{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3026", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.\\nChTlp.. Copyright No\\nShelfc/f_5= _:\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Freedom and Slavery\\nBY\\nWILLIAM KITTLE\\n1/\\nMADISON, WIS.\\nState Journal Printing Co.\\n1900", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "SdCJND COPY,\\nTWO COPlhlS HEUE1VEJ,\\nLibrary of C6Egm%\\nOffice of the\\nAPR 3 1900\\nKegleUr \u00c2\u00abf Cop$rlffftfft\\na. ^23\\nQ^l^iyi t 6 J, /fern\\n61434\\nCopyright. 1900,\\nBY\\nWILLIAM KITTLE.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nI. Two Voyages\\nIT. The Royal African Companj\\nIII. The Middle Passage\\nIV. Colonial Slavery\\nV. Opinions of the Fathers\\nVI. State Laws\\nVII. The Ordinance of 17S7\\nVIII. The Convention ofi;S7\\nIX. Decline of Anti-slavery Sentiment\\nX. The Missouri Compromise\\nXI. The Balance of Power\\nXII.. Nullification\\nXIII. Old Nat s War\\nXIV. The Abo.itionists\\nXV. The Liberty Party\\nXYI. The Annexation of Texas\\nXVII. The Campaign and Election of 1S44\\nXVIII. The War with Mexico\\nXIX. The Wilmot Proviso\\nXX. The Campaign and Election of 184S\\nXXI. Political Excitement during 1849\\nXXII. The Compromise of 1S50\\nXXIII. Cotton is King\\nXXIV. Plantation Life\\nXXV. The Slave Trade\\nXXVI. ErLct of the Fugitive Slave Law\\nXXVII. The Underground Railroad\\nXXVIII. Uncle Tom s Cabin\\nXXIX. The Campaign and Election of 185\\nXXX. The Kansas-Nebraska Law\\nXXXI. Border Warfare in Kansas\\n5\\n7\\n9\\n10\\n13\\nH\\n15\\n17\\n21\\n21\\n2 7\\n27\\n34\\n35\\n39\\n40\\n4-\\n43\\n45\\n46\\n47\\n47\\n5i\\n54\\n57\\n58\\n60\\n62\\n62\\n63\\n6S", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER.\\nXXXII. The Ostend Manifesto\\nXXXIII. The Rise of the Republican Party\\nXXXIV. The Campaign and Election of 1856\\nXXXV. The Attack on Sumner\\nXXXVI. The Dred Scott Decision\\nXXXVII. The Lincoln and Douglas Debate\\nXXXVIII. John Brown s Raid\\nXXXIX. The Campaign and Election of 1S60\\nXL. Secession\\nXLI. The Confederate States of America\\nXLII. The Peace Congress\\nXLIII. Decision at the South\\nXLIV. Division at the North\\nXLV. Lincoln s Journey to Washington\\nXLVI. Lincoln s Inauguration\\nXL VI I. The North and South Compared\\nXLVIII. Fort Sumter\\nXLIX. Opening of the War\\nL. A Vision of the War\\nLI. The Area of the War\\nLI I. The Union and Confederate Armies\\nLIII Battles and Loss of Life\\nLIV. Cost of the War\\nLV. The Freedom of the Slaves\\nLVI. The Navy of the United States\\nLVII. England and the Civil War\\nLVIII. The South in 1865\\nLIX. The Fall of Richmond\\nLX. Lincoln in Richmond\\nLXI. Lee s Surrender\\nLXII. Assassination of Lincoln\\nLXI 1 1. The Grand Review\\nLX1V. Two Forces\\nPAGK.\\n67\\n68\\n70\\n72\\n72\\n74\\n77\\n80\\n82\\nS5\\n85\\n85\\n86\\n86\\n87\\n88\\n90\\n9 1\\n9i\\n94\\n94\\n94\\n95\\n95\\n97\\n100\\n103\\n104\\n104\\n10 5\\n105\\n107\\n107", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nI. TWO VOYAGES.\\nIn the early years of the seventeenth century took\\nplace two important voyages from England to America.\\nOne of the vessels was named the Treasurer and the\\nother the Mayflower. A period of only sixteen months\\nseparated their arrival in America. One of these brought\\nslaves and the other the Pilgrim fathers into what was\\nlong afterward the United States. One was loaded\\nwith black men, ignorant, savage, manacled, scourged\\nbv the lash and brutalized by former slavery; the other\\nbrought men and women deeply religious, some of them\\ncultured and all sternly devoted to what they thought\\nwas just and right.\\nIn April, 1618, the Treasurer, commanded by Captain\\nDaniel Elfrith, left England and arrived in Virginia late\\nin the summer of the same year. Captain Elfrith had\\nfrom the Duke of Savoy a commission empowering him\\nto seize the property of Spaniards. This vessel was\\nlittle better than a pirate, as England was then at peace\\nwith Spain. Gov. Argall, of Virginia, aided in refitting\\nthe vessel and supplied her with the most desperate men\\nhe could rind. Captain Elfrith then left Virginia for the\\nBarbadoes, where he remained six weeks in the winter\\nof 1618-19. In the spring of 1619 he set out on a rov-\\ning voyage, no record of which has been kept: but in\\nSeptember, 1619, the Treasurer in consort with the", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "6 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nman-of-war of Flushing returned to Jamestown, Va.,\\nwith a cargo of negroes, grain, wax, and tallow. This\\nman-of-war was to protect the Treasurer, and its cap-\\ntain, John Powell, held from the Duke of Savoy a com-\\nmission which empowered him to plunder the Spaniards.\\nOne or both of these vessels landed twenty negroes at\\nJamestown. Thus slavery began in the colonies.\\nThe Mayflower left Plymouth, England, September\\n16, 1620. A steady wind bore the vessel out to mid-\\nocean, where a succession of terrible storms compelled\\nthe ship to lie to for several days. One of the main\\nbeams was broken by the force of the great waves.\\nThere on an open sea, a thousand miles from either shore,\\nat the mercy of wind and wave and storm, waited and\\nwatched and prayed one hundred men, women and\\nchildren. These were the Puritans coming across a\\ngreat ocean and to a new world for conscience s sake.\\nOn December 21, 1620, they landed at Plymouth, Mass.\\nThat was the birthday of New England; and the rock\\non which they landed and which is still pointed out to\\ntravelers will not be for gotten as lomj as the sea shall\\ncontinue to wash it.\\nWhat had these two voyages to do with each other?\\nEverything. From them came two great movements\\nhostile to each other and extending over two and a half\\ncenturies of our history. The Treasurer began the\\ncourse of slavery; the Mayflower, that of freedom.\\nFrom the introduction of slavery in 1619 until its aboli-\\ntion in 1865, there was not an hour when these hostile\\nforces did not gather strength or meet in open conflict.\\nIt was in truth an irrepressible conflict. For the first\\ncentury and a half both sides gathered strength for the\\ncontest. During that period slavery was firmly estab-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "THE ROYAL AFRICAN COMPANY. 7\\nlished in every colony south of Mason and Dixon s line\\nand was lawful in every other colony north of that line.\\nBut in the northern colonies, the force of public opinion\\nand the influence of free institutions and free labor were\\nstrongly in the direction of freedom for all classes. Dur-\\ning the next century, the hostility of these two move-\\nments was clearly recognized. From the Revolution to\\nthe Civil War, the South with its millions of slaves was,\\non this question, opposed to the North, with its millions\\nof free laborers. But the Civil War closed this long\\nconflict. By its thousand battles, its four years of great\\nendeavor, its billions of debt and its millions of armed\\nmen, two hundred and forty-six years of shameful his-\\ntory were ended and four million slaves were set free.\\nII. THE ROYAL AFRICAN COMPANY.\\nFifty-seven years before the voyage of the Treasurer,\\nJohn Hawkins, commanding three small vessels, the\\nSoloman, the Swallow, and the Jonas, sailed from\\nEngland in October, 1562. He went by way of the\\nCanary Islands to Sierra Leone, collected three hundred\\nnegroes, crossed westward to San Domingo, sold them\\nat an enormous profit and returned to England. Two\\nyears later he made the same voyage and became the\\nhero of the hour in London. In this trade with the\\nSpanish plantations he had boldly disobeyed the orders of\\nthe Spanish king, who desired that such trade should be\\nheld by Spaniards only. On his return Hawkins had\\nopenly boasted of his exploits, and had even told\\nDe Silva, the ambassador of Philip, king of Spain, that\\nhe should soon go on another voyage of the same kind.\\nDe Silva wrote to Philip, whose lively interest was at", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "O FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nonce shown by the startled exclamations Ojo! Ojo!\\nwhich he inscribed in the margin of his ambassador s\\nletter. In 1567 Hawkins left England on his third voy-\\nage, sold his negroes in the Spanish colonies in the\\nWest Indies, and while skirting the coast of Cuba was\\ncaught in a storm and driven to Mexico near Vera Cruz.\\nHere he was betrayed by Spanish officials acting under\\nPhilip s orders, and with a few men barely escaped to\\nEngland.\\nHawkins work was the beginning of the English slave\\ntrade between Africa and America. But for the next\\nhundred years very few negroes were brought into the\\nNorth American colonies. During this period three\\nAfrican trading companies were chartered by the kings\\nof England but the last of these surrendered its charter\\n*n 1672 and a new trading company, called the Royal\\nAfrican Company, was given a charter to trade in Africa\\nand send slaves to America. This new company had a\\ncapital of $500,000, and paid the old company $175,000\\nfor its forts and warehouses in Africa. It had agencies\\nin London where merchants of that city gave orders for\\nslaves just as for other merchandise. The planters in\\nthe colonies sent their orders for slaves to the London\\nmerchants. In 1713 Spain and England formed the\\nAssiento or treaty by which the Royal African Com-\\npany obtained a complete monopoly of the slave trade\\nfor thirty years. The Company agreed to pay the king\\nof Spain 200,000 florins and 337]- florins for each slave\\nimported into Spain. The sovereigns of England and\\nSpain were each to receive one-fourth of the profits of\\nthe Company. The Company agreed to furnish the\\ncolonies 144,000 thousand slaves in the thirty years, at\\nthe rate of 4,800 each year, but could supply as many", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. 9\\nmore negroes as it could sell. The Royal African Com-\\npany as an exclusive trading body ceased in 1750, when\\nParliament threw open the slave trade to any merchant\\nwho would pay a fee of forty shillings.\\nBy means of these companies a steady stream of\\nnegroes flowed to the new world. For a hundred years\\nbefore the American Revolution thousands of black men\\nwere unloaded and sold each year at the American ports.\\nFrom 16S0 to 1688, the Royal African Company sent\\n249 ships from England to Africa and transported 60,000\\nslaves to America. Nor were English merchants alone\\nresponsible for this trade. Each year saw numerous\\nslavers leave Boston, Salem, Providence and Newport\\nto engage in the trade. By 1 700, the number of negroes\\ntaken yearly rose to 25,000, and from 1733 to 1750 the\\nnumber averaged more than 20,000 each year. Prob-\\nably more than half of all these were sold to the North\\nAmerican colonies. By 1775, more than 300,000 negroes\\nhad been sold as slaves along the coast from Maine to\\nGeorgia.\\nIII. THE MIDDLE PASSAGE.\\nThese numbers are appalling when taken in connec-\\ntion with the capture of the negroes on the African coast\\nand the horrors of the Middle Passage to America.\\nWhen the slaver lay at anchor on the African coast,\\nbands of armed men went to the interior, seized the\\nwretched victims, bound them back to back, and in the\\nmorning put them, tied hand and foot, on board the slave\\nship. The Middle Passage was a long voyage from\\nthe west coast of Africa to the new world, and under a\\nhot and burning sky. For more than three thousand\\nmiles in the torrid zone, the slave ship formed the worst", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "IO FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nof prisons. Sometimes as many as five hundred negroes\\nwere crowded on board a small vessel of only two hun-\\ndred tons. In the morning all the captives were com-\\npelled to come up on deck to dance for exercise. If\\none refused, the frightful cat-o -nine-tails was used.\\nOpen rebellion met instant death. Those who were dis-\\norderly suffered the thumb-screws or were chained by\\nthe neck and limbs. The daily food was salt pork and\\nbeans. At sunset all were driven below and forced to\\nlie side by side on the bare boards. To prevent mutim^,\\nwhole rows were chained together and to the floor.\\nHere at night the air grew thick and hot, diseases were\\ncommunicated, curses and groans and sobbings were\\nheard, and in the morning, exhausted and feverish, the\\nslaves went to the deck. On a stormy voyage it was\\nawful. Then, all were driven below, the hatches were\\nsecurely fastened down, and all ventilation ceased. When\\nthe storm was past, those who were alive were allowed\\nto come forth with parched mouths and tongues swollen.\\nSometimes one-half or even two-thirds of all the negroes\\ndied on the Middle Passage; but the average loss of\\nlife was from ten to fifteen out of every hundred.\\nIV. COLONIAL SLAVERY: 1619-1775.\\nSlaves were in all of the thirteen colonies. In 1775,\\nfrom New Hampshire to Georgia inclusive, the whites\\nnumbered about 2,000,000 and the blacks 500,000; but\\nfive-sixths of all the slaves were held south of the bound-\\nary line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. In the\\nfour New England colonies there were not far from\\n25,000. In the four middle colonies of New York, New\\nTerse) Pennsylvania and Delaware the negroes num-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL SLAVERY. II\\nbered about 50,000. In the remaining five colonies the\\nslaves numbered over 425,000. In 1775, in the New Eng-\\n1 tnd colonies there were forty-two whites to one black,\\nami in the four middle colonies thirteen to one; but in the\\nfive southern colonies the slaves outnumbered the whites.\\nSLAVE LAWS.\\nBy law, in each of the thirteen colonies the slave was\\nthe property of his master; he could be bought, sold,\\nleased, loaned, bequeathed by will, mortgaged and seized\\nf jr debt, and could neither hold nor acquire property.\\nThe clothes that he wore, the cabin in which he lived,\\nand the wife and children who toiled with him in the\\nfields, belonged to his master. The slave could be pun-\\nished as the master saw fit, and if death resulted, the law\\npresumed the master innocent on the ground that he\\nwould not intentionally destroy his own property. The\\nusual legal punishments were starvation, crucifixion and\\nburning. If a slave ran away he at once became an\\noutlaw and was hunted as an animal. He could not\\nleave the plantation without a written permit, and if\\nfound without one could be whipped by each person into\\nwhose hands he fell until he was returned to his master.\\nHe could not own a gun or any weapon of defense.\\nThe law forbade him to wander about at night or to\\nassemble at feasts or funerals or any gatherings in par-\\nties of more than seven. Three facts modify our view\\nof these severe lawc: harsh laws were common at that\\ntime, the savage nature of many newly arrived slaves\\nmade strict restraint necessary, and the natural kindness\\nof the owners prevented the execution of the laws to the\\ngreat majority of the negroes.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nIt is certain that outside of the Carolinas and Georgia\\nthe slaves were well and mildly treated. They had suf-\\nficient food, were fairly clothed, and not overworked or\\noften beaten. In the northern and middle colonies thev\\nwere employed as house servants or doing all kinds of\\nmenial work in the cities. In the southern colonies thev\\ntoiled in the fields in the cultivation of tobacco, indisro\\nami rice. In Connecticut only one or two slaves were\\nheld by one person, while in Maryland one wealthy\\nplanter owned thirteen hundred negroes, and one planter\\nin Virginia nine hundred slaves. The average number\\non each Carolina plantation was thirty. Each plantation\\nwas a community by itself. All the trades were repre-\\nsented. Part of the slaves were house servants; one\\nwas his master s coachman, another a blacksmith or a\\ncarpenter, and still others were held hands. The neoro\\nquarter was the collection of small, whitewashed cabins\\nwhere the slaves of the plantation lived. Here they\\ngathered after the day s work was over, told stories,\\nsang songs and watched their children at play. Thev\\nwere fond of music and delighted in brilliant colors.\\nThey were densely ignorant and superstitious. When\\nnight came on and groups gathered in the firelight, their\\neyes rolled in terror at the stories of witches, ghosts and\\ndevils. The great house, as the slaves called it, was\\nthe planter s home. This was a long and wide building,\\nwith large rooms and a spacious hallway in the center.\\nAround it were line driveways and acres of well-kept\\ngrounds, covered with stately oak trees which cast their\\ndeep shadows in the long summer of the South.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "OPINIONS OF THE FATHERS. 1 3\\nV. OPINIONS OF THE FATHERS.\\nIn 1775, over 400.000 slaves toiled in the tobacco, rice\\nand indigo fields of the South, but their hard lot had\\nbeen noticed, and from time to time sympathetic voices\\nhad been heard in their behalf. Though these voices of\\nfreedom were scattered far and wide, and heard only at\\nintervals, yet they were not raised in vain. They were\\nlike the prelude to some great piece of music, whose\\nfirst clear notes, dying away in silence, break at last into\\nthe full movement.\\nThe first recorded petition against slavery in the col-\\nonies was drawn up by some Quakers of Germantown,\\nPa., in 1688. They said it was not lawful to buy or\\nkeep slaves. This was onry six years after Philadelphia^\\nwas founded. William Penn held slaves, but in his will\\nmade them free at his death. In 1758 the Society of\\nFriends forbade any slave-buyer to sit in their meetings.\\nThrough the influence of the Quakers, thousands of\\nslaves were set free bv their masters. But the Friends\\nwere not the only religious body that spoke for freedom.\\nIn 1780 the Methodists, at their eighth conference,\\nvoted slave-keeping hurtful to society and contrary to\\nthe laws of God, man, and nature. Five years later\\nthe Methodist conferences of Virgini and North Caro-\\nlina asked the assemblies of those States to abolish\\nslavery. The first prominent abolitionist was Rev.\\nSamuel Hopkins, of Rhode Island. During the Revolu-\\ntion, he published an argument for abolition in the form\\nof a dialogue and dedicated it to Congress. Washington\\nspoke and wrote against slavery. His most intimate\\nfriend and neighbor, George Mason, spoke bitterly of\\nthe system. Patrick Henry poured out his scorn for the", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nwrong. Thomas Jefferson wrote, I tremble for my\\ncountry when I reflect that God is justice and that his\\njustice cannot sleep forever. Benjamin Franklin was\\npresident of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society. Richard\\nHenry Lee and Edmund Randolph desired freedom for\\nall slaves. James Madison said that the words slave\\nand slavery were not used in the national constitution\\nbecause the men who sat in the great convention of 1787\\nwould not admit that there could be property in human\\nbeings. Thus, everywhere and by everybody, slavery\\nwas looked upon as a wrong, and it was not long before\\nnumerous societies were formed to abolish slavery. The\\nfirst abolition society was organized in Pennsylvania in\\n1774, and Benjamin Franklin was elected its president.\\nJohn Jay was president of the New York Abolition\\nSociety. From 1774 to I 79 2 sucri societies had been\\nformed in Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New\\nJersey, Pennsylvania and Virginia, and during the same\\nperiod Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Vermont\\nhad abolished slavery and Delaware had forbidden the\\nslave-trade. In North Carolina there was a strong senti-\\nment against slavery, especially among the Quakers.\\nThus in every colony except South Carolina and Geor-\\ngia there was a rising tide of feeling against slavery.\\nVI. STATE LAWS: 1775-1785.\\nThis opposition to slavery showed itself most strongly\\nfrom 1775 to 1785. During this period South Carolina\\nraid Georgia gave no hope to the slave. North Carolina\\nlaid a tax of $25 on each negro imported. Virginia,\\nMaryland, Delaware and New Jersey had forbidden the\\nforeign slave trade. Pennsylvania, New York, Ver-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "ORDINANCE OF 1 787. 1 5\\nmont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Rhode Island\\n.had either abolished slavery outright or had passed laws\\nwhich gave freedom to every child born after the law\\nwas passed. When the Revolution came, each State,\\nexcept Connecticut and Rhode Island, adopted a new\\nconstitution, and in not a single constitution was slavery\\nlegallv established. The words slave or slavery\\nwere not even used in any one of the eleven new consti-\\ntutions, except in the constitution of Delaware, where\\nthese words were used to abolish the slave trade. Con-\\nnecticut and Rhode Island did not adopt new constitu-\\ntions, but they abolished both slavery and the slave trade.\\nThus, by 17S5, two states had done nothing for the\\nnegro, one had taxed the slave trade, four had forbidden\\nit, and six had passed laws for immediate or gradual\\nfreedom.\\nVII. THE ORDIXANXE OF 1787.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 was a law passed by Congress\\ncreating a government for, and forever forbidding slav-\\nery in, all the land owned by the United States north and\\nwest of the Ohio river. This law abolished slavery in\\nwhat is now the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wiscon-\\nsin and Michigan. Thus by a single law, a territory\\nalmost as large as England and France was set apart for\\nfreedom.\\nAt the close of the Revolution, three States, Virginia,\\nMassachusetts, and Connecticut, claimed this wist, un-\\nknown and forest-covered region. In 1784 Virginia and\\nMassachusetts gave up all claim to it, and sixteen years\\nlater Connecticut surrendered to the United States her\\nWestern Reserve. Thomas Jefferson carried to Con-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "1 6 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\ngress the Virginia deed of her claim. He urged Con-\\ngress to abolish slavery, not only in the northwest\\nterritoiy, but also in the southwest territory, and thus\\ngive to freedom all the land from the mountains to the\\nMississippi river. He wished to hem in slavery by the\\nocean and a strong chain of free States; but he lost bv\\nasking too much, and it was not until three years later,\\nwhen he was minister in France, that the question again\\ncame before Congress.\\nThe Ohio Company was started mainly by the efforts\\nof General Rufus Putnam and Benjamin Tupper. Put-\\nnam had been for some distance down the Ohio river\\nand had caught glimpses of that fertile soil which he\\nknew in time would support millions of people. He\\nwent back to New England and published glowing ac-\\ncounts of the country, and proposed that a company\\nshould be formed to secure lands for the Revolutionary\\nsoldiers. In 1786 delegates from eight counties in Massa-\\nchusetts met at Boston and heard Putnam and Tupper\\ndescribe the country and the plan of the company. The\\nresult was the formation of the Ohio Company. Put-\\nnam, Samuel Parsons and Manasseh Cutler were made\\ndirectors, and Cutler was sent to New York City, where\\nCongress then sat, to buy land for the Ohio Company.\\nCutler met many members of Congress and offered to\\nbuy 5,000,000 acres of land on condition that slavery\\nshould not be allowed in the territory. Congress was\\neager to sell the land and a bargain was quickly made.\\nThe result was the famous Ordinance of 1787. The\\nthree men who had most to do in securing the passage\\nof this great law of Congress were Thomas Jefferson,\\nRufus King and William Grayson. On the day that it\\npassed eight States were represented in Congress by", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "CONVENTION OF 1 787. 1 7\\neighteen delegates, and seventeen voted Aye. One\\nman from New York voted No. The law declared\\nthat There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary\\nservitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the pun-\\nishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been\\nduly convicted.\\nVIII. THE CONVENTION OF 1787.\\nWhile Congress at New York City was debating the\\nOrdinance of 1787, a far greater body of men at Phila-\\ndelphia was considering the Constitution of the United\\nStates. This convention consisted of delegates from\\ntwelve States and was held in Independence Hall, where\\nthe Declaration of Independence was signed. Washing-\\nton was president of the convention. Benjamin Frank-\\nlin, over eighty years of age, was there to give the bene-\\nfit of his long and varied experience in public affairs.\\nAlexander Hamilton, with a mind more brilliant and\\nconstructive than any other in that great assemblage,\\nleft his law practice in New York to attend the conven-\\ntion. Madison, one of the most careful and thoughtful\\nof men, was there. John Adams and Thomas Jefferson\\nwere absent as ambassadors in Europe. Sam. Adams\\nand Patrick Henry stood aloof, critical and suspicious.\\nSixtv-five delegates were elected to the convention, but\\nten of them never attended. Thirty-nine signed their\\nnames to the Constitution. Every State except Rhode\\nIsland was represented. The convention held almost\\ndaily sessions from May 25 to September 17. When the\\nConstitution was completed it was found that it con-\\ntained three important provisions relating to slavery.\\n2", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "l8 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nThe first was the clause providing for the return of\\nrunaway slaves. It declared that a slave escaping into\\na free State should not gain his freedom by any law of\\nthe free State, but should be returned to his owner.\\nThis clause was put into the Constitution mainly through\\nthe efforts of Pierce Butler, of South Carolina. Butler\\nseems to have been a sharp and persistent attorney in\\nthe interest of slavery. To carry out this provision,\\nCongress, in 1793, passed the first Fugitive Slave Law.\\nwhich gave the owner the legal right to enter a free\\nState in pursuit of his slave, bind him in chains and\\nreturn him into helpless, hopeless bondage. This law\\nwas at once put into operation. Under it a negro bov\\nin Massachusetts was arrested, and Josiah Quincy de-\\nfended him in court. Later Quincy said he heard a\\nnoise and, turning around, he saw the constable lying\\nsprawling on the floor and a passage opening through\\nthe crowd through which the fugitive was taking his\\ndeparture, without stopping to hear the opinion of the\\ncourt. This law was also used to capture the free\\nnegroes, who then numbered thousands in North Caro-\\nlina, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland. A brutal\\nslave driver would pretend ownership of a free negro,\\nchase him with bloodhounds through swamps and fields,\\nand when he was captured, sell him into slavery. By\\n1796 this kidnaping had become such a common occur-\\nrence that Delaware asked the government of the United\\nStates to stop it. The Quakers of North Carolina also\\nasked Congress to protect the liberty of one hundred\\nand thirty-four free negroes who had been kidnaped.\\nFour negroes of North Carolina petitioned Congress for\\nprotection. The free negroes of Philadelphia in 1799\\nasked Congress to stop kidnaping in Maryland and Penn-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "CONVENTION OF 1 787. 1 9\\nsylvania. A violent debate sprang up in Congress when\\nthese petitions were read. Jackson, of Georgia, said\\nthat property in slaves would be in danger if any extra\\nattention was given the petitions. Congress voted to\\ngive back to the North Carolina Quakers their petition.\\nOther petitions were not considered. Kidnaping contin-\\nued. The Fugitive Slave Law stood for fifty-seven\\nyears and produced a long history of outrages.\\nThe second provision of the Constitution relating to\\nslavery declared that Congress should not stop the slave-\\ntrade before 1808. All the States but South Carolina\\nand Georgia wished to put into the Constitution a clause\\nabolishing the trade at once. Charles Pinckney, of\\nSouth Carolina, plainly told the delegates from the other\\nStates that his State would not agree to the Constitu-\\ntion if it prohibited the slave-trade. No slave-trade,\\nno Union was the clear-cut statement of Rutledge and\\nPinckney. But with this difficulty arose another. The\\nNew England States wished to give Congress power to\\nregulate commerce. Before 1787, each State had con-\\ntrol of foreign commerce and there were as many sets\\nof rules and taxes on imported goods as there were\\nStates. This interfered very greatly with trade. New\\nEngland was largely interested in this foreign trade.\\nHer vessels plied constantly between Europe and\\nAmerica. Therefore New England, in order to increase\\nthe amount of trade, wished to give Congress the power\\nto regulate that trade. But the South was afraid New\\nEngland would soon get control of all the vessels run-\\nning between Europe and America, and would raise\\nthe freight rates on all goods shipped either way. Here\\nwas a chance for a bargain between the North and the\\nSouth. New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecti-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\ncut agreed to allow the slave-trade to run for twenty\\nyears, or until 1808, if Georgia and South Carolina\\nwould vote to give Congress power to regulate com-\\nmerce. The two slave States accepted, and for twentv\\nyears longer not a year went by that did not see hundreds\\nof negroes suffer the horrors of the Middle Passage.\\nThe third provision of the Constitution relating to\\nslavery declared that each State should be represented\\nin Congress according to its population, but that the\\npopulation should be found by adding to the whole num-\\nber of free persons three-fifths of all the slaves. This\\nalmost doubled the power of the South in Congress. In\\n1790, there were only 40,000 slaves in the States north\\nof Mason and Dixon s line, while south of that line there\\nwere over 650,000. The total number of representatives\\nin Congress was sixty-five, and out of this number the\\nsix southern States had thirty members of Congress.\\nThirteen of the thirty southern members represented\\nslaves who were not citizens and who could not vote.\\nThus one planter in the South had nearly twice as much\\npower in Congress as a farmer or merchant in the North.\\nBut this was not all. A very small number of wealthy\\nand aristocratic families held all the political power of\\nthe South. It was indeed a generous and noble aristoc-\\nracy. Its members prided themselves on their manhood,\\nbravery, kindness and hospitality. But these wealthy\\nfamilies ruled the South, and more than that, a few\\nthousand of these great planters were now given as much\\npower in Congress as 1,900,000 free persons at the\\nNorth. In the free States this was felt to be unfair; but\\nin order to form the Union, the North was forced to\\nagree to it, and for seventy years the South used with\\nvigor the advantage extorted by fear.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "MISSOURI COMPROMISE. 21\\nIX. DECLINE OF ANTI-SLAVERY SENTI-\\nMENT: 1790-1820.\\nFor thirty years following- the convention of 1787,\\nagitation of the slavery question gradually died out.\\nThis was due to several causes. The Constitution itself\\ncut off all hope. It clearly and strongly recognized\\nslavery as a fact. The rendition of fugitive slaves, the\\ncontinuance of the slave trade, and the representation of\\nslaves, were the three great conditions of Union. The\\nsecond bar to slavery agitation was the fact that the\\nbest intelligence of the country was directed to the\\norganization of the new government. Laws had to be\\nmade, courts established, numerous departments set in\\noperation, an army and a navy formed, debts paid, a\\nrevenue system adopted, a rebellion put down, and vari-\\nous other domestic and foreign questions settled. Hardly\\nwas the new government well under way when a series\\nof foreign questions absorbed public attention, and soon\\nled to war. Public attention to this new danger, and to\\nthe questions to which it gave rise, allowed no room for\\nslavery agitation. The formation of two great political\\nparties during the first thirty years of the Union also pre-\\nvented such agitation. Political intrigue and partisanship,\\ncaucus and campaign held the close attention of thousands\\nof men besides such leaders as Jefferson and Hamilton.\\nThus the Constitution, the organization of the new gov-\\nernment, the formation of parties, and foreign war\\nopposed the rise of anti-slavery sentiment.\\nX. THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE: 1820.\\nThe Missouri Compromise was a law passed by Con-\\ngress and signed by the President, prohibiting slavery\\nin all the territory north of the southern boundary of Mis-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "2 2 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nsouri and west of the Mississippi river, except Missouri,\\nwhich was admitted as a slave State. About the same\\ntime Maine was admitted as a free State to balance the\\nadmission of Missouri as a slave State, t or the sake of\\npeace and Union, the North voted to spread slavery\\nover a vast and fertile country and the South voted for\\nfreedom over a yet greater and richer domain. For the\\nsake of the great republic, the North voted for what it\\nthought was a moral wrong and the South gave up what\\nit thought was a clear legal right. The North violated\\nits conscience and the South sacrificed the rights of a\\nbrave and proud people. Both sides were honest, and\\nboth laid their sacrifice on the altar of the Union.\\nThe North and the South, in 1820, differed in resources\\nand in power. There were then eleven free and eleven\\nslave States. Mason and Dixon s line and the Ohio\\nriver divided the two sections. North of this line there\\nwas a population of over 5,000,000 and south of it were\\nover 4,500,000 persons, of whom 1,500,000 were slaves.\\nBy the three-fifths rule the slaves counted for nearly\\n1,000,000 and sent twenty-six representatives to Congress.\\nThe North sent 133 and the South 90 representatives\\nto the lower house of Congress. The two sections were\\nequal in the Senate and a southern slaveholder was Presi-\\ndent. The North manufactured more than $4,000,000\\nworth of cotton goods, while the South manufactured\\nless than $1,000,000 worth of cotton. Most of the in-\\nventions and machinery were produced and used at the\\nNorth. Most of the tools and farming implements of\\nthe South were home-made and rude. For more than\\na thousand miles, from eastern Massachusetts to west-\\nern Illinois, farm and factory, mine and manufactory\\nmade the North a hive of industry; while from eastern", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "MISSOURI COMPROMISE. 23\\nVirginia to western Louisiana stretched a thousand miles\\nof tobacco and cotton plantations, worked by slaves and\\nsupporting a white population.\\nThese were the two sections that squarely faced each\\nother on the question of slavery in Missouri. The con-\\ntest took place at the Capitol in Washington. At the\\noutset the South had the advantage. The President and\\na majority of his cabinet were slave-holders. The Senate\\nwas strongly for the South, and most of the ablest men of\\nthe nation Jefferson, Madison, Clay and Calhoun\\nwere in favor of slavery in Missouri.\\nThe bill to admit Missouri came before Congress in\\nFebruary, 1819. Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, moved\\nthat no more slaves be allowed to enter Missouri, and that\\nall slaves in that Territory should be free at the age of\\ntwenty-five years. This was the famous Tallmadge\\nAmendment. It passed the House, but the Senate\\nvoted against it. Mr. Scott, of Missouri, said the Tall-\\nmadge Amendment was big with the fate of Caesar\\nand of Rome. Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, said that if the\\nNorth persisted in that amendment the Union would be\\ndissolved and that they were kindling a fire which all\\nthe waters of the ocean could not extinguish. It could\\nbe extinguished only in blood. Tallmadge replied:\\nIf a dissolution of the Union must take place, let it be\\nso! If a civil war, which gentlemen so much threaten,\\nmust come, I can only say, let it come.\\nDuring the summer of 1819, Congress adjourned and\\nthe Missouri question was taken before the people.\\nGreat excitement prevailed. Large public meetings\\nwere held in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Trenton\\nand Baltimore, and sent strong protests to Congress\\nagainst allowing slavery in Missouri. Daniel Webster", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "24 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nwrote a noble protest against extending slavery. The\\nlegislatures of six northern States protested against ex-\\ntending slavery in the Territories. The newspapers made\\nthe North a unit on the question. Nor was the South\\nless united. Jefferson said that the strife fell on his ear\\nlike a fire-bell in the night, but that The question is\\na mere part} trick to give the Federalists control of\\nthe North. The Federalist party, being unpopular for\\nhaving opposed the War of 1812, and needing a new and\\npopular political war cry, chose the battle cry of free-\\ndom. The South believed it was a party trick and not\\nthe sincere sentiment of the North towards slavery. The\\ntruth is that party politics did influence the northern\\npoliticians, but beneath this surface fact lay the innate\\nand deep-seated antagonism between freedom and\\nslavery.\\nIn the winter of 1819-20 the question again came be-\\nfore Congress. Both sides brought great determination\\nand ability to the contest. During the debate, Mr. Rug-\\ngles, of Ohio, said: The people of Missouri fifty years\\nhence will trace, not to a British king, not to a corrupt\\nBritish Parliament, but to Congress the evils of slavery. 1\\nMr. Cook, of Illinois, said: Unless she comes in the\\nwhite robes of freedom and a pledge against the further\\nevils of slaven with my consent she will not be admit-\\nted. John Tyler replied: Rail at slavery as much\\nas you please, I point you to the Constitution and say to\\nyou that you have not only acknowledged our right to\\nthis species of property, but you have gone much fur-\\nther, and have bound yourselves to rivet the chains of\\nthe slave. Clay s clarion voice rang out for slavery,\\nand once he whispered to a member that within five\\nyears the Union would break up into three confedera-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "MISSOURI COMPROMISE. 25\\ncies North, South, and West. During this debate the\\nHouse sat in what is now Statuary Hall. Between\\nthe lofty columns hung crimson curtains. Over the\\nSpeaker s chair was a canopy of crimson silk. Chairs\\nand desks were arranged to seat one hundred and eighty-\\nseven members of the House. Here for months north-\\nern members spoke for freedom and southern planters\\nurged the rights of property under the Constitution.\\nOne day when the House was in session the clanking\\nof chains and the crack of a whip was heard outside and\\nseveral members ran to the window and saw a villainous\\nlooking slave driver with a gang of fifteen negroes going\\nw est on Capitol hill. The slaves were handcuffed and\\nchained to each other, and the women and children were\\nplaced at the rear of the procession. At another time,\\na black face in the gallery alarmed the southern mem-\\nbers and debate was stopped till the listening negro was\\nremoved. But the great debate took place just across\\nthe rotunda of the Capitol in the Senate chamber. There\\nRufus King, of New York, made the best and strongest\\nspeech for the North. For forty years he* had held high\\npositions in the government, had been minister to Eng-\\nland, had declined Washington s invitation to be Secre-\\ntary of State, had sat in the great convention of 1787,\\nand now represented the Empire State in the Senate.\\nHis manner was courtly and dignified, his language\\nexact and pure. John Quincy Adams, who heard him,\\nsaid that during his speech the great slave-holders\\ngnawed their lips and clenched their lists. The South put\\nforward their greatest orator in the person of William\\nPinkney, of Maryland. He, too, had held the highest\\npublic offices. He had been attorney-general of Maryland,\\nrepresentative in the lower house of Congress, attorney-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "l6 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\ngeneral of the United States, minister to several Euro-\\npean countries, and was perhaps the ablest lawyer of the\\nUnited States. He loved the law, and his one ambition\\nwas to be the finest of orators. He answered Rufus\\nKing. On the day that he spoke, members of the cabi-\\nnet came to the Senate. The House of Representatives\\nwent to hear him. Foreign diplomats crowded to hear\\nthe orator who was said to rival the great Burke in\\nwealth of imagery and eloquence.\\nMore than a hundred ladies were on the floor of the\\nSenate. He appeared in faultless dress, wearing tinted\\ngloves and elaborate ruffles, as the style then ran. His\\nspeech had long been prepared, but it appeared to\\nspring full armed from his brain as he stood the center\\nand delight of that great assemblage. His gorgeous\\ndisplay of eloquence more than satisfied his brilliant\\naudience.\\nThe South controlled the Senate, and the North the\\nHouse. Neither would yield in full to the other; and\\nso Jesse B. Thomas, a senator from Illinois, proposed\\nthe compromise line of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 He, and not Clay, was\\nthe real author of the Missouri Compromise of 1820.\\nNorth of the compromise line, slavery, except in Mis-\\nsouri, was not allowed. South of that line slavery was\\npermitted.\\nThe long contest over Missouri seemed ended. Maine\\nwas at once admitted into the Union and Missouri was\\ndirected to form a constitution. The people of Missouri,\\nangry at the long delay, adopted a constitution which\\nforever forbade her legislature to interfere with slavery\\nand which prohibited free negroes from entering the\\nState. The North broke forth in wrath at such a con-\\nstitution and vowed never to admit such a State into the", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "NULLIFICATION. 2\\nUnion. The South accused the North of bad faith in\\nsecuring the admission of Maine and then keeping Mis-\\nsouri out. There were loud threats of disunion, but\\nClay brought forward a second compromise which pro-\\nvided that Missouri should be admitted on condition that\\nit would never enforce the constitution concerning free\\nnegroes. Missouri accepted and was admitted as a slave\\nState in 1821.\\nXL THE BALANCE OF POWER.\\nFor thirty years before the Missouri Compromise the\\nSouth was alwa s watchful to balance slave territory\\nagainst free territory. While all the northwest territory\\nwas given to freedom, every foot of land south of the\\nOhio river was given to slavery. To keep the North\\nand South equal in the Senate, the States were admitted\\nin pairs: Kentucky and Vermont, Tennessee and Ohio,\\nLouisiana and Indiana, Mississippi and Illinois, Missouri\\nand Maine. These States were not admitted together\\nin point of time, but the balance of power was clearly\\nrecognized. An extra Southern State was admitted, and\\nin 1821 there were twelve slave States and twelve free\\nStates.\\nXII. NULLIFICATION: 1798-1832.\\nFor ten years after the Missouri Compromise the be-\\nlief spread rapidly in the South that the duties on\\nimported goods benefited the North and injured the\\nSouth. The slave States, manufacturing very little,\\nwere yet compelled to pay heavy taxes on all imported\\narticles. Slave labor produced immense quantities of\\ncotton, tobacco and rice, and the undoubted interest of", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "28 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nthe South was a free trade with Europe. South Caro-\\nlina well represented that interest. From that State\\nalone was sent more than one-fourth of all the exports\\nfrom southern fields. In 1832 South Carolina passed an\\nOrdinance of Nullification which declared the tariff laws\\nnull, void, and no law, not binding upon this State, its\\nofficers or citizens.\\nNullification was not a new idea in 1832. One day, in\\nthe autumn of 1798, Thomas Jefferson, William Nicholas\\nand George Nicholas were talking about the famous\\nAlien and Sedition laws lately passed by Congress.\\nTefferson wished Virginia and Kentucky to join in a\\nstrong protest against the objectionable laws. He got\\nfrom the two brothers a solemn pledge of secrecy and then\\nwrote the Resolutions of 98. George Nicholas pre-\\nsented them to the legislature of Kentucky. Jefferson\\nsent a copy of them to Madison, who then sat in the leg-\\nislature of Virginia. Both States adopted the Resolu-\\ntions, which declared that the Alien and Sedition laws\\nwere not law, void, and of no effect, and that\\nthe Constitution was a compact. The main purpose of\\nthe Resolutions was to make a united and vigorous\\nappeal to public opinion against bad laws. Nullification\\nin 1798 meant at once a protest and an appeal and not\\nsecession. Jefferson and his friends had no thought of\\ndisunion. The governors of Kentucky and Virginia sent\\ncopies of the Resolutions to the various States. The\\nfive New England States with New Jersey and Dela-\\nware sent back a prompt and strong dissent from nulli-\\nfication. Virginia built a new armory, laid new war\\ntaxes and drilled her militia; but, as not a single State\\nhad returned a favorable answer, Kentucky and Virginia,\\nin 1799, saw fit to declare that disunion was not meant^", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "NULLIFICATION. 20,\\nthat only a protest had been made, and that love of the\\nUnion was strong in the two States.\\nThe feeling of disunion next appeared in New England\\nitself. For months in 1804, the political leaders there\\nplotted for disunion. Four causes led to this: The\\ngovernment of the United States had bought Louisiana;\\nhad reduced the army to a handful had almost ruined\\nthe navy, and New England was nearly powerless in\\npublic affairs. Massachusetts complained that the South\\nhad 850,000 slaves, represented by fifteen votes in Con-\\ngress, and that if new States from the Louisiana Ter-\\nritory were admitted, the South would surely control\\nthe Union. Timothy Pickering, Aaron Burr and other\\nleaders advocated a new Union of the free States with\\nNew Brunswick and with Nova Scotia. But the people\\nwould not support their leaders and the plan of disunion\\nfailed.\\nLack of attachment to the Union next showed itself\\nwest of the mountains. In 1804, after his duel with\\nHamilton, Burr fled to Philadelphia, where he proposed\\nto the British minister to break up the Union if England\\nwould furnish money and arms to the Western men.\\nFrom Philadelphia he went by way of the ocean to\\nGeorgia, thence across the State to South Carolina and\\nback to Washington. Here General Wilkinson intro-\\nduced him to many leading men from Kentucky and\\nLouisiana. About this time, the plan to break up the\\nUnion was told to the French minister and shortly after-\\nwards Burr went west to Pittsburg, down the Ohio to\\nBlennerhasset s beautiful island home, and then south-\\nwest through the leading towns of Kentucky and Ten-\\nnessee to New Orleans. Burr talked with Andrew\\nJackson, Henry Clay and all the prominent men and", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "30 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nreported that the West was ready for separation but\\nwhen President Jefferson sent swift officers over the\\nmountains to arrest him and had him tried for treason,\\nthe entire plan of a Mississippi valley republic was\\ndropped.\\nNullification next appeared in New England in 1814.\\nThe people of that section had for years been dissatisfied\\nwith the general government and for two years had\\nsternly opposed the war with England. The Massachu-\\nsetts legislature called the Constitution a compact, de-\\nclared for nullification, and voted to raise $1,000,000 for\\na State army of 10,000 men. Delegates from Massa-\\nchusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut met in conven-\\ntion at Hartford, and, after a session of three weeks,\\nvoted that the national government should not be per-\\nmitted to retain the tariff duties collected in New Eng-\\nland. Behind this demand was the distinct intention to\\nbreak up the Union. To give way to this demand was\\nto bankrupt the government, and to refuse was to bring\\ncertain disunion. Fortunately the brilliant victory won\\nby General Jackson at New Orleans and the close of the\\nwar gave the people new confidence in the Union, and\\nthe sentiment of secession not only rapidly disappeared,\\nbut became a reproach and a byword to those who had\\nheld it.\\nThe last, and by far the greatest, attempt at nullifica-\\ntion was made by South Carolina in 1832. Several facts\\nled to this bold attack on the Union. In 1824 the North\\nand West combined to pass a tariff law which was\\nstrongly opposed by the entire South. Webster him-\\nself opposed it, and John Randolph threatened resistance\\nby force. Three years later, Robert Turnbull, of South\\nCarolina, published thirty-one essays on the Crisis,", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "NULLIFICATION. 3 1\\nand advocated secession if justice was not done to the\\nSouth with respect to the tariff laws and to slavery. He,\\nand not Calhoun, was the real author of nullification in\\nSouth Carolina. In 1828, Congress passed a law still\\nmore offensive to the South, called the Tariff of Abom-\\ninations. Five States at once protested against the law.\\nA large mass meeting in South Carolina resolved against\\nany further trade with the West and the North. Turn-\\nbull now actively urged nullification and the new doc-\\ntrine grew in favor at the South.\\nThe great debate between the North and the South\\non the question of nullification took place in the Senate\\nchamber at Washington in 1830. On that memorable\\ntwenty-sixth of January, every part of the room was\\ndensely crowded with senators, various public officers\\nand visitors. Many members of the House were pres-\\nent. John C. Calhoun was president of the Senate.\\nSeveral Southern men were grouped together for mutual\\nsupport. A number of Massachusetts men stood in one\\npart of the chamber, confident in the patriotism and\\npower of their great senator. Webster spoke for the\\nNorth, Hayne of South Carolina for the South. Hayne\\nwas a man of fine and lofty character, courteous, frank\\nand sincere. He ranked high as a lawyer and an orator.\\nWebster s very look expressed force and power. His\\nabundant black hair, the superb, crag-like brow, the\\ndark, piercing, deep-set eyes and the firm lines of the\\nmassive face marked him as a great antagonist. 1 lavne,\\nwith clear statement and persuasive oratory, had said that\\na State could nullify a law of Congress and that the\\nConstitution was nothing but a compact or a contract.\\nWebster denied the power of peaceable nullification and\\nasserted that the Constitution was a great charter of", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "32 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\ngovernment, made for the people, made by the people,\\nand answerable to the people. He showed that nulli-\\nfication would make the Union the servant of four-and-\\ntwenty masters, of different wills and different purposes,\\nand yet bound to obey all. His speech was a great\\nplea for the power and continuance of the Union. He\\ntook the vague and unformed sentiment of nationality\\nand breathed into it the breath of life. His speech was\\nlike an amendment to the Constitution.\\nBut the nullifiers were not dismayed. Shortly\\nafter the debate in the Senate, they planned to win\\nPresident Jackson to their side. He was invited to a\\nbanquet in memory of Jefferson and was asked to deliver\\nan address. He astonished the nullifiers by the toast\\nwhich he gave The Federal Union, it must be pre-\\nserved, and he spoke strongly for the Union. On\\nJuly 4, 183 1, the States Rights party held a great cele-\\nbration in Charleston, South Carolina. A huge build-\\ning in the form of a pentagon, and seating 12,000 peo-\\nple, had been r erected for the occasion. Festoons of\\nflowers and evergreens decorated the interior, and with-\\nout were planted pine, hickory and palmetto trees. The\\nladies of the city^ also gave a beautiful banner. Hayne\\ndelivered the oration. In the same city and on the same\\nday, a Union meeting was held. Several thousand per-\\nsons, with waving banners and bands of music, marched\\nin procession to a church, where speeches for the Union\\nwere made and where Washington s Farewell Address\\nwas read. President Jackson sent down a special letter\\nwhich expressed his love for the Union. Dinner was\\nserved in a great building fifty feet wide and one hun-\\ndred and fifty feet long. Festoons of flowers and ever-\\ngreens within, and trees without, also adorned the", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "NULLIFICATION. 33\\nstructure. Three full-rigged vessels were placed over\\nthe front of the building. Above the archway were the\\nwords Don t give up the ship.\\nIn November, 1832, 162 delegates met in convention\\nin South Carolina and declared certain tarifflaws null,\\nvoid, and no law. The State armed and drilled 20,000\\nmen and built arsenals and depots for supplies. In\\nDecember of the same year, President Jackson issued a\\nproclamation to the rebellious State in which he denied\\nthe power of nullification, and warned South Carolina to\\nyield. Hayne, who was now governor of that State,issued\\na proclamation defying the President. Calhoun took\\nHayne s place in the Senate of the United States to de-\\nfend nullification. The President now asked Congress\\nfor extra power to enforce the tariff laws. This was\\ngranted by the Force Bill, which became a law in\\nMarch, 1833. In the meantime, Henry Clay proposed\\nand secured the passage of a new tariff law which was\\nacceptable to the South. In view of the firm stand of\\nthe President and of the compromise by Clay, South\\nCarolina yielded, and repealed her ordinance of nulli-\\nfication.\\nThe general result of the whole controversy was a vic-\\ntory for the Union. As a protest against unpopular laws,\\nnullification had succeeded; as a principle, it had failed.\\nIt never afterwards was used even as a form of protest;\\nbut the doctrines behind it that the Constitution is a\\ncompact and that each State is sovereign spread\\nthroughout the entire South until the opening of the\\nCivil War.\\n3", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "34 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nXIII. OLD NAT S WAR: 1831.\\nIn 1831, a band of negroes in Virginia, under the lead\\nof Nat Turner, rose against their masters, murdered\\nfifty-five persons and became the terror of the whole\\nState. Turner was born in 1800 and was owned by a\\nwealthy planter. In 1830, his master hired him out to\\na wealthy planter named Joseph Travis, who treated the\\nslave well. But Nat was not content to be a slave and\\nsoon ran away. He had early learned to read and write\\nand also became deeply religious. He had a vivid vision\\nof a great combat between white spirits and black spirits\\nfar up in the sky. He thought himself a prophet and\\nbelieved God had given him a mission to free the\\nnegroes. He avoided a crowd, was dreamy and never\\nlaughed. He was below the usual height, feeble in\\nbody, with thin hair, flat nose, and had a shrewd ex-\\npression.\\nAn eclipse in 1831 seemed to Turner a visible sign\\nfrom Heaven to fulfill his mission. He held a secret\\nmeeting with five other negroes and they agreed to spare\\nneither age nor sex. The band soon numbered over\\nsixty, making a raid of about twenty miles through\\nSouthampton county and murdering fifty-five white per-\\nsons. Swift companies of white men quickly formed\\nand the whole southeastern part of Virginia was in\\narms. A reward of $1,100 was offered for Turner s\\ncapture. For six weeks he lay hid under a pile of rails,\\nbut was at last caught. He and twelve other negroes\\nwere tried, convicted and hung. This murderous raid\\nsent a thrill of terror into every Southern home. Nu-\\nmerous plots in other parts of the South were also\\nreported, and every planter felt that Southern society", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "THE ABOLITIONISTS. 35\\nrested on a volcano. Virginia passed severe laws against\\nthe negroes, forbade their meetings and ordered the ar-\\nrest of their preachers.\\nThis terrible fear explains in part why the South so\\nbitterly opposed all the efforts of the Northern abolition-\\nists. In 1S35, President Jackson asked Congress to close\\nthe mails to all papers, pamphlets and books which\\nmight lead to slave insurrection. John C. Calhoun in-\\ntroduced such a bill in the Senate, where it was lost by\\nonly six votes. The mail bags were broken open in\\nSouth Carolina and a bonfire was made of the abolition\\ndocuments. Petitions to Congress on the subject of\\nshivery met with violent opposition. Ex-President John\\nQuiney Adams presented to the House hundreds of\\npetitions against slavery. One day he presented 511,\\nrepresenting 300,000 persons at the North. The whole\\nHouse was in an uproar. Cries of Censure him!\\nk Exoel him! arose. After three days of passionate de-\\nbate and violent abuse, Adams got the floor and made a\\ngreat speech for the right of petition. But the House\\nadopted the Atherton gag rule, which provided that\\nall petitions be laid on the table without being debated,\\nprinted or referred. This rule held from 1836 to 1844.\\nXIV. THE ABOLITIONISTS: 1830-1840.\\nThe first leading abolitionist was Benjamin Lundy.\\nFrom 1820 to 1830 he traveled over 25,000 miles, 5,000\\nmiles afoot, gave hundreds of addresses, and visited nine-\\nteen States, Canada, Hayti, Texas and Mexico. He\\norganized many abolition societies and published a paper\\ncalled The Genius of Universal Emancipation. By\\nhis efforts the first national abolition convention was held", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "36 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nat Baltimore in 1826. He died in 1839, after having given\\nnearly his whole life to free the slaves.\\nOf all the abolitionists, none stands out more clearly\\nthan William Lloyd Garrison. In 1830 he was tried and\\nconvicted in Baltimore for publishing an article on slav-\\nery. He was sentenced to pay a fine of $50, and not\\nbeing able to do so was lodged in jail for seven weeks.\\nWhile in prison he wrote a fierce letter against slavery.\\nAfter leaving Baltimore he gave several lectures on his\\nway from Philadelphia to Boston. At this city, on Jan-\\nuarv 1, 1831, he issued the Liberator, the most remark-\\nable paper ever published in the United States. On its\\nvery front sheet was the picture of an auction where\\nslaves, horses and other cattle were offered for sale,\\nand near this was seen a whipping post at which a slave\\nwas being flogged. In the background was the Capitol\\nat Washington with the flag unfurled above the dome.\\nIn the first issue of the Liberator he wrote: I will be\\nas harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice.\\nI am in earnest. I will not equivocate I will\\nnot excuse, I will not retreat a single inch, and I will be\\nheard. In 1835 at a meeting held by some abolition-\\nists in Boston, a mob seized him, put a rope around his\\nbody, dragged him through the streets, and would have\\ntaken his life had not the mayor rescued him and placed\\nhim in jail for protection. When President Tvler visited\\nBoston, Garrison published two addresses. In one he\\nasked the President to free his slaves. In the other he\\naddressed the slaves of the South as follows: If you\\ncome to us and are hungry, we will feed you: if thirsty,\\nwe will give you drink; if naked, we will clothe you;\\nif sick, will administer to your necessities; if in prison,\\nwe will visit you; if you will need a hiding place from", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE ABOLITIONISTS. 37\\nthe face of the pursuer, we will provide one that even\\nblood-hounds will not search out.\\nThe Liberator had a small circulation, but it roused\\nthe wrath of every Southern planter. South Carolina\\noffered a reward of $1,500 to convict any person found\\ncirculating the Liberator in that State. Nor was this\\npaper without effect at the North. Nine years after the\\nfirst issue, there were 2,000 abolition societies with 200,000\\nmembers enrolled.\\nWhile Garrison was stirring the South to its center,\\nElijah P. Lovejoy, at Alton, Illinois, paid with his life\\nhis devotion to the cause of abolition. Lovejoy was\\nborn in Maine and graduated from a small college in\\nthat State. In 1826 he went to St. Louis, Missouri, as\\na teacher, but soon became the editor of a religious\\npaper. Later he removed to Alton, Illinois. While he\\nwas here a case in the courts aroused his indignation.\\nA negro had aided two quarreling sailors to escape from\\nan officer. For this the negro was arrested, and on be-\\ning told that his punishment would be five years in\\nprison, he broke away from the officers and stabbed one\\nof them fatally. He was recaptured, but was taken\\nfrom the jail by a mob and slowly burned to death\\nat the stake. For twenty minutes the flames coiled and\\nhissed about him and he died after the most frightful\\nagony. Judge Lawless told the grand jury to do nothing\\nwith the murderers. Lovejoy in his paper commented\\nseverely on the heartless judge. A public meeting was\\nsoon called to stop the further issues of Lovejoy s paper.\\nTo the surprise of the crowd, Lovejoy appeared at the\\nmeeting. He told them that his conscience would not\\nlet him stop in his course and that he spoke only for", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "j8 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\ntruth and justice. His speech made a great impression,\\nbut it was not lasting;.\\nAbout this time he ordered a new printing press, and\\nit reached Alton in the morning of November 7. 1837.\\nThe mob blew horns to notify all that it had come. At\\nten o clock in the evening, about thirty men came out of\\na saloon, went to the printing office and demanded the\\npress. Lovejoy, with seven others within the building,\\nrefused. The mob then threw stones through the win-\\ndows, and both sides fired shots. Soon was heard the\\ncry, Burn them out! and a ladder was brought for\\nthat purpose. Lovejoy now came out of the building\\nand was at once shot and killed. The mob then broke\\nthe press in pieces and threw the type and fragments\\ninto the Mississippi river. The next day the body of\\nLovejoy was borne home with scoffing to his wife and\\nchildren. He lies buried on a bluff overlooking- the great\\nriver.\\nNews of this tragedy soon traveled over the North.\\nW. E. Channing, the noted minister of Boston, together\\nwith one hundred other citizens, called a meetin at Faneuil\\nHall on December 8, 1837. A great audience was present.\\nJames T. Austin, the attorney-general of Massachusetts,\\nspoke and said that Lovejoy died as the fool dieth.\\nWendell Phillips sat in that audience. He was unknown,\\nbut he quickly stepped to the platform and with flashing-\\neye and intense force he said of Austin, for the senti-\\nments he has uttered, on soil consecrated bv the prayers\\nof the Puritans and the blood of patriots, the earth\\nshould have yawned and swallowed him up. He then\\nfollowed with a speech which placed him in the front\\nrank of American orators.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE LIBERTY PARTY. 39\\nThe abolitionists were very active all through the\\nNorth from 1830 to 1840. By 1840 there were over\\n2,000 abolition societies and 200,000 members. Thou-\\nsands of speeches were made and millions of documents\\nsent through the mails for the cause of abolition. Lowell\\nand Whittier wrote poems for the new cause. Emerson\\nsaid the abolitionists might be wrong-headed, but\\nthey were wrong-headed in the right direction. But\\nactive as they were, they formed only a small part of\\nthe population. Not one man in ten was an abolitionist.\\nAt first they were hated and despised. Nearly all\\nclasses of society were against them. They were re-\\ngarded as fanatics and disturbers of the peace. Churches\\nand halls were refused them. Mobs broke in on their\\nmeetings and stoned their speakers. But gradually the\\ntide turned. The high character and purpose of the\\nabolitionists compelled a respectful hearing, and with this\\nhearing thousands of new abolitionists sprang up.\\nXV. THE LIBERTY PARTY: 1840-1843.\\nOut of all this agitation by the abolitionists arose a\\nnew political party. In 1840 the anti-slavery men held\\na national convention in New York to form the Liberty\\nParty, and delegates were present from all the New\\nEngland States, together with New York, New Jersey,\\nPennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana. The convention voted\\nto nominate a President and Vice-President and urged\\nall members to vote for township, county and State of-\\nficers who were pledged against slavery. The new\\nparty cast only 6,784 votes for James G. Birney in 1840.\\nBut there were in fact 70,000 abolitionists then in the\\nNorth. Nine-tenths of these did not vote for their party", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "40 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\non account of disagreement as to the methods and prin-\\nciples. During the next three years, the various factions\\nin the Liberty Party settled their differences, and in\\n1843 a thousand delegates, representing every free\\nState except New Hampshire, met in convention at\\nBuffalo, New York, and nominated James G. Birney for\\nPresident. He received over 62,000 votes. In no State\\ndid the abolitionists number more than one-tenth of the\\nvoters. But the noteworthy fact of the campaign of\\n1844 was that the Liberty Party threw the election into\\nthe hands of the Democrats, who had openly declared\\nfor more slave territory. This result was brought about\\nin the State of New York, where Polk had received\\nonly 5,000 more votes than Clay. In that State the\\nLiberty Party had received 15,000 votes and these were\\ndrawn largely from the Whig Party. This result\\nbrought forth a storm of indignation from the Whigs, and\\nthe Liberty Party soon disbanded.\\nXVI. THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.\\nIn 182 1 the Spanish colonists of Mexico separated\\ntheir country from Spain and three years later set up a\\nrepublican form of government. Texas was one of the\\nStates of Mexico and had a mixed and scattered popu-\\nlation of Spaniards, Indians and Americans. In 1830\\nthe President of Mexico issued his decree that further\\nimmigration from the United States should stop, that\\nconvicts from the prisons of Mexico should be settled in\\nTexas, and that heavy taxes should be paid to the Mexi-\\ncan government. With scarcely 2,000 able-bodied men,\\nTexas at once revolted and in 1833 adopted a constitu-\\ntion of its own. Three years later Mexico tried to set", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. 41\\naside the Texan self-government, but the people again\\nrebelled and declared their independence on March 2,\\n1836. The next year the United States, France, Eng-\\nland and Belgium recognized the new republic of Texas.\\nIn 1836 the total population of Texas was only 100,000,\\nand but 3,370 votes were cast that year for officers of\\nthe government. The army had but 2,200 men, and the\\nnavy consisted of four vessels carrying twenty-nine can-\\nnons. The money was nearly worthless, there were no\\nroads, no post-offices, no jails, no courts.\\nBut with all these disadvantages the bold Texan ran-\\ngers were more than a match for the Mexican soldiers\\nsent against them. Under the brilliant leadership of\\nSam. Houston their independence was maintained for\\nyears. General Sam. Houston was a man after Jack-\\nson s own heart. He was born in Virginia but removed\\nto Tennessee. Before he was thirty-five he was repre-\\nsentative in Congress and governor of the State. On\\naccount of home troubles he resigned the governorship,\\nfled to the Indians, adopted their habits, became a chief,\\nand roamed for three years with them on the Western\\nplains. He joined the Texans in their struggle for in-\\ndependence, became their general, was elected President\\nof the new republic, and when Texas sought admission\\nto the United States he appeared in the Capitol at\\nWashington, bearing in his hand the gift of his great\\nSlate.\\nTexas had no wish be a free and independent nation.\\nBands of settlers from Louisiana and Mississippi had\\ngone into Texas and the sentiment was strongly in favor\\nof admission into the Union. A Texas envoy had urged\\nPresident Van Buren to declare annexation, but fearing\\nopposition the President refused. Soon afterwards the", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "J.2 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nSenate voted against annexation. In 1837 Webster\\nvoiced the opinion at the North in opposition to the ad-\\nmission of Texas. For six years the question slept, but\\nSouthern men were determined to add Texas to the\\nslave area of the Union. In the summer of 1843 the\\nintrigue for annexation was in full progress. President\\nTyler was in favor of the plan. Andrew Jackson used\\nhis wide influence for it. The legislatures of Tennessee,\\nAlabama and Mississippi declared for annexation. In\\nMarch, 1844, John C. Calhoun was made Secretary of\\nState, and by his management the plan moved forward\\nby leaps and bounds. In April he promised the army\\nand navy of the United States to aid Texas against\\nMexico. In the same month he sent a treaty of annexa-\\ntion to the Senate, which voted against the admission of\\nTexas. The question was at once thrown into the presi-\\ndential campaign of 1844.\\nXVII. THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION OF\\n1844.\\nThe Whig national convention met at Baltimore on\\nMay I. Thousands were present and Henry Clay was\\nnominated for President by acclamation. In April he\\nhad written a letter against annexation. As the cam-\\npaign went on he became alarmed. He was surrounded\\nby Southern men who wished more slave territory. In\\nAugust he wrote his famous Alabama letter, in which\\nhe stated that he wished to annex Texas upon just and\\nfair terms, and that the subject of slavery ought not to\\naffect the question one way or the other. This offended\\nthe Northern Whigs and defeated him. That letter\\ndrove enough Whigs into the Liberty Party in New", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 43\\nYork to carry the State for the Democratic Party, and\\non New York hinged the election for President.\\nThe Democratic national convention met at Baltimore\\non May 27. It boldly declared for the re-annexation\\nof Texas at the earliest practicable period and Polk\\nwas nominated for President. After the election, the\\nDemocrats claimed that the people had declared for an-\\nnexation, and Congress, at its next session in December,\\n1845, admitted Texas as a State.\\nXVIII. THE WAR WITH MEXICO: 1846-1848.\\nA boundary line between Texas and Mexico was at\\nonce the subject of dispute. The United States claimed\\nall the land to the Rio Grande, and Mexico held that the\\nNueces river was the rightful boundary. Texas had,\\nindeed, claimed this strip, but the claim was only asserted\\nand never established. Garret Davis, of Kentucky,\\nsaid in the House at Washington in 1846, that No\\nTexan magistrate was ever seen, no Texan law was\\never obeyed, no Texan jurisdiction was ever asserted, no\\nTexan rule in any form, in this extent of territory, was\\nknown. All was Mexican from the beginning. Presi-\\ndent Polk threw 4,000 troops into the disputed territory.\\nA Mexican army crossed the Rio Grande and de-\\nmanded the withdrawal of the American troops. In\\nApril, 1846, sixty-three dragoons of the United States\\narmy were attacked by a larger force of Mexican troops\\nand seventeen Americans were killed and wounded and\\nthe others forced to surrender. Swift messengers car-\\nried the news to Washington, and on May 11, 1846,\\nPresident Polk sent to Congress a message in which he\\nstated, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "44\\nFREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nStates and shed American blood upon\\nAmerican soil. War exists, and exists by the act of\\nMexico herself.* Two days later Congress passed a\\nlaw giving the President complete power to call out,\\narm, organize and equip 50,000 men. The law declared\\nthat war existed by the act of Mexico. For the next\\ntwo years the armies of the United States passed rapidly\\nfrom one brilliant victory to another, and at last stood\\nconquerors in the city of Mexico itself. President Polk\\nproclaimed peace on July 4, 1848. The war had lasted\\ntwo years, had cost $130,000,000, and had added a vast\\ndomain to the Union. It had been denounced in the\\nNorth and East, but was popular in the South and\\nWest. The glory of the war was the glory of the\\nSouth, and that section fully believed that a great em-\\npire had been added to the area of slavery. In 1845\\nMacaulay, in Parliament, said of the United States,\\nThat nation is the champion and upholder of slavery.\\nThe}- seek to extend slavery with more energy than was\\never exerted by any other nation to diffuse civilization.\\nWith an army in the Mexican capital, the United\\nStates compelled that nation to give up 900,000 square\\nmiles of its territory. Every foot of that great area was\\nfree from slavery. The Mexicans anxiously asked that\\nthe treaty should forbid slavery in the ceded territory.\\nThe representative of the United States told them that\\nif the land were increased ten-fold in value, and, in ad-\\ndition to that, covered a foot thick with pure gold, on\\nthe single condition that slavery should be forever ex-\\ncluded, he would not entertain the offer for a moment,\\nnor even think of sending it to his government. No\\nAmerican President would dare to submit such a treaty\\nto the Senate.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "THE WIJJUOT PROVISO. 45\\nXIX. THE WILMOT PROVISO.\\nThe war had not been in progress three months when\\nboth North and South clearly saw that territory would\\nbe taken from Mexico. A few men at the North reso-\\nlutely determined that not a foot of that territory should\\nbe given to slavery. In August, 1846, when Congress\\nwas considering a bill to put $2,000,000 into the Presi-\\ndent s hands to secure more land from Mexico, David\\nWilmot moved a proviso to the bill making it an ex-\\npress and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any.\\nterritory from Mexico, that neither slavery nor involun-\\ntary servitude shall ever exist therein.\\nHis amendment made his name familiar at once\\nthroughout the length and breadth of the Republic. No\\nquestion had arisen since the slavery agitation of 1820\\nthat was so elaborately debated. The Wilmot Proviso\\nabsorbed the attention of Congress for a longer time\\nthan the Missouri Compromise it produced a wider and\\ndeeper excitement in the country, and it threatened a\\nmore serious danger to the peace and integrity of the\\nUnion. The Wilmot Proviso did not become a law,\\nbut it raised up a powerful anti-slavery party at the\\nNorth.\\nXX. THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION OF\\n1848.\\nThe Democrats and Whigs were the two great po-\\nlitical parties in the election of 1848. The Democratic\\nnational convention met at Baltimore on May 22.\\nNew York sent two opposing delegations called the\\nHunkers and the Barnburners. The Barnburners were", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "46 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\npledged for the Wilmot Proviso. When the convention\\nvoted to admit both delegations, and so offend neither,\\nboth withdrew. Lewis Cass, of Michigan, was then\\nnominated for President on a platform which carefully\\navoided the slavery question.\\nThe Whig national convention met at Philadelphia in\\nJune and nominated General Zaehary Taylor for Presi-\\ndent on a platform which was silent on the slavery ques-\\ntion. Webster used his great influence to elect Tavlor.\\nIn August the Free Soil Party met in a great conven-\\ntion at Buffalo, New York. Four hundred and sixtv-\\nfive delegates represented eighteen States. Thev\\nnominated Martin Van Buren for President, and adopted\\na bold and clear anti-slavery platform. They declared\\nfor free soil to a free people and that Congress\\nhas no more power to make a slave than to make a\\nking; to establish slavery than to establish a monarchy.\\nThey threw out a challenge to the South by the declara-\\ntion, We accept the issue which the slave-power has\\nforced upon us; and to their demand for more slave\\nStates and more slave territory, our calm but final\\nanswer is, no more slave States and no more slave ter-\\nritory. There must be no more compromises with slav-\\nery; if made, they must be repealed.\\nIn the election that followed, the Barnburners in New\\nYork withdrew their support from Cass and voted for\\nVan Buren. This gave the thirty-six electoral votes of\\nthat State to Taylor, and on New Yoik again hinged\\nthe election of the President. Taylor and Cass each\\ncarried fifteen States. The Free Soil Part)- did not\\ncarry a single State, but it turned every mind to the\\ngreat question of slavery.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "THE COMPROMISE OF 185O. 47\\nXXI. POLITICAL EXCITEMENT DURING\\n1849.\\nDuring the year that followed 1849 a steady rise\\nof excitement marked both North and South. Almost\\nevery legislature in the Southern States had declared\\nagainst the Wilmot Proviso, and every Northern State,\\nexcept Iowa, had declared in favor of it. In January, 1849,\\nover eighty Southern members of Congress at Wash-\\nington met in secret with doors locked, and adopted an\\naddress to the South. They declared Congress could not\\nforbid slavery in the Territories, and they accused the\\nNorth of violating the fugitive slave law. About the same\\ntime, Robert Toombs, of Georgia, voiced the feeling of the\\nSouth when he said to the North, We have the right\\nto call on you to give your blood to maintain the slaves\\nof the South in bondage. Gentlemen, deceive not your-\\nselves you cannot deceive others. This is a pro-slavery\\ngovernment. Slavery is stamped on its heart the\\nConstitution.\\nXXII. THE COMPROMISE OF 1850.\\nCongress met, amid growing excitement, on Monday,\\nDecember 3, 1849. Both sections had sent up men of\\nthe most marked ability. There appeared Jefferson\\nDavis, the future President of a slave republic; Sam.\\nHouston, of brilliant and romantic history; Thomas\\nBenton, for thirty years a senator from Missouri; Pierre\\nSoule the eloquent senator from Louisiana; William H.\\nSeward, the statesman of anti-slavery men; Salmon P.\\nChase, the aggressive advocate of freedom and Stephen\\nA. Douglas, who was, perhaps, the strongest debater ever", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "48 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nin Congress. But abovs all these appeared three men\\nwith greater reputation, wider influence and longer ex-\\nperience in public affairs. Each was over seventy years\\nof age, had had a national reputation for thirty years,\\nand was known in Europe and America. These three\\nmen were Webster, Clay, and Calhoun.\\nWebster was the ablest of the three. For years\\nmore than 50,000 lawyers had acknowledged him as\\ntheir leader. No man stood higher as a statesman. He\\nhad entered public life in 181 3 as a member of the\\nHouse of Representatives, had served nineteen years as\\na senator from Massachusetts, and had been Secretary\\nof State. His long experience in public affairs, and his\\nhigh reputation as a lawyer, as an orator and as a states-\\nman, gave him a wide and strong influence in the thirty\\nStates. He was especially admired by the higher circles,\\nand his position on the slavery question was studied by\\nmillions. On March 7 he spoke on that subject, and\\nthrew the whole weight of his influence for the Com-\\npromise of 1850. He struck a giant s blow against free-\\ndom, but he sincerely believed the Union was in danger,\\nand that to preserve it the North must suppress its anti-\\nslavery spirit. A few days later he spoke from the\\nbalcony of the Revere House in Boston, and declared\\nhe should take no step backward, and that the people\\nof the North must learn to conquer their prejudices.\\nHenry Clay had entered public life about the same\\ntime as Webster, and had held the same offices. He\\nhad twice been a candidate for the Presidency, and no\\nman then living had such a large and devoted personal\\nfollowing. For eight years he had been out of public\\nlife, but when the legislature of Kentucky unanimously\\nelected him to the Senate, he came to Washington strong", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE COMPROMISE OF 185O. 49\\nin patriotism and hope, and fertile in plans to reunite the\\nsections. He was in his seventy-third year, and at times\\nrequired the assistance of friends to ascend the steps of\\nthe Capitol. On January 29 he presented his plan in the\\nSenate. A great audience had assembled to hear him.\\nRichly dressed ladies, visitors from Baltimore, members\\nof Congress, gathered to hear the man they loved. He\\nspoke on, hour after hour, for the great Union. His\\ntall form, now bent with years, his white hair, his face\\nso expressive of every emotion, added pathos to his\\neloquent plea for his country.\\nJohn C. Calhoun began public life about the same\\ntime as Webster and Clay. He had served as repre-\\nsentative and senator in Congress, had been Secretary\\nof State, and Vice-President of the United States. His\\nwas the master mind in the effort at nullification. He said\\nin 1848, If you should ask me the word which I would\\nwish engraven on my tombstone, it is nullification. r\\nHe said slavery was a good a positive good. His\\nmind had become possessed of one idea, and that was that\\nslavery was the necessary bed-rock foundation of Southern\\nprosperity. On March 4, 1850, he appeared in the Sen-\\nate. Somber, aged, haggard, gloomy, wrapped in his\\ncloak and too ill to speak, he listened as a friend read\\nthe speech which he had carefully prepared. It declared\\nunalterably for slavery and the rights of the States.\\nThe Compromise of 1850 embraced five distinct laws\\npassed by Congress at different times during the year.\\nThese laws were as follows:\\n1. California was admited as a free State.\\n2. New Mexico and Utah were organized as Ter-\\nritories without mention of slavery.\\n4", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "^O FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\n3. The western boundary of Texas was established,\\nand that State was paid $10,000,000 to give up its claim\\non part of New Mexico.\\n4. The slave trade, but not slavery, was abolished in\\nthe District of Columbia.\\n5. A new and more effective fugitive slave law was\\npassed.\\nExcept the fugitive slave law, the Compromise of\\n1850 was fair to the North. With that exception, the\\nCompromise was accepted in good faith by Whigs and\\nDemocrats, by North and South. Most of the leaders\\nspoke of it as a final settlement of the slavery\\nquestion.\\nFor a time the South was disposed to insist on slavery\\nin California. Gold was discovered there in 1848. The\\nnext year over 80,000 persons went to the El Dorado, and\\nby November, 1849, the population was above 100,000.\\nTwo-thirds of these were Americans, and the rest were\\nfrom Europe, Mexico and South America. Government\\nwas quickly organized and the next year California\\nasked admission as a free State. The only two papers\\nthere were outspoken against slavery. On September 9,\\n1850, Congress admitted California as a free State.\\nBoth slavery and the slave trade existed in the Dis-\\ntrict of Columbia in 1789. Twelve years later Congress\\nenacted that the laws of Maryland relating to slavery\\nshould be valid in that part of the District north of the\\nPotomac river. During the next fifty years Washington\\nbecame a regular market where slaves were bought and\\nsold in large numbers. Gangs of handcuffed slaves\\nwere frequently seen on the streets. On the payment\\nof $400 to the city government, regular traders were\\nlicensed to buy and sell slaves in the District. The law", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "COTTON IS KING. 5 1\\nof 1850 abolished this abominable traffic, but did not\\nforbid slavery itself.\\nTo the North, the fugitive slave law was, by far, the\\nmost offensive of the five acts of the great Compromise.\\nThis law empowered each of the circuit courts of the\\nUnited States to appoint a commissioner for a given dis-\\ntrict. This commissioner was a kind of judge to de-\\ntermine the freedom or slavery of the fugitive. No\\njury was allowed the runaway, nor was he permitted\\nto testify for his own liberty. The affidavit of the owner,\\nor his agent, was sufficient to return the prisoner into\\nbondage. The law even made the commissioner s fee\\nhigher for adjudging the fugitive to be a slave rather\\nthan a free man. If the prisoner escaped, the United\\nStates marshal was liable to the owner for the value of\\nthe slave. In case of such a rescue, the bystanders were,\\nby law, compelled to aid the marshal.\\nThe effect of this law was immediate. Thousands of\\nnegroes at the North at once went to Canada. Nu-\\nmerous arrests were soon made, mobs secured the\\nprisoners, and violation of the law was openly advocated.\\nNXIII. COTTON IS KING: 1820-1860.\\nSeveral inventions in England had very great effect\\nupon cotton culture in the United States. In 1769\\nArkwright made the first spinning jenny, and fourteen\\nyears later Watt discovered the power of steam to move\\nmachinery. In 1785 Cartwright invented the power\\nloom, and the same year Bell used cylinders for printing\\ncalicoes. During the next fifteen years the cotton trade\\ndoubled in England, and the factory system was well\\nunder way. By 1850 there were 2,650 cotton mills in Eng-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "5 2 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nland, employing nearly half a million persons, and steam\\nvessels now carried to these mills yearly over 3,000,000\\nbales of cotton from the United States. This rising de-\\nmand increased the supply of cotton. Money was plenty\\nin the South, and every year saw an increased cotton crop.\\nThe first cotton mill in the United States was at Bev-\\nerly, Massachusetts, in 1787. In i860 there were nearly\\na thousand mills in the North, and a considerable part\\nof the Southern crop found its way to New England by\\nsea or by rail. Thus the mills of England and New\\nEngland enormously increased the cotton culture of the\\nSouth.\\nThe first cotton grown in the colonies was produced\\nat Jamestown in 1607; but even at the time of .the\\nAmerican Revolution the crop was of no importance.\\nIn 1793 it was raised only along the tide-water region\\nfrom Virginia to Georgia. In that year Whitney s in-\\nvention of the cotton gin at once raised the value and\\nimportance of the crop. This machine quickly and\\ncheaply removed the seed from the cotton. It was not\\nmany years before every planter had his own gin and\\nwas able to market a far greater supply. The cotton\\nbelt spread rapidly westward, but even in 182 1 the four\\nAtlantic seaboard States produced two-thirds of all that\\nwas grown. During the next forty years the cotton\\nfields spread over the vast and fertile lands of Alabama,\\nTennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas.\\nLouisiana and Mississippi were called The Cotton\\nGarden of the World. Cotton now became the great\\ncrop of the South, and Ex-Governor Hammond, of South\\nCarolina, said Cotton is King.\\nThe extension of the cotton belt was accompanied by\\nan increasing number of waste cotton fields. No ferti-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "I\\nCOTTON IS KING. 53\\nlizers were used. The field was cropped year after\\nyear, and this land killing became the rule. So\\nrapidly had this gone on, that in 1850 less than one-\\nthird of the lands of the two Carolinas and Georgia was\\nimproved, while in all New England, New York, Penn-\\nsylvania and New Jersey over two-thirds of the land\\nwas under cultivation.\\nWhen a planter needed a new field for cotton, his\\nslaves girdled the larger trees on a piece of woodland,\\ncut down the smaller ones, cleared away the land, and\\nloosely cultivated the soil. Corn was then raised one or\\ntwo years. After this the soil was more thoroughly\\ncultivated and thrown into ridges about four feet apart.\\nThese ridges were then split open and about two\\nbushels of seed to the acre were planted in them. The\\nplanting took place from February to May and was gen-\\nerally done bv women and children. When the plant\\nwas several inches high, the rows were thinned out so\\nas to form hills about twelve inches apart. The field\\nwas then carefully hoed every twenty days, and then\\nworked over from three to five times before the picking\\nbegan. The first blooms appeared in May and June, but\\nthe picking season lasted from August to December. All\\nthe slaves men, women and children picked the\\ncotton, and the amount gathered by each slave varied\\nfrom fifty to five hundred pounds per day. The tools\\nused on a cotton plantation were of the rudest kind. On\\na South Carolina plantation of 2,700 acres, and employ-\\ning 254 slaves, only $1,262 was invested in tools and\\nwagons. The rule was to wear out the tools. The\\ncrop was taken to market in rude wagons or carts or\\nby flatboats on the river. The profits of cotton-raising\\nwere often thirty-five per cent.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "54 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nXXIV. PLANTATION LIFE: 1820-1860.\\nThe stately home of the master and mistress was the\\ncenter of interest of the whole plantation. Placed on a\\nhill in a woodland of noble oaks and hickories, it com-\\nmanded a view of stream and valley and fields of corn\\nand cotton. At a distance, its white columns and Greek\\nportico seemed embosomed in a mass of green. Over all\\nthe landscape was thrown the exquisite charm of the\\nlong summer of the South. The house was usually a\\nstory and a half in height, with fine columns and portico\\nin front, a wide hallway and large rooms. Names such\\nas Mount Vernon, Monticello, Arlington, Ashland, were\\ngiven to these hospitable homes.\\nThe master was a fine type of manhood. His char-\\nacter appeared in two distinct ways, and in both he\\ncommands respect. First of all he was the owner of\\nhundreds and often thousands of acres of land, and had\\nthe pride of ownership. He was the master of numer-\\nous slaves and daily accustomed to implicit obedience.\\nHe acquired a fixed habit of command. He was gen-\\nerally a public rman and held a local, State or national\\nposition of trust. His integrity was unquestioned, his\\ncourage undoubted. But in contrast with these stronger\\ntraits of his character was his courteous and refined\\nbearing to his family and friends. He was by instinct\\nand training a gentleman. His chivalry to women, his\\nrespect to men, his kindness in his home, his unfailing\\nand warm hospitality to his friends, his ability in con-\\nversation, his dignified yet easy bearing, gave refine-\\nment and courtesy to Southern life and manners.\\nThe mistress ruled supreme in the home. Loved by\\nher husband, adored by her children, and worshiped", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "PLANTATION LIFE. 55\\nby the servants, her life was one of goodness and devo-\\ntion. Often, at night, among the servants, she was car-\\ning for the sick, giving sympathy and advice, and pro-\\nviding comforts and necessities. She took pride in the\\nflower garden and made it the especial object of her\\ncare and taste. In the social circle she was the center\\nof attention and courtesy.\\nThe servants performed the various kinds of labor\\naround the house. They were generally better sheltered,\\nclothed and fed than the field hands. Seeing much\\nof a refined home, they caught something of its courtesy\\nand manner. One was a coachman, another a gar-\\ndener, a carpenter, a cook, or a waiter; but among all\\nthese, the old Mammy held the place of honor and\\naffection. She was a kind of mother, nurse and attend-\\nant to the master s children. She had considerable\\nauthority and might punish, but she usually ruled her\\nchillun by affectionate tenderness and care.\\nThe field hands performed the harder labor of the\\nplantation. They often worked sixteen or eighteen\\nhours a day and took a noon rest of an hour. Their\\nwork was hard and hopeless in the rice, sugar and cotton\\nfields. A slave able to pick four or five hundred pounds\\nof cotton a day was called a cotton nigger. Each\\nslave in the field was rated as a full hand, half hand\\nor quarter hand, and was expected to perform only\\nsuch given amount of work.\\nWhen the day s labor was ended, the slaves returned\\nto the negro quarters. These were their cabins in a\\nmotley cluster at some distance from the planter s home.\\nThese cabins were generally dirty and wretched. In\\nMississippi and Louisiana each one consisted of a single\\nroom about twenty feet square. The furniture was of", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "56 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nthe rudest and poorest kind. Each family was allowed\\na truck patch to raise vegetables and poultry, and\\nwith these the slave bought whiskey, tobacco and Sun-\\nda v finery.\\nThe food and clothing of the slaves consisted of the\\nbarest necessities. Forty-six slave-holders on sugar\\nplantations in Louisiana reported that the total cost of\\nfood and clothing for an able-bodied slave was only $30\\nper year. One Louisiana planter paid, in one year,\\n$750 for food and hospital service for one hundred\\nnegroes, or two and one-half cents a day for each slave.\\nThe regular food allowed w r as four quarts of cornmeal\\nand one quart of molasses each week. Besides this,\\nvegetables were often given by the master or raised\\nby the slave; but meat was not used. Poor as the food\\nwas, it was enough in quantity but the convicts of the\\nNorth had greater variety. If the food was bad, the\\nslave s clothes were worse. He was often without hat\\nor shoes, and was covered with rags and dirt. He was\\nin a double sense the mud-sill of Southern society.\\nIn ten States in 1850 the average size of the plantation\\nwas 401 acres, and on nearly all the large estates an\\noverseer was hired to direct the labor of the field\\nhands. He was paid from $200 to $600 a year, and\\noften received much more. He was valued in propor-\\ntion to the amount of work which he could get from the\\nnegroes. He was given despotic power over the life\\nand labor of the slave. He was generally ignorant, often\\ndrunken, and by nature brutal. Though white and\\nfree, he was held in scorn by the planter and his family.\\nHe appointed a negro driver, who was held responsible\\nfor the labor of a small gang of slaves. This driver was\\nusually a large, powerful negro and carried a heavy whip..", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE SLAVE TRADE. 57\\nFlo\u00c2\u00a32;in\u00c2\u00a3r was common, but was not inflicted in wan-\\nton cruelty. The overseer or driver often said, If you\\ndon t work better I will flog you; but as a rule, blows\\nwere not given except for idleness or petty offenses.\\nYet if an overseer killed a slave nothing was done, for\\nthe negro was only property and not a person in the\\nsight of the law.\\nSlaves were sold like cattle, but care was often taken\\nthat families should not be separated. Cash for\\nNegroes, Negroes for Sale, Negroes Wanted,\\nwere common advertisements in the papers. Mules and\\nnegroes were frequently advertised together. By actual\\ncount, sixty-four newspapers in two weeks, in 1852, of-\\nfered for sale 4,100 slaves. One man in Richmond\\nadvertised his farm and forty slaves that he might raise\\nmoney to become a missionary. In the larger towns\\nwere slave prisons, where the negroes were locked\\nuntil sold. When brought into the room where the buy-\\ners were, they were placed upon a low platform, and\\ntheir teeth, hair, eyes, limbs, weight and health were\\ncarefully examined. Before the war General Sherman\\nsaw in New Orleans young girls thus treated on the\\nauction block, and he never forgot the impression then\\nmade. Lincoln came out of such a room with an oath\\nlike a prayer to strike a great blow at slavery some\\nday. But in general the slaves were indifferent at the\\nauction block. They even took pride in their price,\\nwhich rose from $325 in 1840 to $500 in i860.\\nXXV. THE SLAVE TRADE: 1808-1860.\\nA regular and important trade was carried on between\\nthe border States of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and\\nMissouri and the Gulf States. In one year alone", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "58 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\n1836 Virginia sold to the South and West 40,000\\nslaves, valued at $24,000,000. In the same year Missis-\\nsippi bought 250,000 negroes. The slave had a horror of\\nbeing sold South, and to prevent escapes, strong depots\\nwere built with locks and bars, and provided with\\nthumbscrews for punishment. Gangs of handcuffed\\nnegroes were often seen on the roads leading South.\\nThe law of 1808 forbade the importation of slaves\\nfrom any foreign country to the United States under a\\npenalty of $20,000 and confiscation of the vessel caught\\nin the trade; but the law was notoriously violated. In\\n1820 Southern men estimated the number smuggled in\\nat from thirteen to fifteen thousand a year. In 1859\\nStephen A. Douglas said he had no doubt that 15,000\\nhad that year been brought into the United States.\\nXXVI. EFFECT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE\\nLAW: 1 850- 1 860.\\nWithin eight days after its passage the fugitive slave\\nlaw of 1850 was set in operation. While at work in\\nNew York, James Hamlet, a negro slave from Mary-\\nland, was seized, given a hearing before the commis-\\nsioner, adjudged to be a slave, handcuffed, forced into a\\ncarriage and taken to Baltimore, where he was placed\\ninto a slave pen kept by the notorious Hope Slatter.\\nAnother case in the same State aroused deep indigna-\\ntion. For several years a negro, Jerry McHenrv, had\\nlived at Syracuse, New York. On October 1, 1851, he\\nwas seized, placed and held in a wagon by force and\\ntaken to the jail. That evening a score of the best citi-\\nzens broke open the door of the jail and rescued the\\nslave. For several days Mclienry was concealed and", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 59\\nfinally taken to Canada. For this offense eighteen of the\\nleading men of Syracuse were arrested and taken before\\nthe United States court at Albany. On their day of\\nhearing one hundred prominent citizens went with them\\nto Albany and William H. Seward gave bail for them.\\nNothing further came of the case.\\nSix months before the Jerry rescue Thomas M.\\nSimiris was seized under the law and lodged in the jail\\nof the court-house in Boston. To prevent a rescue\\nheavy chains were fastened around the jail. The next\\nmorning the judges of the Supreme Court of Massachu-\\nsetts had to stoop as they passed under these chains of\\nslavery. At five o clock in the morning the slave was\\nplaced in a hollow square formed by three hundred\\npolicemen, marched to the wharf and sent to Georgia.\\nWhile Simms was in jail Wendell Phillips spoke on Bos-\\nton Common against the outrage, and a few days later\\nan indignation meeting was held in Faneuil Hall.\\nA deputy marshal and three Virginians came to\\nWilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, and found a mulatto em-\\nployed at a hotel. They struck him on the back of the\\nhead with a club, but he fought them off with terrible\\nenergy with a handcuff which they had quickly put on\\nhis right wrist. With his hand covered with blood he\\nrushed into the Susquehanna river, saving, I will be\\ndrowned rather than taken alive. While in the water\\nup to his neck they repeatedly shot at him and finally\\nstruck his head, and the blood ran over his face. A\\ncrowd by this time gathered, the wounded man came\\nout of the water, and as he lay dying on the shore one\\nof his pursuers remarked, Dead niggers were not worth\\ntaking South. Even after this, as he revived, he was\\ndriven a second time into the river, but the crowd inter-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "60 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nfered and the pursuers fled. Later they were arrested\\nfor this crime, but Judge Grier of the United States\\nSupreme Court discharged the Virginians and said no\\nblame attached to them.\\nIn 1854 a fugitive slave named Glover was arrested at\\nRacine, Wisconsin. He was knocked down, put in a\\nwagon, driven quickly to Milwaukee and lodged in jail.\\nA mass meeting at Racine resolved that Glover should\\nhave a fair trial, and one hundred citizens went to Mil-\\nwaukee, where they learned that a meeting of five thou-\\nsand people had appointed a vigilance committee to see\\nthat Glover was given a fair trial. But a mob soon broke\\nopen the jail and sent the slave to Canada. The rescuers\\nwere not arrested, and the Supreme Court of the State\\ndecided that the fugitive slave law was unconstitutional.\\nThe execution of the fugitive slave law produced a\\nlong succession of tragedies but for every fugitive re-\\nturned to the South, hundreds of men at the North\\njoined the anti-slavery party. The law was openly defied,\\nand such men as Emerson said it would and should be\\nviolated. Ten northern States soon passed Personal\\nLiberty Laws, which insured a fair trial and prohibited\\nthe use of the State jails to the fugitives. Only two\\nStates, California and New Jersey, provided by law for\\nthe capture and return of slaves, and even there public\\nopinion often broke State and National laws and set the\\ncaptive free.\\nXXVII. THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD:\\n1 840-1 860.\\nThe Underground Railroad was the name given to\\nthe ways and means by which thousands of slaves es-\\ncaped to the North. There were three main systems to", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. 6l\\nthis Railroad. The first set of lines enabled slaves from\\nMissouri to escape northeast across Illinois. The second\\nsystem led north across Ohio and western Pennsylvania.\\nThe third system went north across eastern Pennsylva-\\nnia. Ohio had the greatest number of these lines and\\nOberlin was the most noted station. Twenty lines cross-\\ning that State enabled more negroes to escape than by\\neither of the other systems. Many lines converged to\\nPhiladelphia and thence diverged to the north. One\\nline went from Washington to Albany and another from\\nGettysburg to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and then by\\nway of Elmira and Niagara Falls to Canada.\\nThe slaves thus escaping north came mainly from\\nMissouri, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland and Delaware.\\nThey ran from the field, kitchen and shop to some for-\\nest or swamp. They traveled by night, guided by the\\nnorth star. Often followed by bloodhounds, always in\\ndanger, trudging on in the darkness, concealed by day\\nin boxes or barns or brush, footsore, weary, penniless,\\nhungry stealing food rather than trust other slaves, they\\nreached, at last, some station on the underground rail-\\nroad. Such a station was some farmer s house where\\nthe fugitive received food, clothing and concealment, and\\nwas then taken in some box or load of hay or by night\\nto the next station. Canada offered the only place of\\ntrue safety, but thousands of negroes settled in the north-\\nern States and were protected by public opinion.\\nThere is on record a list of three thousand and eleven\\npersons who actively aided the negroes to escape along\\nthe various lines of the underground railroad. Among\\nthe most eminent were: Salmon P. Chase, who was\\ncalled the attorney-general for fugitives, and who was\\nafterwards in Lincoln s cabinet; Rutherford B. Hayes,", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "62\\nFREEDOM AND SLAVERY\\nlater President of the United States; Joshua Giddings,\\nfor long years in Congress as the enemy of slavery;\\nTheodore Parker, the great minister of Boston; Thad-\\ndeus Stevens, one of the foremost lawyers of Pennsylva-\\nnia; Frederick Douglass, the well-known orator. Gerrit\\nSmith, of Wilmington, Delaware, aided two thousand\\nseven hundred slaves to escape and paid eight thousand\\ndollars in fines for violation of the law. Levi Coffin of\\nOhio aided nearly three thousand to escape. Harriet\\nBeecher Stowe helped many on their way to freedom.\\nXXVIII. UNCLE TOM S CABIN.\\nIn 1852 Harriet Beecher Stowe published Uncle\\nTom s Cabin. Within six months more than seventy-\\nfive thousand copies were sold in the United States and\\ntwice that number in Great Britain and her colonies. It\\nwas dramatized the same year, and later was translated\\ninto twenty-three languages. Extreme abolitionists at\\nonce proclaimed the work as a true picture of slavery,\\nand the slave-holders of the South ridiculed the book as\\nthe work of a fanatic and a despised abolitionist. The\\nbook well and truthfully represented the dark and brutal\\nside of slavery, but it only half portrayed the daily life\\nof most slaves, and it utterly failed to reflect the courtesy\\nand charm of Southern society. The work had a wide\\nand increasing influence in the North and rapidly filled\\nthe ranks of a new and powerful anti-slavery party.\\nXXIX. THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION\\nOF 1852.\\nThe campaign and election of 1852 showed little of\\nthe great change that was silently but surely going on", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA LAW. 63\\nat the North. The army of politicians, intent on getting\\noffice, was not responsive to the new movement for jus-\\ntice and freedom. These men controlled both the na-\\ntional conventions, which met in June at Baltimore. In\\ntheir platforms both Whigs and Democrats declared for\\nthe Compromise of 1850, including the fugitive slave\\nlaw. The Democrats declared against all forms of slav-\\nery agitation. The leaders of both parties showed a\\nplain and even anxious intention to stop all talk of the\\nslavery question. But this was precisely the question\\nthat was uppermost in men s minds, and when a clear\\nstatement concerning it was made it received a wide\\naudience. Such a statement was put forth in the plat-\\nform of the Free Soil convention which met at Pittsburg\\non August 11. This party declared Slavery is a sin\\nagainst God, and a crime against man: The Fugitive\\nSlave Law of 1850 is repugnant to the Constitution;*\\nSlavery is sectional and freedom national; Xo more\\nslave States, no more slave Territories, no nationalized\\nslavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of\\nslaves. In the election that followed, the Democrats\\ncarried every State except four; but beneath this success\\nforces were then operating to form a new and powerful\\npolitical party of freedom, and to place the North and\\nSouth in hostile array.\\nXXX. THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA LAW: 1854.\\nWithin two years after election the politicians resolved\\non a bold move in favor of slavery. On January 23,\\n1854, Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, introduced in the\\nSenate of the United States a bill to organize the Ter-\\nritories of Kansas and Nebraska and to repeal that part", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "64 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nof the Missouri Compromise which prohibited slavery\\nin the two Territories. It was further provided that the\\nFugitive Slave Law should extend to both Territories,\\nand it was the clear intention to make Kansas a slave\\nState.\\nFar more than any other man, Stephen A. Douglas\\nwas responsible for this bill. Two years before he was\\na candidate for the Presidency in the Democratic na-\\ntional convention, and the glittering prize yet called forth\\nall his energy and ambition. He saw that the way to\\nthe White House was to please the slave power. He\\nknew that the South had neither asked nor hoped for\\nslave territory north of Missouri, and that the North\\nwould offer a strong opposition to his plan. A few\\nweeks before he took this great step, he was riding with\\nSenator Dixon, of Kentucky, and after a long conversa-\\ntion about the question, Douglas said, I will do it.\\nOn March 3, 1854, he faced an able and determined op-\\nposition in the Senate. He spoke till daybreak and\\nshowed great power in the running debate. He was\\nbelow the medium height, with a heavy frame and mas-\\nsive head. His physical endurance and force, his clear-\\nness of statement and bold reply won admiration from\\nall sides. Seward said, I have never had so much re-\\nspect for the Senator as I have to-night.\\nThe bill was before Congress four months and at-\\ntracted wide attention. It came as a shock to the\\nNorth. The papers then said Slavery takes the field.\\nPublic meetings were held in New York, Boston and\\nChicago to protest against the bill. The legislatures of\\nfive States declared against it. Three thousand clergy-\\nmen of the various denominations in New England laid\\nbefore the Senate a protest in which they said the repeal", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "BORDER WARFARE IN KANSAS. 65\\nof the Missouri Compromise was a great moral wrong\\nand a breach of the faith. The debate in Congress\\nwas earnest and often bitter. Mr. Badger, of North\\nCarolina, said in the Senate, Is it not hard, if I should\\nchoose to emigrate to Kansas, that I should be forbidden\\nto take my old mammy along with me? Ben. Wade,\\nof Ohio, replied, We have not the least objection to the\\nSenator s migration to Kansas and taking his old\\nmammv along with him. We only insist that he shall\\nnot be empowered to sell her after taking her there.\\nTo give a reason for the bill, Douglas invented one\\ncalled the doctrine of non-intervention or squatter\\nsovereignty. He wrote in the law this doctrine: It\\nbeing the true intent and meaning of this act not to leg-\\nislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude\\nit therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly\\nfree to form and regulate their domestic institutions in\\ntheir own way, subject only to the Constitution. The\\nbill become a law on May 30, 1854, and transferred the\\nwhole struggle from Congress to Kansas.\\nXXXI. BORDER WARFARE IN KANSAS.\\nIn 1854 s i x northern border counties of Missouri had\\na population of 60,000 white persons and 18,000 slaves.\\nThe central and eastern part of the State was held by\\nslave-holders and a determined effort was now put forth\\nto capture Kansas for slavery. In the month following\\nthe passage of the act hundreds of Missouri farmers\\nwith their slaves crossed the western boundary of the\\nState into Kansas. Lawless and desperate men from\\nother southern States also came to the new Territorv.\\nBut thousands at the North determined to make Kansas\\n5", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "66 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\na free State. Though Massachusetts was 2,000 miles\\naway, yet Emigrant Aid Societies were formed and\\nmany from New England took the long journey to the\\nWest. John Brown with his four sons went out from\\nOhio with a burning hatred for slavery. In a few\\nmonths an election was held to organize a government\\nfor Kansas and the slave-holders triumphed. But the\\nelection was carried by fraud. Out of the six thousand\\nvotes cast only about eight hundred were by legal set-\\ntlers. Bands of men came across from Missouri, and\\nafter voting returned to that State. The free settlers\\nignored the government on the ground that it had been\\nset up by fraud, but it was supported by the federal offi-\\ncers at Washington.\\nIn September, 1857, the slave-holders held a constitu-\\ntional convention at Lecompton. and after drawing up a\\nconstitution for Kansas, submitted it to the people in two\\nways: For the constitution with slavery, For the\\nconstitution without slavery. This gave the people no\\nchance to vote against the constitution itself. In the elec-\\ntion which followed, 6,266 votes were given for the con-\\nstitution with slavery and only 567 for it without slavery.\\nThe free settlers refused to vote at all. The next month\\nthe free settlers elected a delegate to Congress and a\\nlegislature for Kansas. This legislature again submit-\\nted the Lecompton constitution to the people in two\\nways: For the constitution, Against the constitu-\\ntion. Ten thousand two hundred and twenty-six votes\\nwere given against the constitution and one hundred and\\nsixty-two for it. The slave-holders had, in turn, refused\\nto vote.\\nThis double government went on for years and caused\\ncrime and disorder. Douglas clear, legal doctrine of", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE OSTEND MANIFESTO. 67\\nnon-intervention had arrayed neighbor against neighbor,\\ntown against town, and had caused innumerable mid-\\nnight raids for plunder and murder. Squatter sover-\\neignty had produced anarchy.\\nXXXII. THE OSTEND MANIFESTO: 1854.\\nIn 1854 ie South made another effort to get more\\nslave territory. Six years before, the government of the\\nUnited States had offered Spain $100,000,000 for Cuba,\\nbut Spain treated the proposal as an insult. The Ameri-\\ncan government then instructed its ministers to Spain,\\nFrance and England to meet and consider a plan by\\nwhich the United States might acquire Cuba. The three\\nministers, Soule, Mason and Buchanan, met at Ostend,\\nBelgium, in October, 1854. They issued a manifesto de-\\nclaring for the purchase of Cuba for $120,000,000; but\\nif Spain, dead to the voice of her own interest, and actu-\\nated by stubborn pride and a false sense of honor, should\\nrefuse to sell Cuba to the United States, then t; we shall\\nbe justified in wresting it from Spain if we possess the\\npower. This manifesto attracted wide attention in Eu-\\nrope. The London Times stated: In this Ostend mani-\\nfesto a policy is avowed which, if declared by one of the\\ngreat European powers, would set the whole continent in\\na blaze. War was expected at Madrid. Soule, the min-\\nister of the young nation that was rising with so much\\npower beyond the ocean, was received at the Spanish\\ncourt with marked attention. Besides representing a\\nnation that seemed to adopt the language and attitude of\\na highwayman, he was well qualified to attract notice\\nanywhere. He appeared before the king and queen of\\nSpain in a costume like that worn by Benjamin Franklin", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "68 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nat the court of France. His black velvet suit richly\\nembroidered, his black silk stockings, his dress sword,\\nhis pale complexion set oft by black eyes and hair, made\\nhim a marked figure. Part of the President s cabinet\\ndesired war with Spain. A reckless plan to invade Cuba\\nwas well known at the South. Senator Slidell of Lou-\\nisiana started a movement in the Senate to suspend the\\nneutrality laws to aid such a hostile expedition to Cuba.\\nThe Ostend manifesto was thus the declaration and part\\nof a general plan to extend the area of slavery. The\\nSouth hoped that Cuba as well as Kansas might be\\nmade a slave State.\\nXXXIII. THE RISE OF THE REPUBLICAN\\nPARTY: 1854-1856.\\nThe Kansas and Nebraska act of 1854 was a blow\\nstrong enough to weld the various anti-slavery elements\\ninto one compact political party. For four years the\\noperation of the Fugitive Slave Law had multiplied the\\nenemies of slavery. Uncle Tom s Cabin had been\\nread with emotion in tens of thousands of homes. The\\nbreaking up of the Whig party paved the way for a\\nnew party. The solid front of the Democratic party in\\ndefense of slavery demanded the formation of a party for\\nfreedom.\\nThe earliest move for a new party was at Ripon, Wis-\\nconsin. In February, 1854, A. E. Bovay called a meet-\\ning at the Congregational church to protest against the\\npassage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. This village-\\npolitical meeting was largely attended by men and\\nwomen and they passed resolutions to form a new party\\nif Congress should pass the bill opening Kansas to slav-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE RISE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 69\\nery. Mr. Bovay then said that the new party would\\nprobably be called Republican, but he advised delay as\\nto the name. On February 26, 1854, ie wrote Horace\\nGreeley, editor of the New York Tribune Now is the\\ntime to organize a great party to oppose slavery.\\nYour paper is now a power in the land. Urge\\nall parties to band together under one name, I mean the\\nname Republican. On June 24 the Tribune stated that\\nthe name Republican had been suggested and each week\\nthis paper then went out to 150,000 persons.\\nThe Tribune was a kind of political Bible in the North.\\nGreeley now wrote Jacob M. Howard of Michigan that\\nWisconsin would adopt the name Republican on July 13,\\nand he urged all the anti-slavery men of Michigan to\\nchoose the same name at their State convention on\\nJuly 6. This convention met at Jackson, under the\\noaks. Zachariah Chandler and a fugitive slave were\\nthe principal speakers. The assembly Resolved, That\\nthe institution of slavery, except in punishment of crimes,\\nis a great moral, social and political evil. The first\\nRepublican ticket was put forth and the name formally\\nadopted.\\nJust a week later Wisconsin and Vermont adopted\\nthe name. On the same day 10,000 people assembled\\nat Indianapolis and passed resolutions against the Kan-\\nsas-Nebraska Law, but the name Republican was not\\nchosen. On July 20, 1854, 2 o\u00c2\u00b0\u00c2\u00b0 people met at Wor-\\ncester, Massachusetts, and declared against slavery and\\nin favor of the name Republican. These various State\\nconventions resolved against one or more of the follow-\\ning: The Kansas-Nebraska Law, the Fugitive Slave\\nLaw, and slavery in the District of Columbia. In the\\nfall election the new party carried nine States.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "70 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nThe Republican party got its members from three\\nother parties. The Free Soilers eagerly joined a party\\nso like their own. Thousands of Northern Democrats\\ncame out for freedom. But the main strength came\\nfrom the Whigs. The members of this party were now\\nin political confusion. For long years they had relied\\non the rare leadership of Clay, and the still rarer ability\\nof Webster, and now both were gone. The part}- was\\nhopelessly divided on the slavery question. Most of the\\nNorthern Whigs believed slavery was wrong, and be-\\nsides it was easier to join a new party than to vote with\\nold enemies. These three sources furnished to the Re-\\npublican party in 1854 lts sudden and rapid growth.\\nBut at this time the new party lacked leadership.\\nHorace Greeley did more than any other man to unite\\nthe North against the slave power. Salmon P. Chase,\\nof Ohio, was an able and aggressive advocate of free-\\ndom. Seward was the man best qualified to lead the\\nwhole party; but he did not join the new movement\\nuntil the next year. In the autumn of 1S55 he spoke out\\nat Albany, and his speech was read by half a million\\nmen. He then said: We want a bold, out-spoken,\\nfree-spoken organization. Shall we report our-\\nselves to the Whig party? Where is it? The\\nRepublican organization has laid a new, sound and\\nliberal platform, broad enough for Whigs and Demo-\\ncrats to stand upon. Seward s influence was powerful\\nin strengthening the new part)\\nXXXIV. THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION\\nOF 1856.\\nIn January, 1856, the chairman of the Republican\\nState Central Committees of Massachusetts, Vermont,", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION OF 1 856. 71\\nPennsylvania, Ohio and Wisconsin invited the Repub-\\nlicans of the North to meet at Pittsburg on February 22\\nto form a national party. On the day appointed, dele-\\ngates from twenty-three States listened to speeches by\\nGreeley, Chandler, Wilmot, Lovejoy and Giddings. This\\nassembly issued an address to the people and appointed a\\ntime and place for a national convention.\\nThis convention met at Philadelphia in June. Two\\nthousand men represented twenty-two States and Ter-\\nritories. The platform declared, it is both the right\\nand imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Ter-\\nritories those twin relics of barbarism polygamy and\\nslavery. When John C. Fremont was nominated for\\nPresident, the delegates threw hats and handkerchiefs\\ninto the air, and a large silk flag bearing his name was\\ndrawn across the stage.\\nThe Democratic national convention met at Cincinnati\\nin June and nominated James Buchanan for President.\\nThe Richmond Enquirer truly stated of Buchanan:\\nHe never gave a vote against the interests of slavery,\\nand never uttered a word which could pain the most\\nsensitive Southern heart. The platform declared for the\\nCompromise of 1850 and for the Kansas-Nebraska Law.\\nIn the following election the Republicans carried every\\nnorthern State but New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana\\nand Illinois; and even in these four States they showed\\ngreat strength. The Democrats carried these States and\\nalso the solid South, except Maryland, which gave its\\nvotes to a third party. Fremont got 1.341,264 and\\nBuchanan 1,838,169 votes. The Republicans, in the brief\\nspace of two years, had made sweeping advances, and\\nthey justly regarded the election of 1856 as a moral\\ntriumph.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "72 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nXXXV. THE ATTACK ON SUMNER: 1856.\\nA month before Fremont was nominated at Phila-\\ndelphia, Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, delivered\\nin the Senate a speech entitled The Crime against\\nKansas, in which he made a bitter attack on Senator\\nButler, of South Carolina. Two days later Preston\\nBrooks, a representative from South Carolina, and a\\nnephew of Butler, came into the Senate Chamber, and\\nwhile Sumner was seated at his desk writing, struck\\nhim again and again on the head with a heavy gutta-\\npercha cane an inch in diameter. Sumner fell back in\\nhis chair unconscious and with the blood running over\\nhis face. The House by a vote of 121 to 95 failed to\\nexpel Brooks as a two-thirds majority was necessary.\\nBut he at once resigned his seat, and. after being treated\\nas a hero for three weeks in his State, was re-elected to\\nCongress. The South either excused his action or ap-\\nproved of it, while the North denounced it in unmeasured\\nscorn.\\nXXXVI. THE DRED SCOTT DECISION: 1S56.\\nTwo days after the slave power had inaugurated a\\nPresident of the United States, the Supreme Court\\nhanded down a decision intended to be of far-reaching\\neffect. It related to slavery in the Territories. Dred\\nScott was the slave of an army surgeon who resided in\\nMissouri. His master had taken him to Illinois and later\\nto Minnesota. The laws of Illinois prohibited slavery in\\nthat State, and Congress in 1820 had prohibited slavery\\nin Minnesota. In 1853 Scott began a suit for his liberty\\nin the courts of the United States. He claimed his free-\\ndom on the round of residence in a free State and Ter-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE DRED SCGTT DECISION 73\\nritory. The case came up on appeal to the Supreme\\nCourt and was decided March 6, 1S56.\\nThe decision consisted of two distinct parts: The first\\nheld that Scott was not a citizen of Missouri and hence\\nnot entitled to sue in the courts of the United States;\\nthat the laws of Illinois did not set him free that the\\nright of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly\\naffirmed in the Constitution that the law passed b}^\\nCongress forbidding slaver) in Minnesota was unconsti-\\ntutional, and that Dred Scott be therefore sent back to\\nslaverv.\\nThe second part of the decision went far beyond the\\nquestion of one man s liberty. It held that Congress\\ncould no more exclude slaves from the Territories than\\nit could shut out any other form of property, and that\\nCongress was bound to protect the slave-owner s right\\nto his property. At one blow this decision swept away\\nevery law and established the right to slavery in every\\nTerritory from the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean. No\\nappeal could be taken from this great court except the\\nappeal to arms. The slave power now held two of the\\ndepartments of the government and defied the third.\\nThe judges were influenced by the society in which\\nthey moved. Five of them were southern men. They\\noften heard the debates in Congress. They dined and\\ntalked with the leaders of the South. There was no\\nplot to influence their decision, but the judges soon came\\nto believe that by forever settling the slavery question\\nthey would render the Supreme Court illustrious.\\nBut there was a general impression at the North that\\nthe decision was the result of a plot. This idea was best\\nexpressed by Lincoln: If we saw a lot of framed tim-\\nbers gotten out at different times and places by different", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "74 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nworkmen Stephen and Franklin and Roger and\\nJames, and if we saw these timbers joined together and\\nexactly made the frame of a house, with tenons and mor-\\ntises all fitting, what is the conclusion? We find it im-\\npossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and\\nRoger and James all understood one another from the\\nbeginning, and all worked upon a common plan before\\nthe first blow was struck. This statement was very\\npopular, but it did not portray the real influences back\\nof the great decision.\\nThe opinion of the court filled two hundred and forty\\nprinted pages and was a cold and pitiless review of the\\nbondage and degradation of the negroes. Lincoln well\\nexpressed its spirit toward the slave: All the powers\\nof earth seem rapidly combining against him. Mammon\\nis after him, ambition follows, philosophy and the theol-\\nogy of the day is fast joining the cry. They have him\\nin his prison house, they have searched his person and\\nleft no prying instrument with him. One after another\\nthey have closed the iron doors upon him, and now they\\nhave him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred\\nkeys, which can never be unlocked without the concur-\\nrence of every key, the keys in the hands of a hundred\\ndifferent men, and they scattered to a hundred different\\nand distant places.\\nXXXVII. THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS\\nDEBATE: 1858.\\nThe Dred Scott decision gave an impetus to slavery\\nagitation. In the election of 1858 the Republicans every-\\nwhere polled a much heavier vote. Pennsylvania, the\\nPresident s home State, voted strongly against his ad-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 75\\nministration. Illinois, for the first time, was carried by\\nthe Republicans. In this State the Lincoln and Doug-\\nlas Debate held the attention of the nation for months\\nto the single issue of slavery extension. All through the\\nNorth sprang up renewed interest in the slavery ques-\\ntion.\\nThe character and reputation of the men had much to\\ndo with the importance of the debate between Lincoln\\nand Douglas. Although a young man, Douglas had\\nbeen a leading candidate for the Presidency, had been in\\nCongress for }^ears, and in the Senate had met no equal\\nin debate. His clear and vigorous English, his great\\nenergy in bold and direct statement and his rapidity and\\nfertility of mind were the striking qualities of this natural\\norator and advocate. Long practice had taught him the\\nmoods and emotions of assemblages, and no man before\\nan audience was better qualified to act the part of Marc\\nAntony. But his situation demanded all his ability. It\\nwas well known that the President and his friends de-\\nsired to see Douglas defeated. With most men this fact\\nwould have meant defeat. The Republican party, too,\\nwas daily increasing in strength. With loss of friends\\nand increase of enemies, Douglas now put forth the\\ngreatest effort of his life.\\nLincoln was now in his fiftieth year. From poverty\\nand obscurity he had raised himself to leadership in his\\nState. Without the aid of schools he had won high rank\\nfor his pure and clear English. In a rude society, he had\\nall the instincts of a gentleman. His kindness was as\\ndeeply inwrought in his nature as was his humor. He\\nloved the truth for its own sake. He believed in the\\nright and that in the end the right would triumph. He\\nhad an abiding faith in the common people. He said:", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "76 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nYou can fool some of the people all the time, and all of\\nthe people some of the time, but you can t fool all the\\npeople all the time. This man now stood before au-\\ndiences where his character was known, and his personal\\nworth spoke louder than the forceful and adroit oratory\\nof Douglas.\\nLincoln and Douglas were both candidates to repre-\\nsent Illinois in the Senate of the United States. In June\\nLincoln said: A house divided against itself cannot\\nstand. I believe this government cannot endure half\\nslave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall,\\nbut I expect it will cease to be divided. It will be-\\ncome all one thing or all the other. In July Douglas\\nattacked this doctrine in a speech at Chicago. After two\\nor three speeches by each candidate, Lincoln challenged\\nDouglas to a joint debate. Douglas accepted, and seven\\njoint discussions were held in different parts of the State.\\nThe first was at Ottawa, Illinois, August 21, and the last\\nat Alton, October 15. They were held in the open air,\\nusually in groves, and from five to ten thousand persons\\nwere present at each discussion. The single issue of\\nslavery was presented by each orator. Lincoln asked\\nDouglas if a Territory could exclude slavery before such\\nTerritory became a State. He knew if Douglas should\\nsay No, and thus affirm that slavery was fastened\\nupon a Territory in spite of its people, that the author\\nand champion of squatter sovereignty could never be\\nSenator from Illinois. He knew if Douglas should say\\nYes, and thus affirm that a Territory could exclude\\nslavery, that this would flatly contradict the Dred Scott\\ndecision, would offend the entire South, and that the am-\\nbitious statesman could never be President of the United\\nStates. Douglas saw the full force of the question. He", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "JOHN brown s raid. 77\\nanswered that a Territory could not directly exclude\\nslavery, but that it could by unfriendly laws so hamper\\nthe slave-holders rights that slavery would be practi-\\ncally excluded. This halting answer cost Douglas the\\nPresidency. Lincoln s question was a wedge between\\nthe northern and southern Democrats.\\nIn November following the debate the Republicans\\npolled 125,430 and the Democrats 121,609 votes; the\\nfriends of Buchanan cast 5,071 ballots. Owing to a\\nprevious apportionment, the Democrats still controlled\\nthe legislature, and Douglas was soon re-elected to the\\nSenate.\\nBut the moral victory remained with the new party.\\nThe Illinois campaign had attracted the attention of the\\nwhole Union. Lincoln s speeches were published in the\\nlarge cities of the North, and formed a kind of platform\\nfor the Republican party. Longfellow read his speeches\\nwith approval. Greeley came to his support in the col-\\numns of the Tribune. Colfax and Chase spoke many\\ntimes in Illinois. Douglas, beside meeting Lincoln in\\nthe seven debates, made a hundred speeches in the State.\\nBoth North and South knew that the campaign was a\\ncontest between freedom and slavery, and that freedom\\nhad won.\\nXXXVIII. JOHN BROWN S RAID: 1859.\\nThe Illinois campaign of 1858 aroused the conscience\\nof the North, but the next year John Brown s raid deeply\\nstirred the wrath of the entire South. Brown was a\\nreligious enthusiast, and his plan was wildly absurd, but\\nhis raid at Harper s Ferry on October 17 sent an instant\\nand profound alarm of a slave insurrection throughout\\nthe fifteen slave States.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "78 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nJohn Brown was the sixth in descent from Peter\\nBrown, who came over in the Mayflower. He was born\\nin Connecticut in 1800, but with his parents came to\\nOhio five years later. After leaving his father s farm\\nhe tried and failed in the business of a tanner, a surveyor,\\na farmer, and of a dealer in wool. In October, 1855, ie\\nwent to Kansas with his sons, and in the border warfare\\nhe soon became the terror of the pro-slavery party.\\nHe was tall and slender and impressed one by his\\nserious manner. He was deeply religious, but he was a\\nPuritan transplanted to the nineteenth century. He\\nread the Old Testament constantly and greatly admired\\nOliver Cromwell. He had a strong will and undoubted\\ncourage. He believed that without the shedding of\\nblood there is no remission of sins. His education was\\nlimited, his faith dogmatic. He had a burning hatred\\nfor slavery, and his religious mind transformed all the\\ngreat influences of freedom into a personal call to duty.\\nFor twenty years he had pondered over some way to\\nfree the slaves of the South; but out of his experience in\\nKansas he had formed the plan to seize the arsenal at\\nHarper s Ferry and then call all the slaves to freedom.\\nHe expected that thousands of slaves would join him,\\nand that Northern men would flock to his defense. In\\n1857 he ordered of a Connecticut firm a thousand pikes,\\nwhich two years later were used by him at Harper s\\nFerry.. In the early part of 1858 he was instructing\\ntwelve men in Iowa in military drill, and a little later he\\nvisited Frederick Douglas at his home in Rochester, New\\nYork, and explained his plan in full. He then went to\\nBoston, where he received some encouragement, re-\\nlumed to Iowa, collected his band and with them went east\\nby way of Chicago and Detroit to Chatham, in Canada.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN S RAID. 79\\nHere he outlined his plan to a motley assembly of\\nnegroes and white persons men, women and boys\\nand was b}^ them elected commander-in-chief. Disap-\\npointed in his hopes of aid from Boston he was forced\\nto put off his attack for nearly a year. But on July 4,\\n1859, Brown and his two sons rented a farm five miles\\nfrom Harper s Ferry. Here they quietly collected some\\nrifles and tents, and assembled a small body of men and\\nboys. All was done so well that no suspicion arose.\\nHarper s Ferry had a population of 5,000, and the\\ngovernment arsenal usually contained over 100,000 stand\\nof arms. At 8:00 P. M., Sunday evening, October 16,\\n1859, Brown, with eighteen men, left the farm and\\nreached the town three hours later. They at once\\ncaptured the arsenal and posted sentinels. They detained\\nthe midnight passenger train for three hours. In the\\nmorning a thousand men in arms attacked Brown and\\nhis followers and drove them into a brick engine house.\\nIn answer to telegrams President Buchanan sent eighty\\nmarines, under Robert E. Lee, from the navy yard at\\nWashington, and these arrived at Harper s Ferry on\\nMonday evening. The next morning, on Brown s re-\\nfusal to surrender, the engine house was stormed and\\nBrown, with six others, were made prisoners. Ten of the\\nband were killed and five escaped. Brown was soon\\ntried and sentenced to death. On the way to the gal-\\nlows he kissed a negro child and spoke of the beauty of\\nthe landscape. In the presence of death he had no fear\\nand no regret.\\nThe wrath of the South rose high at Brown s attempt\\nto free the slaves in a slave State. The North was ac-\\ncused of inciting and then justifying the attack. The\\nRepublican party was held responsible for what the", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "SO FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nslave-holders thought was a lawless and criminal in-\\nvasion of a peaceful State. The raid strengthened the\\nenmity between the two sections and hastened the civil\\nwar.\\nXXXIX. THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION\\nOF i860.\\nSix months after John brown s raid the Democratic\\nNational convention met at Charleston, South Carolina.\\nThe delegates from the fifteen slave States demanded\\nthat the platform should clearly set forth the right to\\nhold slaves in a Territory and the duty of Congress to\\nprotect slavery in such Territory. The northern dele-\\ngates refused to agree to this imperious demand. On\\nsuch a platform they knew that their candidate, Stephen\\nA. Douglas, could never be elected. The convention, by\\na vote of 165 to 138, refused the demand to force slavery\\ninto the Territories. The delegates from Louisiana,\\nAlabama, South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Texas\\nand Arkansas at once withdrew from the convention. If\\nthey could not rule they would ruin the Democratic\\nparty. The remainder of the convention adjourned to\\nmeet again in Baltimore on June 18, i860. At the ap-\\npointed time and place the delegates reassembled, and\\nseven States Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee,\\nDelaware, Maryland, Kentucky and California with-\\ndrew. The remainder of the convention nominated\\nDouglas for President. The southern Democrats nom:-\\nnated John C. Breckenridge for President. This hope-\\nlessly divided the Democratic party and broke the\\nstrongest bond between the North and South.\\nThe Republican National convention was held in Chi-\\ncago on May 16, i860. Four hundred and sixty-six", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION OF i860. 8 1\\ndelegates assembled in a large square building called the\\nWigwam, and ten thousand spectators watched their\\nproceedings. The noted lawyer, William M. Evarts,\\nheaded the New York delegation. Horace Greeley was\\nthere as the representative of the distant State of Oregon.\\nThe interest was eager and even intense. The whole\\nassembly was confident that the next President of the\\nUnited States would there be nominated. Three candi-\\ndates Lincoln, Chase and Seward were before the\\nconvention. On the first ballot Lincoln received 102 and\\nSeward 175 votes. On the third ballot Lincoln received\\n231 and Seward 180 votes. Only three more would\\ngive Lincoln a majority of the convention. A hush fell\\nupon the great assembly. Just then Ohio gave four\\nmore votes to Lincoln and assured his nomination. En-\\nthusiasm now broke forth, and a cannon placed on the\\nroof was fired off At the close of the third ballot Lin-\\ncoln received 364 votes, and stood forth the standard-\\nbearer of a young, vigorous, determined and widely-\\nextended political party.\\nA Constitutional Union party met in convention at\\nBaltimore and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for\\nPresident. It opposed both the Democrats and Repub-\\nlicans, and pledged a firm allegiance to the Constitution\\nof the country, the union of the States, and the enforce-\\nment of the laws.\\nFour candidates were now before the public. Lincoln\\nstood pledged against the extension of slavery. Breck-\\ninridge was pledged to extend it bylaw. Douglas aimed\\nto evade the issue by his doctrine of squatter sover-\\neignty. Bell hoped to avoid the issue by ignoring it.\\nEnthusiasm and deep earnestness marked the cam-\\npaign. Lincoln took almost no part in it, but he closely", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "82 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nobserved the great movement that was to place him at\\nthe head of the Nation. Seward s fame rilled the North\\nas he spoke in various places from New York to Min-\\nnesota. Long torchlight processions, often numbering\\ntwenty thousand men, appeared for the first time. Low-\\nell, Whittier, Holmes, William Cullen Bryant and George\\nW. Curtis rendered active aid to the Republican party.\\nThe election on November 6, i860, showed the wide\\nseparation of the North and the South. Lincoln carried\\nevery northern State except New Jersey, and even in\\nthis State he received four of the seven electoral votes.\\nBreckinridge carried every southern State except Vir-\\nginia, Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri, but even here\\nthree of these States voted for Bell, who was a slave-\\nholder, and Missouri voted for Douglas, whose ability in\\nCongress had ever been on the side of slavery. Lincoln\\nreceived 1,866,452; Douglas, 1,375,157; Breckinridge,\\n8 47 953 and Bell 59\u00c2\u00b0 6 3 l votes\\nXL. SECESSION: 1860-61.\\nSince 1850 the leading men of the South had deter-\\nmined on secession if they could not maintain with the\\nNorth equal power in the Union. It seemed to them\\nthat the North had gained in every contest over slavery.\\nIn 1S20 their right to hold slaves had been abolished\\nover a vast region north and west of Missouri. They\\nhad brought on the Mexican war to extend slavery, and\\nall but Texas was practically free territory. They had\\nforced through Congress a fugitive slave law, and it\\ncould not be enforced. They had secured the law to\\nestablish slavery in Kansas, and yet free men of the\\nNorth had actual possession of the Territory. The}", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "SECESSION. S3\\nhad gained from the Supreme Court a decision which\\nmight serve as a rock against the waves of public opin-\\nion, and it had been submerged. Every victory had\\nturned to defeat. When Lincoln was elected they re-\\nsolved on independence from a power they could not\\ncontrol.\\nFor years the idea of a great slave republic had been\\nrising in the Southern mind. By the war with Mexico\\nthe leaders had hoped to carry slavery clear through to\\nthe Pacific. Later on they intended to conquer Mexico,\\nand spread slavery throughout its whole extent. They\\nstood ready at any time to declare war against Spain,\\nand take Cuba by force. With such vantage ground it\\nwould be easy to gain and hold northern South America.\\nAround the Gulf of Mexico would then stand a huge\\nslave empire, able to withstand the North, and secure\\nthe existence of slavery for the next century.\\nThe South resolved on secession if Lincoln should be\\nelected. The legislature of South Carolina remained in\\nsession till after November 6 to hear the result of the\\nelection. When the news was flashed over the wires\\nthat Lincoln would be the next President, the legislature\\nvoted money for arms and called a State convention.\\nOn December 18, i860, this body met in Charleston\\namid rejoicing and deep feeling. Many gray-haired men\\nwere present. They soon passed the Ordinance of\\nSecession: We, the people of the State of South Car-\\nolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain\\nthat the union now subsisting between South\\nCarolina and other States under the name of The\\nUnited States of America is hereby dissolved. As\\nthe last word was read bv an a^ed slave-holder, the con-\\nvention broke into cheers, the crowd outside sent up a", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "84 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\ngreat shout, church bells were rung, and a cannon sent\\nforth its ominous note.\\nIn the evening the members of the convention entered\\nInstitute Hall in solemn procession for the purpose of\\nformally signing the Ordinance of Secession. The docu-\\nment was first read, and then a white-haired minister\\nasked God s blessing on the great step taken. It took\\ntwo hours for all the members to sign the act of separa-\\ntion, and many recalled the famous scene of 1776 in\\nIndependence Hall. Crowds of ladies in the galleries\\ngraced the occasion. Military companies marched\\nthrough the streets, huge bonfires lighted up many\\nsquares, and fireworks flashed and glittered in the dark-\\nness.\\nSouth Carolina at once took measures to show that\\nshe was a free and independent nation. The governor\\norganized a cabinet, a new flag was adopted, and the\\nCharleston papers published news from the United States\\nunder the heading Foreign News. Commissioners\\nwere soon sent to Washington to secure from the gov-\\nernment of the United States the surrender of all forts\\nand public buildings in the State of South Carolina.\\nOn January 5, 1861, the Senators from Mississippi,\\nFlorida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas met in\\nWashington and resolved on secession, and by Febru-\\nary 1 every one of these six States had formally with-\\ndrawn from the Union. As each State seceded, its\\nSenators and Representatives in Congress left Washing-\\nton for the South. As a rule they made no speeches\\nand presented no list of grievances in breaking the unity\\nand grandeur of the nation.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "DECISION AT THE SOUTH. 85\\nXLI. THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF\\nAMERICA: 1861.\\nOn February 4 forty-two delegates, representing\\nSouth Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi-\\nana and Florida, met in the State House at Montgomery,\\nAlabama, adopted a temporary government, and elected\\nJefferson Davis President and Alexander H. Stephens\\nVice-President. These officers were to serve until a\\npermanent constitution was adopted. On February 18\\nPresident Davis was inaugurated in the presence of a\\nlarge assemblage. He then said: Our new govern-\\nment is founded upon the great truth that the\\nnegro is not equal to the white man. On March ir a\\npermanent constitution was adopted by seven States.\\nXLII. THE PEACE CONGRESS: 1861.\\nBut a strong effort was now made to save the great\\nUnion. A Peace Congress of one hundred and thirty-\\nthree commissioners from twenty-one States met in\\nWashington on February 4 and remained in session for\\ntwenty-three days. It advocated the extension of the\\nMissouri compromise line to the Pacific, and payment\\nfrom the National Treasury for all fugitive slaves res-\\ncued after arrest.\\nXLIII. DECISION AT THE SOUTH.\\nWhile the North waited and did nothing, all at the\\nSouth was decision and activity. As each State seceded\\nit took possession of the post-offices, custom-houses and\\nforts within its borders. Arms were purchased and large\\nforces of men were instructed in military drill. Prom-\\ninent men in the army, navy and civil service of the\\nUnited States were constantly resigning to join the South.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "86 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nXLIV. DIVISION AT THE NORTH.\\nPresident Buchanan declared that secession was ille-\\ngal, but that the government of the United States had no\\npower to force a State back into the Union. To destroy\\nthe Union was illegal, but to preserve it was unconstitu-\\ntional. The President used his position to impress upon\\nthe country that the North was wrong and that the\\nSouth was right. The New York Tribune stated: If\\nthe cotton States shall decide that they can do better out\\nof the Union than in it, we insist on lettino; them 20 in\\npeace. Other leading papers at the North declared for\\nsome peaceful settlement of all questions in dispute. On\\nJanuary 14, 1861, the legislature of Ohio asked the other\\nStates to repeal their personal liberty laws, and in three\\nmonths Rhode Island, Vermont and Massachusetts had\\ncomplied with the request. The North quailed in the\\npresence of actual disunion.\\nNLV. LINCOLN S JOURNEY TO WASHING-\\nTON: 1861.\\nIn the midst of this uncertainty all eyes turned to the\\ncoming President. Early on Monday morning, Febru-\\nary 11, 1861, Lincoln went from his home to the small\\nstation in Springfield to take the train for the East.\\nMore than a thousand of his friends and neighbors had\\ngathered there for a last farewell. In silent emotion he\\ngrasped the hands of those who had known and believed\\nin him. His progress eastward was one continued ova-\\ntion. At Indianapolis thirty-three cannon shots greeted\\nthe arrival of his train. Governor Morton met him at\\nthe station in a carriage drawn by four white horses,\\nand they drove through the city followed by the legisla-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "Lincoln s inauguration. 87\\nture and other State officers. In Cincinnati he met an\\nimmense crowd, and then went northeast to Columbus,\\nwhere he addressed the legislature in the capitol. From\\nthis city he bore east to Pittsburg, and then northwest to\\nCleveland. Going east through Buffalo to Albany, he\\nwas amazed at the vast crowds that met him in the\\nEmpire State. At Troy he spoke to fifteen thousand\\npeople, and a quarter of a million persons saw him enter\\nthe streets of New York. In Philadelphia the vast as-\\nsemblage surpassed any that he had seen. On Febru-\\nary 22 he spoke in Independence Hall. Up to this time\\nhis journey had been determined by the invitations of\\ncities and legislatures. But now no word of hospitality\\ncame from Maryland, through which he must pass. On\\nthe contrary, he received word from many sources that\\nhis life would be in danger in Baltimore. He at once\\ntook a night train, and in disguise passed through the\\nhostile State and appeared in Washington the next\\nmorn in\\nXLVI. LINCOLN S INAUGURATION:\\nMARCH 4, 1861.\\nOn March 4 he was inaugurated, and great care was\\ntaken for his protection. General Scott placed the whole\\ncity under military guard, and received reports from his\\ntroops every fifteen minutes. The line of procession was\\nalong Pennsylvania avenue from the White House to the\\nCapitol. Cavalry guarded all the side streets, and sharp-\\nshooters lined the roofs along Pennsylvania avenue, with\\ninstructions to watch the windows on the opposite side\\nof the street. Dense masses of mounted soldiers guarded\\nLincoln in the center of the street. The same care was\\ntaken on his return to the White House.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "88 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nOn his way from Springfield to Washington Lincoln\\nhad carefully avoided any declaration of his policy. He\\nwished first of all to be peacefully inaugurated. He said:\\nLet us do one thing at a time, and the big things first.\\nBut when he stood at the east front of the Capitol he\\nknew that responsibility had come and that his words\\nwould be flashed to every part of the nation. He de-\\nclared he would maintain the Union, and he threw the\\nwhole responsibility for war upon the South.\\nIn your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen,\\nand not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war.\\nThe government will not assail you. You can have no\\nconflict without yourselves being the aggressors. You\\ncan have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the\\ngovernment, while I shall have the most solemn one to\\npreserve, protect and defend it. I am loath to close. We\\nare not enemies, but friends. Though passion may have\\nstrained, it must not break our bonds of affection.\\nXL VII. THE NORTH AND SOUTH COM-\\nPARED: i860.\\nAt last the North faced the South with a practical\\ndeclaration of war. The long conflict of ideas was about\\nto end and the conflict of force to begin. It will throw\\nlight on the great civil war which followed to compare\\nthe resources of the two sections, and for this purpose\\nthe census of i860 is invaluable. For greater clearness,\\nround numbers will be given, and in each comparison\\nthe seventeen free States will be contrasted with the\\neleven slave States which seceded.\\nFrom Maine to Kansas, and from New Jersey to Min-\\nnesota, seventeen free States formed a united and pow-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "NORTH AND SOUTH COMPARED. 89\\nerful nation. It had an area of over 600,000 square\\nmiles and a population of 19,000,000. The eleven Con-\\nfederate States of America, extending from Virginia\\nto Texas, formed another thoroughly compact nation,\\nwith an area of more than 700,000 square miles, and a\\npopulation of 9,000,000. The war, in reality, was be-\\ntween two distinct and independent nations. The four\\nslave States Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Mis-\\nsouri furnished men and supplies to both sides. The\\ndistant and thinly inhabited States of California and\\nOregon gave little aid to the North.\\nThe North had great resources in its varied indus-\\ntries, while the South relied mainly on the one occupa-\\ntion of farming. The seventeen free States had over\\n100,000 manufacturing establishments worth more than\\n$800,000,000, and employing more than 1,000,000 per-\\nsons; the eleven slave States had 20,000 manufacturing\\nestablishments of all kinds, worth less than $100,000,\\nand employing 110,000 persons. The North had twice\\nas many miles of railways, and five times the ocean\\ntonnage. Even in agriculture the Northern farmers\\nowned $4,800,000,000 worth of farm lands, while the\\nSouthern planter had only $1,800,000,000 in such prop-\\nerty.\\nThe North led in intellectual as well as in material re-\\nsources. It had 1,200 printing establishments to 150 in\\nthe South. North of Mason and Dixon s line and the\\nOhio river there were 250 dailies and 1,800 weekly\\nnewspapers; while in the eleven slave States there were\\nonly 66 dailies and 600 weekly newspapers. The North\\nhad over 6,coo public libraries, circulating more than\\n5,000,000 volumes, while the South had half as many\\nlibraries, sending out less than 2,000,000 volumes. Two", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "(,0 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nmillion seven hundred thousand pupils attended the pub-\\nlic schools in the North to 580,00 in the South. From\\n1790 to 1849 the North took out 16,514 patents for in-\\nventions, while the South had only 2,202 such patents.\\nXL VIII. FORT SUMTER: APRIL 12, 1861.\\nAs fast as the States seceded they took possession of the\\nforts and arsenals within their borders, and in the early\\nmonths of 1861 there remained to tha Union only three\\nforts: Fortress Monroe, in Virginia; Fort Sumter, in\\nSouth Carolina, and the defenses at Key West, Florida.\\nIn January President Buchanan ordered the vessel, the\\nStar of the West, to take supplies to Fort Sumter. As\\nthis vessel was entering the harbor on January 9, 1861,\\nshe was fired on by a Confederate battery and compelled\\nto return to New York. This was the first overt act of\\nwar: but President Buchanan did nothing.\\nIn April the Confederates resolved to capture Fort\\nSumter. This fort stood in the center of the harbor,\\ncommanding its entrance, and contained forty-eight can-\\nnons, hundreds of barrels of powder and many small\\narms. It was held by Major Anderson and 127 men.\\nThe Confederates erected strong land batteries within\\nreach of the fort. On Major Anderson s refusal to sur-\\nrender the place they opened fire at 4:30 A. M., April\\n12, 1861. Nineteen batteries hurled shot and shell\\nagainst the solid walls. The attack was begun on Fri-\\nday morning and continued for thirty-four hours. On\\nSaturday, at 11:00 A. M., the fort was on fire, and\\nthrough the dense masses of black smoke the flames\\nshot upward. A white flag soon rose above the walls,\\nand the fort was formally surrendered. Major Anderson\\nand his men were allowed to leave for the North.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "A VISION OF THE WAR. 91\\nThe attack on Fort Sumter marked an epoch. It\\nended a long conflict of ideas and ushered in a conflict\\nof force. It began the final struggle between freedom\\nand slavery. The lurid and sinister glare from those\\nguns on that eventful Friday morning, and the roar from\\ntheir iron throats, should have sent a thrill of hope and\\njoy to 4,000,000 slaves.\\nXLIX. OPENING OF THE WAR.\\nThe news of the surrender was flashed over the Union.\\nOn April 15 Lincoln issued a call for 75,000 troops to\\nput down the rebellion. Governors of States at once\\nloyally responded, and in forty-eight hours a Massachu-\\nsetts regiment was on board a train bound for Washing-\\nton. The stars and stripes decorated the homes of\\nmillions at the North. Patriotic speeches were made\\nfrom the platform and pulpit. The newspapers were\\nrilled with the news of preparation. Cannons were be-\\ning cast in the great foundries, and new foundries were\\nbeing built.\\nL. A VISION OF THE WAR.\\nThe past, as it were, rises before me like a dream.\\nAgain we are in the great struggle for national life. We\\nhear the sound of preparation the music of the boister-\\nous drums the silver voices of heroic bugles. We see\\nthousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of ora-\\ntors; we see the pale cheeks of women, and the flushed\\nfaces of men; and in those assemblages we see all the\\ndead whose dust we have covered with flowers. We\\nlose sight of them no more. We are with them when", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "92 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nthey enlist in the great army of freedom. We see them\\npart with those they love. Some are walking for the\\nlast time in quiet, woody places with the maidens they\\nadore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows\\nof eternal love as they lingeringly part forever. Others\\nare bending over cradles kissing babes that are asleep.\\nSome are receiving the blessings of old men. Some are\\nparting with mothers, who hold them and press them to\\ntheir .hearts again and again, and say nothing; and some\\nare talking with wives, and endeavoring with brave\\nwords spoken in the old tones to drive away the awful\\nfear. We see them part. We see the wife standing in\\nthe door with the babe in her arms standing in the sun-\\nlight sobbing at the turn of the road a hand waves\\nshe answers by holding high in her loving hands the\\nchild. He is gone, and forever.\\nWe see them all as they march proudly away under\\nthe flaunting flags, keeping time to the wild, grand music\\nof war marching down the streets of the great cities\\nthrough the towns and across the prairies down to the\\nfields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right.\\nWe go with them, one and all. We are by their\\nside on all the gory fields, in all the hospitals of pain\\non all the weary marches. We stand guard with them\\nin the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are\\nwith them in ravines running with blood in the fur-\\nrows of old fields. We are with them between contend-\\ning hosts, unable to move, wild with thirst, the life ebbing\\nslowly away among the withered leaves. We see them\\npierced by balls and torn with shells, in the trenches of\\nforts, and in the whirlwind of the charge, where men\\nbecome iron, with nerves of steel.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "A VISION OF THE WAR. 93\\nWe are with them in the prisons of hatred and fam-\\nine, but human speech can never tell what they endured.\\nWe are at home when the news comes that they are\\ndead. We see the maiden in the shadow of her sorrow.\\nWe see the silvered head of the old man bowed with\\nthe last grief.\\nThe past rises before us, and we see four millions of\\nhuman beings governed by the lash we see them\\nbound hand. and foot we hear the strokes of cruel\\nwhips we see the hounds tracking women through\\ntangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts\\nof mothers. Cruelty unspeakable! Outrage infinite!\\nFour million bodies in chains four million souls in\\nfetters. All the sacred relations of wife, mother, father\\nand child trampled beneath the brutal feet of might.\\nAnd all this was done under our own beautiful banner\\nof the free.\\nThe past rises before us. We hear the roar and\\nshriek of the bursting shell. The broken fetters fall..\\nThere heroes died. We look. Instead of slaves we see\\nmen and women and children. The wand of progress\\ntouches the auction block, the slave-pen and the whip-\\nping-post, and we see homes and firesides, and school-\\nhouses and books, and where all was want and crime,\\nand cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free.\\nThese heroes are dead. They died for liberty\\nthey died for us. They are at rest. They sleep in the\\nland they made free, under the flag they rendered stain-\\nless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the tear-\\nful willows, the embracing vines. They sleep beneath\\nthe shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine or\\nstorm, each in the windowless palace of rest. Earth may\\nrun red with other wars they are at peace. In the", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "94 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nmidst of battle, in the roar of conflict, they found the\\nserenity of death. I have one sentiment for the soldiers\\nliving and dead cheers for the living and tears for the\\ndead.\\nLI. THE AREA OF THE WAR.\\nSeventeen free States now resolutely determined to\\nmaintain the Union and to put down the rebellion in the\\neleven slave States. The war spread over an area of\\n800,000 square miles. It lasted four years and held the\\nattention of the civilized world. Its two great issues\\nwere the liberty of the slaves and the existence of re-\\npublican government.\\nLII. THE UNION AND CONFEDERATE\\nARMiES.\\nDuring the war the North enrolled in its armies\\n2,850,000 and the South 1, 100,000 soldiers. Of these\\n4,000,000 men, less than one-half were in actual service\\nat one time. The war opened with a Union army of\\n16,000, and the Confederacy had not a single soldier. At\\nthe close of the war the North had enrolled 1,000,516\\nsoldiers, and the South only 175,000.\\nLIH. BATTLES AND LOSS OF LIFE.\\nThe total number of engagements of all kinds in the\\nfour years was 2,265. There were 330 battles where\\nthe Union loss in killed, wounded and missing was above\\ntoo. Seven hundred thousand soldiers died for the\\nUnion or for the Confederacy.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "FREEDOM OF THE SLAVES. 95\\nLIV. COST OF THE WAR.\\nWhen Fort Sumter was surrendered the debt of the\\nUnited States was about $80,000,000. When Lee sur-\\nrendered it was $2,800,000,000. During the last three\\nyears of the war the Federal government collected\\n$780,000,000 in taxes, sold $1,100,000,000 worth of\\nbonds, and issued in the form of notes and paper money,\\n$1,000,000,000. But the total cost of the civil war will\\nnot be known until the Confederate outlay can be given,\\nthe destruction of property on both sides ascertained,\\nand the loss in labor of 4,000,000 soldiers is estimated\\nwith some accuracy.\\nLV. THE FREEDOM OF THE SLAVES.\\nAt first the war was to save the Union and not to\\nfree the slaves. In February, 1861, the House of Repre-\\nsentatives unanimously passed a resolution declaring that\\nCongress had no power to touch slavery in the slave\\nStates. When Lincoln was first inaugurated he ex-\\npressly disclaimed any intention to interfere with slavery\\nwhere it then existed. The North would not then sup-\\nport an abolition war. The two giant forces of freedom\\nand of slavery had come into deadly conflict, and one was\\ntrying to maintain a legal union with its natural enemy.\\nBut as the great war went on, its real cause thrust itself\\ninto all the military operations. The slave might be a\\nlaborer or soldier in the Union army. He was such in\\nthe Confederate army. He labored on the plantation,\\nwhile his master, on the battle field, fought to make\\nslavery eternal. The patient bondman faithfully and\\nlovingly cared for the wife and children of the man who\\nfought to destroy the sacredness and beauty of the lowly\\nhome. It was said that a single firebrand thrown into a", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "9^ FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nSouthern home would have disbanded the Confederate\\narmies and not one was thrown. This speaks eloquently\\nfor master and slave, but it can never justify a system\\nthat produced a constant succession of outrages. By\\ntheir devotion the slaves defended slavery. They fur-\\nnished a large army of laborers, who released an equal\\nnumber of white men for active military operations.\\nAs the war went on the North was compelled to rec-\\nognize slavery as a fact of great military importance.\\nIn July, 1862, Congress confiscated the slaves of all per-\\nsons in rebellion against the United States. This law\\nalone would have freed nearly half of the slaves. At\\nonce the cry of an Abolition War went up at the\\nNorth, and Lincoln appealed to the public in a remark-\\nable letter to Greeley. If I could save the Union with-\\nout freeing any slave, I would do it; if I could save it by\\nfreeing ail the slaves, I would do it; and if I could d.3 it\\nby freeing some and leaving others alone, I would do it.\\nLincoln seems to have had two distinct policies at this\\ntime. Deep in his heart lay an abiding love of justice,\\nand he wished that this great war should not end with-\\nout removing a great wrong. Years before he had seen\\na young girl sold at auction in New Orleans, and moved\\nby strong emotion, he then said: If I ever get a chance\\nto hit slavery, Til hit it hard.\\nHe was now in a position to strike slavery with all\\nthe energy of the North, and to put the South in defense\\nof the wrong before the civilized world.\\nBut he knew that a war for abolition alone would not\\nbe supported. Hence he emphasized the military ne-\\ncessity of emancipation. He sincerely belie vetl in that\\nnecessity, but an almost divine justice and compassion\\ncontrolled his action.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. 97\\nIn September, 1862, Lincoln thought the time for ac-\\ntion had come. The war had been in progress a year\\nand a half, and the policy of the Administration would\\nsoon be considered in the November elections. A great\\nbattle had just driven a southern army from northern soil.\\nLincoln determined to let the North choose between\\nfreedom and slavery.\\nOn September 22, 1862, he issued a proclamation de-\\nclaring That on the first day of January, in the year\\nof our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-\\nthree, all persons held as slaves within any State, or\\ndesignated part of a State, the people whereof shall then\\nbe in rebellion against the United States, shall be then,\\nthenceforward, and forever free. On the day ap-\\npointed he issued the famous emancipation proclamation\\nwhich made Liberty and Union, one and inseparable.\\nFrom this time on the Union soldiers were fighting to\\ndestroy slavery as well as to save the Union. Every\\nbattle was now a blow for freedom and every death a\\nsacrifice, nobly rendered, to make the bondman free.\\nAt the close of the war the victorious North forced into\\nthe Constitution the thirteenth amendment: Neither\\nslavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punish-\\nment for crimes whereof the party shall have been duly\\nconvicted, shall exist in the United States or any place\\nsubject to their jurisdiction.\\nLVI. THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nWhen the war began the North had only thirteen ves-\\nsels ready for immediate service. The remaining sev-\\nenty-seven were either disabled or thousands of miles\\naway on distant seas.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "98 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nThe South had not a single sailor or vessel of war.\\nIt had only three rolling mills, no body of skilled mechan-\\nics, and no great gun factories or machine shops. But\\na single cotton crop might purchase a navy, and England\\nwould quickly buy the cotton and gladly sell the ships,\\nand with these ships the South might sweep the north-\\nern commerce from the ocean.\\nIt was a clear military necessity for the North to have\\nat least six hundred vessels to blockade the entire Con-\\nfederacy and to capture the forts and ports along its\\n1,900 miles of coast.\\nTo effect this great object, the government at once\\nbegan to add to the navy in rive ways.\\n1. Everything afloat that could be used in the service\\nwas bought. By July I, 1861, twelve steamers were\\nadded to the service.\\n2. Contracts were at once made with private parties\\nto construct small but heavily-armored screw gunboats.\\nSome of these were afloat in four months, and were\\ncalled ninety-day gunboats.\\n3. The government began the construction of sloops-\\nof-war, and at the close of 1861 fourteen were in the\\nservice.\\n4. The government built very many paddle-wheel\\nsteamers for use on the rivers and in shallow channels.\\n5. The government constructed ironclad war vessels.\\nAs fast as these vessels were made they were sent\\nalong the coast to stop all trade with the South. Old\\nvessels loaded with stone were sunk at the narrowest\\nentrances to ports. Gunboats were stationed in or near\\nthe harbor, ready to capture or destroy any vessel at-\\ntempting to pass.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. 99\\nThis blockade was very effective. During the year\\nbefore the war the South had sent 4,500,000 bales of\\ncotton to Europe; but during the next year not over\\n50,000 bales passed the blockade. The price of cotton\\nfell to eight cents a pound in the South and rose to fifty\\ncents a pound in England. The prices of manufactured\\narticles of all kinds rapidly rose in the Confederacy.\\nDuring the war the navy captured over 1,100 prizes,\\nworth $31,000,000, but its great work lay in destining\\nthe foreign trade of the South.\\nA cargo of manufactured articles from England soon\\ncommanded an extraordinary amount of cotton in the\\nSouth and offered the strongest inducement to break the\\nblockade. But as vessels could not enter the southern\\nports direct from Europe, it was necessary to have depots\\nof supplies near the South. Four places Nassau, Ber-\\nmuda, Havana and Matamoras served as stations for\\nthe trade. The chief southern ports were Savannah,\\nCharleston and Wilmington. A short run of five or six\\nhundred miles connected these cities with Nassau.\\nTo carry on this short line trade it became necessary\\nto have special vessels, known as blockade-runners.\\nThese were long, sharp-pointed, narrow side-wheel\\nsteamers. The hulls were painted in a dull gray color\\nand rose but a few feet above the water. Anthracite\\ncoal was used to avoid much smoke, and the smoke-\\nstacks rose but little above the decks. The vessels were\\nconstructed for speed, invisibility and stowage. On a\\ndark ni^ht and with a hiirh tide these vessels would run\\npast the blockade, change cargoes, return to Nassau and\\nreship the cotton to Europe. In four years 1,500 block-\\nade runners were made prizes or sunk and the trade was\\ngradually diminished.\\nL, rfC.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "IOO FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nLVII. ENGLAND AND THE CIVIL WAR.\\nA powerful party in England early showed sympathy\\nfor the South. The strength of this party was the aris-\\ntocracy, and its leader was the Prime Minister, Lord\\nJohn Russell. During the early part of the war nearly\\nall the great newspapers, the leading magazines, and the\\ninterviews and speeches of prominent men openly ex-\\npressed sympathy for the South, and declared that the\\nUnion was destroyed. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton pre-\\ndicted that four republics would spring forth from the\\nruins of the Union. Lord John Russell said, The strug-\\ngle is on the one side for empire, and on the other for\\npower. Edward A. Freeman, the distinguished his-\\ntorian, had printed on the title page of one of his histories\\nhis belief in the disruption of the United States. Glad-\\nstone said, The Federal government can never succeed\\nin putting down the rebellion.\\nOut of this public sentiment grew the hostile action of\\nthe English government. In February Lord John Rus-\\nsell wrote to Lord Lyons in Washington that the United\\nStates had sought for quarrels with England, but that\\nBritish forbearance springs from the consciousness of\\nstrength and not from the timidity of weakness. In\\nMarch a motion to recognize the independence of the\\nConfederacy was made in Parliament. On May 6 Lord\\nJohn Russell said in the House of Commons that the\\nSouthern Confederacy of America must be\\ntreated as a belligerent. On May 13 Charles Francis\\nAdams, the United States minister to England, landed at\\nLiverpool and on the very same day, as if to show dis-\\ncourtesy, England s proclamation of neutrality was issued.\\nIn July Lord John Russell, through Lord Lyons at", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. IOT\\nWashington, directed Mr. Bunch, a British consul at\\nCharleston, to open negotiations with the Confederate\\ngovernment. The government at Washington demanded\\nthe recall of Mr. Bunch for this hostile movement, but\\nEngland assumed full responsibility for the act and re-\\nfused the demand.\\nIn the autumn of 1861 the Confederate government\\nappointed James Murray Mason, of Virginia, and John\\nSlidell, of Louisiana, ministers respectively to England\\nand France. These officers were authorized to secure\\nthe full recognition of the Confederacy, to get loans and\\nmilitary supplies for the South, to make treaties, and to\\ndefeat the Union diplomacy. On the dark and stormy\\nnight of October 12 the ministers with their two secre-\\ntaries left Charleston for Nassau. From thence they\\nwent to Cardenas, Cuba, and then overland to Havana.\\nFrom this neutral port they took passage on the Trent,\\na British mail steamer and a neutral vessel bound for a\\nneutral port. They were clearly beyond the reach of\\nlegal capture. But on November 8 Captain Wilkes, of\\nthe United States man-of-war San Jacinto, captured the\\ntwo ministers and their secretaries and took them as\\nprisoners to Fort Warren, Boston.\\nThe whole North rejoiced at the capture. A banquet\\nin honor of Captain Wilkes was given in Boston. On\\nDecember 2 Congress gave him a vote of thanks. But\\nLincoln said, I fear the traitors will prove to be white\\nelephants. We must stick to American principles con-\\ncerning the rights of neutrals. We fought Great Brit-\\nain for insisting, by theory and practice, on the right to\\ndo precisely what Captain Wilkes has done.\\nTwo days after the news of the capture was received\\nthe English cabinet met and demanded the immediate", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "102 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nrelease of the four men, and that a suitable apology\\nshould be rendered to the English government. Troops\\nand supplies were at once ordered to Canada to enforce\\nthe demand. This was that British forbearance that\\nsprings from the consciousness of strength/ rather than\\na deliberate plan to destroy the great nation that for\\nthree-fourths of a century had risen with such power\\nand splendor and that was now struggling for its very\\nlife.\\nThe prisoners were released and Gladstone taunted\\nthe North for its wavering policy. Unfortunately, Sew-\\nard returned the prisoners on the ground that they had\\nnot been formally adjudged in a prize court. This was\\nnothing but the old right of search where a British\\nman-of-war had been made a floating judgment seat six\\nthousand times. The plain fact was that the Trent was\\na neutral vessel, from a neutral port to a neutral port,\\nand was, by international law, a part of the territory of\\nthe nation to which she belonged.\\nBut the English government permitted on its own soil\\nopen hostility to the Union. It allowed the Confederacy\\nto establish on English soil an active naval department.\\nThere its vessels were built, repaired, armed, commis-\\nsioned and sent forth to destroy the merchant vessels of\\nthe nation with which England was at peace. Years\\nlater England paid $15,500,000 in gold for her hostility\\nto a friendly nation, but the remembrance of that hos-\\ntility will never be effaced.\\nThere were two Englands. The landed aristocracy\\nand their followers had no sympathy with republican\\ngovernments; but the common people of England were\\nthe natural allies of the North, and their noblest repre-\\nsentative was John Bright. This eloquent and able", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTH IN 1865. IO3\\nstatesman deserves all honor in America. In the dark-\\nest hour of the Union he foretold its final triumph, ami\\neloquently portrayed its restoration over a vast domain\\nwith one people and one language and one law and one\\nfaith, and over all that wide continent the homes of free-\\ndom. The civil war produced the Cotton Famine\\nin England, and 500,000 operatives, thrown out of em-\\nployment, were, at one time, receiving poor relief. This\\nvast industrial army, under the stress of poverty, denied\\nits sympathy to a slave republic. The common people\\nof England felt that the North was fighting for free\\nlabor.\\nLVni. THE SOUTH IN 1865.\\nAt the opening of 1865 the situation at the South was\\ndesperate. The Union navy had utterly destroyed her\\nforeign trade, and stood guard at every sea port. Sheri-\\ndan, for the last time, was laying waste the beautiful\\nvalley of the Shenandoah. Sherman had burned the\\nfactories and machine shops of the manufacturing center\\nof the South, had made a wide swath of desolation to\\nthe sea, and now, destroying as he advanced, was march-\\ning North to join Grant at Richmond. Grant s army\\npresented a solid front of iron and steel to Lee s small\\narmy behind the defenses around Richmond. The Con-\\nfederate troops lacked food and supplies of all kinds.\\nThe railroads were not repaired, the plantations were\\nneglected, the money was worthless, desertions from the\\narm} were common, and the prisons were tilled with\\nUnion soldiers.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "IO4 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nLIX. THE FALL OF RICHMOND.\\nOn Sunday, April 2, 1865, all was in confusion in the\\ncity. President Davis was at church when he received\\nnews of Grant s attack. He at once left the service,\\ncalled a cabinet meeting, and decided that all the govern-\\nment archives should be taken out of the city. The\\nState legislature and city council also met and took\\nmeasures for departure. The arsenal and war vessels\\nwere now destroyed by tremendous explosions, and large\\nstores of cotton and tobacco were set on fire to prevent\\ncapture by the enemy. All the liquor was ordered de-\\nstroved, but a mob gave free rein to disorder and crime.\\nA desperate band of convicts set fire to the State prison,\\nand in their striped clothes went yelling and leaping\\nthrough the streets. One Lumkin had in his slave-\\ntrader s jail some fifty slaves men, women and chil-\\ndren. These he chained together and got ready to leave\\nthe city.\\nOn Monday order was restored. A colored regiment,\\nunder the command of a grandson of John Quincy\\nAdams, entered the city. They were regarded with\\nperfect horror by the white people, and met with trans-\\nports of delight by the colored population. The black\\nsoldiers, in their bright uniforms, rose in their stirrups\\nand waved their swords to greet the cheers of their\\ncolored brethren.\\nLX. LINCOLN IN RICHMOND.\\nOn Tuesday Lincoln entered Richmond. Accom-\\npanied by his son Tad and a small guard, and led by a\\ncolored man as a guide, he walked a mile and a half to\\nthe main part of the city. Crowds of colored people", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 105\\nlooked with wonder, joy and reverence on the man\\nof whom they had heard so much. One white-haired\\nnegro wearing a crownless hat, without a coat, and in\\ntattered clothes, half knelt before the President and said,\\nMay de good Lord bless and keep you safe, Mars\\nLinkum. Lincoln raised his hat and his eyes filled with\\ntears.\\nLXI. LEE S SURRENDER: APRIL 9, 1865.\\nOn April 3, 1865, Lee evacuated Richmond. It was\\na beautiful spring morning. Flowers grew by the way-\\nside. Many peach trees along the way were in bloom.\\nThe air was pure and clear, and the pale green leaves\\ngave a delicate color and charm to the landscape.\\nGrant pushed his troops after the retreating Confed-\\nerates. Sheridan, by rapid marching, got directly in\\nfront of Lee s line of retreat. On April 9 Lee sur-\\nrendered his whole army at Appomattox Court House,\\nand the war was ended.\\nLXII. ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN.\\nOn the President s return to Washington he attended\\nFord s theatre on the evening of April 14, 1865. John\\nWilkes Booth, an actor, ambitious for fame, noiselessly\\nopened the door at the rear of the box where Lincoln\\nsat. He had a dagger in one hand and a pistol in the\\nother. He sent a bullet through Lincoln s brain, jumped\\nfrom the box to the stage, cried to the audience Sic\\nSemper Tyrannis, ran quickly across the stage, escaped\\nthrough a rear door, mounted a horse in readiness, and\\nfled in the darkness from the city.\\nThe assassin had done sure work. Lincoln moved", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "I06 FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\nbut slightly. His eyes closed, his head drooped forward,\\nand he became unconscious. He was at once taken\\nacross the street to a room, and physicians were sum-\\nmoned. Members of the Cabinet watched at the bed-\\nside during the night. Senator Sumner was there, his\\ngreat frame shaken by sobs. Lincoln died the next\\nmorning a little after seven.\\nFuneral services were held in the East Room of the\\nWhite House, and then the cortege began its long jour-\\nney over the same route taken by Lincoln on his way to\\nWashington four years before. As the funeral car\\nmoved along Pennsylvania avenue, it was preceded by a\\ndetachment of colored soldiers and followed by the min-\\nisters of foreign nations, judges of the Supreme Court,\\nmembers of Congress and chief officers of the govern-\\nment. Bells tolled and minute guns sounded from the\\ndistant fortifications. The body lay in state for two days\\nin the rotunda of the Capitol. The tall columns and\\nmassive dome were draped in black. At Philadelphia\\na great concourse in Independence Hall looked on the\\nface of the man who, four years before, in that place,\\nhad said, Sooner than surrender these principles I\\nwould be assassinated on this spot. An immense mul-\\ntitude saw the remains in the City Hall of New York.\\nIn that city a solemn funeral hymn was rendered at mid-\\nnight by German musical societies. As the funeral train\\nwent along the Hudson, dirges and hymns were sung\\nand crowds stood uncovered as the body was borne to\\nits distant resting place. While he lay in state in the\\nCapitol at Albany, his assassin stood at bay in a burn-\\ning barn and was shot by a Union soldier. The long\\njourney westward was one continued tribute of grief\\nand affection. At the grave his second inaugural ad-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "TWO FORCES. IO7\\ndress was read, and its closing words marked well the\\ntrend of his life and character: With malice toward\\nnone, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as\\nGod gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish\\nthe work we are in.\\nLXIII. THE GRAND REVIEW.\\nIn May the armies under Grant and Sherman were\\nassembled in Washington for a final and grand review.\\nA large reviewing stand, finely decorated with flowers,\\nevergreens and flags, was erected near the White House,\\nand on this President Johnson, General Grant, the mem-\\nbers of the Cabinet and other distinguished men assem-\\nbled to honor the two great armies of the Union. For\\ndays before, every train had brought crowds of people\\ninto the city, and on the morning of the review Pennsyl-\\nvania avenue, on both sides, was lined with a dense mass\\nof humanity from the Capitol to the White House. An\\nhour before the troops began to march, the school chil-\\ndren of the city, bearing flowers for the soldiers, took\\nposition at the Capitol. For two days the great host,\\nforming a column thirty miles in length, marched along\\nthe historic avenue. It was a great army that knew\\nwhat war meant, and that had faced death on many\\nbattlefields. Their uniforms were worn and torn by\\nhard service. Many flags had been cut into shreds by\\nshot and shell. Memories of the fallen arose from the\\nstern pageant as the great army began its last march for\\ndistant homes and friends.\\nLXIV. TWO FORCES.\\nFrom the voyage of the Treasurer to the fall of Fort\\nSumter the institution of slavery was a positive and ag-", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "IOS FREEDOM AND SLAVERY.\\ngressive force in the industrial, social and political life of\\nthe South. For two and a half centuries it had spread\\nover a vast and fertile country. It had built up fifteen\\nslave States, embracing an area of 700,000 square miles.\\nThe slave was called the mud-sill of society, and\\nslavery was termed a good a positive good. Above\\nthis submerged mass appeared the courtesy and refine-\\nment of the white aristocracy. Slavery was protected\\nin every department of local, State and national govern-\\nment. Nothing but a sweeping revolution from within\\nor a gigantic attack from without could destroy an in-\\nstitution so interwoven with the structure of society.\\nFrom the voyage of the Mayflower to the election of\\nAbraham Lincoln freedom was a constant power in the\\nindustrial, social and political life of the North. During\\ntwo and a half centuries that power had been extended\\nfrom Plymouth Rock to the Golden Gate of California.\\nFree labor was the foundation of Northern industry and\\nprogress. Millions of European immigrants poured\\nfresh blood into the veins of the North. Manufactures\\nmultiplied, commerce on the Great Lakes enormously in-\\ncreased, and uniting the North was a great railway sys-\\ntem, over which were whirled the myriad products of\\nindustry.\\nThe civil war brought these opposing forces together,\\nand freedom triumphed over slavery. It was a victory\\nof civilization over a relic of barbarism. It enlarged the\\never-widening empire of freedom and justice.", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n012 0261368", "height": "2975", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "freedomslavery00kitt_0122.jp2"}}