subject to forfeiture should be reclaimed by the Government, and no portion of the public domain should hereafter be granted ex- cept to actual settlers, continuous use being essential to tenure. 5. Railroads, telegraphs, and other natural monopolies should be owned and operated by the Government, giving to the people the benefit of service at actual cost. 6. The national Constitution should be so amended as to allow the national revenues to be raised by equitable adjustment of taxation on the properties and incomes of the people, and import duties should be levied as a means of securing equitable commercial rela- tions with other nations. 7. The contract convict labor system, through which speculators are enriched at the expense of the State, should be abolished. 8. All citizens should be protected by law in their right to one day of rest in seven, without oppressing any who conscientiously ob- serve any other than the first day of the week. 9. The American public schools, taught in the English language, should be maintained, and no public funds should be appropriated for sectarian institutions. 10. The President, Vice-President, and United States Senators should be elected by direct vote of the people. 11. Ex-soldiers and sailors of the United States army and navy, their widows and minor children, should receive liberal pensions, graded on disability and term of service, not merely as a debt of gratitude, but for service rendered in the preservation of the Union. 12. Our immigration laws should be so revised as to exclude 387 OUR PRESIDENTS paupers and criminals. None but citizens of the United States should be allowed to vote in any State, and naturalized citizens should not vote until one year after naturalization papers have been issued. 13. The initiative and referendum, and proportional representation should be adopted. The Socialist Labor party held a national convention in New York on the 4th of July, and gave a full week to the deliberations of the body, which were devoted almost wholly to disputation as to the policy and purposes of the organiza- tion. The attendance was limited, as Charles H. Matchett, of New York, was nominated for President on the 1st ballot, receiving 43 votes to 23 for Matthew Maguire, of New' Jersey, and 4 for William Watkins, of Ohio. Matthew Maguire was then nominated for Vice-President by acclama- tion. The following platform was adopted : The Socialist Labor party of the United States, in convention assembled, reasserts the inalienable right of all men to life, lib- erty, and the pursuit of happiness. With the founders of the American Republic, we hold that the purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the enjoyment of this right; but in the light of our social conditions, we hold, furthermore, that no such right can be exercised under a system of economic inequality, essentially destructive of life, of liberty, and of happiness. With the founders of this Republic, we hold that the true theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be owned and controlled by the whole people; but in the light of our indus- trial development we hold, furthermore, that the true theory of economics is that the machinery of production must likewise belong to the people in common. To the obvious fact, that our despotic system of economics is the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics, can plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the corruption of gov- ernment by that class, the alienation of public property, public fran- chises, and public functions to that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest nations upon that class. Again, through the perversion of Democracy to the ends of plu- tocracy, labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the necessaries of life. Human power and natural forces are thus wasted that the plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery, with all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the people may be kept in bondage. Science and invention are diverted from their humane purpose to the enslave- ment of women and children. Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more enters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental declaration, 388 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM that private property in the natural sources of production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious cause of all economic servitude and political dependence. The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its fail- ures and crises on the one hand, and the constructive tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combinations on the other hand, shall have worked out its own downfall. We therefore call upon the wage-workers of the United States, and upon all other honest citizens, to organize under the banner of the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious body, aware of its rights and determined to conquer them by taking possession of the public powers ; so that, held together by an indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes, the restoration of the land, and of all the means of production, transportation, and distribution to the people as a collective body, and the substitution of the co-operative com- monwealth for the present state of planless production, industrial war, and social disorder; a commonwealth in which every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, mul- tiplied by all the modern factors of civilization. With a view to immediate improvement in the condition of labor, we present the following demands : i. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the progress of production. 2. The United States to obtain possession of the mines, railroads, canals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means of public trans- portation and communication ; the employes to operate the same co-operatively under control of the Federal Government and to elect their own superior officers, but no employe shall be discharged for political reasons. 3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads, ferries, water-works, gas-works, electric plants, and all industries requiring municipal franchises ; the employes to operate the same co-operatively under control of the municipal administration and to elect their own superior officers, but no employe shall be discharged for political reasons. 4. The public lands to be declared inalienable. Revocation of all land grants to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which have not been complied with. 5. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money. 6. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific manage- ment of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the natural resources of the country. 7. Inventions to be free to all ; the inventors to be remunerated by the nation. 8. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances ; the smaller incomes to be exempt. 9. School education of all children under fourteen years of age to be compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by public assist- ance in meals, clothing, books, etc., where necessary. 10. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary laws. Unabridged right of combination. 389 OUR PRESIDENTS 11. Prohibition of the employment of children of school age, and the employment of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or morality. Abolition of the convict labor contract system. 12. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities (county, city, state, and nation). 13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United States. Equalization of women's wages with those of men where equal service is performed. 14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all occupations, and an efficient employers' liability law. 15. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote upon all measures of importance, according to the referendum principle. 16. Abolition of the veto power of the executive (national, State, and municipal) wherever it exists. 17. Abolition of the United States Senate and all upper legisla- tive chambers. 18. Municipal self-government. 19. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and equal right of suffrage without regard to color, creed, or sex. Election days to be legal holidays. The principle of proportional representation to be introduced. 20. All public officers to be subject to recall by their respective constituencies. 21. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United States. Administration of justice to be free of charge. Abolition of capital punishment. The great battle of 1896 is yet fresh in the memories of the people. Its most notable feature was the unexampled campaign made by Bryan, the Democratic candidate for President. He covered a larger portion of territory and delivered more speeches during the campaign than had ever before been accomplished by any man in our political history, and he enthused his followers to a very remarkable degree. Considering the complications which confronted him, resulting from the internal feuds of his own household, and an open split on the Vice-Presidency, he made the most memorable Presidential campaign of the Republic and swept every State west of the Mississippi, with the exception of California and North Dakota. Even Kansas and Nebraska, two rock-ribbed Republican States, gave Bryan large majori- ties, but Bryan did not carry a single electoral vote east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio and the Potomac. The following tables exhibit the popular and electoral votes of 1896: AND HOW WE MAKE THEM POPULAR VOTE. STATES. Alabama Arkansas California Colorado , Connecticut Delaware , Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts . . , Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire. New Jersey New York North Carolina . . North Dakota... Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina .. South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming M o 54,737 37,512 146,688 26.271 110,285 20,452 11,257 60,091 6,324 607,130 323,754 289,293 159,541 218,171 22,037 80,461 136,978 278,976 293,582 193,503 5,123 304,940 10,494 103,064 1,938 57,444 221,367 819,838 155,222 26,335 525,991 48,779 728,300 37,437 9,313 41,042 148,773 167,520 13,491 50,991 135,388 39,153 104,414 268,135 10,072 C u n •552! •a a c o cj si \fi XI £ S3 w xn £ - 11 — 5 3 8 6 1 4 — 3 4 13 — — 3 — 24 — — 15 — — 13 — — — 10 — 12 1 — — 4 4 6 — — 8 < — 15 — — 14 9 — — — 9 13 4 — 2 1 — 4 3 4 4 ■ 10 — — 36 — — — 6 5 3 — — 23 4 32 — — 4 9 2 — 2 . 12 — 15 — — 2 1 4 — — — 12 — 6 12 2 2 — o 1 271 149 27 No mere party contest in the history of the country, and indeed no other contest, with the single exception of the issue of secession and civil war, ever exhibited so large 392 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM a measure of political independence as is shown in the vote for President in 1896. While the Democrats had a sound- money national ticket with such acceptable candidates as Palmer and Buckner, a very small proportion of the sound- money Democratic vote of the country was cast for that ticket. McKinley certainly received 500,000 Democratic votes, cast for him directly to assure the defeat of Bryan, and Bryan certainly received not less than 250,000 Republican votes. It was not until six weeks before the election that the Republicans felt confident of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. The first canvass of the Republican State committee made in Ohio indicated the defeat of McKinley, but as the business and industrial interests of the country faced the question of cheap money, and the business convulsion it must produce, the Republican ranks were steadily increased, and the States which were regarded as doubtful in September gave large majorities for McKinley in November. This campaign gave a most impressive illustration of the true independence of American journalism. A number of the leading newspapers of the country which had supported Cleveland in his three contests, repudiated the Chicago platform and its candidate, and they stood in the forefront of American journalism, embracing such journals as the Boston Herald and Globe, the Hartford Times, the New York World, Sun, Herald, Times, and Evening Post, the Philadelphia Times and Record, the Baltimore Sun, the Louisville Courier- Journal, and others. These journals were all strongly owned and entirely independent in their political action. Not one of them ever had conference or communica- tion with the McKinley leaders, or received or proposed any terms for their support, or ever sought, accepted, or desired favors from the McKinley administration. Some of them suffered pecuniary sacrifice, but they performed a heroic duty, and it was the inspiration they gave to the conservative Democratic sentiment of the country that made McKinley President by an overwhelming majority. On the other side, especially in the West, and to some extent in the South, scores of thousands of the Republicans who had always voted the national ticket gave enthusiastic support to Bryan, as he carried some of the strongest Republican States of the West, while losing a large fraction of the Democratic vote. This struggle settled the financial 393 OUR PRESIDENTS policy of the country, as Congress has recently distinctly established the gold standard by statute, in accord with the financial policy of all the great civilized nations of the world ; and while the money issue may play some part in the national struggle of the present year, it will be wisely subordinated to other issues and probably be eliminated from the future political battles of the nation. SUMMARY OF POPULAR VOTES FOR PRESIDENTS I was surprised, after careful examination of the various political handbooks, to find no table of the popular vote for President prior to 1824, and I made exhaustive effort to ob- tain official records in the archives of the nation and of the different States, to supply something approaching an intelli- gent table of the popular vote cast for the early Presidents ; but I learned that the failure of others to supply such tables was not because of negligence, but because there are no records to furnish them. In Pennsylvania the vote returned to the Capitol was less than 5000 for Washington, and the vote of record for his second election but little exceeds 5000. The returns, however, are fragmentary and valueless. I was compelled to abandon the purpose of giving tables of the popular vote for Presidents prior to 1824, because all that •could be obtained would be confusing rather than instructive. I have also found much difficulty in trying to reconcile the conflicting returns of every Presidential election since 1824. After a very full and careful examination of these conflicting figures, I have adopted the tables prepared by Mr. Stanwood in his admirable work entitled " A History of the Presi- dency," and I regard them as more nearly accurate than any other tables presented. The entire accuracy of these elec- tion tables is not a matter of vital importance, as in none of the many conflicting returns of different States would the result have been changed by the variations in the returns as stated in the many publications which for some years past have annually given them. The following summary of the popular vote for Presidents since 1824, with the electoral vote cast at each election, is taken from the New York World Almanac for 1900, the figures of which, as will be seen, usually vary from those presented in the tables I give with each chapter of this volume : 395 OUR PRESIDENTS ELECTORAL AXD POPULAR VOTES. Year cf Election. Candidates for President, State, and Political Party. Popular Vote. ~, Elec- rftllt y- Vote. Candidates for Vice-President, State, and Political Party. Elec- toral Vote. 1824.... 155,872 105,321 45,587 44,282 50,551 !(b)99 84 John C.Calhoun,* S. C. E.ep Nathan Sanford, N. Y., Rep . 182 30 24 37 41 Nathaniel Macon, X, C, Rep. . M. Van Buren, N. Y., Rep Henry CI •v, Kv., Rep 2 ;W7.231 509,097 130,134 178 83 John C. Calhoun,* S. C, Dem Richard Ru.h, Pa., Nat. R 171 83 ' 7 6»7,502 530.1S9 \ 33,108 157,313 219 49 I "J 189 Henry Clav, Kv., Xat. R John Sergeant, Pa., Nat. R 11 William "Wirt (c), Md., Anti-M William Wilkins, Pa., Dem 7 30 1866.... 1840.... W. H. Harrison, 0., Whig 761,549 1 S 73G,656 24,893 1 170R. M. Johnson (d).*Kv., Dem 147 Hugh L. White, Tenn., Whig 56 Hi 60 John Tvler, Va., Whig ? 47 23 W. H. Harrison,* 0., Whig JaineaG. Bimey, N. Y., Lib 1, 275,017 1,153.702 7,059 146,315 John Tyler,* Va., Whig. 234 L. W. Tazewell, Va., Dem 43 11 1 1844.... 1848... . 1,337,243 1,299,068 62,300 38,175 739,557 170 105 George M. Dallas,* Ph., Dem. . 170 Henry Clav, Ky., Whig 105 163 1,360,101 1,220,544 291,253 MillorH nilmmtH V Wl.iV 163 127 William O. Rntler. Kv.. 11™ 127 Martin Van Buren, X. Y., F. Soil 254 42 :: Chas. F. Adams, Mass., F. Soil |WinfieldScott, X. J., Whig John P. Hale, X. H.. F. D. (i) Daniel Webster (k), Mas?., Whig 1,601,474 1,380,576 156,149 1.670 820,836 William R. King,* Ala., Dem William A. Graham, N. C. Whig George W. Julian, Ind., F. D 254 42 1856.... 1 S3S 169 174 1,341,264 114 William I.. Davtnn. N_"j.. Ren 114 £74 .535 8 8 I860.... Stephen A. Douglas, 111., Dem j 1,375,157 491,195 180 12 72 39 UO 19 72 589,581 39 1864... 2,216,067 1,808,725 407,349 e212 21 7il4 212 31 1868...- Ulvsses S. Grant,* 111., Rep 3,015,071 305,456 Schuyler Colfax,* Ind., Rep ' F. P. Blair, Jr., Mo., Dem 214 _80 80 *. jr. DMir, or., -lv., 18?8..~ CI vises S. Grant.* 111., Rep 3,597,070 2,834,079 29,408 5,608 76:',99i 286 Henry Wilson,* Mass., Rep g •• JB. Gratz Brown, Mo., D. L • • iJohn Q. Adams, Mass., Dem 286 Charles O'Conor, X. Y., Dem 47 42! 18 2! 1 George W. Julian, Ind., Lib 5 5 3 3 ] Willis B. Machen, Kv., Dem N. P. Banks, Mass., Lib 1 1 1876.... Rutherford B. Haves,* 0.. Rep 4,284,385 4,033,950 81,740 9,522 2,636 184 hlS5 " i 214 William A. Wheeler,* X. Y., Rep.... Gideon T. Stewart,0., Pro D. Kirkpatrick, N. Y., Amer 185 1880.... 4,449,053 4,442,035 307,306 10,305 707 7,018 Chester A.Arthur,* X. Y., Eep 214 W. S. Hancock, Pa., Dem 155 William H. English, Ind., Dem B. J. Chambers, Texas, Gre'nb H. A. Thom-oson. O.. Pro 155 1884-... Neal Dow, Me., Pro ••« John W. Phelps, Vt., Amer 4,911,017 4,848,334 151,809 133,825 219 219 182 163 •• William Daniel, Md., Pro A. IL West, Miss., Peop .. Benjamin F. Butler, Mass., Peop P. D. Wigginton, Cal., Amer -. 396 AND HOW WE MAKE THEM electoral and popular vote — Continued. Year of Election. Candidates for President, State, and Political Party. Popular Vote. 5,538,233 5,440,216 249,907 148,105 2,808 1,591 Plu- rality. 93,017 Elec toral Vote. Candidates i«r Vice-President, State, and Political Party. Els- toral Vote. 1888.... Clinton B. Fisk, N. J., Pro 168 233 Allen G. Thunnan, O., Dem 1*8 Levi P. Morton,* N. Y., Rep 233 John A. Brooks, Mo., Pro W. H. T. Waketield, Kan., U'd L.... Alson J. Streeter, 111., U. L R. H. Cowdry, 111., U'd L •- *■ 189*.... 5,556,918 5,176,108 1,041,028 264,133 21,164 380,810 T01,851 277 145 22 WhitelawReid, N. Y., Rep.. S7T 145 John Bidwell, Cal., Pro S2 Charles H. Matchett, N. Y., Soc. L... IS IKS William McKinley,* 0., Rep 7,104,779 6,502,925 132,007 133,148 36,274) 13,969 1 271 176 Garret A. Hobart,* N. J., Rep William J. Bryan, Neb., Dem. ) William J. Bryan, Neb., Pop. ) 17tJ Charles H. Matchett, N. Y., Soc. L.... Charles E. Bcntlev, Neb., Nat. (j) Matthew Maguire, N. J., Soc. L lames H. Southgate, N. C, Nat. (j ).. •* * The candidates starred were elected, (a) The first Republican Party Is claimed by the present Democratic Party as If s progenitor, (b) No candidate having a majority of the electoral vote, the House of Representatives elected Adams, (c) Can- didate of the Anti-Masonic Party, (d) There being no choice, the Senate elected Johnson, (e) Eleven Southern States, baing within the belligerent territory, did not vote, (f ) Three Southern States disfranchised, (g) Horace Greeley died after election, and Democratic electors scattered their vote, (h) There being a dispute over the electoral votes of Florida, Louisi- ana, Oregon, and South Carolina, they were referred by Congress to »n electoral commission composed of eight Republicans and ssven Democrats, which, by a strict party vote, awarded 185 electoral votes to Hayes and 184 to Tilden. (i) Free Demo- crat, (j) Free-Silver Prohibition Party, (k) In Massachusetts. There was also a Native American ticket in that State, which received 1.34 votes. I also present the lists of the Presidents and Vice-Presi- dents of the United States, as given in the New York World Almanac for 1900, as follows : PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. Name. George Washington.. John Adams Thomas Jefferson James Madison James Monroe John Quincy Adams. . Andrew Jackson Martin Van Butch.. . . William II. Harrison. John Tyler James K.Polk Zachary Taylor Millard Fillmore Franklin Pierce Jame3 Buchanan Abraham Lincoln Andrew Johnson Ulysses S. Grant Rntherford B. Hayes. James A. Garfield Chester A. Arthur.... Groyer Cleveland Benjamin Harrison.... Grover Cleveland William McKinley. .. Birthplace. Westmoreland Co., Va. Quincy, Mass Shadwell, Va Port Conway, Va Westmoreland Co., Va. Quincy, Mass Union Co., N. C... Kinderbook, N. Y... Berkeley, Va Greenway, Va Mecklenburg, Co., N.C Orange Co., Va Summerhill, N. Y. . Hillsboro, N. H.... Cove Gap, Pa Lame Co., Kv Raleigh, N. C Point Pleasant, O.., Delaware, O Cuvahoga Co., O... Fairfield, Vt Caldwell, N.J North Bend, O Caldwell, N. J Niles, O Paternal Ancestry. 1732 1735 1743 1751 1758 1767 1767 1782 1773 1790 1795 1784 1S00 1804 1791 1809 1 1822 1822 1831 1830 1837 1833 H37 1843 English English Welsh English Scotch English Scotch-Irish. Dutch English English Scotch-Irish, English English English Scotch-Irish English English Scotch Scotch English Scotch-Irish English English English Scotch-Irish Pi-o Va~ Mass, Va.... Va.... Va... Mass Tenn N. Y O... Va... Tenn La... N. Y N. H Pa... 111... Tenn D. C. O... O... N. Y N. Y Lid.. N. Y O... Inaugurated. 1797 1801 1809 1817 1825 1829 1837 1841 1841 1845 1849 1850 1853 1857 1861 1865 1869 1877 18S1 1881 18S5 1889 1893 1897 Politics. Fed.... Fed.... Rep.... Rep.... Rep.... Rep.... Dem..., Dem..., Whig.. Dem... , Dem... Whig.. Whig.. Dem... Dem... Rep... Rep... Rep... Rep... Rep... Rep... Dem... Rep . . . Dem... Rep... Place of Death. Mt. Vernon, Va Quincy, Mass Monticello, Va Montpelier, Va New York City Washington, D. C Hermitage, Tenn Lindenwold, N. Y Washington, D. C Richmond, Va Nashville, Tenn Washington, D. C... Buffalo, N. Y Concord, N. II Wheatland, Pa Washington, D. C... Carter's Depot, Tenn.. Mt. McGregor, N. Y. . Fremont, O Long Branch, N. J New York City 1799 1 1826 1826 1831 1843 1845 1862 1841 1802 1849 1850 1874 18K9 1S68 1865 1875 1885 189, 18S1 397 OUR PRESIDENTS VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. Nam*. Birthplace. 1 John Adams S Thomas Jefferson 3 Aaron Burr 4 George Clinton 5 Elbridge Gerry 6 Daniel D. Tompkins.. 7 John C. Calhoun 8 Martin Van Buren.... 9 Richard M. Johnson.. 10'John Tvler 11 George M. Dallas 12'Millard Fillmore..... 13. William R. Kin- 14 John C. Breckenridge. 15 ; Hannibal Hamlin 16i Andrew Johnson 1 7 < Schuyler Colfax 1? Henrv Wilson 19 William A. Wheeler. 20 Chester A. Arthur... 21|Thos. A. Hendricks.. ?* Levi P. Morton 23jAdlai E. Stevenson... 24' Garret A. Hobart iQuincy, Mass , jShadwell, Va j Newark, N. J Ulster Co., N. Y Marblehead, Mass Scarsdale, N. Y (Abbeville, S. C Kinderhook, N. Y 'Louisville, Ky jGreenway, Va Philadelphia. Pa , Summer Hill, N. Y... (Sampson Co., N. C . . Lexington, Ky Paris, Me Raleigh, N. C New York City, N. Y |Farmington, N. H... IMalone, N. Y Fairfield, Vt Muskingum Co., O. .. 'Shoreham, Vt (Christian Co., Ky iLong Branch, N. J... 1735 1743 1756 1739 1744 1774 1762 1782 1780 1790 1792 1300 1786 1821 1309 1 1823 1812 1819 1830 1819 1S24 1835 1844 Paternal Ancestry. English Welsh Euglith Engli-h English English Scotch-Irish. Dutch English English English English English Scotch English Fnglish English English. English Scotch-Irish Scotch-Irish Scotch Scotch-Irish English Mass. N. Y. N. Y. Mass. N. Y. S. C. N. Y. Ky... \ a Pa.... N. Y Ala... Kv.- M?... Tenn, Ind.. Mass N. Y N. Y Ind.. N. Y 111... N. J. Politics. 1189 Fed 1797 Rep 1801 - 1S05 1813 1817 1825 1S33 1637 1641 1845 1649 lS53JDem .. 1857 1S61 1865 1869 1873 1877 1831 1685 18S9 1893 1897 Rep.. Rep.. Rep.. Rep.. E.ep.. Drm . Dem . Dem . Dem . Whig Dem. Rep.. Rep.. Rep.. Rep.. Rep. . Rep.. Dem . Rep.. Dem . Rep.. Place of Death. Quincy, Mass Monti cello, Va Staten Island, N. Y... Washington, D. C Washington, D. C Staten Island, N. Y. . . Washington, D. C Kinderhook, N. Y Frankfort, Ky Richmond, Na Philadelphia, Pa Buffalo, N. T Dallas Co., Ala Lexington. Ky Bangor, Me Carter Co., Tenn Mankato, Minn Washington,!). C Malone, N. Y New York City, N. Y. Indianapolis, Ind I'aterson, N. J 169$ £ t i8i<5 96 lt)2C B3 183C 86 1819 73 1514 70 1825 51 ; c ;o 6S 1862 '79 1650 70 :se r - 72 1864 72 1874 74 1853 67 1875 £4 1891 61 1875 60 1885 52 iS7£ 13 I=£7 65 1886 £5 :s*i 66 regularly given by electors whose appointment has been so certified. If more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State shall have been re- ceived by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only, shall be counted which shall have been regularly given by the elect- ors who are shown by the determination mentioned in Section 2 of this act to have been appointed, if the determination in said sec- tion provided for shall have been made, or by such successors, or substitutes, in case of a vacancy in the board of electors v so ascer- tained, as have been appointed to fill such vacancy in the mode provided by the laws of the State ; but in case there shall arise a question which of two or more of such State authorities determin- ing what electors have been appointed, as mentioned in Section 2 of this act, is the lawful tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given of those electors, and those only, of such State shall be counted whose title as electors the two Houses, acting separately, shall con- currently decide is supported by the decision of such State so au- thorized by its laws ; and in such case of more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State, if there shall have been no such determination of the question in the State aforesaid, then those votes, and those only, shall be counted which the two Houses shall concurrently decide were cast by lawful electors ap- pointed in accordance with the laws of the State, unless the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such State. But if the two Houses shall disagree in respect of the count- ing of such votes, then and in that case the votes of the electors whose appointment shall have been certified by the executive of the State, under the seal thereof, shall be counted. When the two Houses have voted, they shall immediately again meet, and the presiding officer shall then announce the decision of the questions submitted. No votes or papers from any other State shall be acted upon until the objections previously made to the votes ©r papers from any State shall have been finally disposed of. Sec. 5. That while the two Houses shall be in meeting as pro- vided in this act, the President of the Senate shall have power to preserve order; and no debate shall be allowed and no question shall be put by the presiding officer, except to either House on a motion to withdraw. Sec. 6. That when the two Houses separate to decide upon an objection that may have been made to the counting of any elec- toral vote or votes from any State, or other question arising in the matter, each Senator and Representative may speak to such objec- 403 OUR PRESIDENTS tion or question five minutes, and not more than once; but after such debate shall have lasted two hours, it shall be the duty of the presiding officer of each House to put the main question without further debate. Sec. 7. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until the count of electoral votes shall be completed and the result declared ; and no recess shall be taken unless a question shall have arisen in regard to counting any such votes, or otherwise under this act, in which case it shall be competent for either House, acting separately, in the manner hereinbefore provided, to direct a recess of such" House not beyond the next calendar day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of ten o'clock in the forenoon. But if the counting of the electoral votes and the declaration of the result shall not have been completed before the fifth calendar day next after such first meet- ing of the two Houses, no further or other recess shall be taken by either House. INDEX Abolition party, birth of the, and its first candidates, 65 ; its sec- ond nominations, 84, 85 ; its plat- form in 1844, 85-88 ; its leaders denounced by Greeley, 90. Adams, Charles Francis, a candi- date for the nomination of Pres- ident by the Liberal Republi- cans, 229. Adams, John, his first election to the Vice-Presidency, 2-4 ; his second election to the Vice-Pres- idency, 4-6 ; his election to the Presidency, 7-1 1; supported by Washington as the Federalist candidate, 8 ; the campaign the most defamatory in American politics, 9 ; his vote in the third Electoral College, 10, 11 ; de- feated for the Presidency, 12-20 ; his ungracious departure from the Executive Mansion, 20; his after-life and death, 20. Adams, John Quincy, defeated for the Presidency, 35, 37 ; his elec- tion to the Presidency by Con- gress, 39-46 ; his popular vote, 42 ; his vote in the tenth Electo- ral College, 43, 45 ; the real au- thor of the Monroe Doctrine, 46 ; defeated for the Presidency, 47- 51 ; a model President, his after- life and death, 45, 46. Adams, John Quincy, receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the Democratic dissenters in 1872, 238 ; offered the nomina- tion of the Presidency by the same party, 238. Adams, Samuel, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral College, 10, 11. Alien and Sedition laws, passage of, and their purposes, 12, 13. Allen, Philip, at a national Whig convention in 1848, 107. American National party, its can- didates and platform in 1876, 260 ; its candidates and platform in 1880, 283 ; its candidates and platform in 1888, 330-332 ; splits on a question of voting, 331. American Prohibition National party (a split from the Prohibi- tion party), its candidates and platform in 1884, 304, 305. Anti-Mason party, its birth and power, 52, 53 ; calls the first po- litical national convention ever held in the country, at Philadel- phia, 52 ; its nominations, 53 ; its ticket adopted by the Nation- al Republicans in several States, 54- Anti-Monopoly party, its candi- dates and platform in 1884, 299- 301. Armstrong, James, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral College, 3, 4. Arthur, Chester A., his election to the Vice - Presidency, 274-284 ; succeeds to the Presidency after the death of Garfield, 286 ; his admirable adminstration, 286, 287 ; the author meets him at a dinner given by Cameron, 287 ; his life after his retirement from office, 287. Ashman, George, permanent chair- 405 INDEX man of Republican National Con- vention of i860, 157. Banks, Nathaniel P., his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the twen- ty-second Electoral College, 241. Barnburners, the, 98, 99, 107. Bell, John, the nominee of the Constitutional Union party for the Presidency, 173, 174; the author's account of his debate with Johnson, 204. Bently, Rev. Charles E., the nom- inee for the Presidency of the " Broad-Gauge " Prohibitionists, 386 ; his popular vote, 391. Benton, Thomas H., at a national Whig convention in 1848, 107. Bidwell, John, nominated for the Presidency by the Prohibition party, 351 ; his popular vote, 259- Birney, James G., the candidate of the Abolition party, his first defeat for the Presidency, 65, 71, 72 ; his second defeat for the Presidency as the candidate of the Liberty party, 90, 91. Black, James, nominated for the Presidency by the Prohibition party in 1872, 228 ; at the Prohi- bition National Convention in 1888, 329. Blaine, James G., compared with Henry Clay, 244-246 ; at the Re- publican convention at Cincin- nati in 1876, 247-249, 252 ; his efforts to secure the Republican nomination for the Presidency in 1880, 270, 274 ; defeated for the Presidency, 288-315 ; he favored the nominations of General Sherman and Robert T. Lincoln, 288 ; his nomination, 289 ; his popular and electoral vote, 308, 309 ; why he was defeated in New York State and lost the election, 309-312 ; how he treat- ed the Cleveland scandal, 312 : he declines the Presidential nomination in 1888, 315 ; his after-life, 315. Blair, Francis P., shelters Johnson during his incapacity after his inauguration, 204 ; nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Democrats in 1868, 216. Booth, Newton, receives the "Greenback" nomination for the Presidency, 257. Bramlette, Thomas E., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty- second Electoral College, 241. Breckenridge, John C, defeated for the Presidency, 166-176. Brooks, John A., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Pro- hibition party, 329. Brown, B. Gratz, the nominee of the Liberal Republicans for the Pres- idency, 229-231 ; nominated for the same office by the Democrats, 238 ; his vote in the twenty-sec- ond Electoral College, 241. Bryan, William J., his defeat for the Presidency, 361 - 394 ; his nomination by the Democratic party, 37*-373 ; his nomination by the People's party, 378 ; his remarkable campaign, 390 ; his popular vote, 391 ; his electoral vote, 392 ; the remarkable polit- ical independence shown in the contest, 392-394. Buchanan, James, his election to the Presidency, 130-153 ; favored by the Southern Democrats, 130, 131 ; his nomination at Cincin- nati, 131, 132 ; one of the most desperately fought conflicts in American politics, 145 ; his pop- ular and electoral vote, 148 ; far- reaching effects of his quarrel with Forney, 149- 151 ; his po- litical methods compared with those of the present day, 151, 152, and note ; his determination to end the slavery agitation, 152 ; his reputation, character, and death, 153. Buckner, Simon B., the nominee of the "Sound Money" Demo- crats for the Vice-Presidency, 383. Burchard, Rev. Samuel D., his ef- fort to restore public confidence in Blaine's integrity jeopardizes his election to the Presidency, 310-312. 406 INDEX Burr, Aaron, his vote for the Pres- idency in the second Electoral College, 6 ; his character, 9 ; his vote in the third Electoral Col- lege, 10, 11 ; his election to the Vice-Presidency, 12-20 ; his infa- mous attempt to defeat Jefferson in the Electoral College, 17, 18, 19. Butler, Benjamin F., the nominee of the Anti-Monopoly party for the Presidency, 299 ; receives the Presidential nomination of the National (" Greenback ") party, 301 ; his popular vote, 308, 309. Calhoun, John C, his first elec- tion to the Vice-Presidency, 39- 45 ; his second election to the same office, 49-51; Jackson's quarrel with, 52. Cameron, Donald J., at the Repub- lican convention of 1 876, 248, 249 ; the chief factor in securing the election of Hayes, 265 ; his dinner given in honor of Arthur, 287 ; his strained relations with Harrison, 337, 338 ; his defeat of the Force bill and how it affected his political fortunes, 339, 340. Campbell, Judge, his appointment as postmaster-general by Pierce revives NativeAmericanism, 128. Cass, Lewis, how he came to be nominated and defeated for the Presidency, 98 ; at a Whig na- tional convention in 1848, 107 ; popular and electoral vote cast for him, 112 ; his popularity in the West, 113. Chamberlain, Edward M., nom- inated for the Vice - Presidency by the Labor Reform party in 1872, 227. Chambers, B. B., "Greenback" candidate for the Vice -Presi- dency, 281. Chase, Salmon P., his anticipated nomination for the Presidency by the Democrats, 211, 212 ; how his defeat by Tilden was avenged by Conkling, 268, 269. Clay, Henry, his first defeat for the Presidency, 39-45 ; his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the tenth Electoral College, 43 ; his second defeat for the Presidency, 53-57; his third defeat for the Presi- dency, 75-93 ; his reply to the address of the Kentucky electors, 92, 93 ; compared with Blaine, 244-246. Cleveland, Grover, his first election to the Presidency, 288-315 ; the spirited and earnest character of the campaign, 288 ; his nomina- tion, 294 ; his popular and elec- toral vote, 308, 309 ; how he gamed the vote of New York State, 310-312 ; Dana's estrange- ment from, 312-315 ; his treat- ment of the Blaine scandal, 312 ; devoted to his official duties, 314 ; his defeat for the Presidency, 316-336 ; his unanimous nomi- nation, 316 ; character of the campaign, 332 ; his popular and electoral vote, 333 ; why he lost the election, 334; governed by his convictions, 334 ; his social and political character outlined in theauthor's intercourse with him, 335 ; his second election to the Presidency, 337-360 ; his nomi- nation, 343-345 ; character of the campaign, 358 ; his popular and electoral vote, 359 ; his contests for the Presidency like those of Jackson, 360; compared with Harrison, 361 ; a review of his administration, 362-365; his administration condemned at the Democratic National Con- vention of 1896, 371, 372. Clinton, De Witt, defeated for the Presidency, 29-31. Clinton, George, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral College, 3, 4 ; in the second, 6 ; in the third, 10, 11 ; his first elec- tion to the Vice-Presidency, 22- 24 ; his defeat for the Presidency and his second election to the Vice-Presidency, 25-27 ; died in office, 28. Cochrane, John, nominated for Vice-President by revolting Re- publicans in 1864, and his with- drawal, 192. 407 INDEX Cockran,Bourke, his speech against the nomination of Cleveland at the Democratic National Con- vention of 1892, 344. Colfax, Schuyler, his election to the Vice-Presidency, 210-220. Colquitt, Alfred H., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty- second Electoral College, 241. Conant, John A., receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the American Prohibition Na- tional party, 304. Conkling, Roscoe, his efforts to secure the nomination of Grant at the Republican convention of 1S80, at Chicago, 270, 271, 274 ; his breach with Garfield, 284, 285 ; his strained relations with Arthur, 286 ; his retirement from politics and his death, 285, 286. Constitutional Union party, its convention at Baltimore in i860, and its candidates and platform, 173, 174. Contested Presidential elections, and the statute relating to, 401- 404. Cooper, Peter, receives the "Greenback" nomination for President, 257. Corwin, Thomas, his illustration of the Taylor-Cass campaign in a speech in Ohio, 113, 114. Cowdrey, Robert H., nominated for the Presidency by the United Labor party, 327. Cranfill, J. P., the Vice-Presiden- tial nominee of the Prohibition party, 351. Crawford, William H., defeated for the Presidency, 39-45. Curtin, Andrew G., his visit to Johnson accompanied by the author, 205-207 ; a candidate for the nomination of Vice-Presi- dent in 1868, 210 ; a cabinet posi- tion refused him by Grant, who appoints him minister to Russia, 222 ; his courage in opposing pernicious pension legislation exposes the cowardice of Con- gressmen, 364, 365. Curtis, James Langdon, nomi- nated for the Presidency by the American party, 331. Dallas, George M., his election to the Vice-Presidency in 1844, 75-93- Dana, Charles A., the story of his bitter estrangement from Cleve- land, 312-315 ; his ability and character, 313. Daniel, John W., elected chairman of the Democratic National Con- vention of 1896, 371. Daniel, William, the Vice-Presi- dential nominee of the Prohibi- tion party in 1884, 305. Davis, David, works for the nom- ination of Lincoln, 157 ; nomi- nated for the Presidency by the Labor Reform party, 227, 228 ; favored as the nominee of the Liberal Republicans in 1872, 229 ; his vote for President in the twenty-second Electoral Col- lege, 241 ; his declination of service on the Hayes -Tilden Electoral Commission, and its results, 264. Davis, Jefferson, his tribute to Lin- coln, 200, 201 ; Johnson puzzled how to dispose of him, 206, 207. Dearborn, Henry A. S., nominat- ed to the Vice - Presidency by the Native American party, no. Depew, Chauncey M., at the Re- publican National Convention of 1888, 319, 320. Donelson, Andrew Jackson, re- ceives the. Vice-Presidential nom- ination of the American Nation- al Council, 142. Dougherty, Daniel, his memorable speech before the Democratic National Convention of 1880, 278, 279. Douglas, Stephen A., his defeat for the Presidency, 166-176. Dow, Neal, the Presidential nomi- nee of the Prohibition party in 1880, 282 ; at the Prohibition con- vention of 1888, 329. Electoral and popular votes for Presidents and Vice-Presidents, 408 INDEX with their States and parties, 395-397- Electoral College, vote of the first, 3, 4; of the second, 6 ; of the third, 10, 11 ; of the fourth, 15, 16, 18 ; of the fifth, 24 ; of the sixth, 27; of the seventh, 30; of the eighth, 34, 35; of the ninth, 36, 37; of the tenth, 43, 45; of the eleventh, 51; of the twelfth, 56, 57; of the thirteenth, 64; of the fourteenth, 73 ; of the fif- teenth, 91; of the sixteenth, 112; of the seventeenth, 127; of the eighteenth, 148 ; of the nine- teenth, 175, 176; of the twen- tieth, 193, 194 ; of the twenty- first, 217, 218 ; of the twenty-sec- ond, 241; of the twenty-third, 264 ; of the twenty-fourth, 283, 284; of the twenty-fifth, 308, 309; of the twenty-sixth, 333; of the twenty-seventh, 359; of the twen- ty-eighth, 392. Electors, how the functions of, were first exercised, 11, 16. Ellmaker, Amos, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Anti- Mason party, 53; his vote in the twelfth Electoral College, 56, 57- Ellsworth, Oliver, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral College, 10, 11. English, William H.,his defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 279-284. Evans, Samuel, receives the Vice- Presidential nomination of the Union Labor party, 325. Everett, Edward, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Con- stitutional Union party, 173. Federal party, the, preferred by Washington, Adams, and Ham- ilton, 2, 5, 7, 8 ; opposed by Jef- ferson, 5, 7; its policy, 7, 8 ; passes the Alien and Sedition laws, 12 ; its bitter opposition to Jefferson, 21, 22, 23 ; practically overthrown by the success of the war of 1812, 32; perishes with the election of Monroe, 39. Fenton, Reuben E,, his reluctance to aid in the nomination of Gree- ley to the Presidency, 230. Field, James G., receives the Peo- ple's party nomination for the Vice-Presidency, 353. Fillraore, Millard, his election to the Vice-Presidency, 105-112 ; he succeeds to the Presidency after the death of Taylor, 116; he re- verses the policy of the adminis- tration, 116; his defeat for the Presidency, 130-153. Fisk, Clinton B., nominated for the Presidency by the Prohibi- tion party, 329 ; his popular vote, 333- Floyd, John, his defeat for the Presidency, 56, 57. Foote, Rev. Charles E., candidate of the Liberty League for Vice- President in 1848, in. Forney, Colonel John W., obtains the consent of Grant to accept the Republican nomination to the Presidency, 203. Franklin, Benjamin, solicited to become the competitor of Wash- ington, 3. Free- Silver party. See People's party. Free-Soil Democratic party, its first convention and nominees, 107, 108; its platform, 108-110; its candidates and platform in 1852, 123-126. Fremont, John C, his defeat for the Presidency, 130-153 ; his nom- ination by the first Republican National Convention, at Phila- delphia, 136-138; his nomina- tion endorsed by the anti-slavery seceders from the American Na- tional Council, 143 ; visited by the author, 147 ; his nomination for President by revolting Re- publicans to defeat Lincoln, and his final rejection of it, 192. Garfield, James A., his election to the Presidency, 270-287 ; his nomination, 271-274 ; character of the campaign, 283 ; his popu- lar and electoral vote, 283, 284 ; his character, 284 ; his disa- 409 INDEX greement with Conkling, 284, 285. Gerry, Elbridge, his election to the Vice-Presidency, 28-31. Gould, Jay, what a dinner with, cost Blaine, 310. Graham, William A., receives the Whig nomination to the Vice- Presidency in 1852, 121. Granger, Francis, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 63, 64. ©rant, General Ulysses S., his first election to the Presidency, 202- 220 ; the obstacles to his nomina- tion, 202, 203 ; his dispute with Johnson, 204 ; refuses to ride with Johnson to the inauguration ceremonies, 204 ; his nomination at Chicago, 209-211 ; his popular and electoral vote, '217, 218 ; his second election to thePresidency, 221-243 ; his unfitness for civil affairs, 221-223; the author's well - intended suggestions to him, 222, 223 ; his re-election op- posed by the author, 223 ; his discussion of public affairs with the author, 223-225 ; his despotic control of the party machinery, 225 ; how his name was changed, 235 ; at the grave of Greeley, 243 ; scandals which disgraced his administration, 246 ; his dis- cussion of the question of a third term, 246 ; Conkling presents his name as a candidate for a third term of the Presidency before the Republican National Con- vention of 1880, 270, 271 ; his disappointment at not securing a nomination to a third term, 277. Greeley, Horace, denounces the leaders of the Abolition party for defeating Clay, 90 ; disgruntled at the nomination of Taylor, 105; finally decides to support Taylor, and is sent to Congress by the Whigs of New York, 105; opposes the nomination of Seward to the Presidency, 155 ; opposes the re- nomination of Lincoln, 183 ; his defeat for the Presidency, 221- 243 ; his nomination at Cincin- nati, 228-234 ; nominated by the Democrats at Baltimore, 238 ; his popular vote, 239, 240 ; his electoral vote, 241 ; cause of his defeat, 242 ; incidents of his cam- paign, 242, 243 ; his sad death, 240, 243. " Greenback " (or Independent Na- tional) party, under the leader- ship of George H. Pendleton, 219, 220 ; its candidates and platform in 1876, 257, 258 ; its candidates and platform in 1880, 281, 282. Greer, James R., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the American party, 331. Groesbeck, William S., his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the twenty-second Electoral College, 241. Hale, John P., nominated for the Presidency by the Liberty party, in ; nominated for the Presi- dency by the Free-Soil Demo- crats, 123. Hamilton, Alexander, in sympathy with Washington and Adams, and opposed to Jefferson, 7, 8. Hamlin, Hannibal, his election to the Vice-Presidency in i860, 154- 169. Hancock, John, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral College, 3, 4. Hancock, Winfield S., defeated for the Presidency, 278-284; his popular and electoral vote, 283- 284. Hanna, Mark A., his mistake in making McKinley straddle the money question, 365, 366. Harper, Robert G., his first defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 34, 35 ; his second defeat for the Vice- Presidency, 36, 37. Harrison, Benjamin, his election to the Presidency, 316-336 ; his nomination, 319, 320 ; character of the campaign, 332; his popular and electoral vote, 333 ; his ad- ministration not a tranquil one, 337-340 ; defeated for the Presi- 410 INDEX dency, 337-360 ; his nomination, 340, 341 ; character of the cam- paign, 358 ; his popular and elec- toral vote, 359. Harrison, Robert H., his vote for the Presidency in the first Elec- toral College, 3, 4. Harrison, William Henry, defeat- ed for the Presidency, 59-64 ; character of the campaign, 161 ; his election to the Presidency, 65-74 1 birth of the Abolition party during the campaign, 65 ; how his nomination was se- cured, 67, 68 ; a national party platform presented for the first time during this election, 70 ; the campaign one of great popular interest, 71 ; his popular and electoral vote, 71, 72, 73 ; his death shortly after his inaugu- ration, 73. Hayes, Rutherford B., his election to the Presidency, 244-267 ; his nomination, 249; his popular vote, 262 ; his election decided by the Electoral Commission ap- pointed by Congress, 263 ; his electoral vote as determined by the Electoral Commission, 264. Hendricks, Thomas A., nominated for the Vice-Presidency, 253 ; his election to the Vice-Presidency, 294-309. Henry, John, his vote for the Pres- idency in the third Electoral Col- lege, 10, n. Hill, David B., at the Democratic National Convention of 1896, 37i, 372. Hobart, Garret A., his election to the Vice -Presidency, 367-394; his electoral vote, 392. Houston, General Samuel, at a na- tional Whig convention in 1848, 107. Howard, John Eager, his vote for Vice-President in the eighth Electoral College, 34, 35. Hughes, Archbishop, how Sew- ard's friendship for, deprived him of the nomination for the Presidency, 156. Hunkers, the, 98, 99. Huntington, Samuel, his vote for the Presidency in the first Elec- toral College, 3, 4. Industrial Congress party and their candidates in 1848, in. Ingersoll, Jared, Federalist nomi- nee for Vice-President in 1804, 29; his electoral vote, 30. Ingersoll, Robert G., his speech nominating Bjlaine before the Republican convention of 1876, 247, 248. Iredell, James, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral College, 10, n. Jackson, Andrew, defeated for the Presidency, 39-45 ; though receiving the largest popular and electoral vote, 42, 43 ; his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the tenth Electoral College, 43 ; his first election to the Presi- dency, 47-51 ; his initiation of the spoils system, 47 ; character of his campaign and to what his popularity was due, 47-49 ; his popular and electoral vote, 50, 51 ; his second election to the Presidency, 51-58 ; confused condition of politics during his second campaign, 51, 52; his popular and electoral vote, 55, 56, 57 ; his after-life and death, 58. Jay, John, his vote for the Presi- dency in the first Electoral Col- lege, 3, 4; in the third, 10, n; in the fourth, 15, 16. Jefferson, Thomas, his vote for the Presidency in the second Electoral College, 6 ; his election to the Vice-Presideney, 7-1 1 ; his election to the Presidency de- feated by the influence of Wash- ington, 9 ; defamatory character of the campaign, 9 ; his first elec- tion to the Presidency, 12-16 ; the revolutionary character of the campaign, 12, 13 ; his vote in the fourth Electoral College, 15, 16, 18 ; Burr's infamous at- tempt to deprive him of his elec- 411 INDEX tion, 17. 18, 19; his honorable rt: _ Ei. :: rft:: zii z.t:..:z. :j ~ i "•- ; - r 1 -=V. ~.: _ :.'-.t rt-ierEl- ists, 17, iS; his opposition to z ■ : ~ t z r. 1 : t : t ~ : r. 7 ; : 2:5 = e::'d t.t: "..:.-. :: ::t Presi- dency, 21-24.; bitterly opposed 17 :it rrier^l:=i=. 2: lis ;_r- : _ e 5 1 :: _:_.;_ i ~ i 21 -'- ; 1 : . _ . 1 r - : : t : - e : = . : : t : e ie t e::'e ::t::::-:':::.::: :_ "- ~t -..•:.:. ; lEErle; J.. r_:= v::t ::: lz= PresiEtEij :e EEt :~ ±e\:j- ::~-jiii": r:::.:::.:: P etet ':-jee=:e Htrs:*Et* V e:ee ;Ei:ti - — ^ t V;:t-Pre= it :~: K:r>ri:-:k _ :EEli E:EE.~E:ti ::: 1'-= '.". : t-r rt 5 . :t - : 7 . ".:_. ; 1 r rr. :: ; : ~ 1 1 1 5 — - - ~ ■"---" 1 1 r - Y: :t - ? r±-=: it: .17 :e : e t = : I'l z - zi rrv ... ...- ee — e ~'~ s t s :; lit ?:■::. it- : :f_i-:r: ;- 1 :. '-'.~iT'l. '-. — i'EIr" IE 183; his strength with the pen- Kiet r.-_:_5 e:e fr=: ititi: :':: rtr. : ~ :e i: : - :l_ r. s _r.:ti- e:: INDEX sonable request, 184, 185 ; he seeks the nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President rath- er than that of Hamlin, and his reason for the preference, 185, 186 ; his unanimous renomina- tion at Baltimore, 186 ; an at- tempt to create a revolt against him in the Republican party, 191-193 ; his election made cer- tain by the victories of Sherman and Sheridan, 193 ; his popular and electoral vote, 194 ; vote of the soldiers, 194 ; his friends' ef- forts to win Pennsylvania, 195 ; and how the State was carried, 196, 197 ; he favored compen- sated emancipation, 197, 198 ; his character and traits, 198, 199 ; the unpardonable assaults upon his reputation, 199; his home life, 199, 200 ; a tribute from Jef- ferson Davis, 200, 201 ; he sus- pects that Grant favored the elec- tion of McClellan, 224. Lincoln, Benjamin, his vote for the Presidency in the first Elec- toral College, 3, 4. Lincoln, Robert T., a candidate for the Democratic nomination to the Presidency, 288, 289. McClellan, General George B., defeated for the Presidency, 183- 294. McGlynn, Rev. Edward, prepares the platform of the United La- bor party, 327-329. Machen, Willis B., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty-second Electoral College, 241. Machett, Charles H., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Socialists' Labor party, 357; nom- inated for the Presidency by the same party, 388; his popular vote, 391. Mackey , Robert W. , how he thwart- ed the Democrats in holding Florida for Tilden, 265. McKinley, William, the disastrous effect of his tariff bill, 340; pres- ident of the Republican National Convention of 1892, 340; his elec- tion to the Presidency, 361-394; his nomination, 365; his strad- dle of the money issue, 365, 366; his popular vote, 391; his elec- toral vote, 392; the lesson of the campaign, 392-394. McLean, John R., at the Demo- cratic National Convention of 1896, 373. Macon, Nathaniel, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 43. Madison, James, his first almost unanimous election to the Presi- dency, 25-27; his vote in the sixth Electoral College, 27 ; his second election to the Presidency, 28-31 ; his nomination depended upon his vigorous war policy with England, 28 ; his vote in the seventh Electoral College, 30, 31. Maguire, Matthew, the nominee of the Socialists' Labor party for Vice-President, 388. Mangum, Willie P., defeated for the Presidency, 59-64. Manning, Daniel, secures the first nomination of Cleveland to the Presidency, 293, 294. Marshall, John, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 34, 35. Medill, Colonel Joseph, leads the fight for Lincoln in Republican National Convention of i860, 157- Milton, John, his vote for the Presi- dency in the first Electoral Col- lege, 3, 4. Monroe, James, his vote for the Vice - Presidency in the sixth Electoral College, 27 ; his first election to the Presidency, 32- 35 ; his animated canvass for the nomination, 33 ; Federalists make little or no opposition, 34; his vote in the eighth Electoral College, 34, 35 ; his second elec- tion to the Presidency, 35, 38 ; his election unanimous, no for- mal nominations being made by any party, 35, 36 ; the vote of the ninth Electoral College, 36- 37 ; his peaceful reign, after-life, and death, 32, 38. 413 INDEX Morton, Levi P., his election to the Vice-Presidency, 320-326. National Democratic ("Sound Money") party, its candidates and platform in 1896, 382-385. National ("Greenback") party, its candidates and platform in 1884, 301-304. Native American (or " Know-Noth- ing") party, birth of, no, in; its first convention and candi- dates, no; its nomination of General Taylor, 103 ; its evolu- tion into the American National Council, which meets at Phila- delphia in 1856 and nominates Millard Fillmore for President and Andrew Jackson Donelson for Vice-President, 140-142 ; its platform, 142, 143; its disappear- ance, 174. O'Conor, Charles, nominated for the Presidency by Democratic dissenters in 1872, 238; he de- clines the nomination, 238. Palmer, John M., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty-second Electoral College, 241 ; the nom- inee for the Presidency by the "Sound Money" Democrats, 383; his popular vote, 391. Parker, Joel; nominated for the Vice -Presidency by the Labor Reformers, 227, 228. Pendleton, George H., nominated for the Vice- Presidency, 190; leads the "Greenback" party, and looks for the Democratic nomination to the Presidency, 219. People's party, its candidates and platform in 1892, 353~357; its candidates and platform in 1896, 377-382. Phelps, John W., nominated for President by the American par- ity, 283. Pierce, Franklin, his election to the Presidency, 115 -129; his nomination at Baltimore, 117, 118 ; the Democrats enthusiastic in his support, 119, 120 ; his pop- ular and electoral vote, 127 ; his wanton reopening of the slavery issue, 127, 128 ; his appointment of Judge Campbell to his cabinet excites^ the Native Americans, 128 ; his failure to secure a re- nomination, 129. Pinckney, Charles C, his vote for the Presidency in the third Elec- toral College, 10, 11 ; in the fourth, 15, 16 ; his first defeat for the Presidency, 23, 24 ; his second defeat for the Presi- dency, 26, 27. Pinckney, Thomas, his vote for the Presidency in the third Elec- toral College, 10, 11. Piatt, Thomas C, backs his col- league in his disagreement with Garfield, 285. Polk, James K., defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 73 ; his election to the Presidency, 75-93;- his nominaiton at Baltimore, 79, 82 ; his party's platform, 82, 83 ; his popular and electoral vote, 91 ; in- cidents of the campaign, 91-93. Pomeroy, Samuel C, the nominee of the American party for the Vice-Presidency, 283 ; receives the Presidential nomination of the American Prohibition Na- tional party, 304. Popular vote, the, in early nation- al contests had no particular significance, 10. Populists. See People's party. Presidential elections, contested, the law regulating, 401-404. Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the United States, with many facts concerning their elections and tenure of office, 397-399 ; the law regulating the Presidential succession, 399, 400. Prohibition party, holds a national convention in 1872 and nomi- nates candidates for President andVice-President, 228; its candi- dates and platform in 1876, 258- 260 ; its candidates and platform in 1880, 282 ; its candidates and platform in 1884, 305-308 ; its 414 INDEX candidates and platform in 1888, 329, 330 ; its candidates and plat- form in 1892, 350-353 ; its candi- dates and platform in 1896, 385, 386 ; the " Broad-Gaugers " with- draw from, 386. Prohibition (" Broad-Gauge ") par- ty, its candidates and platform in 1896, 386-388. Quay, Matthew S., not in touch with Harrison, 337. Reed, Thomas B., in the Republi- can National Convention of 1896, 365. Reid, Whitelaw, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 341-360. Republican (Democratic) party, its birth and growth during Wash- ington's administration, 3, 7 ; op- poses the passage of the Alien and Sedition laws, 12, 13 ; its sixty years' dominance initiated by the election of Jefferson, 21 ; divides into National Republi- cans and Democratic Republi- cans, 53 ; changes its name to the "Democratic party" during Jack- son's second administration, 52, 53 ; Jackson's mastery of, 60 ; the first party to present a national party platform, 70; its platform in 1844, 82, 83; its platform in 1848, 100-102; its platform in 1852, 118, 119; demoralized by the repeal of the Missouri Com- promise, 127, 128, 130; its plat- form in 1856, 132-135 ; a split in the convention at Charleston in i860 results in the nomination of two tickets and the adoption of two platforms, 166-173 ; its platform in 1864, 190, 191 ; its hopeless condition at the close of the Rebellion, 203 ; how it failed to secure the leadership of Grant, 203 ; its platform in 1868, 212-215 ; its platform in 1872, 237, 238 ; after its nomina- tion of Greeley dissenters hold a convention and make nomina- tions, which are declined, 238 ; platform of Democratic dissent- ers in 1872, 238, 239; the party platform platform platform in li platform in if n 1876, 254-257; its n 1880, 279-281 ; its 294-299 ; its 316-319; its platform in 1892, 345-350 ; its platform in 1896, 373-377. Republican party, its forty years' dominance, 21; its birth in 1854, in New York, 136 ; its entrance into national politics in 1856, 130, 136-138 ; its first platform, 139, 140 ; its affiliations with the " Know- Nothing" party, 156; its convention at Chicago in i860 the ablest that had ever met up to that time, 163, 164 ; its platform in i860, 164-166 ; its platform in 1864, 187, 188 ; why Grant, a pro- slavery Democrat, became its candidate, 203 ; its platform in 1868, 208, 209 ; its platform in 1872, 235-237 ; its platform in 1876, 249-252 ; its subversion of the popular will in making Hayes President, 264-268; its platform in 1880, 274-277; its platform in 1884, 290-292; its platform in 1S88, 320-325 ; its platform in 1892, 341-343; its platform in 1896, 367-371. Rodney, Daniel, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 36, 37. Ross, James, defeated for the Vice- Presidency, 34, 35. Rush, Richard, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 36, 37 ; his sec- ond defeat for the same office, 51. Russell, John, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Prohibi- tion party, 228. Rutledge, John, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral College, 3, 4. St. John, John P., receives the Presidential nomination of the Prohibition party, 305 ; his pop- ular vote, 308, 309 ; at the Na- tional Prohibition Convention in 1888, 329 ; at that of 1892, 350. Sanford Nathan, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 43. 415 INDEX Scott, General Winfield, regarded as the first soldier of the Repub- lic, 66 ; his fondness for writing letters loses him the Presidential nomination, 68 ; his invasion of Mexico, 95, 96 ; defeated for the Presidency, 115-129; his nomi- nation at Baltimore, 120, 121. Sergeant, John, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 53, 56, 57. Sewall, Arthur, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 373-394; his electoral vote, 392. Seward, William H., his ability and character, and how he failed to be nominated for the Presi- dency, 154-162. Seymour, Horatio, defeated for the Presidency, 202-220 ; his nomi- nation at New York, 211 -216; his popular and electoral vote, 217, 21S. Sherman, John, a candidate for the Democratic nomination of President in 1880, 288, 289. Smith, Gerrit, nominated in 1848 for the Presidency by the Liberty League party and the Industrial Congress party, 111. Smith, Greene Clay, is nominated for the Presidency by the Prohi- bitionists, 258. Smith, William, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 51 ; -again de- feated for the same office, 63, 64. Socialists' Labor party, its candi- dates and platform in 1892, 357, 35S ; its candidates and platform in 1896, 388-390. Southgate, James A., the Vice-Pres- idential nominee of the " Broad- Gauge" Prohibition party, 3S6. Stevens, Thaddeus, how he carried the Whig convention for Harri- son, 6S. Stevenson, Adlai E., his election to the Vice-Presidency, 345-360. Stewart, G. T., nominated for the Vice - Presidency by the Prohi- bitionists, 258. Stockton, Richard, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 36, 37. Streeter, Alson J., receives the Presidential nomination of the Union Labor party, 325 ; his pop- ular vote, 333. Swett, Leonard, Lincoln's closest friend, works for his nomination, 157. Tammany Hall, its opposition to Tilden causes its rejection from the Democratic National Con- vention of 1S80, 278 ; its attempt to control the Democratic Na- tional Convention in 1884, 292, 293 ; its delegates oppose the unanimous nomination of Cleve- land, but welcome that of Hen- dricks with the heartiest cheers, 294 ; and the Sun, its organ, de- feated Cleveland for the Presi- dency in 1S88, 315, 335, 336; its protest ignored in the national convention of 1892, 344. Taylor, Zachary, his election to the Presidency, 94, 114 ; his cam- paign in Mexico, 95 ; his vote in the convention, 104 ; sends the letter notifying him of his nomi- nation to the dead-letter office, 106 ; episodes of the nominating convention, 107 ; birth of the Na- tive American party during this campaign, no ; his popular and electoral vote, 112 ; how Corwin helped him, 113, 114 ; his cabinet and its policy, 115 ; his death, 116. Tazewell, L. W., his vote in the fourteenth Electoral College for Vice-President, 73. Tellfair, Edward, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral College, 3, 4. Texas, the question of its annexa- tion, 94, 95. Thompson, A. M., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Pro- hibition party, 2S2. Thurman, Allen G., a candidate for the Presidential nomination of the Anti-Monopoly party, 299 ; his defeat for the Vice-Presiden- cy, 316-336. Tilden, Samuel J., how Grant would have enforced the decision of the Electoral Commission in 416 INDEX the case of his disputed election, 223 ; his defeat for the Presiden- cy, 244-267 ; his character and reputation, 252 ; earnestness of the campaign, 261 ; his popular vote, 262 ; Congress creates the Electoral Commission to decide the election of, 263 ; his electoral vote, as determined by the Elec- toral Commission, 264; his weakness in protecting his own interests, 265, 266; his defeat at- tributed to Conkling, who grati- fied a grudge caused by Tilden's defeat of Chase for the Demo- cratic nomination for the Presi- dency in 1868, 268, 269 ; his nom- ination opposed by Tammany Hall in the Democratic National Convention of 1880, 278. Tompkins, Daniel D., his first elec- tion to the Vice-Presidency, 34, 35 ; his second election to the Vice-Presidency, 35, 37. Tyler, John, defeated for the Vice- Presidency, 63,64; his election to the Vice-Presidency, 65-74 ; succeeds to the Presidency on the death of Harrison, 74 ; his wreck- ing of the Whig party, 75-77 ; his life after his retirement, 77 ; ap- proves the bill annexing Texas a few days before the inaugura- tion of Polk, 94. Union Labor party, its candidates and platform in 1888, 325-327. United Labor party, its candidates and platform in 1888, 327-329 ; its candidates and platform in 1896, 388-390. Vallandigham, Clement L., fore- most in organizing the Liberal Republican party, 229. Van Buren, Martin, defeated for the Vice - Presidency, 43 ; his election to the Vice-Presidency, 56, 57 ; his election to the Presi- dency, 59-64 ; and the birth of the Whig party, 50; his nomina- tion dictated by Jackson, 60 ; the campaign one of intense bit- terness, 61, 62 ; his popular and electoral vote, 62, 63, 64; defeated for the Presidency, 65-74 ; causes of his unpopularity, 68, 69 ; his defeat for the Presidency, 94- 114. Wade, Benjamin F., a candidate for the nomination of Vice-Presi- dent, an example of the swift mutations in American politics, 210, 211. Waitt, William S., nominated in 1848 for the Vice-Presidency by the Industrial Congress party, in. Wakefield, W. H.'T., receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the United Labor party, 327. Walker, James B., nominated for the Presidency by the American National party, 260. Washington, George, his first election to the Presidency, 1-4 ; he received no formal nomina- tion, 2; a pronounced Federal- ist, 2; opposition to his election, 2, 3 ; vote of the first Electoral College, 3, 4; his second election to the Presidency, 4-6 ; vote of the second Electoral College, 5, 6; regarded as the richest man in the country, 7 ; his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral College, 10, 11. Watson, Thomas E., the nominee of the People's party for the Vice-Presidency, 378 ; his popu- lar and electoral vote, 391, 392. Weaver, James B., "Greenback" candidate for the Presidency, 281 ; receives the People's party nomination for the Presidency, 353 ; his popular and electoral vote, 359. Webster, Daniel, defeated for the Presidency, 59-64. Weed, Thurlow, leads the fight for Seward in the Republican Na- tional Convention of i860, 157 ; disappointed at Lincoln's nom- ination, he refuses to name a candidate for the Vice -Presi- dency, 162. West, A. M., receives the Vice- 417 INDEX Presidential nomination of the National ("Greenback") party, 301. Wheeler, William A., his election to the Vice - Presidency, 249- 269. Whig party, birth of, 59 ; wreck of, by Tyler, 75-77 ; its nomina- tion of Clay, 89, 90 ; its platform for 1844, 84 ; its lack of harmony in campaign of 1848, 103-106 ; its platform in the campaign of 1852, 121-123 ; makes its final battle, 128 ; in 1856 nominates the candidates of the American National Union, 143 ; its plat- form, 143-145. White, Hugh L., defeated for the Presidency, 63, 64. Whitney, William C, whose leader- ship secured the third Presiden- tial nomination of Cleveland in 1898, 344. " Wide-Awakes," the, description of, 174, 175. Wilkins, William, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 56, 57. Wilson, Henry, his nomination foi the Vice-Presidency, 235, 241 ; how his name was changed, 235. Wing, Simon, nominated for the Presidency by the Socialists' La- bor party, 357 ; his popular vote, 359- Wirt, William, the nominee for President of the Anti- Mason party, 53 ; his vote in the twelfth Electoral College, 56, 57. THE END BISMARCK'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY BISMARCK, The Man and the Statesman : Being the Reflections and Reminiscences of Otto, Prince von Bismarck, Written and Dictated by Himself after his Retirement from Office. Translated from the German under the Supervision of A. J. Butler, late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Two Vols. With Two Photogravure Portraits. 8vo, Cloth, Ornamental, Un- cut Edges and Gilt Tops, $1 50. In his reflections and reminiscences, Prince Bismarck presents himself in the more familiar garb of polite society, with the polished manner of a man of the world, keeping his tongue under control, a great and commanding figure, self-centred and self-re. strained, a courtier and a statesman, filling not unworthily with his gigantic personality the world -stage on which he moved. — London Times. The book is remarkably full as regards internal affairs and espe- cially as regards the influences which prevailed at the Berlin court, as to the characters both of the kings of Prussia and the other men with whom Bismarck was brought in contact, and it contains a minute criticism on the workings of the Prussian and German Constitutions. — London Daily Chronicle. This is a great work, one of the most important produced in modern times. It is a work gloriously full of great lights, and carries the study of the founding and founded empire and its in- ner motives on through the Gulturkampf down to the last days of the lamented Frederick I. — Independent, N. Y. HARPER & BROTHERS, Publishers NEW YORK AND LONDON ^jf'The above work will be sent by mail, postage prepaid, to any part of the United States, Canada, or Mexico, on receipt of the price. By G. W. E. RUSSELL COLLECTIONS AND RECOLLECTIONS. By One Who Has Kept a Diary. With One Illustration. Crown 8vo, Cloth, Ornamental, Deckel Edges and Gilt Top, 82 50. It does not often happen that a volume of reminiscences pre- sents so much interesting and attractive matter. ... It is difficult to lay aside a hook which contains so much of the salt which sea- sons life. Such a volume is a never-failing resource for the reader wearied of overmuch feeding on the solid viands of literature. Especially commendable is the spirit of kindness which pervades the narratives. There are no flings at living pygmies or dead lions. — Brooklyn Eagle. THE RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE. ( Queen's Prime- Ministers.) Portrait. Crown 8vo, Cloth, $1 00. Mr. George W. E. Russell, who writes this book, has done a difficult task well. The personal biography is necessarily brief, because the plan of the book calls for a political biography, and because Gladstone entered public life at twenty-two, and has lived and breathed the air of Parliament ever since. Yet it would not be possible to measure his public career justly without that knowl- edge of his personality and his ingrained tastes. Mr. Russell has provided the needful information in a succinct form, and his final chapter, in which he analyzes Mr. Gladstone's character, is elo- quent in its restraint and vigor of touch. — Atlantic Monthly. HARPER & BROTHERS, Publishers NEW YORK AND LONDON ESp 3 Either of the above works will he sent oy mail, postage pre- paid, to any part of the United States, Canada, or Mexico, on receipt of the price.