{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3117", "width": "2056", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "_C--\\n,0o.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^c.\\ni^ v^\\n1 V\\n-n^\\nv^", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "A GENERAL\\nHISTORY OF EUROPE\\n(350-1900)", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "A GENERAL\\nHISTORY OF EUROPE\\n(350-1900)\\nBY\\nOLIVER J. THATCHER, Ph.D.\\nASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF MEDI/EVAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO\\nAND\\nFERDINAND SCHWILL, Ph.D.\\nASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO\\nWITH MAPS AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES\\nNEW YORK\\nCHARLES SCRIBNER S SONS\\n1900\\nv.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "7139\\n]|ui\u00c2\u00abi\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bbrT\u00c2\u00bb ICon.\u00c2\u00bb.\\nJUN 16 1900\\nMOeR MVISMMi\\nJUN 29 1900\\n64478\\nCopyright, 1900, bv\\nCHARLES SCRIBNER S SONS\\n.T -^1\\nTROW DIRECTORY\\nPRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY\\nNEW YORK", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "n\\\\\\nPREFACE\\nThe authors of this General History of Europe venture\\nto hope that their book will explain itself. The only mat-\\nter concerning which they feel obliged to state their po-\\nsition in a prefatory word is the important point of the\\ncorrelation of text-book and literature. They firmly be-\\nlieve that the use of any single and unaided text a prac-\\ntice still common in our schools is a misfortune and a\\ncalamity, and for that reason they desire to put themselves\\non record in the most definite terms against that ancient\\nabuse. Their text consequently is conceived by them as a\\nmere framework which the literature accompanying each\\nchapter is intended to clothe and elaborate. This liter-\\nature the authors have carefully selected with the needs of\\nthe beginner in their minds they do not wish to weary\\nand confuse him with a great mass of material they desire\\nmerely to conduct him a stage or two upon the path of\\niustorical studies, but they are eager that that path should\\nb le right path. The teacher is therefore very earnestly\\ned to encourage in the pupil wide reading, and the\\nf comparison and criticism. A glance over the lit-\\nerature of any chapter will show that the more general or\\naccessible books come first in order then follow more", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "vi Preface\\nspecial treatises and occasional original sources. From\\nthese various kinds of literature the teacher must make his\\nselection for the class in accordance with his view of the\\nindividual pupil s needs and powers. The authors pre-\\nsume to suggest in this connection that the most effective\\nmeans of applying the method of study which they have\\noutlined is by establishing a small working library in con-\\njunction with every class-room. It will be a great day for\\nAmerican education when every high-school and academy\\nis thus equipped with an historical library.\\nThe special topics which conclude each chapter are in-\\ntended for the more active and original members of the\\nclass. They will be found to cut deeper in at some point\\nof biography or civilization or government, and will afford\\npreliminary practice in the line of investigation, exposi-\\ntion, and criticism.\\nThe authors wish also to call particular attention to the\\nnumerous maps and chronological and genealogical tables\\nat the end of the book. The constant use of these by the\\npupils in both the preparation and the recitation of the\\nlesson cannot be too strenuously insisted on.\\nThe University of Chicago,\\nMay I, 19CX).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nTHE MEDIEVAL PERIOD\\nCHAPTER PA 5^\\nIntroduction\\nI. The Empire, the Church, and the Inva-\\nsions OF the Germans 17\\nII. The Reaction of the Empire against the\\nGermans 35\\nIII. The Franks (481-814) 44\\nIV. The Dismemberment of the Empire 61\\nV. England and the Norsemen (802-1070) 69\\nVI. Political History of France (887-1108). 84\\nVII. Germany and its Relation to Italy\\n(887-1056) 91\\nVIII. Feudalism 107 V\\nIX. The Growth of the Papacy 123\\nX. The Struggle between the Papacy and\\nthe Empire (1056-1254) i34\\nXI. MoNASTiciSM 172\\nXII. Mohammed, Mohammedanism, and the\\nCrusades 1^2\\nXIII. The Growth of the Cities 209\\nXIV. Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII.\\n(1494) ^^7", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "viii Contents\\nCHAPTr.U TAGE\\nXV. France (i 108-1494); England (1070-\\n1485) 223\\nXVI. Germany (i 254-1 500) and the Smaller\\nStates of Europe 248\\nXVII. Religious and Intellectual Tenden-\\ncies IN THE Renaissance 260\\nTHE MODERN PERIOD\\nIntroduction 277\\nXVIII. The Reformation in Germany to the\\nPeace of Augsburg (1555) 298\\nXIX. The Progress of the Reformation in\\nEurope and the Counter Refor-\\nmation OF THE Catholic Church 311\\nXX. Spain under Charles I. (1516-56),\\nKnown as Emperor Charles V., and\\nPhilip II. (1556-98); Her World\\nEminence and Her Decay -319\\nXXI. England under the Tudors (1485-\\n1603) Final Triumph of the Ref-\\normation under Elizabeth (1559-\\n1603) 325\\nXXII. The Revolt of the Netherlands and\\nTHE Triumph of the Seven United\\nProvinces (i 566-1648) 348\\nXXIII. The Reformation in France to the\\nReligious Settlements of 1598\\n(Edict of Nantes) and 1629 361", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "Contents ix\\nPAGE\\nCHAPTER\\nXXIV. The Thirty Years War and the Peace\\nOF Westphalia 37^\\nXXV. England in the Seventeenth Cen-\\ntury The Stuarts, the Puritan\\nRevolution, and the Establishment\\nOF the Constitutional Monarchy\\nUnder William III 392\\nXXVI. The Ascendancy of France under\\nLouis XIV. (1643-17 15) 42o\\nXXVII. The Rise of Russia under Peter the\\nGreat (1689-1725) and Catharine\\nTHE Great (1762-96); the Decay\\nOF Sweden 43^\\nXXVIII. The Rise of Prussia in the Seven-\\nteenth AND Eighteenth Centuries. 443\\nXXIX. England and France in the Eigh-\\nteenth .Century 457\\nXXX. The French Revolution and Era of\\nNapoleon (1789-1815) 469\\nXXXI. The Holy Alliance and the Revolu-\\ntions OF 1830 519\\nXXXII. The Revolutions of 1848 532\\nXXXIII. France under Napoleon III.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The\\nUnification of Italy 546\\nXXXIV. The Unification of Germany .552\\nXXXV. Great Britain and Russia 561\\nXXXVI. The General Situation at the Close\\nof the Nineteenth Century -573", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "X Contents\\nCHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL\\nTABLES\\nPAGE\\nI. Emperors and Popes 583\\nII. The Franks 587\\n1. The Merovingian Kings to Dago-\\nBERT 1 587\\n2. The Dukes of Austrasia (Ancestors\\nOF Karl the Great) 587\\nIII. The Empire 588\\n1. The Carolingian House (the Kar-\\nlings) 588\\n2. The Saxon, Franconian, and Hohen-\\nSTAUFEN Houses the Welfs 589\\n3. The Houses of Hapsburg and Haps-\\nBURG-LORRAINE (AUSTRIA AND SpAIN) 590\\nIV. France 591\\n1. Later Carolingians and first Capet-\\nlans (robertines), showing their\\nConnection and Rivalry 591\\n2. The Capetians and Collateral\\nBranches 592\\n3. The Houses of Bourbon and Bour-\\nbon-Orleans 593\\n4. The House of Bonaparte 593\\nV. Spain. The Spanish Bourbons 594\\nVI. Prussia. The House of Hohenzollern 594\\nVII. Sweden. The Houses of Vasa and Vasa-\\nPfalz-Zweibrucken 595", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "Contents xi\\nPAGE\\nVIII. The Dutch Netherlands. The House of\\nOrange-Nassau 595\\nIX. Russia. The Houses of Romanoff and\\nROMANOFF-HOLSTEIN-GOTTORP 596\\nX. England 596\\n1. The Saxon Kings of England 596\\n2. From the Norman Conquest to\\nHenry VII 597\\n3. The Houses of Tudor, Stuart, and\\nHanover, Showing their Connec-\\ntion 598\\nINDEX 599\\nMAPS\\n[At end of Volume\\\\\\n1. Europe, 350 a.d.. Showing the Roman Empire\\nand Barbarians.\\n2. The Germanic Kingdoms Established on Roman\\nSoil.\\n3. Kingdom of the Merovingians, Showing Their\\nConquests.\\n4. The Empire of Karl the Great, Showing the\\nDivision of 843.\\n5. The Empire in the Time of Otto the Great.\\n6. England, 878.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "xii Contents\\n7. The Crusades.\\n8. France, 1185.\\n9. France, 1360.\\n10. Europe During the Reformation.\\n11. The Netherlands at the Truce of 1609.\\n12. Germany at the Commencement of the Thirty\\nYears War.\\n13. England and Wales January i, 1643.\\n14. Western Europe, Showing the Principal Changes\\nEffected by the Treaties of Utrecht and\\nRastadt, 1 7 13-14.\\n15. Europe, Illustrating Wars of Charles XII. and\\nPeter the Great.\\n16. Europe at the Time of the Greatest Expansion\\nof Napoleon s Power, 181 2.\\n17. Europe after the Congress of Vienna.\\n18. The Balkan Peninsula in the Year 1881.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE ON THE MEDI/EVAL\\nPERIOD\\nPeriods of European History. $1.75 per vol. Macmillan.\\nOman, Europe, pp. 476-918; Tout, Europe, pp. 918-1272.\\nEmerton: Introdtiction to the Middle Ages. $1.20. Meduival\\nEurope. $1.65. Ginn.\\nG. B. Adams Civilization during the Middle Ages. $2. 50.\\nScribner.\\nBryce: Holy Roman Etnpire. $1.00. Macmillan.\\nStille Studies in Mediceval History. $2.00, Lippincott.\\nThatcher and Sch will Europe in the Middle Age. $2.00. Scrib-\\nner.\\nI,avisse Political History of Europe. $1.25. Longmans.\\nHallam He7a of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages.\\n$1.50. Harpers. Somewhat antiquated.\\nGibbon Decline and Fall of the Roman Empi7-c. Edited by J. B.\\nBury. 7 vols. $2.00 per vol. Macmillan.\\nGuizot History of Civilization in France. 3 vols. $1.00 per\\nvol. History of Civilization in Europe. $1.00.\\nEpochs OF Modern History. $1.00 per vol. Scribner. Among\\nthem\\nChurch The Beginnings of the Middle Ages. Johnson The\\nNormans in Europe. Cox The Crusades. Stubbs The\\nEarly Plantagenets. Warburton Edward III. Gairdner\\nThe Houses of Lancaster and York.\\nTen Epochs OF Church History. Edited by John Fulton. $2.00.\\nScribner. Among them\\nWaterman Post-Apostolic Age. Du Bose Ecumenical Councils.\\nWells: Age of Charlemagne. Vincent: Age of Hi Ide brand.\\nxiii", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "xiv Literature on the Mcdkcval Period\\nLudlow Age of the Crusades. Van Dyke Age of the Renais-\\nsance. Locke Age of the Great Western Schism.\\nLavisse et Rambaud Histoire GM^rale du IVe Sihle h nos jours.\\nColin et Cie., Paris. Vols L-IV. deal with the Middle Age,\\nAbout $3.00 per vol.\\nAssmann Geschichte dcs Mittelalters. Second edition by Meyer.\\nAbout $5.00. Braunschweig, Germany.\\nEpochs of Church History. Edited by Mandell Creighton.\\n$0 80 per vol. Oxford University Press. The following deal\\nwith Mediaeval subjects Balzani, Popes and Ilohcnstaufen.\\nEroderick History of the University of Oxford. Carr The\\nChurch and the Empire. Gwatkin The Arian Controversy.\\nHunt: The English Church in the Middle Ages. Mullinger\\nHistory of the University of Cambridge. Poole Wycliffe and\\nthe Early Movements of Reform. Stephens Plildebrand and\\nhis Times. Tozer The Church and the Eastern E??tpire.\\nHeroes of the Nations. $1.50 per vol. Putnam. Among\\nthem: Hodgkin Theodoric. Sergeant: ll yclijf. Beazeley\\nPrince Henry the Navigator. Mrs. Oliphant Jeanne d Arc.\\nArmstrong Lorenzo de Medici. Gardner Julian the Phi-\\nlosopher.\\nHiSTORiKS ok the Church\\nSohm Outlines of Church History. $1.10. Macmillan.\\nKurtz History of the Christian Church. 3 vols. $2.00 per\\nvol. Funk Wagnalls.\\nFisher: History of the Christian Church. $3.50. Scribner.\\nAlzog Manual of Universal Church History. 3 vols. $3-50\\nper vol. Robert Clarke Co. Vol. deals with the Middle\\nAge. Roman Catholic.\\nGieseler History of the Christian Church. 5 vols. $2. 50 per\\nvol. Harper.\\nMoeller History of the Christian Church. 2 vols. $3-75 per\\nvol. Macmillan.\\nMilman History of Latin Christianity. 8 vols, in 4. $6.00.\\nArmstrong.\\nSchafif: History of the Christian Church. Vols. HL-IV., 311\\nA. D., to 1073. $4.00 per vol. Scribner.\\nGreenwood: Cathedra Petri. A Political History of the Great Latin\\nPatriarchate. 6 vols. London, 1856-72. 14 sh. per vol.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "Literature on the Mediaval Period xv\\nThe following works deal with interesting phases of Mediaeval life:\\nBaring-Gould Curious Myths of the Middle Ages. $1.25,\\nLongmans.\\nHecker: The Black Death. $0.10. Cassell.\\nAbrahams: Jezvish Life in the Middle Ages. $1.75. Macmil-\\nlan.\\nClyde Furst A Group of Old Authors. $1.00. E. W. Jacobs\\nCo.\\nFor Dates and Chronology\\nPloetz Epitovte of Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern History.\\n$3.00. Houghton.\\nNichol Tables of Etiropean History, Literature and Art, 200-1888.\\n$2.25. Macmillan.\\nHassall Hand-book of European History, 476-1871. $2.25.\\nMacmillan.\\nGeorge Genealogical Tables, $3.00. Clarendon Press.\\nSources in Translation\\nSeveral volumes in BoHN s Library (Macmillan), contain transla-\\ntions of various Mediaeval Chronicles. $1.50 per vol.\\nHenderson Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages.\\n$1.50. Macmillan. (Badly translated.)\\nTranslations and Reprints from the Original Sou7res of European\\nHistory. The University of Pennsylvania. 8 vols. Single\\npamphlets, 10 to 25 cents each. Bound vols. $1.25 each.\\nContains documents bearing on the crusades, towns, gilds,\\nstudent life, monasticism, life of the people, the manor, sta-\\ntistics, feudalism, forms of trials, laws, etc. The documents\\nillustrating English History are also bound in one volume,\\nthose concerning Mediaeval Europe, in another.\\nJones Studies in European History. $0.60. J. H. Miller, Lin-\\ncoln, Neb.\\nColby: Selections from the So7trces of English History. $1.50.\\nLongmans.\\nGee and Hardy Documents Illustrative of English Church His-\\ntory. $2.00. Macmillan.\\nFor Maps\\nDroysen Historischer Handatlas. $8.35. Lemcke Buechner,\\nNew York.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "xvi Literature on the Medicrz al Period\\nPerthes Foci-el J //as of Mediceval and Modern Europe. $0.90.\\nLemcke Buechner, New York.\\nRoggero Carte Cieografiche in Rilievo. (Relief maps of many\\nEuropean countries.) 2 francs. G. B. Paravia Co., Rome,\\nMilan.\\nFor Bibliography see further\\nAllen: History Topics. $0.25. Heath Co. Contains lists of\\nreference books.\\nAdams: Manual of Historical Literature. $2.50. Harpers.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "PART I\\nTHE MEDItEVAL period", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "tory.\\nTHE MEDIAEVAL PERIOD\\nINTRODUCTION\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gibbon, Rmuan Einpire. Chaps. I. and II.\\nCapes, Tke Early Empire. $i.oo. Scribner.\\nBury, The Roma7i Empire. $1.50. Harper.\\nV.\\\\ngs\\\\ey, The Ro\u00c2\u00bb!a i a td the Teuion. $1.25. Macmillan.\\nDeniker, The Races of Man An Outline of Anthropology ami Ethnog-\\nraphy. $1.50. Scribner.\\nFisher, Beginnings of Christiafiity. $2.50. Scribner.\\nUhlhorn, Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. $2.50. Scribner.\\nBury, The Later Roman Empire (395-800). 2 vols. $5. 00. Macmil-\\nlan.\\nThe whole course of history is very conveniently divided The contin-\\ninto three periods the Ancient, the Mediaeval, and the torv\u00c2\u00b0\\nModern. Generally, fixed dates have been assigned for\\nthe beginning and end of each of these. They have then\\nbeen further divided and subdivided, and each division has\\nreceived a particular name. While this has been more or\\nless convenient and justifiable, the divisions have often\\nbeen treated so mechanically as to make a totally wrong\\nimpression, especially on the minds of students who are just\\nbeginning the study for if there is anything that is firmly\\nheld by all good historians to-day, it is the continuity of\\nhistory. There are no real breaks in its course. Every\\nage is a preparation for, and an introduction to, the next.\\nOne period grows into another so gradually and naturally\\nthat the people who live in the time of transition are often\\nunconscious of the fact that a new period is beginning.\\nCertain events may well be said to be epoch-making, but\\nI", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "The Mediccval Period\\nBut divis-\\nions are\\nconvenient\\nand justifi-\\nable.\\nLimits of\\nthe period,\\n350-1500.\\nin spite of that, their full effect is not felt at once. They\\nslowly modify the existing order of things, gradually dis-\\nplacing the old by tlie new. The world is never actually\\nrevolutionized in a day.\\nHowever, it is not wrong to separate history into such\\nperiods, for different interests prevail at different times,\\nand, therefore, one period may have a very different char-\\nacter from that of another. ]5ut in making all such di-\\nvisions two things ought to be carefully guarded against\\nfixed boundaries sliould not be assigned to them, and they\\nshould not be treated as if their predominant interest were\\ntheir only interest. No one interest can absorb the wliole\\nlife of a period. For several centuries the life of Europe\\nhas been too complex to admit of its being adequately\\ntreated from only one point of view.\\nThe terms Mediaeval and Middle Age have been\\nused because of their convenience. The invasions of the\\nbarbarians which began on a grand scale in the fourth cen-\\ntury brought about the great change which was the begin-\\nning of the Middle Age. Its end is not perhaps so easily\\ndetermined, but the period from 1450 to 1550 is marked\\nby such movements as the great religious revolution, which\\ninvolved all western Europe and was productive of many\\nchanges, the growth of absolutism in Europe, the changes\\nin the practical government of many of the countries, the\\nbirth of political science, the multiplication of interna-\\ntional relations, and the extension of industry and com-\\nmerce, so that we may .safely say that the Middle Age\\nshould end somewhere aliout that time. At any rate a\\nconvenient place may there be found where one may stop\\nand mark the failing of old, and the appearance of new,\\ntendencies and characteristics.\\nA comparison of the map of Europe in the fourth century\\nof our era with that of the same country in the sixteenth", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "Introduction\\ncentury^ will give the best idea of the changes that took Europe 350\\nplace there during the Middle Age. Such a comparison\\nwould suggest that all these changes could be grouped Europe 1500\\n-AD\\nunder four heads, namely those in the political system, in\\nlanguage, in religion, and in civilization.\\nThe first map shows but two grand divisions the\\nRoman empire and the barbarians. On the second, the\\nbarbarians have almost disappeared, and the empire, while\\nit has a nominal existence, is not at all what it was. In Evident\\nits stead and in the place of the barbarians, there are many ques^ons\\nseparate and independent states and different nations. One suggested\\nasks instinctively What has become of the empire Where\\nare the barbarians How did these new states arise What\\nis the origin of these new nationalities\\nThe linguistic changes suggested by the maps are quite\\nas striking. Latin and Greek were the only languages in\\nexistence in Europe in the earlier time. The rude dialects\\nof the barbarians were not regarded as languages, and were\\nunfit for literary purposes. In the sixteenth century Greek\\nwas spoken in a limited territory, and Latin had become\\nthe language of the educated only, while the barbarian\\ntongues had developed into literary languages.\\nReligiously, the changes are sweeping. At the beginning\\nof the fourth century Europe was still prevailingly heathen.\\nChristianity was widely spread, but its adherents were\\nlargely in the minority. In the sixteenth century, how-\\never, heathenism was nominally, at least, almost destroyed\\nin Europe. In its stead there was Christianity in two great\\ntypes: the Roman Catholic and the Greek, while a third\\nnew type, to be known as Protestantism, was about to be\\nproduced. Besides Christianity we find a part of Europe\\nunder the domination of Mohammedanism. How were\\n1 The changes will become still more apparent if a map of Europe in\\nithe nineteenth century be used in the comparison indicated.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "The MedicBval Period\\nGeneral\\nmention of\\nimportant\\ntopics.\\nEmpire.\\nPapacy.\\nthe barbarians of luirope Christianized, we ask How\\nwere the different types of Christianity produced What\\nseparated the Greek from the Latin Churcli What was the\\norigin of Mohammedanism What are its tenets and char-\\nacter How did it spread, and what has been its history\\nWhat influence has it had on Europe And what have been\\nthe relations between Christianity and Mohammedanism?\\nThe changes in civilization were also radical. Civili-\\nzation had passed far beyond the Rhine and the Danube,\\nand there were already indications that its centre was soon\\nto be changed from the south to the north. Italy, Spain,\\nand southern France were still in advance in the sixteenth\\ncentury but England, northern France, and Germany\\nwere showing the characteristics which should eventually\\nenable them to assume the leadership in art, science, litera-\\nture, manufactures, and in nearly all that goes to make up\\nthe highest and best civilization. Here, too, questions\\narise. What did the rest of Europe receive from Greece\\nand Rome? How was this inheritance transmitted How\\nhas it been increased and modified? How were the bar-\\nbarians influenced by the art, literature, architecture, law,\\ncustoms, modes of thought, and life of the Greeks and\\nRomans? What new ideas and fresh impulses have been\\ngiven by the various barbarian peoples that have succes-\\nsively been brought in as factors in the progress and devel-\\nopment of Europe?\\nThe Middle \\\\ge is the birth-period of the modern states\\nof Europe. We shall study the successive periods of decay\\nand revival in the empire its ineffectual efforts to carry\\non the work of Rome in destroying the sense of diff erence\\nin race, and to make all Europe one people; and its bitter\\nstruggle with its new rival, the papacy, which ended\\npractically in the ruin of both. We shall follow the\\nbarbarians in their migrations and invasions, and watch", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "Introduction\\nthem as they form new states and slowly learn of Rome the Nations and\\nelements of civilization. We shall see them come to na- states,\\ntional self-consciousness, exhibiting all the signs of a proud\\nnational sense, gradually but stubbornly resisting the inter-\\nference of both emperor and pope in their affairs, and\\nfinally, throwing off all allegiance to both, becoming fully\\nindependent and acknowledging their responsibility to no\\npower outside of themselves. Along with this national\\ndifferentiation goes the development of the barbarian dia-\\nlects into vigorous languages, each characteristic of the\\npeople to which it belongs.\\nWe shall study the spread of Christianity, its ideals and\\nits two most important institutions, monasticism and pap-\\nacy. The monks of the west played a most important part\\nin Christianizing and civilizing the peoples of Europe, and\\nthe bishops of Rome came to look upon themselves as the\\nsuccessors, not only of Peter, but also of the Caesars, claim-\\ning all power, both spiritual and temporal. The Church The Church,\\noccupies, therefore, a prominent place in the history of the\\nMiddle Age.\\nMohammedanism was for some time a formidable oppo-\\nnent of Christianity even in Europe. It set for itself the task\\nof conquering the world. It made many determined efforts\\nto establish itself firmly in Europe. The eastern question Mohamme-\\nwas an old one, even in the Middle Age, and the invasions\\nof the Mohammedans into Europe and the counter-inva-\\nsions of the Christians (the crusades) are all so many epi-\\nsodes in its history.\\nBy invading and settling in the empire the barbarians\\ncame under the schooling of the Romans. They destroyed\\nmuch, but they also learned much. The elements of the\\nthe Grgeco-Roman civilization Avere preserved its art, Progress in\\nlaws, and ideas were slowly adopted and modified by the\\ninvading peoples. We shall see how this rich legacy was\\ndanism.\\ncivilization.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "The Mediccval Period\\npreserved and gradually made the property of all the peo-\\nples of Europe, and we shall study the progress which they\\nhave made in civilization.\\nThese are some of the problems with which the history\\nof the Middle Age is concerned they will be treated in\\ntheir appropriate places. We shall first take a kind of in-\\nventory of the factors involved, and these are Europe\\nI. EUROPE, (the land itself in its physical and climatic features) and\\nits peoples.\\nThe general contour of Europe has greatly influenced its\\nhistory. It is, therefore, nece.ssary to study its mountain sys-\\ntems, its plains, its coast and river systems, and its climate.\\nOn the east, and coinciding in general with the boun-\\ndary between Asia and Europe, are the Ural Mountains.\\nThe influ- They, with the Caucasus range between the Black and\\nnTountain Caspian Seas, form a barrier to easy communication be-\\nranges. tween the east and the west, and so have forced travel and\\ncommerce, as well as invading peoples and armies, to fol-\\nlow certain well-defined routes. The Alps and the Pyre-\\nnees have served much the same purpose in the south. They\\nhave prevented the fusion of the peoples to the north with\\nthose to the south, and have made futile all the many at-\\ntempts to bring and keep them under one government.\\nThey have played important parts in the differentiation,\\nspread, and development of the various nations about them.\\nTheir passes being few and difficult, they have hindered\\nintercourse and have prevented interference, and so each\\npeople has been left more exclusively to itself to work out\\nits own character and destiny. Even in the small physical\\ndivisions of Europe, mountains have done much to isolate\\nand divide those whom everything else has sought to fuse\\nand unite. They have helped perpetuate tribal and racial\\ndifferences in Scandinavia, in Germany, in Austria, and\\nespecially in the Balkan peninsula, Italy, Spain, and For-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "Introduction\\ntugal. There can be no doubt that the mountains of these\\ncountries still make the problems of their respective govern-\\nments more difficult. They have been constant and efficient\\nbarriers to the formation of extensive states and govern-\\nments in western Europe.\\nOn the other hand, the great central plains offer every The plains\\nopportunity for the homogeneous development of their in- i^urope.\\nhabitants and for the formation of governments vidth exten-\\nsive sway. Being adapted to the occupation of grazing,\\nagriculture, and similar pursuits, they determined the earli-\\nest occupations of the people. So long as the number of\\ntheir inhabitants was small, the great extent of their areas\\nfavored the continued separation of the nomadic tribes that\\nwandered over them and with increasing population the\\npeoples were more easily brought together and subjected to\\nthe influence of the same ideas, whether political, social, or\\nreligious.\\nTurning to the study of its coast we note that Europe it-\\nself is essentially a peninsula, and is besides deeply indented\\nby arms of the sea, so that it has a large extent of coast Coast line\\nline. Its two great inland seas offer, because of their calm- seas,\\nness, excellent opportunities for the growth of commerce.\\nIt is not accidental that European commerce developed first,\\nand had its chief seats, around the Mediterranean and the\\nBaltic.\\nAs if to facilitate communication, Europe is traversed\\nfrom north to south by many rivers, which in the Middle Rivers.\\nAge were the highways of travel and traffic. The Rhine\\nand the rivers of France are connected with each other and\\nwith the Rhone and its tributaries by a short portage in\\nthe same way the Rhine, the Main, the Elbe, and the\\nOder are connected with the Danube likewise the Vis-\\ntula, the Niemen, and the Duna, with the Dniester, the\\nDnieper, the Don, and the Volga. In this way nature", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "8\\nThe Mcdiaval Period\\nClimate.\\n2. THE\\nPEOPLES.\\nA. THE IN-\\nHABITANTS\\nOF THE\\nEMPIRE.\\nRome civil-\\nized the\\nconquered\\npeoples.\\nhas done much to promote intercourse in Europe. A\\nradically different arrangement of the rivers of Europe\\nwould have affected its history in a corresponding way.\\nEspecially the districts about the mouths of the rivers were\\nlikely to be hastened in their development because of their\\ngreater opportunities for commerce and the advantages to\\nbe derived therefrom. The national existence of Portugal,\\nHolland, and Belgium is due in some measure to the fact\\nthat they lie about the mouths of great rivers.\\nThe climate of a country influences its people in many\\nways. Long and cold winters make the conditions of life\\nin the north much more difficult than in the south, where\\nunaided nature does almost everything. In this way the\\nhabits of the people, their dress, social life, and architect-\\nure, public as well as private, are greatly influenced by the\\nwidely varying climatic conditions that prevail in the vari-\\nous parts of Europe.\\nIn the third century the Roman empire extended from\\nthe Atlantic in the west to the Euphrates in the east from\\ntlie Sahara in the south to the Danube, Main, and Rhine\\nin the north. Britain also (the modern England) had been\\nadded to this territory. But since the beginning of the\\nChristian era, the boundaries of the empire had not been\\ngreatly enlarged, for the task of defending the frontiers,\\nrapidly becoming more difficult, left successive emperors\\nlittle time to think of foreign conquests.\\nWithin this vast empire was to be found a great variety\\nof peoples, differing in race, language, customs, and relig-\\nion. The policy of Rome was to give all these peoples her\\nown civilization as fast as they were able to receive it. As\\nsoon as the conquest of a province had been made, influ-\\nences were set to work to Romanize its inhabitants. This\\ngreat work of Romanization and civilization was practical-\\nly completed when, in 215 a.d., Caracalla issued an edict", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "Introduction\\nmaking all the free inhabitants of the empire citizens of\\nRome. There were still, of course, many differences ex-\\nisting between the peoples of the various provinces, but they\\nhad all received the elements of Roman culture, and, since\\nthe many agencies for diffusing the Roman civilization were\\nstill in operation, they were all approaching the same high\\nlevel which Rome herself had reached.\\nThe inhabitants of the emi)ire were divided into four The people\\nclasses slaves, plebs, curials, and senators but within each classes\\nof these four divisions there were various grades and shades\\nof difference. The lot of the slaves was gradually growing\\nbetter. In the country it became customary to enroll\\nthem, thus attaching them to the soil, from which they Slaves,\\ncould not be separated, and with which they were bought\\nand sold. Further, masters were forbidden to kill their\\nslaves or to separate a slave from his wife and children.\\nTo the class of plebs belonged all the free common Plebs.\\npeople, whether small freeholders, tradesmen, laborers, or\\nartisans. The freeholders were diminishing in numbers.\\nTheir lands were consumed by the increasing taxes and\\nthey themselves either became serfs or ran away to the\\ntowns. The majority of the inhabitants of the cities and\\ntowns classified as plebs were free, but they had no political\\nrights.\\nAll who possessed twenty-five acres of land, or its equiv- Curials.\\nalent, were regarded as curials. On these fell the bur-\\ndens of office-holding and the taxes, for the collection of\\nwhich they were made responsible.\\nThe ranks of the senatorial class were constantly increas-\\ning by the addition of all those who for any reason received\\nthe title of senator, or who were appointed by the emperor\\nto one of the high offices. The senatorial honor was hered- Senators,\\nitary. The senators, having most of the soil in their pos-\\nsession, were the richest people of the empire. Since they", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "lo The Mediccral Period\\nenjoyed exceptional privileges and immunities, the lot of\\nthe curials was made more grievous.\\nFor the support of his army, his court, and the great\\nnumber of clerks made necessary by the bureaucratic form\\nof government, the emperor had to have immense sums of\\nmoney, for the purpose of raising which many kinds of\\nTaxes. taxes were introduced. Taxes w-ere levied on both lands\\nand persons on all sorts of manufacturing industries on\\nheirs, when they came into possession of tlicir estates; on\\nslaves when set free and on the amount of tlie sales made\\nby merchants. Tolls were collected on the highways and\\nat bridges; duties at the city gates and in the harbors.\\nBesides the above taxes, there were many kinds of special\\ntaxes, burdens, and services, such as the supplying of food,\\nclothing, and quarters for the army; horses and wagons for\\nthe imperial use whenever demanded and repairing of the\\nroads, bridges, and temples. Most oppressive of all, per-\\nhaps, was the dishonesty of the officials, who, to enrich\\nthemselves, often exacted far more than even the very large\\nsums which the emperor required.\\nIt was impossible that this should not bankrupt the em-\\npire. The cities were the first to suffer. As the senatorial\\nclass, the army, i)rofessors of rhetoric, and the clergy were\\nlargely freed from taxation, the whole burden fell on the\\nEffects on curials, who became oppressors in order to collect the vast\\nthe curials. gj^-uj required of them. Finally, when the curials were\\nbankrupt and could no longer pay the taxes, they at-\\ntempted in every way to escape from their class. Some of\\nthem succeeded in rising into the senatorial ranks many\\nof them deserted their lands and became slaves, or entered\\nthe army or the Church. The emperors, trying to prevent\\nthis, often seized the curial who had run away and com-\\npelled him to take up his old burden again. The curial\\nwas forbidden by law to try to change his position, but in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "Introduction ii\\nspite of this many of them surrendered their lands to some\\nrich neighbor and received them back on condition of the\\npayment of certain taxes, and the rendering of certain ser-\\nvices. This was a form of land-tenure and social relation\\nvery similar to that common in feudalism of a later day.\\nIn the fourth century a.d. the Kelts held Gaul (mod- b. the\\nern France) and the islands of Great Britain. Four or\\nfive hundred years before Christ, they had extended as far\\neast as the Weser in the north, and occupied much territory\\nin the centre of Europe. Evidence of this is the fact that\\nBohemia derived its name from its Keltic inhabitants, the\\nBoii. But the Kelts slowly withdrew before the Germans,\\nuntil the Rhine became the boundary between the two\\npeoples. The Kelts were never all united in one great\\nstate, but existed in separate tribes. Each tribe formed a\\nstate and was governed by an aristocracy. The people had Tribal gov-\\nno part in the government, but were treated by the ruling\\nclass as slaves. The nobility was divided into two classes,\\nthe religious and the secular. The religious nobility Avere\\nthe Druids, a caste of priests who controlled all sacrifices,\\nboth public and private, and who were also judges and final\\nauthorities in all other matters. Their word was law, and\\nwhoever refused them obedience was put under their ban,\\nwhich had almost the same meaning as the papal ban a few\\ncenturies later. They had many gods, to whom they of-\\nfered human sacrifices.^\\nThe Kelts had large, strong, and beautiful bodies, as may\\nbe seen from the famous statue in Rome, The Dying\\nGaul (formerly known as the Dying Gladiator\\nThey were brave, dashing warriors, fond of music, espe- Keltic\\ncially of the shrill, martial kind, with which they went into icttlc\\nbattle. They were easily moved by eloquent speech and\\nCassar, B. G. vi. ii 19, gives a good description of the Kelts.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "12 The Mediceval Period\\nhad a love for poetry. Their language was well -developed\\nand capable of expressing a wide range of thought and\\nemotion. They loved bright and gay colors, and were\\nnoted for the liveliness rather than for the persistency of\\ntheir feelings and emotions. They were restless, sprightly,\\nfull of activity, and capable of the greatest enthusiasm for,\\nand devotion to, a popular leader, but they were fickle and\\nunreliable if their ardor was once quenched by disaster.\\nAt the beginning of our period the Kelts who occupied\\nGaul and Britain (the present f^ngland) were thoroughly\\nRomanized. To a great extent they had forgotten their\\nlanguage and spoke Latin. Many cities had sprung up\\namong them which w^ere well supplied with temples, baths,\\nand theatres, and were in all respects Roman. But the\\nKelts of Ireland, Wales, and Scotland were still barbarian,\\nand hostile to Rome.\\nc. THE At the beginning of our period the Germans occupied\\nScandinavia, and nearly all the land between the Rhine\\nand the Vistula, and the Baltic and the Danube. Since\\nthe times of Csesar and Tacitus, who were the first Roman\\nauthors to devote much attention to the Germans, many\\nTheir loca- changes had taken place among them. Some of them had\\nchanged their location new groups had been formed, and\\nthey were known by new names. The Goths had left the\\nVistula and were now spread over a great stretch of terri-\\ntory to the north of the Black Sea and the lower Danube.\\nOther tribes were moving or spreading out in the same\\ndirection. Great masses of Germans and other peoples\\nwere crowded together along the whole northern frontier of\\nthe empire, and the danger of a barbarian invasion was\\nrapidly growing greater.\\nDivisions. Tacitus Germania, ii.) says that the Germans were\\ndivided into three great branches the Ingoevones, who\\nlived nearest the ocean the Hermiones, who lived in the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "Introduction 13\\nmiddle; and the Istaevones, who included all the rest.\\nThese three names had now been replaced by others, such\\nas Franks, Alamanni, and Saxons. Neither these nations\\nnor those mentioned by Tacitus actually included all the\\nGermans. They formed rather the great division which\\nmay be called the West Germans. Besides these there\\nwere those of the north, afterward known as the Danes,\\nNorwegians, and Swedes, and those of the east the Goths,\\nVandals, and others.\\nIn their government the Germans were democratic. They Their gov-\\nhad a well-defined system of local self-government. There\\nwere three political divisions: the whole tribe, or nation;\\nthe gai/, or county; and the village. All matters that\\nconcerned only the village were discussed and settled by\\nall the freemen of the village in a public meeting. Like-\\nwise the affairs of the gau were administered by the free-\\nmen of the gau, and matters that concerned the whole\\nnation were decided by an assembly of all the freemen of\\nthe tribe. In social rank, there were three classes nobles,\\nfreemen, and slaves. The nobles had certain advantages,\\nbut in the assemblies the vote of a freeman equalled that of\\na nobleman.\\nIt was customary among the Germans for the young men\\nto attach themselves to some man of tried courage and\\nmilitary ability (the comitatus or gefolge), with whom Gefolge.\\nthey lived, and whom they accompanied on all his expedi-\\ntions. Such warrior-chiefs were proud of having a large\\nnumber of young men about them, for it added to their\\ndignity and increased their power in many ways. The re-\\nlation between a leader and a follower was entirely volun-\\ntary, and consequently honorable to both. It might be\\nterminated at the will of either party.\\nThe religion of the Germans was a kind of nature-wor-\\nship. The principal objects of their reverence were groves,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "14\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nReligion\\nand occupa-\\ntions.\\nTheir quali-\\nties.\\nD. THE\\nSLAVS.\\nTheir loca-\\ntion.\\nGovern-\\nment.\\ntrees, caves, and uncommon natural phenomena. They had\\nno priest-caste. They lived by cattle-raising, agriculture,\\nand hunting, the labor being performed principally by\\nslaves and women. It was characteristic of them that they\\nwere unwilling to live in compactly built towns; their\\nhouses being generally some distance apart, formed a strag-\\ngling village. The Romans were impressed with the great\\nsize and power of their bodies, the ruddiness of their faces,\\nand the light color of their hair.\\nThey had some very prominent faults, such as a too great\\nlove of war, of the cup, and of the dice. They became so\\ninfatuated with gambling that, after losing all their property,\\nthey staked their wives and children, and if these were lost,\\nthey risked even their own liberty. The Germans boasted\\nof their faithfulness to every obligation. So true were they\\nto their word that if they lost their freedom in gambling\\nthey willingly yielded to their new master, and permitted\\nthemselves to be reduced to the position of slaves.\\nThe Slavs occupied a large belt of territory east of the\\nGermans, and extended far into Russia. As the Germans\\nwithdrew to the west and south, the Slavs followed them\\nand took possession of the land thus vacated. In this way\\nthey finally came as far west as the Elbe, and may be said\\nto have held nearly all of the territory from the Elbe to the\\nDnieper. A large part of what is now Prussia, Saxony, and\\nBohemia became wholly Slavic.\\nThe Slavs, as well as the Kelts and Germans, were broken\\nup into many tribes having no political connection with\\neach other. They seem to have had a patriarchal form of\\ngovernment. At any rate, great reverence was shown the\\nold men of the tribe, who, by virtue of their age, had a\\ncontrolling voice in the management of affairs. At first\\nthe Slavs probably had no nobility. They elected their\\nleaders in war, and so strong was the democratic spirit", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "Introduction 15\\namong them that they were never able to produce a royal\\nline.\\nTheir religion was a form of idolatry. They had priests,\\nwho were consulted on all matters, political and religious.\\nThough they had powerful frames and impressed the Character.\\nRomans with their size,, they were tame and unwarlike,\\nand have never been conquerors. Their location was\\nfavorable to the occupations of cattle-raising and agricul-\\nture. They did not jjossess a strong national feeling, and\\nwere therefore easily assimilated by other peoples. Large\\nnumbers of them were Germanized from the ninth cen-\\ntury on.\\nIn the ninth century another branch of the Slavs, called The Letts,\\nthe Letts, came into history. We first meet them on the\\nshore of the Baltic, from the Vistula to some distance be-\\nyond the Nieman. They were divided into Lithuanians\\nand Prussians. It is curious to note that the name of this\\nnon-German people (the Prussians) has, in the process of\\ntime, come to be applied to the leading German state of\\nto-day.\\nBesides these Indo-European peoples which we have just e.the\\nURAL-AL-\\ndiscussed there were others, which are usually called Ural- taic\\nPEOPLES\\nAltaic or Finnic-Turkish tribes. Turanian is also ap-\\nplied to them. They were to be found in northern Scan-\\ndinavia and in the northern, northwestern, and eastern\\nparts of Russia. They were the Finns, the Lapps, the Es-\\nthonians, the Livonians, the Ugrians, the Tchuds, the Per-\\nmians, the Magyars, the Huns, and many others. They\\nwere related to the Turkish Mongols. During the Middle\\nAge, at least, they in no way advanced the interests of\\ncivilization, but rather played the part of a scourge de-\\nstroyers rather than builders.\\nThe division followed above is linguistic. Philologists\\nfirst discovered the similarity between the languages of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "i6\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nBasis of\\nabove class-\\nification\\nphilological;\\nnot recog-\\nnized by\\nethnolo-\\ngists.\\nGreeks, the Romans, the Kelts, the Germans, the Slavs,\\nthe Letts, the Persians, and the ancient inhabitants of India,\\nand on the basis of these resemblances classed these peoples\\ntogether as one great race. It was inferred that because\\ntheir languages were akin, the people themselves must have\\nbeen of the same original stock. The modern sciences of\\nanthropology and ethnology do not recognize the validity\\nof such an argument, but declare that these peoples do not\\nbelong to the same race, although their languages are re-\\nlated. Ethnologists now use other tests to discover the\\nracial relations of peoples.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nThe Empire and Its Peoples. Bury, Later Romaii Empire. Vol. I.j pp.\\n1-58. 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan. Adams, Civilization During the\\nMii/ti/e Ag-es, Chaps. 1-11. $2.50. Scribner. Gihhon, Jioman E?ii/ ire,\\nChaps. I-II. Bury, yVte Roman Kiupirc. $1.50. Harper. Kings-\\nley. Capes, T!ie Early Empire. $1.00. Scribner.\\nThe Gekmans. Gibbon, Roviati Empire, Chap. IX. Tacitus, Germania.\\n.20. Penn. Univ. Translations. Also, .55. Macmillan. Kingsley,\\nThe Roman and the Teuton. $1.25. Macmillan. Stuhhs, Constitutional\\nJ/istory 0/ England, VoX. 1., Chaps. 1-2- 3 vols. $i,6o each. Claren-\\ndon.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I\\nTHE EMPIRE, THE CHURCH, AND THE INVASIONS OF\\nTHE GERMANS\\nLITERATURE.-i. For the Empire: Z^^^s, Age of the Antonines. $1.00.\\nzlrX^^^History of the Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius\\nthe Great to the Coronation of Charles the Great. $1.00. Scnbner.\\nSheppard. Fall of Rome and Rise of New Nationalities. $1.50.\\n^olt^in^The Dynasty of Theodosius, or Seventy Years Struggle with\\nthe Barbarians. $1.5\u00c2\u00b0- Clarendon.\\nPenn. Univ., /Vrtwi toH^, Vols. IV., 1-2; VI., 3-4- ^j r\\nDyer, The City of Rome from Its Foundation to tlie End of\\nthe Middle Ages. $1.50. MacmiUan.\\nHodgkin The Letters of Cassiodorus Condensed Translation. $4.00\\nItaly and Her Invaders. 8 vols. About $4500. Clarendon.\\n2. For England: Freeman, Origin of the English Nation. .25.\\nP^Jelflnd Tout, History of England 3 parts. $1.00 each part.\\nLongmans. i a. nn\\nS. R. Gardiner, Student s History of England. Part I. $i.oo.\\nLongmans.\\nRobertson, Maidng of the English Nation, JS B.C.-iiJS A.U. .50.\\nScribner.\\nCre^v^, Short History of the English People. $2.25. Harper.\\nGreen, Making of England. $2.50. Harper.\\nBede, Ecclesiastical History of the English, with the Anglo-Saxon\\nChronicle. By T. A. Giles. $1.50. Macmillan.\\nGreea, History 0/ the English People. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper. $5.00.\\nCaldwell.\\nStubbs, Constitutional History of England, Vol. I., Chaps. 4-8. 3 vols.\\n$2.60 each. Clarendon.\\nTaswell-Langmead, Constitutional History of England. $6.00.\\nHoughton.\\n3. For the Church: Fisher, Beginnings of Christianity. $2.50.\\nScribner.\\nUhlhorn, Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. $2.50. Scribner.\\nSee also General Literature.\\nAugustus brought about a change in the form of gov-\\nernment of the Roman state, which, for nearly two hun-\\n17", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "i8\\nThe Medicozral Period\\nThe Repub-\\nlic of Rome\\nbecomes an\\nempire,\\n31 B.C.\\nDecline of\\nthe empire\\nin the third\\ncentury.\\nThe\\nchanges of\\nDiocletian,\\n284-305.\\ndred years, was attended with large benefits. Even under\\nthe vicious emperors of the first century the people were\\nprobably in a better condition than during the last days of\\nthe republic. The emperors cleared the sea of pirates and\\nthe land of brigands and robbers they built roads con-\\nnecting all parts of the empire, thus making commerce\\neasier their excellent police made travel safer they ad-\\nministered justice more equitably, and the government, be-\\ning better centralized, performed its functions with greater\\nefficiency.\\nThe wise emperors of the second century, while making\\nprogress in nearly every direction, gave the empire an in-\\ncreasingly good and beneficent government. But the death\\nof Marcus Aurelius (181 a.d.) put a check to the long\\nperiod of prosperity, and for about a hundred years the\\nempire was rent with revolts and seditions. The law gov-\\nerning the succession to the crown was often disregarded.\\nOnce the army put the crown up for sale to the highest\\nbidder and, at another time, there were at least nineteen\\npersons who, in different parts of the empire, assumed the\\nimperial title. During the third century many of the em-\\nperoi-s met a violent death at the hands of a usurper. The\\ncrown was regarded by ambitious men as a legitimate object\\nof prey.\\nDiocletian tried to put an end to this chaos by devising\\na scheme for fixing the succession and making the persons\\nof the emperors more secure. He arranged that there\\nshould be two emperors, each having an assistant, called a\\nCresar. The two emperors, after ruling twenty years, were\\nto resign in favor of the two Csesars, who would then choose\\ntwo other C?esars to assist them. To render the lives of\\nthe four rulers more secure, they were to be shut off from\\nfree intercourse with the people, and each was to be sur-\\nrounded by a court modelled after eastern ideals. The gov-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "Tlic Invasions of the Germans 19\\nernment was to be more centralized, the senate deprived\\nof its little remaining power, and heavy taxes were to be\\nlevied to meet the increased expenses of the government.\\nThis scheme was successful only in part. The resignation\\nof Diocletian and Maximian (305) was followed by a civil\\nwar, which gave Constantine the opportunity to make him-\\nself sole ruler. But Constantine, although he overthrew\\nthe essential part of Diocletian s scheme, did not return to\\nthe simplicity of the former emperors; on the contrary, he\\nincreased his court, and multiplied the expenses of his\\ngovernment.\\nOf the emperors of the third century, however, many\\nwere barbarians who had little or no regard for Rome.\\nEither by preference or necessity, they spent their time in\\nthe provinces or on the frontier. When Diocletian and\\nMaximian divided the government the emperor in the east\\ntook up his residence at Nicomedia, while the emperor in\\nthe west lived in Milan. Constantine, led by various mo- The new\\ntives, chose for his residence Byzantium, which after for- *^^P\\ntifying and enlarging, he called Constantinople. Rome\\nthus lost her position as capital of the empire, being re-\\nplaced by Constantinople, or New Rome, as it was called.\\nConstantine earned the gratitude of his Christian sub-\\njects by making Christianity a legal religion. The conser-\\nvatism of the emperors had led them to forbid the practice The Empire\\nof all new religions their fears caused them to regard the p*? j^\\nharmless meetings of the Christians as dangerous gatherings\\nof conspirators. From the first, therefore, Christianity was\\nproscribed until soon it came to be understood that the\\nmere name of Christian was an offence against the state.\\nTo be a Christian was to be worthy of death. While the\\nChristians were generally treated with leniency by the gov-\\nernment they suffered much at the hands of the mob, who\\nattributed all disasters to them. During the first three", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "20 The Mediccval Period\\ncenturies there were several persecutions, mostly of a local\\ncharacter, but in the year 303, Diocletian, at the instiga-\\ntion of his Caesar, Galerius, began a fierce persecution of\\nthe Christians, which was intended utterly to destroy the\\nSchaff, Vol. new religion. Christian churches were to be destroyed\\nall copies of the Bible were to be burned all Christians\\nwere to be deprived of public office and civil rights and,\\nat last all, without exception, were to sacrifice to the gods\\nupon pain of death. After eight bloody years Galerius\\nconfessed that the Christians were too strong for him, and\\npublished a proclamation granting them toleration.\\nTwo years later Constantine went a step farther and\\nissued an edict ordering all Church property which had\\nbeen confiscated to be restored to the Christians. It was\\nConstantine the policy of Constantine to further Christianity. In 313\\nChurch released the Catholic clergy from many burdensome po-\\nlitical duties. In 315 he freed the Church from the pay-\\nment of certain taxes. Probably in 316 he made legal the\\nmanumission of slaves which took place in churches. In\\n321 churches were granted the privilege of receiving leg-\\nacies. In 323 he forbade the compulsory attendance of\\nChristians at heathen worship and celebrations. Up to\\n323 the coins which he struck bore the images and inscrip-\\ntions of various gods after that time his coins had only\\nallegorical emblems. But though thus favoring Christianity,\\nConstantine never in any way limited or prohibited heathen-\\nism. He retained the office and performed the duties of\\npontifex maxinius. In 321 he issued an edict commanding\\nthat officials should consult the haruspices (soothsayers).\\nAfter the year 326 he permitted a temple to be erected to\\nhimself, and allowed himself to be worshipped. At his\\ndeath he was enrolled among the gods and received the\\ntitle of Divus. It is evident, therefore, that the famed con-\\nversion of Constantine was political rather than religious.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "The Invasions of the Germans 21\\nHis principal interest was centred in the unity of the\\nChurch, which he wished to use as a tool in the work of\\ngoverning the empire. He did not make Christianity the\\nstate religion he made it merely a legal religion. It re-\\nmained for Gratian (375-383) and Theodosius (379-395) Christianity\\nto make orthodox Christianity the only legal religion, by ^^^e the\\nonly legal\\nforbidding heathen worship and persecuting all heresy, religion.\\nThey decreed that only orthodox Christians should have\\nthe rights of citizenship.\\nBefore his death (337), Constantine divided the govern- Julian the\\nment among his four sons, who covered themselves with P\u00c2\u00b0^\\nshame by waging war on each other, and by murdering their\\nrelatives in order to remove all competitors for the throne.\\nOne cousin, however, Julian, was spared and in 361 became\\nemperor. The cruel treatment which he had received\\nfrom his Christian cousins, together with his love, inspired\\nby his pagan tutors, for the heathen religion, had made\\nhim hostile to Christianity. When he came to the throne\\nhe therefore tried to destroy Christianity and restored\\nheathenism. But failing completely, for his pains he won\\nthe hatred of the Christians and the title. Apostate.\\nAlthough Diocletian s scheme had failed, it was apparent\\nthat one man could not satisfactorily fill the office of em-\\nperor. After several ineffectual attempts at division, The-\\nodosius the Great arranged that, at his death, his first son,\\nArcadius, should succeed to the government in the east, Two Em-\\nwith his residence at Constantinople, and his second son, P^ ^o r ls\u00c2\u00bb\\n395-\\nHonorius, should rule in the west, with Milan for his ca;p-\\nital. Practically this had the effect of making two empires,\\nbut the people of that time did not think of the matter in\\nthat way. They regarded the empire as indivisible only\\nthe duties of the emperor could be divided. In spite of\\nthis division of labor the fifth century was full of reverses\\nand disasters. The emperors were, for the most part, weak", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "22\\nTJic Mediceval Period\\nZeno sole\\nEmperor,\\n476 A.D.\\nTHE GER-\\nMANS.\\nand worthless, and often mere puppets in the hands of\\nsome ambitious and scheming barbarian. At length, the\\nfollowing circumstances led to the deposition of the em-\\nperor in the west and the nominal reunion of the east and\\nthe west under one emperor. The Roman army, was, in\\nthe fiftli century, largely composed of German mercenaries,\\nwho finally began to ask the government for lands on which\\nthey might settle. When Romulus Augustulus, a mere boy,\\nbecame emperor (476) with his father, Orestes, the power\\nbehind the throne, the Germans in tlie army, peremptorily\\ndemanded that one-third of the land in Italy be divided\\namong them. This demand Orestes refused. They there-\\nupon put themselves under the leadership of Odovacar, a\\nclever soldier of fortune, to take by force what had been\\ndenied them. In the war which followed Orestes was slain,\\nthe little emperor made a prisoner, and compelled to come\\nbefore the senate to resign his office. At the command of\\nOdovacar the senate wrote a letter to Zeno, the emperor\\nat Constantinople, telling him what had taken place and\\nadding that, in their judgment, one emperor was able to\\nrule the whole empire. They further asked him to ap-\\npoint Odovacar governor of the province of Italy. After\\nsome delay, Zeno granted their request, and thus, in the\\nyear 476, the whole empire was again nominally under one\\nemperor whose seat was permanently fixed at Constantino-\\nple. But as a matter of fact, the authority of the emperor\\nwas no longer felt in many parts of the west. Some of the\\nfairest provinces of the empire were occupied by Germans\\nwho had invaded the empire and settled on the soil, estab-\\nlishing a rude government of their own over the provincials.\\nThe Germans, who had once lived east of the Rhine and\\nalong the Baltic, had gradually moved west and south,\\nthreatening the Rhine and Danube frontiers. During the\\nsecond and third centuries they made frequent marauding", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "TJic Invasions of the Germans 23\\nexcursions into the empire. Asia Minor, the whole Balkan\\npeninsula, and the eastern part of Gaul suffered much at\\ntheir hands. In 376 the invading army of the Huns at-\\ntacked the West Goths, who, to save themselves, hastily\\ncrossed the Danube, a hundred thousand in number, and\\nbegged the emperor to give them lands. The emperor set- The West\\ntied them on lands south of the Danube, made thtm feeder- ^j^\u00c2\u00b0 EnToire\\nati (allies), and promised them yearly a gift of grain. 376.\\nThey retained their arms, gave hostages to keep the peace,\\nand agreed to furnish a contingent of troops for the Roman\\narmy. The Roman officials, however, soon began to op-\\npress and defraud them, and in 378 they revolted and\\nplundered the country. The emperor, Valens, hastened\\nAvith his army to meet them, but was slain in battle near\\nAdrianople (378). Theodosius the Great adopted a wise\\npolicy of conciliation toward them, and after some years\\nsucceeded in persuading them to return to the lands which\\nhad formerly been given them. In 395 the spirit of\\nrestlesness again took possession of them and under the\\nleadership of their newly elected king, Alaric, they ravaged\\nthe Balkan peninsula. After some years of residence in\\nIllyria and Noricum, they made a successful invasion of\\nItaly (408), took and sacked Rome (410), and spread Sack of\\nthemselves over the country, carrying desolation wherever 4iO\\nthey went. In the expectation of crossing over to Africa\\nthe next spring, Alaric pitched his camp near Cosenza,\\nwhere he soon fell a prey to Italian fever. His brother-in- Death of\\nlaw, Athaulf, who was elected to succeed him, made peace\\nwith the emperor and received lands for his people in Gaul\\nand Spain. After some years of fighting, Athaulf was able\\nto establish his people on the lands ceded him. They were The king-\\neventually driven out of Gaul, but held Spain till 711, when\\nthe Mohammedans conquered them and put an end to their Goths,\\nkingdom.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "24\\nThe Medicsval Period\\nInvasion of\\nRatger, 404,\\nVandals\\nand Suevi,\\n406.\\nThe king-\\ndom of the\\nVandals,\\n429-534-\\nThe Bur-\\ngundians,\\n443-534-\\nThis invasion of the empire by the West Goths was soon\\nfollowed by many others. The defence on the frontier\\nseemed suddenly to fail, thus exposing the empire to the\\ninroads of the barbarians. In the year 404, Ratger, who\\nhad become the leader of one division of the East Goths,\\nled about 200,000 of them from Pannonia into Italy.\\nAfter ravaging the northern provinces he was slain by the\\nemperor s forces and his army completely destroyed.\\nA large army of Vandals and Suevi crossed the middle\\nRhine during the winter of 406-7, and proceeded slowly\\nthrough Gaul, devastating the country as they went. En-\\ncountering the West Goths in southern Gaul they were\\ndriven by them over the Pyrenees. The Suevi were grad-\\nually forced into northwestern Spain, where they established\\nan obscure kingdom, which was eventually conquered and\\nannexed by the West Goths (585).\\nThe Vandals, after having been driven by the West\\nGoths into southern Spain, crossed over into Africa, 80,000\\nstrong, and took possession of the rich provinces there.\\nTheir first king, Geiseric, had a large amount of barbarian\\ncunning and shrewdness, but was cruel and treacherous.\\nBy oppressing and persecuting the orthodox provincials he\\nmade himself feared and hated. He extended his power\\nby conquering the islands of the western Mediterranean and,\\nin 455, he sacked Rome itself. His people, however, were\\nweakened by the climate and by their excesses, and in the\\nnext century were easily overcome by the emperor s troops\\n(533-34)-\\nThe Burgundians left their home between the Oder and\\nthe Vistula al)out the middle of the third century, and in a\\niew years we find them on the Rhine and the Main. The\\nterritory about Worms was granted them in 413. The\\nscene of many parts of the Nibelungen Lied, which contains\\nthe Burgundian traditions of that period, is laid in and about", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "The Invasions of the Germans 25\\nWorms. After various fortunes the emperor s officer, Aetius,\\nin 443, transferred them to the territory south of Lake Ge-\\nneva, from which they extended their power, till, in 473,\\nthey had reached the Mediterranean. But they were not\\nable to resist the encroachments of the Franks, their pow-\\nerful neighbors on the north, by whom they were conquered\\nand absorbed (534).\\nA federation of tribes, known as the Alamanni, took pos- The Ala-\\nsession of the Black Forest, southern Germany, and north- i* 49\u00c2\u00b0-\\nern Switzerland, but, like the Burgundians, their indepen-\\ndence, also, was cut short by the Franks (496).\\nAlthough racked by these German invaders, Europe was\\nnow called to suffer from a still more barbarous foe, the\\nHuns. After taking possession of southeastern Europe in\\nthe last quarter of the fourth century, the course of the\\nHuns to the west was temporarily checked. They seem\\nnot to have remained long united, but to have broken up\\ninto groups, some of which went into the service of the em-\\npire. After awhile a new leader appeared in the person of\\nRugilas, who did much to bring them together again. At\\nhis death (435) he was succeeded by two nephews, Bleda\\nand Attila, who ruled jointly till about 444, when Attila\\ncaused Bleda to be assassinated. By diplomatic means, as\\nwell as by force, Attila united all the peoples, of whatever Attila and\\nrace, between the Volga and the Rhine. With an army Huns,\\ncomposed largely of Huns and Germans he more than once\\nravaged the eastern empire, even crossing into Asia, carry-\\ning the war into Armenia, Syria, the valleys of the Tigris\\nand Euphrates, and threatening Persia. Constantinople\\nwas once in danger from him, and was compelled to pay\\nhim a heavy ransom. At length, in 450, he turned his at-\\ntention to the west. With an immense army he crossed the\\nRhine, ravaged northern Gaul, and was moving toward the\\nsouth when his march was stopped by the defence of Or-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "26\\nThe Mediaeval Period\\nThe Cata-\\nlaunian\\nFields, 451.\\nCharacter\\nof Attila.\\nThe rule of\\nOdovacar,\\n476 493-\\nl6ans. Aetius, the commander of the imperial army in the\\nwest, gathered together all the forces possible and went to\\nassist the city. Attila withdrew to the Catalaunian\\nFields (the exact location of which is unknown), where\\nhe was defeated (451) in a great battle. He retreated to\\nhis capital in Pannonia, a village near the modern Tukai,\\non the Theiss river. The next summer he invaded and\\nravaged northern Italy, but was compelled to retreat, be-\\ncause of the fever which broke out in his army, and the\\napproach of the army under Aetius. Luckily for Europe\\nhe died in 453.\\nThough a barbarian, Attila was by no means a savage.\\nHe practised the arts of diplomacy, often sent and received\\nembassies, and respected the international laws and customs\\nwhich then existed. His residence presented a strong mixt-\\nure of barbarism and luxury. His small, wooden houses\\nwere filled with the rich plunder carried off in his many in-\\nvasions of Roman territory. He despised Rome and her\\ncivilization, and hoped to erect an empire of his own on\\nher ruins. He had among his following several Greeks,\\nthrough whose \\\\vritten accounts of him, his conquests, and\\nhis kingdom, he hoped to become immortal. At his death\\nhis empire fell rapidly to pieces. His son, Ella, attempted\\nto quell the revolting tribes, but lost his life in battle (454).\\nAll the German and Slavic peoples which had obeyed At-\\ntila and added to his strength now became independent,\\nand were once more able to trouble the empire.\\nItaly, as we have seen, fell, in 476, into the hands of Odo-\\nvacar, who had at his back a large army composed princi-\\npally of Germans. Theoretically he was subject to the\\nemperor, but practically he was independent. He gave\\nItaly an excellent government, restoring peace and enforc-\\ning the laws. Under his rule prosperity was rapidly re-\\nturning and Italy was beginning to recover from the long", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "The Invasions of the Germans 27\\nperiod of misrule and violence. In 487 Odovacar attacked\\nthe Ruo;ians in Pannonia and defeated them, but their The East\\nprince fled to the East Goths and begged for their protec- y^de U^alv\\ntion. The East Goths, under their king, Theodoric, were 489.\\nliving along the middle Danube. Since the emperor was\\nnot able to control them, they kept the peace or ravaged\\nthe country as it pleased them. Theodoric embraced the\\nopportunity to invade Italy with his whole people, and the\\nemperor, glad to be rid of so troublesome neighbors, gave\\nhis consent. It was immaterial to the emperor which of\\nthe two barbarians should rule Italy, since he was not able\\nto rule it himself. In 489 Theodoric entered Italy and,\\nafter four years of fighting, made peace with Odovacar,\\nagreeing to rule Italy jointly with him. Nevertheless, dur-\\ning the celebration of the peace thus concluded, Theodoric\\nhad Odovacar basely murdered (493). Theodoric, now\\nwithout a rival, took possession of the country, assigned\\nland to his people, and established them in fixed residence.\\nHe ruled Italy as king of the East Goths, making use of the The reign\\nmachinery of government which he found already in exist- j^, .Q^_c2(i\\nence there, and filling the offices with Romans. He devel-\\noped an activity of the widest range. He restored the\\naqueducts and walls of many cities, repaired the roads,\\ndrained marshes, reopened mines, cared for public build-\\nings, promoted agriculture, established markets, preserved\\nthe peace, administered justice strictly and enforced the\\nlaws. By intermarriages and treaties he tried to maintain\\npeace between all the neighboring German kingdoms, that\\nthey might not mutually destroy each other. He knew that\\nif the Germans were weakened by wars among themselves\\nthe emperors would easily conquer them. At his death The end of\\n(526) the trouble which arose about the succession led to offhe\\nthe invasion of Italy by the emperor, Justinian. After East Goths,\\nnearly twenty years of war, the armies of the emperor were", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "28\\nThe Mediceval Period\\nOther Ger-\\nman tribes.\\nGermans\\nsettle in\\nBritain, 449.\\nSupremacy\\nof Wessex,\\n802-39.\\nEngland re-\\nmains Ger-\\nman.\\nsuccessful, the kingdom of the East Goths was destroyed,\\nand Italy again became a province of the empire.\\nBeyond the frontier there were still several German tribes\\nwhich were only beginning to come into contact with the\\nempire. Such were tlie Bavarians, the Lombards, the\\nThuringians, the Saxons, the Angles, the Jutes, and the va-\\nrious tribes in Scandinavia. The Franks, composed of\\nmany tribes, and settled along the lower Rhine, gradually\\nspread through northern Gaul. Their history is reserved\\nfor a subsequent chapter. The most remote province in\\nthe west, Britannia, was also invaded by Germans from the\\nmain-land, who slowly wrested the country from its inhabi-\\ntants. This invasion began about 449, the Jutes first tak-\\ning possession of Kent. Other settlements were soon made\\nwhich grew into little kingdoms, such as Sussex, Wessex,\\nEssex, East Anglia, Northumbria, and Mercia. These king-\\ndoms fought first against the Keltic inhabitants, and then\\nagainst each other. The final struggle, between Northum-\\nbria, Mercia, and Wessex, resulted in favor of Wessex.\\nEcgberht, king of Wessex (802-39), lade himself the over-\\nlord of all England.\\nThese Anglo-Saxons established in Britain a pure German\\nstate. The Roman civilization was gone; there was noth-\\ning to prevent their free development along the lines pecul-\\niar to themselves. Their Anglo-Saxon dialect developed\\ninto a literary language almost uninfluenced by Latin. It\\nwas spoken everywhere. As early as 680 Caedmon had sung\\nthe Song of Creation in his mother-tongue, and parts,\\nat least, of the heathen poem Beowulf were already in ex-\\nistence. The laws of the people, written down in Anglo-\\nSaxon, rather than in Latin, as were the laws of all the\\nGermanic kingdoms on the continent, show that the gov-\\nernment, legal ideas, and customs, which the people had\\nhad on the continent were not influenced by Rome and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "The Invasions of the Germans 29\\nher civilization. As a result England has now the purest\\nGermanic law of any country in existence purer than in\\nGermany itself, where, owing to the later connection be-\\ntween that country and the empire, Roman law prevailed\\nover the Germanic.\\nThe Anglo-Saxons parcelled out their lands to groups\\nprobably of about a hundred warriors. The land which\\nsuch a group received was then divided among its mem-\\nbers and they settled in villages. Their residences were\\ncalled after the name of the family, with the addition of Ham and\\n-ham or -tun (English, home and town;\\nGerman, Heim and Zaun Ham had the\\nmeaning of dwelling, and tun signified the wall or\\nfence which enclosed the village or place of defence. The\\naffairsof each township were managed by all the freemen of\\nthe village, who met in a moot (meeting) to discuss Democratic\\nand decide all public matters. In the same way all the government,\\nfreemen of the hundred met and determined all questions\\nthat concerned the welfare of the hundred. A still higher\\ncourt, composed of all the freemen of the whole tribe, was\\nassembled whenever questions that concerned the whole\\ntribe were to be decided or disputes between the hundreds\\nwere to be settled. It is probable that it was early found\\nto be impracticable to get all the freemen together as often\\nas was desirable, and this led to the introduction of a kind\\nof representation. A small number of men were sent from\\neach township to the hundredmoot, and the same number\\nsent from each hundred to the folkmoot. The same\\nsocial distinctions were perpetuated as had existed among\\nthem on the continent. There were three classes the\\nnoblemen or ealdormen, the freemen or ceorls, and the\\nslaves. The coinitatiis was, of course, quickly modified,\\nthe followers of a leader being called thanes as soon as they\\ngot lands and left the immediate presence of their leaders.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "30\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nChristianity\\nin Ireland.\\nIrish Mis-\\nsionaries.\\nOrthodox\\nmission-\\naries among\\nthe Anglo-\\nSaxons.\\nThe Christianization of Ireland is veiled in obscurity,\\nbut it seems probable that St. Patrick (died in 465 or 493)\\nwas the first missionary who met with very much success\\nthere. Under him the whole island became Christian,\\nthough it was in a low state of civilization, and in the next\\ncenturies won so great a reputation for its piety that it was\\ncalled The Isle of Saints. The Church of Ireland was\\nindependent of Rome, and differed in some respects from\\nthe Church on the continent. The type of Christianity es-\\ntablished there was thoroughly ascetic and monastic. The\\nascetic zeal of the Irish led them to try to convert the\\nworld to their form of Christianity. It was not so much\\nwhat is now called the missionary spirit, as the desire\\nto undergo hardships of all kinds. To travel in foreign\\nlands as a missionary (^peregrinare pro Christd) was, be-\\ncause of its difficulties, a meritorious work. In accordance\\nwith their ascetic ideas, they settled not in the cities but\\nin the wilds. Their first settlements were in Scotland. In\\n563 St. Columba (or St. Columbcille) sailed with twelve\\nfellow-monks to Scotland, where the island of lona was\\ngiven them, from which, occasionally reenforced by other\\nmonks from Ireland, they carried on their work on the\\nmain-land. They labored not only in Scotland, but also\\namong the Anglo-Saxons of Britain and on the continent.\\nLindisfarne, on the east coast of England, was occupied by\\nthem, and for a long time was a centre of missionary activity\\namong the Angles.\\nOn his accession Oswald (634-42), king of Northumbria,\\nhaving once been sheltered in the monastery of lona, sent\\nto its abbot for missionaries. St. Aidan, and after him, St.\\nCuthbert, met with great success, and it seemed for some\\ntime that the Church of Ireland would extend itself over\\nthe whole of Great Britain. But there was another stream\\nof missionary activity beginning to move to the west which", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "The Invasions of the Germans 31\\nhad its source in Rome. In 596, Gregory the Great, bishop\\nof Rome, sent a monk, Augustine, with about thirty com-\\npanions, to Kent. Aethelberht, king of Kent, had re-\\ncently married Bertha, an orthodox Prankish princess, who\\nnow exerted all her influence in favor of the missionaries,\\nand within a year the king and many of his nobles ac-\\ncepted Christianity and were baptized.\\nFrom Kent the orthodox form spread slowly to the England\\nnorth, constantly nearing the boundaries of the Irish faith. jjQj^arf\\nFinally they met face to face in Northumbria. A bitter Catholic\\nstruggle arose the king, who was in doubt, called a\\ncouncil at Whitby (664) to listen to the arguments of both\\nparties. Wilfrid, a priest, spoke for the Roman Church,\\nwhile Colman defended the claims of the Irish missionaries.\\nColman continually quoted St. Columba, but Wilfrid de-\\nclared that St. Peter was of greater authority because he\\nwas the prince of the apostles and because Jesus had said\\nto him, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build\\nmy Church and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.\\nAnd I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven.\\nWhen Wilfrid spoke these words the king became very much\\ninterested he had apparently never heard them before.\\nHe asked Colman whether they had really been said to St.\\nPeter, and Colman admitted that they had. The king then\\nasked whether similar authority had been given to St.\\nColumba, and Colman confessed that it had not. At this\\nthe king replied, This is a doorkeeper whom I am un- Bede, His-\\nwilling to offend, lest, when I come to the gates of heaven, ^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^pV\\nif he, who is admitted to have the keys, is opposed to me. III., 25.\\nthere may be none to open to me. Thus the Roman\\nChurch won the day and the Irish missionaries were com-\\npelled to withdraw from England. The decision brought\\nEngland into close connection with the continent, es-\\npecially with the bishop of Rome, assured the influence of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "32\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nOneChurch,\\none king-\\ndom.\\nMonas-\\nticism and\\nlearning.\\nBede.\\nRome, and so affected all the future of English history.\\nThrough the Church, Roman legal ideas, usages, and modes\\nof thought, in short, the remains of Rome s civilization,\\nwere gradually imported, greatly to her advantage, into\\nEngland.\\nTheodore of Tarsus, a learned Greek, came to England\\nas archbishop of Canterbury (669-90), and by virtue of\\nhis high position organized the English Church around\\nCanterbury as the centre and head. He divided all the\\nterritory into bishoprics, and introduced the parish system.\\nThe whole Church of England was bound to the bishop of\\nRome. The church organization did not follow the bound-\\naries of the kingdoms, but all were impressed with the fact\\nthat the Church was one and could recognize no political\\nor national lines. The idea of the unity of the Church had\\ngreat influence on the political ideas, and helped prepare\\nthe minds of the people for the idea of the political unity\\nof the whole country.\\nThe learning of the monks of England was considerable.\\nWhile Greek was utterly unknown in the west of Europe,\\nit was mastered by some of the pupils of Theodore. The\\nmonasteries contained many monks who were excellent\\nscholars. Most famous of all was Bede, known as the Ven-\\nerable Bede (673-735), a monk of Jarrow. He had for\\nhis pupils the six hundred monks of that monastery, besides\\nthe many strangers who came to hear him. He gradually\\nmastered all the learning of his day, and left at his death\\nforty-five volumes of his writings, the most important of\\nwhich are The Ecclesiastical History of the English,\\nand his translation of the gospel of John into English.\\nHis writings were widely known and used throughout\\nEurope. He reckoned all dates from the birth of Christ,\\nand through his works the use of the Christian era became\\ncommon in Europe. Owing to the large number of mon-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "The Invasions of the Germans 33\\nasteries and monks in Northunibria, that part of England\\nwas far in advance of the south in civilization.\\nOf all the kingdoms whose beginnings we have thus far\\ntraced, only two, those of the Franks and the Anglo-Sax-\\nons, were to survive the dangers which beset their existence\\nand to become powerful states all the others lost their\\npolitical independence, and were either destroyed or ab-\\nsorbed by the peoples among whom they had settled.\\nFrom the foregoing account it is apparent that, about\\n500 A.D., the western part of the empire was held by bar- See Map\\nbarians whose rulers were practically independent of the\\nemperor. The Germans always demanded land on which The Ger-\\nthey might settle and, in general, it may be said that they JJJand lands\\ntook one-third of the soil of the conquered province, dis-\\ntributing it among themselves. They brought with them\\ntheir peculiar customs and laws which were eventually re-\\nduced to writing and have been preserved for us. The\\nGerman demanded to be tried and judged by the laws of\\nhis own tribe. He regarded his tribal law as a personal\\npossession which he carried with him wherever he went.\\nThis conception of law, known as personal, was opposed to\\nthe Roman, which was territorial.\\nAll the Germans, except the Franks and the Anglo- Arianism\\nSaxons, had been converted to Christianity before they f Jl\\n(jrermans.\\nsettled in the empire. But, unfortunately for them, their\\nfaith was now regarded as heretical, being known as Arian-\\nism. This was a form of Unitarianism. The provincials\\namong whom they settled hated them, both as foreign con-\\nquerors and as heretics. There could, therefore, be little\\nfree intercourse between the two peoples.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "34 The Mediaeval Period\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nThe Reign of the Antonines. Gibbon, Roman Empire, Chap. III.\\nCapes, Age of the Aniom /ies, Chaps. IV. and V.\\nThe Church and the Empire. Fisher, Beghinuigs of Christianity. Uhl-\\nhorn, Conflict of Christianity 7uith Heathenism. Capes, Age of the An-\\ntonines, Chaps. VI. and VII. Schaff, History of the Christian Church,\\nVol. II., Chaps. II. -III. Vol. III., Chaps. I. -III. Each $4.00.\\nScribner. Milman, History 0/ Latin Christianity, Vol. I., Chap. I.\\nTheodoric. Hodgkin, Thcodoric the Goth. Milman, History of Latin\\nChristianity, Vol. II., Chap. III. Bury, The Later Rotnan Empire,\\nVol. I., pp. 261-289.\\nThe Anglo-Saxons. Green, Making of England, pp. i-i88. Milman,\\nVol. IV., Chaps. III.-V. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England,\\nVol. I., Chaps. IV. -VIII. Cutts, Augustine of Canterbury. $1.00.\\nHoughton, Mifflin Co, G. F. Maclear, The English. 2s. Society\\nfor Promoting Christian Knowledge, London. A. J. Mason, The\\nMission of St. Augustine. $1.25. Macmillan.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "mans were\\ninvaders.\\nCHAPTER II\\nTHE REACTION OF THE EMPIRE AGAINST THE\\nGERMANS\\nLITERATURK. \u00e2\u0080\u0094Bury, Later Roman Empire. 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan.\\nQa. p^s, University Life in Ancient Athens. $0.25. Harper.\\nGibbon, Roman Empire, Chaps. XL.-XLIV.\\nAlthough there was more or less friendly intercourse be- The Ger-\\ntween the various Germanic kingdoms and the court of\\nConstantinople, the situation was far from pleasing to the\\nemperor. The barbarians had invaded his territory they\\nwere unwelcome guests whom he must entertain because he\\ndid not have the power to drive them out. Of this weak-\\nness they took advantage, and ruled with such indepen-\\ndence that their lands were practically cut off from the\\nempire. Such a loss of territory was regarded as a great\\ndisgrace, which could be removed only by the reconquest\\nof the lost provinces. In an absolute government every-\\nthing depends on the ability of the monarch. The anarchy\\nand violence of the fourth and fifth centuries were possible\\nbecause of the weak emperors and the internal feuds and\\ndissensions. The weak rulers of these centuries were fol-\\nlowed by a succession of able men, chief of whom was Jus-\\ntinian. In him the reaction against the Germans reached\\nits highest point. Under Zeno (474-91), Anastasius I.\\n(491-518), and Justin I. (518-27), the empire slowly\\ngathered strength, and the way was prepared for the bril-\\nliant activity of Justinian (527-65). The long period of\\nhelplessness and weakness was followed by a great revival\\nof strength, in which the palmy days of the empire seemed\\n35", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "36 The Mediccval Period\\nto return. The imperial arms were again victorious, and\\nlarge parts of the lost territory were reconquered and again\\nunited to the empire.\\nJustinian Justinian s claim to the title Great rests on his versatility\\n527-05. and cleverness. His interests were of the widest range. He\\nwas interested in building and architecture, in law and\\ntheology, in commerce and manufactures, in war, diplomacy,\\nand the art of governing. He was able to select men of\\nability to fill the highest positions and to work for him; he\\nwas inflexible in will and persisted with the greatest deter-\\nmination in the policy which he had once adopted.\\nHis attention was called to the condition of the laws.\\nThey had never yet been collected and codified. There\\nCodification were many inconsistencies and contradictions among them\\nof Roman consequently the administration of justice was difficult.\\nJustinian appointed a commission, with Tribonian at its\\nhead, to collect, harmonize, and arrange the laws of the\\nempire. This was done in such a way that all earlier col-\\nlections were made useless, and hence, the most of them\\nwere soon destroyed. The laws themselves were gathered\\ninto one collection which has ever since been called the\\nCodex of Justinian. Tribonian seems to have used the ut-\\nmost freedom in treating the text of the laws. Many\\nchanges were made in order to reduce them to harmony.\\nBesides the laws, the opinions, explanations, and decisions\\nof famous judges and lawyers were collected. As in the\\npractice of law to-day, much regard was had for precedent\\nand decisions in similar cases, and these were brought to-\\ngether from all quarters in a collection called the Pandects.\\nFor the use of the law-students, a treatise on the general\\nprinciples of Roman law was prepared, which was called\\nthe Institutes. Justinian himself carefiilly kept the laws\\nwhich he promulgated, and afterward published them under\\nthe title of Novellae.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "Reaction of the Empire against Germans 37\\nImmense sums of money were necessary to carry on the\\nwork which Justinian planned. The churches he built,\\nthe most famous of which is St. Sophia the walls and nu-\\nmerous forts with which he sought to protect the empire\\nthe fraud practised in the administration of the army and\\nin the collection of the taxes Justinian s lavish personal Taxation.\\nexpenditures and the extravagance of the court, all so in-\\ncreased the taxes that the financial ruin of the people was\\nonly a question of time.\\nUnder Justinian Byzantine art took on its final form. A Byzantine\\nfixed style of church architecture was developed, the prin-\\ncipal characteristics of which are the cupola and the round\\narch. The churches were decorated with mosaics and\\npaintings. In painting, also, certain types were accepted\\nand forms established which became orthodox, and from\\nwhich the Church would suffer no variation. These types\\nand forms therefore existed for centuries without any\\nchange. In fact they are still observed and practised in\\nthe religious art of Russia and Greece.\\nJustinian regarded himself as the final authority in all Justinian\\necclesiastical matters, both in doctrine and in polity. He rhurch\\nhimself was orthodox, and believed that it was the duty of\\nthe state to destroy heresy. Heretics were persecuted and\\ndeprived of the rights of citizenship. He treated the bishops\\nof Rome as his officials. When they displeased him, he\\nordered them to come to Constantinople, and, as it seemed\\nbest to him, he reprimanded, imprisoned, and even de-\\nposed and exiled them. What may be called home\\nmission work was carried on by the clergy at the com-\\nmand of Justinian. There were still large numbers of pagans\\nin the empire. Nearly all the peasants were pagan, and\\neven in Constantinople there were many heathen to be\\nfound. These were sought out and forced to accept Chris-\\ntianity or suffer persecution.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "38\\nThe Mediceval Period\\nThe univer-\\nsity at\\nAthens.\\nFactions in\\nConstanti-\\nnople.\\nDiscussion\\nof theologi-\\ncal ques-\\ntions.\\nThe greatest university of the world was, in this period,\\nat Athens. Its professors were wholly pagan. So great\\nwas its fame, however, that even the Christian youth were\\nsent there to be educated. Some of the greatest of the\\nChurch fathers were trained in that university. In 529\\nJustinian closed the schools of Athens, and forbade heathen\\nphilosophers to teach. They were practically exiled.\\nMany of them fled to Persia, where they hoped to find the\\nfullest liberty. In this they were disappointed, and after\\nenduring persecutions there, they returned to the west.\\nThe worst foes of the emperor were the people of Con-\\nstantinople, who, because of their turbulence, kept him\\nconstantly in fear of a rebellion and rendered it impossible\\nfor him to give his undivided attention to the affairs of\\nstate. There were two great factions in the capital, each\\nof which had its jjartisans throughout the empire. These\\nfactions were divided on all questions, both political and\\nreligious. Their most common place of meeting was the\\ncircus, where each party railed at the other and endeavored\\nto win the favor and the patronage of the emperor. From\\nthe colors of the charioteers in the races the factions were\\nknown as the Greens and the Blues. The Blues\\nwere orthodox and devoted to the house of Justinian, but\\nthe Greens were heterodox and secretly attached to the\\nfamily of Anastasius.\\nProbably religious differences were the cause of the deep-\\nest hatred and at the bottom of all the trouble. During\\nthe long period while Christianity was fusing with the\\nphilosophy of the Greeks, and while the dogmas of the\\nChurch were being developed in accordance therewith\\n(that is, during the first eight centuries, although the high-\\nest activity was reached from the third to the sixth cen-\\ntury), the Greek intellectual world was in a state of the\\ngreatest fermentation and discussion. Even the humblest", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "Reaction of the Empire against Germans 39\\nwould have his say about the highest questions, and the\\ngreen -grocer, the barber, and the cobbler were more inter-\\nested in discussing metaphysical questions with their cus-\\ntomers than in serving them. The questions at issue were\\npurely speculative, in regard to the person of Jesus and his\\nrelation to God. Arianism declared that Jesus was not\\nGod, and had not existed eternally but had been created.\\nHe occupied, however, a much higher place than man.\\nOrthodoxy was content with no other form of statement The Ni-\\nthan one which would declare that Tesus was the Son of o^*?^ ^^^rfi\\nbcnan, 111.,\\nGod, begotten of the Father, Light of Light, very God of 667 ff.\\nvery God, begotten, not made, being of one substance\\nwith the Father. Furthermore, if Jesus was God, how\\nwas he at the same time man What kind of body did he\\nhave Did he have two natures, the divine and the hu-\\nman two wills divine and human How were these\\nunited? What was the relation between them? These\\nand similar questions were discussed, not only in the\\nchurch councils, but at the court, in the streets, in the\\nplaces of business, and, indeed, wherever people came to-\\ngether. Their discussion and study absorbed the attention\\nof the best talent of the day. Still worse, they were fused\\nwith politics, and every political question was at the same Theology\\ntime a religious one. It was inevitable that such a com- f. PO\\ntxcs\\nbination should add to the mutual hatred, intrigue, and\\ntreachery. Though Justinian s ambition made it impossi-\\nble for him to submit tamely to the tyranny of these fac-\\ntions, for some years he found no means of overcoming\\nthem, and was compelled to suffer many indignities at their\\nhands. In 532, however, in consequence of a riot, Jus-\\ntinian seized some of the leaders of both factions and or-\\nGibbon, chap, xxvii., quotes from Jortin a paraphrase of a passage in\\nGregory of Nyssa s Sernfion on the Divinity of the Son and of the Holy\\nSpirit.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "40 The Medifvval Period\\ndered them to be put to death. But two of them were res-\\ncued by the people, and both parties, choosing Hypatius\\nemperor, united and attacked Justinian. While Justinian\\nwas holding council with his advisers and planning to\\nescape, Theodora his wife, broke in upon them and de-\\nSee Bury, clared that, although a woman, she had a right to be heard\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2?ri ff S i ce her interests were at stake. All must submit to\\ndeath, but not to exile, dishonor, and the loss of the impe-\\nrial dignity. She did not wish to live if she could not\\nretain her rank as empress. If the emperor wished, he\\nmight flee, he had gold which he could take with him, the\\nsea was at hand, and ships were ready. But she preferred\\nto remain and die, since the imperial throne would be a\\nglorious tomb. At her words, Justinian regained his cour-\\nage and sent the imperial guard under Belisarius to attack\\nthe rioters, who had taken possession of the circus. The\\nmob were taken off their guard Belisarius put thousands\\nto death, among them all the leaders. The power of the\\nThe fac- factions was thus broken. The city was now helpless in\\nst\u00c2\u00b0 ^a emperor s hands, and he was consequently free to turn\\nhis attention to the larger policy on which he had already\\nset his heart.\\nThe Emper- This policy was to recover all the lost provinces and re-\\nGerman empire in all its extent. This necessitated the\\npolicy. destruction of the German kingdoms, and Justinian turned\\nhis attention to the west. His conquest of the Vandals\\nin Africa and of the East Goths in Italy has already been\\nmentioned. He also attacked the West Goths in Spain\\n(551), but was successful only in gaining a few places on\\nthe coast. By his intrigues, the German tribes north of\\nthe Danube, such as the Lombards, Gepidae, and Heruli,\\nUnsuccess- were kept at war with each other. But Justinian s anti-\\nful in his German policy was destined to fail because he was dis-\\nplans.\\ntracted from it by the wars which he was compelled to", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "Rcactio)i of the Empire against Germans 41\\nwage with the Persians, the Slavs, the Avars, and the Bul-\\ngarians. Persia, under its great king, Chosroes I. (531- Persia.\\n79), was at the height of its power, and Justinian was not\\nable to cope successfully with this hereditary foe. His\\nvictory over the East Goths was delayed more than once,\\nbecause he was compelled to use all his forces in the east;\\nbut in spite of his exertions he was defeated by the Per-\\nsians, compelled to pay tribute, and to surrender some of\\nhis territory in the east. The Slavs also interfered with The Slavs.\\nJustinian s plans. As the Germans deserted the territory\\nsouth of the Baltic, the Slavs followed them and took pos-\\nsession of all the land as far west as the Elbe. They fol-\\nlowed hard upon the heels of the withdrawing Bavarians,\\noccupying Bohemia, Moravia, and many parts of modern\\nAustria. More than once they crossed the Danube, rav-\\naged the provinces, and even threatened Constantinople.\\nThey pressed into the Balkan peninsula and made settle-\\nments, which have grown into the modern Bosnia, Dal-\\nmatia, Servia, and other Slavic principalities, now subject\\neither to Turkey or Austria. A little later they colonized\\nGreece. The Peloponnesus was so completely occupied by\\nthem that it came to be called Slavonia.\\nThe Bulgarians were originally a Ural-Altaic people, The Bulgar-\\nbut they came into Europe, settled among some Slavic\\ntribes, and were absorbed by them. Nothing was left but\\ntheir name, which came to be applied to the Slavs with\\nwhom they had fused. They lost their language, customs,\\nand nationality, and became thoroughly Slavic. Year\\nafter year this mixed people invaded the empire and de-\\nvastated many of its fairest districts. It was not till about\\n680 that they settled in the territory which they now oc-\\ncupy.\\nIn 558 the Avars (the Cotrigur Huns) invaded the em- xhe Avars,\\npire from the east. After doing much damage they finally", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "42 The Mediccz al Period\\nestablished, on the middle Danube, the kingdom of the\\nAvars, which later was destroyed by Karl the Great.\\nLuckily at the very time of Justinian s opposition to the\\nGermans, the Germanic element in the empire was strength-\\nNew Ger- ened by the formation of the great tribe of the Bavarians,\\nman tribes, j-j^^ settlement of the Lombards in Italy, and the growth of\\nthe Franks (which latter will be described in the succeed-\\ning chapter).\\nSome German tribes known as the Marcomanni had at\\none time occupied Bohemia (Bajahemum), from which they\\nreceived the name Bavarians (Bajavarii, men of Bohemia).\\nShortly after 487 they left Bohemia and took possession\\nof the territory which now bears their name and from which\\nthey were never afterward removed.\\nAfter various wanderings, the Lombards had settled in\\nPannonia. They had become allies of the empire, and, at\\nthe instigation of Justinian, had made war on the Heruli,\\nand then on the Gepid?e. Justinian had feared them, but\\ndid not live to see their invasion. After his successful\\ncompletion of the war with the East Goths, Narses had\\nbeen made exarch of Italy, with his residence at Ravenna.\\nTo avenge his ill-treatment at the hands of Justin II., the\\nThe Lorn- successor of Justinian, he is said to have invited the Lom-\\nIt^lv^ bards to invade Italy, promising not to interfere with them.\\n568-774. They came under their king Alboin (568), bringing frag-\\nments of other tribes with them. They occupied northern\\nItaly, and Pavia became their capital. They then moved to\\nthe south, and, after overrunning a large part of Italy, es-\\ntablished the duchies of Benevento and Spoleto. Alboin\\nwas soon murdered, and a leader named Cleph was made\\nking. Cleph ruled less than a year, meeting with the same\\nfate as his predecessor. For about ten years the Lombards,\\nbroken up into bands and groups, each under a duke or\\nhej zog, existed without a king. The idea of kingship was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "Reaction of the Empire against Germans 43\\nnot yet thoroughly developed among them, and they felt\\nthat a king was not necessary to their existence. They con-\\nsequently reverted to the forms of government which they\\nhad had before entering the empire. It is said that there\\nwere thirty-five such dukes reigning among them at one\\ntime. They were surrounded by enemies, and their divided\\ncondition was a cause of great weakness. About 580 they\\nbecame convinced that they needed a king and elected\\nAuthari but the dukes had already become too powerful\\nand Authari was never completely master. The duchies of\\nBenevento and Spoleto were only nominally subject to him.\\nThe territory thus wrested from the empire was firmly held,\\nbut the Lombards could not conquer all Italy. Ravenna,\\nthe extreme southern part, and the duchy of Rome still re-\\nmained in the hands of the emperor. Unlike all the other\\nGermans, many of the Lombards settled in the cities and\\ntowns. Their urban residence undoubtedly had much to\\ndo with the early development of the Italian cities, the\\nmediaeval grandeur of which was due, in part at least, to\\nthe German blood of their citizens.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nThe Justinian Code. Adams, Civilization During the Middle Ages, pp. 31-\\n37. $2.50. Scribner. Milman, Bk. III., Chap. V. Gibbon, /?t wa\u00c2\u00bb\\nEmpire, Chap. XLIV.\\nThe Lombards. Bury, The Later Roman Empire, II., pp. 145-158 and 499-\\n509. $6.00. Macmillan. Oman, irz ro/ 476-918. Chaps. XI., XVI.,\\nand XX. $1.75. Macmillan.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nConsolida-\\ntion of the\\nFranks by\\nChlodwig.\\n486 A.D.\\nConquest of\\nthe Alaman-\\nni, 496.\\nTHE FRANKS, 481 814\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Henderson, H istory of Gerjnany in the Middle Ages. $2.60.\\nMacmillan.\\nK.\\\\\\\\x.\\\\\\\\\\\\ a., History of France, Vol.1. 3 Vols. $2.60 each. Clarendon.\\nMenzel, History of Germany, Vol. I. 3 Vols. $1.00 per vol. Mac-\\nmillan.\\nL.e. wis, Histojy ofGeri iany. $1.50. Harper.\\n^ryce, Holy Roman Empire. $1.00. Macmillan.\\nChntzh, The Beginnings of ike Middle Ages. $1.00. Scribner. Emer-\\n\\\\ov\\\\. Introduction to Study of the Middle Ages. $1.25. Ginn. Thatcher\\nand Schwill, Europe in tlie Middle Ages. $2.00. Scribner. Guizot,\\nT/ie History of Civilization. $1.50. Appleton.\\n\\\\io Z\\\\i\\\\n, Charles the Great. $0.75. Macmillan.\\nCutts, Charlemagne. 2S. 6s. Society for Promoting Christian\\nKnowledge.\\nMomhert, Charles the Great. $5.00. Appleton.\\nWcWs, Age of Charlemagne. .$2.00. Scribner.\\nFisher, Mediceval Empire. 2 Vols. $7.00. Macmillan.\\nIn 481 Chlodwig became king of a small tribe of Salian\\nFranks. By force or fraud he overcame, one after an-\\nother, all the petty kings about him, and slowly gathered\\nthe many Prankish tribes under his sceptre. His first im-\\nportant victory was gained over Syagrius, a Roman ofificial,\\nwho was then governing a large district between the Loire\\nand the Seine. Chlodwig took possession of the territory\\nthus conquered and so extended his power to the Loire\\n(486). In 496 he conquered the Alamanni, and in con-\\nsequence of his victory accepted the orthodox form of\\nChristianity and was baptized with a large number of his\\npeople. The bishop of Rheims, who performed the rite,\\naddressed him as a second Constantine, and told him it\\nwas his duty to protect, defend, and extend the Church.\\n44", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "The Franks 45\\nThis conversion of Chlodvvig and the Franks to the or-\\nthodox faith was the foundation and beginning of the\\nfamous alhance between the bishops of Rome and the\\nPrankish kings, which, with interruptions, lasted for cen-\\nturies, and profoundly modified the course of events.\\nChlodwig continued his conquests by depriving the The Frank-\\nWest Goths of nearly all their territory north of the Pyre- jivided^\\nnees. When he died, in 511, he divided his kingdom\\namong his four sons, who, in spite of frequent civil wars, Prankish\\nwere able to extend their boundaries. In 531 Thuringia conquests,\\nwas acquired in 534 Burgundy was added to their pos-\\nsessions; and in 555 Bavaria was reduced to subjection.\\nAll this territory was united under Chlothar (558-61),\\nonly to be again divided among his four sons at his death\\nbut neither was this division permanent. The Franks in\\nthe west were slowly yielding to Roman influences, and\\nwere becoming separated from the Franks in the east, who\\nstill remained more thoroughly German and warlike. The\\nfact that the two districts were under different kings, who\\nwere for many years hostile to each other, helped increase\\nand perpetuate the differences between them, so that they\\nreceived different names and were regarded as different\\nkingdoms. The eastern part was called Austrasia, and the Austrasia\\nwestern Neustria. During the last half of the sixth century ^j-jg^\\nthese two kingdoms were disturbed by civil wars, the lead-\\ning spirits in which were the rival queens Fredegonda and\\nBrunhilda.\\nSince the days of Chlodwig an important office had been\\ndeveloped at the court of the Frankish kings. As the king\\ngrew in power and importance, his household increased\\naccordingly. Over this household he placed a chief ser-\\nvant, called major doftms, or mayor of the palace, who was\\nresponsible for its management. This office, at first servile. The major\\nsoon took on a political character. The major domus al- s.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "46 The Mcdicrval Period\\nways had the ear of the king all access to the king was\\nthrough him his influence therefore became great. Grad-\\nually he became the king s intimate adviser, and the orig-\\ninal character of his office disappeared. It must be noted,\\nThe nobility too, that there was a major domus in each kingdom. The\\ntr^\\\\*^ f th o^l^ S ^^^^y control the appointment of the major\\noffice. domus, unsuccessfully, however, till a mere child succeeded\\nto the throne of Austrasia, when the nobles got possession\\nof the boy and appointed one of their own number major\\ndomus and regent. Since the king was a child, the major\\ndomus had every opportunity to increase his own power,\\nand the king was never again his own master.\\nDagobert. Dagobert, who was king over all the Franks (628-38),\\nwas the last to enjoy any great amount of independent au-\\nthority. After him there came the do-nothing kings,\\nwho had no share in the government and were kept only as\\nfigure-heads. The major domus exercised royal authority\\nwithout having the royal name. At the death of Dagobert\\nthe office of major domus in Austrasia became hereditary in\\nthe family of Pippin the Elder. This Pippin was the lord\\nof two estates, known as Landen and Heristhal. Arnulf,\\nUnion of the bishop of Metz, was married, as were many of the clergy\\nfamilies of ^j^^^ ^j^^j ]^jg ggj^ Ansegisil married the daughter of\\nPippin and 1 r\\nArnulf. Pippin. From this union sprang the hne known (from\\ntheir most splendid representative, Karl the Great) as the\\nKarlings. Pippin passed his office of major domus on to\\nhis son Grimoald, who lost his life in an attempt to usurp\\nthe title of king for his son. The people were still too\\nmuch attached to their royal house, and the nobles were\\ntoo jealous of Grimoald, to permit this change.\\nPippin of Pippin the Yoimger, or Pippin of Heristhal, as he is\\nHeristhal called, seized the office of major domus and practically\\nmajordomus j j\\n(687-714). ruled Austrasia. After a long war he made himself master\\nof Neustria also (687-714), thus ruhng over the whole", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "The Franks 47\\nFrankland. He began a policy which was to be followed\\nby his successors and to bear its legitimate fruit in the\\nkingdom of Karl the Great. He strove to consolidate his\\nvast territories; to bring them under one central govern-\\nment to render this government as nearly absolute as\\npossible, and to make the people of his kingdom homo-\\ngeneous. His son, Karl Martel, who succeeded him (714- Karl Mattel\\n41), continued this work. His reign was full of wars, ^7i4 4i)-\\nbecause, whenever an opportunity was given, some part of\\nthe kingdom revolted. One after another, the Frisians,\\nthe Neustrians, the Thuringians, the Bavarians, the Ala-\\nmanni, and the people of Aquitaine rebelled, only to be\\nput down by arms. The Mohammedans invaded Frank-\\nland from Spain (720), but Karl Martel met them at The battle\\nTours and broke their powers so completely (732) that %o2\\\\^^^\\nthey were never able to establish themselves north of the\\nPyrenees.\\nBefore Karl Martel died he divided the power between\\nhis two sons, Karlman and Pippin. The brothers ruled\\ntogether harmoniously till Karlman resigned and went into\\na monastery, leaving Pippin sole major domus. Deeming\\nthat the time was now ripe. Pippin laid his plans for ob- Pippin be-\\ntaining the royal title. He sent an embassy to Rome to J^T^^\\nask pope Zacharias who should be king the one who had\\nthe title without the power, or the one who had the power\\nwithout the title. The pope, who was looking abroad for\\nan ally, replied that it seemed to him that the one who had\\nthe power should also be king and acting on this. Pippin\\ncalled an assembly of his nobles at Soissons (751), deposed\\nthe last phantom king of the Merovingian line, and was\\nhimself elected and anointed king.\\nPippin s invasions of Lombardy and his service to the Karl the\\noppressed papacy will be described later. Before his death 814)^\\n(768) he divided his kingdom between his two sons, Karl-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "48\\nThe Mcdiaval Period\\nKarl con-\\nquers the\\nLombards.\\nThe Saxon\\nwars.\\nKarl s other\\nconquests.\\nman and Karl ^bitter enemies and civil war was averted\\nonly by the death of Karlman (771).\\nThe quarrel between the pope and the Lombards broke\\nout again, and as Karl had a private grudge against the\\nlatter, he was easily persuaded to interfere on behalf of the\\npope. He invaded Lombardy, conquered its king, Desi-\\nderius, and ijiade himself king of the Lombards. He then\\nrenewed the gift of his father, Pippin, to the pope. The\\nconquest of the Lombards was of great importance because\\nit brought Karl into close relations with Italy and the\\npapacy.\\nEqually important for other reasons was the subjugation\\nof the Saxons. For more than thirty years (772-804) Karl\\nwas engaged in fighting them. Year after year he overran\\ntheir territory and received their submission and their\\npromise to accept Christianity but as soon as he with-\\ndrew his army they would revolt, destroy the churches,\\nslay the Christian priests, and revert to heathenism. But\\nKarl eventually wore them out and they submitted to his\\nrule. He divided the land into bishoprics and established\\nbishops at Minden, Paderborn, Verden, Bremen, Osna-\\nbrueck, and Halberstadt. These places quickly grew into\\ntowns and became centres of life and civilization, and\\nroads were built to connect them, to facilitate travel and\\ntrade.\\nKarl s reign was one long campaign. Revolts in Bavaria\\ncalled him into that duchy, and in 787 he removed its\\nduke and placed it under counts of his own appointment.\\nIt required several campaigns to destroy the kingdom of\\nthe Avars on the middle Danube. The Slavs between the\\nElbe and the Oder were subjugated by Karl, and Bohemia\\nwas compelled to pay him tribute. Toward the end of his\\nreign the Norsemen troubled the northern frontier. The\\nMohammedans in Spain Karl drove beyond the Ebro, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "The Franks 49\\nhis fleets contended with the naval forces of the Mohamme-\\ndans on the Mediterranean Sea for the possession of Sardinia,\\nCorsica, and other islands. In the south of Italy his troops\\neven came into conflict with the army of the Greek emperor,\\nbut there was little fighting between them. Fortunate in\\nall his wars, Karl succeeded in extending his boundaries in\\nall directions. It was this series of splendid conquests which\\nlaid the foundations for the renewal of the empire and the\\nimperial title in the west.\\nTlie west, as we have seen, had for a long time been The idea of\\npractically separated from the empire. Yet the idea still orld em-\\nprevailed that there must be an empire that it was neces-\\nsary to the existing order of things that without an em-\\npire the world could not stand, and that, in fact, the west\\nwas still a part of the empire. The Church had striven to\\nbecome universal, and by insisting on ecclesiastical unity\\nhad helped keep alive the idea of political unity. The\\nbishops of Rome had recognized the emperor at Constan-\\ntinople as their lord but during the eighth century a quar-\\nrel had arisen and the popes had thrown off their allegiance\\nand were looking for a protector elsewhere. The great\\npower of the Frankish kingdom and its close alliance with\\nthe bishops of Rome were the conditions without which\\nthe revival of the empire in the west would have l)een im-\\npossible.\\nThere was in Rome a party which was laboring for The repubh\\nthe independence of Rome and the revival of her ancient jfiL^^\\npower. They were beginning to dream the dreams which\\ntroubled the Middle Age so much, dreams about restoring\\nthe Rome of the ancient republic, and making her once\\nmore the head of the world. In their way, however, was\\nthe pope, who was trying to govern Rome in a more or\\nless autocratic manner. In 798 this party organized a re-\\nvolt, maltreated Leo III., preferred charges of perjury and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": ";o\\nThe Mcdicoval Period\\nCoronation\\nof Karl\\n(80 oj.\\nGrounds for\\nthe revolt.\\nadultery against him, and drove him from Rome. He fled\\nto Karl the Great and begged to be restored. Karl sent\\nhim back to Rome under the protection of his officials,\\nand himself followed later. After Leo took an oath that\\nhe was innocent of the crimes with which he was charged,\\nKarl reinstated him in his office. Then, on Christmas\\nday, 800, while Karl was kneeling in the church of St.\\nPeter at Rome, the pope, without a word of warning,\\nplaced the imperial crown on his head and did him rev-\\nerence; and all the people present shouted and hailed him\\nemperor. Karl was taken by surprise. He was indeed\\nstriving to obtain the crown, but he wished to get it in a\\nlegitimate way, either by marrying Irene, empress in the\\neast, or by getting her to recognize him as her colleague\\nand emperor in the west. He was, in fact, turning both\\nplans over in his mind when his coronation by the pope\\nforestalled him and cut across his plans and, worst of all,\\nmade him in his own eyes a usurper. He knew that the\\npope had no legal right to give him the crown. It was an\\nact of open rebellion against the emperor at Constantino-\\nl)le, although one for which the pope thought he had good\\nand sufficient grounds. The emperors had for many years\\nnot done their duty to the western Church and especially\\nto the popes. By force of circumstances the emperor was\\nlimited in his activities almost wholly to the east, while the\\npope s interests and authority were limited to the west.\\nWhenever the emperor had interfered in the west, it had\\ngenerally been to the disadvantage of the pope small won-\\nder, then, that he was ready to revolt and transfer his alle-\\ngiance to another. Added to this was the fact that the\\neast was smirched with the heresy of hostility to the use of\\nimages. The west was shocked, too, that for the first time\\nin its history the throne was held by a woman and not\\nonly was the sovereign a woman, she was also guilty of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "The Franks 51\\ninhuman cruelty, for she had deposed, imprisoned, and\\nblinded her son, Constantine VI. This action of the pope\\nalso fell in with the prevailing desire of the people of\\nRome to restore their city to the place of honor which\\nshe had once had, but which was now held by Constanti-\\nnople.\\nThere were good reasons why Karl should be elevated to\\nthis high position. By conquest he had built up an em-\\npire which included all the west of Europe he had in cer-\\ntain directions even extended the boundary of the empire,\\nand had everywhere established, protected, and promoted\\ntlie Church, and preserved order and peace he was, there-\\nfore, the only possible candidate the west had to offer. Karl the\\nThe pope had also a selfish motive. His position in Rome S in the\\nwas no longer sure. The republican party in the city had west,\\ndriven him out once, and would do so again if the oppor-\\ntunity were offered. The pope knew that he could hold\\nhis place in Rome only with the aid of Karl. By being\\ncrowned emperor, Karl was made responsible for the pres-\\nervation of peace and order in Rome. The pope could\\ntherefore hope for Karl s support and protection, since the\\nemperor would not tolerate the independence of Rome nor\\nallow the principal bishop in the west to be driven from\\nhis place.\\nKarl s surprise and displeasure were great, but he did not\\nrefuse the crown. He assumed the title, but at the same\\ntime began negotiations with Constantinople, looking tow-\\nard the confirmation of his newly acquired honor. But\\nthe emperors in the east were for a long time inexorable\\nthey refused him all recognition and heaped insults upon\\nhim. Karl, however, preserved a conciliatory attitude, Y\\nand finally obtained what he so earnestly desired. In 812 recognition\\nhe was greeted as Imperator and Basileus by the oftheeast-\\nern court\\nambassadors of the eastern court. The defect in his title (812).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "52 The Mediccz al Period\\nwas thereby removed, and Karl troubled himself no fur-\\nther about Constantinople.\\nThe coronation of Karl was, as has been said, a rebel-\\nlious, and therefore an illegal, act. Although Karl contin-\\nued to recognize the existence of the emperors at Con-\\nstantinople, the people in the west believed that they were\\ndeposing the eastern line and restoring the supremacy of\\nthe west. In their lists of emperors the name of Karl\\ndirectly follows that of Constantine VI. It was, and they\\nmeant that it should be, a revolt. At the time there was\\nno attempt made to give a legal explanation of it or to\\nThree theo- make any theory about it but later three legal theories\\nwere advanced by different parties, each of which wished\\nto make capital out of the event. The imperial party\\ndeclared that Karl had won the crown by his conquests,\\nand was indebted to no one for it but himself. This the-\\nory was based on truth, for Karl had conquered great ter-\\nritories, and but for this would not have been even thought\\nof for emperor. The papal party said that the pope, by\\nvirtue of his power as successor of the Apostle Peter, had\\ndeposed the emperor at Constantinople and conferred the\\ncrown on Karl. This was based on the fact that the pope\\nactually crowned Karl but at that time no one supposed\\nfor a moment that the pope was crowning him by virtue\\nof any such power. Such an interpretation was not\\nthought of till long after. The people of Rome also ad-\\nvanced a theory to the effect that they had elected Karl,\\nand that they had revived their ancient right of electing\\nthe emperor. This theory had in its favor little more than\\nthe fact that the people had sanctioned the action of their\\nleader by their shouts and acclamations.\\nEffects of Such was the famous restoration of the empire in the\\nwest, a most important act, because of the great influence\\nit had on the later history. It bound Italy and Germany\\nthe restora-\\ntion.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "The Franks 53\\ntogether in a union which, while it had its compensations,\\nwas, on the whole, ruinous to both, at least politically.\\nIn consequence of this coronation of Karl, for seven hun-\\ndred years the German emperors were unable to free them-\\nselves from the idea that they must rule Italy, and they\\ncontinually wasted their strength in useless campaigns in\\nItaly, instead of extending Germany to the east, the only\\ndirection in which there was possibility of success. They\\nwore themselves out in Italy, but were never able to unite\\nGermany. The best days of her best emperors were spent\\non Italian soil, and the political unification of Germany\\nwas made impossible until our own times.\\nThe coronation of Karl greatly increased his prestige,\\nand, indirectly, his power. Emperor was far more\\nthan king, and brought with it many more duties and\\nobligations. Karl regarded himself as much exalted by Karl s con-\\nthe new office. The emperor was supposed to hold his h^g J^ e\\noffice directly from God, to whom alone he was responsi-\\nble for everything he did. This is apparent from some of\\nKarl s measures for governing. Shortly after his corona-\\ntion he compelled all his subjects to take a special oath to\\nhimself as emperor, the peculiarity of which was that all\\nwere required to swear that they would live not only as\\ngood citizens, but also as good Christians. The emperor\\nassumed responsibility for the Christian living of his sub-\\njects.\\nFor carrying on the government of his vast territory Karl s gov-\\nKarl had to invent new forms and adapt old ones. He it.\\nheld mayfields according to the old German custom,\\nbut it was impossible for all his subjects to attend them.\\nLarge numbers of them came, however, especially because\\nthe campaigns were planned in these meetings, and it was\\nexpected that the armies would proceed at once to the war.\\nHe divided his territory into counties and placed over each", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "54\\nTlic Mediccval Period\\nDukes dis-\\nappear.\\nMissi\\ninici.\\nCounts. a count {Graf). In the west the cities with the surround-\\ning country formed these counties in the east they were\\nformed by the old tribal boundaries, while on the frontiers\\nnew districts were organized (marches or Markgrafschaften)\\nand placed under border counts. The counts were held\\nresponsible for the administration of the government in\\ntheir counties.\\nThe dukes and duchies of Aquitaine, Alamannia, Sax-\\nony, and Bavaria disappeared, because they were too strong\\na menace to the unity of the empire. Only the dukes of\\nBenevento, Brittany, and Gascony remained, and they\\nwere simply Karl s officers and not independent.\\nIn order to put a check on all the officers of his realm,\\nand to control them, Karl sent out special commissioners,\\nDom- called Alissi Dominici,^ or royal messengers, whose duty\\nit was to oversee all that was done by the local officers.\\nThey were to inquire into the conduct of all officials, and\\nof the clergy as well. Appeals were made to them, and\\nany misconduct on the part of any officer was reported to\\nthem. They were generally sent out in twos, one of them\\nbeing a clergyman. They looked after the condition of\\nthe army, the collection of the taxes, the state of the\\nchurches and schools, the morals of the clergy, and the\\nadministration of justice as well as of things in general.\\nIn this way Karl was kept fully conversant with the affairs\\nof both Church and state throughout his kingdom. The\\nclergy were also regarded as officers of the state, and they\\nhad certain civil duties. They and the counts were sup-\\nposed to work together in harmony, and mutually to assist\\neach other but there were at bottom the same unsettled\\nrelations between the clergy and the counts as between the\\nemperor and the pope the authority, rights, and duties\\nof each were not clearly defined.\\nKarl himself by his own personal efforts gave unity to the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "The Franks 55\\ngovernment and did much of the actual work of governing. Karl s per-\\nsonal goi\\nernment.\\nHe was busy moving from one part of the reahii to another, g^\\nfighting, administering justice, conducting trials, settling\\ndifficulties, and, in general, keeping the machinery of gov-\\nernment in motion.\\nHis military system did not differ from that of his prede- His military\\ncessors. At his summons all his free subjects were supposed ^y^^^\\nto come prepared to begin a campaign. But the frequency\\nof his wars and their great distance from home made them\\nvery burdensome, and many began to try to escape military\\nservice. A compromise was effected by which a certain\\nnumber of men were allowed to equip one man and send\\nhim as their representative. Karl also built a fleet to guard\\nthe coast, and especially the mouths of rivers, which latter\\nhe often fortified.\\nAs a lawgiver he was also active, although there is little Karl as law-\\nthat is remarkable in his legislation. He tried to preserve S\\nthe old German laws and customs, which he caused to be\\nreduced to writing. His own laws are a curious mixture\\nof German, Roman, and biblical elements. Since his em-\\npire was Christian, the Bible was the very highest author-\\nity, and all laws vvere to be in harmony with it. It did\\nindeed color much of his legislation.\\nAs a builder Karl achieved a great reputation. He built As builder,\\nmany churches, the principal one of which was the church\\nof St. Mary at Aachen. He built a great palace for him-\\nself at Aachen, another at Ingelheim, near Mainz, and an-\\nother at Nijmegen. He also built a bridge over the Rhine\\nat Mainz, but it was destro) ed by fire before his death.\\nHis architects were mostly Italians. Many pillars and\\nother building materials were brought from Italy at incred-\\nible expense and labor. The style of his architecture was\\nundoubtedly a derived Byzantine, for the buildings of Ra-\\nvenna were his models.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "so\\nThe Mediaeval Period\\nHis attitude\\ntoward\\nlearning.\\nKarl s in-\\nterest in his\\nschools.\\nMonk of St.\\nGall, The\\nDeeds of\\nKarl the\\nGreat, I., 3.\\nProbably the most remarkable of all Karl s activities was\\nhis educational work. He drew to his court some of the\\nmost learned men of his day, among them Alcuin, Paulus\\nDiaconus, and Peter of Pisa. He formed his court into a\\npalace school (^scola palatind), all the members of which\\nassumed either classical or biblical names. Karl called\\nhimself David. The sessions of this school were held\\nmostly in the winter, because in the summer Karl was en-\\ngaged in his wars. His learned men gave lectures, and\\nthere were many discussions of the subjects broached. The\\nclergy of the empire were, on the whole, very ignorant,\\nmany of them too ignorant to preach, and Karl caused a\\nvolume of sermons to be prepared for their use. He estab-\\nlished cathedral schools, the most prominent of which were\\nat Rheims and Orleans, and monastery schools, such as\\nthose of St. Gall, Tours, Reichenau, Fulda, Hersfeld, and\\nCorvey. The.se were especially for the education of the\\nclergy, but they were open to laymen as well. In fact,\\nKarl had thoughts of a state system of public instruction.\\nHe established two schools of music, one at Metz, the other\\nat Soissons, and asked the pope to send him priests who\\ncould give instruction in the style of singing practised in\\nItaly.\\nAmong the many stories about Karl, which the monk of\\nSt. Gall collected, is one that shows the interest which Karl\\ntook in the work of the schools. Returning to Aachen\\nafter a long absence, Karl ordered all the scholars to show\\nhim the results of their studies. The sons of the high no-\\nbility were unable to produce any proofs of their industry,\\nwhile those of common birth laid before him many of their\\ncompositions in the form of letters, poems, and other docu-\\nments, all well composed according to the models then in\\nvogue. Karl thundered out his displeasure at the idle ones,\\nrebuking them for their trust in their liigh birth, and for", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "The Franks 57\\nspending their time in sports and in idleness. He warned\\nthem that if they continued in this course they need never\\nexpect any gifts or preferment from him. The others he\\ncommended for their industry and obedience, and urged\\nthem to labor to perfect their education, promising to hold\\nall such in high honor and to reward them with good bish-\\noprics and abbeys.\\nThis manifold activity amounted to a real revival of learn- Effects of\\ning, which bore fruit in the ninth century in the great dis-\\nputations about foreordination and transubstantiation, as Learning,\\nwell as in the literature of that period. The great emphasis\\nplaced on classical Latin had some very important effects.\\nIn the first place, it purified the Latin of the Church, but\\nat the same time widened the chasm between the spoken and\\nthe written Latin. The spoken Latin had now become a\\ndialect, very different from the written language. This\\nvulgar speech was the beginning of the French language,\\nand its development and use as a literary language were\\nhastened by the revival of classical Latin. The interest in\\nthe classics led to the multiplication of manuscripts and the\\npreservation of the works of Latin authors which would\\notherwise have perished, and it also determined that the\\nLatin should be the language of education during the Mid-\\ndle Age.\\nKarl also loved his own tongue, the German. He caused Karl a Ger-\\na grammar of it to be made, attempting thus to make of it\\na literary language by reducing it to regular forms. He\\nmade a collection of the German songs and legends which\\nwere probably the earliest forms of some of the stories in\\nthe Nibelungen Lied, but his son Ludwig, to our great\\nloss, had this destroyed because of its heathenism.\\nThe attitude of Karl to the Church has already been Karl and the\\nshown. He regarded it as his special duty to defend the Church.\\nChurch and to extend it by converting the heathen. The", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "58 The Mcdiccval Period\\nmotive of many of his wars was (]uite as much rehgious as\\npolitical. He took care that the conquered lands should\\nbe supplied with churches and clergy. He regarded him-\\nself as the master of the Church by virtue of the office which\\nhe held. He controlled the election of bishops and arch-\\nbishops, and sometimes even appointed them. The organ-\\nization of the Cluirch, begun in a systematic way by Boni-\\nface, was completed by him. He exercised the right of\\ncalling ecclesiastical councils, presided over them, and\\nsigned the decrees, which would otherwise have been in-\\nvalid. Under him the Church had no independent power\\nof legislation. The clergy, as well as the laymen, were\\nsubject to the laws of the empire. Karl was the first to\\nmake the payment of tithes obligatory. During the first\\nseven centuries of the Church, the tithe was practically un-\\nknown, being at that time only the traditional and custo-\\nmary rent paid for the use of lands. Karl tried to make\\nthis payment binding on the lands whic h he conquered,\\nespecially on the Saxons. This tenth, being paid for the\\nsupport of the Church, brought about a change in the con-\\nception of tithing. It was then identified with the tithe of\\nthe Old Testament, and in time made compulsory through-\\nout all Christian countries.\\nBut Karl s authority over the Church extended still\\nfiirther. He claimed the right to determine the polity,\\nritual, and even the doctrines of the Church. In 787 the\\nempress Irene called a council to meet at Nicaea which\\nshould settle the question of the use of images in the\\nchurches. This council, under the protection of Irene, de-\\nclared in favor of their use and sent its decrees or decisions\\nKarl and to pope Hadrian (772-95). Hadrian, however, who had\\n\u00c2\u00b0P^ all the time favored the use of images, was pleased with the\\ndecisions, sanctioned them, and sent them to Karl asking that\\nthey be published. But Karl was of a different opinion.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "The Franks 59\\nand calling a council of his bishops, in 794, caused the ac-\\ntion of the council at Nic^a to be refuted. The refuta-\\ntion (the Libfi Caroliiii) was sent to pope Hadrian with\\na reprimand, and a command that in the future he should\\nwait in all such matters until Karl had given his consent.\\nIn another letter he reminded the pope that it was his\\nspecial duty to pray, and not to interfere in the affairs of\\nstate, which belonged to the emperor alone. Karl un-\\ndoubtedly was, and was regarded, as the highest authority\\nin the west distinctly superior to the pope in all political\\nmatters, and practically so in ecclesiastical affairs. There\\nwas no legal determination of the mutual relations and pow-\\ners of the emperor and the pope, for the theoretical ques-\\ntion was not yet broached. Both emperor and pope made\\nclaims which were mutually opposed and conflicting, but\\nthere was no theoretical treatment of the question of their\\nrespective rights and authorities. The pope claimed to be\\nthe successor of St. Peter, the bishop of the whole Church,\\nand therefore he must have authority over the whole\\nChurch but Karl was the Christian emperor, the ruler of\\nthe world wnth absolute authority. The adjustment of\\nthese claims was not to be reached till after centuries of\\nstruggle for supremacy.\\nIn Karl is found that peculiar fusion of German, Roman,\\nand biblical elements which characterizes the Middle Age.\\nIn his dress, speech, manners, and sympathies he was a\\nGerman, but judging him by his notions and practice of\\ngovernment he was a Roman, largely affected by biblical\\nconceptions and ideas. He was a Roman emperor who\\nattempted to establish a theocracy. He was absolute mas-\\nter of the west, and his reputation was so great that his\\nfriendship was sought even by the great khalif, Haroun-ar-\\nRaschid, of Bagdad, who wished to see his rebellious Sara-\\ncen subjects of Spain punished.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "Oo The Mediccval Period\\nEinhard s His counsellor and private secretary, Einhard, has left\\nBiography. \\\\[xQ\\\\y picture of Karl. Without doubt he was one of\\nthe greatest men of all time. No one has ever more thor-\\noughly taken hold of the imagination of the people. For\\ncenturies after his death the popular imagination was busy\\nwith his name and deeds, and the impression which he\\nmade on the world found expression in a vast cycle of le-\\ngends, all of which were confidently believed during the\\nMiddle Age.\\nHe died January 28, 814, at Aachen, from pleurisy, and\\nwas buried the same day in the great church which lie had\\nbuilt. A gilded arch was erected above his tomb, with\\nhis image and an inscription. The words of the inscription\\nwere as follows In this tomb, lies the body of Karl the\\nGreat and Orthodox Emperor, who gloriously extended the\\nkingdom of the Franks and reigned prosperously for forty-\\nseven years. He died at the age of seventy, in the year 01\\nour Lord 814, the seventh indiction, on the 28th day of\\nJanuary.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Alci in AND Education. MnWingzr, The Sc7tooh of Charles the Great. 7s.,\\n6d. Longmans. West, Alcuin. $1.00. Scribner.\\n2. -Karl THE Great. Hodgkin, Mombert, Cutts, E,\\\\n\\\\\\\\z.x^, Life of Karl the\\nGreat. $0.25. Harper. Bury, II., pp. 499-509. Milman, Bk. IV.,\\nChap. XII. Bk. V., Chap. I.\\nEinhard, p. 71.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nTHE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE EMPIRE\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Emerton, Medieval Europe. Oman, Europe, 476-918.\\nSee also the lists in Chaps. I. and III.\\nKarl had indeed acquired a vast empire and by his great\\npersonal ability governed it well. But he could not in so\\nshort a time make the various peoples who composed his\\nrealm homogeneous. A common religious faith and a com-\\nmon government were not sufificient to overcome the differ-\\nences which existed .n race, tribe, temperament, customs,\\nand language. As soon, therefore, as Karl s commanding\\npersonality was removed, these differences began to reas-\\nsert themselves. Karl had made a brilliant attempt to\\nreorganize society after the model of the Roman empire.\\nHe failed, and his kingdom went to pieces, partly because Causes of\\nof the weakness of his successors, under whom lands, office,\\nand authority were usurped by their officials. Another\\ncause of dismemberment was the actual partition of the\\nempire among the sons in the royal family, the empire\\nbeing regarded as a private possession and divided among\\nthe heirs. The disintegration was further brought about\\nby the racial differences that existed in the realm, and by\\nthe forces set in operation by the invasion of the barba-\\nrians. The Germans were intensely ambitious and proud.\\nIndividualism was one of their most prominent characteris-\\ntics. In the then existing state of society the only legiti-\\nmate exercise of ability and ambition was in the practice\\nof arms. Since this was the only way to rise, it is not sur-\\nprising that we should now come upon a period of vio-\\n61\\ndisintegra-\\ntion.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "C2 TJic Mcdiaval Period\\nlence and lawlessness in which might determined every-\\nthing. Although Karl s realm went to i)ieces, during his\\nreign its various parts had all been subjected to influences\\nwhich modified their future.\\nThe dissolution of the empire made rapid strides under\\nLudwig the Karl s son, Ludwig the Pious (814\u00e2\u0080\u009440), a prince who\\nlacked all the qualities which made his father great. His\\neducation had been intrusted to the clergy, with most un-\\nfortunate results. He was better fitted for the monastery\\nthan the throne, and more than once actually wished to lay\\ndown his crown and enter the cloister. His conscience\\nwas abnormally developed and thoroughly morbid. He\\nmagnified his petty faults into great sins, and was contin-\\nually doing penance for them when he should have been\\nattending to the affairs of state. He altogether lacked the\\nsterner qualities neces.sary for governing in a time of vio-\\nlence and barbarism. Without will or purpose he was in\\nturn the slave of his wife, his clergy, and his sons. Karl\\nHis three- the Great, about six months before his death, IkkI crowned\\nfold corona- Lmj^ig as his successor. On his accession Ludwig re-\\ntion.\\npeated the coronation, placing the crown upon his own\\nhead. In S15 Pope Leo IH. died, and the people of Rome\\nelected his successor, Stephen IV., without asking the con-\\nsent or sanction of Ludwig, an insult and infringement of\\nhis prerogatives which the emperor did not resent. The\\npope followed up the advantage thus gained, and told the\\nemperor that his coronation was invalid because it had not\\nbeen performed by the clergy, and proposed to come into\\nFrance and recrown him. Again Ludwig yielded, and was\\ncrowned a third time by Stephen IV., at Rheims (816-17).\\nAnother precedent was thereby established for the claim\\nmade by the popes that they alone had the right to crown\\nthe emperor.\\nThe reign of Ludwig was full of stupid blunders. In his", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "The Dismemberment of the Empire 63\\nzeal for reform he drove from his court ihe able counsellors Ludwig s\\nof Karl the Great, because their lives did not seem to him ^^s.\\nsufficiently ascetic. He released nearly all the monasteries\\nof his realm from all duties to the state except that of pray-\\ning for the welfare of the emperor, his children, and the\\nstate, thus depriving the crown of a large income, and fos-\\ntering in the Church the idea of separation and indepen-\\ndence. He closed the monastery schools to the laity, was\\nlavish in his gifts to both monasteries and churches, and\\nwas always surrounded by monks and priests. In 817 he\\ncommitted the unpardonable blunder of dividing his em-\\npire among his three sons and associating them with him-\\nself in the government. The division led to jealousies,\\nintrigues, and war. Instead of boldly facing the problems\\nand difficulties that beset him, Ludwig spent his time in\\ndoing penance, and offended against the dignity of his\\noffice by appearing in the garb of a penitent before a great\\ncouncil of the clergy and nobility, and making humble\\nconfession of imaginary sins. Yielding to the importu-\\nnities of Judith, his second wife, he deprived two of his\\nsons by his first wife of some of their territory in order to\\nmake a principality for his youngest son, Charles. Revolt\\nand war were the result, and the last years of his life were\\nfilled with the most disgraceful intrigues and treachery.\\nA new division of his realm was several times attempted,\\neither in the interest of his favorite, Charles, or in the hope\\nthat all the sons might be satisfied. It was all in vain,\\nhowever, for when Ludwig died (840) the three sons who\\nsurvived him continued their fratricidal wars for three\\nyears before they could agree upon any division of the\\nterritory. Finally, the brothers came together and settled\\ntheir long quarrel by the treaty of Verdun (843).\\nAccording to the terms of this treaty, Lothar retained\\nthe imperial crown. As emperor he must have the two", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "64\\nTJic Mediceval Period\\nThe treaty\\nof Verdun,\\n843-\\nThe begin-\\nning of\\nFrance and\\nGermany.\\ncapitals, Rome and Aachen. He therefore received Italy\\nand a strip of land extending from Italy to the North Sea.\\nThis strip was bounded on the east by the Rhine, but at\\nlionn the line left the river and ran north to the mouth of\\nthe Weser. The western boundary line began some miles\\nwest of the mouth of the Rhone, but joined that river near\\nLyon it then followed the Rhone and the Saone to the\\nsource of the latter thence to the source of the Meuse,\\nwhich seems to have formed the boundary as far as the\\nArdennes. The line then ran to the Scheldt, which it\\nfollowed to its mouth. Charles, surnamed the Bald, re-\\nceived all the territory west of this strip. Ludwig, called\\nthe German, obtained all the land to the east, with the\\ndioceses of Mainz, Worms, and Speier, which lay west of\\nthe Rhine.\\nCharles and Ludwig had the best of it in this division,\\nbecause their territory was compact and each was ruler\\nof a single nationality. The subjects of Ludwig were\\nall German, while those of Charles were mi.xed, indeed,\\nbut becoming homogeneous. The German element was\\nbeing assimilated by the Keltic. The history of Germany\\nand of France as separate nations begins with 843. But\\nLothar s subjects were of many nationalities. Besides, his\\nterritory lay in such a way that it could not easily be de-\\nfended. It is significant that his kingdom could be named\\nonly after himself and not after any people. It was known\\nas the kingdom of Lothar, while Charles was called king\\nof the Franks, and Ludwig king of the Germans. Geo-\\ngraphically and racially it was impossible that the kingdom\\nof Lothar should hold together. The Alps broke it into\\ntwo parts; Italy might perhaps be made into a nation, but\\nthe narrow strip along the Rhine, from the Alps to the\\nNorth Sea, was fated to be broken into many fragments and\\nfought over for centuries by the French and the Germans.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "The Dismemberment of the Empire 65\\nLothar was powerless against the violence that prevailed\\nduring the ninth century., and, worn out, divided his terri-\\ntory among his three sons and withdrew into a monastery,\\nwhere he soon afterward died (855). His eldest son, The family\\nknown as Ludwig II., received Italy and the imperial title; becomes ex-\\nCharles s portion was Provence and Burgundy while Lo- tinct his\\nthar II. obtained Frisia, Austrasia, and all the remaining divided\\nlands north of the Alps. From him this territory took the\\nname of Lotharingia (Lorraine). The three brothers could\\nnot, however, live together in peace. They were in con-\\nstant feud with each other till 863, when Charles died,\\nand the other two divided his territory between them. In\\n869 Lothar II. died, and his uncles, Charles the Bald, king\\nof the West Franks, and Ludwig the German, after some\\nstruggle, divided his land. In 875 the emperor, Ludwig\\nII., died, and with his death this branch of the family Charles the\\nbecame extinct. The rivalry between Charles the Bald A^^i c^\\ncomes fc,m-\\nand Ludwig the German culminated in a war for the pos- peror 875.\\nsession of the imperial crown. Charles was the first to\\nreach Italy, and was crowned at Pavia king of the Lom-\\nbards, and a short time afterward emperor, by the pope at\\nRome.\\nLudwig the German was unable to take the field in per-\\nson against his brother. He was old and feeble, and death\\novertook him the next year (876). His long reign, al- The Reign\\nthough greatly disturbed by the revolts of his sons and the \u00c2\u00b0ije Gennan-\\ninvasions of the Northmen and Slavs was, on the whole,\\nfairly successful. It was of the highest importance that\\nthe various German tribes should be brought to feel their\\nunity and that a national feeling should be produced\\namong them. It was during his reign that the East Franks\\n(Franconians), Saxons, Suabians, and Bavarians came to\\nfeel that they were much alike, and that they differed from\\nthe Franks of the west. He extended his boundaries by", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "66 The Mediccval Period\\nchastising and reducing the rebellious Slavic peoples to the\\nnortheast, and a great many of the Bohemian and Mora-\\nvian tribes. He was successful in punishing the Northmen\\nand resisted their invasions, although he could not prevent\\nthe destruction of Hamburg, which Ludwig the Pious had\\nmade the seat of an archbishop. Regarding the kingship\\nas his private property, Ludwig the German divided his\\nkingdom among his three sons but Karlman died in 880,\\nand Ludwig, known as the Saxon, in 884, leaving as sole\\nruler their brother, Karl the Fat, who had been crowned\\nemperor by the pope in 882.\\nCharles the At the death of Ludwig the German (876), Charles the\\nBald, 840- Bald, true to his character, tried to seize his territory, but\\nwas unable to do so. At the same time the Northmen in-\\nvaded his kingdom. Without trying to meet them in the\\nfield, he bribed them to attack his nephews, and set off for\\nItaly because he thought his imperial crown endangered by\\na revolt there. He died, however, on the journey, at the\\nfoot of the Mont Cenis pass. The favorite son of his\\nfather, he had been the cause of the wars that filled the\\nlast years of Ludwig the Pious. Ambitious and grasping,\\nhe had begun several wars during his reign for the purpose\\nof unjustly depriving some of his relatives of their posses-\\nsions. In striving to extend his territory, he neglected\\nwhat he already possessed. His officials ruled as they\\npleased, and the Northmen and Saracens ravished his ter-\\nritory almost unhindered. He did little more than squan-\\nder the resources of his kingdom. His son, Louis II. the\\nStammerer, succeeded him but after a short, though\\npromising, reign died (879), leaving two sons, Louis III.\\nand Karlman, and a posthumous son, afterward known as\\nCharles the Simple. The death of Louis HI. (882) and\\nof Karlman (884) practically left the throne vacant, since\\nCharles the Simj)le was only five years old. Rather than", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "The Dismemberment of the Empire 6y\\ntrust to a mere child, the nobles offered the crown to Karl The whole\\nthe Fat, who, by accepting it, united under himself all united under\\nthe territory which had once been ruled over by Karl the Karl the\\nGreat. He was, however, not equal to the task. Besides ^j.^ 884^^^\\nbeing very corpulent he was afflicted with chronic headache,\\nwhich incapacitated him for both thought and action. His\\ninefficiency led to his deposition (887), and the empire\\nrapidly broke up into small kingdoms. His nephew, Ar- The seven\\nnulf, who deposed him, received as his reward the kingdom ^g^jg\\nof the East Franks the nobles of the West Franks elected Germany.\\nOdo, count of Paris, king, while the duke of Aquitaine\\ntook Charles the Simple to his court and remained inde- France,\\npendent of Odo. Burgundy was divided into two king-\\ndoms. In 879 count Boso, of Vienne, had usurped the\\nroyal title and made himself master of lower Burgundy. The two\\nCount Rudolf now seized upper Burgundy and succeeded\\nin getting himself crowned king. His territory was bound-\\ned approximately by the Saone and by the Aar, and ex-\\ntended from Basel to Lyon. These two little kingdoms\\nremained separate till 934, when they united to form the\\nkingdom of Burgundy or Aries. In Lombardy there were\\nalso two kingdoms formed. Berengar, margrave of Friuli, Two king-\\nwas elected king of the Lombards and crowned by the Lombardy\\narchbishop of Milan but Guido of Spoleto made war on\\nhim, got possession of the western part of Lombardy, and\\nassumed the title of king.\\nThe breaking up of the empire into these little kingdoms Disintegra-\\nshows how thoroughly power and authority had been dissi- o\\\\enc^\\npated and decentralized during the ninth century. Feu-\\ndalism had got a strong hold on Europe. Offices and\\nlands which had once been held at the will of the king had\\nbeen usurped, and had become hereditary possessions of\\ntheir holders. Violence was everywhere the more power-\\nful nobles oppressed the weaker, and all united to enslave", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "68 The Mediccval Period\\nthe freemen. The chaos of the times was due to the weak-\\nness and inefficiency of the rulers, who, for the most part,\\nneglected their first and most important duties to chase\\nafter the shadows of empty titles.\\nSPECIAL TOPIC\\nLuDwiG THE Pious. Oman, Chap. XXIII. Milman, Bk. V., Chap. II.\\nHenderson, Chap. VI.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nENGLAND AND THE NORSEMEN (802-1070)\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 As in Chap. I. Also\\nFreeman, Short History of the Norman Conquest. $0.60. Clarendon.\\nGreen, Conquest 0/ England. $2.50. Harper.\\nSaxon Chronicles, edited by Plummer and Earle. $0.75. Clarendon.\\nThe Struggle for supremacy, which lasted for three hun-\\ndred years, among the small ki-ngdoms of England, was\\npractically ended during the reign of Ecgberht, who as- Ecgberht,\\ncended the throne of Wessex in 802. Northumbria and \u00c2\u00b0^~39-\\nMercia, the two great rivals of Wessex, were worn out with\\nthe long wars, so that Ecgberht found it comparatively easy\\nto make himself the over-lord of all the country. He had\\nspent thirteen years in exile at the court of Karl the Great,\\nand had no doubt learned much and had his ambitions\\nquickened by what he saw of the successes of the great\\nFrankish king. In his government Ecgberht showed wise\\nconsideration, and while recognizing to a certain extent the\\nvarious political divisions of the country, he drew the bonds\\ncloser which connected them with Wessex.\\nThe supremacy which Wessex now enjoyed might have\\nbeen as ephemeral as that of the other kingdoms but for\\nthe fact that for nearly one hundred and fifty years after\\nEcgberht its throne was occupied by able kings who wisely\\nsecured the assistance of the clergy in all that they did.\\nThe fusion of the kingdoms into one people was also hast-\\nened by the great common danger which threatened\\nthem from the Northmen. As early as 787 the eastern\\ncoast of England had been attacked by pirates from the\\n6g", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "70\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nInvasions of\\nthe North-\\nmen.\\nAelfred the\\nGreat,\\n871-901.\\ncontinent. Their ravages became more and more frequent,\\nand the king found it difficult to defeat them or to derive\\nany sohd advantage from a victory over them. During\\nthe reign of Ecgberht they harried all the country inces-\\nsantly. His son and successor, Aethelwulf (839-58), was\\nunable to stem the tide of invasion. In 85 1 they were bold\\nenough to spend the winter on the island of Thanet.\\nAethelwulf was succeeded by his four sons in the or-\\nder of their age Aethelbald (858-60), Aethelberht (860-\\n66), Aethelred (866-71), and Aelfred the Great (871-\\n901). The task of defending the country against these bar-\\nbarian invaders became more difficult as greater numbers\\nof them began to settle on the east coast. In 866 the\\nDanes began the work of conquest and settlement in ear-\\nnest. Northumbria was quickly overrun and subdued by\\nthem. East Anglia and the Fen were next attacked and\\nconquered, their famous monasteries were burned, and the\\nking of East Anglia, Eadmund, was slain. This king was\\nlater canonized, and over his remains was built the great\\nabbey of St. Edmundsbury. Mercia was not yet attacked,\\nbut in 870 its king paid the Danes tribute and acknowl-\\nedged their leader as over-lord. Back of this submission\\nwas not only fear of the Danes, but also dislike of the West\\nSaxon supremacy.\\nKing Aethelred was left with only the territory south of\\nthe Thames, all north of that river being in the hands of\\nthe Danes. For some time it seemed that all England\\nwas to be conquered. The Danes pushed up the Thames\\nand out into Wessex, and Aethelred was unable to drive\\nthem back. In the midst of the war he died, leaving his\\ncrown to his brother Aelfred, who tried in vain to repel\\nthe invaders. After several defeats, in which his army\\nwas destroyed, he was compelled to buy the withdrawal of\\nthe Danes, hoping that in the meantime he might be able", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "England and the Norsemen 71\\nto put the country into a proper state of defence. Reen-\\nforcements continued to come from Denmark and Scandi-\\nnavia, and, in 876, Guthrum, the Danish king of East\\nAngha, attacked Wessex. For two years the struggle was\\nsevere, but it ended in favor of Aelfred by the treaty of\\nWedmore (Chippenham) in 878 Guthrum accepted Chris- Wedmore,\\ntianity and was ceded the eastern half of England north\\nof the Thames. This territory was called the Danelaw.\\nThe conquerors settled as lords of the soil, and for a long\\ntime kept themselves separate from the conquered English.\\nThe fusion of the two peoples, however, came eventually.\\nDuring the remaining years of Aelfred s rule he had peace\\nwith the Danes, except in 2)^6, when he was successful in\\nwresting from them London and the surrounding districts,\\nand again in 893, when he also successfully resisted their\\nattacks. The condition of his territory at the peace of\\nWedmore was wretched in the extreme. Churches and\\nmonasteries had been burned, the clergy slain or driven out,\\nand law and order destroyed everywhere there was great\\nwant and desolation. His first care was to train up an Aelfred s\\narmy to have it ready at his call. The country was di- ^glf\\nvided into five districts, each of which was bound to furnish\\na certain number of men with provisions and equipment.\\nEvery town also was required to do the same. A part of\\nthe troops raised in this way were required to be ready to\\ngo whenever called, while the others were to remain at\\nhome as a guard. A threefold duty jjv^as laid on every\\nlanded proprietor he must serve in the army, and con-\\ntribute to the support of bridges and fortifications. Ael-\\nfred created a fleet which patrolled the coast and kept off\\nthe invaders. He restored order, punishing severely and\\nimpartially all offenders. As on the continent, so in Eng-\\nland, everyone had the right of private war, but Aelfred\\nenforced peace. The king s justice also began to take the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "72 The Mcdicrral Period\\nplace of the local justice. The king carefully controlled\\nthe decisions of the lower courts, and changed them if\\nthey were not according to his ideas. The independent\\nlegislation of Aelfred was probably not very great, but\\nhe had the laws of the Anglo-Saxon kings and peoples\\ncollected and reduced to writing in the Anglo-Saxon lan-\\nguage.\\nLearning. Aelfred labored to restore learning in his kingdom.\\nLate in life he began the study of Latin, and mastered it so\\nwell that he was able to translate from it into his mother\\ntongue. He surrounded himself with scholars, most of\\nwhom he brought from the continent, and established a\\ncourt school very much like that of Karl the Great. His\\nown translations, however, were of most value to his peo-\\nple. From the Latin he translated the Consolations of\\nPhilosophy, by Boethius the History of the World,\\nby Orosius the Ecclesiastical History of the English,\\nby the Venerable Bede and the Pastoral Rule, by\\nGregory the Great. It was under his direction, also, tliat\\nthe Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was compiled and contin-\\nued. While all these works, except the latter, are trans-\\nlations, they contain also many additions from the pen of\\nthe king himself. Because of his moral greatness, and\\nbecause of the fact that he regarded himself as the servant\\nof his people, he has been given the well-earned title\\nGreat.\\nThe task that devobed on the successors of Aelfred was\\nto prevent, if possible, any further migration from the con-\\ntinent, to reconquer the Danelaw, to hasten the fusion of\\nthe Danes with the English, and to keep down the tribal\\nrevolts and make England really one. Fortunately his suc-\\ncessors were able men (Eadward the Elder, 901-24 Aeth-\\nelstan, 924-40; Eadmund, 940-46; Eadred, 946-55),\\nwho carried on the work well. Eadwig, however (955-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "England and the Norsemen 73\\n59), was a mere boy, and his reign was troubled by quarrels\\namong the nobles. But with the accession of Eadred (946)\\nhad come in a new power in the person of Dunstan, who Dunstan.\\nwas the first of that line of remarkable ecclesiastical states-\\nmen which England has produced. Under Eadred, Ead-\\nwig, Eadgar (959-75), Eadward the Martyr (975-79),\\nand Aethelred the Redeless (979-1016), until his death in\\n988, Dunstan was much of the time the power behind the\\nthrone. Commerce with the continent was fostered, order\\nwas preserved, and the Church and monasteries thoroughly\\nreformed. The old slavery was disappearing, but in its\\nstead the feudal rule was becoming established. The\\npower of the king greatly increased and he was looked\\nupon as king of all England and not simply of the West\\nSaxons. The king now developed a court composed of his\\nfriends and officials, who formed a new nobility over\\nagainst the old nobility of blood. The king took posses-\\nsion of the folk land, that is, the land which had been left\\nfor the common use, and enriched his servants by dividing\\nup much of it among them. At the same time the jFo/k-\\nmoot, the meeting of all the freemen, ceased, being re-\\nj)laced by the Witenagemot, the meeting of the wise men\\n{i.e., the officials, with the highest clergy).\\nThe reign of Aethelred the Redeless {i.e., without coun-\\nsel) was very disastrous. Utterly incapable of ruling, he\\ninvolved England more and more deeply in ruin and misery.\\nIn 991 when the Danes began to invade England again, he Renewed\\nbought a truce of them and allowed them to settle in East ^^fio^s of\\nthe Danes.\\nAnglia. Other invasions followed, led by Olaf of Norway\\nand Swein of Denmark. Frightened at the danger which\\nnow threatened him, Aethelred tried to secure the assistance\\nof Normandy by allying himself to its duke, whose sister,\\nEmma, he married. Goaded to frenzy by the presence of\\nthe Danes who had recently come, the English planned to", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "74 The Mcdi(cval Period\\nmassacre them, and in 1002 they rose and put all the\\nDanes among them to death. Among the slain was Gun-\\nhild, the sister of king Swein, who now swore to avenge\\nher death by taking England from her king. From 1003\\nto 1007 his army overran England, plundering and burn-\\nSwein, the ing. Aethelred bought a truce of him. Swein, however,\\nDane, S went on preparing for a larger invasion, and in 1013 came\\nback, and soon had all England in his power, while Aethel-\\nred was compelled to flee to Normandy. But Swein c rule\\nwas of short duration. He died the next year, and the\\nKnut, 1016- Danish warriors chose his son Knut as his successor. The\\n35- death of Aethelred and his son Eadmund Ironside left Knut\\nmaster of all England. He reigned from 1016 to 1035\\nwisely and with a strong hand over his newly acquired\\nrealm. Under him the old kingdoms lost more and more\\nof their character as kingdoms and became known as earl-\\ndoms. He became a Christian in character as well as in\\nname, and allied himself with the clergy. By renewing\\nthe laws of his predecessors and preserving English cus-\\ntoms, he tried to make the people forget that he was a for-\\neigner. He further strengthened his position by marrying\\nEmma, the widow of Aethelred. He brought England\\npeace, for, during his reign, the land was free from disturb-\\nances. Denmark, however, profited most by this con-\\nquest of England, for she was thereby brought into close\\ncontact with a nation far more civilized than herself, and\\nher union with England greatly forwarded Christianity in\\nall the countries of the north. The Danes differed from\\nthe people in England very little in blood, language, cus-\\ntoms, and laws, and their settlement in England may be\\nregarded as a reenforcement of German blood and a\\nstrengthening of the English character.\\nAt the death of Knut (1035) he was succeeded by his\\ntwo sons in turn, Harold (1035-40) and Harthaknut", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "England and the Norsemen 75\\n(1040-42). They were, however, thoroughly barbarous\\nand unfitted in every way to rule. England was again\\ngiven up to violence, and as the people disliked them there\\nwas general joy when Harthaknut died and Eadward the\\nConfessor (1042-66), son of Aethelred and Emma, came\\nback from Normandy and was acknowledged as king.\\nTired of foreign rulers the people expected great things of The Eng-\\nEadward, who was in blood an Englishman. But most of g^-Qj-g^j\\nhis life having been spent in Normandy he was far more 1042.\\nNorman than English. He returned with a large follow-\\ning of Normans, whom he placed in high offices, both secu-\\nlar and ecclesiastical, greatly to the disgust and anger of\\nthe people.\\nThe real power in England, however, was in the hands\\nof the great earl, Godwine of Wessex, whose earldom con- Earl God-\\nsisted of all the land south of the Thames. Eadward him-\\nself had little ability and less energy, and was content to\\npass his time in quiet. The two great earls of the north,\\nSiward of Northumbria, and Leofric of Mercia, were kept\\nso busy with the affairs of their earldoms, that Godwine\\nhad ample opportunity to carry out his plans. These were\\nconcerned with increasing the power of his own family.\\nFor his sons and other relatives he obtained small earl-\\ndoms and in 1045 he strengthened himself by giving his\\ndaughter Eadgyth to the king in marriage.\\nOwing to the jealousy of the other great earls and to a\\nquarrel with the king Godwine withdrew to Flanders\\n(105 1). The next year, however, the English were glad\\nto see him return, because the king had, in the meanwhile,\\nshown even greater favor to the Normans. In 105 1 Will- William\\niam the Bastard, duke of Normandy, visited the childless J^^ndf\\nEadward and is said to have received from him the prom-\\nise of the crown of England. The court was filled with\\nNormans, but on the reappearance of Godwine they hastily", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "76\\nThe Medicrval Period\\nHarold\\npromised\\nthe crown.\\nThe\\nNorthmen.\\nfled to the continent. Among them was Robert of Jumi-\\neges, who had been made archbishop of Canterbury. At\\nhis flight the high office was given to an EngHshman.\\nThis action offended the pope, for, according to the papal\\nclaims, no church official could be deposed except by ec-\\nclesiastical authority. Godwine died soon after, and was\\nsucceeded in the leadership by his son Harold.\\nSince Eadward was childless, it was necessary to deter-\\nmine who should succeed him. Although not of the royal\\nline, Harold was the only possible candidate. His earl-\\ndom was the largest in England. He was the right-hand\\nman of the king, and he had shown the greatest ability\\nboth as a ruler and warrior. There was nothing to do but\\nto revive the old German custom of electing the ablest man\\nking, and it was accordingly agreed that Harold should\\nsucceed his royal master.\\nDuring his last years Eadward became even more inac-\\ntive than before. The management of affairs was wholly\\nin the hands of Harold, who put down a dangerous revolt\\nin Wales, maintained peace and order throughout the king-\\ndom, and administered the laws equitably. In England\\nthere was but one family which could contest the crown\\nwith him, that of Leofric of Mercia, and this he concili-\\nated by making Morkere, the brother of Leofric, earl of\\nNorthumbria, in the place of his own brother Tostig,\\nagainst whom the Northumbrians had rebelled. On the\\ndeath of Eadward, January 5, 1066, Harold was elected\\nand crowned without opposition.\\nThe German tribes of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden\\nwere almost entirely free from Roman influence till the\\nninth century. Christianity had certainly gained no hold\\nupon them. They lived in independent groups, without\\nany central government. But during the ninth century\\nseveral leaders arose in various parts, who united many of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "England and the Norsemen yy\\nthe tribes, much as Chlodwig had united the Franks in the\\nfifth century. Three kingdoms were estabhshed, known\\nrespectively as the kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and\\nDenmark. Since the leaders and nobles of the conquered\\ntribes were too proud to submit to a conqueror they turned\\nto the sea, hoping to preserve their independence. At\\nfirst they played the part of pirates, attacking the coasts of\\nGaul, Germany, northern Spain, and even Italy. Ascend-\\ning the rivers for many miles they robbed, plundered, and\\nburned all the towns they could. They attacked monas-\\nteries and churches because of the treasures which they\\nwere known to contain. At first these raids were made in\\nthe summer, and the pirates returned to their homes for the\\nwinter. Gradually, however, they began to spend the win-\\nter also in the countries which they were plundering. They\\nseized the land and settled upon it, and these winter settle-\\nments became permanent. As their success became known\\nat home they were joined by large numbers of their fellow-\\ncountrymen who were eager to have a share in their pros-\\nperity. Terms were made with the lord of the land, and\\nthese unwelcome guests made themselves at home and iden-\\ntified themselves with the country in which they settled.\\nIt was plainly to their interest that not too many Norse-\\nmen should join them, since their own portions would be\\nthereby diminished they therefore resisted all further im-\\nmigration as well as piratical invasions by their country-\\nmen.\\nThese Norsemen possessed to a marked degree the Ger- Their\\nman characteristic, adaptability. In France they became character.\\nFrenchmen, in England, Englishmen, in Russia, Russians.\\nThey did not, however, lose their individuality. They\\npreserved their courage, their genius for governing and\\ntheir bodily vigor, their love of war and their thirst for\\nfame. Like the Goths, when they migrated they left their", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "men in the\\neast.\\n78 The Mcdiccval Period\\nreligion at home, but not their rehgiousness. They ac-\\ncepted Roman Christianity with a heartiness which soon\\nmade them the champions of the papacy. They rebuilt the\\nburned monasteries and churches and became the most\\nzealous pilgrims of all Europe. They had the greatest\\nregard for holy places and persons, and from pirates be-\\ncame Christian knights.\\nThe Norse- The lands to the east of the Baltic were attacked by the\\nNorsemen also. About the middle of the ninth century\\nthey began to make settlements on the coast, and their\\nleader, Rurik, succeeded in uniting the tribes of Finns,\\nLapps, Letts, and others who were scattered over what is\\nnow western Russia. He and his successors extended their\\npower into the interior. Novgorod, on Lake Illman, and\\nKiev, on the Dnieper, became their most important cen-\\ntres. For more than seven hundred years the family of\\nRurik held the kingship and ruled over much of what is\\nnow Russia. In their raids to the east and south they\\ncame into contact with Constantinople, from which they\\nreceived Christianity and the rudiments of civilization. In\\nthe tenth century a large body of Norsemen sailed down\\nthe Volga and raided a part of Persia. All the way from\\nthe Baltic to the Black Sea the Norsemen made settlements\\nalong the rivers, and thus M-as opened up a route of travel\\nand commerce between the Scandinavian countries and\\nConstantinople and the east. From the many coins of\\nBohemia, Hungary, and Constantinople, and even of the\\nkhalifs of Bagdad, which have been found in Sweden, we\\nmust infer that this commerce was very considerable.\\nChristian pilgrims from the north regarded this as the most\\nconvenient way of reaching Palestine, because they found\\nsome of their countrymen all along the route. In the\\neleventh century many Norsemen went to Constantinople\\nto seek their fortunes and offer their services to the em-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "England and the Norsemen 79\\nperor, who enrolled large numbers of them in his body-\\nguard.\\nAbout 800 the Norsemen began to settle in the Hebrides, In the west.\\nOrkneys, and Shetland Islands, which up to this time were\\noccupied only by Irish monks and hermits. From these\\nislands they spread to the main-land of Scotland, and in\\nthe course of about a hundred years all these settlements\\nwere united into one kingdom. In the ninth century they\\ntook possession of Iceland, which became thoroughly\\nNorse. There the Norse customs and traditions were pre-\\nserved in greater purity and for a longer time than in their\\noriginal home.^ In the tenth century the Norsemen settled\\nin Greenland, and kept in constant intercourse with their\\nmother-country till the fourteenth century, when they dis-\\nappeared from what cause is unknown.\\nAbout the year 1000, Norse sailors discovered the coast\\nof America, and endeavored to plant colonies there, but\\nwithout success. On the east and south coast of Ireland\\nthey also made settlements, some of which continued to\\nexist till far into the twelfth century. Their invasions\\nof England have already been recounted, as well as those\\nof France. The settlement of Rolf, in the valley of the Normandy,\\nlower Seine (Normandy), resulted in the establishment of\\na powerful duchy, which soon put an end to the invasions\\nfrom the north. Duke Rolf (911-27) and his successors\\n(William Longsword, 927-43 Richard the Fearless,\\n943-96 Richard the Good, 996-1027 and Robert the\\nMagnificent, 1027-35) ruled with a strong hand, and\\nNormandy was soon one of the strongest as well as best-\\ngoverned duchies of France. The laws were enforced,\\norder preserved, and the vassals kept in subjection. In\\n911 Rolf had agreed to accept Christianity, and in spite\\nCf. the Eddas and Sagas of the Norsemen, which were written in\\nIceland.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "8o\\nTJic Med KTval Period\\nWilliam the\\nBastard,\\nDuke of\\nNormandy,\\n1035-87-\\nWilliam\\nclaims the\\nEnglish\\ncrown, 1066.\\nof occasional back-slidings he and his pirates became de-\\nvoted adherents of tlie Church. Normandy was noted for\\nits churches, monasteries, and schools. The abbey of Bee\\nwas known throughout Europe because of its founder, Lan-\\nfranc, and its great prior, Anselm. Robert the Magnifi-\\ncent, at his death, in 1035, left only a bastard son, Will-\\niam, seven years old, to succeed him. When William\\nattained his majority and attempted to rule independently,\\nmany of his subjects revolted. There was a bitter struggle,\\nbut William proved himself master of all his enemies and\\nadministered the affairs of his duchy with as much ability\\nand firmness as any of his predecessors.\\nEadward the Confessor is said to have promised his\\ncrown to William, who was his cousin. Another story of\\nstill more doubtful authenticity relates how Harold, ship-\\nwrecked on the coast of France, fell into the hands of\\nWilliam, who compelled him to take an oath that he would\\nsupport William s claim to the throne. When the news of\\nthe accession of Harold reached William he fell into a\\ngreat rage and began to prepare to invade England and\\nmake good his pretensions to the crown. He is said to\\nhave called on Harold to keep his promise, but Harold\\npaid no attention to his summons. He sent to the pope\\ncertain charges against Harold, and promised, in return for\\nthe papal support and sanction, to ])ut the Church of Eng-\\nland under tlie control of Rome. Alexander II. gave\\nWilliam his blessing on these terms and sent him a conse-\\ncrated banner. William, in tlie meantime, built a fleet\\nand collected his troops from every possible source.\\nKing Harold was threatened with a double danger on his\\naccession to the throne. His brother Tostig had revolted\\nand fled to Harold Hardrada, king of Denmark, whom he\\nurged to invade England. Harold also learned of the\\npreparations of William, but was uncertain when these at-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "England and the Norsemen 8i\\ntacks would be made. He collected an army and patrolled\\nthe coast, but since no enemy appeared his men gradually\\nleft and went to their homes. Suddenly Harold Hardrada\\nand Tostig landed on the coast of Yorkshire, defeated the\\ntroops of the earls Edwin and Morkere, and took the city\\nof York. King Harold hastened to the north, met the\\ninvaders near Stamford Bridge and utterly defeated them. KingHar-\\nOn the same day William landed, unhindered, near Peven- Bddg-e\\nsey, with an army of about fifty thousand men, and began Sept. 25,\\nto ravage the country. By forced marches Harold has-\\ntened to the south to meet this new foe. Although de-\\nserted by the earls of Mercia and Northumbria, Edwin,\\nand Morkere, he nevertheless determined to risk a battle\\nwithout first collecting new troops and allowing his army to\\nrecuperate. Near Hastings, on a hill, known later as Sen- The battle\\nlac, Harold took a strong position, and was able for some i gs.\\nhours to resist the onslaught of the Normans. In the end,\\nhowever, he was slain, his guard cut down, and the rest of\\nhis troops put to flight. William had won the day and\\nwith it the crown of England.\\nWilliam s first care was to get possession of Kent and\\nSussex, the inhabitants of which were frightened into sub-\\nmission by his violence toward those who resisted him.\\nHe marched toward London and, hoping to overawe the London.\\ncity, burned Southwark. The inhabitants of London, how-\\never, closed the gates against him, elected as their king Ead-\\ngar the Aetheling, a grandson of Eadmund Ironside. The\\nearls of Mercia and Northumbria, Edwin and Morkere,\\nwere present at the election, but when William crossed the\\nThames and threatened their territories they withdrew from\\nthe city to look after their own interests. Seeing that re-\\nsistance was hopeless the people offered the crown to Will-\\niam. He entered the city, and on Christmas-day, 1066,\\nwas crowned in Westminster by the archbishop Ealdred.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "2,2\\nThe Mcdiceval Period\\nWilliam\\ncrowned.\\n1066.\\nThe land\\nforfeit to\\nWilliam.\\nThe crown was his by right of conquest, but he was also for-\\nmally elected by the people of London, and in his coronation\\nby the archbishop the Church set its seal upon his title and\\nsupplied what was lacking in the legitimacy of his claims.\\nThus far only the southeastern part of England (bound-\\ned by a line from the Wash to Dorsethead) was actually in\\nWilliam s hands. To secure London he built a strong fort-\\nress, which afterward became the famous tower. The earls\\nof Mercia and Northumbria submitted to him only nom-\\ninally. In order to justify the seizure of whatever lands\\nhe might desire, William declared that the election and\\nacknowledgment of Harold as king was an act of treason,\\npunishable with forfeiture and death. All England was,\\ntherefore, guilty, and all the land was forfeited to William.\\nHe .seized the possessions of all those who had borne arms\\nagainst him, the rest being permitted to retain their lands\\non the payment of a fine. Otherwise there was for the\\npresent little change.\\nLi 1067 England had become so quiet that William re-\\nturned to Normandy, leaving the government in the hands\\nof Odo, bishop of Bayeux, now earl of Kent, and William\\nFitz-Osbern, earl of Hereford. These, however, were un-\\ntrue to their trusts and allowed the English to be oppressed\\nby the Norman nobles. This led the English to revolt, but\\nThe English William returned in the same year and put down the re-\\nbellion. In the year 1068, however, a real national upris-\\ning took place. King Swein of Denmark came with a fleet\\nto contest the possession of England with William. On his\\narrival in the Humber all the northern, western, and south-\\nwestern parts of England revolted, and the king of Scotland\\ncame to their aid. William hastened to the Humber and\\nbought the withdrawal of the Danish fleet. He then turned\\nto the revolted provinces and, since they were not united,\\neasily overcame them. Yorkshire especially suffered from\\nrevolt.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "England and the Norsemen 83\\nhis anger. So thoroughly did he devastate it that a famine\\nfollowed which is said to have carried off more than a\\nhundred thousand people, and nearly a century passed be-\\nfore the land was restored to its former state of cultivation.\\nThe most determined of the English fled to the Fens\\n(the swampy district south of the Wash), and there offered\\nbrave resistance under the leadership of Hereward. Their\\ndestruction, however, ended all opposition, and England\\nwas thoroughly conquered. He next invaded Scotland and\\nmade its king his vassal. Being now in full possession,\\nWilliam set himself to keep in subjection and to govern his\\nhardly acquired kingdom.\\nThis Norman conquest of England had great influence on Effect of the\\nthe history of England not simply because of the political 6st.\\nchanges which William introduced. He was not only king\\nof England, but duke of Normandy, and a subject of the\\nking of France. He was, moreover, a devoted friend of the\\npapacy. It was, therefore, inevitable that England should\\nbe closely associated with the continent the English kings,\\nproud of their continental possessions, would be involved\\nin territorial struggles with the French kings; and the\\nclaims of the popes for universal dominion would the more\\neasily include England. The conquest brought England\\nagain into intimate relations with the rest of Europe and\\nmade of her a continental power.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Aelfredthe Great. V wW, Life of Alfred the Great. $1.50. Macmillan.\\nVi.i^^ h^s, Alfred the Great. $i.cx). Macmillan. K^^e^r, Life of Alfred\\nthe Great. $1.50. Macmillan.\\n2. St. Dunstan. Green, The Conquest of England, pp. 269-343, 416, and 446.\\n$2.50. Harper.\\n3. William THE Conqueror. Vreeman, IVilliam the Conqueror. $0.50. Mac-\\nmillan. Johnson, The Normans in Europe. Chaps. VIII., and X.-\\nXIV. $1.00. Scribner.\\n4. The Norsemen. Johnson, The Normans in Europe.\\n5. St. Anselm. His Zj/J by Church. $1.50. Macmillan. There are also\\nbiographies of him by Rule, and Moehler.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI\\nPOLITICAL HISTORY OF FRANCE, 887-1108\\nt.nE,RATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094Kitchia,I/isioryo/France,Wo\\\\.l. 10s. 6d. Clarendon.\\n]ervxs. History (i/ Fra7ice. $1.25. Harper.\\nOdo, king Odo, the newly elected king of France, was the best\\n888-98. choice that could have been made by the Frankish nobles.\\nHe surpassed them all in valor, was noted for his just and\\nupright character, and, of all their number, had the largest\\nlanded possessions. His popularity was greatly increased\\nby that of his father, Robert the Strong, who lost his life in\\nresisting the invasion of the Northmen (866). But his\\nposition was not safe because he was only one of several\\ngreat nobles, all of whom regarded themselves as practi-\\ncally his equal and did not hesitate to oppose him and\\nmake war on him. For under the weak successors of Karl\\nthe Great the counts who had been the king s officers had\\nincreased their independence, and had made their office\\nhereditary. In this way there arose the powerful counts of\\nFlanders, Poitou, Anjou, Gascony, Paris, and others, whose\\nThe great lands came to be called the great fiefs. The Northmen\\ncontinued their invasions, but Odo was not always so suc-\\ncessful in repelling them as he had been. After 893 he had\\nalso to contend against the oft-renewed conspiracy of some\\nof the strongest nobles to restore Charles the Simple to the\\nthrone. So long as he lived he successfully defended his\\ntitle, but at last, worn out with the struggle, he died (898)\\nafter having named as his successor, not his brother Rob-\\nert, who was his heir, but Charles the Simple (898-929).\\n84\\nfiefs.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "Political History of France 85\\nRobert did homage to Charles, and received the duchy of\\nFrance (a strip of territory which included, among other\\ncities, Paris, Tours, and Orleans).\\nCharles the Simple was in many respects an able man, Charles the\\nbut his too ready confidence in the promises and loyalty of 8q8!.Q2o\\nhis subjects often brought him great trouble and loss, and\\nwon for him the title of Simple. The invasions of the\\nNorthmen continued without abatement, and many of their\\nbands now spent the winter in France, having taken posses-\\nsion of some of the districts about the mouth of the Seine\\nand elsewhere. In 911 Charles offered their principal\\nleader, Rolf (Rollo), the valley of the lower Seine and his\\ndaughter in marriage if he would settle there and become a Settlement\\nChristian. It proved to be a wise measure, for it was to ^orth\\nthe interest of Rolf and his people that the invasions should on the Low-\\ncease. The various bands of Northmen were soon gathered\\ntogether under Rolf, and fresh invaders were repulsed. The\\ndistrict thus assigned to them received from them the name\\nof Normandy.\\nRobert of France, repenting that he had refused the crown\\nin 899, with two other great nobles conspired to overthrow\\nCharles and make himself king. In 923 the conspirators\\nmet the king s forces near Soissons and defeated them, but\\nRobert himself was slain. His son Hugo was unwilling to\\nclaim the crown, and the nobles, therefore, elected the\\nson-in-law of Robert, Rudolf of Burgundy, king. By Rudolf of\\ntreachery they got possession of the person of Charles and S y-\\nimprisoned him. His wife, however, escaped with her son\\nto England, where she was received by her father, king\\nEadward the Elder. For twelve years Rudolf held the title\\nof king, although during the first years of his reign his\\nauthority was very limited, and many of the great nobles\\nrefused to obey him. A quarrel with some of his nobles\\nfinally led to a brief restoration of Charles, but he was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "86\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nLouis\\nd Outremer,\\n936-54-\\nLothaire,\\n954-86.\\nagain imimsoned, and died soon afterward of starva-\\ntion (929).\\nRudolf died (936) without children, and Louis IV.\\n(d Outremer, Transmarinus) was recalled from England\\nand made king. Duke Hugo of Paris, still unwilling to\\nrisk all for the sake of a title which brought with it great\\ndifficulties and but little authority, preferred rather to be\\nthe favorite adviser of the king, for he could thereby easily\\nincrease his possessions. He was lord of Neustria, duke of\\nFrancia, and suzerain of Blois, Champagne, Chartres, An-\\njou, and other counties. More than once Louis IV. was\\ncompelled to wage war with his great vassal Hugo. His\\nsudden death in 954 placed the crown on the head of his\\neldest son, Lothaire (954-86), a boy eight years old. The\\nsupport of Hugo was bought with the duchies of Aquitaine\\nand Burgundy, but he died before he had made himself\\nmaster of Aquitaine. His two sons, Hugo Capet and Otto,\\ninherited his vast possessions, and also followed the policy\\nof their great father and tried to gain possessions in the\\nsouth of Gaul. Lothaire was a man of ability, but he\\nmade two fatal mistakes he quarrelled with the clergy,\\nand he set his heart on gaining Lotharingia, which was\\nnow a part of Germany. Consequently the clergy were\\nconstantly causing him trouble and he was continually at\\nwar with the kings of Germany. Taking advantage of\\nthese hostile relations, Hugo Capet obtained the friend.ship\\nof Otto III., and when Lothaire turned to Germany for\\nhelp he found an alliance existing between his great vassal\\nand the German king. Lothaire died before the revolu-\\ntion came, and his son, Louis V., succeeded him in 986.\\nHis death, however, took place the next year, and there\\nwas but one Karling left, Charles, duke of Lower Lotha-\\nringia, who, being without power, could not hope to obtain\\nthe votes of the great nobles. On the other hand, Hugo", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "Political History of France 87\\nCapet had the support of Otto III. of Germany, of the\\nnobihty, and of the Church. He was allied by marriage to\\nsome of the most powerful counts. The clergy and the mon-\\nasteries were on his side, because he had taken special pains\\nto win them by rich donations. The archbishop, Adalbe-\\nron, of Rheims and the bishops of the whole country called\\nthe nobles together for the purpose of electing a king, and\\nafter a clever address,, in which Adalberon proved that\\nCharles was not the most suitable person for king, and\\nthat the crown was not hereditary but elective, he proposed\\nthe duke, Hugo Capet, and recounted his virtues and quali- Duke Hugo\\nfications. The duke was unanimously elected and crowned ,^Pf\\nelected\\nas King of the Gauls, Bretons, Danes, Normans, Aquita- king.\\nnians, Goths, Spaniards, and Gascons.\\nIn this way the crown came into the possession of the The\\nCapetians, a dynasty which was to rule France in the direct r)^nas\\\\^\\nline for more than three hundred years (987-1328); for 987-1328.\\nthough the crown was declared to be elective, it soon be-\\ncame hereditary in this family. It was of the greatest in-\\nfluence on the history of the line that there was never lack-\\ning a male heir, generally of mature years, able to take up\\nand carry out the policy of his predecessors. There were,\\ntherefore, no disputed successions, no disastrous regencies,\\nno troubled elections.\\nThe position of the new line of the Capetians had its The posi-\\npoints of strength and weakness. Both the Merovingians \u00c2\u00b0j^\\nand the Karlings had been consecrated by the Church and king,\\nwere therefore regarded as legitimate rulers. The Capets,\\nupon being hailed by the Church, were accepted by a large\\npart of the nation as the true successors to those great\\nhouses. The king thus became, for the majority of the peo-\\nple, an absolute sovereign, a power ordained of God to\\nrule, to preserve order, and to administer justice. But\\nthere was another class, composed mostly of the nobility,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "88\\nThe Mcdiaval Period\\nAnd as\\nfeudal lord.\\nHugo Capet,\\n987-96.\\nRobert II.\\n996-1031.\\nwhich at this time was living in accordance with feudal\\ncustoms and ideas, and to them the king was by no means\\nabsolute. His authority over them and his demands on\\nthem were limited. They were themselves kings in their\\ndomains in all but the name, and exercised royal preroga-\\ntives. These feudal ideas and customs the Capets were\\nforced to recognize. The royal power was strictly limited,\\nand it was only by following a consistent policy and by\\nthe greatest good fortune that the Capets were able in the\\nend to triumph over feudalism and to establish a strong\\ncentral government. But this was along and slow process.\\nFor more than a hundred years the disintegration of power\\nand of territory went on. The Capets were not able to\\nkeep their officials from making their offices hereditary,\\nand their family possessions, as well as the royal domain\\nwhich they had inherited from the Karlings, were dimin-\\nished by constant usurpations. Their weakness was\\ngreatest in the eleventh century. The twelfth century,\\nhowever, brought a\\nchange\\nin their fortunes from that\\ntime their power steadily increased.\\nThe reign of Hugo Capet (987-96) was quite as success-\\nful as could be expected under the circumstances. He was\\ngenerally recognized by the great vassals, and maintained\\nan independent attitude toward the German emperors and\\ntoward the papacy. Under him there was a distinct\\ngrowth in the feeling of nationality which helped increase\\nthe separation between France and her neighbors, already\\ncaused by the differences in language and customs.\\nHis son and successor, Robert II. (996-1031), surnamed\\nthe Pious, because of his humble and upright character and\\nhis regard for the truth, was none the less a warrior of\\nability, fighting vigorously for Lotharingia and adding by\\nconquest several cities and districts to his estates.\\nThe reign of Henry I. (1031-60) was disastrous for the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "Political History of France 89\\nroyal power, although the king himself was both brave and Henry I.,\\nactive. He was continually engaged in a struggle with the the ereat^\\nnobles whose territories surrounded his own, especially vassals,\\nwith the counts of Elois and the dukes of Normandy.\\nThe only outlet from his estates to the sea was the Seine,\\nthe lower part of which was in the possession of the Nor-\\nmans, whose numbers and warlike qualities made their\\nduke a dangerous neighbor of the king. Henry I. appre-\\nciated the situation and made every effort, though in vain,\\nto make himself master of Normandy. Its duke, William,\\nalready known to us as the conqueror of England, was able\\nto maintain his independent position.\\nPhilip I. (1060-1108) followed the pohcy of his father Philip I.,\\nin regard to Normandy and the other great fiefs. He was sumamed\\ntoo young to prevent duke William from making his con- the Fat.\\nquest of England, but he did all he could to weaken him\\nby fomenting quarrels in the family of William and by en-\\ndeavoring to keep Normandy and England as independent\\nof each other as possible. This policy he handed down to\\nhis successors. He carried on, in a creditable manner,\\nseveral wars with other great vassals, and was successful in\\nadding certain lands to his possessions. He refused to go\\non the first crusade, resisted the claims of Gregory VH.,\\nand treated that part of the clergy of France which sup-\\nported the pope with a good deal of severity. Such con-\\nduct, now regarded as specially creditable to him, brought\\nupon him the disfavor of the chroniclers who have gener-\\nally painted him in the darkest colors, charging him with\\ngluttony, laziness, debauchery, highway robbery, and\\nmany other vices and crimes. In his later years his activ-\\nity was limited by his abnormal obesity, which amounted\\nin his case to a disease. His reign, however, was not\\nwithout its achievements, although the growing feudalism\\nof the country daily diminished the actual power of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "90 The Mcdiccval Period\\nking. Feudal castles and strongholds were numerous, and\\nthe king met with resistance on all hands. The famous\\ncastle of Montlhery Avas at the very gates of Paris, and the\\nking was actually in danger of being taken prisoner by his\\nown brigand subjects and held for a ransom if he ventured\\noutside of his city without a strong guard. The chaos and\\nanarchy of feudalism were at their height but the reign\\nLouis VI., of Louis VI. (1108-37) brought a change. Under him\\n1100-37, ^j^g power of the king increased, the lawlessness of the\\ntimes was checked, order was partly reestablished, and\\nfeudal customs became more fixed, thereby diminishing\\nthe violence that had been so prevalent and increasing the\\ngeneral security. The condition of the country was by no\\nmeans perfect, but it was of the greatest importance that a\\nlarge amount of stability was introduced into the customs\\nand practices of the government and of society. The\\nkings of France possessed a great advantage over the kings\\nof Germany in that they were allowed to retain all fiefs\\nwhich fell vacant, while in Germany the great dukes com-\\npelled the king to relet all fiefs within a year. The kings\\nof France, therefore, had an excellent opportunity to in-\\ncrease their possessions, while the kings of Germany were\\ncut off from that advantage.\\nSPECIAL TOPIC\\nPhilip THE Fat. Jervis, pp. 113-123. Kitchin, Vol. I., pp. 254 ff.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "Chapter vii\\nGERMANY AND ITS RELATION TO ITALY (887-1056)\\nLITERATURE as in Chap. III.\\nThe deposition of Karl the Fat left Arnulf in the pos- Arnulf, 887-\\nsession of the German crown (887-99). successor of\\nKarl the Great, he assumed that he was entitled to a cer-\\ntain sovereignty over all the rulers of the west, and accord-\\ningly demanded and received the acknowledgment of his\\nsupremacy from the kings of Burgundy, Italy, and the\\nWest Franks. He defeated with great slaughter the North-\\nmen (891), but was unable to subdue the Slavic kingdom\\nof Moravia, which included much of what is now Bo-\\nhemia and Austria. At the invitation of the pope, Ar-\\nnulf made two journeys into Italy for the purpose of re-\\nstoring order there and relieving the pope from the\\ntyranny of his enemies, in return for which services the\\npope crowned him emperor (896).\\nThe reign of his son, known as Ludwig the Child (899- Ludwig, the\\n911), was fatal to the unity of Germany. The local no-\\nbility, filled with a desire for independent power, seized\\noffices and lands and made them hereditary in their own\\nfamilies. As the empire of Karl the Great had broken up\\ninto many little states, so the kingdom of Arnulf fell apart\\ninto five great duchies, known as Franconia, Saxony, Ba- The great\\nvaria, Suabia, and Lotharingia. Owing to the weakness\\nof the king, certain men in these duchies were able to\\nusurp authority and assume the title of duke, and were, in\\ntheir duchies, practically independent of the king. The\\n91", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "92\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nConrad I.,\\nof Franco-\\nnia, king,\\n911-18.\\nThe Saxon\\nLine, 919-\\n1002. Henry\\nI., 919-36.\\nHenry I. and\\nthe Church.\\nboundaries of the duchies, following tribal lines, helped to\\npreserve and perpetuate the dilTerences that already existed\\namong these five great groups of Germans. The people of\\neach duchy longed to be independent of all the others, and\\npreferred their own narrow interests to those of the king-\\ndom.\\nWith the death of Ludwig the Child the line of Karl the\\nGreat came to an end in Germany, and it was therefore\\nnecessary to elect a king. The honor fell to Conrad I.\\n(91 i-iS), duke of Franconia. Although able, l)rave, active,\\nand ambitious to rule well, his reign was spent in a vain en-\\ndeavor to make good the traditional authority of the king\\nover the dukes. He allied himself closely with the clergy,\\nand at a council at Altheim (916) they threatened with the\\nban all who should resist him. Political disaffection was to\\nbe regarded as heresy and punished in the same way. But\\neven with the aid of the clergy Conrad could not reduce\\nthe dukes and at his death he designated as his successor\\nhis most powerful rival, Henry of Saxony.\\nThe nobles of Saxony and Franconia came together in\\nFritzlar and elected Henry king (called the Fowler, also the\\nBuilder of Cities, 919-36). He was a practical man, who\\nsaw all the difficulties of the position, and was i^ersuaded\\nthat a feudal kingship was the only kind now possible. The\\ndays of the Karlings were gone forever. The power of the\\ndukes was not to be broken their independence in their\\nown territory was not to be questioned and they were to\\nbe held responsible to the king only for the feudal duties\\nwhich they recognized as due him. This feudal conception\\nof the kingship was new, and radically changed the attitude\\nof the king toward the clergy and the dukes, for as he meant\\nto be friendly with the dukes, he did not need the special\\nhelp of the clergy. After his election, the archbishop of\\nMainz, as primate of the kingdom, wished to anoint him,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "Germany and its Relation to Italy 93\\nbut Henry refused, saying that the election alone was suffi-\\ncient.\\nIn 924 the Magyars, or Hungarians, invaded Saxony.\\nHenry was unable to meet them in the field, and therefore\\nmade a nine years treaty with them, paying them a heavy\\ntribute. These years Henry used to put his country into a\\ngood state of defence and to improve his army. His prep- Progress in\\narations are described by Widukind (i., 35) as follows Germany.\\nHe first chose one out of every nine soldiers who were\\nliving in the country and compelled him to live in a city\\n(urbs) in order that he might build dwellings for the other\\neight and lay by one-third of all the grain produced, while\\nthe other eight should sow and harvest for the ninth. In\\nthese cities, on the construction of which they labored day\\nand night, the king ordered that all trials, meetings, and\\nfestivals of whatever sort, should be held, in order that the The found-\\npeoi)le in times of peace might become accustomed to S of cities\\nwhat would be necessary in time of war (i.e., to living\\ntogether in close quarters). Towns are mentioned which\\nhe fortified, such as Merseburg, Meissen, and Quedlinburg.\\nThere were walled towns before his time, but most of the\\nGermans lived in open, straggling villages. Henry gave\\na great impulse to town life, and it was due to his activity\\nthat the German towns now became more numerous, and\\nthat in the next century there was a large and important\\ncitizen class. Commerce was also thereby greatly pro-\\nmoted. During these years of peace Henry developed a\\ngood army. All who did military service were trained in\\nthe use of arms by military sports, and a cavalry troop was\\nformed. The Saxons, it would seem, up to this time, had\\nfought only on foot. The new mode of fighting was soon\\nto become common, since it was generally those who had\\nsome means who were called on to follow the king on his\\ncampaigns. The poorer people being unable to equip them-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "94 The Mediccval Period\\nselves with horses and arms, now sank to the position of\\nserfs or slaves, and so escaped military service.\\nHenry ex- Henry was successful in wresting territory from both the\\nmany to the I^^^ ^^s on the north and the Slavs on the east. In 933 he\\neast. refused to pay the Magyars tribute, met them in the field,\\nand defeated them with great loss in several battles. The\\nsuperiority of the improved method of defence, the walled\\ntowns, the cavalry, and the trained army, was now appar-\\nent. Before his death (936) he had his son Otto recog-\\nnized as his successor.\\nOtto I. (936-73) came to the throne with a different\\ncharacter and with ideas about his office entirely differen\\nfrom those of his father. Henry was noted for his mod-\\nesty and humility he was practical and never strove for\\nthe impossible. He clearly recognized that he could not\\ndestroy the power of the dukes, and was therefore willing\\nto recognize their independence. Otto, on the contrary\\nwas proud and ambitious. He had high ideas about his\\nroyal rights and prerogatives. He was not content with\\nthe position of feudal king, but regarded himself as the\\nsuccessor of Karl the Great. The sacred character of the\\nking, acquired by anointment and by the peculiar relations\\nexisting between himself and the clergy, had been neg-\\nlected by Henry, but Otto revived it. The dukes had\\nbeen his father s equals Otto determined to make them\\nhis officials. Henry had not relied on the clergy, because\\nhe was determined to be on friendly terms with the dukes\\nOtto, on the other hand, needed the help of the clergy to strip\\nthe dukes of their power. The events connected Vi ith his\\nelection and coronation illustrate the difference between\\nhis ideals and those of his father. There had been some\\ndissatisfaction Avith Henry because of his simplicity, and\\nthere was now a desire that the traditions of Karl the Great\\nshould be revived. In accordance with this wish, Aachen,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "Germany and its Relation to Italy 95\\nthe ancient capital, was appointed as the place for the for-\\nmal election of Otto. All the dukes and the highest nobil-\\nity were present, and Otto was anointed and crowned with His corona-\\ngreat pomp. Afterward he sat down to the coronation ban-\\nquet, at which he was served by the dukes. Duke Gisel-\\nbert of Lorraine was his chamberlain, i.e., he had charge\\nof the palace, Eberhard of Franconia was his steward or\\ndish-bearer, Hermann of Suabia his cup-bearer, and Arnulf\\nof Bavaria his marshal.\\nBut Ofto s haughty manner angered the dukes, and they\\nplotted with his ambitious brothers for his overthrow. A\\nlong struggle ensued, in which Otto was successful in dis-\\npossessing all the dukes, and making their duchies depend-\\nent on himself by giving them to members of his own fam-\\nily. As a counterpoise to the power of the nobles. Otto\\nfollowed the policy of strengthening the clergy by en-\\nriching them and conferring authority upon them.^ The\\nclergy thus became a large and powerful part of the nobil-\\nity. This policy proved to be disastrous, for in the strug-\\ngle which came later between the empire and the papacy,\\nthe clergy of Germany turned against their benefactors and\\nhelped destroy them.\\nToward the barbarians east of Germany Otto had a well- Otto s pol-\\ndefined policy. In 955, on the Lech river, near Augsburg, barba-\\nhe won a decisive victory over the Magyars, and put an rians.\\nend to their invasions by compelling them, after accepting\\nChristianity, to settle in the territory which they have ever\\nsince occupied (Hungary). The Slavs, too, were com-\\npelled to acknowledge Otto s over-lordship. As a de-\\nfence against them several marches (marks) were established\\nalong the whole eastern frontier and put under able men.\\nMagdeburg was made the religious capital of the Slavs\\nBryce The Holy Roman Empire, Chap. VIII., develops this thought\\nat some lensth.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "96\\nThe Medicoz al Period\\nThe Slavs\\nChristian-\\nized and\\nGerman-\\nized.\\nThe condi-\\ntion of\\nItaly.\\nParties.\\nby establishing there an archbishop. Mission work was\\nvigorously carried on among them, and for this jjurpose\\nOtto established the bishoprics of Havelberg, Brandenburg,\\nMerseburg, Zeitz, Meissen, and Posen. Many monasteries\\narose, and the monks became not only the missionaries but\\nalso the teachers and civilizers of these barbarian peoples.\\nGerman colonists went with the monks and clergy, and the\\nprocess of Germanizing the Slavs was begun. To Otto\\nthe Great belongs the honor of having begun the policy\\ntoward these barbarians which was to result in making\\nGermans of them, and in adding their territory to Ger-\\nmany. The east was the only direction in which Ger-\\nmany could expand. The way to the west was closed,\\nbut to the east there were extensive territories which could\\nbe conquered and Germanized. If these peoples could be\\nkept dependent on Germany for their civilization and\\nChristianity, it must inevitably follow that they would lose\\ntheir nationality and become German. From this time on\\nthe expansion of Germany to the east among these peoples,\\nher conquest and absorption of them, is one of the most\\nimportant parts of her history. In this way all of Prussia\\nthat lies east of the Elbe was won from the Slavs. Bohe-\\nmia and Hungary were not Germanized because through\\nthe weakness of the successors of Otto they succeeded in\\ngetting an independent ecclesiastical establishment, thereby\\npreserving their own nationality.\\nSince the coronation of Arnulf, Italy had fallen upon\\nevil times. She wiis hopelessly divided, the theatre of con-\\ntending peoples and factions. The Greek emperor held\\nmany places in the southern part of the peninsula, while the\\nMohammedans had possession of Sicily and other islands,\\nand a few ports on the main-land. In Rome the pope\\nclaimed to be master, but the city was the prey of factions\\namong the nobility. The duchies of Benevento and Spo-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "Germany and its Relation to Italy 97\\nleto were practically independent. Lombardy was divided\\ninto a large number of insignificant principalities, whose\\nrulers were all striving for the control of Italy and the\\nroyal or imperial crown. One of these contestants, Lothar\\nof Provence, died in 950, and his widow, Adelaide, a Bur-\\ngundian princess, was seized by another claimant of the\\ncrown for the purpose of compelling her to marry his son.\\nDisliking the proposed union, Adelaide appealed to the\\nking of Germany for protection. Otto gallantly responded Otto s first\\nby crossing the Alps (951) and marrying the princess him- {f^y\\nself. It was his intention to go on to Rome, but revolts at\\nhome made his speedy return to Germany necessary.\\nDuring this period the papacy was sadly smirched by\\nfalling under the control of political parties in Rome.\\nThe magnificent claims of Leo the Great to be the bishop\\nof the whole Church were now entirely forgotten in the\\nchaos of contending Roman parties. The noble families of Roman fac-\\nRome were divided into factions, each of which strove to\\nmake one of its number bishop, in order to exercise the\\nauthority and enjoy the perquisites which that office pos-\\nsessed. The duke of Spoleto had a party, as did also Ber-\\nengar and the other phantom kings who displayed their\\nweakness in the unfortunate peninsula. The German king\\nhad his supporters, and there was an anti-German faction\\nwhich objected to any interference on the part of the Ger-\\nman king. The rage and violence shown by these factions\\nis almost incredible. In 891 Formosus, a friend of Arnulf\\nof Germany, was made pope. Throughout his pontificate\\nhe was known to be an ally of the German emperor, and\\nthe bitterness against him was intense. When Stephen VI.\\nwas elected by the faction of Spoleto his hatred of the\\nGermans was so great that he had the remains of Formosus\\nexhumed in order to go through the forms of a trial. The\\nbody of Formosus was clothed in pontifical robes, placed", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "98 The Medieval Period\\non a papal throne, and charges made against him, in a\\nsynod called together for this purpose. The verdict was,\\nof course, unfavorable, and his body was mutilated and\\nthrown into the Tiber.\\nFor nearly forty years Rome was in a turmoil of con-\\ntending parties, no one being able to restore order. But\\nAlberic. finally, in the course of these struggles, a certain Alberic\\ndrove out all competitors and made himself master of the\\ncity with the title of Princeps atque omnium Romanorum\\nsenator. Until his death in 954 Alberic held the power\\nin Rome, not only over the city but also over the popes.\\nThe writings of the times contain many invectives, but few\\ncharges, against Alberic. As a governor he had much\\nability. He tried to ally himself with the eastern emperor,\\nand he was interested in the Cluniac reform to such an ex-\\ntent that he asked bishop Odo of Cluny to restore the dis-\\ncipline in, and reform the monasteries of, Rome. His\\nonly offence, a great one in the eyes of churchmen, was\\nthat he kept the papacy thoroughly under his control and\\nused the pope as one of his officials. Alberic even wished\\nThe Papacy to make the papacy hereditary in his family. His son Oc-\\nhered^itarv t^vian, a boy of sixteen years, succeeded him in authority,\\nand a year later was made pope. He took the title of John\\nXn. (955). His pontificate was disgraceful in the extreme,\\nand he shocked the city with his mad pranks and open\\ndebauchery. Both he and the people of Lombardy are\\nsaid to have appealed to Otto for protection. At any rate.\\nOtto again appeared in Italy, ^nd after being crowned em-\\nperor (962), spent several months in renovating the papacy\\nand restoring order. The people of Rome took an oath to\\nhim that they would never elect a pope without first con-\\nsulting him.\\nUnder Otto the Great Germany was made the first\\npower in Europe. In 973 he celebrated Easter at Quedlin-\\nt\\n-\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00a2.1", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "Germany and its Relation to Italy 99\\nburg, and held there a great assembly, where he received\\nembassies from Rome, Constantinople, from the Hungari-\\nans, Bulgarians, Russians, Slavs, and Danes. The Dukes\\nof Bohemia and Poland came in person to do him homage.\\nA few days later he died at Memleben, and was buried in Death of\\nMagdeburg, his favorite city. U o 973.\\nThe reign of Otto the Great is an important one in the Importance\\nhistory of the civilization of Germany. It has already been reign.\\nstated that he allied himself with, and strengthened, the\\nclergy in order to resist the dukes, but while using them in\\nthis way, Otto did not lower their moral and religious tone.\\nHis bishops and archbishops were all men of ability and\\ngenuine piety. His reign is noted for a revival in both\\nreligion and learning. Several members of his family oc-\\ncupied high positions in the Church Bruno, his brother,\\nbecame archbishop of Cologne one of his sons, William,\\nwas archbishop of Mainz, his uncle, Robert, bishop of\\nTrier; other relatives became prominent bishops, abbots,\\nand abbesses. All these performed their duties to the\\nChurch as well as to the emperor without any conflict. At\\nthe court itself no immorality was tolerated. Otto sur-\\nrounded himself with learned men, and his age is marked\\nby great literary activity. Many of the great monasteries\\nkept chronicles. Some important histories and biographies\\nwere composed, and poems and comedies were produced.\\nThe most notable among them were Liutprand s His-\\ntory of Otto, the Annals of Quedlinburg, Hildesheim,\\nand St. Gall, Widukind s J?es Gestce Saxonicce, Ekkehard s\\nWalthari Lied, and the historical poems and dramas\\nof Hrotsuitha, a nun in the monastery of Gandersheim.\\nHer Lapsus et Conversio Theophili is regarded as the\\noldest poetical treatment of the Faust legend of the Middle\\nAge. In the monasteries, Terence, Horace, Virgil, Sallust,\\nAnd Cicero were read. Otto also imitated theSchola Pal-\\nf", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "lOO The Mcdiccval Period\\natina of Karl the Great. Otto himself tried to learn Latin,\\nbut never became able to speak it well. During his reign\\nGerman became a literary language a harmony of the\\ngospels was composed in it and a great epic poem written,\\ncalled Der Heliand (The Saviour). It is a life of Jesus\\nl)ut into a German setting. It is full of German customs,\\nmanners, and ways of thinking, and is one of the most im-\\nportant sources of our knowledge of the condition of the\\nGerman mind in those times.\\nItaly and By receiving the imperial crown, Otto renewed the po-\\nGermany Htical bonds which had once held Germany and Italy to-\\ngether. This union was in many respects injurious to both\\ncountries. Instead of exerting themselves in an effort to\\nunite Germany and to centralize the power, the emperors,\\ndrawn into a long and fatal struggle with the papacy, wore\\nthemselves out in fruitless Italian campaigns, which ended\\ndisastrously to the Hohenstaufen line. France and Eng-\\nland were unified under their own kings, while Italy and\\nGermany were unable to achieve political unity till in our\\nown day.\\nOtto II., Otto II. (973-83), although able, resisted in vain the\\n973 3- decadence that had begun. The barbarians disarranged\\nthe system of marches on the frontier and checked the\\nextension of Germany to the east. Otto II. was succeeded\\nOtto III., by his three-year-old son, Otto III. (983-1002), who was\\n983-1002. brought up by his mother and tutors in the fantastical idea\\nthat he should restore Rome to her former greatness by\\nmaking her the seat of his government. He made several\\njourneys into Italy to restore order and reform the papacy.\\nIn 996 he made his cousin pope, Gregory V., and in 999\\nelevated to the papacy his tutor, Gerbert, the most learned\\nman of his age, with the name of Silvester II. Leaving\\nGermany at the mercy of the nobles and the barbarians,\\nOtto III. went to Italy and took up his residence on the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "Gcruiaiiy and its Relation to Italy loi\\nAventine Hill (looi). His death the next year ended a\\nreign that was as disastrous for Germany as for the im-\\nperial power.\\nHenry II. (1002-24), known as the Saint, by allying Henry II.,\\nhimself closely with the clergy, and giving his attention 1002^24^\\nprincipally to Germany, was able to revive in part the\\nfailing authority of the king. The work was taken up and Conrad IL,\\nmore successfully prosecuted by his successor, Conrad II. ^024-39.\\n(1024-39), duke of Franconia. He increased the royal The Fran-\\nauthority in every way possible. By the bequest of the conia^n Line,\\nlast king of Burgundy he inherited that kingdom (1032).\\nHe got possession of the duchies in Germany, and either\\nheld them himself or gave them to members of his family.\\nHe sought to diminish the feudal power of the great nobles\\nby decreeing that their subjects owed the king military ser-\\nvice directly and must come at his call. He won the sym-\\npathy of all sub-vassals by declaring their fiefs hereditary\\nand forbidding the great lords to dispossess them without\\nsufficient cause.\\nBy increasing the territory of the empire and strengthen-\\ning the boundaries, by attaching the smaller nobles to him-\\nself and getting full possession of the duchies, Conrad II.\\nlaid the foundation for the prosperous reign of his son,\\nHenry III. (1039-56). Although Henry III. was unsuc- Henry III.\\ncessful against both the Slavs and Hungarians, he was able 1039-56,\\nto hold the turbulent nobles of Germany in check. Ac-\\ncording to feudal principles, everyone had the right of pri-\\nvate war. Anyone who suffered violence might gather as\\nlarge a force as he could muster and avenge himself on the\\noffender. The Church, alleging that no Christian should\\nshed blood, attempted to establish the peace of God\\non earth by prohibiting all warfare but finding it impos-\\nsible to enforce so sweeping a prohibition she ordered that\\nall combatants should observe the truce of God by re-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "102 The Mcdiccval Period\\nfraining from all fighting or violence from Wednesday\\nevening till the following Monday morning. Henry III.\\nnot only sanctioned this, but assumed the right to punish\\nall who should in any way disturb the peace of the land.\\nUnlike his father, Henry HI. did not practise simony.\\nHe appointed both bishops and abbots, and was careful to\\nchoose only men that were worthy and able to fill the po-\\nsition. He never sold church offices. Taking up the\\ngreat movement which had its origin in the monastery of\\nCluny, he endeavored to reform the morals and life of the\\nclergy of Germany in accordance therewith. He fostered\\nthe schools in the monasteries and established other schools\\nfor laymen, attendance at which he even thought of mak-\\ning compulsory on the children of the nobles.\\nHenry III. Henry made two journeys into Italy (1046 and 1055),\\npapacy during the first of which he received the imperial crown.\\nThe papacy had again become a city office in the hands of\\nfactions. Each party elected a pope, whenever its needs\\nseemed to demand such action. When Henry reached\\nItaly (1046) he found three popes claiming the office. In\\ncouncils at Sutri and Rome he deposed all three, assumed\\nthe title of patricius, and, declaring it was his right to\\nname the bishop of Rome, elevated to that position Sudgar\\nof Bamberg, who took the name of Clement II. During\\nthe rest of his reign Henry three times filled the office, al-\\nways with excellent men. In Italy he opposed simony in\\nall its forms and refused to take bribes from the candidates\\nfor the papal throne. The Cluniac ideas were rapidly\\ngaining ground, and, since Henry was in hearty sympathy\\nwith them, he did all he could to establish them, working\\nharmoniously with the popes and other reformers to make\\nthe Church what she should be.\\nHenry III. wished to be an absolute master and to rule\\nin an autocratic way. His treatment of the nobles was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "Germany and its Relation to Italy 103\\nespecially distasteful to them, and at his death in 1056 the\\nopportunity was offered them to regain their much-coveted\\npower. He left a son, Henry IV., only six years old, who\\nwas no match for them. The emperors, Henry HI. not\\nleast, had done everything they could to make the Church\\ngreat and powerful, believing that the clergy would always\\nbe grateful and true to their benefactors. Just at the crit-\\nical time, however, when Henry IV. was a mere boy and\\nmore than ever needed their help, they deserted him and\\nsupported the high claims of the bishop of Rome. The\\nemperor had claimed and exercised the right to appoint\\nthe pope. The tables were now to be turned and the pope\\nwas soon to claim the authority to make and unmake both\\nkings and emperors. The fatal struggle between the pa-\\npacy and the emperor for the supremacy of the world was\\nabout to begin.\\nA new power was just arising in southern Italy which Condition of\\nwas destined to become a powerful aid to the papacy and southern\\nto play an important part in the long struggle. From the\\nmiddle of the ninth century the Saracens had possession of\\nSicily, and also held many places on the main-land. The\\nprincipal part of southern Italy, called the Theme of Lom-\\nbardy, still belonged to the emperor at Constantinople and\\nwas ruled by his officers. On the east coast these posses-\\nsions extended to the north as far as Mount Gargano, and on\\nthe west almost to Salerno. To the north of this district was\\na large group of independent or semi -independent princi-\\npalities, such as Salerno, Amalfi, Naples, Capua, Benevento,\\nand Spoleto which neither the Greek nor the German em-\\nperor had been able to attach permanently to his interests.\\nThey spent their time in warring with one another, or\\nwith the garrisons of the Greeks or Saracens about them.\\nThey were mere political fragments, and their condition\\nseemed hopelessly chaotic.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "104\\nThe Mcdicrz al Period\\nThe Nor-\\nmans get\\npossessions\\nin southern\\nItaly and\\nbecome the\\npope s\\nvassals.\\nRobert\\nGuiscard\\nmade duke,\\n1059.\\nSicily\\nconquered,\\n1060-1090.\\nIn 1016 some Normans, returning from a pilgrimage to\\nPalestine, were shipwrecked near Salerno, and the prince of\\nthat town secured their aid in an impending battle against\\nthe Saracens. The rewards which they carried back home\\nwith them fired the cupidity of some of their fellow-\\ncountrymen, and from this time we find Norman soldiers of\\nfortune in southern Italy offering their services to the high-\\nest bidder. About 1027 the duke of Naples granted Aversa\\nto a band of such adventurers, and by conquest they added\\nother small territories to this. Having quarrelled with their\\nallies, the Greeks, over the distribution of spoil, they at-\\ntacked and conquered Apulia, which they organized into a\\nkind of republic. The headship in this little state was ac-\\nquired by William of the Iron Arm, who passed it on to\\nhis brothers, each of whom followed an aggressive policy of\\nconquest and annexation. In 1053 they made war on pope\\nLeo IX. After taking him prisoner, they fell at his feet,\\nbegged forgiveness and asked to be made his vassals and\\nconfirmed in their title to the lands which they had con-\\nquered.\\nIn 1057 the ablest of the brothers, Robert Guiscard,\\nsucceeded to the title of count of Apulia. Two years later\\nhe appeared before pope Nicholas II. (1059-61), gave him\\nthe oath of allegiance, and received in return the title of\\nduke of Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. Sicily and a part of\\nCalabria were still in the hands of the Saracens, and the\\nnewly made duke had to conquer them. After about thirty\\nyears of petty warfare, the Mohammedan power was broken\\nand the Norman rule established in Sicily. Robert ruled\\nhis duchy well Amalfi was for awhile one of the principal\\ncommercial cities of Italv, and the schools of Salerno also\\nadded lustre to his name.\\nA revolution in Constantinople gave Robert an oppor-\\ntunity to attempt to extend his territories to the east. In", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "Germany and its Relation to Italy 105\\n1 08 1 Alexius Comnenus usurped the power and expelled\\nthe emperor Nicephorus III. Constantine, the son of the\\npreceding emperor, Michael VII., had married the daugh-\\nter of Robert Guiscard. Apparently to restore his son-in-\\nlaw, who had a distant claim to the crown, but probably\\nto secure the crown for himself, Robert Guiscard gathered\\nan army to invade the Greek empire. Gregory VII. gave Robert\\nhim his blessing and promised to invest him with all the Qj.^e*k\\nlands he might conquer. Durazzo, on the coast of Epirus, emperor,\\nwas first taken. Alexius sent Henry IV. of Germany large\\nsums of money, and begged him to make an invasion into\\nsouthern Italy. Alexius also secured the aid of the Vene-\\ntians by granting them commercial privileges, such as the\\nfreedom from tolls and the possession of a Venetian quarter\\nin Constantinople. After capturing Durazzo, Robert\\nforced his way into the interior. Towns and fortresses fell\\ninto his hands until he controlled much of Epirus and Thes-\\nsaly. At this moment Gregory VII., who was hard pressed\\nby Henry IV., called on Robert to come to his aid. Leav-\\ning his army in charge of his son Boemund, Robert hastened\\nto Rome, where he succeeded in driving off the Germans\\nand freeing the pope. But in Thessaly the diplomacy of\\nAlexius won the victory. By offering large bribes he won\\nover many of the Norman knights. He levied fresh troops\\nin other parts of the empire. Boemund s forces were\\ngradually weakened by losses in battle, by sickness and de-\\nsertions, so that Alexius was able to defeat him and gradually\\nforce him back to the Adriatic. At last, Durazzo was re-\\ntaken, and Boemund with his handful of men returned to\\nItaly. Although Robert Guiscard renewed the attempt,\\nAlexius had in the meanwhile so strongly fortified and gar-\\nrisoned the coast that Robert met with small success. His Death of\\nuntimely death in the following year (1085) put an end to Robert,\\nthe invasion, and Boemund made peace with Alexius,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "I06 The Mcdiccval Period\\nThe work of Robert Guiscard was to live after him. By\\nhis conquests he had united Sicily and the southern part of\\nItaly into one great duchy, which was to be the basis for\\nBasis for a the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. He was succeeded as\\nkingdom duke by his brother Roger in 1085, who in turn was fol-\\nlowed by his son Roger 11. (iioi). This second Roger,\\ninheriting the well-known family characteristics, ambition\\nand great ability, succeeded in changing his duchy into a\\nkingdom (1130).\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Otto I. Henderson, Chaps. VIII. -IX.\\n2. The Normans in Sicily. Johnson, Normans, Chap. VI.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII\\nFEUDALISM\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Adams, Chnlizatton, Chap. IX.\\nHallam, Middle Ages, Chap. II.\\nGuizot, Civilization in Europe, Lecture IV.\\nPenn. Univ. Translations, Vols. III., ii., v. IV. iii.\\nFeudalism is the name applied to the economic, social, Feudalism\\nand political relations and conditions existing in Europe\\nfrom the tenth to the thirteenth centuries. These economic\\nrelations are expressed by the phrase feudal tenure of\\nland, the theory underlying which was that the tenant or\\nholder of any piece of land had only the use of it, for\\nwhich he must pay certain dues as rent, to the man (lord\\nor suzerain) from whom he had received it. Property in\\nland was not absolute, but of a beneficiary nature; that is, Economic\\nthe holder had only the benefits of the use of it, not the f^ _\\nland itself In theory the land belonged to God, who let ure,\\nit to the king, who, in turn, sublet it to his great vassals,\\nand these then parcelled it out to their subjects.\\nThe general word expressing the social relations of the Social rela-\\nperiod is vassalage, which indicates the personal rela- tions, lord\\nand vassal,\\ntion and bond existing between the man who thus held\\nthe land and the man from whom he had received it. It\\nconveys on the side of the vassal the idea of social in-\\nferiority and the obligation to perform certain services for\\nhis lord.\\nThe political relations of the period are expressed by Political re-\\nthe words immunity, and sovereignty, which mean that Nations, im-\\nmunity.\\nthe holder of an estate is, in the matter of its government,\\n107", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "io8 The Mcdiccval Period\\nindependent of his lord that is, with the use of the land he\\nalso received from his lord the right, within his own terri-\\ntory, to perform the judicial, executive, and even, to some\\nextent, the legislative functions of government, and in the\\nordinary exercise of these functions he is free from all in-\\nterference on the part of his lord. He is, therefore, on his\\nown domain, to all intents and purposes, and, within cer-\\ntain limits, an independent king. The essential features of\\nfeudalism then are these three things feudal tenure, vas-\\nsalage, and immunity.\\nOrigin of This condition of affairs was the outcome of the chaos of\\nfeudalism. ^j^^ centuries which followed the death of Karl the\\nGreat. Not even he had been able wholly to centralize\\nthe power, and to sustain a personal relation to all his sub-\\njects. He struggled during all his reign against the ten-\\ndency to separation, and the ambitious efforts of various\\nprovinces of his empire to achieve local independence. The\\nmachinery of his government was not inherently weak;\\nit needed only a strong and vigorous man to conduct it.\\nUnder his successors, in the ninth and tenth centuries, be-\\ncause of their weakness, and the struggles of rebellious sons\\nand nobles, his empire broke up into many pieces. There\\nwas no one to enforce the laws and preserve order, since the\\nemperor was too weak to do so. Men found that they\\ncould break the laws, therefore, with impunity. The strong\\noppressed the weak, seized their goods, their lands, and\\neven their persons, forcing them into the position of vas-\\nsals or serfs. This is the period of violence and usurpations,\\nor what the Germans most appropriately call Fmisirccht or\\nfist right the man with the strong arm might do what-\\never he chose. The wheels of government stopped, and the\\nDuruy, Bk. i)eoj)le had, therefore, to take care of themselves. Roy-\\nV., Chap, ^jjy j-jQ longer performed the duties for which it was insti-\\ntuted, and protection, which could not be obtained from", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "Feudalism 109\\nthe nominal head of the state, was now sought from the\\nbishops, counts, barons, and all powerful men. Their\\nattempts to take care of themselves resulted in a compli-\\ncated set of customs and practices, the sum of which was\\nfeudalism. The weak man, in order that he might not\\nbe utterly destroyed by the violence of those who were\\nstronger than he, often willingly surrent ered all that he\\nhad to some bishop or count, put himself under his protec-\\ntion, and assumed the vassal relation. The violence and\\nchaos of the ninth and tenth centuries produced these\\nchanges and brought about this condition of affairs. Even\\nbefore the ninth century there were prevalent among the\\npeoples of Europe many customs which furnished certain\\nelements of feudalism, but they were not what produced it.\\nSuch things as the German coinitatus, or Gefolge, and the\\nGallic commendation, undoubtedly were prototypes\\nof some of the feudal customs, but these would not have\\ndeveloped into feudalism if it had not been for the chaotic\\neconomic, social, and political condition of Europe in those\\ntwo centuries.\\nUnder Karl the Great tenure of office had depended upon\\nhis will; under his weak successors, many of the imperial\\nand royal officials declared that they not only held their\\noffices by a life tenure, but that these were also hereditary Office and\\nin their family. These claims they were able to make s:ood is be-\\ncome hered-\\nin spite of the imperial opposition. In this way the judicial, itary.\\nexecutive, and legislative functions of the central govern-\\nment were usurped. Karl the Great had rewarded his offi-\\ncials with gifts of lands. Under his successors, all the\\nholders of such lands succeeded in making their possessions\\nhereditary in their family, while still recognizing the em-\\nperor as the actual possessor of them.\\nMany who held property by the allodial (freehold or fee\\nsimple) tenure were deprived of their lands by force and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "no\\nThe MedicEval Period\\nFreehold\\nlands be-\\ncome feudal.\\nFeudalism\\nnot a sys-\\ntem.\\nreduced to the position of vassals. Others, when they saw\\nthemselves exposed to so great danger, bought protection by-\\noffering to surrender their lands to some lord on the condi-\\ntion that he would protect them and permit them, as his\\ntenants or vassals, to hold the same lands. Under the em-\\nperors of the sixth and seventh centuries, a similar process\\nwas going on because of the heavy taxation and the oppres-\\nsion by the government. Previously all land had been\\nheld by the allodial tenure, but gradually this was so thor-\\noughly changed that by the end of the twelfth century the\\nprinciple was generally acknowledged that all land must\\nhave a feudal lord and be held by the feudal tenure. In\\nthe thirteenth century there was very little land in western\\nand northern Europe held in any other way. Fiefs and\\nvassalage, therefore, arose from grants, usurpations, seiz-\\nures, and voluntary surrender.\\nSince feudalism grew out of the chaos of the times, it\\ncould hardly be expected that it would have a uniform\\ncharacter. In fact, the feudalism of one province differed\\nfrom that of another. In the general stress and danger\\neach one made such terms as he could with his lord.\\nFeudalism is not a system, therefore it is as chaotic and\\nirregular as the period in which it arose. To almost every\\ngeneral statement about it exceptions could be found.\\nClassifications are impossible, because of the great and nu-\\nmerous variations which are everywhere met with. It is a\\nmisnomer to speak of the feudal system, since by that\\nword the idea is conveyed that it is an orderly and uni-\\nform set of customs and regulations.\\nA great step toward better things was taken when Henry\\nIII. declared himself to be guardian of the public peace, or\\npeace of the land, and threatened to punish all who\\ndisturbed it. By this means private warfare was partially\\nlimited. The chaos and anarchy of* the ninth and tenth", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "Feudalism\\nIII\\ncenturies yielded in a measure to regularity and order.\\nThe customs were more fixed and better observed. Feu-\\ndalism became less chaotic, and society, therefore, more\\nstable violence became less and security greater travel\\nwas possible because of the greater safety along the high-\\nways. The effect was soon seen in the steady revival of\\ncommerce, which became more pronounced as the eleventh\\ncentury advanced.\\nThe Church was completely drawn into feudal relations. The Church\\nIn those days of violence and rapine, the robber and plun- Feudal-\\nderer had little or no regard for the property of the Church,\\nor the lives of the churchmen. Churches and monasteries,\\nlike individuals, were, therefore, compelled to seek pro-\\ntection. The bishop or priest, for his church or diocese,\\nand the abbot or prior, for his monastery, surrendered\\nthe church s or monastery s property to some lord and\\nreceived it back in return for the payment of certain\\nrents and dues. Such churches and monasteries were le-\\ngally feudal individuals, and were, of course, required to\\nperform all feudal duties. The lands, indeed, belonged to\\nthe Church, and, theoretically, could not be alienated\\nfrom the Church and ecclesiastical uses. As late as the\\neleventh century it was not at all uncommon for the clergy\\nto marry. Since fiefs were hereditary, it seemed perfectly\\nproper that their children should be provided for out of\\nthe church lands which they held. But, unless all their\\nchildren became clergymen, these church lands would pass\\ninto the hands of laymen and therefore be lost to the\\nChurch. One of the purposes of the prohibition of the\\nmarriage of the clergy was to prevent this alienation and\\ndiminution of the church lands.\\nThe land, office, or any right or privilege granted and Feudal\\nheld as indicated above was called a fief, feud, or benefice, s.\\nThe lord, liege, or suzerain, was the one who granted a", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "112\\nTlic Mcdiaval Period\\nNoble or\\nmilitary ser-\\nvice.\\nfief. The receiver of it was his vassal or hege-man. Sub-\\ninfeudation was the regranting of a fief by a vassal to a\\nthird person, who, therefore, became a vassal to a vassal.\\nIn connection with the infeudation of a fief there were cer-\\ntain rights and ceremonies called homage kneeling with\\nuncovered head, folded hands, and sword ungirt before\\nhis prospective lord, the vassal made a set speech in which\\nhe vowed that he would become the lord s man and\\nperform all the duties which this relation demanded. The\\nlord then raised him, received his oath of fidelity, and by\\na symbolic act (usually the presentation of a sword, stand-\\nard, sceptre, ring, staff, a bit of earth or a twig) invested\\nhim with the possession of the fief in question.\\nThe one great duty of the lord to his vassal was to pro-\\ntect him. The lord must avenge his vassal s wrongs, de-\\nfend him in all his privileges, and secure him justice in all\\nmatters. The vassal, on the other hand, owed his lord\\nservice, which might be of various kinds. Military service\\nwas, in some respects, the most important, and in accord-\\nance with the ideas of the times was regarded as noble.\\nService in labor, gifts, money, and produce, was regarded\\nas menial or ignoble. Military service in the days of Karl\\nthe Great had been required of all freemen. The army\\nwas composed of the whole people under arms. As the use\\nof cavalry was introduced and became general, and the\\npractice of wearing armor universal, it became impossible\\nfor everyone to equip himself with the required parapher-\\nnalia. Continuous and far-distant campaigns made it nec-\\nessary for many people to remain at home to till the soil.\\nKarl the Great had the right to call his army together at\\nany time, and demand their service in any part of the em-\\npire, and for any length of time. By offering united re-\\nsistance the vassals later succeeded in acquiring two im-\\nportant limitations to this they could be compelled to", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "Feudalism 1 1 3\\nserve only forty days in the year, and only at a reasonable\\ndistance from their homes.\\nFeudal armies could not be levied directly by the king\\nhe must first send the summons to his great vassals, with\\nthe order to appear with a certain number of men at a cer-\\ntain time and place. These, in turn, delivered the order\\nto their vassals, and so the command was passed along un- Feudal ar-\\ntil it had reached the end of the line of vassals. Under\\nsuch conditions it is easily apparent that a feudal army was\\nof little use, even when it was got together. Since wars\\nmust be fought, the rulers ceased to rely on their feudal\\nlevies, and engaged mercenary troops, which they kept as\\na standing army. Among the special duties laid upon a\\nvassal were the following If in a battle the lord were un-\\nhorsed the vassal must give him his own horse if the lord\\nwere in personal danger, the vassal must defend him with\\nhis life if the lord were taken prisoner of war, the vassal\\nwas bound to go as a hostage for him.\\nThere were various circumstances under which the lord Feudal\\nmight demand money from his vassals. When he knighted\\nhis eldest son, or gave his eldest daughter in marriage, or\\nhimself was taken prisoner, he might demand any sum\\nwhich his vassal was able to pay. Such payments were\\ncalled aids, and tended to become fixed. A relief was\\na sum of money paid by an heir Avhen he entered upon his\\ninheritance at the death of his father. Ordinarily this was\\nthe entire income of the estate for a year. The same rule\\nexisted in regard to ecclesiastical offices. The newly ap-\\npointed bishop or priest was compelled to pay the first-\\nfruits (the annates), which meant the income of his office\\nfor a year. If a vassal died without heirs, his property re-\\nverted to the lord (escheat), and might then be relet to\\nanother vassal. If a vassal wished to surrender his fief to\\nanother, he had first to get the consent of his lord and pay", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "114 TJic Mediccral Period\\na certain sum of money (fine upon alienation). If a vassal\\nwere guilty of treason, the lord might claim his possession\\nby forfeiture. In England the king claimed, also, certain\\nother rights, such as wardship and marriage that is, if a\\nvassal died leaving only children who were minors, the king\\nbecame their guardian, and managed, and had the income\\nfrom, their estates until they became of age. His consent\\nto their marriage must be obtained, for which they were\\nexpected to pay well. One of the most oppressive rights\\nof the lord was that of fodrum that is, the maintenance\\nof himself and retinue, or even his army when passing\\nthrough any district he might demand that its residents\\nsupply himself and his followers with food. In the same\\nway, he might require the people along the way to furnish\\nhim a sufficient number of horses and \\\\vagons to transport\\nhim and his train from one place to another.\\nFeudal rents The rents due from the vassal were of various kinds.\\nGenerally a certain sum was due for the land, another for\\nthe house, sometimes another for the fire (chimney), and\\nordinarily a small tax for each head of stock (cattle, sheep,\\nhog^, etc.). Of course the lord received a certain share of\\nall that was produced on the soil, of the wheat, hay, wine,\\nchickens, stock, honey, beeswax, and, in fact, of everything.\\nA charge was also made for the privilege of pasturing the\\nstock in the forests or fields of the lord, for obtaining fire-\\nwood from his forests, and for fishing in the streams which\\nwere regarded as his property. The peasants were forbid-\\nden to sell their grain for a certain length of time after the\\nharvest, or their wine after the vintage, in order that the\\nlord might have a temporary monopoly in these articles.\\nThey were compelled to bake their bread in his oven, grind\\ntheir corn at his mill, and press their grapes in his wine-\\npress, for all of which a suitable toll in kind was charged.\\nThe lord could also seize the grain, wine, and other prod-\\nand duties.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "Feudalism 1 1 5\\nuce of his tenant, paying him what he chose, either in cash\\nor at the end of a certain time. The tenant was required\\nto labor also for his lord a certain number of days in the\\nyear. He must till his fields, care for his crops, make his\\nwine, furnish horses and wagons on demand, haul his wood\\nfor the fires in the house, stones for building purposes, keep\\nhis castle and other buildings in repair, build defences, re-\\npair the roads and bridges, and render a multitude of other\\nservices.\\nThe lord exercised over his tenants the power of a judge. Feudal jus-\\nAll cases were tried before him or his officers. He had the\\nright to impose and collect fines for all sorts of offences.\\nFor every crime and misdemeanor there was a fixed money\\npenalty. The administration of justice on a great domain\\nwas, therefore, the source of a considerable income. The\\nlord held court three times a year, at which all his vassals\\nwere expected to be present but such attendance was soon\\nfelt to be burdensome and they secured permission to ab-\\nsent themselves on the payment of a fee.\\nThese are some of the most important rights of a feudal\\nlord. It was to the lord s interest, of course, to multiply\\nthem and enforce them whenever possible. The vassals\\ndid all they could to limit them, and to preserve their lib-\\nerty and independence. It is apparent, however, that the\\nvassals were subject to innumerable burdens, and if their\\nlord or his overseer were so disposed, their lives could be\\nmade unendurable.\\nThe land was ordinarily divided into large estates, or Disposition\\ndomains, in the hands of what we may call great landlords, o^ s\u00c2\u00b0\\nwho, of course, did no work themselves. Very often they\\ndid not even oversee their estates but left that work to the\\ncare of a foreman or agent. This office of agent often be-\\ncame a fief, but sometimes it was farmed out for a certain\\nsum. The holder of it received no salary, but was ex-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "Il6 The Mediaeval Period\\npected to get his i)ay out of the administration of the office\\nitself. This he did at the expense of the peasants. The\\ncentral house, or manor of the estate, was regarded as the\\nresidence of the lord, although it frequently happened that\\nhe spent little time at it, especially if he possessed several\\ndomains. The manor was often the residence of the agent.\\nAbout the manor was a considerable amount of land which\\nwas held by the lord and cultivated for his benefit.\\nSince all his tenants owed him a certain number of days\\nlabor, he never had any difficulty in having this land well\\ncultivated.\\nFeudal All the rest of the tillable land and meadow after being\\nsociety, divided into small lots and parcelled out among the ten-\\nants became hereditary in the family of the one who tilled\\nthem. These tenants lived, generally, in little houses\\ngrouped together, forming a village. All the inhabitants\\nof the country were known as peasants (rustici, vil-\\nlains), and may be divided into two classes, serfs and\\nfree. But within these two divisions there were many\\nvariations.\\nFeudal society may be divided into three classes,\\nthe peasants or tillers of the soil, the citizens or in-\\nhabitants of the towns, forming the industrial class, and\\nthe aristocracy, who lived upon the labors of the other\\ntwo classes.\\nSerfs. The slavery of the early empire had been changed into\\nserfdom. The slaves had become attached to the soil which\\nthey tilled and were no longer sold. They were allowed\\nto marry, and in accordance with the prevailing feudal\\ncustoms received a bit of land to till. At first the lord\\ncould tax his serfs at will, but gradually limits were set to\\nthe demands which he might make. The serf paid an an-\\nnual poll-tax, and if he married someone belonging to an-\\nother domain he also paid a certain sum for the privilege", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "Feudalism 1 1 7\\nof doing so. He could neither alienate nor dispose of his\\npossessions by will, and at his death all that he had went\\nto the lord. The serf could neither be taken from his land,\\nnor might he leave it yet many serfs ran away from their\\nlords, and, passing themselves off for freemen, took service\\nwith other lords. If caught, however, they could be re-\\nstored to their former lord but if they could secure ad-\\nmission to the ranks of the clergy they thereby became free\\nmen. They might also become free in other ways. They\\nmight, if their master were willing, formally renounce him,\\nsurrender all their goods, and quit the domain. On the\\nother hand, the lord might set a serf free on the payment\\nof a certain sum. This became, indeed, a favorite way of\\nraising money. The lord would set free all the serfs of his\\ndomain and demand the payment of the fee. Since they\\nbecame his free tenants and must remain and till his land,\\nhe really lost nothing by setting them free, but rather\\ngained. On the other hand, people might be reduced to\\nserfdom by force. The character of free and servile had\\neven become attached to the soil. Certain parts of a do-\\nmain were called free, probably because they had always\\nbeen occupied by free peasants, while other parts were\\ncalled servile, probably because they had always been\\ntilled by slaves who gradually became serfs. If a free peas-\\nant occupied this servile land he thereby lost his free char-\\nacter and became a serf. The free peasants were more\\nnearly like renters who pay so much each year for the use\\nof their lands either in money or in produce. Their lands\\nwere also hereditary. Being independent of their lord\\nthey could dispose of their possessions. There was noth-\\ning to prevent them from amassing a considerable amount\\nof property.\\nIn a later chapter will be found a description of the class Citizens,\\nof citizens. The cities themselves arose after the establish-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "ii8\\nThe Medi(\u00c2\u00a3val Period\\nment of feudalism, but were forced into the feudal rela-\\ntions. They were, in fact, regarded as feudal person-\\nalities, and were treated much as a feudal individual.\\nThe city, as a whole, owed feudal duties. As the cities\\ngrew large and rich they resisted the feudal claims of\\ntheir lords and were one of the powers that destroyed\\nfeudalism.\\nNobility. Sharply separated from the laboring classes were the\\nnobility. This nobility was divided into two classes, the\\nsecular and the ecclesiastical. The only occupation of the\\nsecular nobility was the use of arms. Only he could enter\\nthis class who had sufficient money to equip himself as a\\nwarrior and to support himself without work for work was\\nregarded as ignoble. It is probable that for centuries the\\nacquisition of sufficient wealth enabled anyone to pass into\\nthe ranks of the nobility. But in the thirteenth century\\nnobility became hereditary. The line was sharply drawn\\nbetween the noble and the ignoble families. Noble birth\\nwas added to the requisites of nobility, and eventually be-\\ncame the only requisite. Wealth alone was no longer the\\npassport to noble rank. Intermarriage between nobles and\\ncommoners was forbidden, or at least regarded as a mesal-\\nliance. In Germany and France all the children born into\\na noble family inherited the title, while in England the\\ntitle and wealth passed only to the eldest son. He only\\nwas required to marry within his class. The younger\\nchildren might marry into ignoble families without there\\nby forming a mesalliance, a fact which accounts for\\nthe community of interest which has ever existed in\\nEngland but not elsewhere between commoner and aris-\\ntocracy.\\nCavalry. From the tenth century it became customary to fight on\\nhorseback. Whoever was able to equip himself with a\\nhorse and the necessary armor was regarded as a member", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "Feudalism 119\\nof the aristocracy of arms. Only the common people still\\nfought on foot. From this use of the horse came the terms\\nchivalry and chevalier. Both man and horse were\\nprotected by armor in such a way that they were almost\\ninvulnerable. The knight wore for defence a helmet, coat\\nof mail, and a shield, and for attack carried a sword and\\nlance. Improvements and additions were constantly made\\nin the armor, which gradually became so heavy that the\\nknight was almost helpless except on his horse. For or-\\ndinary purposes he kept a light horse, but for battle, a\\nstrong animal was required because of the weight of the\\narmor. Every knight was also attended by an esquire,\\nwhose duty it was to care for his horse and weapons and to\\nserve as a body-servant.\\nAmong this great body of men of arms there grew up a Chivalry,\\nset of customs and ideas to which the name of chivalry was\\ngiven. It came to be regarded as a closed society into\\nwhich, after certain conditions had been fulfilled, one could\\nbe admitted by initiatory ceremonies. Every young noble-\\nman was required to learn the use of arms by serving an\\napprenticeship of from five to seven years. Generally he\\nwas attached to some knight, whom he attended every-\\nwhere, serving him in all sorts of ways. Such service,\\nhowever, was not regarded as ignoble. At the close of his\\napprenticeship the young man bathed and put on his armor.\\nHis master then girded him with a sword and struck him\\nwith his hand on the shoulder, at the same time addressing\\nhim as knight. This is the earlier form of the ceremony.\\nFrom the twelfth century on, the clergy added thereto\\nmany rites, all of a religious character. The candidate\\nmust also fast, spend a night in prayer, attend mass on the\\nfollowing morning, and lay his sword on the altar that it\\nmight be blessed by the priest, who then addressed him on\\nhis special duties as a knight.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "I20 The Mediceval Period\\nCastles. The warlike character of the times showed itself in the\\ndwellings as well as in the sports of the nobility. They\\ndwelt in forts rather than in houses. Their castles were\\nbuilt in the places most easily fortified and defended.\\nDitches, moats, and walls formed the outer defences, while\\nthe castle itself, with its high lookout tower, made a strong-\\nhold which alone could endure a heavy siege. The sports\\nof the nobility consisted principally of hunting, hawking,\\nand the holding of tournaments. The tournament was sup-\\nposed to be a mimic battle, but it often resulted fatally.\\nAt one tournament alone it is said that sixty knights were\\nkilled.\\nThe Church was profoundly influenced by feudal ideas\\nand customs. The whole clergy, the archbishops, bishops,\\nand abbots, through their great temporal possessions, were\\ndrawn into the feudal relation. The Church taught not\\nonly that almsgiving was one of the cardinal virtues, but\\nalso that she herself was the fittest object on which it might\\nbe practised. Everywhere people gave liberally to the\\nChurch, hoping thereby to secure the greatest possible in-\\ntercession with God from the clergy. Monasteries, churches,\\nand colleges of canons became rich from such gifts in the\\nThe high course of centuries the clergy became possessors of vast\\nclergy. tracts of land and great privileges. Every abbot, bishop,\\nand archbishop was therefore a landlord on whom the care\\nof these great estates devolved. Because of their immense\\nwealth, as well as the high honor attached to their calling,\\nthey also belonged to the aristocratic class and ranked with\\nthe secular nobility. Since they were the most learned\\nthey were also used by the kings and emperors as counsel-\\nlors and high officials. The grent incomes of the monas-\\nteries and bishoprics made them especially attractive, and it\\nearly became the custom to put the younger sons of noble\\nfamilies into the best of such positions. These ecclesiasti-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "Feudalism 121\\ncal lands, however, could not escape the feudal relation.\\nThe ruler of each country declared that all such lands owed\\nhim the customary feudal dues. Every bishop or abbot, on\\nhis accession to the office, became the king s vassal and\\nmust take the vow of homage and the oath of fealty to him\\nand receive from him the investiture of the temporal pos-\\nsessions of his office. He must therefore perform, in addi-\\ntion to his ecclesiastical duties, also the civil duties which\\nwere required of other vassals. This dual character of\\nthe clergy was destined to become one of the principal\\ncauses of the bitter struggle between the empire and the\\npapacy. It was impossible for the clergy to be faithful\\nto two masters, both of whom demanded the fullest obe-\\ndience.\\nFeudalism reached its height from the tenth to the thir- Causes of\\nteenth centuries and then gradually declined. The inven- ^^^y o*\\ntion of gunpowder revolutionized the methods of warfare.\\nAgainst fire-arms, the knight s armor and castle were\\neciually useless. The close of the Middle Age is marked by\\nthe rapid growth of the power of the kings, who succeeded\\nin gathering the power into their own hands. The nobles\\nwere deprived of their authority. Out of the fragments of\\nfeudalism the king built up an absolute monarchy. The\\ngrowth of the cities, also, did much to break down feudal-\\nism, for as they increased in power and wealth they wTested\\nmdependence from their lords and threw off the feudal\\nyoke. Various forces were at work to diminish the num-\\nber of serfs and villains, such as the crusades, the great\\npests, and the constant wars. The feudal lords were left\\nwithout a sufficient number of tenants to do their work.\\nThe demand for laborers created the supply, and we find\\nat once an increasing number of free laborers who work for\\nwages without any feudal ties. Gradually feudal tenures\\nwere changed into allodial tenures. The fifteenth century", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "122 The Medicoval Period\\nsaw the breaking up of feudalism, although in France and\\nelsewhere certain fragments remained till the French Revo-\\nlution, and the social organization of Europe is still largely\\nfeudal in its fundamental ideas.\\nSPECIAL TOPIC\\nFeudal Institutions as portrayed in Penn. Univ. Tratislations, Vol. IV., iii.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX\\nTHE GROWTH OF THE PAPACY\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See General Literature.\\nLi. won Han)ie, The History of the Popes. 3 vols. $1.00 per vol. Mac-\\nmillan. See Vol.\\nJ.N. Murphy, The Chair 0/ Peter, or the Papacy and its Benefits, $1.60.\\nRoman Catholic Publishing Co.\\nGregorovius, The History 0/ Ro})ie. 5 vols. 6 s. per vol. Bell, London.\\nDuring the first two hundred years of the Church s ex-\\nistence its actual organization was very loose. Each bishop\\nwas practically independent of all other bishops. But\\nthere was a steady development throughout the Church to-\\nward a closer union of all its parts. The magnificent po-\\nlitical and civil organization of the empire furnished an\\nexcellent model, which was copied by the Church almost\\nunconsciously. Corresponding to the political head of a\\nprovince, there grew up an ecclesiastical official whose\\nauthority extended over the province and whose residence\\nwas its capital that is, there was gradually developed above\\nthe bishops of a- province an archbishop or metropolitan.\\nThe civil province thus became also an ecclesiastical prov- Arch-\\nince. The new office naturally fell to the bishop of the \u00c2\u00b0P^*\\ncapital of the province. The Church followed the organi-\\nzation of the empire so closely that the ecclesiastical rank\\nof the bishop was at first determined by the political rank\\nof the city in which he lived.\\nAs several political provinces were grouped together to\\nform a larger division (eparchy), so also several ecclesiasti-\\ncal provinces, with archbishops at their respective heads,\\n123", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "124\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nPatriarch.\\nTwo lines\\nof develop-\\nment.\\nConditions\\nfavoring the\\ngrowth of\\nthe spiritual\\nauthority of\\nthe pope.\\nwere grouped together and formed a larger province, with\\nan over-archbishop at its head. For this officer and his\\ndiocese the word patriarch and patriarchate were used in\\nthe fourth century. The capitals of these patriarchates\\nwere Jerusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Caesarea in Cappado-\\ncia, Heraclea (which was early replaced by Constantinople),\\nCorinth, Alexandria, and Rome. In the sixth century\\nonly five of these were recognized Jerusalem, Antioch,\\nAlexandria, Constantinople, and Rome.\\nIn tracing the growth of the papacy there are two things\\nto be kept clearly separate the development of the bishop\\nof Rome as the head of the whole Church, and the growth\\nof his power as temporal sovereign. These will be traced\\nseparately till the year 755, after which they will be treated\\ntogether.\\nIn the fourth century the bishop of Rome already had\\ntwo offices he was, first, the bishop of Rome, and, sec-\\nond, he was also archbishop or patriarch over the territory\\nabout Rome. We must discover how he added to these\\ntwo a third, the office of bishop of the whole Church.\\nAmong the natural influences which helped bring this\\nabout may be mentioned the following\\nThe bishop of Rome was the only patriarch in the west,\\nand he therefore had no competition. Since Rome was\\nthe capital of the empire, it seemed natural to think of the\\nChurch at Rome as in some sense the capital congregation,\\nand its bishop the first bishop in the world. The analogy\\nbetween him and the emperor would inevitably be drawn.\\nThe Church at Rome gave liberally for the relief of the\\npersecuted and of the poor of other congregations. The\\nbishop of Rome had charge of the disbursement of these\\nfunds, and received much of the reverence generally given\\nto benefactors. The bishops of Rome were, for the most\\npart, on that side of the great theological questions which", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "The Grozvth of the Papacy 125\\nwas accepted by the whole Church, and in consequence\\nthereof the feeling arose that they alone of all bishops could\\nbe depended on to preserve the orthodox creed of the\\nChurch in all its integrity. The bishops and patriarchs in\\nthe east quarrelled, not only about the creed, but also about\\npolitical questions. In their disputes they appealed so\\noften to the bishop of Rome, that in the end he asserted\\nthat he had the right to judge between them. At the\\ncouncil of Sardica (343) it was proposed to make Julius,\\nwho was then bishop of Rome, judge in all cases where\\nbishops who had been condemned by a council wished to\\nappeal to a higher power. This action met with opposi-\\ntion because it was conferring on Julius a power which he\\nhad not previously possessed. The eastern bishops refused\\nto accept it, because it was the act of a local synod, and\\ntherefore not representative of the whole Church. Al-\\nthough the honor was given only to Julius, his successors\\nclaimed the same right. The action of this council was,\\ntherefore, an important step in the development of the uni-\\nversal jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome. A comicil at\\nNicsea (325) took certain action which implied the equality\\nof all the patriarchs (J.e., the bishops of Rome, Alexandria,\\nAntioch, Ephesus, Csesarea, and Heraclea). The council\\nat Constantinople (381) decreed that the bishop of Con-\\nstantinople, who had now replaced the bishop of Heraclea,\\nshould have the first place in honor and dignity after the\\nbishop of Rome, because Constantinople was regarded as\\nthe new Rome or capital of the empire. This council\\nmerely fixed a matter of etiquette, saying only that the\\nbishop of Rome possessed more official dignity and honor\\nthan the others. The Council of Chalcedon (451) ad-\\nmitted that the bishop of Rome was entitled to great honor\\nbecause he was bishop in the ancient capital; but the bishop\\nof New Rome was entitled to equal honor, because he was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "126\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nDionysius\\nExiguus.\\nThe popes\\ncarry on\\nmissionary\\nv7ork in the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2west.\\nbishop of the city in which the emperor resided and the\\nSenate had its seat. Against this the bishop of Rome, Leo\\nthe Great (440-61), protested. He admitted that Con-\\nstantinople was the capital of the empire, but declared that\\nthe political rank of a city did not determine the ecclesiasti-\\ncal rank of its bishop. It is the apostolic origin of a Church\\nthat entitles it to a higher ecclesiastical rank. The Church\\nof Rome, he declared, had been founded by Peter, the\\nprince of the Apostles. To his successors Peter had passed\\non all his rights, dignity, and supremacy, so that as he was\\nfirst among the Apostles, the bishops of Rome were first\\namong all the bishops of the world. By virtue of being the\\nsuccessor of St. Peter, Leo claimed the right to exercise ab-\\nsolute power over the whole Church. Leo was the first to\\ngive a clear-cut expression to this Petrine theory, which\\nfrom that day to this has been regarded as the basis for the\\nsupremacy of the bishop of Rome.\\nEarly in the sixth century Dionysius Exiguus, a monk\\nof Rome, published two books, the one a collection of\\ncanons of the various church councils, the other a collec-\\ntion of letters, opinions, and decisions of popes on various\\nmatters. Dionysius treated the opinions of the popes as\\nif they had as much weight as the action of the councils\\nand as these two works were widely used in the west, they\\nhelped raise the authority of the papacy.\\nWhile all the causes that have just been named contrib-\\nuted to elevate the pope to a position of supremacy, it was\\nhis success in Christianizing the barbarians in western Eu-\\nrope that assured him his position at the head of the Church.\\nThe bishops of Rome labored for the conversion of the\\nArian Germans to the orthodox belief, and made a close\\nalliance with the Franks when Chlodwig accepted the true\\nfaith. The Christianization of England through the efforts\\nof Gregory the Great has already been described. These", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "The Grozvth of the Papacy 127\\nAnglo-Saxons, the pope s youngest converts, were the most\\nzealous promoters of his interests. Through them the or-\\nthodox faith, one of the tenets of which was the supremacy\\nof the bishop of Rome, was carried to Ireland, Scotland,\\nand to all the German tribes on the main-land who were\\neither heathen or only nominally Christian, and who ac-\\nknowledged no allegiance to the bishop of Rome. An\\nAnglo-Saxon princess. Queen Margaret of Scotland, toward\\nthe end of the eleventh century, subjected the Church of\\nScotland to the papacy, and made it conform in all respects\\nto the Roman Catholic Church, Only the Irish Church,\\nthe Church of St. Patrick, remained independent and yield-\\ned no obedience to Rome, till Henry II. (1154-89) con-\\nquered a part of Ireland and brought its Church into sub-\\njection to Rome.\\nIn a former chapter attention was called to the mission-\\nary labors of Irish monks in Scotland and England. They\\ndid not confine their efforts to those countries. Many mis-\\nsionary bands, numbering generally thirteen persons, were\\nsent to the main-land, and labored among the Frisians and Irish mis-\\nother German tribes, whose Christianity was only nominal. the conU-\u00c2\u00b0\\nTheir Church organization was very loose, and they were nent.\\nnot attached to the bishop of Rome. The Irish mission-\\naries found an ample field among them for all their activity.\\nIt was a West Saxon, Winifred, or Boniface, as he was Boniface,\\nlater called, who was to reorganize the Church among all \u00c2\u00b0So-755.\\nthe Germans, and subject it to the bishop of Rome. He\\nwas born about 680, was brought up in a monastery, and\\nordained a priest when about thirty years old. In 718 he\\nwent to Rome and received from the pope a commission to\\nChristianize and Romanize all the Germans in central Eu-\\nrope. For nearly five years he travelled through Germany,\\nfrom Bavaria to Frisia, in the prosecution of his work. In\\n723 he again went to Rome, and was made a missionary", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "128\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nThe Roman\\nCatholic\\nconquest of\\nthe west.\\nAn estimate\\nof his work.\\nbishop without a diocese, at which time he took the sanie\\noath to the pope which was required of the bishops in\\nthe diocese of Rome. Practically, therefore, the pope re-\\ngarded Germany as a part of his diocese, and as closely\\nattached to him as were the districts about Rome.\\nFrom Karl Martel, and after him from Pippin, Boniface\\nobtained support in his work. He received supplies of both\\nmen and means from England, and was able to establish in\\nGermany many monasteries. In 743 he was made arch-\\nbishop of Mainz. He called councils, at which the work\\nof organization was perfected, heresies refuted, superstitious\\nrites and customs forbidden, the lives of the clergy regu-\\nlated, his opponents condemned, and the authority of the\\nbishop of Rome acknowledged.\\nIn 753 he resigned his position as archbishop of Mainz,\\nand went again, with a large number of helpers, as a mis-\\nsionary to Frisia, where he met a martyr s death (754 or\\n755). But the principal part of his work was done. He\\nhad organized the Church throughout Germany and sub-\\njected it to Rome. It was from this Church of Germany,\\nnow truly dependent on Rome, that Christianity was to be\\ncarried to the remaining German tribes, such as the Saxons,\\nDanes, and the people of Scandinavia, and to the Slavic\\npeoples to the east of the Elbe. In this way the doctrine\\nof the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, which had become\\na part of the Roman creed, was spread throughout all Eu-\\nrope, and was regarded as an essential jjart of Christianity.\\nThis movement may be called the Roman Catholic con-\\nquest of the West for it was a conquest, the outcome of a\\npolicy, the full results of which could not be foreseen by\\nthe popes of that time.\\nThe work of Boniface has been variously judged. He\\nhas been exalted as the apostle of the Germans and con-\\ndemned as the enslaver of the German Church. At that", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "The Grozvth of the Papacy 129\\ntime the choice was, in reality, between subjection to Rome\\nand heathenism. Boniface chose the former, because it\\nwas by all odds the best thing to do. The Church among\\nthe Franks and Germans was in a wretched condition.\\nMuch of the landed property of the Church was in the\\nhands of laymen. There was little or no discipline, and\\nno control exercised over the clergy. Each priest did what\\nwas right in his own eyes. There were, at this time, many\\nvagabond priests and monks wandering about over the coun-\\ntry, obtaining a precarious living by imposing upon the\\npeople. There was also much heathenism among the peo-\\nple. Such a state of affairs was little better than heathen-\\nism pure and simple, and such Christianity, such a Church,\\nwould certainly be unable to maintain the Franks in the\\nleading position they were now holding. Boniface put an\\nend to this disorder. He forbade all monks to leave their\\nmonastery without sufficient reason. The wandering cler-\\ngymen were put under the control of the bishop of the dio-\\ncese in which they might be found. Strict discipline was\\neverywhere introduced into the monasteries. All monks\\nwere compelled to live according to the rule of St. Bene-\\ndict. Laymen were forbidden to hold church property.\\nIn a word, the Church was reformed, and a much better\\ntype of Christianity was established among the Franks.\\nThis was the work of Boniface and deserves praise and\\nadmiration.\\nThe growth of the temporal power of the papacy is, in\\nsome respects, even more difficult to trace. We have to\\ndiscover how the pope acquired political power first, the\\ncivil authority in Rome and its duchy, and then the tem-\\nporal headship over the whole world.\\nFrom the time of Constantine the bishops were entrusted\\nwith an ever-increasing amount of civil power. They\\nacted as judges; they were guardians of morals; they had", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "i^o The MedicBval Period\\nGrowth of the oversight of magistrates and a share in the government\\ntemporal cities. To these the bishop of Rome added still\\npower. more important powers, and was easily the most important\\nman in Rome. He bitterly resented the right, claimed\\nand exercised by the emperors at Constantinople, to dic-\\ntate to him in ecclesiastical matters, and was finally so an-\\ngered by their haughty treatment of him that he was ready\\nto revolt.- The image controversy gave him the desired\\nopportunity. When the emperor, Leo III., forbade the\\nuse of images, pope Gregory II. replied that it was not the\\nemperor but the bishop of Rome who had authority over\\nthe beliefs and practices of the Church. Gregory III.\\n(731-41) even put the emperor under the ban.\\nIn his struggle with the Lombards the pope appealed\\nfirst to Karl Martel and then to Pippin, visiting the latter\\nin 753-54, and begging him to come and deliver him from\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2their encroachments. Pippin made two campaigns into\\nItaly and compelled the Lombards to cede to the pope a\\nBeginning strip of territory which lay to the south of them (755).\\nstate^ Ec? This marks the beginning of the temporal sovereignty of\\nthe pope. He was freed from the eastern emperor, and rec-\\nognized as the political as well as the ecclesiastical ruler\\nof Rome and its surrounding territory, under the over-\\nlordship of Pippin, who had the title oi patricius.\\nWe have seen that the pope took the final step in his\\nrevolt from the eastern emperor by crowning Karl the\\nGreat emperor. He persuaded Ludwig the Pious to allow\\nhimself to be recrowned by him. In 823 he crowned\\nLothar emperor, and later his son, Ludwig II. By this\\nlong line of precedents the pope so completely established\\nhis claim to confer the imperial crown that it was not\\nseriously questioned for centuries.\\nThus far, in discussing the growth of the papacy, we\\nhave not taken into account the personal element. Such", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "The Growth of the Papacy 131\\nmen as Leo I., Gregory I., Gregory II., Gregory III., and Makers of\\nNicholas I. (858-67) have, with great justice, been called papacy,\\nmakers of the papacy, because of their activity in formu- Nicholas I.,\\nlating and advancing the papal claims. Nicholas I., es- \u00c2\u00b05o-o7.\\npecially, was a man of great force, and made himself felt\\nthrough all parts of Europe. Throughout his pontificate\\nhe acted on the theory that he was responsible for the con-\\nduct of affairs in the whole empire. He did not wait for\\nquestions to be brought to him, but considered it his duty\\nto take the initiative whenever he discovered anything\\nwrong. Under Nicholas the papacy possessed more influ-\\nence and power than ever before, and under none of his\\nsuccessors did it reach so high a plane until the appearance\\nof Gregory VII.\\nFor awhile in the tenth century, indeed, it seemed that The papacy\\nthe papacy was to be destroyed by the local political fac- olfactions\\ntions of Rome. The political character of the office made\\nit a thing to be coveted by all the great families of the\\ncity. The dignity of the office was dragged through the\\nmire of the ward politics of Rome it was controlled by\\ninfamous women and filled by licentious men. Its politi-\\ncal character overshadowed its religious character, and\\nthe popes forgot that they owed any duty to the outside\\nworld. Otto L, Otto III., and Henry III. rescued the\\npapacy from its perilous position, freed it from the control\\nof the Roman nobility, and reminded the popes that they\\nwere the head of the whole Church and not simply officials\\nof Rome. During the eleventh century the papacy, keep-\\ning well in mind its former world-wide claims, grew stead- The papacy\\nily in self-assertion. The Cluniac reform was spreading, the\u00c2\u00b0emper-^\\nand its ideas were gradually taken up by the popes, and ors, reas-\\nscrts itself\\ntheir policy shaped in accordance with them. In the\\nCouncil of Pavia (10 18) Benedict VIII. forbade the mar-\\nriage of the clergy. Simony, the obtaining of office in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "The Mcdiccz al Period\\nany other way than V)y a canonical election, was also for-\\nbidden.\\nHenry III. made and unmade popes, and treated them\\nas subjects who owed him obedience. Toward the end of\\nLeo IX., his reign, however, Leo IX. (1048-54) exhibited a spirit\\n104 -54. ^j- iiijepei;i(]eiice in his government wliich portended the\\ncoming storm. He was appointed by Henry III., but re-\\nfused to accept the office until he had been elected by the\\npeople and clergy of Rome. He travelled incessantly\\nthroughout Italy, France, and Germany, holding councils,\\nsettling disputes, and regulating affairs with a vigor and\\nindependence born of his authority as pope. He went one\\nstep farther in the question of simony. Every bishop in\\nthe empire was not only a clergyman, but also, by virtue\\nof his office, a kind of political official of the emperor.\\nThat is, he was compelled to perform certain civil duties.\\nHe was, besides, a feudal subject of the emperor, and as\\nsuch owed him homage for the church lands which he\\nheld. The emperor, of course, received certain taxes or\\nincome from all the lands in the empire, whether owned\\nby the Church or by laymen. No bishop could be in-\\nducted into his office until he had taken an oath of alle-\\ngiance to the emperor and been invested by him with the\\nepiscopal lands. The pope had no part either in his elec-\\nThe ques- tion or his investiture or induction into office. Leo. IX.\\nvestiture disadvantages of this to the papacy and its dan-\\nbroached, gers to the Church, and in the Synod of Rheims (1049)\\nasserted the right of the pope to invest the bishojjs with\\nthe insignia of office. He made no attempt, however, to\\nenforce it.\\nGradually the papal theory was working out into all its\\nlogical conclusions. The popes were slowly perceiving how\\nvast were the opportunities offered them. The vision of\\nuniversal dominion floated less dimly before them. The", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "conflict\\nat hand.\\nThe Growth of the Papacy 133\\nquestions at issue between the papacy and the empire were\\nbeing stated with more precision. The conflict was ready The\\nto break out. There were wanting only the opportunity\\nand the man to make use of it. The opportunity came\\nwhen Henry III. died, leaving a boy only six years old to\\nsucceed him, and the man was Hildebrand, a papal official,\\nbut already at Henry s death the power behind the throne.\\nAs fate would have it, the pope was made the guardian and\\nprotector of the boy-king.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nt. Gregory I. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. IV., pp. 211-\\n22g. $4. Scribner. Barmby, Gregory the Great. 2s. Society for Pro-\\nmoting Christian Knowledge. London. Milman, History 0/ Latin\\nChristia7tiiy. Bk. III., chap. vii. $4.50. Armstrong.\\n2. The Iconoclastic Controversy. Bury, Later Roman Empire, II., pp.\\n428-449, and 494-498. Macmillan. Milman, Bk. IV., chaps, vii.-\\nviii. Schaff, IV., pp. 447-470.\\n3. Nicholas I. Emerton, Medic^val Europe, pp. 63-76. $1.60. Ginn. Mil-\\nman, Bk. v., chap. iv. Schaff, IV., ^61.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X\\nTHE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE PAPACY AND THE\\nEMPIRE (1056-1254)\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 As in Chaps. III., IV., and IX. See also General Liter-\\nature for Church Histories and Epochs of Church\\nHistory.\\nThe accession of Henry IV., a mere boy, to the throne\\nof Germany, gave the papacy the opportunity for which\\nit had been waiting. Since the reform of Henry HI.\\n(1046) the papacy had been rapidly gathering power.\\nHildebrand, the adviser of several successive popes, had\\nbeen able to direct all their efforts toward the same end.\\nNicholas The pontificate of Nicholas H. (1059-61) was made\\nII. ,1059-61. famous by the alliance which he made with Robert Guis-\\ncard and by the publication of a decree fixing the manner\\nof the election of the pope. Up to this time there had\\nbeen many and great irregularities in the papal elections.\\nIn theory the pope was elected by the clergy and people of\\nRome but the factions in the city had many times con-\\ntrolled the election and the emperor had often named the\\npope. Hildebrand clearly saw that the elections must be\\ntaken from the control of the people. In accordance with\\nhis ideas, Nicholas, in a council (1059), proclaimed a de-\\ncree that the seven cardinal or titular bishops of Rome\\nshould in the future have the sole right to nominate the\\npope, and their nominee must be accepted and elected by\\nthe clergy of Rome. The people were to have no part in\\nthe election, and the emperor probably had the right to\\nconfirm, but not to reject, the pope thus elected.\\n134", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "Struggle betiveen Papacy and Empire 135\\nCardinal was a title given to the clergy attached to\\nthe oldest and most important churches of Rome and its\\nvicinity. The churches in Rome itself were all under the\\nbishop of Rome, and were ministered to by presbyters and\\ndeacons. There were cardinal presbyters and cardinal\\ndeacons, who were, of course, attached to the principal\\nchurches. There were seven cardinal bishops, who formed Cardinal,\\na kind of council to the bishop of Rome, had charge of\\nthe affairs of the diocese when he was absent from the city\\nand assisted him in all great functions and to these seven\\nthe sole right of nominating the pope was now confided.\\nThey were the bishops of Palcestrina, Porto, Ostia, Tuscu-\\nlum, Candida Silva, Albano, and Sabino. This was the\\nbeginning of the formation of the College of Cardinals.\\nThe decree was an important step in the process of freeing\\nthe papacy from all temporal control.\\nIn Germany this decree was rejected because it did not\\nrecognize the rights of the emperor. A council of Ger-\\nman bishops actually deposed Nicholas, and at his death\\nelected an anti-pope. The empress Agnes became regent,\\nbut her inability to administer the government led to the\\nkidnapping of the young king and the establishment of the\\narchbishop of Cologne as regent the government then\\nassumed a more conciliatory attitude toward the new pope,\\nAlexander II., and eventually recognized him.\\nIn 1065 Henry IV. was declared of age, and took up Henry IV.\\nthe reins of government. He had exceptional talents,\\nand if he had received better training and possessed suffi-\\ncient moral earnestness, might have had a far different his-\\ntory. But he hardly appreciated his position. He had no\\nthought of a reform, and spent his time in the chase or\\nwith his mistresses, to enrich whom he robbed churches\\nand sold offices. He was imperious and insolent, and the\\ngreat dukes were soon alienated from him. Saxony, deeply", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "136 The Mcdiceval Period\\noffended by his conduct, was ready to revolt. At last, in\\n1069, a crisis was reached when he proposed to divorce his\\nwife. The diet refused to consent to this step, and formal\\ncomplaints were made against him to Alexander II. The\\npope excommunicated his council and summoned him to\\nRome. The death of the pope, which occurred shortly\\nafterward, put an end to the strife for a brief time.\\nHildebrand, who, during several pontificates had been\\nthe power behind the throne, was now made pope, it would\\nseem by a popular demonstration. Ap[)arently the decree\\nof Nicholas was disregarded in that the cardinal bishops\\ndid not nominate the candidate. The people demanded\\nHildebrand for their bishop and the clergy of Rome elect-\\nGregory assumed the title of Gregory VII. Hilde-\\nVII., 1073- brand was not personally ambitious his conduct as pope\\nwas determined by his theory of that office. He was not\\na theologian in defending one of his friends he almost\\nincurred the charge of heresy. A practical man of affairs,\\nhe had served the curia principally by looking after its\\nsecular interests. He was a diplomat and politician, ob-\\ntaining by artifice or well-timed concessions what was\\notherwise unattainable. He made use even of heretics, if\\nthey could be of service to him. He could make com-\\npromises in everything except in the question of the su-\\nl)remacy of the papacy.\\nWhich is Till this time the empire had been regarded as the king-\\nthe elom of God on earth, and the emperor as its head. Greg-\\nthe empire cry declared this idea to be false. The empire could not be\\nChurch kingdom of God because it is based on force. On\\nthe other hand, the Church is based on righteousness and\\ncan do no wrong. Gregory s fundamental position was,\\ntherefore, that the Church is the kingdom of God, and the\\npope who is at its head has absolute authority over all the\\nworld.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "Struggle hetivecn Papacy and Empire 137\\nGregory s practical genius told him that the Church\\nmust be a compact unit, thoroughly organized and com-\\npletely under the control of the pope. The unity of the Necessity\\nChurch could be secured only by concentrating all the central\\npower in\\npower in one man. The Church must obey one will, the Church.\\nThis would be possible only when one creed and one\\nliturgy were everywhere accepted, and when all the clergy\\nwere bound directly to the head of the Church, the bishop\\nof Rome. He therefore required all bishops to take an\\noath of allegiance to him similar to that which vassals Bishops\\nrendered to their lords. He gave all the clerc;v the free *t,^^\\nallegiance\\nright of appeal to himself, and encouraged them to make to the pope,\\nuse of it. This, of course, diminished the power of the\\nbishops and raised his own accordingly. He replaced the\\nauthority of synods by assuming the right to decide all Appeals,\\nquestions, either in person or through his legates. His\\nlegates played much the same part in his government that\\nthe mi ssi dominici had under Karl the Great. They were Papal\\nto oversee for him all the affairs of the state to which they\\nwere sent, control the action of synods, and bind all the\\ncountries to the pope. They were to be his hands and\\neyes. He definitely assumed control over the councils by\\ndeclaring that he could act without the advice of councils,\\nand that their acts were invalid until sanctioned by him.\\nHe was supported in this by several writers on church law,\\nwhose controlling principle was the absolute authority of\\nthe pope, and who, developing church law in accordance\\nwith Gregory s ideas, attributed more authority to the de-\\ncrees of the pope than to the action of councils.\\nFrom the very first Gregory put his theory into practice. Gregory\\nIn 1073 he wrote to the Spanish princes that the kingdom temooral\\nof Spain had from ancient times been under the jurisdic- rulers,\\ntion of St. Peter, and, although it had been occupied by\\nbarbarians, it had never ceased to belong to the bishop of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "138 The Mcdiccval Period\\nRome. In 1074, in a letter to Solomon, king of Hun-\\ngary, he claimed that country on the ground that it had\\nbeen given and actually transferred to St. Peter by King\\nStephen. He made the same claims to authority over\\nRussia, Provence, Bohemia, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sax-\\nony. He made the duke of Dalmatia his subject, and\\ngave him the title of king. France, he said, owed him a\\nfixed amount of tribute. He laid claim to Denmark, but\\nits king resisted him successfully. He wished William the\\nConqueror to hold England as his fief, and William, though\\nrefusing to acknowledge the pope as his feudal lord, yet\\nconsented to make the payment of the Peter s pence bind-\\ning on England.\\nIn a council at Rome (1075) Gregory forbade the mar-\\nriage of the clergy, as well as simony in all its forms. He\\nthreatened to excommunicate all bishops and abbots who\\nshould receive their offices from the hand of any layman,\\nand every emperor, king, or temporal ruler, who should\\nperform the act of investiture. This was a hard blow at\\nThe Strug- all rulers, but especially at the emperor, because the Ger-\\nGermany clergy were his principal support and were the holders\\nof large tracts of land. If the pope should be successful\\nin carrying this point, the power of the empire would be\\nalmost destroyed.\\nThe pope further cited Henry (December, 1075) to ap-\\npear at Rome and explain his conduct in keeping at his\\ncourt certain men whom Gregory had excommunicated,\\nand threatened him with the ban if he should refiise to\\ncome. Henry regarded this as a declaration of war, and\\nanswered it with defiance. At the council of Worms\\n(January, 1076) he charged the pope with having ob-\\ntained the papal dignity by improper means, and declared\\nhim deposed.\\nThe war was begun. Gregory could count on the sup-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "Struggle hetivcen Papacy and Empire 1 39\\nport of the Normans in southern Italy, the popular party Gregory s\\nin Lombardy, Matilda, the great countess of Tuscany, allies,\\nthe Saxons, the discontented nobles of Germany, and that\\nrapidly increasing class of people all over the empire who\\nwere becoming imbued with the ideas of the Cluniac re-\\nform. Henry had for his support a large number of his Henry s\\nfaithful subjects who remained uninfluenced by the action\\nof the pope, a large part of the clergy who were patriotic\\nbut probably guilty of simony, and the imperial party in\\nItaly.\\nHenry s letter of deposition (January, 1076) to Gregory\\nwas bold and vigorous. He declares that he had endured\\nthe misdeeds of Gregory because he had wished to preserve\\nthe honor of the apostolic throne. This conduct the pope Charges\\nhad attributed to fear, and had, therefore, dared threaten to ^harees\\ndeprive Henry of the royal power, as if this had been re-\\nceived from him, and not from God. Henry had received\\nhis office through the Lord Jesus Christ, while Gregory had\\nobtained the papal power without God s help. The steps\\nby which he had mounted to the throne were cunning,\\nbribery, popular favor, and violence. While seated on the\\nthrone of peace he had destroyed peace. He had attacked\\nthe king, God s Anointed, who, by the teaching of all the\\nholy fathers, could be judged and deposed by God alone.\\nThe Church had never deposed even Julian the Apostate,\\npreferring to leave him to God s judgment. The true\\npope, Peter, had commanded all to fear God and honor\\nthe king, but Gregory has no fear of God. Let him, there-\\nfore, vacate the throne of St. Peter. Henry, with his\\nbishops, pronounces the anathema upon him. Let another\\noccupy the papal throne who will not cloak his violence\\nunder the name of religion. Henry, with his bishops,\\norders Gregory to vacate the throne at once.\\nThe reply of Gregory (February, 1076) was equally im-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "140 The Medicez al Period\\nperious and vigorous. He calls on Peter, Paul, and all the\\nsaints to witness that he had unwillingly accepted the papal\\nofifice thrust upon him by the Roman Church. This was\\nsufficient proof that the Christian world had been com-\\nmitted to him. Relying upon the help of St. Peter and\\nGod, he therefore deposes Henry, because, in his unsi)eak-\\nable pride, he has revolted against the Church, and he ab-\\nsolves all his subjects from obedience to him. Because\\nHenry persists in his claims and disobedience to the pope\\nGregory excommunicates him. He expects that St. Peter\\nwill make his anathema prevail, in order to make the world\\nknow that he, Peter, is the rock on which the Church is\\nbuilt, and that the gates of hell cannot prevail against it.\\nThis was, indeed, a new language in the mouth of Greg-\\nory. No pope had ever made such claims or spoken in such\\na tone to the emperor before. For the first time the claim\\nis openly made tliat the empire is a dependency of the\\nChurch.\\nEncouraged by the action of the pope, the dissatisfied\\nnobles of Germany held a meeting at Tribur (October,\\n1076), to which they did not admit the king. After some\\nresistance, Henry was compelled to accept the terms known\\nas the Oppenheim agreement, which this meeting dictated\\nto him. He agreed to remain in Speier and make his\\npeace with the pope before the end of February of the fol-\\nlowing year to lay aside all the royal insignia, which was\\nHenry IV. equivalent to resigning his kingship and to present him-\\ndeposed. y^lf in February, 1077, in Augsburg and submit to trial\\nbefore the council, whicli was to be presided over by the\\npope. Nothing could have been more acceptable to Greg-\\nory than to come to Germany and preside over a national\\ncouncil and try the king but Henry had no intention of\\npermitting this to take place. Gregory indeed set out for\\nGermany, but while waiting for an escort through Lom-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "Struggle between Papacy and Empire 141\\nbardy, was alarmed at tlie news that Henry had escaped\\nfrom Speier, had crossed the Alps in the dead of winter\\nand was already in Lombardy, where he had been received\\nwith every mark of affection by the people. Being in\\ndoubt whether Henry s intentions were hostile or peace-\\nable, Gregory withdrew to the castle of Canossa to await Canossa.\\ndevelopments. Henry soon informed him through friends\\nthat he had come to make peace and to receive absolution.\\nThe pope refused to receive him and demanded that he re-\\nturn to Germany and present himself at Augsburg accord-\\ning to the agreement which he had made with his barons.\\nAfter much beseeching, however, the pope yielded, ad-\\nmitted Henry to his presence and removed the ban from\\nhim.\\nHenry liad been deeply humiliated, but he had accom- Henry\\nplished his purpose he had been freed from the ban of Gregory\\nexcommunication and had thereby deprived his rebellious\\nsubjects of all show of legality and he had robbed Greg-\\nory of the best part of his victory by preventing his coming\\nto Germany to preside over the national assembly. Greg-\\nory had, on the other hand, shown his power by keeping\\nan emperor standing as a penitent at his door. The em-\\nperor never wholly recovered from this humiliation, but\\nthe pope had in reality overshot the mark. The people\\nthought him too .severe and unforgiving. Although the\\nworld regarded the immediate victory as Gregory s, it was\\nreally Henry s, for from this time Henry s power in-\\ncreased and Gregory s diminished.\\nIt soon became apparent that Henry had been insincere\\nin his confession and promises. He had plotted against\\nGregory even on the way to Canossa, and as soon as he\\nreached Germany he began to plan for his self-defence.\\nHis enemies, principally Saxons and Suabians, continued\\ntheir opposition to him. The war dragged on for years,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "142 The Mcdiccval Period\\nduring which time the pope deserted him and put him\\nunder the ban, and two anti-kings were set up against him.\\nBy the greatest good fortune, however, Henry was event-\\nually victorious in Germany. He then set up an anti-\\npope and invaded Italy in order to depose Gregory. After\\nthree years of fighting he took Rome, had himself and his\\nwife crowned, and besieged Gregory in the Castle San\\nGregory Angelo. Gregory, in the meanwhile, had summoned his\\nfroiii Rome ^^^if^^^ subject, Robert Guiscard, who now appeared with\\nDies, 1085. a large force, drove off Henry, rescued the pope and gave\\nRome over to his Norman troops to be pillaged. The\\npeople were so angry at this outrage that Gregory did not\\ndare remain longer in the city. He withdrew with his\\nNormans to the south, where he died, in 1085, in Salerno.\\nGregory had made great claims without being able fully\\nto realize them. He had made concessions to William the\\nConqueror, and to Philip I., of France, who both still pos-\\nsessed the right of investiture. Henry IV. had, in many\\nThe work of respects, held his own against him. Gregory s legates in\\nGregory Spain were abused he himself died in exile. But he had\\nestablished the custom of sending papal legates to all parts\\nof Europe he had put his own authority above that of a\\ncouncil he had destroyed the independence of the bishops\\nby giving to all the clergy the free right of appeal to the\\npope he had made the celibacy of the clergy the rule of\\nthe Church, and he had freed the papacy from all lay in-\\nterference, whether imperial or Roman, by establishing the\\nCollege of Cardinals. In a word, he had formulated the\\nclaims of the papacy to absolute power and marked out its\\nfuture policy.\\nUrban II. Urban II. (1087-99) to carry the war to a suc-\\ncessful conclusion. He added Bavaria to his allies, and\\npersuaded Lombardy to desert Henry. Even Henry s son,\\nConrad, was false to his father, and joining the papal party,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "Struggle bchvecn Papacy and Empire 143\\nfor his perfidy was made king of Lombardy. In 1094\\nUrban II. celebrated his victory by making a triumphal\\njourney through Italy and France.\\nThe last years of Henry IV. were made bitter by the re-\\nvolt of his second son, Henry, who made war on his father\\nand compelled him to resign. But as soon as he came to\\nthe throne Henry V. (1106-25) broke with the papal party,\\ntook up his father s counsellors and policy, and renewed the\\nstruggle with the pope. After several attempts to make an\\nagreement, the question was temporarily settled by the con-\\ncordat of Worms (i 122). Its terms are as follows The The\\nemperor concedes to the pope the right to invest the clergy of vvornfs\\nwith spiritual authority, which was symbolized by the ring 1122.\\nand the staff; on the other hand, bishops and abbots are to\\nbe canonically elected in the presence of the emperor or of\\nhis representative, but contested elections are to be decided\\nby the emperor, and the emperor is to invest the clergy\\nwith their lands and all their civil and judicial functions.\\nThe symbol of this investiture, which was the same as that\\nof the counts and other laymen, was the sceptre.\\nHenry V. renewed the policy of Otto the Great toward\\nthe barbarians on the eastern frontier by encouraging the\\nmissionary efforts of Otto, the bishop of Bamberg, through\\nwhose zeal the Slavs of Pomerania were converted and Ger-\\nmanized. The opposition which he met from his nobles\\nled him to try to win the favor of the cities of the empire,\\nwhich were rapidly growing strong and rich, in order to set\\nthem over against the nobility. He seems to have recog-\\nnized in a dim way the power and importance of the citi-\\nzen class, and to have endeavored to make it his ally. At\\nthe death of Henry V. Lothar, duke of Saxony, was elected Lothar the\\nto succeed him. He owed his election to the fact that he ffil\u00c2\u00b0 o\\n1125-30.\\nmade favorable terms with the papal party and agreed to\\nact in accordance with the interests of the Church. He", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "144\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nLothar and\\nInnocent II.\\nSicily be-\\ncomes a\\nkingdom,\\n1130, rec-\\nognized by\\nLothar,\\nII39-\\nConrad III.,\\n1138-52-\\neven wrote to the pope, asking him to confirm his elec-\\ntion.\\nIn 1 130 a double papal election took place, which threat-\\nened to disrupt the papacy. One of those elected, Inno-\\ncent II. (1130-43), went to France, where he won the\\nsupport of Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, then the most in-\\nfluential man in Europe. Through the influence of Bernard,\\nInnocent obtained the favor of the kings of both France\\nand Germany, Lothar, of Germany, even going to Italy,\\nand by arms establishing Innocent in Rome. As a reward.\\nInnocent crowned him emperor and invested him with Tus-\\ncany. By accepting this fief, Lothar became the pope s\\nfeudal subject. The pope evidently wished to make his\\nvictory over the emperor seem as great as possible, and,\\ntaking advantage of Lothar s yielding disposition, caused a\\npicture to be painted representing the emperor kneeling at\\nhis feet, and receiving the imperial crown at his hands. It\\nwas intended that this picture should express the idea that\\nthe emperor was receiving the imperial crown as a fief from\\nthe pope.\\nRoger 11. of Sicily had sold his services to the anti-pope,\\nAnaclete II., on condition that he be made king. After\\nInnocent had made himself master of Rome, Roger contin-\\nued his opposition, and Innocent called on Lothar to re-\\nduce him. Lothar s campaign ended disastrously, how-\\never, and the pope was compelled to make peace with\\nRoger and confirm his title of king.\\nAt the death of Lothar Conrad of Hohenstaufen was\\nelected in a very irregular way as his successor (1138-52).\\nHe was, however, utterly unable to rule the country.\\nAlthough the disorder in the kingdom was growing, Con-\\nrad permitted himself to be persuaded to go on a crusade.\\nDuring his absence from the country, violence, private war,\\nand political disintegration increased. He returned in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "Struggle between Papacy and Empire 145\\n1 149, and added to the chaos of the period by beginning\\na war with his most powerful vassal, Henry the Lion, duke\\nof Saxony. His reign ended in disaster.\\nHis nephew, Frederick I., known as Barbaross-a, was Frederick\\nthen elected king (1152-90). Since he was descended 5 -9\\nfrom the two rival houses of Bavaria and Suabia, known\\nrespectively as Guelf and Ghibelline, it was hoped that he\\nwould put an end to the enmity and struggle between\\nthem. It was not the fault of Frederick that he did not do\\nso. He sought to conciliate his opponents in every way.\\nHe restored Bavaria to Henry the Lion, favored him in other\\nways, and really left him no grounds for dissatisfaction ex-\\ncept that he was not king. Frederick may be said to have\\nhad two policies, one as king of Germany and the other as His two\\nemperor of the world. He tried to make Germany a state\\nby unifying the government, and repressing all violence\\nand oppression. As emperor, his one ideal was to restore\\nthe ancient Roman empire. The great Roman emperors\\nwere his models. In the eleventh century there had be-\\ngun a revival in the study of Roman law, and Frederick\\nnow pressed it into his service. He surrounded himself\\nwith men who were versed in the codex of Justinian, and\\nfrom these he received the imperial ideas which he tried to\\nrealize in his empire. These lawyers were impressed with\\nthe spirit of absolutism in the Roman laws, and chose such\\nmaxims to lay before Frederick as would increase his feel-\\ning of sovereignty. They told him that the will of the\\nprince was law, and that the emperor was absolute sover-\\neign of the world. The absolutism of Frederick was not\\nthe outcome of a lust for personal power, but the logical\\nproduct of his conception of his office.\\nIn 1 1 54 Frederick crossed the Alps into Lombardy, and\\npitched his camp on the famous Roncaglian plain. A diet\\nwas announced, and the cities of Lombardy were ordered", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "146 7Vic Mcdiccval Period\\nto send their consuls to meet him. Most of the cities did\\nso, but Milan and some of her allies refused to obey.\\nThere was at that time a struggle going on between the\\nsmaller cities and Milan, who had been acting very tyran-\\nnically. Pavia appealed to Frederick against Milan and\\nTortona; and when Tortona disregarded his commands,\\nhe besieged and destroyed it. Milan itself was, for the\\ntime being, spared, since Frederick s attention was called\\nto Rome.\\nThe people of Rome had not forgotten that their city\\nhad once been the mistress of the world. They were rest-\\nless under all control, whether imperial or papal. They\\nlonged for the ancient power and independence of the city,\\nand had dreams of restoring her to her former proud posi-\\ntion. This was the cause of their frequent opposition to\\nthe popes. The papal supremacy was incompatible with\\ntheir political ideas and aspirations. In 1143 the com-\\nmon people and the inferior nobility revolted, drove out\\nthe pope, and restored what was considered the ancient\\ngovernment of the city.\\nArnold of Two years later the priest Arnold of Brescia came to\\nBrescia, Rome, and soon became the most influential person in the\\ncity. He had been in France and having heard the\\ntheories of the great heretic Abelard, had adopted them,\\nand wished to put them into practice. The revolution in\\nRome (1143) seemed to offer him the coveted opportunity,\\nso filled with burning zeal he hastened thither. His pro-\\ngramme was somewhat extensive. His symi)athies were\\nwith the common people as against the nobility. He was\\nfilled with the idea which had cropped out at various times\\nin the Church, and was soon to become a central reforming\\nprinciple of St. Francis, i.e., the sinfulness of property.\\nHe declared that the land should not be held by the rich,\\nbut should be common property. Everyone had the right", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "Struggle bctzcecn Papacy a)id Empire 147\\nto the use of a certain amount of land. Since individual\\npossession is sinful, the Church, of course, should be with-\\nout property. But he went a step farther, and declared\\nthat the individual also should live in poverty. He at-\\ntacked the clergy for their crimes and worldliness. It was\\nto him a mark of the deepest corruption of the clergy that\\nthey had so great a share in the administration of civil\\naffairs. Clergymen with property, bishops with regalia,\\nand monks with possessions could not be saved. The\\nChurch needed a thorough reform, and the beginning\\nshould be made with the pope. Arnold demanded that\\nthe Church give up all her possessions and live in pover-\\nty, which, he said, was the law of Christ. Fired by his\\npreaching the mob began to sack the monasteries. If it\\nwas wTong for the clergy to have property, they ought to\\nbe deprived of it at once\\nIn 1 1 54 Nicholas Breakspeare, the only Englishman Hadrian\\nwho has ever occupied the chair of St. Peter, was elected\\npope and took the name of Hadrian IV. He boldly took\\nup the struggle Avith the republican party in the city. He\\ngot possession of the Vatican quarter, and intrenched him-\\nself there. He put the city under the interdict, and re-\\nmoved it only when Arnold was exiled. By losing Ar-\\nnold, the city lost its best leader.\\nIt was at this juncture that Frederick Barbarossa came\\ninto Italy. The pope went to meet him, made charges\\nagainst Arnold, and demanded his death. The republican\\nparty also sent an embassy to Frederick to tell him that\\nthe people of Rome were the source of the imperial power Frederick I.\\nand were willing to make him emperor if he would take\\nan oath to respect the rights of the city and her officials,\\nand pay them a large sum of money. Frederick was en-\\nraged at their insolence, and told them that Karl the Great\\nand Otto I. had acquired the imperial title by conquest\\nin Rome.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "148 The Mcdiccval Period\\nRome s power was a thing of the past her glory and au-\\nthority had passed to the Germans it was not for a con-\\nquered people to dictate terms to their master. Hadrian\\nIV., however, was willing to make better terms with\\nFrederick. He agreed to crown him emperor on condi-\\ntion that Frederick restore him to his place in Rome and\\ndeliver Arnold into his power. Frederick was thereupon\\ncrowned, and the city was reduced to subjection. Arnold\\nhaving been taken prisoner, was at the command of Ha-\\ndrian, burned at the stake f s a heretic.\\nThe relations between Frederick and Hadrian had not\\nbeen altogether satisfactory. At their first meeting Fred-\\nerick had refused to hold the stirrup of the pope because,\\nas he said, it was not the custom for the king to do so.\\nHadrian was enraged at this, and would not give Frederick\\nthe kiss of peace. The quarrel was finally patched up, but\\nonly temporarily. The claims of pope and emperor were\\nso conflicting that there could be no lasting peace between\\nthem.\\nThe Besan- The Besan^on episode showed the temper of the two\\nii P^ ^ties and indicated the speedy outburst of the storm.\\nArchbishop Eskil of Lund had been in Rome, and while\\non his return homeward through Burgundy was seized,\\nrobbed, beaten, and imprisoned. Although Frederick was\\ninformed of this, he made no attempt to set him free or to\\npunish those who had committed the outrage. One reason\\nfor this indifference on Frederick s part was to be found in\\nthe fact that Frederick was angry at Eskil because he was\\nsui)porting the ambition of the Scandinavian Church to\\nbecome independent an ambition at the bottom of which\\nwas, of course, national feeling. For, up to this time, the\\nChurch of Scandinavia had been subject to the archbishop\\nof Hamburg, being regarded as a part of his diocese.\\nThrough this ecclesiastical influence, Frederick hoped to\\n57.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "Struggle betivecn Papacy and Empire 149\\ngain political authority in Scandinavia, and so enlarge his\\nempire. Eskil being thus in the way of Frederick s am-\\nbitious plans could not count on his protection. Freder-\\nick also wished to show his displeasure with the treaty\\nwhich had just been made between the pope and William\\nof Sicily, in which the emperor s rights had been entirely\\ndisregarded. While Frederick was at Besan^on (October\\n24-28, 1157) two legates appeared from the pope bearing\\na letter in which the emperor was roundly rebuked for his\\nneglect to set Eskil free and punish his captors. When\\nthey first presented themselves before Frederick they de-\\nlivered the greetings of the pope and the cardinals, adding\\nthat the pope greeted him as a father, the cardinals, as\\nbrothers. This form of salutation was regarded as strange,\\nbut was not resented by Frederick. On the following\\nday they were formally received by the emperor, and laid\\nbefore him Hadrian s letter. After rebuking Frederick\\nfor his indifference, the pope confesses that he does not\\nknow the cause of it. Hadrian feels that he has not of-\\nfended in any respect against Frederick on the contrary,\\nhe has always treated him as a dear son. Frederick should\\nrecall how, two years before, his mother, the Holy Roman\\nChurch, had received him and had treated him with the\\ngreatest affection, and, by gladly conferring upon him the\\nimperial crown, had given him the highest dignity and\\nhonor. Nor are we sorry, he continued, that we\\nfulfilled your desires in all things but even if your Excel-\\nlence had received greater fiefs (Jfeneficid) from our hands,\\nif that were possible, in consideration of the great services\\nwhich you may render to the Church and to us, we should\\nstill have good grounds for rejoicing. The reading of\\nthe letter produced the wildest sort of scene. Never be-\\nfore had the empire been thus openly called a fief of the\\npapacy. The princes about Frederick angrily remonstrat-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "ISO\\nThe Mediceval Period\\nThe\\nemperor s\\nmanifesto.\\nHadrian s\\nexplana-\\ntion.\\ned with the legates for making such claims. To this one\\nof them replied by asking, From whom then did the\\nemperor receive the empire, if not from the pope? The\\nquestion almost cost him his life, for the hot-blooded Otto\\nvon Wittelsbach rushed upon him and would have slain\\nhim but for the interference of the emi)eror. The legates\\nwere ordered to return at once to Italy, and were not per-\\nmitted to proceed farther on the business of the pope.\\nWhether Hadrian meant that bencficium should be un-\\nderstood as fief or not, is really of small consequence. The\\nimportant thing was that he plainly treated tlie imperial\\ncrown as if it were something entirely within his power to\\ngive or to withhold. This was little less offensive to Freder-\\nick than the word fief, because it was his belief that the\\nimperial crown was attached to the German crown. The\\nking of Germany had a right to the imperial crown the\\npope merely had the right to crown him.\\nFrederick then published a manifesto to his people, re-\\ncounting the claims of the pope as contained in the letter,\\nand in opposition to these declared that he had received\\nthe imperial crown from God alone through the election\\nby the princes. Jesus had taught that the world was to be\\nruled by two swords, the spiritual and the temporal. Peter\\nhad commanded that all men should fear God and honor\\nthe king therefore, whoever said that the empire was a fief\\nof the papacy was opposed to St. Peter and guilty of lying.\\nHadrian IV. then wrote an open letter to the clergy of\\nGermany, expressing surprise and indignation at the turn\\naffairs had taken. It was a most diplomatic letter, written\\nfor the purpose of winning the German clergy to his side.\\nSome of them, however, were true to their emperor, and\\nwrote Hadrian a letter in which they embodied the answer\\nof Frederick. It was of the same tenor as his manifesto,\\nand claimed that the empire was not a beneficium (fief) of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "Struggle betzvecn Papacy and Empire 151\\nthe pope, but that Frederick owed it to the favor {dene-\\nficium) of God. Frederick was also still angry about the\\npicture which the pope had had made representing Lothar\\non his knees receiving the crown from the pope. The\\npope, he said, was trying to make an authoritative princi-\\nple, basing it simply upon a picture. Hadrian now wrote\\na letter to Frederick in which he explained that bcne-\\nJiciuin was composed of bono and facio, meaning\\nnot fief, but a kind deed or favor. By con-\\ntulimus, we have conferred, he had meant only I m-\\np(?suimus, we have placed, that is, the crown on\\nFrederick s head. Hadrian succeeded in quieting Freder-\\nick, but the battle was not ended j it had been merely put\\noff.\\nFrederick next turned his attention to the cities of Lom-\\nbardy, which for a hundred years or more had been left to\\ntake care of themselves. They had improved the time by\\ndeveloping an independent municipal government. Milan\\nwas first reduced. It was agreed, however, that the city\\nshould continue to elect its officials, but that the emperor\\nshould have the right to confirm them. Another diet was The second\\nannounced to be held in the Roncaglian plain, and the Rpncaglian\\ncities were ordered to send their officials to it. It was\\nFrederick s wish to break down the independent spirit of\\nthe cities. It was during his stay in Italy that Frederick\\nhad come into contact with the lawyers of Bologna, and\\nlearned from them the leading ideas of Roman law. An-\\ncient customs were revived, and Frederick renewed his\\nclaims to the regalia (that is, to the duchies, counties,\\nmarches, the office of consul, the right to coin money, col-\\nlect taxes, customs, duties, etc.). He declared that in the\\nfuture all the important officers of the city would be ap-\\npointed by him and the people should approve them.\\nRepresentatives of all the cities helped frame the rights of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "152\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nMilan\\ndestroyed,\\n1 1 62.\\nHadrian\\nmakes\\nfundamental\\nclaims.\\nAlexander\\nIII.\\nthe emperor and agreed to observe them. He then pro-\\nceeded to i)ut this agreement into force. He sent his\\nrepresentatives throughout the country to establish in every\\ncity his officials. The people of Milan asserted that, by\\nvirtue of a former compact with the emperor, the Ron-\\ncaglian agreement did not include them. They therefore\\nresisted the emperor s messengers and closed the gates of\\nthe city against them. Refusing to recognize their claims,\\nFrederick laid siege to the city (April, 1159), which held\\nout nearly three years. In February, 1162, it could resist\\nno longer. The people tried in every way to appease\\nFrederick, but he remained deaf to their entreaties. The\\nwalls of the city were razed, the inhabitants driven out,\\nand many of the nobility kept as hostages.\\nIn the meanwhile the quarrel had broken out afresh be-\\ntween the pope and emperor. In 1159 Hadrian made\\nsweeping demands of Frederick in regard to tlie possession\\nof the lands of Matilda, the collection of feudal dues by\\nFrederick from the papal estates, and the full sovereignty\\nin Rome. The emperor, of course, refused these demands,\\nand the pope prepared for the struggle. Seeking help from\\nRoger of Sicily, and from the Greek emperor, he in-\\ntrigued with the cities of Lombardy. In 11 59 Hadrian\\ndied, and the cardinals thereupon elected the man who\\nhad acted as spokesman of Hadrian at Besangon, Roland\\nBandinelli, who assumed the name of Alexander III. He\\nnow took up the quarrel and spent his time endeavoring to\\nfind allies. Frederick, however, set up an anti-pope, and\\nwas so successful in his 0])position to Alexander III. that\\nthe pope was compelled to leave Rome and seek a refuge\\nin France (1161). Frederick seemed to have won the day.\\nHis officials were in all the cities; Milan was destroyed\\nand the pope an exile. But his very success was the cause\\nof his defeat he had borne himself as an emperor of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "Struggle bctzvccn Papacy and Empire 153\\nold school. His absolutism was tyranny to the cities, and\\nhence they were eager to find some way of avenging them-\\nselves. Alexander III. put himself at the head of the op-\\nposition. In 1 165 he returned to Rome, excommunicated\\nthe emperor, and released his subjects from their oath of\\nallegiance to him. Alexander was a diplomat he was\\nhostile to the independence of the Lombard cities, but be-\\ncause they could help him he sought their alliance. For\\nnearly fifteen years this able man led the opposition to\\nFrederick, and the final victory over the emperor was due\\nin a large measure to his ability and efforts. The next\\nyear (1166) Frederick went again into Italy with a large\\nforce to punish the rebels and to put the new anti-pope,\\nPaschalis, in the chair of St. Peter. After a siege he took\\nRome. Paschalis was established as pope and a few days\\nlater recrowned Frederick and his wife in St. Peter s. A\\npest broke out shortly afterward and Frederick, alarmed at\\nthe great mortality among his troops, hastened back to\\nGermany. As fast as he retreated the cities behind him\\nrevolted he barely escaped with his life. The cities now\\nentered into the famous Lombard League (1167). Milan, The\\nrebuilt by the aid of them all, assumed the leading position\\nin the league. Pavia still remained true to the emperor, 1167T\\nand to keep it in check, the league founded a new city on\\nthe border of its territory and named it Alexandria in honor\\nof the pope. It was not till 11 74 that Frederick was in a\\nposition to reenter Italy. Then the emperor himself laid\\nsiege to Alexandria while some of his troops overran Tus-\\ncany and Umbria. Alexandria was very strong and the\\nsiege lasted for months. Overtures of peace were made,\\nand, as winter was approaching, Frederick withdrew to\\nPavia. Again and again he called on the German princes\\nto come to his assistance, but Henry the Lion thought it\\nan excellent opportunity to humble the emperor and re-\\nLombard\\nLeague,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "154 The Mcdiccval Period\\nLegnano, fused to assist him. In May, 1176, the troops of the\\n^^7^* league attacked Frederick at Legnano, and won a decisive\\nvictory. It was even thought for awhile that the emperor\\nhad lost his life in the battle. Frederick realized the situa-\\ntion he had been beaten he was therefore ready to\\nmake peace on the cities terms. He met Alexander III.\\nin St. Mark s at Venice (1177), fell at his feet, confessed\\nhis wrong deeds and begged the pope to remove the ban\\nfrom him. The pope yielded, and a truce was declared.\\nSix years later, at Constance, the treaty of peace was\\nThe Treaty signed which granted the cities substantially all that they\\nof Con- demanded. The over-lordship of the emperor was\\nstance, 1 183. j\\nrecognized, but it was merely nominal, and the nidepen-\\ndence of the cities was practically admitted. It was a\\nbitter humiliation for Frederick, but he could not escape\\nit. Being pressed in Germany by the Guelf family he\\nneeded the support of the pope, and there was nothing for\\nhim to do except to abide by the decision dictated by the\\noutcome of the war.\\nA crisis was reached in the struggle between the Ghibel-\\nline and the Guelf families in 1176, when Henry the Lion\\nrefused to hel^) Frederick in his war against the Lombard\\nLeague. After returning to Germany, Frederick proceeded\\nto punish him. He cited Henry to appear before him, and\\non Henry s refusal, deposed and banished him. Henry\\nresisted, but was defeated in battle and begged for mercy.\\nFrederick stripped him of his power, but generously per-\\nmitted him to retain his private estates.\\nAlthough Frederick had not been able to conquer Sicily,\\nhe i)rovided for its annexation by marrying his son, Henry\\nVI., to Constance, heiress to the crown of that country.\\nThe pope foresaw that this marriage would greatly strengthen\\nthe empire, and that the emperor, by holding Sicily and\\nsouthern Italy, could easily attack the papal lands when-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "Struggle befzveen Papacy and Empire 155\\never he chose. Unwilling that the emperor should gain\\nso great an advantage over him, the pope determined to\\nprevent the proposed union of the Sicilian kingdom with\\nthe Empire. He accordingly renewed hostilities and en-\\ngaged the archbishop of Cologne and other discontented\\nGerman nobles in a conspiracy against Frederick. In the\\nmeantime the news reached the west that Jerusalem had\\nfallen into the hands of the Saracens, and, according to the\\nideas of the times, its recovery was regarded as the most\\npressing business of the hour. Clement III. was willing\\nto make almost any concessions if he could enlist Frederick The Cru-\\nfor a crusade. An agreement was made in which Freder- p^rederick I\\nick seemed to have won the victory. He was now ready\\nto go on the crusade. He placed the management of af-\\nfairs in Germany in the hands of Henry VI., who took the\\ntitle of king of the Germans. Frederick set out in the\\nspring of 1189, but did not reach Palestine. He died by\\ndrowning in one of the mountain streams of Cilicia, June\\nID, 1190.\\nIn Italy Alexander III. found that, although he had In Italy the\\novercome Frederick, he had not won the whole victory for jj^^jIj\\nhimself. He was unable to unite all Italy under his own\\nauthority. The cities of Lombardy and the kingdom of\\nSicily secured their own advantages and went on their way\\nof independence. During the struggle with Frederick there\\nhad been several anti -popes established by the emperor.\\nThe schism thus caused was ended in 11 78 by the surren-\\nder of Calixtus III., who found it impossible to sustain\\nhimself after the emperor had made peace with Alexander.\\nTo guard against disputed elections in the future, it was\\ndecreed in the Lateran synod of 11 79, that whoever should\\nreceive the votes of two-thirds of the cardinals should be\\nregarded as the duly elected pope. There was nothing\\nsaid about the emperor s right to confirm the election, nor", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "156\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nThe high\\nposition of\\nAlexander\\nIII.\\nHenry VI.\\n1190-97.\\nwas any part accorded the peo])le and clergy of Rome.\\nFrom this time the whole matter is in the hands of the\\ncardinals.\\nAlexander III. deserves great credit from the papal point\\nof view for the work of his pontificate. His power was\\nrecognized all over the west as that of no pope before him\\nhad been. His immediate successors were unable to main-\\ntain all the advantages he had won. Before the end of the\\ncentury Innocent III., the most imperial of all the popes,\\nwas to appear, and realize all that previous pontiffs had\\ndreamed of; but before him there was to be another strug-\\ngle in Rome. The independent spirit of the people of the\\ncity reas.serted itself, and Lucius III. (i 181-85) d Ur-\\nban III. (1185-87) spent most of their pontificates in\\nexile. Clement III. (1187-91) succeeded in regaining the\\nmastery in Rome, and all power was made over to him.\\nThe pope had seldom been so secure in the city before.\\nBut a new danger was\\nthreatening.\\nThe marriage of\\nHenry VI. with Constance of Sicily might, at any mo-\\nment, lead to the establishment of the imperial power in\\nthe south, and the addition of Sicily and all the southern\\npart of Italy to the empire. The pope would then be\\nbetween two fires.\\nThe first days of the reign of Henry VI. were filled with\\nanxiety. Henry the Lion broke his royal word and at-\\ntacked Henry VI. as soon as Frederick had set out for the\\neast. The news of the death of William, king of Sicily,\\nsoon reached Germany, and a few days later the sad news\\nof the death of Frederick was received. Henry VI. made\\npeace with Henry the Lion, made provision for the gov-\\nernment in Germany during his absence, and hastened\\ninto Italy. He was crowned at Rome and went on to\\nSicily to secure the possession of that kingdom but the\\npeople of Sicily had elected a certain Tancred to be king,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "Struggle hctzvccn Papacy and Empire 157\\nand Henry was unable to accomplish anything there.\\nThe outlook was indeed dark, for there were powerful ene-\\nmies allied against him. The combination of Richard the\\nLion-Heart of England, the Guelf family in Germany with\\nHenry the Lion at its head, and Tancred in Sicily would\\nprobably be able to break the power of the Hohenstaufen.\\nThis danger was averted by a series of fortunate occur-\\nrences. Richard was taken prisoner on his way home\\nfrom his crusade and delivered into Henry s hands. The\\nson of Henry the Lion fell in love with a cousin of the\\nemperor, and in order to obtain her hand, made peace\\nwith him. Henry the Lion, now an old man, discour-\\naged by the submission of his son to the emperor, gave up\\nthe struggle and retired to his estates, and Henry VL was\\nable in a second campaign to get complete possession of\\nSicily.\\nThe fears of the pope proved to be well-founded. Li Bold plan\\nfact but little sagacity was necessary to see that the impe- of^ 6 ^y\\nrial and papal claims were so mutually conflicting that\\nforce alone could settle them. The emperor s opportu-\\nnity seemed to have come. Relying on his strength,\\nHenry VL determined to enforce his claims without any re-\\ngard for the pope. He seized the lands of Matilda (Tus-\\ncany), for which the pope put him under the ban but\\nnot in the least frightened by this, Henry continued his\\nefforts to get possession of all Italy. He is said at this time\\nto have planned the complete destruction of the papal state\\nby adding it to his own territory. He also turned now to\\ntry his fortune in the east. He planned a crusade, the\\nreal object of which was first of all the conquest of Con-\\nstantinople. The Greek empire was, indeed, in a chaotic\\ncondition, and he hoped to win its crown and establish\\nhimself in Constantinople, from which vantage-point he\\nmight easily carry on the war against the Saracens. He\\nVI.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "158\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nInnocent\\nIII., 1198-\\n1216, and\\nhis pro-\\ngramme.\\nwent first to Sicily in order to put down a revolt and\\npunish those who were hostile to him, intending then to\\nproceed against Constantinople, but died in Messina after\\na very brief illness (1197), leaving a son, Frederick II.,\\nonly three years old. His great plans and hopes were de-\\nstroyed, and the empire was thrown back into the anarchy\\ncaused by a contested imperial election. At the same\\ntime Innocent III. became pope, a man of strong will and\\ngreat ability, full of theocratic ideas and the desire to realize\\nthem.\\nInnocent III. (1198-1216) was probably the ablest\\npope of the Middle Age. He was a jurist, trained in the\\nschools of Paris and Bologna. He looked at everything\\nfrom the jurist s point of view, and endeavored to reduce\\nto a legal form and basis all the claims of the papacy. Not\\npersonally ambitious, he was fully persuaded that in every-\\nthing he did he acted in accordance with the best in-\\nterests of the Church, and even with the plans of God. He\\nwas ambitious merely to make of the papacy that which he\\nbelieved God had appointed it to be. He believed that\\nthe government of the world was a theocracy, and that he\\nhimself was the vicar of God on earth. He pushed to the\\nextreme the ideas of the supremacy of the papacy over all\\nrulers, and actually realized them in many respects. His\\nprogramme may be summed up under the following heads\\n1. The pope must be absolute master in Italy, which must\\ntherefore be freed from the control of all foreigners hence\\nthe empire must not be allowed to unite any part of the\\npeninsula to itself the papal state must be strengthened;\\nthe political factions in the city must be kept in subjection.\\n2. All the states of the west must be put under the control\\nof the papacy neither king nor emperor may be inde-\\npendent of the pope, but must submit to him in all things.\\n3. The Church in the east, and the Holy Land must be re-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "and his\\nward.\\nStruggle between Papacy and Empire 159\\ncovered from the Moslems, and the Greek Church purified\\nof its heresy and reunited to the Church of the west all\\nheretics must be destroyed the law and worship of the\\nChurch must be made to conform to papal ideas.\\nThe imperial claims of Henry VI. are here answered by\\nthe papal programme of Innocent III. It is apparent that\\ntheir radical contradiction could permit no reconciliation.\\nNeither party could get all that it demanded without the\\npractical destruction of the other. For the present the con-\\nflict could be postponed because of the disputed imperial\\nelection. But the situation was wholly in favor of Inno-\\ncent and he determined to make good use of his opportu-\\nnities.\\nIn Sicily the young king, Frederick II., was among ene- Innocent\\nmies, and when his mother died. Innocent was made his\\nguardian. He performed his duties toward the boy with\\ngreat conscientiousness, supplying him with the ablest\\nteachers, giving him the best education possible, caring for\\nhis interests in Sicily, and protecting him against his re-\\nbellious subjects.\\nIn Germany there was a contested election, which Inno- Philip of\\ncent was asked to settle. Philip of Suabia, after trying in ^(fg^ fooS\\nvain to secure the election of his nephew, Frederick II., and Otto\\nwas himself made king by a large number of princes. The i2i*e^^^\\nGuelf family, however, elected one of their number. Otto\\nIV. Innocent III. decided in favor of Otto, because, as\\nhe said. Otto was the proper person for the office and was\\ndevoted to the Church, while Philip was a persecutor of\\nthe Church. Philip had declared that he would defend his\\nclaim to all the possessions of the empire, while Otto IV.\\nhad taken an oath that he would not interfere with the\\npapal claims, but would defend all the possessions of the\\npapacy. Civil war ensued. After defeating Otto and mak-\\ning himself master of Germany, Philip was murdered", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "i6o The Mediceval Period\\n(1208), and Otto, being now without a rival, was recog-\\nnized throughout Germany.\\nOtto IV., however, now that he had secured the crown,\\nchanged his policy toward the pope, broke his oath, and\\ndemanded Sicily and Tuscany, on the ground that they\\nwere parts of the empire. He was successful in arms in\\nsouthern Italy, but before the conquest was completed the\\npope had raised a revolt among the German princes and\\nFrederick put forth Frederick II. as a candidate for the German\\nII., 1215-50. (.j-ovvn. At the invitation of some of the German nobles,\\nFrederick, although a boy, went to Germany, made an al-\\nliance with Philip, king of France, and in three years made\\nhimself undisputed master of Germany.\\nSuccess of Innocent III. followed out his policy with great vigor.\\n^nnocen Frederick held Sicily as a fief of the papacy. In central\\nItaly Innocent made a league with the cities, drove out the\\nemperor s officials, and established his own in their place.\\nThe king of Portugal acknowledged his authority and paid\\nhim tribute the king of Aragon became his feudal sub-\\nject, and the king of Leon was compelled to yield obedi-\\nence to him. In Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Servia, and\\nin Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, Innocent was able to\\nmake good his claims, at least in part. In France, Inno-\\ncent interfered in the family affairs of the king, compel-\\nling him to take back his wife, whom he had divorced on\\ninsufficient grounds. In political matters, however, Philip\\nII. resisted the demands of the pope with more or less\\nsuccess. In England Innocent comj^elled John to accept\\nStephen Langton as archbishop of Canterbury, and then\\naided the king in his struggle against the barons.\\nIt seemed for awhile that the papacy would get posses-\\nThe east. sion of all the Christian east. Innocent III. forbade the\\nfourth crusade to proceed against Constantinople, but\\nwhen the city was taken and the Latin Church established", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "Struggle betzveen Papacy and Empire i6i\\nthere he accepted its work. From Constantinople as a\\nvantage-ground, he hoped to extend the papal authority\\nover all the east, but the rapid disintegration of the\\nLatin empire of Constantinople was destined to blast his\\nhopes.\\nDuring his pontificate many heresies appeared in the\\nwest, the most widely spread of which was that of the Al-\\nbigenses. Innocent and his successor were responsible for\\nthe crusade which was preached against them, and carried\\nout by Simon de Montfort. In 1215, at the Lateran coun- The Lat-\\ncil, the inquisition was established, and it was declared ^ff- Coun-\\ncil 1215.\\nthat heresy was a crime which should be punished with\\ndeath. At the same council the doctrines of transubstan-\\ntiation and auricular confession were promulgated. The\\ntwenty-first canon of that council declared that every Chris-\\ntian must confess his sins to the priest at least once a year,\\nand might receive the sacrament of the eucharist after do-\\ning so. If he did not confess, the church was to be closed\\nto him, and if he should die, he should not receive Chris-\\ntian burial. From that time forth the confessional began\\nto be considered as the only means of obtaining forgive-\\nness for mortal sin, which the priest, as representative of\\nGod, actually granted, and he alone could grant. The\\ndoctrine of transubstantiation, which up to that time had\\nnot been the universal belief of the Church, was adopted,\\nand it was decreed that no one except a properly ordained\\npriest could administer the sacrament. Innocent had an-\\nnounced that the council would deal with two questions, the\\nrecovery of the Holy Land and the reform of the Church.\\nMany of the canons were really reformatory in their charac-\\nter, and the work of the council dealing with all sorts or\\nquestions shows the deep insight and sincerity of Innocent.\\nA great crusade was announced for the year 1217, and im-\\nmense preparations made for it, but Innocent did not live", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "1 62 The Medieval Period\\nto see it. He died at Perugia while busily engaged in pre-\\nparing for the crusade.\\nThe charac- On the surface his pontificate seems to have been a suc-\\noaoacv cess. He had apparently won a victory in every case over\\nchanged. the temporal powers. But he had alienated the affections\\nof the people. The cruelty of the crusade against the Al-\\nbigenses turned the whole of southern France against him.\\nHis victory over John of England, and the support he gave\\nhim in his struggle against his people, filled the Englisli\\nwith hatred of him. In Germany the same results were\\nreached. The troubadours charged their songs with fear-\\nful arraignments, and Walther von der Vogelweide lashed\\nthe papacy for its worldliness, its greed of money, and its\\nambitions. Innocent gave the fullest expression to the po-\\nlitical claims of the papacy, and did much to realize them.\\nUnder his guidance some of the most important doctrines.,\\nrites, and practices of the Church were established. The\\nformation of the code of canon law, while not begun by\\nhim, was thoroughly in accordance with his ideas, and it\\ngave a legal form and basis to what he had claimed. It\\nwould not be too much to say that he was the last great\\nmaker of the papacy. His programme was carried through\\nwith the appearance of remarkable success, but his best\\nweapon, the interdict, was almost worn out by its too fre-\\n(juent use. The forces were at work which were soon to\\nundo all that he had done. The papacy lost in spiritual\\npower under him because he made politics the principal\\nmatter. Earnest Christian pilgrims and visitors at Rome\\nwere shocked to hear nothing about spiritual matters, but\\nto find the mouths of all the clergy incessantly filled with\\ntalk about temporal affairs.\\nThe greatest of the popes was followed by the greatest of\\nthe emperors. In 12 12 Frederick had set bravely out to\\ntake Germany from Otto IV. He renewed the alliance with", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "Struggle hctzvccn Papacy and Empire 163\\nPhilip of France, and the German princes of the Rhine\\nvalley received him with favor. Seeing the danger, Otto\\nIV. called on his allies for help. John of England sent an\\narmy to the continent to unite with the count of Flanders,\\nthe duke of Brabant, and other nobles in the north of\\nFrance against the French king. The decisive battle was\\nfought near Bouvines, in July, 12 14, and resulted in the Bouvines,\\ncomplete victory of Philip II. Since his allies were thus ^^4-\\ndisposed of, Otto IV. was compelled to yield to Frederick.\\nHe withdrew to his lands, and died at Harzburg (12 18).\\nFrederick was crowned at Aachen in 1215, proclaimed a\\nuniversal peace in Germany, and took a vow to go on the\\ncrusade which Innocent III. was planning. His next step\\nwas to secure the imperial crown. But Innocent was afraid Frederick\\nof his growing power, although Frederick had been most\\no 1 o papacy.\\nrespectful to him in all things. He feared that if Freder-\\nick should hold both Germany and Sicily, the two would\\nbe joined together and Frederick would try to control all\\nItaly. He therefore persuaded Frederick to promise that\\nas soon as he should receive the imperial crown he would\\nresign the crown of Sicily to his young son, Henry, who\\nshould hold it as a fief from the pope. Death prevented\\nInnocent from crowning Frederick, but Innocent s succes-\\nsor, Honorius III., performed the act. Frederick, however,\\nin spite of his promise, retained the title of king of Sicily,\\na breach of faith to which Honorius III. paid no attention,\\nbecause he was desirous that the crusade should be made,\\nand he wished Frederick to join it. Frederick, however,\\nalways found excuses, and put off his departure. He\\nmarried lolanthe, the daughter of the king of Jerusalem,\\nand without any regard for the rights of her father assumed\\nthat title himself. Gregory IX. (1227-41) demanded his\\nimmediate departure for Palestine. Frederick finally sailed\\n(1227) from Brindisi, but returned three days later, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "164 The Mcdicczfal Period\\nexcused himself on the ground that he was ill. Gregory\\nwould not listen to the excuse and put him under the ban.\\nFrederick then made fresh preparations for the crusade, but\\nthe pope forbade his going until he had obtained the re-\\nmoval of the ban. Frederick, however, .sailed again from\\nBrindisi, June, 1228. Arriving in Palestine, he saw that\\nby force it would be impossible to conquer the east, yet by\\ndiplomacy he gained possession of Jerusalem, Bethlehem,\\nNazareth, and other places for the Christians. He crowned\\nThree times himself in Jerusalem and returned home, having been three\\ncated excommunicated for his disobedience to the pope.\\nDuring his absence the pope had tried to stir up the Ger-\\nmans against Frederick II. and, raising an army at his own\\nexpense, had attacked the emperor s territories in the south,\\nachieving some success. But when Frederick returned\\n(1229), the pope, taken by surprise, was unable to continue\\nthe war and offered to make peace. The two came together\\nSan Germa- at San Germano (1230), and by mutual concessions peace\\nno, 1230. ^^,^g restored.\\nFrederick then turned his attention to Sicily. In 1231\\nhe published the famous constitutions of the kingdom of\\nSicily, by which feudalism was destroyed there, and a\\nA new gov- real kingship established in its stead. Royal judges and\\nernment in (-Qurts took the place of the barons and their courts: feudal\\nbicily.\\ndues were replaced by direct taxes, and other changes were\\nmade which resulted in the formation of a really modern\\nstate in all that concerns the machinery of government.\\nDuring his long absence from Germany great disorder\\nhad arisen. He had caused his son Henry to be made king\\nin Aachen (1222), and much power had been granted him.\\nIn 1233 Henry revolted against his fatlier, but was seized\\nand carried to Italy, where he died as a prisoner (1242). In\\na great diet at Mainz (1235) Frederick forbade private war-\\nfare, proclaimed the peace of the land, and ended all the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "Struggle hehveen Papacy and Empire 165\\nquarrels between him and the Guelf family l)y making its\\nlast representative a duke and investing him with a large\\nduchy, created especially for him. He was now at the\\nheight of his power, having Germany and Sicily wholly in\\nhis hands.\\nThe struggle between the papacy and the empire which, Frederick\\nwith more or less acuteness, had now been in progress for r^^^ws\\nmore than one hundred and fifty years, had accumulated a gle.\\ngreat deal of bitterness on both sides. A peace had often\\nbeen patched up between them, but the real question at\\nissue had never been decided. There could not be two\\nabsolute rulers of the world. So long as each claimed su-\\npremacy and tried to rule the other, there could be no\\nlasting peace. Frederick felt that he was now strong\\nenough to settle the question by force. The possession of\\nSardinia, which had lately been declared to be a fief of the\\nChurch, furnished a convenient pretext for renewing the\\ncontest. In 1238 Frederick laid claim to Sardinia as a\\npart of the empire, and began to take possession of it. The\\npope protested, but in vain. Frederick persisted in his\\ncourse, and the pope, from this time on, was implacable in\\nhis hatred of Frederick. The final struggle had begun.\\nGregory IX. and his successors freed the German princes\\nfrom their oath of allegiance to Frederick, and tried to\\nturn the people against him. The cities of Italy were\\narrayed against him, and help was sought from France.\\nAt the same time, in order that all Christians might turn\\nfrom him with horror, Frederick was charged with all kinds\\nof heresy. He was reported to have said that there had been\\nthree great religious impostors who had deceived the world\\nMoses, Jesus, and Mohammed he had reviled the\\nclergy and the creed of the Church he had said that\\nnothing is to be believed which is not acceptable to the\\nreason. Heresy was proved by the fact that he associated", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "i66 The Medieval Period\\nwith both Jews and Mohammedans, and allowed the free\\nexercise of all religions in his kingdom. The emperor\\ndefended himself with great vigor. He had recourse to\\nthe Apocalypse of St. John for his figures of speech, and\\ncalled the pope the anti-Christ, the angel that came up\\nfrom the bottomless pit, and the rider on the red horse\\nwith power to destroy peace in the world. Gregory called\\na council, but Frederick captured the clergy who were on\\ntheir way to attend it, and thus prevented its meeting.\\nHe overran Italy, and got possession of the territory even\\nto the gates of Rome. After the death of Gregory IX.\\nthe cardinals were unable to elect a pope, and for nearly\\ntwo years the chair of St. Peter was vacant. Frederick\\ntried in every way to compel them to elect his candidate,\\nbut they resisted him successfully. At last, in 1243, one\\nof Frederick s friends was elected and took the title Inno-\\ncent IV. (1243-54). Frederick, however, felt that the\\nwar must go on, because, as he said, no pope could be a\\nGhibelline. Innocent escaped to France and called a\\ncouncil at Lyon, at which the emperor was again deposed\\nand put under the ban. All were forbidden to regard him\\nas their king, or emperor: the princes of Germany were\\nordered to proceed to the election of another king Inno-\\ncent said that he himself would take care of Sicily. To\\nthis Frederick replied, asserting that he was a good Chris-\\ntian, and that he had been laboring all his life only to\\nbring the clergy to live in the proper way and to lead an\\napostolic life in poverty and humility.\\nVictory seemed to be almost within Frederick s grasp,\\nbut Innocent IV. did not think of surrendering. In the\\nhope of retrieving his lost fortunes, the pope redoubled his\\nenergies. He appealed to France, to the cities of Italy,\\nand to the Germans, and by the greatest exertions kept the\\nwar going. He turned it into a crusade, and offered to all", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "Struggle between Papacy and Empire 167\\nwho would join in it the same indulgences and spiritual A Crusade\\nrewards as against the Saracens. In 1246 he succeeded in 1!.^^\\nhaving Count Henry Raspe of Thuringia elected king in\\nplace of Frederick. Civil war spread all over Germany.\\nThe Begging Friars supported the pope by stirring up the\\npeople against Frederick, and by collecting large sums of\\nmoney from all quarters to be used in carrying on the\\nopposition. The pope persuaded the electors to make\\nWilliam of Holland king (1247). Frederick s son, Con-\\nrad IV., who, as king of the Germans, had charge of\\naffairs in Germany, was unable to resist the progress of\\nWilliam, who was crowned at Aachen in 1248. Mis-\\nfortunes thickened around the aging emperor. Among the\\ncourtiers of Frederick a conspiracy was formed, and an\\nattempt was made to poison him. His son Enzio was\\ntaken prisoner and confined in Bologna. One by one his\\nfriends and supporters fell in battle. He himself was very\\nill, but he kept up his courage. His troops were victori-\\nous in Italy, and Rome was about to fall into his hands. Death of\\nThe struggle was far from being decided when the emperor u -^2^^\\ndied (December 13, 1250).\\nFrederick II. was of the Middle Age, and belonged at\\nthe same time to the Modern Period a man full of con-\\ntrasts, not to say contradictions. He was most modern in\\nthat he was not controlled by religious, but wholly by\\npolitical, motives. He was not bound by feudal ideas, but His\\nactually created an absolute monarchy in Sicily. His character,\\nkingdom there is regarded as the first modern state in\\nEurope. He persecuted heretics in Germany, but was\\nhimself very free in thought, tolerating all religions in his\\nkingdom of Sicily. He was not a German in character,\\nbut exhibited the fusion of the German, Italian, Greek,\\nand Saracen elements in southern Italy. He spoke Latin,\\nItalian, French, German, Greek, and Arabic. In culture", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "i68\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nConrad IV.\\n1250-54,\\nand Will-\\niam of\\nHolland.\\nand learning he surpassed all the emperors who had pre-\\nceded him, was himself a poet, and kept himself sur-\\nrounded by poets and scholars. He established the Uni-\\nversity of Naples (1224). He had zoological gardens, not\\nfor the gratification of his curiosity alone, but also for\\nscientific i)urj)oses. He belonged to the class of indepen-\\ndent thinkers of which Abelard was also a member. He\\npreferred to live in Sicily, because it possessed far more\\nculture than Germany. He understood the question at\\nissue between himself and the pope he knew that it was\\nfor the right to rule the empire independently that he was\\nfighting. In the art of diplomacy he was well-trained,\\nand by it won many victories. He died before the strug-\\ngle was ended, but he seems to have felt that it would be\\ndecided against him and his family. His last years were\\nmade heavy by many misfortunes, but he died with\\nunbroken spirit.\\nWith the death of Frederick H. the power of the Ho-\\nhenstaufen family was broken, but the fight was not given\\nup. Against William of Holland Conrad IV., son of\\nFrederick II., was unable to maintain himself in Germany,\\nand so withdrew to Sicily, which his half-brother, Man-\\nfred, had succeeded in holding for him. Conrad IV.\\noffered to make terms with the pope, but all his advances\\nwere rejected. Innocent IV. was implacable. He had\\nsworn that the hated race of the Staufen should be literally\\ndestroyed. Conrad and Manfred were, however, success-\\nful in arms, and in spite of all opposition had got control\\nof southern Italy and Sicily, when Conrad IV. died sud-\\ndenly (1254), leaving his little son, whom the Italians\\ncall Conradino, to the care of his faithful Manfred. After\\ncontinuing the struggle for four years, Manfred was com-\\npelled to accept the crown himself (1258), but he stipulated\\nthat Conradino should succeed him.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "Struggle hchvcoh Papacy and Empire 169\\nThe pope now turned to France for help. He offered\\nthe crown of Sicily to Charles of Anjou, the brother of Charles of\\nKing Louis IX. This Charles was bold, ambitious, and\\nutterly unscrupulous. In 1263 the kingdom of Sicily was\\nmade over to him, and he began his preparations to take\\npossession of it. Manfred tried to besiege Rome and to\\nkeep Charles from landing in Italy. He was misuccessful,\\nhowever, and Charles entered Rome and was crowned king,\\nJanuary 6, 1266. About a month later the decisive battle\\nwas fought near Benevento, and when Manfred saw that he\\nwas betrayed by many of his troops, who, no doubt, had\\nbeen bribed to desert to Charles during the battle, he Death of\\nrushed into the thick of the fight and was slain. 1266\\nConradino, who had spent all his life in Germany, was\\na genuine Hohenstaufen. Although a mere lad, he gal-\\nlantly responded to the call of the Ghibellines of Italy,\\nand with a small army came down from Suabia to meet\\nCharles of Anjou. After a hard-fought battle, Charles was\\nvictorious. Conradino was taken prisoner and beheaded\\nas a rebel in the public square of Naples.\\nThe long battle was over, and the victory was the pope s. The victory\\nNot only was the power of the Hohenstaufen broken, the pope.\\nfamily itself had been destroyed. There remained only\\none member of it, Enzio, the son of Frederick II., and he\\nwas a prisoner in Bologna, where he died, in 1272. The\\ngreat Staufen family was no more. With it had disap-\\npeared the empire of Karl the Great. Not that it was de-\\nstroyed, but it now underwent a radical change. The\\ngovernment of the world was no longer the peculiar prerog-\\native of the emperor, but of the pope. The pope had vin-\\ndicated his right to the temporal as well as to the spiritual\\nsupremacy, and it was now possible for him to declare with\\ntruth that he was both pope and emperor.\\nWhen Conrad IV. left Germany in 1251, William of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "I70\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nThe great\\ninterreg-\\nnum.\\nFeudal prin-\\ncipalities of\\nGermany.\\nThe eastern\\nfrontier.\\nHolland remained in full possession. The pope did all he\\ncould to obtain William s recognition throughout Germany,\\nbut for some time in vain. The cities in the Rhine valley\\nrenewed the old league (1254), and within a year there\\nwere more than sixty cities bound together for mutual pro-\\ntection. Eventually they recognized William, as did nearly\\nall of northern Germany. But becoming engaged in a\\nquarrel with the Frisians, he was killed by some Frisian\\npeasants (January, 1256). Although both Richard of\\nCornwall and Alphonso of Castile, were afterward elected\\nking, neither of them was able to establish himself as mas-\\nter of the country. Alphonso, indeed, never came to Ger-\\nmany. Richard visited the country, but never exercised\\nany authority there. The period from 1254 to 1273 is\\nknown as the great interregnum.\\nDuring this struggle of the Staufen with the papacy, two\\nthings are to be noticed the largely increased number of\\nprincipalities and the extension of the frontier on the east.\\nThrough the policy of the Hohenstaufen to diminish the\\npower of the dukes by breaking their original provinces up\\ninto many smaller political divisions and giving these as\\nfiefs to others, there had now come to be, instead of the\\nfive great stem-duchies, a large number of duchies, coun-\\nties, marches, bishoprics, and other principalities, all striv-\\ning for independence. The influence of subinfeudation\\nmay also be seen in this dissolution of the great political\\nunits.\\nA most important change had taken place in the eastern\\nboundary. Slowly the Slavs, Letts, and Magyars, who\\ncovered the whole eastern frontier, liad been conquered\\nand were being Christianized and Germanized. The east-\\nern boundary had been carried, even beyond the Vistula on\\nthe Baltic, and included the valley of the Oder from there\\nit extended in an irregular line to the Danube below Vi-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "Struggle between Papacy and Empire 171\\nenna. Germany had lost Italy forever, but had indemni-\\nfied herself in a measure by the conquest and assimilation\\nof these barbarian lands.\\nGreat progress had been made in Germany in culture\\nand wealth. Numerous cities were in existence, and they Cities,\\nwere now ready to make use of the freedom afforded them\\nby the absence of a strong ruler to establish among them-\\nselves their powerful independent leagues.\\nThe struggle between pope and emperor resulted in the Results of\\npolitical dismemberment of both Germany and Italy.\\nWhile the feudal lords of Germany had got power there,\\nthe cities of Italy were growing in independence, and the\\nFrench had got a good foothold in the southern part of\\nthe peninsula. The unhappy country seemed farther than\\never from unity.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Henry IV. and Gregory VII. Milman, History of Latin Christianity.\\nBk. VII., Chaps. I. -III., and Bk. VIII., Chap. I., Armstrong.\\nEmerton, Mediieval Europe, $i.6o, Ginn. Thatcher and Schwill,\\nEurope in the Middle Age. $2.00. Scribner. Vincent, Age 0/ Hilde-\\nbrand. $2.00. Scribner.\\n2. Bernard of Clairvaux. Milman, Bk. VIII., Chaps. IV. -VI. Biogra-\\nphies of Bernard, by Storrs, Morison, Neander, Eales, and Ratisbonne.\\n3. Frederick Barbarossa. Henderson, History 0/ Ccriiiany in the jSIiddle\\nAges, pp. 246-go. $2.60. Macmillan. Balzani, Chaps. II. -VIII.\\nTesta, Wars of Frederick I. Against the Cotmnunes of Lombardy. 15s.\\nSmith, Elder Co.\\n4. Abelard. Compayre, AbHard, and the Origin of Universities. $1.00.\\nScribner.\\n5. Arnold of Brescia. Milman, Bk. X., Chaps. VI. -VII.\\n6. Innocent III. Milman, Bk. IX., Chaps. I.-X.\\n7. Frederick II. Milman, Bk. X., Chaps. III.-V.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XI\\nMONASTICISM\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See Church Histories in General Literature.\\nHarnack, Moiiasticis\u00c2\u00bbi Its Ideals a id ih Hisimy. $0.50. Scribner.\\nJessopp, Coining of the Friars. $1.25. Putnam.\\n.S7. BciicdicVs Rule, translated in Henderson, Documents, pp. 274-313.\\nPenn. Univ. Translations, Vol. H., iii.-iv. and vii.\\nKingsley, Hermits.\\nEckenstein, Woma i under Monasticisvt. $4.00. Macmillan.\\nLea, History of Sacerdotal Celibacy. $4.50. Lea.\\nTaunton, Englisli Black Monks of St. Benedict from the Time of St.\\nAugustine to the Present. $7.50.\\nMontalembert, Monks of the West. 6 vols. $15.00. Longmans.\\nThe philo- The philosophic basis of asceticism is the behef that\\nsophic basis n-iattgr is the seat of evil, and therefore that all contact\\nof asceti-\\ncism, with it is contaminating. This conception of evil is\\nneither Christian nor Jewish, but purely heathen. Jesus\\nfreely used the good things of this world, and taught that\\nsin is in nothing external to man, but has its seat only in\\nthe heart. But his teaching was not understood by his\\nfollowers. This belief that matter is evil had its origin in\\nthe teachings of certain heathen philosophers. It not only\\npervaded all philosophic thought, but in the second cen-\\ntury of our era had even become the common creed of the\\nmasses. It had so firm a hold on them that Christianity\\nwas not able to dislodge it from their minds. The people\\nalready attached a religious value to ascetic practices and\\nin their excess of religious zeal, when they became Chris-\\ntian, they were naturally inclined to increase their ascetic\\nobservances. The peculiar form which this asceticism in\\nthe Church took is called monasticism.\\n172", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "Monasticism 173\\nThe decay of the empire, which set in strongly in the Conditions\\nsecond century, and the violence consequent upon the in- ^^05^*\\nvasions of the barbarians, robbed many persons of interest duction of\\nin life. The world seemed to be growing old, and the fjft^the^\\nend of all things approaching. The best men were filled Church.\\nwith despair, and longed to hide themselves away from\\nthe increasing confusion and desolation. After about\\n175 A.D. the Church rapidly grew worldly. As Christi-\\nanity became popular, large numbers entered the Church\\nand became Christian in name but at heart and in life\\nthey remained heathen. The bishops were often proud\\nand haughty and lived in a grand style. Those who were\\nreally in earnest about their salvation, unsatisfied with such\\nworldliness, fled from the contamination in the Church,\\nand went to live in the desert, and find the way to God\\nwithout the aid of the Church her means of grace were\\nfor the common Christians. Those who would, could ob-\\ntain, by means of asceticism and prayer, all that others re-\\nceived by means of the sacraments of the Church. There\\nwere to be two ways of salvation one, through the Church Two ways\\nand her means of grace the other, through asceticism salvation,\\nand contemplation.\\nThe beginnings of monasticism are lost in obscurity.\\nThey fall very probably in the third century. The earliest\\nmonks were hermits. They lived alone, finding all the Hermits.\\nshelter they needed in a hut, or in a cave, or in the shad-\\now of some rock or tree. The movement beginning in\\nthose countries where the conditions were favorable to\\nsuch an outdoor life, spread rapidly throughout the east.\\nIn order to protect themselves against impostors and other\\ndangers, the hermits began to build their little huts close\\ntogether, and probably surrounded them by a wall for pro- Semi-social\\ntection. They had a common chapel, and on certain days org^-^ za-\\nworshipped together and ate of a common meal. Though", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "174\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nThree\\nvows.\\nMonasti-\\ncism in the\\nGreek\\nChurch.\\nthey had icw rules, they elected a sort of superior who had\\nthe oversight of the whole colony. Gradually they came\\nto live in houses, in which each monk, having his own\\nroom or cell, maintained a certain amount of independence.\\nIn this way the ascetic life was organized on a semi-social\\nbasis. By going into the desert, the hermit, of course,\\nhad given up his possessions and his family, and it soon\\ncame to be regarded as a matter of course that he had\\ntaken the vows of poverty and chastity. When they be-\\ngan to live under one roof another vow was necessary\\nthat of obedience or subjection to the rules and interests\\nof the house.\\nMore and more this loosely organized cenobitic life be-\\ncame the common form, retaining, although the monks\\nnow lived together, the name of monasticism. It is this\\nform of monasticism that has prevailed in the Greek\\nChurch, although hermits still exist there and are regarded\\nas leading a more holy form of life. The monks of the\\nGreek Church have really lived for the most part separated\\nfrom the world. Occasionally they have made themselves\\nfelt at the court, and they have played a part in the great\\nsynods held during the fourth to the eighth centuries.\\nSince that time monasticism in the Greek Church has had\\nno history, because it has had no life. The monasticism\\nof the Greek Church has helped preserve the dead forms in\\nthe Church, but has prevented any change except in the\\ndirection of enriching the ceremonies and forms of worship.\\nMonks were first seen in the west about 340, when Atha-\\nnasius brought two of them with him to Rome. They ex-\\ncited among the Romans feelings of mingled curiosity and\\ndisgust. But when Augustine and Jerome gave the influ-\\nence of their pens and their example in favor of monasti-\\ncism, it spread rapidly throughout Europe. The movement\\nbecame immensely popular, and within a century and a", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "Monasticism 175\\nhalf there were hundreds of monasteries in the west, and Monasti-\\nthousands of monks in them. It seemed for a time that rilH^tcTthe\\nthis monasticism in the west would be of the same charac- west.\\nter as that in the east, and therefore would have no history\\nand play no part in the work of the Church. But the\\nspirit of the west took hold of it, organized it, and made\\nit one of the most effective tools in the hands of the pope\\nand emperor to Christianize and civilize the barbarians\\nand extend the Church and the state. The Roman spirit\\nof organization, of conquest and activity, would not allow\\nthe original monkish ideal to prevail. The monks had,\\nindeed, fled from the world, but they were to be used to\\nconquer and to rule it.\\nAt first each monastery made its own rules of discipline\\neach monk was allowed to do about as he pleased. There\\nwere several attempts made to harmonize these rules into\\none common code. Of these attempts only that of Bene-\\ndict of Nursia (480-543) was destined to succeed. Bene- Benedict of\\ndiet, after spending several years as a monk in various ^_^^^\\nplaces went to Monte Casino, near Naples (528), and\\ntaking with him several of the monks who had been asso-\\nciated with him elsewhere, he founded the famous mon-\\nastery of Monte Casino, for which he prepared his Rule.\\nHe organized the monks into a close corporation, forbidding\\nany of them to leave the monastery without the consent of\\nthe abbot. A clear line was sharply drawn between them\\nand the world. The occupations of the monks were fixed\\nby him for every hour of the day and night. Periods of\\nprayer and contemplation were to alternate with seasons of\\nwork. Strict discipline was to be enforced, and all monks\\nmust take the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience.\\nCircumstances favoring the spread of Benedict s rule, it\\nHenderson, Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, p. 274 ff.,\\ncontains a translation of this rule.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "176\\nThe Mediceval Period\\nCassiodorus\\nand learn-\\ning in the\\nmonas-\\nteries.\\nwas gradually adopted by other monasteries. Gregory\\nthe Great (590-604) established it in many places in Italy,\\nSicily and England. In the seventh century it was much\\nmore widely used, and in the eighth, under Boniface, it\\nwas made the only form of monasticism in Gaul and Ger-\\nmany. In the next century, Benedict of Aniane helped\\ngive it a severer character. It became the orthodox rule\\nof monasticism, and at one time governed more than forty\\nthousand monastic establishments. Benedict s intention\\nwas not to make his monks either scholars or missionaries.\\nThe bishops of Rome, however, used them in missionary\\nwork, and that soon came to be regarded as one of the\\npeculiar purposes of their existence. It was principally\\nthrough them that Christianity spread among the barba-\\nrians. Cassiodorus, the prime minister of Theodoric the\\nGreat, remained in public life till about 540, when he re-\\ntired to a monastery which he had founded in Calabria,\\nThere he gave himself to literary pursuits, and likewise re-\\nquired his monks to spend a certain portion of time every\\nday in study. This example was imitated in other mon-\\nasteries, and since it soon became apparent that a good\\ndeal of learning was necessary to manage the monastery s\\naffairs, some of the monks in each monastery became\\nscholars. In this way learning found a home in monasteries.\\nThe rule of St. Benedict, requiring that every monk\\nshould work, and the impulse toward learning which Cas-\\nsiodorus gave the order, prevented the monks of the west\\nfrom becoming ignorant and useless, as were monks of the\\neast. They were not permitted to withdraw from the world\\nentirely, but were made u.seful members of society. The\\nmonks were excellent tools in the hands of the popes, for\\nwhose purpose of conquering the world no better man\\ncould be found than one who despised the world and had\\nturned his back upon it. The papacy also drew them away", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "Monasticism 177\\nfrom their original ideal and gave them a still greater field\\nof activity.\\nThe monks were not necessarily clergymen. At first they\\nwere all laymen, but later it came to be the custom for\\nthem to receive ordination. The monastic life was re-\\ngarded as the ideal Christian life. So prevalent was this\\nidea that wherever possible the clergy of a diocese were Monks, reg-\\ngathered together and compelled to live in a common house J ^y-\\nOb 1 and secular\\naccording to a common rule. From this fact all such came clergy,\\nto be called the regular clergy, while those of the out-\\nlying districts and villages who did not live in this way\\nwere called the secular clergy.\\nIn the tenth century monasticism was in a Avretched state\\nof decline. The rule of St. Benedict was so little regarded\\nand the life in the monasteries had so degenerated, that it\\nseemed as if monasticism must die out. Its first great re-\\nform began in the monastery of Cluny, which was founded\\n(910) in the hills a few miles west of Macon. Under the Cluny.\\nheadship of a series of most capable and earnest abbots,\\nCluny achieved a wide reputation for piety. With its\\ngrowing fame the number of its monks increased until it\\nwas possible to send out colonies of monks to establish new\\nmonasteries. As the spirit of reform awoke elsewhere,\\nmonks from Cluny were asked to visit other monasteries\\nand introduce the new rule, discipline, and ideas. In this\\nway the Cluniac rule became common in Europe during\\nthe tenth and eleventh centuries. All the monasteries\\nwhich used it were bound together by it, and were called a\\ncongregation. The abbot of Cluny was at the head of\\nthis congregation, and, therefore, possessed immense power.\\nThe objects which this reform had in view were those The Cluniac\\nwhich were taken up by Gregory VII. and by him made the Programme,\\nprogramme of the papacy. The monastic rule must be\\nmade more rigorous and be more vigorously enforced. The", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "178\\nTJic Mediaeval Period\\nFormation\\nof orders.\\nSt. Francis,\\nsecular clergy must be made to live after this monkish rule,\\nand the spiritual aristocracy thus formed by the monks and\\nclergy should have complete authority over the laity in all\\nreligious matters. Gregory VII., indeed, went a step\\nfarther to the spiritual authority over the whole world\\nhe added also the political authority.\\nIn the eleventh century, however, there was so great a\\ndeepening of the monastic spirit that even the rule of Cluny\\nseemed to some to be too lax. This led to the formation\\nof several orders, such as the Carthusians (1084), the Cis-\\ntercians (1098), the Premonstrants (1120), the Carmelites\\n(1156), and others which, for the most part, achieved only\\na local reputation. The tendency to form separate orders,\\nand the number of those who applied to the pope for per-\\nmission to establish new ones increased and though Inno-\\ncent III. finally refused to listen to any more appeals, and\\nforbade the establishment of any more orders, the prohibi-\\ntion was immediately disregarded.\\nSt. Francis of Assisi, the founder of the order which\\nbears his name (Franciscans, /raZ/ry minores, friars, Minor-\\nites), was filled with the idea of the imitation of Christ\\nand His apostles in their preaching, poverty, and service\\nto others. The Franciscan brother should spend his\\nlife on the highway, stopping to preach and minister unto\\nothers whenever occasion offered he should work for his\\nbread, if work could be found; if not, he might beg; he\\nshould never receive money under any circumstances, nor\\nmore food than was sufficient for his wants for the day he\\nmust never lay up any store in this world; he must care for\\nthe sick, visit those who were in prison, cheer the down-\\ncast, recover the lost, and be to the world a Christ. The\\nlife of Jesus was to be his model in all things. During the\\nperiod from 1209 to 1226 the order of St. Francis was\\nthoroughly established and his rule developed and confirmed", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "Monasticism 179\\nby the pope. The order, however, soon underwent a The rule of\\nchange which deeply offended St. Francis it began to gyaje/\\namass property and build houses.\\nSt. Dominic, a Spaniard (1170-1221), estabhshed the St. Dominic,\\norder of Preaching Brothers {Ffatres Fnsdicafores, 12 15)\\nto resist the spread of heresy in the Church. They were\\nto be trained in all the learning of the day and made equal\\nto the task of instructing the people in the doctrines of the\\nChurch. In 1220 St. Dominic introduced the rule of pov-\\nerty into the order, thus modelling it after the order of St.\\nFrancis. The two orders had much the same development,\\nbecoming large, rich, and powerful. St. Francis had not\\nintended that his brothers should devote themselves to\\nlearning, but they took it up in imitation of the Domini-\\ncans, and the two orders furnished all the great scholars of\\nthe later Middle Age.\\nThe dark side of monasticism has been often painted. Faults of\\nThere were many periods of decadence in its history. The *sti-\\npiety of the monks brought them popularity and wealth\\nwealth brought them to leisure, idleness, and profligacy.\\nThe principles of monasticism were opposed to the dignity\\nof the family, and to the proper position of woman in so-\\nciety. The best human talent was frequently drawn into\\nthe monastery and, hence, lost to the state.\\nMuch more, indeed, might be said against the institu-\\ntion, but the good which it did far outweighs the evil.\\nMonasticism furnished the missionaries who Christianized The benefits\\nand civilized western and northern Europe. Everv mon- of ^ons-sti-\\nastery became a centre of life and learning, and hence a\\nlight to the surrounding country. They cleared the lands\\nand brought them under cultivation. They were the farm-\\ners and taught by their example the dignity of labor in an\\nage when the soldier was the world s hero. They preserved\\nand transmitted much of the civilization of Rome to the\\ncism.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "i8o\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nMilitary-\\nmonkish\\nOrders.\\nThe\\nKnights of\\nSt. John.\\nKnights\\nTemplars.\\nbarbarians. They were the teachers of the west. Litera-\\nture and learning found a refuge with them in times of vio-\\nlence. Their monasteries were the hotels of the Middle\\nAge, and they cared for the poor and the sick. They were\\nthe greatest builders of their time, many of the great\\nchurches of Europe being their work. Monasticism was\\ntherefore an excellent thing for the world in those days.\\nBut the times changed. In the fifteenth and sixteenth cen-\\nturies it no longer had a great mission. Other forces and\\ninstitutions were then at hand to carry on the work which\\nit had begun. The proof of this is that in the fifteenth\\ncentury it was dying out. The monasteries were no longer\\nfull, and it was impossible to keep their numbers complete.\\nThe old monasticism was powerless it was no longer adapt-\\ned to the character and needs of society.\\nThe Middle Age had two distinct ideals, the soldier and\\nthe monk. Contradictory as they may seem, it is not\\nstrange that they fused and produced military-monkish\\norders, which arose under the peculiar circumstances which\\nprevailed in Palestine during the crusades. The Knights\\nof St. John were organized (1099) for the care of the\\nsick among the pilgrims and crusaders. It was not long,\\nhowever, until the military element was added, because be-\\ning surrounded and constantly threatened by Saracens they\\nhad to defend themselves. In 11 19 the Knights Templars\\nwere established in imitation of the Knights of St. John.\\nBoth orders were composed of men who took all the vows\\nof monks, but spent their time fighting. Because of their\\nconnection with the Holy Land, the two orders became\\nvery popular throughout the west and received immense\\ngifts.\\nIn 1 190, during the siege of Ptolemais, a hospital was\\nestablished for Germans, the members of which were soon\\nafterward organized into a military-monkish order in imi-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "Monasticism\\ni8i\\ntation of the two spoken of above. They were called Ger- The Ger-\\nman Knights. They tried hard to get a foothold in the\\neast, but the other orders were so much older and had been Baltic\\nso much longer in the field that it was impossible. In\\n1226 they were invited to come to Prussia (the territory\\neast of the lower Vistula) to fight against the heathen\\nPrussians. In 1202 Albert, bishop of Riga, had established\\na similar order known as the Sword Brothers, and had\\nmade use of them in conquering and Christianizing the\\nheathen of Livonia and Esthonia. In 1237 these two or-\\nders were united, and to this union it was due that so large\\na territory east of the Vistula was Germanized and Chris-\\ntianized, and added finally to Germany.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nSt. Benedict. Milman, Bk. III., Chap. VI.\\nSchaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. III., pp. 214 fT. $4.00.\\nScribner. His /f in Henderson.\\nSt. Francis of Assisi. Sabatier, Life of Si. Francis. $2.50. Scribner.\\nVix 0\\\\\\\\^\\\\i^nX, St. Francis of Assisi. $1.75. Macmillan. Jessopp.\\nSt. Dominic. Milman, Bk. IX., Chap. IX. Drane, History of St. Dom-\\ninic, 3s. Burns and Oates (Roman Catholic). Jlessopp.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII\\nMOHAMMED, MOHAMMEDANISM AND THE\\nCRUSADES\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See General Literature.\\nMomhert, Slio7t /listory of the CrusaiLs. $1.50. Appleton.\\nArcher and KingsioTd, The Crusades. $1.50. Putnam.\\nGray, The ChiUreii s Crusade. $1.50. Houghton.\\nThatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, pp. 336-434. $2.00.\\nScribner.\\nGilman, Saracens. $1.50. Putnam.\\nPears, Fall 0/ Constantinople. $1.60. Longmans.\\nArcher, Crusade 0/ Richard I. $1.00. Putnam.\\nConder, Latin Kingdom 0/ Jerusalem. $2.00. New Amsterdam Book Co.\\nCarlyle, Heivcs and Hero Worship. $0.40. Lecture H. is an appre-\\nciative study of Mohammed. Scribner.\\nChronicles 0/ the Crusades. $1.50. Macmillan.\\nPenn. Univ. Translations. Vols. I. and III. contain material relat-\\ning to the crusades.\\nPolitical Before the time of Mohammed the Arabs had no cen-\\nA\u00c2\u00b0 Kj^i\u00c2\u00b0 government. They were separated into independent\\ntribes. In the tribe there was a kind of patriarchal gov-\\nernment, but no recognized officials entrusted with the\\nenforcement of the laws and the execution of justice.\\nEven in the towns there was no real government. Every-\\none maintained the right of jjrivate vengeance. Each fam-\\nily, defending itself and its interests, was bound to avenge\\nany injury done to its members; consequently there were\\nconstant feuds among them. Until united by Mohammed,\\nthe Arabs can hardly be said to have had a political ex-\\nistence.\\nThe religion of the Arabs was a crass idolatry. They\\nworshipped the heavenly bodies, as well as a large number\\nof spirits known as genii, ogres, and demons, all of which\\n182\\nArabia.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 183\\nplay a prominent part in their literature. They observed a\\nholy month, in which all warfare was suspended and no\\none dared do even his worst enemy an injury. Markets\\nwere held during this season at the holy places, and under\\nthis double security commerce flourished. About the mid-\\ndle of the fifth century of our era the city of Mecca was Mecca,\\nfounded at a place where from time immemorial there had\\nbeen a temple, known as the Kaaba. The tribe known as\\nthe Koreischites had got possession of the temple, and by\\ncollecting there all the religious rites of Arabia, made of\\nMecca its religious and commercial capital. Christianity,\\nalthough of a poor type, was known in Arabia Judaism\\nalso was represented there by many Jewish colonies, espe-\\ncially along the western coast.\\nOf Mohammed s early life very little is known. He was Mohammed,\\nborn in Mecca about 5 70. The death of his father, mother, 57o-o32.\\nand grandfather left him to the care of his uncle. His fam-\\nily was poor, however, and Mohammed was compelled to\\nperform the most menial labor. When about twenty-five\\nyears old he entered the service of a rich widow, whom he\\nserved so faithfully as to win her hand and heart. His\\nmarriage with her raised him from his humble position of\\npoverty to one of influence. When about forty years old\\nMohammed began to preach against polytheism and idol-\\natry. The burden of all his messages to his people was\\nthat there was one God, who required of his followers cer-\\ntain religious and humane duties, and who would in the\\nnext world reward or punish all men in accordance with\\ntheir conduct in this. The Meccans generally did not take\\nhim seriously at first, but in the course of a kw years he\\nhad gathered about him a goodly number of people who\\nbelieved in him and his divine calling. His wife and\\nchildren, his slaves, a few of his relatives, and several poor His first\\nand humble people, especially slaves, accepted him as a converts.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "1 84 The Mcdiccval Period\\nprophet and attached themselves to him. During the first\\nfive years of his preaching he had also won over the four\\nmen who were to succeed him as khalifs, Abu Bekr, Omar,\\nOthman, and Ali. As his following grew in numbers the\\nMeccans began to oppose him bitterly, because he was at-\\ntacking their idols and might thereby injure the reputation\\nof the city, and also because he was establishing a society\\non a new basis. The union between him and his followers\\nwas not based on blood relationship, but on a common\\nreligious belief, which seemed to the Meccans dangerous\\nand revolutionary. Their opposition soon developed into\\npersecution.\\nMohammed then sent some of his followers into Abys-\\nsinia, where he hoped they would be free from all oppres-\\nsion. As the hostility of the Meccans toward him became\\ngreater, however, he saw that he also must eventually leave\\nthe city. He accordingly tried to make an alliance with\\nsome tribe to whom he might retire when he withdrew from\\nMecca. After meeting with several refusals, he fell in with\\nsome men from Jathrib, or, as it came to be called later,\\nMedina, who were inclined to believe in his prophetic char-\\nacter. The Arabs of Medina lived among Jews, from whom\\nthey had learned of many of the ideas which Mohammed\\nAlliance was proclaiming. After Mohammed had labored two years\\nIf^ ^j. with them, the people of Medina made an alliance with\\nMedina.\\nhim, accepting his religion and agreeing to protect him.\\nMohammed then sent as many of his followers to Medina\\nas could free themselves from their entanglements in Mecca,\\nand he himself, with Abu Bekr, soon followed. This flight\\nThe Hegira, of Mohammed, called the Hegira, took place in the year\\n622, and became the basis for the Mohammedan system of\\nreckoning time.\\nDuring the first year after the flight Mohammed tried\\nhard to win the Jews of Medina and the surrounding coun-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "Mohannnedanisni and the Crusades 185\\ntry, believing that since they were monotheists there could\\nbe but little difference between them and himself. Under\\nJewish influence he developed certain religious ceremonies,\\nsuch as fasting and prayer. All the references in the Koran\\nto the Jews during this period are friendly but before the\\nfirst year was passed, Mohammed discovered that the Jews\\ncould not be persuaded to accept him. This led him to Mohammed\\nturn from them and exert himself in the conversion of the xu f from\\nthe Jews to\\nArabs. Up to this time Jerusalem had been regarded by the Arabs,\\nhim as the Holy City, toward which during prayer he and\\nhis followers had turned their faces. Now he determined\\nto win the Arabs. His first step was to make Mecca which,\\nalthough the great national centre of the Arabs, had played\\nan unimportant role in his belief, the Holy City of his re-\\nligion. Mecca and the Kaaba replaced Jerusalem and the\\ntemple. To justify this change Mohammed made use of\\nthe tradition of Abraham and Ishmael, connecting them\\nwith the building of the Kaaba and making Abraham the\\nfather of the Arabs. Abraham had been made to do duty\\nby both Jews and Christians, both having laid claim to\\nhim Mohammed now declared that Abraham had been\\nneither Jew nor Christian, but Mohammedan.\\nBut Mecca was not in the hands of Mohammed, and the\\nMeccans were hostile to him. For the purpose of revenge. The desire\\nas well as of getting possession of the Kaaba, Mohammed be- g^\\ngan to instil into the minds of his followers the idea that Mohammed\\nwar against those who had done violence to the faithful was arms^\u00c2\u00b0\\njustifiable. In a .short time, in order to precipitate a war,\\nhe sent out some of his men to attack and rob a caravan of\\nthe Meccans. Inflamed by the hope of booty, the people\\nof Medina now joined him in an attempt to capture another\\ncaravan on its way to Mecca but its leader outwitted them.\\nA thousand men had come out from Mecca to defend the\\ncaravan and to avenge themselves for the previous loss", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "1 86\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nThe change\\nwrought in\\nhim by\\nmilitary\\nsuccess.\\nMohammed\\nnot an\\nimpostor.\\nAt first a\\nreformer, he\\nbecomes a\\npolitician.\\nwhich they had sustained. Mohammed, with only three\\nhundred men, met the thousand Meccans at Badr, and after\\nkilHng about seventy of them, put the rest to flight. Much\\nbooty was taken, which Mohammed judiciously distributed\\namong those who had fought for him. This military suc-\\ncess of Mohammed quite turned him from the propagation\\nof his faith in a peaceable way to the use of the sword. It\\nsoon became his settled policy to compel the Arabians to\\naccept him and his religion. During the rest of his life he\\nsuffered but few reverses before his death all Arabia ac-\\nknowledged him, and his followers were prepared to carry\\nhis faith by force into all lands.\\nMohammed s life may be divided into two periods. Dur-\\ning the first one he was a preacher of righteousness, a re-\\nformer. Those parts of the Koran delivered during this\\nperiod are religious and poetical. He felt religious truth so\\ndirectly that he believed that God was speaking to him. It\\nis difficult to believe that during this period Mohammed was\\nan impostor, or that he consciously used fraud. But after\\nthe flight he was moved by considerations that were not\\nwholly religious. It was his desire for revenge that led him\\nto attack Mecca. He felt that he was establishing a new\\nreligion and a new state. As his interests became political,\\nhe lost sight of the purer objects of his religion, resorting to\\nmeans which seem to us very questionable, though he prob-\\nably thought that the purpose he had in view justified him\\nin all he did. During the last years of his life he was lack-\\ning in inspiration. His style became dull and prolix, for\\nthe later chapters of the Koran are by no means equal to\\nthe earlier ones.\\nWhile Mohammed had many of the faults of his age, he\\nwas in many respects also far ahead of it. He practised and\\npermitted polygamy, and may seem to have degraded\\nwoman. But when it is remembered that polygamy was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 187\\npractised among his people long before his time, and that\\nin other ways he did much to raise woman to a higher\\nplane, we must judge him leniently. A proper estimate of\\nhis character can be formed only after a careful study of\\nhis times and a knowledge of him in all the relations of his\\nlife. Many of his most serious faults were due either to\\nhis conception of the prophetic office, or to the character\\nof his times or people. His character was full of contrasts. His\\nNoeldeke compares him in this respect with King David, character,\\nin whom vindictiveness, cruelty, and deceit were joined\\nwith the most noble qualities. Mohammed was simple and\\nmodest and free from luxury in food, dress, and surround-\\nings. Even in the days of his greatest success he lived in\\nthe plainest fashion, mending his own clothes, and attend-\\ning to his own wants. He needed no slaves, and conse-\\nquently liberated most of the captives who fell to him in\\nthe distribution of spoil. Mild, gentle, forgiving, and con-\\nciliatory, he was never a tyrant to his people. He asso-\\nciated freely with men of every rank. He was true in all\\nhis friendships and deeply grateful for any kindness shown\\nhim. In common with his age, he was superstitious and\\nbelieved in the influence of good and evil spirits, and in\\nthe importance of dreams and all kinds of omens.\\nMohammed made the Arabs into a nation and brought His quick-\\nthem into history. His influence on them intellectually ^S in^n-\\nence on the\\nmay be seen from the fact that for nearly three hundred Arabs.\\nyears the Arabs led the world in civilization. The good\\nparts of his work were later destroyed by the ignorant and\\nfanatical peoples from central Asia, who came down and\\nacquired the political power over the Mohammedan world.\\nUnder their influence all the evils of Mohammed s religion\\nwere developed and its good destroyed. Mohammed him- Modern Mo-\\nself is not responsible for the Mohammedanism of to-day fgnTis Turk-\\nit is the creation of the Turkish peoples who adopted his ish.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "i88\\nThe Medicuval Period\\nDivisions\\nin the Mo-\\nhammedan\\nworld.\\nThe Turks\\nbecome the\\nruling pow-\\ner.\\nreligion and have ruled it for nearly eight hundred years.\\nTurkish Mohammedanism is a very different thing from\\nthe early Arabic Mohammedanism.\\nMohammed was a religious genius. It may be objected\\nthat he produced nothing new and that he was indebted\\nto the Jews and Christians for nearly all his ideas. While\\nthat is true, he nevertheless felt, as no one else had for sev-\\neral centuries, the power of these ideas. He saw and felt\\na great religious truth in a direct way. His originality\\nconsisted not so much in new knowledge as in the vigor,\\ndirectness, and certainty of his religious perceptions.\\nOthers might have learned the same things from the Jews\\nand Christians, but Mohammed alone felt their truth and\\nbreathed into them a new religious power.\\nMohammed died in 632, and in turn four of his earliest\\nconverts, Abu Bekr (632-34), Omar (634-44), Othman\\n(644-55), d (655-61), were elected khalif. Before\\nthe death of Ali, Syria, Persia, the Euphrates valley, and\\nall the territory as far as the Oxus river and the confines\\nof India and Egypt, with a part of north Africa, were con-\\nquered and converted to the faith of Mohammed. But\\ndissensions arose, and Othman and Ali were both mur-\\ndered. A relative of Othman made himself khalif and es-\\ntablished himself in Damascus (661) instead of Medina.\\nHe and his family, known as the Ommeiades, ruled in Da-\\nmascus till, in 750, the Abbassides, the descendants of an\\nuncle of Mohammed, usurped the khalifate and removed\\nits seat to Bagdad. This change of capital was a mistake,\\nbecause from that city it was impossible to rule the whole\\nMohammedan world. Egypt and Spain revolted and set\\nup rival khalifs. In the eleventh century the Seldjuk\\nTurks came down from central Asia and made themselves\\nmaster of all the Mohammedan parts of Asia. In 1058\\ntheir leader, Togrul Beg, went to Bagdad, received all the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 189\\ntemporal authority of the khahf, and became sultan of the\\nMohammedan world. The khalif became merely a relig-\\nious officer the political authority rested in the hands of\\nTogrul Beg and his successors. The changed khalifate\\ncontinued till 1258, when the son of the great conqueror^\\nGhengis Khan, put to death the last khalifat Bagdad.\\nIn 750, when the Ommeiad dynasty was destroyed, one The khali-\\n13.^6 01\\nmember of the family escaped and made his way to Spain, soain\\nwhere, received with honor, he was recognized as the lord\\nof the country. With the name of emir or sultan, he and\\nhis descendants ruled in Spain till 929, when they assumed\\nthe title of khalif. Under this family the Mohammedan\\npower in Spain was well united and enjoyed a season of\\ngreat prosperity. In 1031, however, a revolution put an\\nend to the khalifate, breaking it into a large number of\\nsmall principalities, and the Christians, pressing in on all\\nsides, reconquered some of their territory.\\nAfter the fall of the Ommeiades Africa suffered a long Africa.\\nperiod of violence and discord but in the tenth century a\\npretended descendant of Fatima, a daughter of Mohammed,\\ngot possession of it. His descendants founded Cairo (969)\\nand made it the seat of their government. They controlled The khali-\\nnearly all the islands of the western Mediterranean and Cairo.\\nheld several posts in Italy and France. By constant wars,\\nhowever, their power was broken, and in 1171 Saladin,\\nthe ruler of Avestern Asia, conquered Egypt and made an\\nend of the khalifate of Cairo.\\nDuring the five centuries following Mohammed s death\\nthere was produced among his followers a civilization far The Arabic\\nin advance of anything in Europe. The basis for it all\\nthey received from Persia and Greece, but they added\\nmuch to the stock thus obtained. In the administration of\\nthe government the Mohammedans had an excellent sys-\\ntem, which was pretty thoroughly unified. Their system", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "190\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nLearning.\\nMathemat-\\nics.\\nof taxation was good. They restored the old Roman roads\\nand built new ones, thus binding all parts of the empire to-\\ngether, and they constructed canals and aqueducts. A\\npostal system was in operation among them. They devel-\\noped a style of architecture, which was characterized by\\nthe round and horseshoe arch, the dome, the tall and\\ngraceful minaret, and the richness of its interior oramenta-\\ntion. In everything connected with their buildings they\\nshowed the most exquisite taste and appreciation of beauty,\\nand their architectural remains are still the wonder and\\nenvy of the world.\\nThey established universities, which excelled all those of\\nEurope for several centuries. The mosques were generally\\nthe seats of universities or learned societies, and were the\\nplaces where all sorts of questions were freely discussed.\\nAmong the famous universities were those of Bagdad, Cairo,\\nand Cordova. The university of Cairo, which still exists\\nin the mosque El Azhar, had as many as twelve thousand\\nstudents. Libraries were formed, some of which are said\\nto have contained several hundred thousand volumes. The\\nuniversities, especially in Spain, were visited by Christian\\nstudents, who thus acquired the Mohammedan learning and\\nculture and carried them into Christian Europe. Philoso-\\nphy, theology, law, rhetoric, and philology were studied\\nwith great zest. Dictionaries were compiled, and com-\\nmentaries on the Koran written. The Mohammedans\\nknew the works of Aristotle, and based their philosophical\\nsystems upon his principles of philosophy. Several works\\nby them on travel and history and some biographies are\\nhanded down to us.\\nIn mathematics they built on the foundations of the\\nGreek mathematicians. The origin of the so-called Arabic\\nnumerals is obscure. Under Theodoric the Great, Boe-\\nthius made use of certain signs which were in part very", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 191\\nlike the nine digits which we now use. One of the pupils\\nof Gerbert also used signs which were still more like ours,\\nbut the zero was unknown till in the twelfth century,\\nwhen it was invented by the Arab mathematician named\\nMohammed-Ibn-Mousa, who also was the first to use the\\ndecimal notation, and who gave the digits the value of po-\\nsition. In geometry the Arabs did not add much to Eu-\\nclid, but algebra is practically their creation also they\\ndeveloped spherical trigonometry, inventing the sine,\\ntangent, and cotangent. In physics they invented the pen-\\ndulum, and produced works on optics. They made prog-\\nress in the science of astronomy. They built several\\nobservatories and constructed many astronomical instru-\\nments which are still in use. They calculated the angle of\\nthe ecliptic and the precession of the equinoxes. Their\\nknowledge of astronomy was undoubtedly profound.\\nIn medicine they made great advances over the work of Medicine\\nthe Greeks. They studied physiology and hygiene, and ^v\\ntheir maferia med/ca was practically the same as ours\\nto-day. Many of their methods of treatment are still in\\nuse among us. Their surgeons understood the use of an-\\nresthetics and performed some of the most difficult opera-\\ntions known. At the time when in Europe the practice of\\nmedicine was forbidden by the Church, which expected\\ncures to be effected by religious rites performed by the\\nclergy, the Arabs had a real science of medicine. In\\nchemistry they made a good beginning. They discovered\\nmany new substances and compounds, such as alcohol, po-\\ntassium, nitrate of silver, corrosive sublimate, and nitric\\nand sulphuric acid.\\nIn literature, also, the Arabs labored, producing many Literature,\\nworks of imagination. They had a special fondness for ^g\\npoetry. In manufactures they outdid the world in variety Farming,\\nand beauty of design and perfection of workmanship.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "192\\nThe Mcdicrval Period\\nCommerce.\\nArabic civ-\\nilization de-\\nstroyed by\\nthe Turks.\\nThey worked in all the metals gold, silver, copper,\\nbronze, iron, and steel. In textile fabrics they have never\\nbeen surpassed. They made glass and pottery of the finest\\nquality. They knew the secrets of dyeing and they manu-\\nfactured paper. They had many processes of dressing\\nleather, and their work was famous throughout Europe.\\nThey made tinctures, essences, and syrui)s. They made\\nsugar from the cane and grew many fine kinds of wine.\\nThey practised farming in a scientific way and had good\\nsystems of irrigation. They knew the value of fertilizers,\\nand adapted their crops to the quality of the ground.\\nThey excelled in horticulture, knowing how to graft, and\\nhow to produce new varieties of fruits and flowers. They\\nintroduced into the west many trees and plants from the\\neast, and wrote scientific treatises on farming.\\nTheir commerce attained great proportions. Their cara-\\nvans traversed the empire from one end to the other, and\\ntheir sails covered the seas. They held at many places\\ngreat fairs and markets, some of which were visited by\\nmerchants from all parts of Europe and Asia. Their mer-\\nchants had connections with China, India, and the East\\nIndies, with the interior of Africa and with Russia, and\\nwith all the countries lying around the Baltic.\\nMuch of the Mohammedan civilization was destined to\\nbe introduced into Europe, especially by means of the cru-\\nsades. In its own home, however, it suffered almost com-\\nplete annihilation by the coming of the ignorant and fanat-\\nical Turks, who showed, indeed, that they could prey upon\\nit, but could not assimilate and improve it whose fanati-\\ncism led them to oppose all science, because it might be\\ninjurious to their religious belief; and whose hatred of\\npeople of other religions led them into wars, during which\\nindustry and commerce languished. Since the Turks were\\nbarbarian and without any appreciation of the necessaries as", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 193\\nwell as the luxuries of civilized life, they tended to destroy\\nthe culture which they found. Since their coming Moham-\\nmedanism has changed utterly, and the lands which were\\nonce gardens are now almost like a desert.\\nThe descendants of Togrul Beg continued their con-\\nquests to the west till they took Asia Minor from the em-\\nperor and even threatened Constantinople. In his extrem-\\nity the emperor is said to have sent messengers to the pope\\nto ask aid. In 1095 Urban II. went into France, and at Urban II,\\na council at Clermont called on all the west to take up firsf cru-\\narras and recover the holy places. He met with an unex- sade.\\npected response. After he had ceased speaking, thousands\\npressing around him took the vow to go on the crusade and\\nreceived the sign, a red cross fastened to the right shoul-\\nder diagonally across the breast. Urban renewed the\\nprohibition of private war, put the property of all crusaders\\nunder the special protection of the Church, offered large\\nrewards to all who would join the movement, and com-\\nmanded the clergy to preach the cnisade in all parts of\\nFrance. Among the many who went out to preach the\\ncrusade was Peter the Hermit. The ordinary accounts Peter the\\nwhich make Peter the originator of the crusade are en-\\ntirely false. He had never been in Palestine had never\\nseen the pope and had nothing to do with Urban till\\nafter the crusade had been announced at Clermont. By\\nhis preaching he got together a few thousand men and\\nwomen a disorderly mob without arms and set out for\\nPalestine. He led them to Constantinople and thence a\\nshort distance into Asia Minor, where they were cut to\\npieces by the Turks. Peter himself escaped to Constanti-\\nnople, and waited for the main army to come up.\\nThere was no leader of the crusade and no central au-\\nthority. From the north of France came Hugo of Ver-\\nmandois, a brother of King Philip I. Stephen of Blois,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "194 The ]\\\\Icdi(rz\\\\il Period\\nRobert of Normandy, Godfrey of Bouillon and his two\\nbrothers, Eustace and Baldwin, and their nephew, Bald-\\nwin the Younger from southern France, Raymond, count\\nof Toulouse and from Italy, Boemund and his nephew,\\nThe leaders Tancred. Of all these only one, Boemund, had any abil-\\ninefficient, j^ leader: and unfortunately for the undertakinjr, it\\nthe army not\\nconsoli- was impossible for him to obtain the leadership. Each one\\ndated. j^j j^-^ men, and was practically independent of all the\\nothers. It is said that the army which was thus brought\\ntogether numbered nearly a million, but we have no means\\nof forming an accurate estimate of its size.\\nThe crusading army was motley in its make-up. Many\\nhad, of course, joined the movement out of religious motives,\\nMotives of hoping to have a part in the meritorious work of recon-\\nthe cru- quering the holy places. The pope had promised remis-\\nsion of sins to all who should lose their lives while on the\\ncrusade, and many supernatural advantages seemed likely\\nto be derived from such an undertaking. Others were\\nthere who had run away from their debts or from their\\nfamilies; there were even criminals, who hoped thus to\\nescape punishment. Many serfs ran away from their lords,\\nand from the hard conditions under which they lived.\\nMany came because of the opportunity to gratify their love\\nof adventure and travel. The leaders, almost without ex-\\nception, had joined in the movement principally because\\nthey wished to aciiuire power and establish an independent\\nprincipality somewhere in the east, on lands to be taken\\nfrom the Saracens or from the Greeks. The pope had the\\ndesire to deliver the holy places, but at tlie same time he\\nwished to extend his ecclesiastical authority over the east.\\nThe cities of Italy, some of which joined to a certain ex-\\ntent in the first crusade, were led principally by the desire\\nto extend their commerce and to secure harbor privileges\\nin the east.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "MohaiJiincdanisin and the Crusades 195\\nRemembering his recent experiences with Robert Guis-\\ncard, Alexius, the emperor at Constantinople, feared the Alexius\\ncrusaders. He divined the purpose of the leaders and felt ^j r\\ngrounds for\\nthat he was not secure from their attacks. It was quite fearing the\\nnatural that he should endeavor to protect his interests.\\nAs the leaders arrived at Constantinople he either per-\\nsuaded or forced them to take an oath that they would de-\\nliver to him all the territory which they should conquer,\\npromising them that, if they wished, they might receive it\\nback as a fief. Boemund was the only one of the crusaders\\nfrank enough to tell the emperor what his intentions were.\\nHe offered his services to Alexius, plainly informing him\\nthat he wished to make his fortune in the east but the\\nemperor, distrusting him, refused to give him a position of\\ntrust and authority.\\nIn 1097 the army, after crossing the Bosporus, set out\\nfor Nicsea. After besieging the town for several days, they Nicaea\\nwere about to take it when Alexius secured its surrender to ^097-\\nhimself. The crusaders, not allowed to sack the place,\\nwere angry with Alexius, and accused him of acting in bad\\nfaith with them. Their charges were, however, without\\nfoundation.\\nThe march through Asia Minor was a difficult one;\\nmany perished by the way of hunger and thirst. Toward\\nthe end of October, 1097, the army reached Antioch, and\\nbegan its siege. The city held out for several months, un-\\ntil when a great army under Kerbogha, emir of Mosul, was\\napproaching for its relief, Boemund told the other leaders\\nthat, if they would agree to give him Antioch for his pos- Antioch\\nsession, he would deliver it into their hands. They finally\\nconsented, and the following night Boemund, by the aid of\\na traitor, secured an entrance into the city. At daybreak\\nthe gates were opened, the crusaders rushed in, and the\\nwork of destruction and pillage began. The Mohamme-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "196 The Mcdicrval Period\\ndans were killed without pity and their houses looted.\\nOnly the citadel held out, but to this, in the wild scramble\\nfor spoil, the crusaders paid no attention. Three days\\nKerbogha. later Kerbogha arrived, and now the crusaders became the\\nbesieged. For a few days Kerbogha pushed the siege with\\ngreat vigor. The Christians lost courage, for it seemed\\nthe city could not hold out against Kerbogha. But a pious\\nfraud was now planned, which filled the crusaders with en-\\nthusiasm and enabled them to overcome the besieging army.\\nIt was said that in a vision the whereabouts of the holy\\nlance had been revealed to one of the crusaders, and when\\nthey dug in the place designated, of course they found the\\nlance. Some of the crusaders knew that this was a fraud,\\nbut others believed in it. When the army marched out\\nwith this lance at its head, the army of Kerbogha was\\nput to utter rout, leaving its camp in the hands of the\\nChristians.\\nIn the meantime Baldwin, the brother of Godfrey, had\\nEdessa. gone to Edessa and had, by very questionable means, made\\nhimself master of the city. Edessa became a most impor-\\ntant outpost of the Christians.\\nAfter the destruction of Kerbogha s army the way was\\nopen to Jerusalem. Boemund wished to remain in Antioch\\nAmbition of until he had got the city under his control. Raymond\\nRaymond of ^j- Poulouse, envious of the good fortune of Boemund,\\nToulouse.\\ncoveted the city and refused to proceed to Jerusalem.\\nThe leaders He tried in vain in every way to gain a foothold in the\\nquarrel. neighborhood of Antioch and to dispossess Boemund. At\\nlength the crusaders, angry at the delay, declared they\\nwould burn Antioch unless Raymond gave up the struggle\\nand led them on to Jerusalem. Raymond yielded very\\nunwillingly, and more than once stopped by the way and\\nlaid siege to some town. At last, worn out with waiting,\\nthe crusaders set fire to their tents and began a mad sort of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 197\\nrace toward Jerusalem. Reaching the city, they besieged Jerusalem\\nit for several weeks, and finally stormed and took it, July ^\u00c2\u00b099\\n15, 1099.\\nHardly was the city taken when a quarrel arose as to\\nwhat should be done with it. The clergy wished to make\\nit an ecclesiastical state under the rule of a patriarch. The\\nprinces, however, would not listen to this, but could with\\ndifficulty find any one who wished to assume control of it.\\nIn the end a compromise was effected by which Godfrey of Godfrey of\\nBouillon was put over it with the title of Protector of ^a^i p q_\\nthe Holy Grave. A few days later the crusaders left tector of the\\nJerusalem and began their journey home, and the first iqqq ^^^^1\\ncrusade was at an end. It had cost Europe an immense\\nnumber of men, and had accomplished very little. Boe- Results of\\nmund had possession of Antioch, Baldwin of Edessa, and g^^g\\nGodfrey of Jerusalem. Alexius had also regained nearly\\nall of Asia Minor. In the eyes of the west, however, the\\nreconquest of the Holy Grave was by far the most impor-\\ntant result of the crusade, and well worth all that it had\\ncost. The returning crusaders were received with every\\nmark of honor, and their stories so filled the people with\\nenthusiasm that a new crusade was immediately organized.\\nFrom 1 100 to 1102 several hundred thousand men went Crusade of\\nto the east, only to be cut to pieces in Asia Minor.\\nThe Christian states which had been founded in the Strife\\neast had a checkered history, many chapters of which were christian\\nfar from ideal. Lack of good political judgment, jealousy, states in\\nintrigue, and treachery prevented their best development.\\nThey quarrelled with the emperor and with each other, and\\nit often happened that Christians made alliances with\\nMohammedans against other Christians.\\nThe new emir of Mcsul, Zenki, ambitious to rule over\\nthe Mohammedan world, began a policy of conquest. In\\n1 144 he took Edessa and threatened both Antioch and\\nSyria.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "198 The Mcdiarzvl Period\\nJerusalem, till, in their extremity, the Christians appealed\\nZenki takes to the west for help. The fall of Edessa caused great con-\\nJ J., sternation in Europe, without, however, producing any\\nimmediate action.\\nEurope Europe had undergone a great change since Urban II.\\nhad first issued the call for a crusade. Contested papal\\nelections and the rule of some inefficient popes had some-\\nwhat reduced the power and prestige of the papacy. Eu-\\nrope had in the meantime been growing rich from her rap-\\nidly increasing commerce, and wealth was producing a\\ngreat change in the people. Political interests were occu-\\npying a larger place in the minds of all. Louis VI. was\\nstrengthening the royal power in France. Roger had made\\na kingdom out of Sicily and southern Italy. The cities of\\nLombardy were increasing in wealth, power, and inde-\\npendence. A great change, chief index of which was\\nAbelard, had taken place in the thought of Europe. Here\\nand there people had begun to think independently of the\\nChurch and her creed. Reason was awakening. The\\nstudy of Roman law had been revived. Poets were begin-\\nning to sing songs of love and wine. Europe, slowly\\nrecovering from her attack of asceticism, was thinking less\\nof the future world and more of the enjoyment of this.\\nArnold of Brescia was in Rome, preaching against the\\nwealth of the clergy and their exercise of political author-\\nity. The high demands of Gregory VII. had been relaxed\\na little. Pope Eugene III. was himself unimportant, and\\nthe leadership was in the hands of Bernard of Clairvaux,\\nwho did not wish that the pope should have secular\\npower. He thought that their spiritual authority should\\nbe enforced only by spiritual means.\\nA second crusade under these circumstances was difficult.\\nBut, by his eloquence, Bernard of Clairvaux overcame all\\ndifficulties. Louis VII. of France was desirous of going,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 199\\nand Conrad III. of Germany yielded to Bernard s fiery\\nspeech and took the vow. The Germans did the Greeks\\nmuch damage while passing through the empire, and the\\neastern emperor actually had to make war on the crusaders\\nbefore they could be brought to their senses. The French\\narmy was more discreet but, to make the situation more\\ncritical, king Robert II. of Sicily was making war on the\\nempire. The emperor, although in great danger from the\\ncrusaders, was adroit enough to keep the peace with them,\\nand get them across the Bosporus. Both armies, however, Failure of\\nwent to pieces in Asia Minor. Hunger, thirst, the fatigue second\\nof the journey, and the weapons of the Mohammedans left 1147-49.\\nonly a few thousand men who reached Palestine. There\\nthey made the mistake of besieging Damascus, whose emir\\nwas friendly to the Christians, instead of using all their\\nefforts to break the power of Zenki,.the real enemy. The\\nsecond crusade ended in making the condition of the\\nChristians in Syria v/orse instead of better; and Europe\\nwas so disgusted with the failure of the great preparations,\\nthat for many years no further efforts were made to send\\nreenforcements to the east.\\nFortunately for the Syrian Christians, Zenki died and\\nhis power went to pieces. But the Christians in Palestine\\nlearned no wisdom from their experiences. Intrigue and\\ntreachery increased among them. They became weaker\\nand more contemptible, till, in 1187, Saladin, who had Saladin con-\\nmade himself master of western Asia and Egypt, was forced S j|\u00c2\u00a3^ byria,\\nto make war on them. He had borne with them for a\\nlong time, but finally, enraged at their faithlessness, he\\nattacked them, and in a few weeks had taken all their\\nstrongholds. His capture of Jerusalem stirred the west\\nprofoundly and led the great rulers, the emperor, Frederick Frederick\\nBarbarossa, Philip II. of France, and Richard I. of Eng- ^arbarossa.\\nland to organize a crusade for its recovery. After the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "200 The Mediaval Period\\nmost careful and statesmanlike preparations, Frederick led\\na well-disciplined army of one hundred thousand men\\nHis death through Asia Minor, only to meet his death by drowning\\nJune 10, while crossing a swollen mountain stream, and the army,\\n1 190. J i\\nleft without a leader, melted away. Only a few of them\\nreached Syria.\\nPhilip II. The armies of Philip and Richard went by sea and safely\\nj T reached their destination but their effectiveness was di-\\nminished by the quarrel which broke out between the two\\nkings. On the way Richard conquered Cyprus and made\\nof it a Christian kingdom, which was to be a strong defence\\nfor many years against the Mohammedans. Before the\\narmies had reached Syria the Christians there had made\\nthe mistake of attacking Acco, a strong fortress on the\\ncoast. Their efforts should have been to drive Saladin into\\nThe siege of the interior. They did not specially need Acco, since\\nAcco. ^j^gy already had several good ports, and in taking it the\\nthird crusade wore itself out. After its capture Philip re-\\nturned home, and Richard, too, after engaging in many\\nchivalrous adventures without accomplishing anything for\\nthe good of the cause, sailed away. He was shipwrecked\\nin the Adriatic, taken prisoner, and set free only on the\\npayment of a heavy ransom. The third crusade was also a\\nfailure, for the conquest of Acco was no adequate return\\nfor the expenditure of means, effort, and life which had\\nbeen made.\\nHenry VI. The crusade of Henry VI. was only a part of his larger\\nplan of conquest, by which he meant to make himself master\\nof the Greek empire and of the east. In 1196 he sent an\\narmy of sixty thousand men into Syria but his unexpected\\ndeath left his men without a master, and the army s disso-\\nlution rapidly followed.\\nThe west was exhausted and discouraged. Her great\\narmies had melted away in the east without accomplishing", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "Mohainmcdanisin and the Crusades 201\\nanything. Hundreds of thousands of men were still ready\\nto take the crusader s vow, but few were wiUing to fulfil it.\\nAll the efforts of Innocent III. could bring together only a The fourth\\nfew thousand knights, who, hoping to secure the service of rgrff\\nthe Venetian fleet in tlieir undertaking, went to Venice, against\\nBeing unable to pay the whole sum demanded for trans- nonle\\nportation, they agreed to work for their passage by assisting 1202-4.\\nthe Venetians in reducing Zara, a pirate city on the coast\\nof Dalmatia, which had been preying on the commerce of\\nthe Venetians. In October, 1202, Zara was reduced, and\\nthe crusaders demanded the fulfilment of the agreement.\\nThey wished to be carried to Egypt, because it seemed to\\nthem that it would be better to attack the Mohammedan\\npower in its most important seat. But Venice, at peace\\nwith the Mohammedans of Egypt, enjoyed a rich com-\\nmerce with them. The doge of Venice, therefore, shrewdly\\nturned the crusaders aside from their purpose and led them\\nagainst Constantinople. His purpose in this was to avenge\\nhimself for a private grudge against that city, and also to\\nsecure n:iore harbor and commercial privileges in the east.\\nConstantinople was at this time the leading commercial\\ncity of the Mediterranean Venice envied her her suprem-\\nacy and hoped, with the help of the crusaders, to humble her.\\nThe crusaders themselves had little interest in the war with\\nthe Mohammedans. They were for the most part soldiers\\nof fortune, adventurers ready for any undertaking that\\npromised them a rich reward. An exiled emperor offered\\nthem a large sum of money if they would restore him to his\\nthrone, and Venice added her inducements. In spite of\\nthe opposition of the pope, the crusaders therefore moved\\nagainst Constantinople and took it. They soon quarrelled\\nwith the emperor whom they had restored because he could\\nnot pay what he had promised. The quarrel led to the\\nsacking of the city, the expulsion of the emperor, and the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "202 The Mediccz al Period\\nestablisliment of a western man as ruler in Constantinople.\\nThe Latin This Latin kingdom, as it was called, existed till 1261,\\nkingdom in ^yj^gj^ thg Greeks put an end to it and restored an emperor\\n1204-61, of their own. The Venetians received as their share of the\\nspoils, in 1204, many of the Greek islands, some parts of\\nthe mainland of Greece, and a large quarter, and harbor and\\ncommercial privileges in Constantinople. From this time\\nthey controlled to a great extent the eastern Mediterranean,\\nand were the foremost commercial power of Europe.\\nThe crusades which followed this expedition against Con-\\nstantinople were all unimportant in their results. The most\\nThe Chil- curious of them all w^as the Children s Crusade. In the\\ndren s Cru- summer of 121 2 forty thousand children were brought to-\\ngether in Germany and crossed the Alps into Italy. The\\nnumber gradually melted away by deaths, desertions, or\\nseizures, and only a handful of them reached Brindisi, from\\nwhich a few of them are said to have sailed, never to be\\nheard of again. The fate of the French children was even\\nworse. Thirty thousand of them joined in the march tow-\\nard Marseilles, from which port probably five thousand of\\nthem sailed away, only to be betrayed and sold as slaves in\\nthe Mohammedan markets.\\nIn 1217 another crusade w^as attempted, which resulted\\nin the capture of Damietta. The Christians, however, were\\nnot able to improve their opportunities, the city was soon\\ntaken from them, and their army destroyed. Frederick II.\\nled a crusade (1228-29), O victories by di-\\nplomacy and not by the sword. In 1239-40 another cru-\\nThe last sade was made, but without results. In 1244 Mohamme-\\ndan Asia was overrun by a wild horde of Turks who had\\nbeen called in by one of the political factions of the Mo-\\nhammedans themselves, and who devastated the country\\nwest of the Euphrates and captured Jerusalem and all the\\nChristian cities in southern Syria and from this time Jeru-\\ncrusades un-\\nimportant.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 203\\nsalem, lost to the Christians, was destined to remain under\\nMohammedan control. Louis IX. of France undertook to\\nrecover the Holy City, but after some successes in Egypt\\nhis army was destroyed and he returned to Europe without\\nhaving accomplished anything. He made another crusade\\nin 1270, the objective point of which was Tunis, but dur-\\ning the siege of that city he died.\\nThe end of the Christian power in Syria was fast ap-\\nproaching. The military-monkish orders fought with\\neach other, and the Venetians and other Italian states were Syria recon-\\nengaged in constant feuds. The Mohammedans were car- ^he ^Moham-\\nrying on the work of conquest with skill. In 1265 Caesarea medansc\\nand Arsuf were taken and destroyed. The great fortress\\nSafed fell the next year. In 1268 Joppa shared the same\\nfate, and the whole of northern Syria was lost by the sur-\\nrender of Antioch in May of the same year. Thereupon\\nGregory X. had a crusade preached throughout all Europe,\\nbut without success. More than once divisions among the\\nMohammedans gave the remaining Christians in Syria a\\nlittle respite, but their fate could not be avoided. Trip-\\nolis was taken in 1289, and in 1291 Acco was besieged\\nand after a few months of brave resistance captured. The\\nChristians were thus driven out of Syria, and the whole\\ncountry was in the hands of the Mohammedans. The\\nKnights of St. John established themselves on some of the\\nislands, especially Rhodes, which they held for nearly two\\nhundred years. Cyprus remained a Latin kingdom until\\n1489, when it was seized by Venice and made a part 01\\nher territory.\\nAlthough there were no more crusades, the idea of them\\ndid not die. Several popes during the thirteenth and four-\\nteenth centuries called on Europe to arm itself against the\\nMohammedans. Several kings of France even took the\\ncross and proclaimed a crusade. This was, however, done", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "204 The Mediaval Period\\nWhy did apparently for no other purpose than to afford the king\\nthe crusades opportunity to collect some extraordinary taxes. The\\nreasons for the cessation of the crusades are many. In the\\nfirst place they had all failed. Millions of lives and untold\\nwealth had been squandered in the east, and nothing had\\nbeen accomplished. The people of Europe lost faith in\\nthe movement. The crusading spirit was turned into other\\nchannels. In Spain the war was kept up with the Mo-\\nhammedans. On the eastern frontiers of Germany cru-\\nsades were carried on against the heathen Letts and Slavs.\\nThe heretics in the empire were put on the same plane as\\nthe infidels, and wars against them were declared to be as\\nholy and deserving of the same rewards as those against\\nthe Mohammedans. Then, too, the national life of the\\ncountries was growing stronger. International struggles\\narising, all the forces of the country were needed at home.\\nAt the same time the religious needs of the people were\\nsatisfied in another way. Gethsemanes, Via Dolorosas, and\\nCalvaries were constructed in the west, and these artificial\\nholy places came to be regarded with almost as much rev-\\nerence as were their originals. The rising sale of indul-\\ngences also made it unnecessary to go on a long and danger-\\nous journey to the holy land to win religious peace. The\\nlife of Europe grew larger, its interests more complex, and\\nthe fields of its activity more numerous. There was no\\nlonger any surplus of energy to be spent in such far-away\\nenterprises.\\nThat the crusades failed to accomplish what they were\\norganized to do is evident. Nor are the causes of this\\nfailure far to seek. The crusaders themselves were much\\nCauses of to blame, both while on the way and after they reached the\\nfailure. g^g^ T\\\\\\\\Qy were too lawless and moblike. They lacked\\ngood leaders. The princes quarrelled constantly, and their\\npersonal ambitions, especially those of the Normans, kept", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "Mohammedanism and the Crusades 205\\nthem from working for the common good. The Greek\\nemperors, too, followed a disastrous policy, although the\\nconduct of the crusaders generally drove them to it. The\\nstruggle between the German emperors and the popes also\\nhad a baneful influence. The Italian cities come in for\\ntheir share of the blame because they were interested so\\ndeeply in commerce that they often sacrificed the com-\\nmon interests to their selfish ends. Finally, the difficulty\\nof colonizing so large a territory and of absorbing the\\nMohammedan population was so great that it could not be\\novercome.\\nThe effects, both direct and indirect, of the crusades on Effect of\\nEurope were great and varied. They did much to increase cades\\nthe power of the papacy, especially during the first hun-\\ndred years. Urban II. was virtually at the head of Chris-\\ntian Europe, and his leadership of so popular a movement\\nas the first crusade confirmed him in the high place in the\\nmind of the Christian world. Chivalry was perhaps in-\\nevitable, but the crusades forced it to become organized\\nand made of it the institution which it became. The mil-\\nitary-monkish orders owed their existence wholly to the\\ncrusades. The conquests of the German Order among the\\nheathen on the Baltic may be regarded as one of the most\\nimportant of the indirect effects of the crusades.\\nThe crusades helped destroy feudalism. The barons Feudalism,\\noften sold their rights, privileges, lands, and other feudal\\npossessions in order to get money to go on a crusade. The\\ncreation of a new nobility to offset the old was also has-\\ntened by the crusades. They diminished the number of\\nfeudal subjects of the lower class, and so created the de-\\nmand for laborers which resulted in the elevation of the\\nserfs into a class of free day-laborers. They also had some\\neffect on the process by which the kings were increasing\\ntheir power at the expense of the nobles. They did not", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "206 The Mediccval Period\\ndestroy feudalism, but they did much to weaken it. Since\\nthey brought together large numbers of people of all coun-\\ntries, they developed the consciousness of national differ-\\nences. Each nation came to hate all the others, one of\\nthe necessary steps, apparently, in the development of na-\\ntionality.\\nCommerce. On commerce the effects of the crusades were most\\nmarked. Shipbuilding and commerce were largely in-\\ncreased, because they made the carriage of pilgrims be-\\ntween Europe and Asia so lucrative a business. Many\\nnew objects of merchandise were now introduced into\\nEurope. The crusades created and supplied a large de-\\nmand in the west for wines, sugar, cotton, silk, all kinds\\nof textile fabrics, rugs, pottery, glass-ware, spices, med-\\nicines, perfumes, coloring substances, incense, various\\nkinds of oil, mastix, dates, grains, and many other things.\\nIt would not be too much to say that the crusades made\\nEurope rich. The cities especially profited by the com-\\nmerce, which greatly hastened the rise of the citizen or\\nmiddle class. The crusades gave a strong impulse to lit-\\nerary activity. Many chronicles, histories, and poems were\\nwritten about them, and the legends which grew out of\\nthem were innumerable. The literature of chivalry may\\nbe traced indirectly to the same impulse. Under their in-\\nfluence the great cycles of legends about Solomon, Troy,\\nand Alexander the Great arose. In 1141 the Koran was\\ntranslated into Latin. About the same time a school was\\nestablished in Paris to teach the eastern languages, such as\\nArmenian and Arabic.\\nAlso Europe s fund of knowledge was generally increased.\\nAs regards zoology, the crusaders became acquainted with\\nmany animals which aroused their curiosity, and their in-\\nterest resulted in the formation of zoological gardens, first\\nof all in Sicily and Italy, in which strange animals were", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "M ohmnmedanism and the Crusades 207\\ncollected. Further, some new domestic animals were in-\\ntroduced into Europe, such as the mule, the donkey, and\\nthe Arab horse.\\nIn botany and practical farming Europe had much to Practical\\nlearn from the Arabs. They taught the best methods of ^^^^^^Z-\\nirrigation. The Dutch windmill is an Arabic inven-\\ntion, used for grinding corn and drawing water in the\\neast, till it was introduced into Europe by the crusaders.\\nMany new plants and grains were brought to the west, and\\nexperiments made in their cultivation.\\nIn medicine and chemistry, which among the Arabs Medicine\\nwere closely related, the Christians learned of sirups, ju- chem-\\nleps, elixirs, camphor, senna, rhubarb, and similar articles.\\nMany chemical terms, such as alembic, alcohol, alkali,\\nborax, and amalgam, are Arabic in origin. The Arabs\\nknowledge of mathematics and astronomy has already been\\nspoken of, and the intercourse between the Christians and\\nthe Mohammedans facilitated the spread to the west of the\\nArabic achievements in these subjects.\\nMost important of all, perhaps, was the general enlarge- The horizon\\nment of the intellectual horizon of Europe, caused by the enlar ^ed^\\ntravel of the Christians in foreign lands which had a differ-\\nent, higher, and finer civilization than their own. Life in\\nthe west was still very rude. The houses lacked all luxu-\\nries and comforts, and most of those things which are now\\nregarded as necessities. The European, whose experiences\\nhad been very limited indeed, entered into a new world\\nwhen he set out on a crusade. He found new climates,\\nnew natural products, strange dress, houses, and customs.\\nThe features of the landscape and even the skies above\\nhim were different, and in the houses he found many new\\nobjects of comfort and luxury. The geographical knowl-\\nedge of the west was very limited, but the crusades brought\\nexperience in travel and a practical knowledge of large ter-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "2o8 The Medicrval Period\\nritories, so that an active interest was aroused in the study\\nof geography. A good knowledge of the Mediterranean\\nand of large parts of Asia and Africa was acquired. The\\ncuriosity awakened by the new regions, together with the\\nmercenary and commercial interests in many (jiiarters, led\\nEuropeans to undertake long journeys of discovery. One\\nof the most famous of the travellers of the Middle Age was\\nMarco Polo, who traversed central Asia, visiting all the\\npeoples of that region, and finally reaching even the Pacific.\\nOther travellers, only a little less famous, are Plan Carpin\\nand Andrew of Longjumeau. The published accounts of\\ntheir travels were widely read, and, while adding informa-\\ntion, they increased the interest of Europe in foreign lands.\\nThe influence of the crusades in this direction can hardly\\nbe overestimated. Without them the Renaissance could\\nnot have been what it was.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nI. The Fourth Crusade. Pears. Gibbon, Kivuan E\u00c2\u00bbiJ in\\\\ Chaps. LIX.,\\nLX., and LXI. Oman, Byzantine Empir,-, Chaps. XXII. and XXIII.\\nPenn. Univ. Translations. Vol. III., i.\\na. The Children s Crusade. Gray.\\n3. Marco Polo. His Voyages. $0.10. Cassell.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII\\nTHE GROWTH OF THE CITIES\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Zimmern, Ilansa. $1.50. Putnam.\\nGross, The Gild Merchant. 2 vols. $6.00. Clarendon. Jessopp,\\nStudies of a Recluse. $1.75. Putnam. Contains an article on the\\ngrowth of the English towns.\\nOld Mf.dmcvai. Towns: Symonds and Gordon, Perugia. $1.50.\\nLynch, Toledo. $1.50. Headlam, Nuremberg, fi.50. Cook, Rouen.\\n$2.00.\\nThe history of the cities of the Roman empire during The cities\\nthe first ten centuries of the Christian era is obscure. In\\nempire.\\nGaul, besides a larger number of strongholds (castra), there\\nwere more than one hundred cities (civitates) governed by\\nthe Roman municipal form of government. In the fourth\\ncentury they were all on the road to ruin because of the\\nfinancial oppression which they endured from the emperor.\\nThe control of city government during or after the\\ninvasion of the barbarians passed into the hands of som.e\\nbishop or nobleman of the neighborhood or sometimes\\nthe control was divided the bishop holding one part of\\nthe city, and the nobleman the remainder. Karl the Great Karl the\\nintroduced some uniformity into the government of the\\ncities by putting each one of them under an officer with of counties,\\nthe title of count. These counts were either churchmen\\nor laymen, and were, in every case, responsiI)le to Karl\\nfor their government. They ruled the cities in the em-\\nperor s name. But in the succeeding period, while the\\nempire was being dismembered and feudalism estal)lished,\\nthese counts were able to assume a feudal proprietorship\\n209", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "210\\nTJie Mediccz al Period\\nNew cities\\nfounded.\\nThe inhab-\\nitants of the\\ncities had\\nlost their\\nfreedom.\\nGuilds.\\nover the cities. Each city thus became a fief, the feudal\\npossession of its count.\\nThe Germans, it will be remembered, generally settled\\nin the country. At the time of Karl the Great by far the\\nlarger number of the inhabitants of Gaul and Germany still\\nlived in the country. The violence of the times, and espe-\\ncially the invasions of the Norsemen and Huns, compelled\\nthe people to live together in walled inclosures, and these\\nin time became cities. Other cities sprang up around\\nmonasteries and castles. They were, of course, small in\\ntheir beginnings and grew slowly. They also became\\ninvolved in the prevalent feudal relations, and were gov-\\nerned by their feudal lord.\\nIn accordance with the prevailing tendency of the age,\\nthe residents of the cities had lost their full freedom. They\\nwere neither wholly free nor wholly enslaved, but were\\nregarded as the possession of the lord of their city. Their\\ncondition did not differ very materially from that of the\\nserfs. They had neither personal nor political freedom,\\nsince they had no voice in their own government. Their\\nlord collected the taxes, appointed all officials, kept order,\\npunished offenders, and was, in short, himself the whole\\ngovernment. The citizens were at the mercy of their\\nlords. So long as the cities remained small, and city life\\nundeveloped, such a state of affairs might continue to\\nexist but it is inconceivable that it should be tolerated\\nafter the cities became large, rich, and powerful. It is\\nalso evident that the inhabitants of tlie cities would\\nstrive after personal freedom and then for political liberty,\\nor the right of local self-government.\\nA sort of basis or starting-point for the free commune of\\nlater times was the guilds. People who had common in-\\nterests were brought together and united into a secret or-\\nganization known as a guild. Each occupation had a sep-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "The Groivih of the Cities\\n211\\narate guild, that worked at first only for its own interests\\nbut later progress was made by the union of some of the\\nguilds in the support of their common interests.\\nThe principal causes of the communal revolt of the elev-\\nenth and twelfth centuries were the revival of industry and\\ncommerce, and the consequent increase of wealth. It was\\nthe merchants who led in the movement, and the revolt\\nspread along the routes of commerce and travel. During\\nthe tenth century efforts were made to put an end to pri-\\nvate wars and to secure peace. Feudalism became more\\nfixed in its customs and a certain degree of order prevailed,\\nto which fact the revival of commerce is in large measure\\ndue. There was no revolt against the burdens imposed\\nupon the cities by their lords until there grew up a rich\\nmerchant class, a sort of aristocracy of wealth, command-\\ning resources and means of carrying on the struggle with\\nthe lord, but when this class became numerous the cities\\nrebelled and in the struggle that followed were able to\\nsecure not only personal freedom for their inhabitants\\nbut also in many cases the right of governing them-\\nselves.\\nIn Italy, as we have seen, the cities were able to free\\nthemselves entirely from the empire and the papacy and to\\nbecome independent republics. But in France this move-\\nment did not go to so great lengths not a single French\\ncity became an independent republic; the French cities\\ndid not even succeed in ridding themselves entirely of their\\nfeudal lords. Even the cities which secured the largest\\namount of political liberty and the fullest freedom of self-\\ngovernment still recognized, in one way or another, the\\nheadship of their lords.\\nWhen first confronted with the demands of the cities\\nthe lords thought only of resistance. It is only natural\\nthat they should have opposed anything which threatened\\nRevival of\\nindustry\\nand\\ncommerce.\\nOrder\\nbrings\\ncommerce,\\ncommerce\\nwealth, and\\nwealth the\\ndesire for\\nliberty.\\nNo city\\nrepublics in\\nFrance.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "212\\nThe Mcdiccz al Period\\nLiberty\\nacquired by\\nforce or by\\npurchase.\\nThe first\\ngroup, villes\\nde bour-\\ngeoisie.\\nThe second\\ngroup,\\nconsular\\ncities.\\nto diminish tlieir power and income. The refusal of the\\nlord, however, was generally followed by an appeal of the\\ncitizens to arms and in this struggle the cities were nearly\\nalways successful. Other lords, of a more thrifty spirit,\\nseeing in this movement an opportunity to replenish their\\nl)urses, would sell to the cities the rights and privileges\\nwhich they demanded. In this way many nobles were\\nable to secure the money necessary to equip themselves for\\na crusade. Since the population and wealth of the cities\\nrapidly increased as soon as they received their liberties,\\nthe income of their lords was rather increased than dimin-\\nished by the change. With an eye to their own advantage,\\nthe lords now acceded to the demands of the cities more\\nwillingly.\\nThe cities of France may be divided into three groups,\\naccording to the measure of freedom they succeeded in\\nobtaining. The cities of the first group got little more\\nthan the personal liberty of their inhabitants and the reduc-\\ntion of some of their feudal dues. They were still ruled by\\na representative of their lord and had no voice in the elec-\\ntion of their officials, or in the management of their affairs.\\nThe cities of this group, called villes de bourgeoisie, were\\nprincipally in Normandy and Brittany. The cities of the\\nsecond group, for the most part in southern France, secured\\nthe right to manage all the affairs of the city except the\\nadministration of justice. The courts remained in the\\nhands of their lord. Imitating the action of the Italian\\ncities, they set up a consular form of government. Their\\nconsuls were elected either by the whole population of the\\ncity, or by one or more of its guilds, and were confirmed\\nby the lord of the city. These consuls were responsible to\\nthe lord of the city for their administration, and had to\\nmake their reports to him. As a mark of its freedom, the\\ncity had its seal which was attached to all its official docu-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "The Grozvth of the Cities 213\\nments, but the lord, as a sign of his authority, kept the The seal\\nkeys of the city in his possession. citv^\\nThe third group consisted of the communes proper.\\nThe sovereignty of the lord was recognized in two ways; The third\\nthe city paid him certain taxes and tolls, and gave him in S P\\nb communes.\\nall judicial matters the right to hear appeals. But he was\\nexcluded from the administration of the city s affairs and\\nthe officials were in no way responsible to him. At the\\nhead of the administration was a mayor assisted by a\\ncouncil.\\nThe power in the commune was not generally vested in\\nthe whole body of its inhabitants, though there were a few\\ncities in which all inhabitants were members of the com- Limitation\\nmune. It was more often the case that only the members o commu-\\nnal member-\\nof one or more guilds exercised political rights. Ordina- ship.\\nrily, therefore, the commune was not a republic, but a\\nkind of oligarchy or aristocracy. As the commune devel-\\noped in wealth and power, and membership in it increased\\nin value, it became more and more difficult to enter, and\\nthe aristocratic or oligarchic character of the ruling body\\nbecame more pronounced.\\nAlthough the communes had gained their liberty they\\ndid not know how to preserve it. Their members were in-\\nvariably divided into factions, and feuds and street brawls\\nwere common. There were also social troubles coupled with\\nthe political difficulties. The lower orders were often ranged Violence\\nagainst the higher, the poor against the rich. The magis-\\ntrates of the cities were generally hard masters, and those ment in the\\noutside the ruling guilds were unmercifully imposed upon, communes.\\nThis led to the formation of guilds among the workmen of\\nother occupations who in the earlier time had been without\\nsuch organizations. These, organizing themselves for op-\\nposition, sometimes succeeded in acquiring membership in\\nthe commune. Even if they failed to do this, they filled", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "214 Mcdiccval Period\\ntlie city with violence. Peace had to be restored by some-\\none from without, generally the king. Another cause of\\ninternal trouble was the bad administration of the finances\\nof the city. The officials of the commune were often\\nguilty of fraud and peculation, and it was impossible to\\nbring such offenders to justice, because they refused to\\nrender any account of their doings to the people. They\\nclaimed that they had done their duty when they had made\\ntheir reports to each other. It is not surprising, therefore,\\nthat the cities often became bankrupt. The expenses of\\nthe communes, together with large sums that were taken\\nfrom the treasury in a fraudulent way, far exceeded the\\nregular income.\\nThese two things, the insolvency of the communes and\\ntheir lawlessness, were the real causes of their destruction.\\nThe kings of France were now steadily following the policy\\nof collecting all power into their own hands, and the proc-\\ness of centralization was becoming more and more rapid.\\nThe king The nobles were gradually yielding to the kings, and\\nand the j^|-jg communes were made the object of a policy which, in\\nthe end, was sure to break them down. The officials of the\\nking s treasury interfered in the administration of the\\nfinances of the communes and punished all maladministra-\\ntion by seizing the charter of the commune and declaring\\nit forfeited. The judicial jurisdiction of the communes was\\nlimited in every way. The parlement, which exercised the\\njudicial power in France, tried to destroy the local tribu-\\nnals by increasing the number of cases which could be\\nsettled only by the king or by his tribunal. The policy of\\nparlement and sovereign was to make the king s justice\\nprevalent throughout the land. The central authority also\\nincreased the taxes of the conununes. As the king s power\\ngrew he interfered more and more in the affairs of the com-\\nmunes. He controlled their election and inspected their\\ncommunes.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "The Groivth of the Cities 215\\nmagistrates he imposed heavy fines on all those communes\\nwhich refused him obedience or offended him in the slight-\\nest way he placed all kinds of burdens on them in order\\nto break them down, and so when the day of reckoning\\ncame he had them in his power. He forced them to give\\nup their charters and all that these stood for their political\\nindependence and their privileges. This policy toward the\\ncommunes may be said to date from Louis IX. (1227-70).\\nUnder Philip IV. (128 5- 131 4) the seizures became fre-\\nquent; and by the year 1400 the communes had lost all\\ntheir acquired liberties, sunk back into dependence on the\\ncrown, and disappeared.\\nThe processes by which the German cities acquired their\\nfreedom are extremely intricate and varied. Before the\\ninterregnum (1254-73) they had done little more than\\nsecure certain restrictions upon the arbitrary taxation of\\ntheir lords, but during or after the interregnum, when the\\nimperial power was practically destroyed, they were able\\nto emancipate themselves rapidly and in the end to secure\\npolitical independence.\\nThe cities in Germany were of two kinds: imperial cities The cities:\\n(Reichsstaedte), subject to the emperor only, and seigniorial p-overnment\\ncities (Landesstaedte), subject to the princes. The power\\nwas usually in the hands of a few wealthy and ancient\\nfamilies (patriciate). From among these the burgomaster\\nand the assisting council (Rath), were elected, who together\\nformed the magistracy. The increasing industrial popula-\\ntion was divided into guilds (Zuenfte), which, induced by\\nthe consciousness of their strength, began toward the end\\nof the thirteenth century to aspire to a share in the govern-\\nment.\\nFor the development of the cities and their commerce,\\npeace and security were necessary and, since the empire\\nwas weak, they banded together for mutual protection. In", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "2i6 The Medicvval Period\\n1254 the cities of the lower Rhine formed a league for\\nmutual protection. In 1344 the cities of southern and\\nsouthwestern Germany made the famous Suabian League.\\nThe Fearing that this league would become all-powerful, the\\nLeae-ife i^rinces attacked it at Doelifingen (1388) and won a victory\\n1344. over it. The cities were forbidden to form such leagues in\\nthe future, and the i)rinces supposed they had made an end\\nof their foe. The cities, however, recovered from the blow\\nand increased their power and importance. Most famous\\nThe Hanse. of all such leagues was the Hanse, an organization which\\nincluded all the cities in the Baltic provinces, besides hav-\\ning its outposts in several other countries. Beginning in a\\nsmall way in the thirteenth century, the Hanse steadily\\ngrew until it embraced about eighty-five cities, monopo-\\nlized the trade, and practically ruled northwestern Europe.\\nFrom 1350 to 1500 the league was at the height of its\\npower.\\nDecline of Its decline was caused by the changes in commerce and\\nin the routes of travel and trade produced by the voyages\\nof discovery some of the Hanse towns remained true to\\nCatholicism, while others, accepting the teachings of Luther,\\nwere drawn into the religious wars which followed the\\nReformation, and fought on opposing sides and as the\\ngovernments of the various countries in which the cities\\nwere situated grew stronger the cities were separated from\\ntheir foreign alliances, lost their independent character,\\nand became component parts of the state to which they\\nnaturally belonged.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS.\\n1. Toledo. Lynch, Toledo. $1.50. Macmillan.\\n2. Rouen. Cook, Rouen. $2.00. Macmillan.\\nthe Hanse.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV\\nITALY TO THE INVASION OF CHARLES VIII. (1494)\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sismondi, History of the Italian Republics. $.75. Harper.\\nMachiavelli, History 0/ Florence. $1.00. Macmillan. Contains also\\nThe Prince and Savonarola.\\nMrs. Oliphant, Makers of Florettce, and Makers of Venice. $2.25 each.\\nMacmillan.\\nOscar Browning, Short History of Medieeval Italy. 2 vols. 5 sh. each.\\nGuelphs and Ghihellines. i3jo-T4og. II. Age of the Condottieri. Iifog-\\nIJ30. Methuen.\\n^oscoe, Life of Lorenzo de Medici. $1.00. Macmillan.\\nDuffy, Tuscan Republics. $1.50. Putnam.\\nWiel, Venice. $1.50. Putnam.\\nBecause of the different racial elements which were found\\nthere, the unification of Italy during the Middle Age was\\nimpossible. The people of the peninsula, thoroughly im-\\nbued with the Roman civilization, the Greeks of the south,\\nthe Germans of Odovaker, the East Goths, the Lombards,\\nthe Saracens, and the Normans, all were there and each\\nfought to obtain the mastery over all Italy. They had\\npowerful rivals in the pope and the emperor for political\\nhonors, the conflict between whom gave the cities the op-\\nportunity to depose the imperial officers and to establish\\na local independent government similar to that of the com-\\nmunes described in the preceding chapter. Frederick I.\\ntried to reduce the cities to a position of dependence again,\\nbut the Lombard League and the pope were too strong for\\nhim. The battle of Legnano (1176), and the treaty of\\nConstance (1183), gave the cities about all the independ-\\nence they claimed, and left the emperor little except his\\n217\\nWhy the\\nunification\\nof Italy in\\nthe Middle\\nAge was\\nimpossible.\\nThe cities\\nacquire con-\\nstitutions\\nand\\nsuccessfully\\nresist the\\nemperor.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "2l8\\nThe Medieval Period\\nFeuds\\ninside and\\noutside the\\ncities.\\nPodesta.\\nGhibelline\\nand Guelf.\\nThe five\\npowers in\\nItaly Ven-\\nice, Lom-\\nbardy, Tus-\\ncany, Rome,\\nand Naples.\\ntitle. After the death of Frederick II. lew emperors tried\\nto wield any authority in Italy.\\nAlthough the cities had accjuired their liberty, this was\\nno guarantee for peace and order, and they were en-\\ngaged in constant feuds with each other. Only members\\nof the ruling guilds had a share in the government, and the\\nclass distinctions among the inhabitants formed a large dis-\\nturbing element. The higher and the lower nobility and\\nthe rich merchants struggled for authority, disregarding the\\nrights of the industrial classes. The pride and ambition of\\nthe nobles led them into feuds which filled the streets with\\nviolence. To put an end to this confusion the cities be-\\ngan to elect dictators called podesta (about 1200). The\\nlower orders of society were, at the same time, striving to\\nwin a share in the government. They had organized them-\\nselves into guilds and now united in a commune of their\\nown with a captain of the people (cajntan del popolo)\\nat its head, as a rival of the podesta. War between the\\nparties began. The privileged classes sought the aid of\\nthe emperor and were called Ghibelline, while the common\\nl)eople joined with the pope and were called Guelf. These\\ncivil wars fill the thirteenth century. They ended in the\\nloss of the republican constitutions, and the cities fell into\\nthe hands of tyrants.\\nAbout 1300 the political condition of Italy was some-\\nwhat as follows In Piedmont the old feudal system was still\\nin force several great barons, among them the counts of\\nSavoy, the ancestors of the present royal house of Italy, were\\ncontending for supremacy. In Lombardy the cities were\\nruled by tyrants: Milan by the family of the Visconti,\\nVerona by the Scaligers, Padua by the Carraresi, Mantua\\nby the Gonzaghi, Ferrara by the Estensi. In Tuscany\\nthe cities were in the throes of civil war, but the end was\\nto be the same as in Lombardy. In the states of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII 219\\nChurch the cities were about to break away from papal con-\\ntrol. The long residence of the popes in Avignon (1309-78)\\npermitted the rise of tyrannies in Urbino, Perugia, Rimini,\\nand elsewhere, while Bologna became a republic and Rome\\ntried several political experiments. Naples was the seat of\\nthe kingdom of the Angevins, and Sicily had passed into\\nthe possession of the Aragonese. Genoa and Venice were\\nindependent republics. While the disunion at this time was\\nvery great, the five powers which were to divide Italy among\\nthemselves in the fifteenth century were showing signs of\\ntheir coming strength. Their history maybe briefly traced\\nas follows\\nGenoa and Venice owed their greatness to their com- Genoa,\\nmerce. For some time Pisa was a strong rival of Genoa in\\nthe commerce and control of the western Mediterranean,\\nbut in the battle of Meloria (1284), just off Pisa, the Geno-\\nese fleet was victorious and the power of Pisa was broken.\\nIn 1 26 1 Genoa helped the Greek emperor to regain Constan-\\ntinople, and received as her reward the monopoly of the trade\\nin the Black Sea. But Genoa thus came into conflict with\\nVenice, which by the outcome of the fourth crusade had\\ngained the ascendency in the east. The war between the\\ntwo cities lasted more than two hundred years, and ended\\nin the total defeat of the Genoese in the battle of Chioggia\\n(1380). After this Genoa declined, while Venice became\\nthe mistress of the Mediterranean.\\nSince 697 Venice had been ruled by a doge (duke) elected Venice,\\nby the people. The tendency in the city, however, was\\ntoward an oligarchy. Toward the end of the twelfth cen-\\ntury the Great Council, consisting of four hundred and\\neighty members, usurped the right to elect the doge. They\\nassociated with him a small council of six, and for all more\\nimportant matters a council of sixty. In 1297 the oli-\\ngarchy was completed by the act known as the Closing of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "220 The Mcdicuval Period\\nthe Great Council, by which this body declared itself to\\nbe hereditary. In order to check all popular movements\\nthe Great Council established the Council of Ten with un-\\nlimited police powers. The bloody work of this Council\\nprevented all uprisings of the people and gave the govern-\\nment of the city a stability and durability which were pos-\\nsessed by no other in Italy. Venice acquired not only the\\nislands of the eastern Mediterranean, but also much territory\\non the mainland of the Balkan peninsula. Then she turned\\nher arms toward Italy and conquered Treviso, Padua, Vi-\\ncenza, and other places. But her expansion on the main-\\nland of Italy during the fifteenth century brought her in\\nturn into conflict with Milan.\\nMilan. In Milan the Ghibelline Visconti overcame the family of\\nthe Guelf della Torre and entered on a vigorous policy of\\nterritorial extension. By the year 1350 the Visconti had\\nconquered and annexed all Lombardy. Gian Galeazzo\\n(1385-1402), the ablest of the family, pushed his conquests\\nso far to the south that he encroached on the territory of\\nFlorence. The family of the Visconti died out, however,\\nin 1447, and the power in Lombardy was seized by several\\ncondottieri, as the leaders of the mercenary bands were\\ncalled, who had been in the service of the Visconti and of\\nvarious cities. Every such leader now improved the oppor-\\ntunity and made himself master of some city. In Milan\\nthe power was seized by Francesco Sforza, the most famous\\nof all the condottieri. The city engaged him to lead its\\ntroops against the Venetians, and after securing a victory\\nover them he came back to Milan and compelled the peo-\\nple to acknowledge him as their duke (1450).\\nFlorence. The political history of Florence in the thirteenth and\\nfourteenth centuries is so confused by party struggles that we\\ncannot follow it here in detail. The factions known as the\\nBlacks and the Whites, the old nobility, the old guilds, the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII. 221\\nnew nobility of wealth, and the guilds of the lower orders,\\nall fought for recognition and power and added to the\\nchaos of the times. Taking advantage of these troubles\\nthe Medici rose to power. The Medici were a family of\\nbankers that had grown rich and now used their wealth to\\nadvance their political aspirations. They saw that the\\npower was really with the common people, and so threw\\nin their lot with them. In this way the head of the fam-\\nily, although he left the constitution intact, became the\\nreal ruler of the city. All the officials of the city were\\nnamed by, and were subject to, him. Lorenzo the Mag-\\nnificent (1469-92) finally swept away all the old repub-\\nlican offices and ruled with a Privy Council of Seventy\\nof his own nomination. Under the Medici Florence\\nmade war on her small neighbors and became master of all\\nTuscany.\\nDuring the residence of the popes in Avignon Rome suf- Rome.\\nfered from the violent struggles between the rival factions\\nof her nobility as well as from the riotous conduct of the\\npeople. The families of the Colonna and the Orsini filled\\nthe streets with brawls. An uprising of the people in 1347\\nmade Rienzi Tribune, with full powers to restore order. He\\ndrove out the turbulent nobles, but became so puffed up over\\nhis success that the people found him intolerable and exiled\\nhim. He went to Prague to appeal to the emperor, but\\nwas delivered to the pope, who kept him in prison for some\\ntime. The pope then determined to recover his power in\\nRome, and sent Rienzi back to the city as his representa-\\ntive (1354). Rienzi s success in Rome was of short dura-\\ntion, however, and he lost his life in an insurrection. Car-\\ndinal Albornoz was then sent by the pope into Italy, and\\nrecovered nearly all the towns in the papal state. This led\\nthe pope to take up his residence in Rome again (1377),\\nalthough a rival pope was elected, who continued the papal", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "The Mediaeval Period\\ncourt at Avignon till the schism was healed by the Council\\nof Constance (141 7). The jwpes of the fifteenth century\\nfollowed the policy of making their possession of Rome\\nsecure and of uniting and enlarging the papal state.\\nThe Angevins lost Sicily to the Aragonese, but held\\nNaples. Naples till 1435, when Alphonso of Aragon made liimself\\nmaster of soutliern Italy also. The rule of the Angevins had\\nruined the kingdom, however, and although Alphonso was\\na model prince, a patron of learning and of the arts, he\\nwas not able to establish his family firmly in power. His\\nson Ferdinand (1458-94) succeeded him as ruler of Naples,\\nbut his misrule led to the revival of the Angevin claim,\\nwhich had in the meanwhile reverted to the king of\\nFrance. Louis XI. was too practical to be drawn into\\nCharles Italian politics, but his incompetent son, Charles VIII.\\nvadesTt alv (M ^3-98) ^s induced by various considerations to in-\\n1494. vade Italy. There was, first of all, his claim to Naples\\nMilan was intriguing against the Aragonese and urged him\\ntherefore to come Savonarola was calling for a reform in\\nFlorence and attacking the rule of the Medici, thus open-\\ning an opportunity in Florence. In 1494 he crossed the\\nAlps and began that long and disastrous period of foreign\\ninvasion and domination of Italy which was not ended till\\nthe present century.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Florence. Machiavelli, Mrs. Oliphant, Roscoe, Oscar Browning.\\n2. Venice. Oliphant, Wiel.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV\\nFRANCE, 1 108-1494; ENGLAND, 1070-1485\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 As in Chaps. I., III., IV., V., and VI.\\nThe accession of Louis VI. (1108-37, called the Fat)\\nmarks a change in the fortunes of the Capetian House. All\\nbut the last years of his life were spent in passing through\\nhis kingdom, punishing the rebellious barons, asserting his\\nroyal rights, acquiring territory, and, in general, in in-\\ncreasing the prestige of the royal name. He was a stanch\\nchampion of the Church, protecting the clergy and their\\nlands from the violence of the barons. He favored the\\ncities, and tried to make travel safe and commerce secure.\\nSuger, the able abbot of St. Denis, as his counsellor, was\\nof great service to him in the difficult work which he had\\nto do. Though he was unable to reduce the great vas-\\nsals, he was one of the ablest of the Capetian line, and un-\\ntil his increasing corpulence made travel impossible, he\\nspent his time and strength in the personal supervision of\\nthe government. He was succeeded by his son, Louis\\nVIL (i 137-80), who was simple, credulous, capricious, and\\nover-religious. So long as Suger lived, Louis was well\\nguided, but he made the mistake of going on a crusade and\\nof divorcing his wife, Eleanor, who held all of Aquitaine.\\nHe intrigued with the sons of Henry II. of England, but\\nwas unable to prevent the English from obtaining a large\\namount of French territory.\\nHis son, Philip H., called Augustus (1180-1223), al-\\nthough a politician of rare ability, was treacherous and un-\\n223\\nFrance from\\n1 108 to the\\nHundred\\nYears War.\\nLouis VL\\n1108-37.\\nLouis VH.\\n1137-80.\\nPhilip IL,\\nI 180-1223.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "224 Mcdiccval Period\\nscrupulous. He, too, intrigued with the English princes,\\nand thereby secured the possession of Normandy, Maine,\\nAnjou, and other provinces. For some years he waged war\\non his other great vassals and wrung many concessions from\\nthem. The battle of Bouvines was quite as advantageous\\nto him as to Frederick II. of Germany, for whom it was\\nostensibly fought. Philip took no personal part in the per-\\nsecution of the Albigenses, but the crown reaped the bene-\\nfit of it by acquiring their territory.\\nThe royal The reign of Philip II. was of fundamental importance\\nomain. ^.j^^ growth of the royal power. The king s domain was\\nmore than doubled by him, and his income correspond-\\ningly increased. For the first time the king was rich.\\nPhilip II. found the old system of administration insuffi-\\ncient. His estates had thus far been managed hy 3. prevot,\\nwho, in the name of the king, administered justice, collect-\\ned the taxes, and preserved order. Although these prevots\\nwere the king s officers, there was the tendency, in ac-\\ncordance with the character of the age, for them to look\\nupon their office as a fief, and hence hereditary. To keep\\nthem from growing quite away from him, and also to get\\nthe best returns from his estates, Philip II. created a new\\nofficer, the baillie. He was put above the prevots, several\\nof whom were generally in his bailiwick. He was required\\nto hold court every month for the rendering of justice and\\nto make a full report of his doings to the king. He was\\nespecially entrusted with collecting all the money possible\\nfor the king and delivering it at Paris. The reign of Philip\\nII. had resulted in two most important things the great\\nextension of the royal power and the better administration\\nof the royal affairs. The hereditary character of the\\ncrown seemed so well establi.shed in his reign that he did\\nnot think it necessary to secure the election of his son,\\ntaking it for granted that the crown would pass on to him.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-1494; England, 10/0-148^ 225\\nAlthough Louis VIII. (1223-26) was thirty-six years old Louis VIII.,\\nwhen his father died, he had never had any share in the ^^^3-2\\ngovernment or any independent income. He followed his\\nfather s policy in all respects, except that he gave to each\\nof his sons the government and income of a certain terri-\\ntory, which was called an appanage. While this made the\\nposition of the princes more dignified, it tended to separate\\nlands from the crown at a time when everything possible\\nshould have been done to consolidate the royal possessions.\\nFor ten years after the accession of Louis IX. (1226-70), Louis IX.,\\nhis mother, Blanche of Castile, was regent. Imperious and i2t(^to\\nautocratic, she ruled with a strong hand and although\\nconspired against by almost all the great vassals, she was\\nable to add to the royal power. Under her training Louis\\nbecame the most perfect Christian ruler of his day. Few\\nmen have ever taken Christianity so seriously and followed\\nits dictates, even against their own interests, so closely as\\nhe. His religious conscience was absolute master of him.\\nHe refused to extend his boundaries at the expense of his\\nneighbors, although many opportunities for doing so offered\\nthemselves. He e\\\\en restored to England certain territories\\nwhich he thought had been unjustly seized. He was deep-\\nly distressed by the enmity between the emperor and the\\npope, and tried to act as peacemaker between them. His\\nreputation for justice made him the arbiter of Europe, and\\nthe Church expressed her approval of his character by de-\\nclaring him a saint.\\nThe reign of Louis IX. is important for various reasons. Reform.\\nHe increased the royal domain by the acquisition of several\\nlarge provinces. Up to this time more than eighty of his\\nsubjects had had the right to coin money. The money\\ncoined in a province was the only legal tender there. Louis\\nmade the royal money legal tender throughout France, and\\nissued stringent laws against counterfeiting. He reformed", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "226 The Mediceval Period\\nthe office of haillie by prescribing that every baillie should\\ntake an oath to administer his office faithfully and justly,\\nand to preserve local liberties as well as the rights of the\\nking that he should not receive any money or gift from\\nthe people in his bailiwick, nor engage in any other busi-\\nness, nor have any interest in his bailiwick except to serve\\nthe king that he should not marry anyone from his dis-\\ntrict, nor surround himself with his relatives, nor give them\\nany office under him. Every baillie was ordered to hold\\ncourt in person, regularly, and in the appointed places,\\nand to make reports to the king of all his doings and after\\nbeing removed from his office was to remain in the prov-\\nince for forty days, in order that the opportunity might be\\ngiven to prefer charges against him.\\nAround the person of the king there was a large num-\\nber of people of different rank, who formed his court. The\\nhighest in rank of these were his council. Up to this time\\nall this court had helped him in the administration of the\\naffairs of government. Louis IX. introduced the principle\\nof division of labor by dividing this council into three\\nThe council groups and assigning to each a particular kind of work,\\ndivided into ^pi-^ggg divisions were the council proper, the officers of the\\ngroups. treasury, and the parlement. The council retained the\\nexecutive functions of the government. The treasury of-\\nficials had charge of the collection and disbursement of\\nall the moneys of the king, while the parlement became the\\nhighest judicial body in the realm. Previous to this time\\nthe administration of justice had been made very difficult\\nbecause [the king was constantly travelling from one part\\nof the kingdom to another. And since his council accom-\\npanied him, and all cases must be tried in, or near, his\\npresence, all the parties to a case were compelled to follow\\nhim about and often several weeks, or even months,\\nwould elapse before a case might come to trial. To remedy", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-14^4; England, 10/0-148^ 227\\nthis, Louis established the parlement in Paris and gave it a\\nfixed place of meeting.\\nThe jurisdiction of the parlement was also extended. The parle-\\nThe revival of the study of Roman law brought out the\\nimperial principle that the king is the source of all justice.\\nThe theory arose that the jurisdiction of the nobles was a\\nfief held of the king. It followed as a matter of course that\\nevery one should have the right of appealing to the king in\\ncase he were not satisfied with the result of his trial, and\\nalso that the king might call before his court any case that\\nhe might wish. For various reasons the king wished to\\nmake the number of these royal cases as large as pos-\\nsible and so interfered more and more in the baronial\\ncourts, and brought all the important cases before his own\\njudges. Louis forbade the trial by duel and put in its stead\\nthe appeal to a higher court. The parlement, therefore,\\nbecame the court of appeal over all the baronial courts, and\\nthe king s justice became superior to all baronial justice.\\nWhile Louis was truly religious in accordance with the Louis IX.\\nideas of his age, and defended the Church against all vio-\\nlence and injustice, he nevertheless guarded his royal pre-\\nrogatives against clerical encroachments. He compelled\\nthe Church to contribute its part toward the support of the\\ngovernment by the payment of tithes and other taxes. He\\nlimited, to a certain extent, the judicial power of the bish-\\nops, and subjected a part of the clergy to the civil law.\\nHe greatly favored the mendicant orders at the expense of\\nthe clergy, using them as ambassadors, as missi dominici,\\nand in many of its highest offices.\\nWith the accession of Philip HI. (1270-85) favorites Philip III.,\\nmade their appearance at the French court, behind whom i?7o-85-\\nFavorites\\nthe king hides so successfully as to conceal his real charac- at the court,\\nter. These favorites were generally of the common people,\\ncapable, ambitious, and trained in the Roman law, from", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "228 The Mcdiccval Period\\nwhich fact they were called legistes. They were generally\\nhated by the nobility, who regarded them in the light of\\nusurpers. Philip III. was drawn into a war with some of\\nthe kingdoms in Spain, which led to his acquisition of Na-\\nvarre. He also added to the royal domain several other\\nimportant territories in the south of France. He punished\\nhis rebellious vassals with great severity, and compelled\\nthe Church to pay well for the privilege of receiving lega-\\ncies. In order to secure immunity from the laws of the\\nland, men took the tonsure and were called clergymen,\\nand yet engaged in business or led a wandering or vaga-\\nbond sort of life, many of them being married, and living\\nin all respects as laymen. These he deprived of the pro-\\ntection of the Church law, and subjected to taxation and\\nother state control.\\nPhilip IV., Under the rule of Philip IV. (1285-1314), called the\\n1285-1314. Handsome, France became the leading power in Europe.\\nHis favorites furnished him with a policy he strove to\\nimitate Justinian. The influence of the Roman law at his\\ncourt may be seen from the fact that a large number of\\ngreat questions were settled by the form of trial. Philip\\nIV. chose the most opportune times of interfering in the\\naffairs of the provinces which, being on the eastern frontier,\\nowed allegiance to the German emperor. Since the em-\\nperors were all weak, he was able to extend his boundaries\\nconsiderably at the expense of the empire.\\nThe commanding position of Philip IV. in Europe is\\nThe papacy shown by the removal of the papacy to Avignon, and the\\nremoved to control which he exercised over the popes. Clement V.,\\nin order to escape from condemning his predecessor, Boni-\\nface VIII., delivered the Order of the Templars into the\\nDestruction king s hands. Heavy charges were trumped up against it,\\nof the Tern- ^y^^^ ^j^g motive of the king was to secure possession of\\nplars.\\nits vast wealth.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "Prance, 1108-14^4; England, 1070-1485 229\\nIn the time of Philip IV. order was introduced into the Improve-\\ngovernment by the creation of certain new offices, the func- p-overnment\\ntions of which were defined. The various sorts of work\\nin the government were differentiated and each sort assigned\\nto a particular set of officials. For the personal service of\\nthe king there was a court called at that time the king s\\nHotel; the chamberlain, the chaplain, and those who\\nhad control of the guard and the troops were the most im-\\nportant persons of the Hotel. The chancellerie had\\ncharge of all public affairs. By means of it all intercourse\\nbetween the king and his people was conducted. Within\\nthe chancellerie there was a college of notaries who drew\\nup all public or state documents. The heads of this college\\nwere called clercs du secret, or private secretaries of\\nthe king, because they were acquainted with the secrets of\\nthe king and his council. The third chief division in the\\ngovernment was called the King s Council, the members of\\nwhich had to take a special oath to the king. They Avere\\nhis secret counsellors and deliberated with him on all im-\\nportant questions. The States-general were not yet an The States-\\norganic part of the government. The attendance upon S^\\nthese, however, had, in the process of time, come to be lim-\\nited to the more powerful nobles and to the abbots and\\nbishops. It had been customary for the king to summon\\nthem to obtain their advice whenever the special situation\\ndemanded. In 1302, when the trouble with the pope was\\nassuming large proportions, the king felt that he must know\\nwhether he would have the support of all his people if he\\nproceeded to extreme measures against the papacy. He\\ntherefore summoned the States-general, and at the same\\ntime called on the cities each to send two or three repre-\\nIt should be noted that States-general correspond to the Parlia-\\nment in England, while in France the name P- rlement was given to the\\nbody of the king s judges. The Parlement in f rance is a judicial body\\nin England the Parliament is a legislative body.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "230\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nThe parle-\\nment and\\nthe king s\\njustice.\\nsentativcs to attend the meeting. The king laid before\\nthem his plans and asked for their judgment. After some\\ndeliberation, the body signified its approval and promised\\nhim the support of the whole people. In 1308 a similar\\nmeeting of the same body was held to discuss the charges\\nagainst the Templars. More than two hundred cities sent\\ntheir representatives, and again the States-general merely\\nsaid yes to the king s proposals. It is characteristic of\\nthe part which the cities played in this proceeding that\\nthey were asked by the king to send deputies to hear,\\nreceive, approve, and do all that might be commanded\\nthem by the king. Again, in 13 14, when the war with\\nFlanders was about to be renewed and the treasury was\\nempty, the king summoned the States-general and told\\nthem what he wanted. The States-general did nothing\\nbut express their submission to the will of the king. This\\nwas the much written about entrance of the Third Estate\\ninto the political history of France. French historians\\nnever tire of exalting its importance. But, as a matter of\\nfact, the influence of the Third Estate was, and remained,\\npractically nothing till the time of the French Revolu-\\ntion. It had no such history and development as the\\nHouse of Commons in England. In France the author-\\nity of the king prevailed, and the Third Estate was sim-\\nply permitted to say yes when it was commanded so\\nto do.\\nThe growth of the parlement during this reign was re-\\nmarkable. Ordinary cases arising on the royal domain\\nwere tried before it, and the number of appeals from all\\nparts of the kingdom greatly increased. The absolute\\nsupremacy of the king s court and the king s justice over\\nall baronial courts and baronial justice was more than ever\\nrecognized. The right of appeal was made use of to such\\nan extent that the king was compelled to empower his", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-14Q4; England, ioyo-1485 231\\nbaillies to decide many cases in order to prevent the par-\\nlement from being overwhelmed with work.\\nAs the government grew more thoroughly organized, it\\nbecame much more expensive. Louis IX. had always had\\nenough income to support the government. Philip IV.\\nwas always in debt. He made the most strenuous efforts\\nto raise money, but even by taxes, seizures, aids, forced Taxation,\\nloans, confiscations, persecutions of the Jews, taxation of\\nall the foreign merchants in France, taxation of the Church,\\nthe seizure of the possessions of the Templars, and many\\nother questionable means, was not able to keep his treasury\\nfull.\\nPhilip IV. was succeeded by his three sons in turn\\nLouis X. (1314-16), Phihp V., called the Long (1316-\\n22), and Charles IV. (1322-28). They were not able to\\npreserve the monarchy in that state to which their prede-\\ncessors had brought it. There was a general reaction on\\nthe part of the nobles against the absolutism of Philip IV.,\\nand they were able to force from these kings many provin-\\ncial charters which restored and safeguarded local feudal\\nrights. Louis X. especially made a large number of such\\nconcessions.\\nPhilip V. labored hard to strengthen the government\\nand centralize the power. He met, however, with the\\nmost bitter opposition from his barons. All three brothers\\ndied without male heirs, and since Philip V., in order to\\njustify his seizure of the crown, had prevailed on the Coun-\\ncil to declare that the crown could not pass by the female\\nline, the throne was vacant. The nearest male heir was End of the\\nPhilip of Valois, a cousin of the dead king. Edward III. ranet\\nof England also laid claim to the crown on the ground line, acces-\\nthat he, being a nephew of the late king Charles IV., was House^of\\nthe nearest male heir by the female line. The claims of Valois,\\nEdward were rejected and Philip of Valois became king. ^32o.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "232\\nThe Mediaeval Period\\nEngland,\\n1070, to the\\nHundred\\nYears\\nWars.\\nWilliam the\\nConqueror.\\nThe Domes-\\nday Book.\\nWilliam II.,\\n1087-1100.\\nHenry I.,\\n1100-35,\\npublishes a\\ncharter of\\nliberties.\\nEdward soon gave up all pretensions to the throne, came\\nto Amiens, and did homage to Philip VI. for his feudal\\nholdings. In 1330, and again in 1331, he acknowledged\\nhimself without any reserve as the feudal subject of the\\nking of France.\\nNorman genius showed itself in the government of Will-\\niam the Conqueror. The name of what was formerly called\\nthe Witenagemot, composed of all who held land directly\\nfrom the king, was gradually changed to Great Council.\\nBoth his Norman and his English subjects were trouble-\\nsome, but he used the one to kefep the other in check. In\\nthe large towns he built fortresses which he garrisoned with\\nNorman troops. He kept the English militia ready for\\nservice. He had made an exact list of the possessions and\\nholdings of all his subjects, which was called the Domes-\\nday Book, and on the basis of which he levied and collected\\nhis taxes with great regularity and exactness. His severity\\nin punishing all offences, his heavy taxes, and his devasta-\\ntion of a large territory to make a game preserve caused\\nhim to be hated by his people, who did not understand the\\ngreat services he was rendering England.\\nThe reign of William Rufiis (1087-1100), the second\\nson of William the Conqueror, was violent and oppressive\\nin the extreme. He laid such heavy financial burdens on\\nthe people, that they were not sorry when he met his death\\nwhile hunting in the New Forest. The eldest son of Wil-\\nliam, Robert, had received the duchy of Normandy, which\\nhe had pawned in order to go on the first crusade. The\\nthird son, Henry, was made king of England (1100-35).\\nFearing that his title to the crown was not good, and that\\nRobert would probably oppose him, he tried to propitiate\\nthe people in every possible way. He published a charter\\nof liberties which contained concessions to the Church,\\nthe vassals, and the nation at large, and assured all classes", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-1494; England, 10/0-1483 233\\nthat they would no longer be subjected to the wrongs and\\nexactions which they had suffered from his brother.\\nHenry increased his popularity by marrying the daughter\\nof the king of Scotland, Matilda, a descendant from the\\nold English line of kings. The wisdom of his conduct\\nbecame apparent when Robert, returning from the crusade,\\ntried to get possession of England and the people stood\\nfaithfully by Henry. Robert was taken prisoner in battle,\\nand Henry seized Normandy. Henry was the first Eng-\\nlish king to grant charters to towns, thus securing them\\nagainst unjust interference from their feudal lords, as well\\nas from excessive taxes and tolls. He established the in-\\nstitution known as the curia regis, which had control of The curia\\nthe king s finances, and tried all cases in which the king s ^gis.\\ntenants-in-chief were concerned. He obtained an oath\\nfrom his barons that they would accept his daughter Ma-\\ntilda as ruler, but at his death his nephew, Stephen of Stephen of\\nBlois (1135-54), came to London and secured his own j,\u00c2\u00b0it c/i\\nelection. War ensued between Stephen and Matilda, and\\nEngland suffered much from it till 1153, when it was\\nagreed that Stephen should remain king, but should be\\nsucceeded by Henry, the son of Matilda.\\nHenry II. (1154-89) was strong, active, and able, and Henry II.,\\nhad but one thought, namely, to make himself the real mas- iiS4-o9-\\nter of England. Both the nobility and the Church were in\\nhis way. His reign is famous for his struggles with those\\npowers.\\nFor the purposes of consultation, he called the Great\\nCouncil together often, and compelled many of the small\\nfeudal holders to attend it. The curia regis was also\\nstrengthened and its work of rendering justice emphasized.\\nIn 1 1 66 he called a meeting of the Great Council at Clar-\\nendon and published a set of decrees called the Assize of\\nClarendon. By its terms the old custom of compurgation", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "234 The Mediaeval Period\\nAssize of was prohibited, and a new system was introduced. Twelve\\n66^ every county and four men from each township in\\nit were to form a board for the purpose of deciding who\\nshould be brought to trial the work of our grand jury.\\nHenry revived the custom of sending out itinerant justices,\\nwho, by rendering strict justice in the king s name, brought\\nthe manorial and county courts into disfavor. In 1170\\nHenry inquired into the way in which the various barons\\nwho held the office of sheriff were performing their duties,\\nand as the result of the inquiry turned nearly all out and re-\\nplaced them by men of lower birth, who served from this\\ntime as a check on the higher nobility. Henry commuted\\nthe military service which his barons owed him to the pay-\\nment of a sum of money (scutage), with which he hired\\nmercenaries. He also reorganized the militia, and re-\\nquired all the people to come at his call, equipped ready\\nto figlit at their own expense.\\nThe clergy were opposed to Henry s ideas of judicial\\nreform because he meant to bring them also under his own\\nThe Consti- jurisdiction. In 1164 he published the Constitutions of\\nri**\u00c2\u00b0 ^d Clarendon, the purpose of which was to destroy the judicial\\n1 164. independence of the clergy. Every election of bishop\\nor abbot was to take place before royal officers, in the king s\\nchapel, and with the king s assent. The prelate-elect was\\nbound to do homage to the king for his lands before con-\\nsecration and to hold his lands as a barony from the king,\\nsubject to all feudal burdens of taxation and attendance in\\nthe king s court. No bishop might leave the realm with-\\nout the royal permission. No tenant in chief or royal ser-\\nvant might be excommunicated, or their land placed under\\ninterdict, but by the king s assent. What was new was\\nthe legislation respecting ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The\\nking s court was to decide whether a suit between clerk\\nand laymen whose nature was disputed belonged to the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-14^4; England, 1 070-1 48 5 235\\nchurch courts or the king s. A royal officer was to be\\npresent at all ecclesiastical proceedings in order to confine\\nthe bishop s court within its own due limits, and the clerk\\nonce convicted there passed at once under the civil juris-\\ndiction. An appeal was left from the archbishop s court\\nto the king s court for defect of justice, but none might\\nappeal to the papal court save with the king s consent.\\nThomas Beket as chancellor had been a faithful servant Thomas\\nof Henry, and had supported him in all his efforts. On\\nbeing made archbishop of Canterbury, however, Thomas\\nchanged his point of view and opposed the king in his at-\\ntempts to control the clergy. The king was embittered\\nand some of his followers, interpreting his words to mean\\nthat he desired the death of Thomas, murdered the arch-\\nbishop. Henry disavowed the deed, did penance at the\\ntomb of Beket, and offered a part of Ireland, which he\\nhad just conquered, as a peace offering to the pope. He\\nalso withdrew the obnoxious Constitutions of Clarendon,\\nwhereupon the pope pardoned him and restored him to his\\nfavor.\\nHenry s last years were made bitter by the revolts of his\\nsons. He died in 1189, leaving the crown to Richard I. Richard I.,\\n(1189-99), who spent only a few months in England, and ^^^9-99-\\nwhose reign is only negatively important, in that his ab-\\nsence from the country gave English local independence an\\nopportunity to grow.\\nJohn (i 199-12 16) had much of the ability and all the John,\\nvices of the Angevin family. He had great political and dip- ^i99-i2io.\\nlomatic insight, but he was utterly without honor; unscrupu-\\nlous to the last degree, he would break his royal oath with-\\nout compunction. He refused his subjects in Angouleme\\njustice they appealed to the king of France, who sum-\\nmoned John before him. John, however, disregarded the\\nsummons, whereupon Philip II. deposed him and overran", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "236 Tlie Mediccval Period\\na large part of his French provinces. The murder of his\\nnephew, Arthur, lias made John infamous. John refused\\nto accept Stephen Langton, who had been appointed arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury by Innocent III. Innocent imt Eng-\\nland under the interdict and excommunicated John, and\\nfinally (12 12) even deposed him and offered his crown to\\nthe king of France. x\\\\.t the same time John s violence\\nand injustice to his people led them to revolt against him.\\nHoping to break the opposition, John made peace with the\\npope and received his crown from him as a fief. But the\\nstruggle with his barons continued until 12 15, when they\\nThe Magna compelled him to grant the Magna Charta, in which he\\n2x1 promised to observe the ancient laws and customs, to abate\\nall wrongs, and to require only the legal feudal dues. The\\nChurch was to have her liberties restored the barons and\\nthe people were to be subject to no violence. The king\\nagreed neither to pass nor to execute any judgment upon\\nanyone till he had been tried by his peers. After securing\\nthis charter of their liberties, the barons disbanded. John\\nthen broke his oath and became more violent than ever\\ntoward his subjects, whereupon the barons offered the crown\\nto Louis, the son of Philip II. Louis invaded England\\nAvith some success, but at the death of John the English\\nturned to his son, Henry III., then only nine years old.\\nLouis was compelled to return to France.\\nHenry III., Henry III. (1216-72) was as unscrupulous as his father\\n1216-72. j^^^j been. He never refused to take any oath demanded of\\nhim, but always broke it at the first opportunity. He vied\\nwith the pope in his demands for money. In 1257 the\\ncrops were a total failure, but the Pope demanded one-\\nthird of the income of the year. Being unable to bear these\\nburdens longer, the barons came armed to Oxford and\\ncompelled the king to make certain concessions (1258).\\nLater, when the king refused to keep his word, the barons,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-14^4; England, 10/0-148^ 237\\nunder the leadership of Simon de Montfort, made war on\\nhim. In 1265 Simon called a meeting of the Great Coun-\\ncil, or Parliament, as it was now called, in which, besides\\nthe barons, two citizens from certain towns also sat. Simon\\nhad summoned them to be present in order that they might\\ngive advice in regard to the taxes which could be levied on\\nthe towns. This is the first appearance of commoners in the Commoners\\nParliament and is the beginning of the House of Commons, j the Par-\\nThe civil war ended with the death of Simon and the with- 1265.\\ndrawal of Henry from the government, all authority being\\nplaced in the hands of Prince Edward.\\nThe reign of Edward I. was marked by the conquest of Edward I.,\\nWales (1284) and of Scotland (1305), although Scotland 1272-1307.\\nrenewed the war, and in 13 14, by the battle of Bannock-\\nburn, recovered her independence. His legislation was for\\nthe most part good, and tended to increase the power of the\\ncrown. Edward 11. (1307-27) was controlled by favorites, Edward II.,\\nand his reign was in every respect a failure. His wife and ^307-27.\\nher paramour, Roger Mortimer, made war on him, and in\\n1327 the people joined them and deposed him. He was\\nmurdered a short time afterward in prison, and Edward IH.\\nbecame king under the regency of Mortimer.\\nDuring the Hundred Years War England was ruled in The Hun-\\nturn by Edward III. (1327-77), Richard II. (1377-99), ^^j.^^^^^\\nHenry IV. (1399-1412), Henry V. (1413-22), and Henry\\nVI. (1422-61). During the same period the rulers of\\nFrance were Philip VI. (1328-50), John (1350-64),\\nCharles V. (1364-80), Charles VI. (1380-1422), and\\nCharles VII. (1422-61).\\nThe deeper questions at issue in the Hundred Years War The ques-\\nwere whether Scotland should remain independent, and jggyg\\nwhether the king of France should control all of France, or\\nwhether all of Scotland and France should be subjected to\\nthe king of England. It had come to be the established", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "238\\nThe Mcdiaval Period\\nOrigin of\\nthe war.\\nCrecy, 1346.\\nPoitiers,\\n1356.\\npurpose of England to reduce Scotland to subjection, and\\nshe already held so large a part of France as to be able to\\nprevent the unification of that country. Scotland, on the\\nother hand, was determined to be and remain free, and the\\npossession of all the French soil had come to be the most\\nimportant question that confronted the king of France.\\nThe struggle between England and France was sure to come,\\nand it could end in but one of two ways either the king of\\nEngland must conquer the whole country and displace the\\nFrench king, or the king of France must drive out the Eng-\\nlish, and reconquer all that territory which the topography\\nof the country and the similarity in language and customs\\nhad marked out as a legitimate object of his ambition.\\nThe Hundred Years War began in Scotland. In 1331\\nEdward Balliol laid claim to the crown of Scotland, and\\nasked help of Edward III. David Bruce, the other claim-\\nant, fled to France. Philip VI. was trying to extend his\\nauthority over the Low countries, and Edward III. received\\nsome of their political refugees, thereby offending Philip VI.\\nWhen Edward III. went to Flanders (1338) the people\\ndemanded that he assume the title of king of France and\\nalthough he had given up all claim to the title, he saw the\\nadvantages to be derived from it, and, as a kind of war\\nmeasure, in 1340 declared himself its possessor. In the\\nsame year the English fleet destroyed the French fleet, but\\notherwise little fighting was done till 1346, when Edward\\nwon the battle of Crecy, and the next year took Calais.\\nA truce was then made, which was kept till 1355. In that\\nyear prince Edward, known as the Black Prince, ravaged\\na large part of southern France. Near Poitiers his force of\\n8,000 men was attacked by an army of about 50,000 men,\\nbut he was victorious, and even captured king John and\\ntook him to England. In 1359 Edward made another in-\\nvasion of southern France, but found there such suffering", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-1494; England, 10/0-148^ 239\\nand ruin, as the result of his raid of a few years before,\\nthat he was conscience smitten, and offered to make peace.\\nBy the terms of the treaty of Bretigny, Edward resigned The jieace\\nhis claim to the French crown and received several large j-^q\\nprovinces from France. The Black Prince was sent to\\ngovern Aquitaine, but by his attempt to levy a hearth tax\\ncaused an uprising of the people. For a few years the\\nEnglish harried many parts of France, but the French re-\\nfused to engage in battle.\\nThe war practically ceased till the accession of Henry V. Henry V.,\\n(1413-22). His father, Henry IV., had deposed Richard JJ^sthe\\nII. and seized the crown. Henry V., feeling that his claim war.\\nto the crown was not secure, hoped to make himself pop-\\nular by a successful war in France. He renewed his claim\\nto the French crown and invaded France, but at Harfleur\\nlost two-thirds of his troops by disease. However, with\\nan army of about 15,000 men, he met and defeated 50,000\\nFrench near Agincourt (141 5). Charles VI. was imbecile, Agincourt,\\nand the country divided between two parties, the one ^^^S\\nunder the duke of Burgundy, the other under the count of\\nArmagnac. The feud between them was so bitter that the\\nBurgundians went over to the English. By the treaty of\\nTroyes (1420) Henry V. was acknowledged regent of\\nFrance, and was to be recognized as king at the death of\\nCharles VI.\\nIn 1422 both kings died. Henry VI., though only a Henry VI.,\\nchild of nine months, was acknowledged in England and ^f;\\nking of both\\nin all the northern part of France, and the duke of Bed- countries,\\nford was made regent. Bedford instituted excellent re-\\nforms and governed France well. Charles VII., the Dau-\\nphin, was recognized south of the Loire. Bedford made\\nwar on him, and it seemed for a time that the English\\nmust gain possession of all of France. Bedford was be-\\nsieging Orleans (1428) with every prospect of success. Some", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "240 TJie Mediccval Period\\nof the French nobles, however, especially the duke of Bur-\\ngundy, were alienated from the English cause, and at the\\nsame time help came from an unexpected quarter.\\nJeanne Jeanne d Arc, a peasant girl, seventeen years old, be-\\nlieved herself to have received a commission from God to\\nlead her king, Charles VII., to Rheims, to secure his coro-\\nnation, and to drive out the English. She was not the only\\nwoman in France who thought herself appointed for this\\ndifficult work. In those times of excitement and national\\ndepression other women came forward with the same be-\\nlief in their high calling. Jeanne was the only one fortu-\\nnate and capable enough to get a hearing. No one at first\\nhad any confidence in her, but since there was no other\\nhelp possible she was taken before the young king, who\\ndetermined to give her a chance to test her divine calling.\\nShe was given command of the army, but only a part of\\nher orders were obeyed, because some of the things which\\nshe commanded were manifestly impossible. The real\\ncommanders of the army made good use of her presence to\\nfire the enthusiasm of the troops to the highest pitch. She\\nled the attack on the English before Orleans, and was suc-\\ncessful in breaking up the siege of the city. The tide turned\\nand everyone was wild with joy and enthusiasm. The be-\\nlief in her miraculous mission made the army irresistible.\\nThe English were driven back, town after town was taken\\nby the French, and Charles VII. was soon crowned at\\nRheims (1429). Jeanne continued the struggle, but was\\ntaken prisoner by the Burgundians and sold to the English.\\nShe was carried to Rouen, where, after a long trial, she was\\ncondemned to death on a mixed charge of sorcery, heresy,\\napostasy, and other crimes, which only the Middle Age\\ncould invent. Her youth, her simplicity, her nobleness\\navailed nothing she was burned at the stake (May, 1431)-\\nBut even dead she was still a power in France. Her", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-14^4; England, 10/0-148^ 241\\nname gave an impetus and courage to her countrymen\\nwhich was destined to result in driving out the English\\nentirely. Bedford found the current in France setting\\nstronger and stronger against the English. At his death\\n(1435) the duke of Burgundy deserted the English cause\\nand became the subject of Charles VII. For some years\\nthe war was continued, but at length (1454) the English\\nhad been driven out of every place in France except Calais. The\\nThe Hundred Years War was over. The final result of it f^S^^^^\\ndriven out,\\nwas the unification of France. By it both England and 14S4.\\nFrance had been profoundly influenced, and at its close\\nthey were ready to enter a new period of their develop-\\nment.\\nThe constitutional changes in England during the Hun- Constitu-\\ndred Years War were important. In 1-122 Edward II.\\nchanges in\\ndeclared that in future all matters pertaining to the king- England,\\ndom should be settled by a Parliament, in which should be\\nrepresented the clergy and barons and the common people.\\nHe also abolished certain feudal taxes, and relied on grants\\nof money by the Parliament. In 1341 the commoners\\nwere separated from the lords, and met apart for the pur-\\npose of deliberation. In 1376 the Parliament claimed and\\nexercised the right to try members of the king s council\\nfor embezzlement.\\nThe fourteenth century was marked by a movement Social\\namong the people which showed itself in many ways. In ^o^^^^nts.\\n1348 a plague spread over all Europe, which resulted in\\nthe death of perhaps half of the population. Whole dis-\\ntricts in England were almost depopulated. This, of\\ncourse, made the demand for the service of free laborers\\nmuch greater. The natural effect was that all free work-\\nmen demanded larger wages than they had ever before re-\\nceived. The English sense of the binding force of custom\\nand tradition was thereby deeply offended, especially since", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "242 The Mediceval Period\\nat the same time the expense of farming was increased. In\\n1349 both Houses of Parhament met and passed a statute\\nthat the same wages should be paid as were customary be-\\nfore the plague, and made it a crime for anyone to demand\\nmore. The immediate effect of this measure was to in-\\ncrease the bitterness already existing between the classes,\\nbut as far as prohibiting the demand for higher wages went,\\nit was without avail. The work must be done, and the\\npeasants refused to do it without an increase in pay. This\\nled the landlords to try to reduce the free laborers to vil-\\nlainage again. In many cases the villain had secured his\\nfreedom by paying a small sum of money to his landlord.\\nSince the service had become so much more valuable, the\\nlandlords now declared that the contract into which they\\nhad entered was unfair, and they refused to accept the sum\\nof money agreed upon in place of service. This would have\\nsolved the difficulty and the landlords would have thereby\\nacquired a sufficient amount of labor to till their estates,\\nbut its injustice caused a revolt. Many of Wyclifs preach-\\ners espoused the cause of the peasants, and there arose be-\\nsides a large number of peasants who went about inciting\\nthe people to resistance. There was an uprising all over\\nEngland. The property of the nobility was attacked, their\\ngame and fish preserves destroyed, the records of the vil-\\nlain s dues were burnt, and even many people put to death.\\nWat An army of more than 100,000, led by Wat Tyler, Jack\\nStraw, and John Ball, marched upon London, expecting\\nto appeal to the king to support them against the nobility.\\nThey got into London and put many to death, among\\nthem the lawyers of the new Inn of the Temple and the\\narchbishop of Canterbury, who had proposed many of the\\nobnoxious measures in Parliament. Richard II., still a mere\\nboy, met them and promised to abolish villainage, where-\\nupon the majority of the peasants returned home. About\\nTyler s\\nrebellioa", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-14Q4; England, 1070-148^ 243\\n30,000 of them, however, were bent on mischief, and\\ncould not be dispersed until an army attacked and scattered\\nthem. The revolt was followed by severe punishments.\\nThe leaders were put to death, as well as many who had\\ntaken part in it. All England was united against the in-\\nsurgents, and the lot of the peasants became harder than\\never before.\\nThis peasants revolt had a bad effect on a movement Wyclif.\\nwhich had for its author John Wyclif. By an independ-\\nent study of the Bible he had come to differ radically from\\nthe Church in many points. He attacked the authority of\\nthe pope and the doctrine of transubstantiation later even\\nthe mass. At first he had simply striven against what he\\ncalled abuses in the Church the worldly clergy, the heavy\\necclesiastical taxes, the sale of indulgences and pardons,\\npilgrimages, the use of relics, and the worship of saints\\nbut opposition developed his ideas until he broke out into\\nopen hostility to the Church in almost everything. He\\nbased all his doctrines directly on his interpretation of the\\nBible. He sent out many preachers to carry his teaching\\nto the people, and they succeeded in gaining many adher-\\nents. His sympathies were, for the most part, with the\\ncommon people, and his cry for reform was taken up by\\nthem. It was due in part to his agitation that the peasants\\nrevolt took place. The violence committed on that occa-\\nsion frightened the nobility and even the common people,\\nand Wyclif s movement thus fell into disrepute. His\\npreachers, called the Lollards, or idle babblers, were re-\\npressed and persecuted. He himself was bitterly opposed\\nby the clergy, but suffered no personal violence, though he\\nwas compelled to leave Oxford and retire to his home at\\nLutterworth, where he spent the last years of his life in re-\\nvising an earlier translation of the Bible. He was ordered\\nto appear at Rome to defend himself, when death overtook", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "244 The Mcdicrz ol Period\\nhim. Political considerations, the alliance between Henry\\nV. and the papacy, led to the repeated persecutions of his\\nfollowers, and so his movement came to nothing.\\nDuring the last years of his life Henry VI. suffered from\\nfrequent attacks of insanity, and these directly caused the\\ncivil strife known, from the badges of the opposing fac-\\nThe Wars tions, as the Wars of the Roses. This was a struggle be-\\n2^ tween the great houses of England, at first for the control\\nRoses,\\n1455-85. of the king, and later for the possession of the crown. The\\nduke of York drove Henry VI. out of England in 1461\\nand had himself crowned as Edward IV. (1461-83). For\\nten years the contest continued, and ended only with the\\ndeath of Henry VI.\\nEdward IV., feeling himself secure on the throne, found\\nleisure to begin a war in connection with Charles the Bold\\nof Burgundy against Louis XI. of France. He hoped to\\nprevent the extension of French power in the Netherlands,\\nbut was unable to do so. His death put his son, Edward\\nv., a boy of twelve years, on the throne. Both Edward\\nV. and his younger brother, the duke of York, were thrust\\ninto the Tower by their uncle, Richard, duke of Gloucester,\\nwho had been made protector and the relatives of their\\nmother, who had been exercising great influence up to this\\ntime, were either imprisoned or put to death. Fearing that\\nif the young king were once crowned and acknowledged,\\nhis own life would be in danger, Richard, by the most\\nshameless charges against the honor of his own mother,\\nsecured the recognition of himself as king. He was crowned\\nRichard as Richard III. (1483). He met with some opposition,\\ng^ ^4 3- [),j{^ \\\\ygg ^i^Iq [q resist it successfiilly. He felt, however,\\nthat he was not safe so long as the young Edward V. and\\nhis brother lived, and they were accordingly put to death\\nin the Tower by Richard s orders. This crime cost him\\nhis popularity. The duke of Ricliniond, another descend-\\n85", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-1494; England, ioyo-1485 245\\nHenry VII.,\\n1485-1500,\\nbrings\\npeace.\\nant of Edward HI., was encouraged to invade England, and\\nin the battle of Bosworth (1485) Richard III. was slain, and\\nthe duke of Richmond was made king under the title of\\nHenry VII. For nearly thirty years ICngland had suffered\\nso terribly by these civil wars that the people, worn out,\\nwere willing to do anything, or to submit to anything, if\\nonly they might have peace. It was not so much that the\\ngreat houses were destroyed it was rather the horror that\\nwas everywhere felt for civil war that now opened the way\\nfor the Tudor House, of which Henry VII. was the head,\\nto become practically absolute, and rule without regard to\\nconstitution or Parliament. The people, feeling that noth-\\ning could be worse than civil war, were glad to have a\\nstrong king, because they believed that such a ruler alone\\nwas able to preserve peace and order.\\nThe Renaissance was just beginning to be felt in Eng-\\nland at this time. Richard III. was himself one of its\\nmost prominent supporters. Before he saw the way open to England\\nthe throne he had been especially active in this direction.\\nIt was unfortunate both for him and for the cause of learn-\\ning that the temptation to seize the crown was put in his\\nway. But even as king he kept alive his interest in the\\nnew learning and aided it by his legislation. He passed a\\nlaw forbidding any hindrance or injury to anyone who was\\nengaged in importing or selling books in the kingdom.\\nLearning suddenly became with many a passion the move-\\nment was still in its swaddling-clothes, to be sure, but the\\nfoundation was being laid for the glorious achievements of\\nthe sixteenth century.\\nTo return to France, the last years of Charles VII. were\\nnot so fortunate as the first. The victories which Jeanne\\nd Arc won for him secured him the title of the Victorious.\\nBy establishing a standing army he became independent of\\nhis vassals for military service. He quarrelled with his\\nThe\\nRenais-\\nsance in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "246\\nI hc Mcdiccval Period\\nA standing\\narmy in\\nFrance.\\nLouis XI.\\n1461-83.\\nThe unifica.\\ntion of\\nFrance-\\nson Louis, who thereupon intrigued against him, and made\\nalliances with his enemies. The king also fell under the\\ncontrol of bad ministers. His court was vitiated by the\\npresence of infamous women.\\nLouis XL (1461-83) was, from the point of view of the\\nkingship, one of the most successful of all the French kings,\\nbut he has won the reputation of being the most cruel,\\ncrafty, and unprincipled of men. He was a master in the\\narts of duplicity and deception. His settled policy was\\nthe acquisition of territory, and the strengthening of the\\nroyal power. Several of the great appanages were added\\nto the royal domain during his reign two most important\\nacquisitions were made on the eastern frontier as follows\\nin 1477, at the death of Charles the Bold, duke of Bur-\\ngundy, Louis XL seized his duchy, and in 1481 he got\\npossession of Provence. In this way the eastern boundary\\nof France was much extended. In order to increase the\\nroyal prerogative, Louis XL established provincial parle-\\nments, thereby dividing and weakening the central parle-\\nment, the body that was most able to hinder the growth of\\nthe royal power.\\nCharles VIII. (1483-98), the successor of Louis XL,\\nincreased the royal possessions by the addition of Brittany\\n(1491), thus practically completing the unification of\\nFrance. The power of the king was rapidly increasing,\\nwhile that of the feudal nobility was practically broken.\\nThe king was ruler in fact as well as name. With the\\nwhole of France in his hands the way was open for Charles\\nVIII. to look abroad. His invasion of Italy (1494) marks\\nin French history the beginning of the era of conquest.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "France, 1108-14P4; England, 10/0-148^ 247\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Philip Augustus. Huiton, P/iih p Augustus. $0.75. Macmillan.\\n2. The Hundred Years War. Oman, Tke Hutidred Years War. $0.50.\\nScribner.\\n3. Joan OF Arc. V,o- n^\\\\\\\\, Joan of Arc. $2.00. Houghton. Tuckey, Joan\\nof Arc. $0.75. Caldwell. Lamartine, Joan of Arc. $0.50. Mac-\\nmillan.\\n4. Henry II. Mrs. J. R. Green, Life of Henry II. $0.75. Macmillan.\\nbutton, King and Baronage. $0.50. Scribner.\\n5. Henry V. Church, Henry V. $0.75. Macmillan.\\n6. WvcLiF. Poole, John Wycliffe and t!ie Early Movements of Reform. $0.80.\\nOxford. Lechler, John Wycliffe and His English Precursors. 8s.\\nReligious Tract Society. K\\\\^o Life and Times of John Wycliffe. 2S. 6s.\\n7. Warwick. Oman, War%!jick the Kingmaker. $0.75. Macmillan.\\n8. Chaucer. Morley, Chaucer. $0.75. Harper. Penn. Univ., Translations.\\nVol. II., Chap. V.\\n9. Simon DE MoNTFORT. Creighton, Simon de Mont/ort. $1.00. Longmans.\\n10. Edward I. Tout, Edward I. $0.50. Macmillan.\\n11. E.NGLisH Life in THE Thirteenth Century, jasserand, English Wayfar-\\ning Life. $3.50. Putnam.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVI\\nGERMANY, 1254-1500, AND THE SMALLER STATES OF\\nEUROPE.\\nThe Great\\nInterreg-\\nnum, 1254-\\n73-\\nRudolf,\\ncount of\\nHapsburg,\\nEmperor,\\n1273-92.\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 As in Chaps. III., IV., and VII.\\nBlok, History of the People of the Netherlands. Vol. I.\\nnam.\\n.50. Put-\\nAnarchy prevailed in Germany during the great inter-\\nregnum (1254-73). The great princes made use of the\\nopportunity to seize the crown lands and to make them-\\nselves strong at the expense of the weaker nobles. But in\\nspite of the violence of the times, owing to the spirit of\\nself-help which the cities exhibited, as shown in the Rhen-\\nish league, industry and commerce increased.\\nThe seven princes who from this time have the sole right\\nto elect the emperor, fearing lest the new emperor would\\nmake them disgorge what they had unjustly seized, were in\\nno hurry to end the interregnum. Finally, the pope told\\nthem that if they did not elect an emperor, he himself\\nwould appoint one. They accordingly chose Rudolf, coimt\\nof Hapsburg, who they thought would not be strong\\nenough to interfere with them in any way. Rudolf had\\ntlie good sense to see that he could do nothing in Italy and\\nvery little in Germany, so he wisely exerted himself in try-\\ning to strengthen his family l)y acquiring as much territory\\nas possible. Ottokar, king of Bohemia, resisted him. Ru-\\ndolf was victorious over him and confiscated his possessions\\n(1278), retaining a large part of them for his own family.\\nIn this way the Hapsburgs became possessed of Austria.\\nVienna was made their residence\\n248\\nAfter thus looking after", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 249\\nthe interests of his family, Rudolf turned his attention to\\nthe empire, restoring peace, and administering justice with\\na firm hand.\\nAt the death of Rudolf the electors refused to choose his\\nson, lest the Hapsburgs should become too strong. Adolf\\nof Nassau (1292-98) was elected, but was soon deserted be-\\ncause he also wished to gain territory at the expense of the\\nempire. The electors deposed him and set up Albrecht I.\\n(i 298-1 308), the son of Rudolf I. Albrecht I., continu-\\ning the policy of his father, made friends with the cities in\\norder to have their aid against the nobles.\\nHenry VII. of Luxemburg (1308-13) succeeded Al-\\nbrecht, and by marrying the widowed queen of Bohemia to\\nhis son, secured his family in the possession of that king-\\ndom. Forgetting the lessons which his predecessors had\\nlearned, Henry VII. allowed himself to be persuaded to\\ngo to Italy in the vain hope of reestablishing order there.\\nHe received both the Lombard and imperial crowns, but\\ndied suddenly near Pisa without accomplishing anything.\\nA disputed election followed. The Luxemburg party made\\nLudwig of Bavaria emperor, while the Hapsburgs elected\\none of their own number, Frederick the Fair. A civil war\\nensued which ended in the victory of the Luxemburgs.\\nLudwig was the acknowledged emperor, but Frederick was\\nto be his successor, and in the meantime to have the title\\nof king of the Romans. He was also to act as regent in\\nthe absence of the emperor. Ludwig then went to Italy, but\\nwas able to do nothing toward a settlement of the disturb-\\nances in that unfortunate country. He deeply offended\\nthe pope by receiving the imperial crown from a layman,\\nthe head of the Roman Commune. A bitter struggle ensued\\nbetween pope and emperor, in which the claims of both to\\nuniversal dominion were renewed. The pope declared\\nLudwig deposed, and claimed the right to act as emperor\\nAdolf of\\nNassau,\\n1202-98.\\nAlbrecht I.,\\n1298-1308.\\nHenry VII.,\\nof Luxem-\\nburg,\\n1308-13.\\nLudwig of\\nBavaria,\\n1314-47.\\nFrederick\\nthe Fair.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "250\\nThe Mediaval Period\\nRhense,\\n1338.\\nCharles IV.\\n1346-78.\\nThe Golden\\nBull, 1356.\\nWenzel,\\n1378-1400.\\nOrigin of\\nSwitzer-\\nland.\\nuntil another emperor should be elected. In answer to this\\nthe electors met at Rhense (1338), and asserted that they\\nalone were competent to elect an emperor, nor did their\\nchoice need the confirmation of the pope.\\nLudwig spent the last years of his life in trying to secure\\nproperty for his family. This turned the electors against\\nhim and involved him in a war with Charles of Bohemia,\\nwho was set up as a rival king, a struggle brought to an end\\nonly by the death of Ludwig (1347). Charles was every-\\nwhere recognized as his successor. As king of Bohemia,\\nCharles IV. deserved well of his country. He acquired\\nmuch new territory, getting possession of Brandenburg,\\nSilesia, and Moravia. For his capital city, Prague, he had\\na special fondness. He established the first German uni-\\nversity there (1348) and surrounded himself with the best\\nartists of his time (Prague School of Painting). In 1356 he\\npublished the Golden Bull, by the terms of which the\\nrelations of king and electors were settled. Charles made\\ntwo journeys into Italy, but succeeded only in getting him-\\nself laughed at by the Italians, who had no regard for so\\ninsignificant an emperor. He renewed the imperial claim\\nto Burgundy by having himself crowned king of that coun-\\ntry. But this was an empty form. Burgundy was already\\nhopelessly broken into independent principalities, event-\\nually to be absorbed by the expanding kingdom of France.\\nCharles IV. was succeeded by his son Wenzel (13 78-1 400),\\nbut he was so incapable and became so debauched that he\\nwas deposed.\\nThe fourteenth century witnessed the defence of their\\nliberties by the Swiss. The history of. the origin of Swit-\\nzerland takes us back to the last Hohenstaufen. During\\nthe reign of Frederick II. the two forest cantons of Uri and\\nSchwyz had accjuired letters-i)atent from the emperor, by\\nwhich they were freed from the sovereignty of the counts", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "Geriiiaiiy and the Smaller States of Europe 251\\nof Hapsburg, whose territory lay in that part of Germany\\n(southern Suabia). In 1291 representatives from these two\\ncantons met with some men of Unterwalden, where the\\nHapsburgs still had seigniorial rights, and swore to protect\\neach other as confederates (Eidgenossen) against every at-\\ntack upon their liberties. This is the beginning of the\\nSwiss confederation. These simple, hardy peasants, neat-\\nherds, and foresters, who, in their isolated mountain homes,\\nhad preserved much of the old Teutonic vigor, and even\\nmany of the old Teutonic institutions, had never been as-\\nsimilated to the feudal system and now that it began to\\nirritate them with restrictions on their freedom, they re-\\nsolved to shake it off. The fact that their feudal lords, the\\nHapsburgs, had risen to the empire did not frighten them\\nfrom their resolution. They even ventured upon encroach-\\nments of the neighboring territory. This was more than\\nHapsburg pride and patience would submit to, and Leo-\\npold, brother of Frederick the Fair, invaded their ter-\\nritory with the flower of Austrian chivalry. At Morgarten\\n(13 1 5) the Confederates suddenly fell upon Leopold, and his\\nfeudal armament was annihilated by bands of low-born peas-\\nants, equipped with axes and pitchforks. It was a spectacle\\nnew and surprising to the world, prophetic of the passing of\\nknighthood. Owing to this success of the confederation\\nnew adherents gradually poured in, until by the middle\\nof the century, Zurich and Bern having joined their lot to\\ntheir neighbors the confederation embraced the so-called\\neight old cantons (Orte). It was repeatedly called upon to\\ndefend itself against the Hapsburgs and their feudal allies of\\nSuabia, but with the battle of Sempach (1386), won over\\nanother Leopold, it raised itself beyond danger from prince-\\nly authority. This battle was, in its character of peasant\\nversus baron, a repetition of Morgarten, and the touching\\nstory of Arnold of Winkelried, who is said to have made", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "252\\nThe Mediceval Period\\nRupert,\\n1400-10.\\nSigismund,\\n1410-37-\\nThe Hohen-\\nzollern\\nacquire\\nBranden-\\nburg,\\n1415.\\nThe revolt\\nin Bohemia.\\nAlbrecht\\nII., 1438-39-\\nthe first breach in the ranks of the enemy by gathering to\\nhis breast as many spears as he could grasp, truthfully illus-\\ntrates the style of manhood destined in the new social order\\nto supersede the knight.\\nAt the death of emperor Rupert (1400-10) there was\\na disputed election, but Sigismund was finally recognized\\nas emperor (1410-37). His efforts to reform the Church\\nled to the calling of the council at Constance, which con-\\ndemned Huss to be burned for his heresy, and ended the\\nschism by deposing the three popes who were struggling\\nfor recognition, and electing Martin V. In 14 15 Sigis-\\nmund, in order to pay off his indebtedness to Frederick\\nof Hohenzollern, gave him the mark of Brandenburg.\\nBy his wise government Frederick reestablished order and\\nmade himself master of the territory. The power and\\npossessions of his successors steadily grew, till in 1701 the\\nmark was made into the kingdom of Prussia, in our day\\nthe leading power in Germany.\\nThe burning of Huss led to a national revolt in Bohemia.\\nThat country was inhabited by Slavs, but there were many\\nGermans there also. There was much opposition between\\nthe two races, and when the national hero, Huss, was\\nburned by the German emperor, the Bohemian opposition\\nto everything German was quickened into the most bitter\\nhostility. In 1419 Sigismund became the lawful king of\\nBohemia, but the Bohemians refused to acknowledge him.\\nA fierce civil war ensued the Hussites, as they called them-\\nselves, were at first victorious, but when religious and social\\ndissensions arose among them, and when conservative Bo-\\nhemians became frightened at the radical changes proposed\\nby the fanatical party, they made peace with the emperor\\nand assisted him in restoring order.\\nThebrief reign of Albrecht II. (1438-39), the son-in-law\\nand heir of Sigismund, was important for the Hapsburgs,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 253\\nbecause he reacquired for them the imperial crown, and\\nunited under his dominion all the territory which has ever\\nsince formed the principal part of their possessions. He\\nruled over the duchy of Austria, Styria, Carniola, Tyrol,\\nBohemia, and Hungary. His nephew, Frederick HI. Frederick\\n(1440-93), succeeded him, but his reign presents only a\\nlong succession of blunders. He lost Bohemia and Hun-\\ngary, which were not recovered by the Hapsburgs till\\n1526.\\nThe signal and unmerited good fortune which befel\\nFrederick s house and gave to it new lustre was the acqui- The House\\nsition of the greater part of the states of the duke of Bur- Hapsburg\\nacquires\\ngundy. During the fifteenth century a collateral branch Burgundy\\nof the House of France had gradually added to its French opain.\\nfief of Burgundy the whole of the Netherlands, and Charles\\nthe Bold, duke of Burgundy (1467-77), had become one\\nof the foremost rulers of Europe. His ambition looked\\ntoward the establishment of a great middle kingdom be-\\ntween France and Germany, independent of either. In\\nthis scheme the Swiss proved a stumbling-block. Their\\nterritory lay so opportune for his plans that he resolved to\\nsubjugate it. But the brave mountaineers beat back his in-\\nvasion at Granson and Murten (1476), and finally his whole\\nsplendid army went down before them at Nancy (1477).\\nCharles himself was among the dead. Since there was only\\na daughter, Mary, to succeed him, Louis XL of France im-\\nmediately seized the crown fief, the duchy of Burgundy\\nproper, on the claim that it was vacant, and would have\\ntaken more had not Frederick promptly acquired Mary s\\nhand in marriage for his son Maximilian (1477), and thus\\nestablished a legal claim to the rest. So the territorial ex-\\npansion of the House of Austria was not checked even under\\nthis weak king. A similar chance of a happy matrimonial\\nalliance gave it, a few years later^ the vast possessions of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "254\\nThe Mcdiccval Period\\nempire.\\nSpain (1516), when Maximilian s son, Philip, married\\nJoan, heir of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. Their son,\\nCharles, was the famous emperor Charles V. (1519-55),\\nwho dreamt of renewing the empire of the west.\\nThough the Hapsburgs figure from the fifteenth century\\namong the most powerful dynasties of Europe, the empire\\nPermanent in nowise profited from their strength. The decay of this\\nfm*i^ro\u00c2\u00b0 institution had continued from the twelfth century, and\\nwas destined to continue without interruption. One by one\\nits cosmopolitan claims had been exploded. It was now\\nonly the national government of Germany. But even in\\nGermany we have seen it lose its authority, and, although\\nit tided itself over to the nineteenth century (1806), it was\\nnever again anything more than a body without a soul.\\nGermany had lost her central government in all but name.\\nGerman strength and civilization, as far as they acquired\\npolitical expression at all in the modern period, are to be\\nsought among the local governments of the princes and the\\ncities.\\nIt is necessary to give, in the briefest manner possible, a\\nbird s-eye view of those parts of Europe which played no\\ngreat role in the Middle Age, but which were, neverthe-\\nless, engaged in the slow process of political development.\\nIn the northern part of Spain certain principalities were\\ngradually formed, such as the kingdoms of Leon, Castile,\\nAragon, and Navarre. About 1040 Leon and Castile were\\nunited, and a hundred years later Catalonia was absorbed\\nby Aragon. When the Ommiad Khalifate came to an end\\n(1031), five large Mohammedan kingdoms were established\\n(Toledo, Seville, Cordova, Saragossa, and Badajoz), besides\\nseveral small principalities. There was a constant struggle\\nbetween these and the small Christian states on the north\\nin which the Christians were increasingly successful. Be-\\nfore the end of the thirteenth century all of Spain, except\\nSpain.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 255\\nthe southeastern part, the principality of Granada, was\\nagain in the hands of the Christians. This remained Mo- Fall of the\\nhammedan until 1492, when Ferdinand and Isabella con- Moors, 1492.\\nquered it.\\nMeanwhile Castile and Aragon, becoming the most pow- Union of\\nerful states, had gradually absorbed all the others. Sicily Castile and\\nand Sardinia were added to Aragon during the last years\\nof the thirteenth century. The consolidation of the two\\nleading Spanish states was accomplished (1474) by the\\nmarriage of Isabella of Castile to Ferdinand of Aragon.\\nThe unification of Spain was soon after completed and she\\nwas prepared to take her place among the leading states\\nof Europe.\\nIn 1095, when king Alphonso gave the county of Portu- Portugal.\\ngal to his son-in-law, Henry of Burgundy, it consisted of\\nonly the small territory between the Douro and Minho\\nrivers. In 1139, after a great victory over the Moors, the\\ncount was made a king, and from that time the struggle\\nwith the Mohammedans for territory went steadily forward.\\nIn about one hundred years the kingdom was extended to\\nnearly its present boundaries.\\nThe territory lying about the mouth of the Rhine (Hoi- Holland and\\nland and Belgium) was slow in attaining a complete inde- ^^^Si\\npendence and a separate national existence. It was a part\\nof the empire of Karl the Great, and in the division of 843\\n(Verdun) was given to Lothar. A long strip of territory\\ncalled Lotharingia, lying west of the Rhine from Basel to\\nthe North Sea, came to be divided into two parts, upper\\nand lower. The latter comprised all the territory north of\\nthe Moselle river, including, therefore, nearly all of mod-\\nern Belgium and Holland. Following the feudal tendency,\\nLotharingia broke up into several fiefs, most of which suc-\\nceeded in rendering themselves practically free from for-\\neign control. Among these feudal principalities were the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "256 The Medicrval Period\\ncounties of Namur, Hainault, Luxemburg, Holland, Gel-\\nderland, and others the episcopal sees of Liege, Cambrai,\\nand Utrecht and the duchies of Brabant and Limburg.\\nTo the west of these lay the county of Flanders, which,\\nbreaking away from the kingdom of France, had become\\npractically independent. The growth and power of the\\ncities in all this territory were remarkable. Their inhabit-\\nants became rich, and early took part in the communal\\nrevolt. They naturally wished to be free from Germany\\nand France, one or the other of which had sovereign claims\\nover all this land, and hence naturally became the allies of\\nEngland in the Hundred Years War. Their progress in\\ncivilization was rapid, and during this period they laid the\\nfoundation of the strength which they were to develop in\\nthe sixteenth century in their tremendous struggle with\\nSpain.\\nDuring the last years of the fourteenth century and the\\nfirst of the fifteenth the French dukes of Burgundy got pos-\\nsession by marriage and conquest of almost all of the.se little\\nindependent territories after they had seriously weakened\\nthemselves by making war on each other. By the marriage\\nof Mary of Burgundy, the daughter of Charles the Bold,\\nwith Maximilian of Austria (1477), afterward emperor, the\\nNetherlands came into the possession of the House of\\nHapsburg.\\nThe conquests and .settlements of the Norsemen have\\nalready been described. In the ninth and tenth centuries\\nDenmark, Denmark was united into one kingdom and had a period\\nS ed^n of considerable power, followed by another of decadence.\\nSweden also became a kingdom in the ninth and tenth\\ncenturies. Christianity was thoroughly established there by\\nabout 1050. Norway was not unified until about the year\\n1000. For some centuries the history of these countries is\\nbut a confused succession of wars and civil strife which was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 257\\nnot ended till 1397 by the union of Calmar. Theoreti-\\ncally, this union put the three countries on the same plane.\\nIn reality, Denmark was the leading power and dominated\\nthe other two. Sweden made several attempts to revolt and\\ngain her independence, but without success, till the appear-\\nance of Gustavus Vasa (1523). Norway, however, remained\\nunited to Denmark till 18 14.\\nThe victory of emperor Otto I. over the Hungarians on Hungary,\\nthe Lech (955) put an end to their invasions of the west.\\nDuring the tenth century Christianity was introduced\\namong them from Germany and Constantinople. The\\ncountry suffered terribly under the invasion of the Mon-\\ngols (from 1 24 1 on), but the devastated regions were\\nrepeopled with Germans. The family of Stephen (the\\nArpad dynasty) held the throne till 1301, when it be-\\ncame extinct, and the crown went to an Angevin of\\nthe French family of Charles of Anjou, who had estab-\\nlished himself as king of Sicily and Naples. After the\\nfailure of this dynasty (1437) the crown was fought over\\nfor nearly one hundred years. The country, gradually\\nweakened by this strife, yielded to an invasion of the Turks.\\nAt the battle of Mohacs (1526) Solyman II. destroyed the\\nHungarian army, and got possession of a large part of the\\ncountry, which he held for nearly one hundred and fifty\\nyears. The rest of Hungary passed into the hands of the\\nHapsburgs, but, although added to Austria, always enjoyed\\na measure of independence.\\nIn consequence of the efforts of Otto I. to extend Chris-\\ntianity and, at the same time, German influence to the\\neast, several bishoprics (Merseburg, Zeitz, Meissen, Havel-\\nberg, Brandenburg) were established under the archbishop\\nof Magdeburg. Their bishops were the missionaries to\\nthe Slavs. Christianity spread among the Poles, but the Poland,\\nprocess of Germanizing them was checked by the establish-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "258 The Mcdiccval Period\\nment of Gnesen as an archbishopric (looo) directly under\\nthe pope. This secured to Poland an independent eccle-\\nsiastical development, and also the preservation of its na-\\ntionality. In the eleventh century Poland consisted of the\\nterritory on both sides of the river Warthe. Pomerania\\nwas conquered in the next century, and thus Poland ac-\\nquired a seaboard. By the marriage of a Polish princess\\nwith the prince Jagello of Lithuania Poland acquired a\\nnew dynasty and all the territory of the Dnieper and\\nDniester rivers. By some victories over the German Or-\\nder her boundaries were also extended on the north till her\\nterritory reached from the Baltic to the Black Sea. At the\\nend of the Middle Age Poland seemed a powerful state,\\npossessed of great possibilities. The nobility, however,\\nwas omnipotent the common people were oppressed with\\ntoo great burdens and there were certain forces at work\\nwhich were destined to cause the destruction of the state.\\nThe settlements of the Norsemen at Novgorod and Kiev,\\nand the dynasty established by them, have already been\\nspoken of. These settlements were united about 900 a.d.,\\nand shortly afterward were Christianized from Constanti-\\nThe Norse- nople. The Mongols established themselves north of the\\nmen in Black Sea, and compelled all the principalities of Russia\\nto pay tribute. A large part of Russia continued sub-\\nject to them till the end of the fifteenth century, when\\nIvan III. threw off their yoke. He also reduced all the\\nindependent principalities and, probably to indicate that\\nhe regarded himself as the successor of the emperor at Con-\\nstantinople, took the title of Czar. He laid the foundation\\nfor the growth of Russia in the next centuries.\\nThe Greek The Greek Empire was engaged in constant struggle\\nEmpire. \\\\y\\\\\\\\\\\\i the Mohammedans. The Seldjuk Turks, as we have\\nseen, conquered nearly all the imperial possessions in Asia.\\nIn spite of the efforts that were made about the time of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 259\\ncrusades to drive them out of Asia Minor, they kept a\\nfirm hold upon a part of it. The Osman Turks coming\\nfrom central Asia about the middle of the fourteenth cen-\\ntury began a brilliant career of conquest, in which they en-\\ncroached steadily on the territory of the empire, conquer-\\ning the Balkan peninsula, and extending their sway far\\nnorth beyond the Danube. The fall of Constantinople\\n(1453) marks the end of the Byzantine empire. While\\nMohammedanism was being utterly driven out of Spain, it\\nwas firmly establishing itself on the Balkan peninsula, from\\nwhich vantage ground it was yet to threaten some of the\\nChristian states of Europe.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. The Golden Bull. Henderson, Documents, pp. 220. $1.50. Macmillan.\\n2. The Beginnings of Swiss Independence. Daendliker, Short History 0/\\nSwitzerland. $2.50. Macmillan.\\n3. Portugal. H. Morse Stephens, Portugal. $1.50. Putnam.\\n4. The Moors in Spain. Hale. Spain. $1.50. Putnam. S. Lane-Poole,\\nMoors in Spain. Putnam. Watts, The Christian Recovery 0/ Spain,\\n$1.50.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVII\\nRELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL TENDENCIES IN THE\\nRENAISSANCE\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Van Dyke, A\u00c2\u00a3-eo//AeJ7euatssatice. $2.00. Scribner.\\nBurckhardt, Civilization 0/ the Reiiaissaticc. $4.00. Macmillan.\\nLocke, Age 0/ the Gratt Western Sehisiit. $2.00. Scribner.\\nSymonds, Reiinissauce in Italy. 7 vols. $14.00. Holt. Condensed,\\nin one vol., $1.75.\\nPastor, History of the Popes frotn the Close of t)u Middle Ages. 3 vols.\\n$9.00. Kegan Paul. (Roman Catholic.)\\nCreighton, History of the Papacy, 1378-1527. 5 vols. $2.00 each.\\nLongmans.\\nSymonds, Li/e and Times 0/ Michelangelo. 2 vols. $4.00. Scribner.\\nVillari, Life and Times 0/ Savonarola, and Life and Times of Machia^\\n7 elli. $2.50 each. Scribner.\\nMorley, Machiavclli. $0.50. Macmillan.\\nRobinson and Rolfe, Petrarch. $2.00. Putnam.\\nWratislaw, John Huss. $1.50. Society for Promoting Christian\\nKnowledge.\\nClark, Libraries of the Afcdiieval and Renaissance Periods. $1.00. Mac-\\nmillan.\\nCollege Histories OF Art. Van Dyke, Painting. HamUn, A rchitect-\\nure. Marquand and Frothingham, Sculpture. $1.50 each. Long-\\nmans.\\nBiographies of Artists. $1.25 per vol. Scribner. Biographies of\\nGiotto, Titian, Fra Angelico, del Sarto, da I ijici, Michelangelo, Raphael,\\netc.\\nArt Handbooks. Edited by E. J. Poynter. $2.00 per vol. Scribner.\\ng vols, dealing with Architecture, Painting, and Sculpture.\\nCharacteris- The period which we have been studying, erroneously\\nthe Middle ^d the Dark Ages, had a civilization peculiarly its own.\\nAge. Politically, the age was dominated by the idea of the world-\\nempire, until the thirteenth century saw the destruction of\\nthe empire and the rise of nationalities and states. Eccle-\\nsiastically, it was ruled by the idea of the world-Church,\\nwith the pope at its head. Intellectually, the period may\\n260", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "Religions Tendencies in the Renaissance 261\\nbe gauged by the fact that the Germans, a vigorous, primi-\\ntive people, were slowly learning, adopting, and adapting\\nthe Roman civilization preserved and taught them by the\\nChurch. Of all the institutions in the Middle Age the\\nChurch, because she held the position of both priest and\\nteacher of the young barbarian world, was by far the most\\npowerful.\\nThe Middle Age presents many phenomena which indi- The Middle\\ncate that the mind of man was not idle. The schools of productive\\nKarl the Great, and the universities which appear about m many\\nthe twelfth century the Latin literature, chronicles, biog-\\nraphies, histories, controversial and doctrinal writings\\nthe two opposing systems of philosophy nominalism and\\nrealism, each of which was represented by men who have\\nleft us many works attesting the keenness and power of\\ntheir intellects the many treatises on theological questions\\nthe religious writings of such men as Bernard of Clairvaux,\\nEckhart, and Thomas a Kempis, whose inimitable Imi-\\ntation of Christ is still a classic with men mystically in-\\nclined the organized life of the nobility, as seen in chiv-\\nalry, with its ideal of Christian knighthood, and its literature\\nof religion, love, war, and adventure; the minstrels, in\\nthe north of France the trouveres, in the south the trouba-\\ndours, in Germany the minnesingers the lyric poetry, and\\nespecially the great national or religious epics, such as the\\nSong of Roland, the Nibelungenlied, the Tales of King\\nArthur and the Round Table, the Canterbury Tales of\\nChaucer, the Tales about Karl the Great, and Alexander\\nthe Great, and the Holy Grail, and the Divine Comedy of\\nDante the two great styles of architecture, the Roman-\\nesque (to 1 1 50) and the Gothic (i 125-1500), with their\\nmagnificent churches, cathedrals, city halls, and palaces\\nthe decorative arts, wood-carving, glass and panel-painting,\\nsculpture, miniature painting and illuminating; the re-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "262\\nThe MedicEval Period\\nThe\\nRenais-\\nsance.\\nThe Re-\\nnaissance\\nbegan in\\nItaly.\\nligious painting whose greatest representative is Giotto;\\nthe new life in the cities, the growth of commerce, the rise\\nof the people to wealth and political independence, their\\nactivity in building, in the practice of the fine as well as\\nthe industrial arts, in literature, such as the fables, miracle\\nplays, and master-songs what more is necessary to show\\nthat the Middle Age was full of mental vigor and activity,\\nmuch of which may still command our interest and admi-\\nration\\nThe Renaissance in its broadest signification is the name\\ngiven to the civilization which gradually displaced in the\\nminds of men the mediaeval conceptions of the state, of\\nsociety, of nature, of art, and of philosophy. It was a\\nrevolution under the dominant influence of the Roman-\\nGreek world, which, after a thousand years of oblivion,\\nwas again brought to light and life. The world had out-\\ngrown the narrow ideals of the Middle Age, and when the\\nancient world was revealed in the fourteenth and fifteenth\\ncenturies by its art and literary treasures, there was a spon-\\ntaneous movement toward the freer life which had been\\nthe charm of classic times. But since the people could not\\nwholly get away from their past immediately the Renais-\\nsance is, naturally, characterized by the fusion of the classical\\nwith the mediaeval.\\nThe Renaissance had its origin and reached its highest\\ndevelopment in Italy, and was from there carried to all the\\nother countries of Europe. In Italy the conditions favor-\\nable to such a movement were far more numerous than\\nanywhere else. Italy had more of the Roman civilization.\\nRome was there with her monuments and with all her\\nwealth of tradition. Though the wear and tear of daily use\\nhad greatly modified the Latin tongue and it was rapidly\\nbecoming Italian, it nevertheless was effective in preserving\\nand transmitting to the people of Italy the accumulated", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "Religious Tendencies in the Renaissance 263\\nculture of Rome. In Italy the power of the Empire was\\nweakest, and consequently the feudal system never took vig-\\norous root there. The cities of Italy were the first to be-\\ncome independent. Their situation, with all its opportu-\\nnities, seemed to act as an intellectual ferment, and for\\nawhile they led the world in civilization.\\nNow this movement in civilization, which is called the See Burck-\\nRenaissance and which began in Italy, is a very compli- j^tion ol^\\ncated matter. It is important to understand that the Re- the Renais-\\nnaissance affected man in all his ideas and relations of life\\nthat it altered his status in the family and in society that\\nit revolutionized his views of the state that it aroused in\\nhim, by enlarging his mental outlook, the passion of knowl-\\nedge that it endowed him with a larger moral freedom;\\nand that it heightened, one might almost say created in\\nhim, the desire to enjoy the good things of the earth, the\\ngood things of the senses. The leading ideas of the Re-\\nnaissance are set forth in the following paragraphs.\\nThe political theory of the Middle Age was embodied in The Re-\\nthe belief that God had ordained that the world should be aissance\\nchanges the\\nruled by an emperor, to whom kings, dukes, and other dig- political\\nnitaries should be subject. The imperial form of govern- ^\u00c2\u00b0^7\\nment, being thus divinely appointed, was not to be ques-\\ntioned. Consequently, no one in the Middle Age ever\\nthought of asking whether it actually was a good form\\nof government, or whether another form might not be\\nbetter. Now the Renaissance wrought a radical change\\nin this political theory. The idea arose that government\\nwas for the purpose of governing, and hence that was the\\nbest form of government which actually governed best.\\nThis led to the discussion of the objects of government,\\nand of the most suitable way of attaining these objects\\nThus the Renaissance became the birth-period of what we\\ncall political science. Men began to believe that the form", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "264\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nThe Re-\\nnaissance\\nrevives\\ninterest in\\nantiquity.\\nThe Re-\\nnaissance\\nreforms art.\\nof government was not ordained of God, but was an arti-\\nficial product, and that men should have the right, therefore,\\nto invent the form of government under which they wish\\nto live. Under the influence of these new ideas, Machi-\\navelli wrote an interesting book, called The Prince, in\\nwhich he deals with practical government, and in England\\nSir Thomas More wrote his famous book, Utopia, in\\nwhich he described an ideal state.\\nFrom another point of view the Renaissance was a re-\\nvolt against the mediaeval world in favor of classical an-\\ntiquity. The Middle Age was ascetic it regarded this\\nworld, not as a place for enjoyment, but rather as a place\\nof preparation for the next. The monk was its highest\\nideal. Moral and religious beauty was the only kind ap-\\npreciated its artists chose only saints for their subjects.\\nMedieval life knew nothing of the freedom, beauty, and\\njoy of the Greek world. But with a larger knowledge of\\nantiquity men became wildly enthusiastic for it and tried\\nto recover it. They were seized with a passion for Latin\\nand Greek literature, and sought everywhere for manu-\\nscripts containing hitherto unknown works of ancient au-\\nthors. To possess a manuscript of the Iliad, even without\\nbeing able to read it, was a great distinction. The learned\\nmen of the day, called humanists, regarded Latin as the\\nonly language fit for literary purposes. Petrarch, for ex-\\nample, was ashamed of his Italian sonnets on which his fame\\nrests, but expected to be made immortal by his Latin writ-\\nings which are now forgotten.\\nThe discovery of the statues of Greek or Roman work-\\nmanship directed attention to the beauty of ancient art and\\nworked a revolution in the art ideals of the time. The\\nsaint, hideously emaciated by long fasting, and lost in the\\ncontemplation of the glories of another world, gave way\\nto the Greek ideal of perfect physical beauty. Artists now", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "Religious Tendencies in the Renaissance 265\\nbegan to paint handsome men and beautiful women\\nengaged in the enjoyment of this world. The change\\nin ideals was so radical that everything mediaeval was\\ndespised everything ancient was admired and imi-\\ntated.\\nThe mediaeval man had no eye for the beauty of nature. The Re-\\nTo him nature was evil. God had indeed created the chang-es the\\nworld and had pronounced it very good, but through the fall conception\\nof man all nature had been corrupted. Satan was now the\\nprince of this world. As a result no one could either study\\nor admire nature. To study what we call the natural sci-\\nences was to practise the black art, and was of itself suffi-\\ncient proof that one was in league with the powers of dark-\\nness. The great learning of pope Sylvester 11. led to the\\ninvention of the story that in order to become pope he had\\nsold himself to the devil. The life of Roger Bacon, per-\\nsecuted as he was for his researches and learning, well\\nillustrates the common mediaeval attitude toward nature.\\nBut in the Renaissance this view was outgrown. Petrarch Petrarch s\\n(1304-74) is an interesting study in this connection. He nature\\nhad a direct pleasure in the beautiful things of earth, her\\nhills and valleys, her fields and flowers. He was prob-\\nably the first man in centuries to climb a mountain for the\\nmere delight of the journey and to enjoy the view from the\\nsummit. In 1335 he made the ascent of Mount Ventoux\\nin France. Some peasants whom he met tried to dissuade\\nhim. He persisted, however, and on reaching the summit\\nhe was lost for awhile in admiration of the magnificent\\nprospect. But the spirit of medievalism, still in him, soon\\nreasserted itself. For, overcome by the recollection of his\\nsins and follies, he drew from his pocket and began to read\\nhis favorite book, the Confessions of St. Augustine. It\\nis evident, however, that the emancipation of man from\\nthe mediaeval thralldom had well begun, and love of nature", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "266\\nThe Medieval Period\\nThe Re-\\nnaissance\\nfosters indi-\\nvidualism.\\nThe Re-\\nnaissance\\nproduces a\\nnew social\\nlife.\\nThe Re-\\nnaissance\\nworks a\\nchange in\\nmorals and\\nreligion.\\nand appreciation of her beauty, once awakened, steadily\\nincreased.\\nThe Renaissance was furtlier characterized by a great\\ngrowth in individuahsm. Hero worship flourished proba-\\nbly :is never before and. men were consumed with the pas*\\nsion to become famous. To know all that could be known,\\nto do all that could be done, to excel in every field of hu-\\nman endeavor, to make of one s self the most striking\\nand original personality possible, became a common desire.\\nBrunellesco, Michel Angelo, and Da Vinci, each equally\\nfamous in several fields of activity and learning, were not\\nisolated examples of the many-sided or perfect man {uomo\\nuniversale) who was the ideal of the age.\\nIn the Middle Age the feudal castle was the scene of all\\nthe social life of the time. But with the rise of the cities\\nand the overthrow of feudalism came the new urban social\\nlife. Life in the cities begot new forms of social intercourse,\\nsuch as receptions, parties, balls, and the numerous other\\nkinds of social entertainment and intercourse with which\\nwe are still familiar. In the Renaissance society became a\\nfine art.\\nIn the light of the above-mentioned changes it would\\nnot seem strange if we should find a corresponding change\\nin the moral and religious practice and belief of the time.\\nThe Renaissance brought with it, in fact, a great disregard\\nof the Church, her claims, and her teachings. Many took\\nthe greatest delight in lampooning the Church and the\\nclergy. Breaking away from her control and losing, ap-\\nparently, all conception of right and wrong, they exhibited\\nin their lives the most hideous vices and revelled in crime\\nand wickedness. This was the classic period of Italian\\nhorrors. For awhile it was hoped that the humanists\\nwould bring about a reform of the Church. Erasmus, the\\ngreatest scholar of his time, based his hopes on the new", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "Religious Tendencies in the Renaissance 267\\nlearning and its representatives, but it soon became appar-\\nent that the humanists lacked the moral earnestness neces-\\nsary for such a work.\\nThe Renaissance, although beginning in Italy, soon The Renais-\\nspread to the rest of Europe and everywhere showed the bg^Qi^gg a\\nsame vices and the same virtues as in its first home. In European\\nthe fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Germany, France, and\\nEngland were under the influence of the spirit of the\\nRenaissance. In Germany one group of humanists was\\nclever and frivolous, while the other was serious and busied\\nitself with the problems of educational and religious reforms.\\nThe court of Francis I. (1515-47) bore the stamp of the\\nRenaissance, and in the French cities there were groups of\\nearnest men and able scholars who drew their insj)i ration\\nfrom the new learning. Richard III. of England, whom\\nwe abhor for his crimes, was a typical prince of the Renais-\\nsance, practising the teachings of Machiavelli. Through\\nthe teachings of Colet, Grocyn, Linacre, More, and Eras-\\nmus, Oxford became the centre of the movement in Eng-\\nland. Shakespeare may be regarded as its culmination.\\nThe Renaissance, being essentially an age of revolt,\\naccounts in part for the increasing dissatisfaction with the\\nChurch and the growing opposition to the papacy. But to\\nunderstand the condition in which the papacy now found\\nitself, it is necessary briefly to recount its history since the\\nend of its struggle with the Hohenstaufen. The papacy,\\nalthough victorious in its struggle with the empire, soon\\nfound itself in a worse plight than ever before. The empire\\nwas indeed no longer a menace to the independence of the National-\\npapacy, but other and stronger foes had appeared to take the imiver-\\nits place. There were the other countries of Europe with sal claims\\na rising sense of nationality, jealous of their independence, papacy\\nand ever ready to resist the authority of the pope and to\\nresent what seemed to them his interference in their affairs.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "268 The Medieval Period\\nThese national differences were felt even in the college of\\ncardinals and it was difficult to secure a harmonious papal\\nelection. France was now the leading power of Europe,\\nand her king was bent on using the pope for his own ends.\\nRome To render the situation more intolerable to the pope, the\\nto the^ people of Rome, aspired to independence, and frequently\\npopes. refused to permit the pope to dweil in Rome. Innocent\\nIV. (1243-54) spent very little of his pontificate in the\\ncity; Alexander IV. (1254-61) was never there; Clement\\nIV. (1265-68) lived in Perugia. Neither was the pope\\nmaster in the rest of Italy. The larger cities, such as\\nFlorence, Venice, and Genoa, were the independent pos-\\nThe powers sessors of much territory. The French held southern Italy,\\noDDos/the Germans parts of northern Italy. Through the upris-\\npapacy. ing of the Sicilians against the French, known as the Sicilian\\nVespers (1282), Peter III. of Aragon gained possession\\nof the island, thus increasing the number of the political\\nopponents of the pope.\\nIn 1294 Benedictus Cajetanus of Anagni was made pope,\\nBoniface with the title of Boniface VIII. (i 294-1303). His pon-\\nVIII., 1294- (-jf^cate marked the highest pretensions, and, at the same\\n1303. 01\\ntime, proved the impotence of the papacy. In the famous\\nbull, Clericis Laicos, on pain of excommunication, he\\nforbade all laymen to collect taxes on Church lands, and\\nall clergymen to pay them. Since the Church was very\\nrich in lands, if this bull had been enforced the income of\\nQuarrel the state would have been greatly diminished. Philip IV.\\nj^ *P of France, therefore, retaliated by foriiidding any money\\nto be taken out of France into Italy, thus cutting off\\nthe pope s income. Boniface now yielded and tried to\\nmake peace with Philij) he said the bull was not to be\\nenforced in France, and even granted Philip the tithe\\nfrom the French clergy for three years. But the quarrel\\nsoon broke out again. Philip was determined to humiliate", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "Religious Tendencies in the Renaissance 269\\nthe pope and to show his own mastery. He received at\\nhis court two members of the Colonna family, whom\\nBoniface had exiled from Rome, and also seized and\\nimprisoned the papal legate. Angered by this, Boniface\\nsent forth one decree after another against Philip. A bull,\\nUnam Sanctam, was issued, which declared that the\\npope was entrusted with both the spiritual and temporal\\npower, and that whoever resisted him was resisting the\\nordinance of God. Submission in temporal matters to\\nthe pope was declared to be necessary for salvation. At\\nthe same time Boniface threatened to depose Philip and\\nput him under the ban if he would not yield. Philip, in\\nanother meeting of his council, preferred a large number\\nof charges against Boniface, and called for a general coun-\\ncil to settle the matter. Boniface then published the ban\\nand edict of deposition, only to be besieged in Anagni a\\nmonth later by the king s ambassador, William of Nogaret,\\nand the Colonna family. He was personally maltreated,\\nbut set free a few days later, dying, however, the next\\nmonth, probably from chagrin and anger caused by the\\nindignities which had been heaped upon him.\\nIt was Boniface VHI. who celebrated the jubilee in The Jubilee\\n1300, an event which stirred the minds and imaginations ^300.\\nof the people at that time most deeply. During this cele-\\nbration Boniface, it is said, gave expression to his claims\\nby seating himself on the imperial throne, arrayed with\\nsword and crown and sceptre, shouting aloud, I am\\nCaesar I am Emperor\\nHis successor, Benedict H. (1303-4), was hard pressed\\nby Philip IV., and at last withdrew all the demands of\\nBoniface so far as France was concerned. For nearly a\\nyear after his death the cardinals could not agree on a can- Supremacy\\ndidate, but at length, through the intrigues of the French prance\\nking, the French party in the college elected the bishop of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "270 The Mediccval Period\\nBordeaux, who had already made a secret compact with\\nClement V. Phihp IV. He chose the name of Clement V. (1304-14).\\nat Avignon, j^^ ^j^^ ^^gj^.^ phiijp, he moved the whole\\nCuria to Avignon. Rome was no longer safe for him,\\nthe noble families of the city being constantly engaged in\\nstreet brawls, and since the German emperors had lost their\\npower there was no one to preserve order. The removal\\nof the papacy to Avignon was a great misfortune, because it\\nbrought the pope more completely under the control of the\\nFrench king. Philip found many subtle and effective ways\\nof bringing pressure to bear on Clement V. so that the\\nunfortunate pope was compelled, against his will, to give\\naid to the king in his destruction of the order of Knights\\nTemplars.\\nJohn XXII. His successor, John XXH., spent most of his time in a\\ntheemperon struggle with Ludwig of Bavaria (1314-47) about\\nthe imperial crown and Italy. This struggle is marked by\\nthe appearance of a new theory of the state, promulgated\\nby one branch of the Franciscans. They advanced the\\nidea that the people are sovereign. Church meant the\\nwhole body of Christian believers, not, as the Roman Cath-\\nolic Church said, the clergy alone. Even the laymen are\\nall viri ecclcsiastici that is, they have a part in the gov-\\nernment of the Church. The highest authority is vested\\nin a General Council. The papacy is not apostolic in its\\norigin, but dates from the time of Constantine. The pope,\\ntherefore, has no authority over kings, and the state is in-\\ndependent of him. These Franciscans, while jjroclaiming\\nthis heresy, were protected by Ludwig and assisted him in\\nhis struggle. Other writers, however, continued to develop\\na definite theory of the supremacy of the pope.\\nDuring the residence of the popes at Avignon the finances\\nof the papacy were systematized and everything was done\\nto insure the collection of vast sums of money. This period", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "Schism.\\nReligions Tendencies in the Renaissance 271\\nof the residence of the popes in Avignon is generally called\\nby church historians the Babylonian Exile of the papacy.\\nIn 1378 the papal Schism began. Gregory XI. had The great\\nfinally, in 1377, moved the Curia back to Rome, but died\\nthe next year. Urban VI. (1378-89), who was elected in\\nRome, alienated by his harsh manner those cardinals who\\nwere under the influence of the French king; they conse-\\nquently revolted from him, declared his election void, and\\nelected Clement VII. (1378-94). Clement soon withdrew\\nto Avignon and continued the papal line there, while Ur-\\nban VI. remained in Rome. There were now two men\\nprofessing to be pope. Germany, England, Denmark,\\nSweden, and Poland declared for Urban France, Naples,\\nSavoy, Scotland, Lorraine, Castile, and Aragon were true\\nto Clement VII. For about thirty years there were two\\nlines of popes, and the religious world did not know which\\none to obey. The Schismgave rise to the severest criticism\\nof the papacy, and gave such men as Wyclif and Huss a\\ngood opportunity to set forth doctrines at variance with\\nthose of the Church.\\nSince neither pope would yield, and it seemed impossible\\nto end the Schism in any other way, the idea of calling a\\nuniversal Council was broached. It was declared that in the The\\nearly days of the Church a Council had been the highest\\nauthority. This position of authority had been usurped\\nby the popes. Now let the Council be called, and, since it\\nwas competent to do so, let it say who was rightfully pope.\\nAfter long discussion the cardinals called a Council to meet\\nat Pisa (1409). This Council deposed the two popes, and\\nelected Alexander V., but as the deposed popes refused to\\nacknowledge the authority of the Council, there were now\\nthree popes and the Schism was made worse. Although\\nAlexander V. had promised not to dismiss the Council un-\\ntil the papacy had been reformed, and its finances regu-\\nConciliar\\nIdea.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "272 The Medic\u00c2\u00a3val Period\\nlated, he soon prorogued it because sufficient preparations\\nhad not been made to proceed with the reform.\\nFrom this theory of the power of the Council over the\\npope this period has been called the conciliar epoch. It\\nproduced two more Councils, that of Constance and that\\nConstance, of Basel. In Constance (1414) the question of the Schism\\nwas again taken up. Every cardinal swore once more that,\\nif elected, he would reform the Church before dismissing\\nthe Council. In 141 7 Martin V. was elected, after the\\nthree other popes had been deposed. The council was\\nthen ready to proceed with the reform, but those who were\\nmost dissatisfied and loudest in their demand for a reform\\nwere not agreed as to what changes should be made.\\nTaking advantage of this, the pope soon dissolved the\\nmeeting.\\nThe Council The council of Basel (1431-49) served only to reveal\\no ase ^i^g weakness of the reform party, since it could accomplish\\nnothing. So from the time of Eugene IV. (1431-47) a\\nnew period may be said to have begun for the papacy.\\nThe popes The conciliar idea lost its power the popes were drawn\\nrulers^^^*^^ into the political struggles of Italy, and were also imbued\\nwith the spirit of the Renaissance. During this time they\\npresent the aspect of temporal rulers. They lived in great\\nmagnificence, kept standing armies, made war on their\\nenemies, and i)layed an important role in the politics and\\ndiplomacy of Europe as well as of Italy.\\nMany pious souls were shocked at .such activity on the\\npart of the Vicar of Christ and complained that while the\\npopes were entangled in the affairs of this world they were\\nneglecting their religious duties. Hostility to the popes as\\ntemporal ])rinces begot opposition and a spirit of resistance\\nto their religious authority, and also led to a demand for a\\nreform of the papacy.\\nAs Renaissance princes the popes became prominent", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "Religions Tendencies in the Renaissance 2/3\\npatrons of the arts and of learning. Nicholas V. (1447-\\n55), known as the first of the Renaissance popes, was an\\nextensive builder and an active patron of learning. His\\nlarge collection of manuscripts served as the beginning of\\nthe Vatican library. He made himself master of the city\\nby sternly putting down the last uprising of the seditious\\npopulace (1453). Alexander VI. (1492-1503), worthy\\nscion of the family of the Borgias, and Julius H. (1503-13),\\nbecause of their constant struggles were called war popes.\\nLeo X. (1513-22) made Rome the centreof the artistic and\\nliterary life, and his pontificate was made glorious by coincid-\\ning with the culmination of the Renaissance. His patronage\\nof Raffael would alone have secured his fame. To support\\ntheir court with its immense number of secretaries, clerks,\\nattendants, and servants, to maintain their troops, to pay\\nfor the huge buildings which they erected and for the paint-\\nings, statues, and other works of art in which they de-\\nlighted, to buy manuscripts and books, to support the army\\nof literary men who were in their service, to meet the ex-\\npenses of their government, which had relations with all the\\ngovernments of Europe, there was need of enormous sums\\nof money every year. The popes put the world under\\ncontribution, levying taxes of various kinds and under dif-\\nferent names, so that gold flowed in streams from all lands\\ntoward Rome. This became another ground for complaint.\\nThe Germans, the French, and the English began to ask\\nwhy they should be taxed to support the pope in luxury,\\nto keep his armies in the field, and to pay for his works\\nof art.\\nThere was, therefore, at the end of the fifteenth century,\\na widespread and profound dissatisfaction with the papacy.\\nHere there was one ground of discontent, there another.\\nMany voices from all quarters filled the fourteenth and fif-\\nteenth centuries with calls for reform. To the observant\\nNicholas V.\\nThe Vatican\\nlibrary.\\nAlexander\\nVI., and\\nJulius II.,\\nthe war\\npopes.\\nLeo X. and\\nthe arts.\\nThe\\nexpenses\\nof the papal\\ncourt.\\nDissatisfac-\\ntion por-\\ntends revolt.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "274 The Mcdiccval Period\\nthere were many signs portending the great rebellion, ec-\\nclesiastical and national, which was to usher in a new era.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. The State as a Work of Art. Burckhardt, Civilizaiion of the Renaissance\\nin Italy. Pt. I. $4.00. Macmillan. More, Utopia. $0.10. Cassell.\\nMachiavelli, Tlis Prince.\\n2. The Revival OF Antiquity. Burckhardt, Pt. III.\\n3. The New Society in the Renaissance. Burckhardt, Pt. IV.\\n4. Architecture, Gothic AND Renaissance. Hamlin. $2.00. Longmans.\\nThe principal artists of the period may also be used as special topics.\\nGood accounts of them are found in the Biographies of Artists\\nseries. $1.25 each. Scribner.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "PART II\\nTHE MODERN PERIOD", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE MODERN PERIOD\\nINTRODUCTION\\nThe task before us in this new division of our work is The Modern\\nto follow the development of Europe through the Modern\\ngins approx-\\nPeriod. The Modern Period is, like the Medieval Period, imatelywith\\nno sharply defined section of history, with a fixed beginning ^JLI^^^\\nand a fixed end, but a division serving to denote, in a gen-\\neral way, the prevalence of certain tendencies in the life of\\nman. It was during the Transition Period of the Renais-\\nsance (1300- 1 500) that the distinctively modern tenden-\\ncies became rooted in civilization, and it is by the end of\\nthe Renaissance, and, therefore, at approximately the year\\n1500, that we may fix the beginning of the Modern\\nPeriod.\\nNow, before we take up the study of Europe in the Mod- The prelim-\\nern Period, let us rapidly draw together the threads of the 1^^ inven-\\nstory which we have thus far followed. This can be best\\ndone under three heads\\nA. The leading factors of the civilization of the Renais-\\nsance.\\nB. The voyages of discovery.\\nC. The European states at the beginning of the Modern\\nPeriod.\\nThe ordering of our facts under these three heads ought\\nto provide us with a convenient inventory of the European\\nsituation at the beginning of our period.\\n277", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "278 The Modem Period\\nA. THE LEADING FACTORS OF THE CIVH-IZATION OF THE\\nRENAISSANCE.\\nIt was during the Renaissance that civiHzation lost its\\ndistinctive mediaeval forms and acquired those characteris-\\ntics which we call modern. The leading agencies in this\\nprocess are once more rapidly enumerated\\n(i) T/ie Revival of Learning. First in Italy, and later\\nin the countries of the north, men began to get interested\\nin the long-forgotten literature and art of Greece and Rome.\\nBy patient labor they excavated, as it were, the buried\\nculture of antiquity, and added it to their meagre medieval\\nstock. Thus the medi^ eval man became gradually better\\nequipped to do man s work in the world, and soon engaged\\nin intellectual investigations of Avhich he had been formerly\\neither incapable or afraid. Learning had been confined to\\nthings appertaining to religion it was now extended to all\\nthings appertaining to man.\\n(2) The Revival of Industry and Commeree. A re-\\nmarkable feature of the later medieval centuries was the\\ngrowth of the cities. They developed a flourishing industry\\nand commerce, and, sheltered by their walls from the dep-\\nredations of the country barons, became so many hearths in\\nplain and valley of political order and material well-being.\\nWe have seen how the Crusades were instrumental in ex-\\ntending the range of western trade and manufacture, and\\nwe have seen how in consequence of them the Mediterranean\\nbecame the great highway of international trafific. Al-\\nthough Venice and Genoa and the other Italian cities were\\nthe first to draw an advantage from this situation, the north-\\nern cities on the English Channel and the North and Baltic\\nSeas felt ere long the new commercial stimulus. The nations\\nof Europe were thus being continually drawn more closely", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "Introduction 279\\ntogether, and were mutually profiting from this closeness,\\nwhen, during the Renaissance, a number of hardy seamen\\nopened up by their voyages of discovery new commercial\\nprospects of a brilliance far beyond anything the Mediter-\\nranean had known. The voyages of discovery must be\\nreckoned in their effects among the most far-reaching of the\\nevents which usher in the Modern Age, and are, in fact, so\\nimportant that we reserve them for special treatment later on.\\n(3) T/ie Itiventio)is. The introduction of gunpowder\\n(fourteenth century) altered entirely the conditions of war.\\nThe superiority of the mounted knight over the foot-soldier\\nwas thereby destroyed. Thus, through its loss of importance\\nin the military field to which, during the Middle Age, it\\nowed its political preeminence, the feudal order of nobles\\nreceived an irreparable injury. A standing army of mer-\\ncenaries was found by a ruler to be both more serviceable\\nand more reliable than a self-willed aristocracy. The king\\nin consequence began to emancipate himself from the con-\\ntrol of his nobles. The invention of printing, by multi-\\nplying books, made culture accessible to the many, and\\nideas, hitherto the privilege of the priest and noble, began\\nto throw their light into the dark and brutal lives of the\\nlower orders.\\n(4) The Growth of Absolutism. The social changes\\nconsequent upon the decay of the nobles and the growth of\\nthe cities involved also a political revolution. If in the\\nMiddle Age the nobles had been the dominant political\\nfactor, it was, first, becau.se they formed the army, and,\\nsecondly, because the one great source of wealth in that\\nperiod, the land, was in their possession. In the Modern\\nPeriod, owing to the invention of gunpowder, they were\\nno longer necessary for the army, and land, owing to the\\nAscribed to John Gutenberg of Mainz, 1450.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "28o The Modern Period\\ngrowth of the cities, fell from its i)osition of sole source of\\nwealth. I he king and the cities, who had a common en-\\nemy in the nobility, soon found themselves strong enough\\nto unseat their rival from his place of power. Gradually\\nthe king began to absorb the political powers of the nobil-\\nity. Thus the feudal state, in which the power was dis-\\ntributed among the members of an aristocracy, decayed,\\nand in its place arose the absolute monarchy, with the power\\nconcentrated in one man.\\nB. THE VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY AND THE EUROPEAN\\nCOLONIZATION OF THE NEW WORLD.\\nThe direc- The voyages of discovery were natural consequences\\nS^an sh and expansion of commerce which followed in the wake\\nthe Portu- of the Crusades. The trade with the Levant, which had\\nfnwf^pc rapidly made Genoa and Venice rich, naturally aroused\\nthe cupidity of their neighbors, and in the fifteenth century\\nthe Spaniards and Portuguese undertook to find a highway\\nto the east other than the Mediterranean. Their endeavors\\nin this enterprise led to all the subsequent discoveries. The\\nheroes of this chapter of human progress are therefore gen-\\nerally Spaniards and Portuguese, or Italians in the service\\nof these nations. The Portuguese travellers were mainly\\ngoverned by the idea of finding a sea-passage to India by\\nsailing around Africa they pushed eastward. Tlie Span-\\nish mariners sought to discover a sea-passage to India by\\ncircumnavigating the globe; they pushed westward. Each\\nof these series of undertakings was accompanied by marvel-\\nlous successes, and each had a unique climax.\\nThe Portuguese were the first people to take up the work\\nIndia, in the fifteenth century, was a collective name for the whole\\nOrient.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "Introduction 281\\nof discovery systematically, and among them it was a\\nprince of their royal house, Prince Henry, the Navigator Vasco da\\n(1394-1460), who holds the honor of having set the Tmi a\\nnation upon this path. Passionately fond of nautical\\nmatters, he voluntarily exiled himself from the court and\\ntook up his residence on a promontory of Cape Vincent,\\ndirecting from that vantage-point the voyages of his sea-\\nmen. But he was inspired also by other motives, for he\\nhad not only a deep-seated love of knowledge, but also a\\npatriotic desire to win a new empire for his nation and the\\nfervent hope of spreading the Christian faith among the\\nheathen. Gradually his mariners pushed down the west\\ncoast of Africa. Although the magnetic needle was known\\nto them, they did not well understand the use of it, and,\\nfearful of the unknown, crept along at snail s pace. Before\\neven the equator was crossed (1484) Prince Henry had\\ndied. In i486, Bartholomew Diaz at last reached the\\nCape of Good Hope, but it was not until 1498 that this\\nadvantage was followed up by a journey round the Cape to\\nIndia. The hero of this momentous voyage, which estab-\\nlished a connection with the orient far more convenient\\nand commercially profitable than any Venice commanded,\\nwas Vasco da Gama.\\nJust before Vasco da Gama had thus set the crown on\\nthe Portuguese endeavors of a century, Christopher Colum-\\nbus had succeeded in a discovery even more important.\\nIn the year 1492, while seeking a westward passage to Columbus\\nIndia, he reached the Bahamas and West Indies, and thus\\nfirst demonstrated to the world the existence of land be-\\nyond the Atlantic. Columbus was by birth an Italian of\\nthe city of Genoa, but he made his voyage in the employ-\\nment of Isabella, the queen of Castile, and therefore the\\nConsult Beazley Prince Henry. Putnam.\\nConsult, on Columbus, Fiske Discovery of America. Houghton.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "282 The Modern Period\\nprofits of it fell to Si)ain.^ It should be noted that the\\njourney would never have been undertaken by Columbus,\\nif the contemporary scholars, abandoning the ignorant\\nnotions of the Middle Age, had not returned to the classi-\\ncal conception that the world was round. But the brill-\\niancy of Columbus s achievement is in no respect dimmed\\nby this circumstance, for the patience, energy, and enthu-\\nsiasm that made the voyage possible were unexampled and\\nwere all his own.\\nThe fever of In consequence of these triumphs discovery became a\\nMatrelian passion, especially among the Spaniards and the Portuguese.\\nWhere fame and wealth so amply rewarded the successful,\\nevery adventurer s soul felt a personal summons to strike\\nout into the new and unknown realms. No period of his-\\ntory is so astir with action and enterpri.se, so illumined by\\nthe purple light of romance. Of course every voyage\\nadded to the store of the world s knowledge, but of all the\\nlater expeditions, the one which, by virtue of its boldness\\nand its results, may claim a place beside those of Colum-\\nbus and Vasco da Gama, is the famous first circumnaviga-\\ntion of the globe. This remarkable triumph was achieved\\nby a Portuguese in the Spanish service, Magellan, after a\\nsuccession of incredible hardships lasting three years\\n(1519-1522).\\nMagellan.\\nIt is highly probable that the Norsemen tliscovered America before\\nColumbus. But their discovery was without result. Columbus sailed on\\nhis voyage August 3, 1492, from Palos, with three small ships the Santa\\nMaria, the Pinta, and the Nina. He landed on San Salvador (Guana-\\nhani) Octoljer 12. Cuba and Hayti were also discovered upon this voy-\\nage. Upon his return his sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isnliella, loaded\\nhim with honors (hereditary nobility, admiralty, etc.). He followed up\\nhis first voyage with three more voyages second voyage (1493-96), on\\nwhich he discovered Jamaica third voyage (1498-1500), on which he first\\ntouched upon the continent of South America at the mouth of the Ori-\\nnoco. It was from this voyage that he, the great benefactor of .Spain,\\nw.as brought back to Spain in chains. On his fourth voyage (1502-4) he\\nlanded on the coast of Honduras. He died, 1506, near Valladolid, be-\\nlieving to the last that he had reached India.\\nMagellan did not himself complete the voyage. He was killed on\\none of the Philippine Islands, 1521.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "introduction 283\\nOne of the most notable facts in connection with the The world\\nvoyages of discovery was that the Europeans were not satis- \u00c2\u00b0i^\\nfied with a mere acquaintance with the new countries or Portugal\\nwith opening up new markets for the home traders they i^pain.\\nalso resolved to Christianize, govern, and colonize their dis-\\ncoveries in a word, they resolved to refashion them as\\na larger Europe. Naturally the zeal for colonial expansion,\\nwhich almost immediately rose to extravagant proportions,\\nled to shameless land-grabbing, and soon to quarrels among\\nthe rival nations. Spain and Portugal, the leaders in the\\nmovement, were the first to become involved in difficulties\\nwith one another, and their disputes brought about a\\nfamous intervention by pope Alexander VI. (Borgia). In\\nthe fifteenth century the pope, as Christ s Vicar, was still\\nregarded as the peacemaker, the best arbiter of quarrels\\narising among the Christian flock. Upon being appealed\\nto by Spain and Portugal for a settlement of their rival\\nclaims, he drew (1493) a line of demarcation, first one\\nhundred leagues, and later three hundred and seventy\\nleagues west of the Cape Verde islands, and gave all the\\nland to be discovered east of this line to Portugal, all west\\nof it to Spain. This line of demarcation, which cut\\nthrough the eastern part of South America, gave Spain a\\nclaim to the whole of the New World with the exception\\nof what is now Brazil.\\nAt the beginning of the fifteenth century the chief The centres\\ncentres of Spanish colonization were: (i) The West i^J?f\\ncoloniza-\\nIndia group, whither Columbus himself had first directed tion.\\nthe stream of emigration (2) Mexico, which was won for\\nthe Spaniards by the great conqueror, Cortez and (3)\\nPeru, which was acquired by Pizarro. The plain facts of\\nthese two last-named conquests constitute an unequalled\\nromance in which courage, religious enthusiasm, cruelty,\\nand lust of gold contend with each other for supremacy.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "284 Modern Period\\nThe Portu- The Portuguese travellers, who followed in the wake of\\nguese colo- Vasco da Gama, soon undertook, after the fashion of Spain,\\nnies.\\nto bind to the home country by means of colonies the coun-\\ntries which they had discovered in the Indian Ocean. The\\nchain of colonies, which they had been engaged for some\\ntime in establishing along the west coast of Africa, was grad-\\nually extended to the East Indian Archipelago, to India\\nproper, and Farther India. The Portuguese, who were not\\na numerous people, never succeeded in settling these coun-\\ntries with their own race in such force as to supplant the\\nnative element. They themselves understood this difficulty\\nbefore long, and thereafter were satisfied with merely occu-\\npying advance-posts here and there, and with trying to se-\\ncure by treaties exclusive trade-privileges with the peoples\\namong whom they settled. With Brazil, their one posses-\\nsion in the western world, the case was different. This\\ncountry they succeeded in winning for their nation, and it\\nhas remained Portuguese in tongue and manners to this\\nday.\\nThe northern European countries entered late, and with\\nonly gradually increasing fervor, into the contest for the\\npossession of the new continents. The little which Henry\\nVII. of England did to secure for his country a share in the\\ngreat extension of the world is of importance only by rea-\\nson of consequences which he did not remotely foresee. In\\n1497, Henry, jealous of Portugal and Spain, at last equipped\\nThe English and sent westward one John Cabot, who was, like Co-\\nvoyages, lumbus, a Genoese by birth. Cabot s purpose, as well as\\nthat of many English mariners after him, was to discover\\nstill another passage, a passage by the waters of the north-\\nwest, to the oriental fairy-land, India, and by this means to\\nelude the Spaniards, who were pushing for this same India\\nby following a southwesterly course. The attempts of Cabot\\nwere destined to failure, but England by means of them", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "Introduction 285\\nsecured at least a vague claim to the northeastern coast of\\nAmerica. This claim, after being allowed to lie forgotten\\nfor a period, was revived during the reign of Elizabeth, and\\nled, in the progress of time, to the foundation of the English\\ncolonies of North America.\\nThe French were even more lax than the English in the The French\\nmatter of colonization, and it was not until the reign of\\nHenry IV. (1589-1610) that they remembered that an\\nempire was being divided without consideration of them-\\nselves. They then hastened to undo as far as possible the\\nconsequence of their neglect by settlements in Canada,\\nand, later, in Louisiana that is, in the St. Lawrence and\\nMississippi basins.\\nThe Dutch owed their colonies to the long war of inde- The Dutch\\npendence which they waged with the king of Spain. In\\n1580 Portugal, as will be seen hereafter, was temporarily\\nincorporated with Spain, the Portuguese colonies, in con-\\nsequence of this act, becoming Spanish. The Dutch there-\\nupon began to take away from the king of Spain both the\\nPortuguese and the Spanish East-India trade and territory.\\nThis fact explains why the centre of the Dutch trade and\\ncolonial territory lies to this day in the Indian Ocean.\\nC. THE EUROPEAN STATES AT THE BEGINNING OF THE\\nMODERN PERIOD.\\nThe Empire.\\nAt the opening of the Modern Period Maximilian I. The consti-\\n(1493-15 1 9). of the House of Hapsburg, was the head of Germany,\\nthe Holy Roman Empire, which, once universal, had been\\npractically reduced to the territory of Germany. The\\nfamily of Hapsburg had grown so powerful in the fifteenth\\ncentury that the German crown had almost become its her-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "286 TJic Modern Period\\neditary possession. Theoretically, however, the crown was\\nstill elective. On the death of an emperor, a successor\\ncould be legally chosen only by the seven electors, who\\nwere the seven greatest princes of the realm. The seven\\nelectors, the lesser princes (including the higher ecclesiasti-\\ncal dignitaries, such as bishops and abbots), and the free\\ncities, ranged in three separate houses, composed the im-\\nperial Diet. The Diet was the legislative body of the Em-\\npire, without the consent of which the emperor could not\\nperform any important act. Emperor and Diet together\\nconstituted the imperial government, if machinery as de-\\ncrepit as the machinery of the empire had come to be, may\\nbe qualified by that name. In fact, the national govern-\\nment of Germany was little more than a glorious memory.\\nGermany had not, like France, England, and Spain, ad-\\nvanced steadily in the later Middle Age toward national\\nunity, but had steadily travelled in the opposite direction,\\nand lost her coherence. The numerous princes, margraves,\\ncounts, prince-bishops, and free cities, constituting the\\nso-called estates of the medieval feudal realm, had ac-\\nquired a constantly increasing independence of the central\\npower, and had reduced the emperor to a puppet.^\\nThe The greatest interest attaching to Maximilian s reign is\\nrefornis^of connected with the circumstance that under him the last\\nMaximilian, serious attempt was made to remodel the antiquated ma-\\nchinery of the imperial government. In the latter half of\\nthe fifteenth century something like a wave of national en-\\nthusiasm had swept over Germany, and beginning with the\\nOf these seven electors three were ecclesiastical dignitaries and four\\nwere lay princes. The seven were the archbishops of Mainz, of Co-\\nlogne, and of Trier (Treves), the king of Bohemia, the dul c of Saxony,\\nthe margrave of Brandenburg, and the count palatine of the Rhine.\\nThere were at this time about three hundred of these local govern-\\nments, some, like Saxony and Brandenburg, large enough to be respect-\\nable, others as circumscrilied as an American township. Germany was\\nvisibly verging toward a time when she would be decomposed, in fact\\nand in law, into three hundred independent states.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "Introduction 287\\nDiet of Worms of 1495, a number of Diets met to discuss\\nmeasures of reform. The result was a miserable disappoint-\\nment; for what was done did not effect any substantial\\nchange in the position of the central authority, the em-\\nperor. Such reform as was carried out limited itself to\\nthe establishment of the greater internal security of the\\nrealm. The right of private warfare, the most insuffer-\\nable survival of feudal times, was abolished, a perpetual\\npeace proclaimed, and to support this peace there was\\ninstituted a special court of justice, the Imperial Cham-\\nber (Reichskammergericht), to which all conflicts be-\\ntween the estates of the realm had to be referred for amica-\\nble adjustment. This is the largest measure of reform\\nwhich the local governments in control of the Diet would,\\nout of jealousy of the central government, concede. The\\nemperor was left as before without an income, without any\\nadministrative functions, and without an army. He was\\nand remained, as long as the Holy Roman Empire continued\\nto exist, a poor lay-figure, draped for merely scenic purposes\\nin the mantle of royalty. If we hear of powerful emperors\\nin the future (Charles V., for instance), we shall discover\\nthat they owed their power, never to the empire, but always\\nto the force which they derived from their hereditary lands.\\nMaximilian, sometimes called the last knight, was a kind, The\\ngenerous man, who might have been spared the various mis- ^-PS/Jurg\\nmarriages,\\nfortunes of his life if he had not taken the empire and its Charles V.,\\nthreadbare splendors seriously. He tried to make good greatest\\nthe ancient imperial claims to part of Italy, and naturally Europe.\\nmet with derision he tried to unite Europe against the\\nTurks, who had overrun the east (fall of Constantinople,\\n1453) and Avere moving westward up the Danube and\\nalong the Mediterranean, but he could not even influence\\nhis own Germans to a national war of defence. However, a\\nnumber of matrimonial bargains richly compensated Max-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "288 The Modern Period\\nimilian for his many political disappointments. In the year\\n1477 he married Mary of Burgundy, the only child of\\nCharles the Bold and the heiress of the Netherlands, and in\\n1496 his son Philip was united to Joan of Castile, heiress\\nof Ferdinand and Isabella, first joint rulers of United Spain.\\nPhilip dying and Joan becoming insane, their son Charles\\nwas proclaimed, first, duke of Burgundy, and, later, on the\\ndeath of Ferdinand (1516), king of Spain. Finally, when\\nthe emperor Maximilian died (15 19), Charles fell heir also\\nto Austria, and soon after was elected, in consequence of\\nhis great position, to succeed his grandfather in the empire.\\nThus Charles V. became, chiefly owing to the politic\\nmatches of Maximilian, the greatest monarch of his day.\\nItaly.\\nItaly, at the end of the Middle Age, had fallen into even\\nworse confusion than Germany, for the very semblance of\\nnational unity had been abandoned. There were upon the\\nThe five peninsula five leading states the duchy of Milan, the re-\\nitafpc^ public of Venice, the republic of Florence, the states of the\\nChurch, and the kingdom of Naples. During the fifteenth\\ncentury the five leading states had been constantly engaged\\nin wars among themselves. These wars did no great harm\\nuntil it occurred to the kings of Spain and France to turn\\nthe local divisions of Italy to their personal advantage.\\nSpain, at the end of the fifteenth century, already possessed\\nthe islands of Sardinia and Sicily, and its royal House was\\nclosely related to the ruling House of Naples. Through\\nthese connections Spain acquired an active interest in Ital-\\nian affairs. Unfortunately for Italy, France also became\\ninterested in Italian affairs, when upon the death of the\\nlast Anjou (1481), such rights as the Anjou possessed to\\nstates.\\nThe Anjou were a secondnry branch of the royal House of France,\\nand had an old claim to the kingdom of Naples.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "Introduction 289\\nNaples were transferred to the king of France. Charles\\nVni. of France resolved on his accession to make good his\\nclaims upon Naples by force, and in 1494 he made his famous\\ninvasion of Italy. Spain being, of course, unable to per-\\nmit without opposition the extension of France, there be-\\ngan in consequence that contest between the two rivals for\\nthe possession of Italy which lasted for over fifty years and\\nended in the complete victory of Spain. At the beginning\\nof our period this result was not yet apparent. But within\\na few years after the outbreak of the French-Spanish wars,\\nthe states of Italy, overrun and plundered by superior\\nforces, commenced to exhibit material alterations in their\\npolitical status.\\nNaples. If Naples, as it was the first, had remained the\\nonly source of quarrel between France and Spain, peace\\nmight soon have been re-established. For, after having\\nbeen traversed again and again by French and Spanish\\ntroops, the kingdom of Naples was definitely ceded by Naples\\nFrance to Spain (1504), of which it was destined to re- Soa^n ^^i ;o/\\nmain a part for two hundred years (till the Treaty o^\\nUtrecht, 1713). Unfortunately, a second bone of con-\\ntention between the two great western monarchies was\\nfound in the duchy of Milan.\\nMilan. The duchy of Milan was legally a fief of the\\nHoly Roman Empire, but was held at this time in practi-\\ncally independent possession by the family of the Sforza. Struggle\\nWhen Charles VIII. of France died in 1498, Louis XII., between\\nFrance and\\nhis successor, remembered that he was a descendant of a Spain for\\nfamily, the Visconti, who had ruled in Milan before the ^^e posses-\\nsion of\\nSforza. On the strength of this vague priority, Louis re- Milan,\\nsolved to supplant the Sforza upstart. Having invaded and\\nconquered Milan in 1499, he held that city successfully\\nuntil there was formed against him the Holy League,\\ncomposed of the pope, Venice, Spain, and England (15 12).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "290 The Modern Period\\nThe Holy League quickly succeeded in driving the French\\nout of Italy and in reinstating the Sforza family in their\\nduchy. Louis XIL died in 1515, without having recon-\\nquered Milan, but his successor, Francis I., immediately\\nupon his accession, marched his army off to Italy to try in\\nhis turn the fortunes of war and conquest. His brilliant vic-\\ntory of Marignano (15 15) again put the French in posses-\\nsion of Milan. For a short time now there was peace\\nbetween France and Spain but naturally the Spaniards\\nsaw with envy the extension of French influence over the\\nnorth of Italy, and when Charles, king of Spain, was elected\\nemperor in 1519, the necessary pretext for renewing the\\nwar with France was given into his hands. It has already\\nbeen said that Milan was legally a fief of the empire.\\nIn his capacity of emperor, Charles could find a ready jus-\\ntification for interfering in the affairs of his dependency.\\nImmediately upon his election he resolved to challenge the\\nright of the French to Milan, and so the French-Spanish\\nwars in Italy were renewed.\\nVenice Venice. In the fifteenth century Venice was the strong-\\n^aS^^ est of all the Italian states. She called herself a republic,\\nbut was more truly an oligarchy, the power lying in the\\nhands of the nobles who composed the Great Council and\\nelected the chief dignitary, the doge or duke. The power\\nof Venice was due to her immense trade and possessions in\\nthe orient.^ In addition to these colonial territories she\\nheld the whole northeastern portion of Italy. The Renais-\\nsance is the period of the glory of Venice at the beginning\\nof the Modern Period that glory was already rapidly wan-\\ning. The first obstacle to the continued prosperity of\\nVenice was the Turks. The Turks, having begun their ir-\\nresistil)le march through western Asia and eastern Europe,\\ndecay.\\nShe held the Morea, Candia, Cyprus, and most of the islands of the\\niEgean and Ionian Seas.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "Introduction 291\\nunsparingly wrenched from Venice, bit by bit, her oriental\\ntrade and possessions. The second misfortune which befell\\nVenice was the discovery, by Vasco da Gama, of the sea\\npassage to India around the Cape of Good Hope. This\\ndiscovery, by drawing off the oriental commerce to Spain\\nand Portugal, struck a fatal blow at Venetian prosperity.\\nThus decline set in, but nevertheless the republic continued\\nto live in some fashion or other till Napoleon made an end\\nof it in the year 1797.\\nFlorence. The republic of Florence, far-famed in the\\nperiod of the Renaissance for its great artists and writers,\\nhad, in the fifteenth century, lost its free constitution, and\\nfallen under the domination of a native family, the Medici Florence\\n(Lorenzo the Magnificent, the greatest of the line, ruled the Medici\u00c2\u00b0\\nfrom 1469 to 1492). But in spite of the Medici the love\\nfor the republic remained enshrined in the hearts of the\\npeople. When, therefore, the invasion of Charles VIII.\\n(1494) offered a chance to cast off the Medicean yoke, the\\npeople rose, banished their tyrants, and re-established the\\nrepublic. Girolamo Savonarola, a pious monk, who had, Savonarola.\\nthrough his stirring invectives against the general corrup-\\ntion of manners, acquired a great following, became the\\npopular hero and leader, and for four years controlled the\\ngovernment, and labored at the reform of morals. During\\nthe period of Savonarola s supremacy, Florence presented\\nto her astonished contemporaries, who dwelt upon the free\\nheights of the pagan Renaissance, the picture of a narrow\\nBiblical theocracy. But in 1498 Savonarola s enemies\\ncompassed his overthrow and burned him at the stake. For\\na few more years the republic went on as best it could,\\nuntil in 15 12 the Medici reconquered the city. In 1527\\nthe Florentines made a last attempt to regain their liberties.\\nAgain they cast the Medici out, but again the banished\\nprinces returned, this time with the help of Charles V.,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "292 The Modern Period\\n(1529), who now honored the head of the Medicean\\nHouse, Alexander, by conferring upon him and his heirs\\nFlorence and her territory under the name of the duchy\\n(later the grand duchy) of Tuscany,\\nThe States The States of the Church, During the period of the Re-\\nChurch ac- naissance, the popes, becoming pagan like the rest of the\\nquire soli- world, sacrificed every principle to the desire of being\\nbrilliant secular princes. Their dominant aspiration was\\nto consolidate the territory of the Church. This territory,\\nrunning across the middle of the jieninsula, formed an ex-\\ntensive possession, but had fallen in large part into the\\nhands of petty tyrants. Pope Alexander VI. (1492-1503)\\nof the family of Borgia, infamous for his murders and ex-\\ncesses, has the merit of having carried the papal policy to\\na successful issue. Through the unscrupulous agency of\\nhis son Caesar Borgia, the petty tyrants of the papal states\\nwere either poisoned or assassinated. Thus at last the\\npope became master in the hereditary dominion of St.\\nPeter.\\nAlexander VI. was followed by two popes, w^ho, if they\\nare not great spiritual lights, have nevertheless interesting\\npersonalities. They are Julius II. (1503-13) and Leo X.\\n(15 13-21), the latter a member of the famous Florentine\\nfamily of the Medici. Both of these popes will always be\\nremembered for their splendid patronage of the arts.^ It\\nwas during the papacy of Leo X., whose interests were\\nliterary, artistic, social, in short everything but religious,\\nand whose nature and associations inclined him to a pagan\\nconception of life, that there was raised in Germany the\\ncry for reform which led to the Protestant schism.\\nSavoy. In northwestern Italy, on the border of France,\\nlay among the Alps the duchy of Savoy. At the beginning\\nof the Modern Period the duke of Savoy was not yet an\\nChurch of St. Peter begun Michel Angclo and Raftaelle at Rome.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "Introduction 293\\ninfluential power. But during the next centuries he grew\\nstronger and stronger through perseverance and hardihood,\\nuntil finally his power surpassed that of any other prince of\\nItaly. In our own century the House of Savoy has become\\nthe royal house of united Italy.\\nFrance\\nUnder Charles VII. (1422-61) and Louis XI. (1461- The unifica-\\n8-?) France had lost her old feudal character and become an U\u00c2\u00b0\\nFrance.\\nabsolute monarchy. The great dukes and counts had been\\nforced into submission to the will of the king. The king\\nhad become master he had secured himself a revenue\\nover which he had free disposal (through a land-tax called\\ntaille) and he had created a standing army, which was at\\nhis and not at the nobles orders. Louis XL also added\\nto France several outlying provinces, which were neces-\\nsary to the completion of the nation. These were Prov-\\nence in the southeast and the duchy of Burgundy in the\\neast. When his son Charles VIII. (1483-98) acquired\\nBrittany in the northwest, the process of the unification of\\nFrance may be said to have been completed. Being now\\nunited within under the constitution of the absolute king, she\\nwas also strong to act against external foes. Under these cir-\\ncumstances Charles VIII. could afford to turn his thoughts\\nto foreign conquest, and burning with ambition, under-\\ntook to conquer Naples on the strength of certain inher-\\nited claims, and invaded Italy (1494). But his policy of\\nforeign conquest incited the hostility of his jealous neigh-\\nbor Spain, and led to the great French-Spanish wars for\\nthe possession of Italy, which lasted, with occasional in-\\nterruptions, for fifty years. The review of Italy has ac-\\nquainted us with the early stages of this conflict. Charles\\nVIII. after a brief triumph, was forced to give up Naples.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "294\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe unifica-\\ntion of\\nbpain.\\nThe expan-\\nsion of\\nSpain.\\nFinally it was ceded to Ferdinand of Spain (1504). Louis\\nXII. of France (1498-15 15) renewed the struggle in Italy\\nby laying hold of the duchy of Milan, and though he was\\nforced to give up Milan in 1512 (the Holy League), his\\nsuccessor, Francis I. (1515-47), immediately reconquered\\nit by the victory of Marignano (15 15).\\nSpain\\nThe movement toward national unity and absolutism,\\njust observed in France, is no less characteristic of the po-\\nlitical development, during the fifteenth century, of Spain.\\nThe unity of Spain, after having made steady progress for\\nsome centuries, was finally .secured by the marriage of Fer-\\ndinand (1479-15 16) and Isabella (1474-1504), who were\\nthe heirs respectively of the two largest Christian kingdoms\\non the peninsula, Aragon and Castile. Both of these king-\\ndoms had grown strong by chanii)ioning the national cause\\nagainst the Moors, who had, in the Middle Age, overrun\\nthe peninsula. In the year 1492 Granada, the last foot-\\nhold of the Moors, was captured, and therewith the Mo-\\nhammedan power in Spain, which had lasted for eight cen-\\nturies, came to an end.\\nThe unification of Spain inaugurated a period of terri-\\ntorial expansion which is unparalleled in history. In the\\nsame year in which the Moorish kingdom fell, Columbus\\ndiscovered America, and opened up to Spain the vast do-\\nminion of the new world. Next Ferdinand, upon being\\ndrawn into war with France on account of the conquest of\\nNaples by Charles VIII., succeeded in beating the French\\nand seizing the kingdom of Naples for himself (1504). In\\n15 1 2 he further acquired that part of the border-kingdom\\nof Navarre which lay upon the Spanish slope of the Py-\\nrenees. Thus it happened that when Ferdinand was suc-\\nceeded upon his death by his grandson, Charles (1516-56),", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "Introduction 295\\nthis young king found himself master of the most extensive\\nterritories of the world. Although Charles was, merely by\\nvirtue of his position as king of Spain, the leading sovereign\\nof Europe, he had additional interests and resources as ruler\\nof the Netherlands and archduke of Austria, which raised\\nhim far above any rival. Finally in 15 19, the electors of\\nthe empire made him emperor.\\nThe growth of the royal power had meanwhile kept pace Absolutism\\nwith the extension of Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella, with f^^\\nInquisition,\\nthe aid of the cities, put down the robber-knights, and thus\\nsecured the peace of the land. Then the monarchs turned\\ntheir attention to the nobility. The feudal Parliament of\\nCastile (called Cortes) was first restricted in its influence,\\nand then robbed of all importance. The Parliament of\\nAragon held out a little longer against the royal encroach-\\nments. But the act which more than any other registered\\nthe extension of the central power was the introduction of\\nthe Inquisition for the persecution of heretics and of ene-\\nmies of the government that is, of Jews, Moors, and,\\nlater, Protestants. How severely this organization inter-\\npreted its task is witnessed by the fact that during the\\nreign of the first Grand Inquisitor, Tomas de Torquemada\\n(1483-98), about 10,000 persons were burned alive,\\n6,000 burned in efiigy, and 90,000 condemned to ecclesi-\\nastical and civil penalties.\\nEngland\\nEngland passed in the fifteenth century through the\\ngreat domestic crisis known as the War of the Roses. But\\nthe end came in 1485, when Richard III., the last king The end of\\nof the House of York, was defeated and killed at the battle War of\\nthe RosGs.\\nof Bosworth. The victor, himself of the House of Tudor,\\nbut at the same time a descendant of the House of Lan-\\ncaster, succeeded to the throne as Henry VII. (1485-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "296 The Modern Period\\n1509). Through the marriage of Henry VII. to Eliza-\\nbeth, a daughter of the House of York, the new House of\\nTudor united the claims of both contending houses, and\\nthus the civil war came at length to an end.\\nThe Under Henry VII., an extremely cautious and politic\\nstronsT\\nmonarchy nian, there grew up in England the strong Tudor mon-\\nof Henry archy. Traditionally, the power in England lay in the\\nhands of the king and the Parliament, composed of the\\ntwo Houses of the Lords and the Commons. However,\\nabsolutism was in the air at the time, as is witnessed by the\\ncases of France and Spain. By following a consistent\\npolicy, Henry succeeded in making the English monarchy,\\ntoo, almost absolute. He did this, first, by lessening the\\nauthority of the turbulent nobility. He forbade them to\\nkeep armed and liveried retainers, thus depriving them of\\ntheir military power, and by means of the Star Chamber\\ncourt of justice, dependent on himself, he kept watch over\\nthem and punished them for all infringements of the public\\nlaw. Secondly, by raising money irregularly through fines\\nand forced loans, he became independent of the regular\\ntaxes which the Parliament alone could vote, and thus Avas\\nenabled to get along, to a large extent, without calling the\\nParliament together. Of Henry s various measures the\\nresult was the pacification of the realm. England would\\nnow have fallen as completely into the hands of her sover-\\neign as France had done, if it had not been for that saving\\nlaw upon her statute-books that the king could raise no\\ntaxes without the consent of Parliament. This provision\\nneither Henry VII. nor any of his successors dared abro-\\ngate, and in the course of time, when the common people\\nhad acquired wealth and dignity, it became the weapon by\\nwhich the strong monarchy was struck to the ground\\nand Parliament set in the monarch s place.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "SECTION I\\nTHE REFORMATION AND THE WARS OF RELIGION;\\nFROM LUTHER TO THE PEACE OF WEST-\\nPHALIA (1517-1648)\\nThe reason for setting off the century and a half which\\nlie between Luther and the Peace of Westphalia as a\\nseparate section of Modern History, lies partly in conven-\\nience as is the case with all historical divisions and\\npartly in the fact that this section has an unmistakable\\nunity. This unity is furnished by the circumstance that\\nthroughout its length there remains fixed in the foreground\\nof public interest the question of the Reformation. A new\\nfaith is born, it attempts to secure for itself legal recogni-\\ntion from the various governments, and the various govern-\\nments are all perplexed with the problem how to adjust\\nthemselves to the novel creation. Anger and irritation are\\nfollowed by wars, and, after much bloodshed, the worst\\nsting is taken out of the rivalry of Catholicism and Prot-\\nestantism by the at least partial adoption in the Peace of\\nWestphalia of the principle of mutual toleration.\\n297", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "298\\nThe Modern Period\\nCHAPTER XVIII\\nThe rising\\nprotest\\nagainst the\\nChurch.\\nThe Re-\\nnaissance\\nin the south\\nand in the\\nnorth.\\nTHE REFORMATION IN GERMANY TO THE PEACE\\nOF AUGSBURG (1555)\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Johnson, Europe in the Shtccnth Century, pp. 106-252.\\n$1.75. Macmillan.\\nVisher, ffistcry 0/ the Re/ormation, pp. Zs-iti- $2.50. Scribner.\\nFtouAc, Li/e and Letters 0/ Erasmus. $1.50. Scribner.\\nEmerton, Erasmus. $1.50. Putnam.\\nKostXin, Li/e 0/ Ltiiher. $2.50. Scribner.\\nJacobs, Martin Luther. $1.50. Putnam.\\nRichard, Melaticthon. $1.50. Putnam.\\nWhitcomb, Source-Book of the Gertnan Renaissance. Univ. of Penn.\\n$1.25. Translations and Reprints. University of Penn. Vol. II.,\\nNo. 6.\\nThk rising protest against the Catholic Church has been\\ndiscussed in tlie chapter on the Renaissance. To sum-\\nmarize once more what was there said, the hostihty to the\\nChurch was due to the excessive taxes, powers, and privi-\\nleges of the Church, to the corrupt manners and practices\\nof the clergy, and to the larger and more intelligent views\\nof life which were made popular among the cultivated classes\\nby the Renaissance and the Revival of Learning.\\nTlie movement of the Renaissance we discovered to\\nhave originated in Italy. From Italy it spread to the\\nnorth, but took there an altogether different form, for,\\nwhereas in Italy it led to an unparalleled artistic activity\\ncoupled with a frightful relaxation of manners, it induced\\namong the more serious-minded and less impressionable\\npeoi)lcs of the north a desire, above all, for moral reform.\\nHence we have the sharp contrast of Italy adorning herself\\nat this time with glorious palaces and churches filled with\\nstatues and paintings, and of the north slowly recovering\\nthe Latin, Greek, and Hebrew sources of Christianity, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in Germain^ 299\\nspreading the enthusiasm for a purer faith. Among the\\nnorthern scholars and humanists thus engaged, those of\\nGermany took a conspicuous place, and among them the\\nmost notable were Reuchlin, Ulrich von Hutten, and\\nErasmus. These men prepared the ground for the recep-\\ntion of the seed of the Reformation. A few words con-\\ncerning them will show us the direction of their efforts.\\nJohn Reuchlin (1455-15 2 2) was purely a scholar whose The Ger-\\nmost important work was a Hebrew grammar. However, jg^s.\\nhe aroused the displeasure of the religious fanatics and was\\nviolently attacked by them. The friends of learning,\\namong whom was Hutten, rallying to his support, aimed\\na series of telling shafts at monks, schoolmen, and the\\nbanded powers of superstition in the so-called EpistolcR\\nobscurorum virorum (Letters of obscure men), and suc-\\nceeded in this way in creating a large body of opinion\\nhostile to all abuses in the Catholic Church. To this end\\nDesiderius Erasmus (1467-1536) also contributed. He Erasmus,\\nwas a native of Rotterdam, and, because of his universal\\ninfluence, has received the name of the Prince of Hu-\\nmanists. Like Reuchlin he was a scholar, his chief\\nscholarly contribution being a critical edition in Greek and\\nLatin of the New Testament (15 16) by virtue of which he\\nranks as the father of modern Biblical criticism but,\\nunlike Reuchlin, he was also a powerful man of letters, and\\ncommanding a skilful pen he held up to scorn in such\\nwritings as the Praise of Folly (151 1), the shortcom-\\nings of his age and of the Church.\\nErasmus and his allies were students and not warriors. The early\\nThey wished to raise the culture of the day by spreading reibmie^s^\\neducation, and they desired to reform the Church and not revolu-\\nmake that institution wide and tolerant enough to embrace\\nall forms of honest Christian belief. When therefore the\\nnext generation of scholars, more aggressive than them-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "300 The Modern Period\\nselves, proposed separation from the Catholic Church, the\\nolder humanists were in general horrified, and refused to\\nlend a hand to carry out so radical a measure.\\nThus the humanists helped prepare the minds for the\\ndivision of the Christian Church which we call the Ref-\\normation, but did not make it. The direct agent was\\nMartin Martin Luther. Martin Luther was born November lo,\\nLuther. 1483, in Thuringia. He was of peasant ancestry, and\\npeasant sturdiness and simplicity, with much of peasant\\nobstinacy and superstition, remained characteristic of him\\nto the end of his days. His parents managed to send\\nyoung Martin to the University, but instead of becoming\\na lawyer, as they wished, he followed his natural bent, and\\nin 1505 joined the Augustine Order of Friars. He oc-\\ncupied himself very solemnly with the problems of salva-\\ntion, and in 15 10 undertook a journey to Rome, where he\\nsaw face to face the corruption of the papacy. On his re-\\nturn he applied himself more earnestly than ever to the\\nstudy of St. Augustine and the mystics, and gradually be-\\ncame convinced that salvation was a matter not of externals,\\nmasses, beads, and pilgrimages, Init solely of deep and\\ntriumphant faith. Meanwhile Luther had accepted a pro-\\nfessorship in the University of Wittenberg, the capital of\\nSaxony, and these questions were working in his heart and\\nmind, when the great event occurred which brought him\\ninto piiblic notice.\\nIndul- In 1517 the Dominican, John Tetzel, hawked through\\ndoctrine and dermany letters of indulgence.^ Indulgences owed their\\npractice. origin to the teaching of the Church that an act of sin in\\norder to be forgiven involved (i) contrition and (2) sub-\\nstantial punishment. The contrition always remained a\\npre-requisite, but it was soon decided that the substantial\\nConsult Lea, Hist, of Auricular Confession and Indulgences.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in Germany 301\\npunishment could be remitted in return for a gift of money\\nto the Church for some holy purpose. The letter in which\\nthe remission was certified was called an indulgence. Al-\\nthough indulgences were thus at first entirely honorable,\\nthe temptation always existed on the part of the popes to\\nuse them as a means of income, and there can be no doubt\\nthat the popes of the Renaissance employed them most un-\\nscrupulously in this way, permitting agents to dispose of\\nthem at a sliding scale of prices suited to every kind of sin.\\nAs might have been foreseen, Tetzel s traffic aroused The ninety-\\nmuch indignation, Luther s distinction is that he had the theses,\\ncourage to bring the matter before the public. On Octo-\\nber 31, 15 1 7, he affixed to the church door at Wittenberg\\na document enumerating ninety-five theses or arguments\\nagainst indulgences. Loud applause rang through the land,\\nbut the supporters of rigid Catholicism were not slow to\\nmeet the challenge. A fierce controversy ensued, and out\\nof the contention arose gradually the Protestant Church.\\nAt the time when Luther published his ninety-five theses, How\\nhe was still a good son of the Church. But the opposition Luther s\\nwhich he encountered in the next few years obliged him to to a schism,\\nsubmit the whole system of the Catholic Church to an in-\\nvestigation, and soon he discovered that there was much\\nelse in Catholicism besides indulgences which he could not\\naccept. Above all, he grew suspicious of the authority\\nof the pope which his opponents were always invoking.\\nAgainst it, he put up the authority of the Bible, and in\\n1520, in a pamphlet, called The Babylonish Captivity,\\nhe went so far as to renounce the pope and call him a usurp-\\ner. At this point the patience of pope Leo X., who had\\nbeen attempting to have the trouble in Germany smoothed\\nover, became exhausted. He published a bull of excom-\\nmunication against Luther, but Luther, now thoroughly\\nfired with the sense of his mission, scornfully burned it", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "302\\nThe Modern Period\\nLuther\\nsummoned\\nbefore the\\nemperor.\\nLuther at\\nWorms,\\n1521.\\namidst the rejoicings of his followers (1520). Thus began\\nthe Protestant schism. Luther could claim that reform had\\nbeen proposed and rejected, and that nothing was left but\\nrevolution.\\nLuther, stigmatized as a heretic by the pope, was now in\\ndanger of his life if the civil authorities followed up the\\npope s bull. In order to look into the case the youthful\\nCharles V., who had been elected to the imperial office in\\n15 19, summoned Luther to his presence at Worms on the\\nRhine, where a Diet had assembled to discuss the affairs of\\nthe realm. To reassure him and that element of the Ger-\\nman people which had become passionately attached to him,\\nthe emperor issued a formal promise that Brother Martin\\nmight come and go undisturbed. Nevertheless, his friends\\nsupplicated him not to go, reminding him of the fate of\\nHuss at Constance. I would go even if there were as\\nmany devils as there are tiles on the house-roofs, he is\\nsaid to have answered fearlessly. On April 17, 1521, he\\nappeared before the Diet.\\nThe scene is one of the impressive spectacles of history.\\nThe poor monk stood for the first time in his life before\\na brilliant concourse of princes and bishops, who for the\\nmost part regarded him with suspicion and aversion. He\\nwas ordered to recant, and he agreed, provided it could be\\nproved by arguments from the Bible that he was wrong.\\nHere I stand, he ended, I can not do otherwise.\\nGod help me. Amen. The nation applauded, but his\\nfriends were concerned for his safety, and the elector of\\nSaxony, his kind master, taking possession of his person,\\nconveyed him secretly to the Wartburg Castle.\\nWhile Luther was thus secured against his enemies, the\\nemperor at Worms came to a decision. Charles was an\\ninexperienced youth, just twenty-one years of age, but he\\nwas endowed with political ambition and capacity, and felt", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in Germany 303\\ninstinctively that Luther, if allowed to go on, would cause\\na schism in Germany which would still further weaken the\\nalready weak position of the emperor. Moreover, Charles\\nwas a good Catholic, and, though favorable to a reform of\\nthe Church, would not hear of effecting it against the will\\nof the ecclesiastical authorities. Finally, he was about to\\nbegin a war against Francis I. of France for the possession\\nof Milan, and for this enterprise he argued that he should\\nneed the alliance of the pope. For all these reasons Charles\\njjublished, on May 26, 1521, a decree of outlawry, called\\nthe Edict of Worms, against Luther, by which the here- The Edict\\ntic s life was declared forfeit and his writings forbidden. worms.\\nHaving thus settled, as he thought, the German diffi-\\nculties, Charles set out for Italy to begin the war against\\nFrance.\\nBut the movement of the Reformation had already ac-\\nquired too great a momentum to be stopped by an imperial\\norder. If Charles could have remained in Germany to see\\npersonally to the execution of his decree against Luther, or\\nif the real power in Germany had not lain with the princes,\\nwho, from the nature of the case, were divided in their sym-\\npathy, the history of the Reformation might have been dif-\\nferent. As it was, however, Charles had interests in Spain,\\nAmerica, Italy, and the Netherlands, which often engaged\\nhim wholly, and the princes, if Catholic, half-heartedly\\nreceived, and if Protestant, solemnly rejected, the Edict The Edict\\nof Worms. Under these conditions the Reformation was o vvor is is\\nnot ex-\\nfor some time left to itself, and that proved its salva- ecuted.\\ntion.\\nThe Protestant opinions of Luther and his followers made\\na rapid conquest of Germany. Monasteries were dissolved,\\nand priests and bishops, abjuring their allegiance to Rome,\\ninstituted in the place of the Latin Mass a simpler worship\\nwhich they conducted in the national idiom. With such", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "304\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe prog-\\nress of the\\nReforma-\\ntion.\\nRadical\\nupheavals.\\nThe rising\\nof the peas-\\nants, 1524-\\n25-\\nferment of opinion possessing the whole country it is not\\nunnatural that wild agitators occasionally caught the ear\\nof the masses. In fact, the Reformation was not many\\nmonths old before its welfare Avas threatened more by its\\nown extreme elements than by its Catholic opponents.\\nNobody saw this more clearly than Luther. He was re-\\nsolved that the movement should travel a sure road and at\\na moderate pace, and that whoever should venture to com-\\npromise it by extravagances and illusions, or whoever should\\nattempt to use it for ends other than those of the religious\\nreform with which it had originated, must be abruptly ex-\\ncluded from his party. These certainly not unwise con-\\nsiderations explain Luther s attitude toward the revolu-\\ntions of the next eventful years.\\nWhile Luther was still in concealment at the Wartburg,\\nProtestant fanatics began to preach the breaking of Cath-\\nolic images and other acts of religious violence. Hearing\\nof this, Luther abruptly abandoned his retreat, rallied his\\nfollowers about himself on his own moderate platform, and\\ndrove the fanatics out of Saxony (1522).\\nThe next year (1523) the ferment possessing Germany\\ncaused an outbreak among the knights of the Rhine coun-\\ntry, and shortly after followed a great rising among the\\npeasants of southeastern and central Germany. This ris-\\ning was due primarily to social causes, but the religious\\nagitation of the time supplied the immediate pretext. The\\nsocial origin of the Peasants War is proved by the numer-\\nous peasant insurrections of the previous century, and by\\nthe fact that, like all the earlier movements, it had for its\\nmain object the amelioration of the condition of the peas-\\nant, who was a mere serf, subject in person and property to\\nthe will and whim of his master. These poor people\\nthought they heard in the Reformation the announcement\\nof the brotherhood of man, and so they rose to get a few", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in Germany 305\\nsimple human rights. But, led by fanatics, they soon in-\\ndulged in excesses, butchered their lords, and created an\\ninsufferable anarchy. The imperial authority being as\\nusual too weak to deal with the insurrection, the local au-\\nthorities that is, the princes got together an army and\\nscattered the disorderly bands of peasants to the winds.\\nHounded on by Luther in coarse pamphlets the victors rioted\\nin massacre, slaying many thousands of the poor insurgents.\\nLuther s attitude toward the peasants has been much\\ncriticised. Certainly no excuse can be offered for his Luther s\\nbrutal language, but his excited championship of the au- aUitude^\\nthorities is at least intelligible, when we reflect that he\\nknew that the success of the movement which he had at\\nheart depended on its being orderly and moderate and\\nfree from all entanglement with violence.\\nWhile these things were going on in Germany, Charles The wars of\\nV. was wholly engaged with the war against France. In and^V^ran-\\nfact, the wars with France continued, in spite of periodical cis I.\\nconclusions of peace, throughout his reign, and prevented\\nhim from ever giving his full attention to the German Ref-\\normation. It will be sufficient for our purpose if we take\\nnote of two or three crises in the long conflict. In 1525,\\nthe army of Charles defeated the French at Pavia in so Pavia, 1525.\\nsignal a manner that the king of France himself, Francis I.,\\nwas captured. The prisoner was transferred to Madrid,\\nand there Charles wrung a peace from him which was so\\nsevere that Francis on his release immediately broke it.\\nHe now managed to strengthen himself by drawing the\\npope and Henry VIII. of England over to his side, but a\\nnew war availed him little. In 1527, the troops of Charles,\\ncomposed of Spaniards and German Lutherans, horribly The sack of\\nsacked Rome, and shortly after the pope and Francis I. ^527-\\nThe leading demands formulated in Twelve Articles were abolition\\nof serfdom, just rents, destruction of game preserves.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "3o6 The Modern Period\\nwere obliged to come to terms with the emperor. By the\\nThe Peace Peace of Cam bray (1529) Francis yielded Milan and the\\n^^^^^^^^yy suzerainty of Artois and Flanders in the Netherlands to\\nhis rival, and in the next year the pope formally crowned\\nCharles emperor at Bologna.\\nCharles, temporarily rid of France, was now resolved to\\nlook once more into German affairs. In 1530, after an ab-\\nCharles re- sence of almost ten years, he again turned his face north-\\nr^I^ .^o^ ward. The Reformation was by this time an accomplished\\nUermany.\\nThe Diet of fact, but Charles, who during his absence had received his\\nJ information from Catholic partisans and through hearsay,\\nstill inclined, as at Worms, to treat it as a trifle. He was\\ndestined to be rudely awakened. A Diet had been called\\nto meet him at the city of Augsburg, and at the summons a\\nbrilliant assembly of both Lutheran and Catholic princes\\ncame together. Charles at first made a show of acting as\\numpire, and invited the Lutherans to present their case.\\nThe Confes- They did this in the document known as the Confession of\\nsion 01 Augsburg, which straightway won such favor among Prot-\\nestant contemporaries that it became and has since re-\\nmained the creed of the Lutheran Church. But in the end\\nCharles sided with the Catholic majority of the Diet, and\\nsignified his intention to execute at length the Edict of\\nWorms against Luther, and to punish every one who had\\nintroduced religious innovations. Rather than suffer this,\\nthe Protestants resolved to appeal to force, and united them-\\nselves in a great defensive league, called, from the place of\\nmeeting, the League of Schmalkalde (1531).\\nThus the schism in the Church threatened a schism in\\nthe state or civil war. But for the present the struggle was\\npostponed, owing to the fact that Charles still hoped to be\\nable to arrive at an amicable settlement, and to the further\\nThe party name of Protestants began to be applied to the Lutherans\\nat this time. It liad its origin in tlie //\u00e2\u0096\u00a0(^/^j-Zpiibhsliccl by the Lutherans\\nin 1529 against the execution of the Edict of Worms.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "The Refonnation in Germany 307\\ncircumstance that he had his hands full with other affairs. Pressure of\\nImmediate attention had to be given to the Turks. They g^a nces\\nwere pushing up the Danube and threatening Vienna, and hinders\\nin order to be able to meet them Charles felt obliged to ^^_\\ncourt the Protestants. Finally, he promised to suspend all ploying\\naction against them for the present, and was rewarded by against the\\ntheir hearty assistance in his campaign against the Turks Protestants.\\n(1532). But these enemies had hardly been repelled when\\nthe emperor found that he would have to give attention to\\nthe Mohammedan pirates of north Africa, who were destroy-\\ning the commerce of the Mediterranean and plundering the\\ncoasts of Italy and Spain. And hardly had these pirates\\nbeen punished when Francis I. of France again began to\\nstir. Charles s mind often travelled back to Germany,\\nand he saw with horror the progress of the Protestant\\nopinions, but what could he do? The French, the Turks,\\nthe African pirates were successively demanding all his time,\\nand intercepted his arm every time he made preparations\\nto draw his sword against the Protestant revolution.\\nOwing to these affairs, it was not till 1545 that Charles In 1545\\nagain gave his undivided attention to the German Refor- )^\u00e2\u0080\u009e^I 1^^^^\\nonce more\\nmation, and this time he had good hopes of arriving at a takes up the\\ndefinite settlement. He had just (Peace of Crespi, 1544) ^g\\nconcluded another war with Francis, in which the French Protestants.\\nking was no more successful than in any of the earlier vent-\\nures further the emperor was at peace with the Turkish\\nSultan, Solyman and at that moment he enjoyed, finally,\\nthe good will of the pope. The pope, in fact, had gone so\\nfar as to call together at Trent a General Council of the Th^ Council\\nChurch (1545), which the emperor had long urged, and\\nwhich he regarded as a sure remedy for the Protestant\\nschism. To this authoritative body the Protestants were\\nto send delegates these were to plead the Protestant cause\\nand the whole Protestant party was expected to bow to the\\nof Trent.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "308\\nThe Modern Period\\nFailure of\\nthe last ne-\\ngotiations.\\nThe death\\nof Luther,\\n1546.\\nThe first\\nwar of\\nreligion,\\n1546-47.\\nThe\\nreaction\\nagainst\\nCharles.\\nverdict which the council would then render. When,\\ntherefore, the Council had assembled, the Emperor notified\\nthe Protestants but they, suspicious of the composition of\\nthe meeting, refused to take the proffered hand. In 1546,\\nassured that further negotiations were futile, Charles ap-\\npealed to force. As the Protestants, united in the League\\nof Schmalkalde, would not yield, Germany was now afflicted\\nwith her first civil war over the question of the Reformation.\\nJust before hostilities began Luther died (1546), and\\nwas thus spared the pain of seeing his countrymen in arms\\nagainst each other because of a movement of which he had\\nbeen the creator. His life throughout was brave and sim-\\nple, and if it is stained with outbursts of coarseness and\\nvulgarity, it is the part of generosity to ascribe them to the\\nposition of weight and responsibility to which circum-\\nstances suddenly raised him who had but the training of a\\nmonk and a recluse.\\nThe first war of religion in Germany was for awhile\\nvery advantageous to the emperor. The Protestant princes\\ndid not stand together, and at the only serious battle of the\\nwar, the battle of Miihlberg (1547), Charles took the lead-\\ning Protestant prince, the elector of Saxony, prisoner.\\nThe victory of Charles was in no small measure due to the\\nfact that Maurice of Saxony, a relative of the elector s,\\nwent over to the Catholic side. He got as reward his rela-\\ntive s electorate, but, the price once paid, he began to edge\\nover again toward his fellow-Protestants, and with character-\\nistic selfishness prepared to betray his benefactor.\\nCharles, after his victory, bethought himself of his old\\nremedy a conference of the factions in a General Coun-\\ncil, but his plan once more suffered shipwreck upon the ill-\\nwill of the pope and the suspicions of the Protestants. Try\\nas he would, there was nothing left for him to do but to\\ndictate a religious peace. This he did in an arrangement", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in Germaivy 309\\ncalled the Interim, which, although Catholic in spirit, made\\nthe Protestants a few temporary concessions. But the In-\\nterim rapidly grew distasteful to the Protestants, the foreign\\nrule maintained by Charles s Spanish soldiery was hateful\\nto all alike, and, when Maurice of Saxony went over to his\\nco-religionists, Germany suddenly rose, and the emperor\\nfound himself helpless before the united demonstration\\n(1552). He had to flee precipitately across the Alps, and\\nnow at last, racked with gout and prematurely old, he gave Charles\\nup his hfe-long war against the Lutheran heresy. His\\nbrother, Ferdinand, signed a preliminary peace with the\\nProtestants at Passau, and at the Diet of Augsburg, in the\\nyear 1555, a final peace, known as the religious peace of\\nAugsburg, was ratified by the estates.\\nIn the Peace of Augsburg the Lutheran Church received\\nlegal recognition. It was determined that every estate of The Peace\\nthe Diet that is, every prince or imperial city should have S^\\nthe right to accept or reject the Lutheran faith. Toler-\\nance was to be granted to the rulers in accordance with\\nthe principle, cujns regio, ejus religio (he who rules a coun-\\ntry may settle its religion), but there was not granted an\\nindividual and general tolerance, and every subject could\\nbe obliged to accept the religion adopted by the state. A\\ngreat deal of trouble was caused in the negotiations by the\\nquestion of the numerous territorial bishoprics which ex-\\nisted in Germany. The Protestants desired that the ter-\\nritorial bishops be given the same right of choice between\\nProtestantism and Catholicism that every prince possessed,\\nbut the Catholics objected. Finally, it Avas decided in\\nan article, called the Ecclesiastical Reservation, that a The Eccle-\\nbishop might become a Protestant as far as his own person ?j^stical^\\nwas concerned, but that he would then have to relinquish tion.\\nhis place. This article, which was altogether in the Catho-\\nlic interest, soon caused much confusion, for it was found", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "310\\nThe Modern Period\\nAlliance\\nof the Prot-\\nestants\\nwith\\nFrance.\\nResignation\\nand death of\\nCharles.\\nin practice that it could not be kept. Many bishoprics,\\nespecially in the north, fell into Protestant hands, and the\\nquarrels resulting from this breach of the Peace of Augs-\\nburg contributed toward keeping up the religious agitation\\nin Germany, and led in the end to a second religious war.\\nThe victory of the Protestants over the emperor was\\nnot purchased without a heavy loss for Germany. Maurice\\nof Saxony had found it necessary, in order to make sure of\\nvictory, to ally himself with Henry II. of France, and in\\nthe same year (1552) in which Maurice drove the emperor\\nover the Alps, Henry II. invaded Germany and occupied\\nthe bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, from which it\\nwas found impossible to dislodge him.\\nThe emperor was broken in spirit by these last disasters.\\nHe abdicated his crown (1556), and retired to the monas-\\ntery of San Yuste, in Spain, where he died two years later.\\nUpon his abdication the vast Hapsburg possessions, which\\nhe had held in his sole hand, were divided. His son\\nPhilip got Spain (with her colonies), the Italian territory\\n(Naples and Milan), and the Netherlands. His brother,\\nFerdinand, got the Austrian lands, and therewith the impe-\\nrial crown. Henceforth until the extinction of the Spanish\\nline (1700) we have in Europe two Hapsburg Houses, a\\nSpanish and an Austrian branch.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nGerman Humanism. Creighton, History of the Papacy dttring the Reforma-\\ntion. 5 vols. Longmans. See Vol. V., Ch. I. and II. Whitcomb,\\nSource-Book. $1.25. University of Pennsylvania. Translations of\\nErasmus s Praise of Folly and of the CoUoguies. Reeves Turner.\\nLondon.\\nThe Social Unrest Culminating in the Peasants War, Bax, German\\nSociety at the Close of the Middle Ages. Macmillan. $1.75. Ch. I. and\\nVI. Bax, The Peasants War. Macmillan. $2.00. Translations and\\nReprints. University of Pennsylvania. Vol. II. No. 6 gives The\\nTwelve Articles of the Peasants. Goethe, G dtz von Berlichingen (.drama).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "Progress of Reformation in Europe 311\\ntheranism.\\nCHAPTER XIX\\nTHE PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE\\nAND THE COUNTER- REFORMATION OF THE\\nCATHOLIC CHURCH.\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Johnson (as before), pp. 261-277.\\nFisher (as before). Chapters VI., VII., XI.\\nRanke, History of the Popes, 3 vols. $3.00. Bohn.\\nAlzog, Church History, 4 vols. Gill Son, Dublin. (Catholic view.)\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Ward, The Counter Reformation {Epoc/ts 0/ Church History). $0.80.\\nLongmans.\\nThe Protestant Reformation spread rapidly from Ger- Denmark,\\nmany over the Teutonic north and made inroads even upon Hen\\nthe Latin countries France, Italy, and Spain. In the accept Lu-\\nScandinavian north it won an early and complete triumph.\\nDenmark, Norway, and Sweden, the three Scandinavian\\npowers, had been united under one king since the Union\\nof Calmar (1397). But at the beginning of the sixteenth\\ncentury the Union fell apart, for Sweden revolted and es-\\ntablished her independence under the native house of Vasa.\\nDenmark and Norway, on the other hand, remained united,\\nunder a Danish king, down to the time of Napoleon. The\\npolitical confusion that was occasioned in Scandinavia by\\nthe struggle of Sweden for independence favored the relig-\\nious innovations, and within twenty years after Luther s proc-\\nlamation against indulgences (15 17), the Lutheran Church\\nhad become the sole and state Church of all the Scandina-\\nvian countries. The north produced no great reformer of\\nits own, and therefore accepted the Church of its nearest\\nneighbor, Germany.\\nThe case was different in Switzerland. Switzerland\\nconsisted, in the sixteenth century, of many little cantons,\\nall technically a part of the empire, but practically con-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "312 The Modern Period\\nThe Refor- stituting independent republics, bound together in a very\\nSwVt\u00c2\u00b0zer- federation. In 1518 Ulrich Zwingli, a priest of\\nland. Ulrich the canton of Glarus, made an energetic protest against\\nwing 1. ^j^g doctrine of indulgences. By transferring his activity to\\nZurich, the intellectual centre of the country, he soon gath-\\nered around himself a powerful party of reform. His suc-\\ncess in Switzerland was as immediate and signal as that of\\nLuther in Germany.\\nReligious Zwingli always maintained that he had arrived at his re-\\nthe Swiss form doctrines in complete independence of Luther, and\\nthere is every reason to believe that this assertion is true.\\nIt simply goes to prove that there was in Europe a general\\ntrend of opinion toward reform. After an attempt at a\\nunion between himself and Luther had failed, chiefly be-\\ncause of some doctrinal differences, Zwingli established his\\nown Reformed Church in Switzerland. All the Swiss\\ncantons, however, could not be won to the new faith. The\\nsimple and uneducated foresters and mountaineers of the\\nupper Alps (inhabitants of the so-called Forest Cantons)\\nremained stanchly Catholic. Only the Cantons on the\\nSwiss border, which were under the influence of the two\\nprogressive cities, Zurich and Berne, accepted Zwingli s\\nteaching. In the war between the two faiths which fol-\\nlowed (1531), the Catholic cantons won the decisive victory\\nof Cappel, and as Zwingli himself fell on this occasion, the\\nCatholics might have driven a hard bargain. Nevertheless\\nthey concluded peace with the Protestants on the same basis\\nas the Catholics and Protestants of Germany did a few years\\nlater at Augsburg each local government or canton was\\nallowed to accept or reject the Reformed faith as it pleased.\\nIn consequence of this settlement, Switzerland, like Ger-\\nmany, is partly Catholic and partly Protestant to this day.\\nA little after these events in the eastern or German part\\nof Switzerland there arose in the western or French part", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "Progress of Reformation in Europe 313\\nanother great Protestant leader, whose influence was des- The Refor-\\ntined to become more wide than that of Luther himself. ?^^*o i\\nGeneva.\\nThis leader was John Calvin, and the city which he made\\nfamous as the great hearth of the new Protestant worship\\nwas Geneva.\\nIt was a stroke of chance that brought John Calvin to The early\\nGeneva. Originally a Frenchman he was born in 1507, Calvin\\nin Picardy he had studied law, and during his student\\ndays had imbibed the current Protestant doctrines. Hav-\\ning become an enthusiastic advocate of the new faith, he\\nhad to leave France, and spent his exile in deep study in\\nGermany and Switzerland. His life thus far had been that\\nof a student, and in 1536 he crowned his reputation in this\\nline by publishing a theological treatise, the Institutes of\\nthe Christian Religion, which was immediately accepted\\nas the best defence of Protestantism then in existence.\\nShortly after this work appeared, he undertook a journey\\nto France, which brought him for a night s rest to Geneva.\\nThat night was the turning point of his career. Geneva,\\na self-governing community, had lately declared for Prot-\\nestantism, but Protestantism was by no means yet firmly\\nestablished. Naturally the preachers of Geneva called\\nupon their celebrated guest, and after a long debate prevailed\\nupon him to stay and labor in God s vineyard. Thus, he Calvin es-\\nwho had hitherto been a student elected to become an ac- Geneva\\ntive worker. That he was successful in the new province\\nis proved by the fact that with the exception of a short ex-\\nile he dominated the city politically and ecclesiastically\\nuntil his death (i 536-1 564).\\nThe leading conception of Calvin s theology is the ab- The rigor-\\nsolute supremacy of God s will. God s will determining f^\u00c2\u00b0\\neverything, man s action is proportionately insignificant, Calvin.\\nand his claim to save himself by either works or faith pre-\\nposterous. Salvation is solely an act of God s grace, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "3H\\nThe Modern Period\\nCalvin\\nfather of the\\nPresbyte-\\nrian form of\\nChurch gov-\\nernment.\\nThe spread\\nof Calvin-\\nism.\\nas an omniscient God must know the whole life of a man\\nfrom the moment he is born, logic urged the belief that it is\\ndetermined at a man s birth whether he is to be saved or\\nnot. This is the famous doctrine of predestination, whicli\\nthe modern world is inclined to reject as harsh and cruel.\\nHowever, the mere conception of this idea conveys to us a\\nsense of the uncomi)romising logic and stubborn enthusiasm\\nwhich made Calvinism, wherever it appeared, an irresistible\\npower.\\nThe vigor of his theological conceptions Calvin enforced\\nby his system of Church government. The Catholic idea,\\nthat the government of the Church belongs solely to the\\nclergy, he rejected utterly. As the Church belonged to all\\nChristians, he urged that the ministers should be obliged to\\nshare the government with selected laymen, called elders\\nor presbyters, and that in certain affairs the whole congre-\\ngation should have a voice. This system, possessed of con-\\nspicuous democratic elements, is called the Presbyterian\\nform of Church government.\\nGeneva became a city of refuge to all the distressed Prot-\\nestants of France, England, Scotland, and the Netherlands.\\nCalvin labored for the spread of liis doctrines in all these\\nlands, and aided the exiles to return and work secretly as\\nmissionaries of the Reformed faith. In this way, and with\\nthe aid of other circumstances, he was able to replace the\\ninfluence of Luther in all of the countries west of the Rhine,\\nand even in parts of Germany itself, and to introduce into\\nthem his type of Protestantism. From the point of view of\\nthe success of the Reformation this was entirely well. For\\ntoward the middle of the century, Catholicism was mar-\\nshalling its forces for an attack upon its revolted subjects, and\\nthe grim and combative Calvinism was much better suited\\nthan the conservative Lutheranism to meet and rout the\\nopposition.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "Progress of Reformation in Europe 315\\nWe have seen that there had been raised in Europe, ever\\nsince the thirteenth century, loud cries for the reform of The Cath-\\nthe Church, but that the popes had remained deaf to the un^ert^akes\\ncall. At length, toward the middle of the sixteenth cent- a reform,\\nury, frightened by the movement begun by Luther, the\\nCatholic Church yielded to the new spirit and instituted a\\nseries of reformatory measures.\\nThis Counter-Reformation in the Catholic Church must, Change in\\nin order to be rightly understood, be recognized as a real tprof t^T^\\nreligious revival which, without affecting the doctrines or papacy.\\nthe system of government, brought about a great improve-\\nment in the life of the clergy. We have noticed that the\\npopes of the Renaissance, concerned chiefly with their ag-\\ngrandizement and pleasures, were stubbornly hostile to re-\\nform. This spirit continued to animate the papacy until\\nthe accession of Paul IV. (1555-59)- P^^l IV. was the\\nfirst pope who perceived the precarious condition of the\\nChurch. He abandoned the splendid ways of his Renais-\\nsance predecessors, maintained a high personal standard,\\nand devoted himself with zeal to ecclesiastical interests.\\nPaul IV. gave the papacy a new moral energy which was\\nhanded on to his successors and affected the whole clergy\\ndown to the parish priest.\\nThe Catholic revival was accompanied by a number of\\nevents and creations within the bosom of Catholicism\\nwhich should receive our attention. They were: i, The\\nSociety of the Jesuits 2, The Council of Trent 3, The\\nInquisition.\\nThe Order of tlie Jesuits or Regiment of Jesus was\\nfounded by Ignatius Loyola. Loyola was a Spanish noble-\\nman, whose highest ideal was that of a soldier until, in con- Ignatius\\nsequence of a severe wound received in the service of the ^oyo\\nking, his master (152 1), he chanced to read some Lives\\nof the Saints. These so fired his imagination that he be-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "3i6 The Modern Period\\ncame filled with the desire to emulate the Christian heroes.\\nHis first efforts were wildly romantic and fruitless. He\\neventually saw that his education was not sufficient, and at\\nthirty-three years of age he began to study Latin, philos-\\nophy, and theology. While at school in Paris he made\\nthe acquaintance of some kindred spirits, and with them\\nhe founded his new society (1534), for the purpose, at first,\\nof doing missionary work among the Mohammedans. Cir-\\ncumstances prevented the sailing of the enthusiasts for the\\nOrient, whereupon they resolved to go to Rome to offer\\ntheir services to the pope and also to secure his sanction\\nfor their order. In 1540, after considerable hesitation,\\npope Paul III. confirmed the order and the rules which\\nLoyola had composed for it.\\nMilitary Loyola fashioned his order after the manner of an army,\\ndiscipline |-|-jg ^^-y^\\\\ authority over it being concentrated in the hands\\nthe basic r 1 1 1\\nprinciple of of a general. As with the army, the fundamental principle\\nthe Jesuits, ^^^g discipline. Since the members of the order took a\\nspecial vow of obedience to the pope, this ruler soon saw\\ntheir usefulness, and by heaping the order with honors,\\nrights, and privileges, quickly made it the most powerful\\none in Europe.\\nThe activi- The Jesuits engaged in every kind of activity. They\\nties of the were famous preachers and confessors, and became especially\\nexpert in dealing with the Catholic conscience and in\\ncaring for souls. They carried on foreign mission work on\\na grand scale, planting their stations in all parts of the\\nworld. Realizing that youth is the most impressionable\\nage, they fostered education. By their superior methods of\\ninstruction they attracted to their schools the best young\\nmen of the time, and instilled into them the doctrines ot\\ntheir faith. For more than a hundred years they led Europe\\nin education. They devoted themselves also to politics and\\nbecame cunning diplomats and intriguers. Everywhere", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "Progress of Reformation in Europe 317\\nthey made themselves felt, and it was due in great measure\\nto their comprehensive and untiring efforts that Protestant-\\nism was destroyed in Italy, Spain, France, Poland, and in\\nthe dominions of the Hapsburgs, and that these lands re-\\nmained attached to the Catholic Church. Even in the\\nProtestant countries, Germany, England, and Scandinavia,\\nthe Jesuits were able to bring their Church into prominence\\nagain, and to put into jeopardy the existence of the Reformed\\nChurches. Their work in the high places of the world was\\nespecially successful, and in the course of the seventeenth\\ncentury Germany was startled by the news of the return of\\nmany a Protestant prince to the bosom of mother Church.\\nThe Council of Trent (in session at intervals, 1545-63), The Council\\nrendered the Catholic Church the signal service of unifying Trent,\\nthe Catholic doctrines as they had never been unified be-\\nfore. In the body of the tradition of the Catholic Church\\nthere were many conflicting tendencies and records. These\\ndifferences the Council of Trent removed, and then formu-\\nlated the Catholic creed anew, in sharp opposition to the\\ndoctrines set up by the Protestants. There were many\\nCatholics present at this Council who were inclined to a\\ncompromise with the Protestants for the sake of making the\\nChurch one again, but the strict papal party, under the\\nleadership of the Jesuits, Avas able to prevent the Council\\nfrom making any concession. The acts of this Council now\\nconstitute a part of the creed of the Catholic Church. Only\\na few important additions have since been made; such are,\\nfor instance, the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of\\nthe Virgin Mary, which was announced in the year 1854,\\nand the doctrine of the Infallibility of the Pope, which was\\npromulgated at the Council of the Vatican, in the year 1870.\\nThe word Inquisition describes an ecclesiastical court,\\nConsult Lea, History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages. 3 vols.\\nHarper.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "3i8 The Modern Period\\nThe ecclesi- established for the purpose of tracing and punishing heresy.\\n^^ll d 1 penalty, which the judges or inquisitors pronounced,\\nquisition. was usually confiscation of property or death, and was\\nexecuted by the civil authorities. The Inquisition was\\nnot an invention of the Counter-Reformation. In a mild\\nform it existed throughout the Middle Age. Pope Inno-\\ncent III. (11 98-1 2 1 6) first organized it effectively, and\\nhad himself the pleasure of seeing its complete success\\nagainst the Albigenses. Naturally, the zealots of the\\nCounter-Reformation began early to urge its employment\\nagainst the heretical followers of Luther and Calvin.\\nOwing, however, to the abhorrence with which the Inquisi-\\ntion, because of its terrible and vague prerogative, filled\\nthe people, and owing further to the jealousy of the govern-\\nments, which dreaded the interference of an ecclesiastical\\ncourt, this engine of repression was not everywhere ad-\\nmitted. A notable activity it exhibited only in Spain,\\nItaly, and the Netherlands. In the last-named country it\\nproduced quite the opposite effect of that intended but\\nin Italy and Spain it operated with such complete success\\nthat the Reformation no sooner showed in those countries\\nsigns of life than it was crushed.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. The Relation of Zvvingli s Movement to that of Luther. Gieseler,\\nChurch History. 4 vols. Harper. See Vol. IV., 75-98, 132. Fisher,\\nReformatifl7i, 136-155. Kostlin, Luther. Part V., Ch. III. and IV.\\n2. Calvin AT Geneva. Visher, History 0/ the Christian Chunk. $3.50. Scrib-\\nner. See Period VIII., Ch. III. Dyer, Calvin, London. Alzog, Vol.\\nIII., 282-90. Translations and Reprints. University of Pennsylvania,\\nVol. III., No. 3. Calvin on Predestination, Lord s Supper, Heresy,\\netc.\\n3. The Society OF Jesus. Hausser. Reformation. $2.00. Ch. XX. Ameri-\\ncan Tract Society. Alzog, Vol. III., 445-454. AVard, Counter Refor-\\nmation, yi-Al^. Hughes, /-(yf /rt (Great Educators). $0.80. Scribner.\\nShorthouse, John Inglesant (x\\\\o\\\\e.\\\\).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "Spain under Charles I. and Philip II. 319\\nCHAPTER XX\\nSPAIN UNDER CHARLES I. (1516-56), KNOWN AS EM-\\nPEROR CHARLES v., AND PPHLIP H. (1556-98);\\nHER WORLD EMINENCE AND HER DECAY\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Johnson (as before). Pp. go io6, 137-145, 250-261, 277-\\n313-\\nM. A. S. Hume, Philip II. (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan.\\nM. A. S. Hume, 6 Greatness and Decay (1479-1788). $1.50. Mac-\\nmillan.\\nFrom a Spanish national point of view it was a great\\nmisfortune that Charles I. (1516-56) was elected to the Charles as\\nempire in 15 19, and became the Emperor Charles V. 0\\nHenceforth, although representing imperial rather than\\nSpanish interests, he nevertheless relied almost exclusively\\nupon Spanish resources. Thus Spain was drained of men\\nand money, to advance not her own cause in the world,\\nbut the personal prestige of her sovereign.\\nBecause of Charles s divided affections, and further be-\\ncause of his short-sighted home-policy, Spain suffered irre-\\nmediable internal injuries during his outwardly brilliant\\nreign. In fact, her gradual decay may be dated from this\\ntime. We have seen that the Spanish monarchy tended\\nunder Ferdinand and Isabella toward absolutism, but we\\nhave also seen that absolutism was on the whole worthily\\nused for the abasement of the nobles and for the advance-\\nment of peace and order. Under Charles it was unfortu- Charles,\\nnately used against the people. The cities of Castile }y of\\nenjoyed a considerable measure of self-government, but tions.\\nwhen in 1521 they rose in revolt against certain arbitrary\\nmeasures of the crown, Charles, crushing them by means of\\nan army, deprived them of almost all their liberties. At", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "320 .The Modern Period\\nthe same time the ParHament (Cortes) of Castile, which\\nhad once enjoyed even more influence than the Parliament\\nof England, was stripped of most of its power. Thus\\nCharles contributed to the ruin of the free institutions of\\nhis country and therewith sealed up a spring which at all\\ntimes has been an important source of a people s vitality.\\nAnd to make things worse, the Inquisition, already under\\nCharles, Ferdinand and Isabella an instrument of tyranny, grew\\nfriend of j^^^^ j.^ ,^q^q more monstrous proportions. The exe-\\ntion. cutions of Moors and Jews were conducted with zest, but\\nwe should, in fairness to Charles, remember that, cruel and\\nunwise as this policy of persecution was, it was heartily\\nendorsed by the sincere and fervid intolerance of the\\nSpanish people.\\nPhilip II. The last thirteen years of his reign Charles spent in Ger-\\nsucceeds to i^m-,y ^\\\\^q Protestant successes there broke his spirit, and\\nthe kingdom\\nof Spain. he resigned his crowns in 1556, Spain to his son Philip,\\nAustria to his brother Ferdinand. Philip II. (1556-98)\\non his accession found himself at the head of states (Spain\\nand colonies, Naples, Milan, and the Netherlands) hardly\\nless extensive than those which Charles had governed, and\\nas he did not become emperor, he had, from the Spanish\\npoint of view, the great excellence over Charles that he\\nwas a national king. As such, he endeared himself to his\\npeople and still lives in their memory.\\nIt is curious that this same Philip, whom the Spaniards\\nThe char- esteem so highly, should stand before the rest of Europe as\\nPhT darkest tyrant and most persistent enemy of light and\\nprogress whom the age produced. To this traditional\\nEuropean picture there certainly belongs a measure of\\ntruth but calm investigation teaches us that this truth is\\ndistorted with prejudice. Philip II. was a severe, cold,\\nand narrow-minded man. He looked upon himself as\\nGod s agent on earth, and therefore hated all resistance to", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "Spain under Charles I. and Philip II. 321\\nhis will. Further he was a fervid Catholic, and abominated\\nheresy of whatever form or description. Because of these\\nviews he clashed with the world of the north, which had\\nfreer conceptions of religion and government, and because\\nof them he remains to this day to friends of progress an\\nunsympathetic figure. But, whatever our judgment of him,\\nit is due to him to remember that he was what he was with\\nentire conviction.\\nWith such ideas as the above governing his life, it was Philip,\\nonly natural that Philip should have become the champion c^^hol^\\nof Catholicism, and should have directed the chief effort of cism.\\nhis reign against the Protestants of the north. However,\\nthese religious wars were not altogether his fault. An\\nimpartial student must agree that they were as much forced\\nupon him by Protestant aggression and the logical progress\\nof events, as determined by his own Catholic impulses.\\nAs things stood, after the Council of Trent, a great Prot-\\nestant-Catholic world-war was inevitable. It came by\\nw^ay of the Spanish Netherlands. The Netherlands re-\\nvolted, and Philip set about putting down the revolt.\\nBut the Netherlands could not be pacified by him, and,\\nadopting Protestantism, gradually won the sympathies and\\nsecured the aid of the French Huguenots and the German\\nand English Protestants. So the war widened finding\\nhimself opposed in the Netherlands by the united Protest-\\nant peoples, Philip, in order to secure the Catholic sympa-\\nthies, put himself forward as the champion of the pope and\\nof Catholicism.\\nPhilip s reign began with a war (1556-59) against Philip\\nHenry H. of France. The French once more attempted u ^l^f^^^\\nto weaken the hold of the Spaniards on Italy and the Italy.\\nNetherlands, and once more they were unsuccessful. In\\nthe Peace of Cateau-Cambresis (1559) the long rivalry\\nover Italy, inaugurated a half century before, was closed", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "322\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe war\\nagainst the\\nDutch be-\\ncomes gen-\\neral.\\nPhilip turns\\nagainst\\nEngland.\\nThe Arma-\\nda.\\nPhilip op-\\nposes the\\nTurks.\\nand Spain left in undisputed possession of Naples and\\nMilan. This war was entirely a political affair. But\\nshortly after began the revolt of the Netherlands, and the\\nlong chain of wars pertaining thereto have all, more or\\nless, a religious aspect.\\nPhilip s war against the Dutch will be treated in a\\n.separate chapter. We note here merely that after a decade\\nof uninterrupted fighting, it assumed, owing to the sym-\\npathies and alliances vouchsafed the Dutch, a universal\\ncharacter to the war with the Protestant rebels was added\\na war with the French Huguenots under Henry of Navarre\\nand a war with the England of Elizabeth. Furiously\\nPhilip turned at length upon his leading Protestant enemy,\\nupon England.\\nThe height of the struggle between Spain and England\\nwas the sending of the great fleet, the Armada, against the\\nnorthern power (1588). The Atlantic waters had never\\nseen the like but the expedition failed miserably by\\nreason of the superior skill and audacity of the English\\nsailors and the disasters caused by wind and water. Philip\\nbore his defeat with his usual impassivity. He spoke\\nunaffectedly of the deep grief it caused him not to be able\\nto render God this great service. But the destruction of\\nthe Armada settled the great religious conflict. It deter-\\nmined that the Dutch should not be reconquered it se-\\ncured the Protestant world henceforth against the Catholic\\nreaction and it put in the place of decaying Spain a new\\nsea-power England.\\nBut the Protestant heretics were not Philip s only ene-\\nmies. The Turks, who had for some generations been\\nthreatening the west, engaged much of his attention. Bit\\nby bit they had reduced the Venetian possessions in the\\neast foot by foot they had pushed across Hungary toward\\nGermany and Mohammedan pirates planted in northern", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "Spain under Charles and Philip II. 323\\nAfrica constantly plundered the Spanish coasts. Finally,\\nin their great need, the pope, Venice, and Spain formed\\nan alliance (15 71), and in the same year their united Lepanto,\\nfleet, under Philip s half-brother, Don John of Austria, won ^57i\u00c2\u00ab\\na brilliant victory over the Turks in the Gulf of Lepanto,\\nin Greece. More than two hundred and fifty vessels were\\nengaged on either side, and when the day was over no\\nmore than fifty Turkish vessels were found to have escaped\\ndestruction. Although the victory brought no tangible\\nconquests to Christendom, the Mohammedan sea-power re-\\nceived a set-back from which it never again completely\\nrecovered. Lepanto is one of the proud moments of the\\nhistory of Philip and of Spain.\\nAnother triumph of Philip s reign was the acquisition of Philip ac-\\nPortugal, the only state of the peninsula of the Pyrenees ?ui^i^\\nwhich Spain had not yet absorbed. The event occurred\\nin the year 1580, when the last native king of Portugal\\ndied, and Philip, who had a claim based upon the frequent\\nintermarriages of the two reigning houses, took possession\\nof the state and of her colonies. However, the Portu-\\nguese, proud of their nationality and their achievements\\nduring the Age of Discoveries, accepted the yoke of the\\ngreater state unwillingly. The memories of Portuguese in-\\ndependence would not perish, and after Spain had entered\\nupon her decline, and only forty years after Philip s death,\\nPortugal rose and won back her freedom, under a new\\nroyal House, the House of Braganza (1640). Since then\\nPortugal and Spain have never been united.\\nIf the great wars with the Protestant powers, Lepanto, Domestic\\nand the acquisition of Portugal gave a certain outward\\nsplendor to Philip s reign, beneath that splendor and with-\\nin the boundaries of Spain everything pointed to ruin.\\nAbsolutism lay like a weight of lead upon everybody,\\ncrushing individual thought and business enterprise. Its", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "324 The Modern Period\\nbad effects were supplemented by the Inquisition, which\\nkilled or banished the Jews and systematically exterminated\\nthe poor descendants of the Moors whose agricultural\\nknowledge and industrial skill were far in advance of any-\\nthing the Spaniards themselves could boast.\\nInquisition Inquisition and absolutism these are the names of the\\nt^m^ chief diseases which racked the body of the Spanish nation.\\nAs they are associated with the central power, it is cus-\\ntomary to describe the decline of Spain solely to her big-\\noted, unwise kings. But the Spanish people themselves\\nmust bear a share of the blame. To a stubborn religious\\nintolerance which shut them off from all new ideas, they\\nadded a lordly pride and a southern indolence which made\\nthem contemptuous of the great and saving gospel of work.\\nPhilip III. Philip III. (1598-1621), who succeeded Philip II., was\\n(1593-1021). utterly incapable man. In 1609 he was obliged to\\nbend his pride in a way in whicH his father refused to do,\\nand conclude with the rebel Dutch a twelve years truce. It\\nwas the public acknowledgment of Spain s decline. Un-\\nder Philip IV. (1621-65) th^ country dropped definitely to\\nthe second and third rank among European powers in con-\\nsequence of the disgraceful treaties of Westphalia (1648)\\nand of the Pyrenees (1659), which closed her long wars\\nwith the Netherlands and with France. In 1659 the po-\\nlitical, social, and material decline of Spain was patent to\\nevery observer.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. The Inquisition in Stain. Prescott, Philip II. 3 vols. $3.00. Lippin-\\ncott. WiWiens, Spanish Protestantism in i/te Sixteenth Century. $1.50.\\nHeinemann. K\\\\i\\\\c, History 0/ the Inquisition. 3 vols. London.\\n2. Civilization of Spain Under Pmilii (commerce, court, literature, etc.).\\nHume, Philip II. Ch. XVIII. Hume, The Year after the Armada.\\nFitzma.uTice-Kelly, S/anish Literature. $1.50. Appleton.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "England under the Ttidors 325\\nCHAPTER XXI\\nENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS (1485-1603) FINAL\\nTRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION UNDER ELIZA-\\nBETH (1559-1603).\\nL,1TERATI)RK.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Seebohm, T/ie 0.r/o?-^ Reformers. $5.cx3. Longmans.\\nl.R. Qr^^n, History of the English People. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper.\\nFroude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Eliza-\\nbeth. 12 vols. Scribner.\\nTaswell-Langmead, English Constitutional History. $6.00. Houghton.\\nTranslation and Reprints. Univ. of Penn. Vol. I., No. i (Letters of\\nHenry, Wolsey, etc.).\\nProthero, Statutes and Constitutional Documents, 1559-1625. $2.60. Clar-\\nendon Press.\\nGee and Hardy, Documents Illustratiz e of English Church History,\\n$2.60. Macmillan.\\nHenry VIII. {j^og-47)\\nS. R. Gardiner, Student s History of E7igland, pp. 361-411, $3.00. Longf*\\nmans.\\nJ, R. Green, A Short History of tJie English People, pp. 303-57. $1.20,\\nHarper.\\nHenry VII., the first Tudor monarch and creator of the Great ex-\\nstrong monarchy, was succeeded on his death in 1509 P^^tations\\nby his son Henry VIII. Henry VIII. was an attractive Henry VIIL\\nyouth of twenty, skilled in gentlemanly sports such as rid-\\ning and tennis, condescending with all people, free-handed\\nand fond of pageantry, and altogether the idol of his nation,\\nwhich received him with acclamations of joy. As he had\\nhumanistic leanings, it was at first supposed that his reign\\nwould lead to a great culmination of humanism.\\nThe leading English humanists were John Colet and Sir The English\\nThomas More. Erasmus also deserves to be named in this Pianists,\\nconnection, for, although he was born at Rotterdam, he\\nlived for a time in England and exercised a great influence\\nthere. These men, like their contemporaries in Germany,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "326\\nThe Modern Period\\nColefs\\nwork in\\neducation.\\nSir Thomas\\nMore s\\nUtopia.\\nStood for the new classical learning; they interested them-\\nselves in the ideal philosophy of Plato and they spread\\nthrough England the passion for a reformed and simple\\nChristian life. Because the University of Oxford became\\na seat of humanistic influence, the English humanists are\\ngenerally known as the Oxford reformers.\\nThe Oxford reformers did, each in his own way, im-\\nportant civilizing work. Colet s interest lay largely in\\neducation. With his own fortune he founded St. Paul s\\nschool for boys along lines that were as far as possible re-\\nmoved from any followed in the Middle Age. The old\\npedagogic brutality was replaced by affectionate interest,\\nand Greek and Latin, taught in a fresh, human way, crowded\\nout the petrified studies of the schoolmen. St. Paul s\\nschool became the model for many new schools created in\\nthe following years.\\nSir Thomas More, having adopted a political career, be-\\ncame chiefly interested in problems of good government.\\nHis ideas on this subject he laid down in a famous book,\\nUtopia (the Kingdom of Nowhere, 1516). The\\nUtopia is not a realistic political treatise, such as Ma-\\nchiavelli s Prince, but presents an ideal which human\\ngovernment and society should strive to reach. Justice,\\nfreedom, and equality are the pillars of More s visionary\\nkingdom, and by exhibiting the delightfulness of a life\\nestablished upon such a basis, he brought sharply to the\\nmind of his contemporaries the shortcomings of the king-\\ndoms of which they formed a part. In Utopia education\\nwas obligatory there were wise sanitary provisions ani-\\nmals were treated with kindness; religious tolerance was a\\ngovernment rule. People reading of these things must\\nhave wished greatly to realize them in this life.\\nHenry did not yield to the humanistic influences for long.\\nHe heaped many favors upon individual humanists, but", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "England under the Tudors 327\\nshowed at the same time that he cared not so much for Henry\\ndomestic reform as for personal aggrandizement. Under op^^a\\nthe smooth exterior of the king there gradually appeared a aggrandize-\\nstubborn and imperious egotism which would brook no\\nopposition to its will.\\nThe leading events of the next years are associated with Henry\\nHenry s wars. In 151 2 the king joined Spain and the the^Frencli\\npope in the Holy League, which was created for the purpose Spanish\\nof driving the French out of Italy, and while Louis XII. of\\nFrance was busy defending Milan, Henry invaded his\\nrival s territory from Calais, then still an English posses-\\nsion. The most notable results of these campaigns across\\nthe Channel was a cheap victory, known as the Battle of\\nthe Spurs (15 13).\\nHowever, a more decisive advantage was gained in an- Troubles\\nother direction. When the king of France found himself\\nthreatened by the king of England, he naturally sought the\\nalliance of the monarch of Scotland, James IV., and while\\nHenry was campaigning in France, James crossed the\\nScottish border and pushed south. Brought to a halt at\\nFlodden Field, he was there signally defeated, himself and\\nthe flower of his nobility remaining dead upon the field.\\nIt was the last time the Scots seriously threatened the pres-\\ntige of England.\\nThe favorite adviser of Henry at this period of his life Wolsey\\nwas Thomas Wolsey (1471-1530). Wolsey was a mere ^nj^L^ d\\nburgher s son, but having joined the clergy rose rapidly by Chancellor.\\nvirtue of his talents from post to post, until the king s\\nfavor won for him the archbishopric of York, and at the\\nsame time raised him to the position of Lord Chancellor,\\nthe highest post in the civil administration of the realm\\n(15 1 5). Thus Wolsey became the king s second self.\\nUnfortunately he was over-fond of power and its outward\\nsymbols, such as gorgeous palaces, trains of servants, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "328\\nThe Modern Period\\nHenry takes\\nsides\\nagainst Lu-\\nther.\\nHenry s\\nmarriage.\\nsumptuous feasts, and altogether his ambition and vanity\\nsubtracted somewhat from his undoubted patriotism and\\nintelligence.\\nMeanwhile, beginning with the ninety-five theses of\\n1517, Europe had become agitated by the question of the\\nReformation, and it seemed to Henry to devolve on him\\nto adopt some definite attitude toward Luther s heresy.\\nHenry was not untutored in theology. In fact, he prided\\nhimself upon being a master of all its intricacies, and his\\nvanity urged him not to conceal his light under a bushel.\\nWhen Luther went so far as to attack the sacraments and\\nthe authority of the pope, Henry published a vehement\\npamphlet against him (15 21), in return for which service the\\npope, gratified at finding a champion among the royalty,\\nconferred upon Henry the title of Defender of the Faith.\\nThe good understanding between the king and the pope\\nwas, however, sadly ruffled before long by the rise of the\\ndivorce question.\\nHenry s marriage deserves close consideration. The\\nreader will remember that Henry VH., in pursuance of\\nhis peace policy, had sought to associate himself with\\nSpain. He calculated that England was threatened by\\nFrance alone, and that Spain and England in alliance\\nwould render France harmless. Spain did not fail to see\\nher own advantage in this policy of Henry, and finally\\nFerdinand of Spain and Henry VH. of England agreed to\\ncement their interests by a matrimonial alliance. Accord-\\ningly the boy-prince of Wales, Arthur, was married to\\nCatharine, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. But\\nshortly after the ceremony Arthur died, and, as the desire\\nfor the alliance continued as before, the idea naturally oc-\\ncurred to the families concerned to marry Arthur s widow\\nto Arthur s surviving brother, Henry. However, an ob-\\nstacle to this project was offered by a Church law, which", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "England under the Tudors 329\\nforbade a man to marry his deceased brother s wife. In\\nthis dilemma the then pope, Julius II., granted a special\\ndispensation, whereby the church law was annulled for\\nCatharine s and Henry s benefit. The way being thus\\ncleared, the marriage actually took place immediately upon\\nHenry s accession (1509).\\nIt will be readily seen that the legality of Henry s mar- Reasons\\nriage depended upon the pope s dispensation. And for a Y \u00e2\u0096\u00a0y\\nnumber of years Henry seems never to have doubted that divorce,\\nhis marriage was a real marriage, nor to have thought\\nthat there was anything wrong with the pope s special\\nwarrant. But gradually circumstances arose and conditions\\nwere created that made it very desirable to him to get rid\\nof his wife. These were as follows Catharine was five\\nyears older than himself, and her melancholy religious\\ntemperament was incompatible with his boisterous worldli-\\nness he hoped for a son to secure the succession and\\nhe had by Catharine only a sickly daughter, Mary the\\nmarriage with Catharine was merely a concession to the\\nSpanish alliance and that had just (1525) been broken;\\nfinally, he loved another woman, the young and charming\\nmaid of honor, Anne Boleyn. For all these reasons Henry\\nbegan to think of a divorce, and naturally enough he at-\\ntacked, in order to get it, the pope s dispensation upon\\nwhich the marriage hinged.\\nIt was in 1527 that Henry took up the divorce matter. The pope\\nHe informed the pope, who was Clement VII., that he [sats the\\ndivorce suit\\nconsidered the dispensation to be technically faulty and dilatorily.\\nbegged him to annul it. Naturally the pope wished to\\nproceed slowly in so important a matter, and his hesitation\\nwas further increased by the sack of Rome, which, coming\\nat this time (1527), impressed him with the power of the\\nemperor. Under the terror of recent punishment Clement\\nopined that he had better proceed cautiously in a divorce", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "330\\nThe Modern Period\\nHenry de-\\ntermines on\\na breach\\nwith Rome.\\nThe main\\nsteps in the\\nbreach.\\nParliament\\ncompletes\\nHenry s\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0work.\\nthat touched the family honor of Charles V. so intimately.\\nHis policy, therefore, was to put Henry off, and, to gain\\ntime, he even ordered, in 1529, an investigation to be con-\\nducted in England by two special legates, Wolsey and an\\nItalian, named Campeggio. But no more came of this\\nmove than of any other Campeggio suddenly betook him-\\nself home, and Henry, outraged by the failure of his hopes,\\ndisgraced Wolsey and might have had him executed if an\\nopportune death had not intervened (1530).\\nHenry, despairing more and more of getting what he\\nwanted from the pope, now gradually determined on the\\nbreach with Rome. If the English Church were declared\\nindependent, the divorce would go before an English ec-\\nclesiastical tribunal, and how such a court would decide\\nwas not a matter of doubt in Henry s mind. Luckily, too,\\nthe breach with Rome was popular with the English people,\\nwho had long looked with disgust upon papal interference\\nin national affairs. Thus Henry, without very great diffi-\\nculty, destroyed by a series of measures the pope s author-\\nity in England. As far as he took advice, he gave ear to\\ntwo councillors, Thomas Cranmer, a learned divine, and\\nThomas Cromwell, who, once a servant of Wolsey, soon\\ntook Wolsey s place in the council.\\nHenry s leading measures were as follows first, he\\nsecured by threats the submission of the English clergy to\\nhis authority then, appointing his friend Cranmer arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury, he referred the divorce to him (1533)\\nand got a decree of separation finally, he married Anne\\nBoleyn and proclaimed her queen (1533).\\nAll this implied a challenge of the pope which was only\\nlikely to prove successful if followed by a legal dissolution\\nof all bonds uniting Rome and England. Parliament was\\ntherefore called in at this point, and in 1534 completed\\nHenry s work. It forbade all appeals to Rome of what-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "England tinder the Ttidors 33\\never nature, condition, or quality; it gave the king the\\nright to appoint the bishops and finally it passed the Act The Act of\\nof Supremacy, by which it declared that the king was the j^^.^\\nonly Supreme Head on earth of the Church of England.\\nThus Henry, head of the state, became also head of the\\nChurch, or, briefly, the English pope. And never did a\\npope at Rome insist more strenuously on his authority. Henry, the\\nHenry would brook no opposition to the new arrangements, pJL^^^^\\nand in order to terrorize the malcontents executed two of\\nthe leading men of England, Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas\\nMore, the humanist. The crime of these men was that\\nthey did not believe in the late changes.\\nFrom the first, it was an interesting question how far Henry s at-\\nHenry would depart from the accepted Catholic organ- Protes-\\nization, doctrines, and practices, and how far he would tantism.\\nadopt the Protestant position. The crisis terminating in\\nthe Act of Supremacy had established the independence of\\nthe English Church from Rome, no more. To a certain\\nextent, however, Henry was likely to be influenced by the\\nProtestant Reformation, especially in view of the fact that\\nhis most trusted councillor was Cromwell, who had strong\\nLutheran leanings.\\nA number of innovations were therefore gradually ad- Protestant\\nmitted. The English Bible was put into every church; changes,\\nthe doctrines concerning purgatory, indulgences, and\\nmasses for the dead were condemned pilgrimages were\\nforbidden and miraculous images destroyed. But the\\nmost incisive innovation was the suppression of the mon-\\nasteries.\\nThere existed at Henry s accession about 1,200 monas- The sup-\\nteries in England, the wealth of which, especially in land, was the^monas-\\nvery considerable. Many of these monasteries had become teries, 1536.\\ncorrupt, and the whole system no longer enjoyed the favor\\nwith which it was once regarded. Cardinal Wolsey him-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "332\\nThe Modern Period\\nHenry calls\\na halt in the\\nmatter of\\nreform.\\nThe Six\\nArticles,\\n1.539\\nHis unprof-\\nitable for-\\neign policy.\\nself had therefore begun the pohcy of suppression, and now\\nunder Cromwell it was completed. In 1536 Henry got a\\ndecree from parliament which rang the death-knell of the\\nmonks in England. The monastic foundations were de-\\nclared the property of the king, who made them over in\\nlarge part to the nobility, and applied the rest to the en-\\ndowment of bishoprics and schools, or in wasteful court\\nexpenditures.\\nThus far the majority of the English people had con-\\ncurred with Henry, for, although Catholic in feeling, they\\nwished to be free from Rome and believed that the monas-\\nteries were an evil. But Henry was now to receive a warn-\\ning that he had gone as far as the people would permit. In\\nthe north of England, where mediaeval conditions contin-\\nued to linger, a protest was raised against the suppression\\nof the monasteries which soon took the form of a revolt.\\nThis was the so-called Pilgrimage of Grace (1536), which,\\nalthough vigorously suppressed, had an effect in that it\\nconvinced the king that he had better go no further for the\\npresent. He therefore not only called a halt, but in 1539\\nfell a victim to a partial reaction. Frightened by the ad-\\nvance of Lutheran opinion, Henry disgraced and executed\\nCromwell, the Lutheran sympathizer, and published a Con-\\nfession of Faith in Six Articles in which he declared for a\\nnumber of leading Catholic doctrines, such as celibacy of\\nthe clergy, auricular confession, and transubstantiation.\\nFor the rest of his reign, Henry punished both Protestants\\nand Catholics, the former for differing with the Six Arti-\\ncles, the latter for refusing to accept his supremacy.\\nHenry s foreign policy was throughout his reign confus-\\ning and uninteresting. The important political matter of\\nthe time was the rivalry between France and Spain, the\\nrespective sovereigns of which were Francis I. and Charles\\nV. Henry s alliance was solicited by both monarchs, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "England tinder the Tudors 333\\nhe sided sometimes with Charles and sometimes with Fran-\\ncis, but no one has ever succeeded in proving that he\\ngained anything by his continental activity.\\nA personal page in Henry s history demands at least His six mar-\\npassing recognition. It presents the story of his marriages. ^S^^*\\nHis native vulgarity and lordly caprice exhibit them-\\nselves here without relief. We have already followed the\\ntragedy of Catharine of Aragon to the coronation of Anne\\nBoleyn. Anne Boleyn gave birth to a daughter, Elizabeth,\\nand soon afterward was executed (1536). The next wife\\nwas Jane Seymour, who died a natural death, leaving a son\\nEdward. The fourth wife, Anne of Cleves, did not suit\\nHenry at all, and was hardly married when she was di-\\nvorced (1540). As the fifth wife, Catharine Howard,\\nproved untrue, she was beheaded (1542), and so room was\\nmade for a sixth, Catharine Parr, who, although occasion-\\nally in imminent danger, managed, by submission, to out-\\nlive the royal bluebeard.\\nHenry died in 1547. Having been given the right by The succes-\\nParliament to determine the succession by will, he entailed\\nthe crown upon his three children, Edward, Mary, and\\nElizabeth, in the order named.\\nEdward VI. 1547-53)-\\nGardiner, pp. 412-20.\\nGreen, pp. 357-361.\\nAs Edward VI. was but nine years old when his father\\nlay at the point of death, Henry provided, during his son s\\nminority, a council of regency, at the head of which he Theprotect-\\nput Edward s maternal uncle, the duke of Somerset.\\nSomerset, however, disregarding Henry s will, assumed\\ncomplete control, with the title of protector.\\nThe great question of the hour was the question of relig-\\nion. The Henrian Church, being neither Catholic nor\\nor Somerset.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "334\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe adop-\\ntion of Prot-\\nestantism.\\nThe Prayer\\nBook and\\nthe Articles\\nof Religion.\\nNorthum-\\nberland as-\\nsumes the\\nregency.\\nThe pre-\\ncocity of\\nEdward.\\nProtestant, displeased the faithful of either fold, and Somer-\\nset, who had Lutheran sympathies, resolved before long to\\ncarry through a thorough Protestant reform. He had in\\nthis the support of Cranmer, the archbishop of Canterbury,\\nwho was also a Protestant at heart. These two men\\nnow inaugurated an era of change which Anglican his-\\ntorians usually speak of as The Protestant Misrule.\\nPictures and altars were swept out of the churches, the rich\\nvestments and the sacred processions were abandoned, and\\nthe Latin mass was replaced by an English service. In\\norder to make possible the conduct of this service, Cranmer\\nissued in 1549 the English Book of Common Prayer. At\\nthe same time, the English Church shifted from Catholic\\nto Protestant doctrinal ground, and in the year 1552 there\\nwas issued a new Confession of Faith, known as the Forty-\\ntwo Articles of Religion, which is saturated through and\\nthrough with the Protestant and even the Calvinistic spirit.\\nEntirely in line with these changes, the principle of celi-\\nbacy was abandoned and the clergy permitted to marry.\\nThe protector Somerset, however, did not live to com-\\nplete the establishment of the Protestant Church. Dis-\\ncontent was rife everywhere at his inconsiderate manner\\nand his revolutionary programme, and in 1549 he fell a vic-\\ntim to a plot of the nobles, and was beheaded. Although\\nhe was succeeded in power by his political opponent, the\\nduke of Northumberland, the new regent substantially\\nadopted Somerset s radically Protestant policy.\\nEven had Northumberland been willing to make con-\\ncessions to the Catholic party, he would have been hin-\\ndered by the will of the young king. Edward VL was, as\\nis frequently the case with invalid child-ren, a boy of re-\\nmarkable precocity. His uncle Somerset had given him a\\nsevere Protestant training, and he pored over the Script-\\nures with the fervor of a Calvinistic preacher. However,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "berland s\\nsuccession\\nEngland under the Titdors 355\\nin the course of the year 1553, his vitality becoming very\\napparently exhausted, the question of the succession came\\nto the front. On his death the crown would rightfully fall\\nto Mary, who, like her Spanish mother Catharine, was a\\ndevout Catholic. The prospect of her reign frightened\\nNorthumberland, who, as a Protestant, had reason to fear Northum\\na Catholic sovereign. He therefore played upon the young\\nking s Protestant conscience with such skill that he per- plot,\\nsuaded him to make a testament excluding his sisters Mary\\nand Elizabeth from the throne, and nominating as his suc-\\ncessor a great-granddaughter of Henry VII., the Lady Jane\\nGrey.^ The calculating Northumberland, however, had\\npreviously married Lady Jane Grey to one of his own sons,\\nGuilford Dudley. Thus he hoped to perpetuate his power.\\nIn July, 1553, Edward died.\\n^^ry, 1553-58-\\nGardiner, pp. 420-27.\\nGreen, pp. 361-69.\\nEdward had hardly expired when Northumberland pro- Mary hailed\\nclaimed Lady Jane Grey. But if he had any hope of carry-\\ning his candidate he was soon disillusioned. The mass of\\nthe people saw through his despicable intrigue and rallied\\naround Mary, their legitimate sovereign. They hailed\\nMary gladly, because not only their sense of justice, but\\nalso their dearest hopes, designated her as their queen. For\\nthe majority of the people were still Catholic, and the rad-\\nical Protestantism of Edward and Northumberland had\\nGenealogy of Lady Jane Grey.\\nHenr y VII.\\nI I l\\nHenry VIII. Margaret Mary D. of Suffolk.\\nFrances Henry Grey\\nJane Grey.\\nas sov-\\nereign.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "336\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Lady\\nJane Grey.\\nMary plans\\na full Catho-\\nlic restora-\\ntion.\\nThe Act of\\nSupremacy\\nabolished.\\naroused their animosity. From Mary they expected the\\nreturn of the mass and of the ancient Catholic practices,\\nfrom which they were not yet weaned in their hearts.\\nThe Lady Jane Grey was, in consequence of this un-\\nhesitating devotion of the Enghsh people to their rightful\\nsovereign, crowned only to be deposed again. Northum-\\nberland justly paid for his ambition with his head. Un-\\nfortunately, Lady Jane Grey, who was utterly innocent of\\nthe plot to depose Queen Mary, and who had accepted\\nthe crown from her father-in-law almost against her will,\\npaid the same penalty.\\nIt is certain that if Mary had adopted a moderate Catho-\\nlic policy, her reign would have met the wishes of her peo-\\nple. But Mary had nothing about her suggesting com-\\npromise. Her Spanish blood called upon her to be faith-\\nful, above all things, to her faith. She, therefore, planned\\nnothing less than a return of England to the pope s fold\\na full Catholic restoration. And that was a delusion. For,\\nhowever the English people were attached to Catholic\\npractices, the Act of Supremacy, proclaiming the English\\nindependence of Rome, had the consent of the nation.\\nThe very first acts of Mary s reign left no doubt about\\nher policy. The parliament, always obedient to a word\\nfrom the throne, straightway abolished all the acts which\\nhad been voted under Edward, re-established the old faith,\\nand forbade the new. When the married clergymen had\\nbeen expelled and the old liturgy had been introduced, the\\nlast measure necessary for the undoing of the work of the\\npast years could be undertaken. In November, 1554, there\\narrived in London Cardinal Pole, the legate of the pope,\\nand the parliament having abolished the Act of Supremacy\\nof 1534, the English nation was solemnly received back by\\nPole into the bosom of Mother Church.\\nIf the ultra-Catholic policy of Mary alienated popular", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "England under the Tudors 337\\nsympathy, she still further aroused the hostility of her sub- Unpopular\\njects by her marriage with a foreigner, Philip, son and heir ^/jf^puM-\\nof Charles V. (1554). But as opposition to her increased,\\nher Tudor imperiousness rose to meet it and led her soon\\nto adopt that policy of persecution which has won for her\\nfrom a Protestant posterity the title of Bloody Mary, and Unpopular\\nhas made her reign famous as the period of the Protestant turns\\nmartyrs. The record of deaths is heavy sixty-five men\\ndied by the fagot in the year 1555, seventy in 1556.\\nTheir stanchness in death did more toward establishing\\nProtestantism in England than the doctrinal fervor of an\\narmy of Calvinistic preachers could have done. It was\\neven as Bishop Latimer said to Bishop Ridley at the stake\\nMaster Ridley, play the man; we shall this day, by\\nGod s grace, light such a candle in England as I trust\\nshall never be put out. For the stout part they played,\\nLatimer and Ridley head the Protestant martyrology. But\\nthe persecution struck a more prominent, if not a more\\nnoble, victim than these, in the person of the deposed arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury. This was the celebrated Cranmer,\\nwho had served under two kings. Cranmer, who had always\\nshown a subservient spirit, flinched when the trial came and\\ndenied his faith. But in the face of death his courage came\\nback to him. He thrust his right hand into the flame, and\\nsteadying it there, said, resolutely: This is the hand\\nthat wrote the recantation, therefore it first shall suffer\\npunishment.\\nIf Edward s radical Protestantism made his reign de- The loss of\\ntested, Mary s radical Catholicism produced the same re-\\nsuit. The hatred of her subjects soon pursued her even\\ninto her palace. She was a quiet, tender woman, whose\\nintolerance was more the crime of the age than her own,\\nand the harvest of aversion which was springing up about\\nher was more than she could bear. Besides, her marriage", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "338\\nThe Modern Period\\nTennyson,\\nQueen Mary\\n(drama).\\nThe glori-\\nous reign\\nof Queen\\nElizabeth.\\nThe charac-\\nter of Eliza-\\nbeth.\\nwas unfortunate. She loved Philip, but Philip cared noth-\\ning for her, and did not even trouble to hide his indifference\\nto the sickly and ill-favored woman, twelve years older than\\nhimself. To crown her misfortunes, she allowed her Span-\\nish husband to draw her into a war with France, in which\\nPhilip won all the honor and Mary suffered all the disgrace,\\nby the loss of the last point which remained to England\\nfrom her former possessions in France, Calais (155S).\\nDoubtless the loss of Calais was for England a benefit in\\ndisguise she was thereby cut off from the continent and\\ndirected to her true sphere, the sea. But to the living\\ngeneration of Englishmen the capture seemed an insuffer-\\nable dishonor, and no one felt it more keenly than Mary.\\nWhen I die, she is reported to have said shortly before\\nher death (November, 1558), Calais will be found written\\non my heart.\\nElizabeth (ijj8-i6oj).\\nGardiner, pp. 428 8i.\\nGreen, pp. 369-442.\\nElizabeth, Anne Boleyn s daughter and Mary s younger\\nhalf-sister, succeeded to the throne on Mary s death, and in-\\naugurated a reign which proved to be the most glorious of\\nany which England has ever had. Under Elizabeth, Pro-\\ntestantism was firmly established in England the great\\nCatholic sea-power, Spain, was challenged and defeated\\nand English life flowered in the poetry of Shakespeare and\\nhis contemporaries more exuberantly and more exquisitely\\nthan ever before or since.\\nTo the national greatness, to which England suddenly\\nraised herself in the sixteenth century, Elizabeth has had\\nthe good fortune to lend her name. In consequence she\\nappears in a halo that is calculated to blind us to her faults.\\nOf these, however, she had her full human quota vanity,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "England under the Tiidors 339\\nfickleness, and love of amorous intrigue being especially\\nprominent. But these qualities hardly more than super-\\nficially obscure her great merits. Throughout her reign\\nshe exhibited a statesmanlike grasp of circumstances and\\nan inflexible determination.\\nAs regards the great matter of religion, which her con- Her relig-\\ntemporaries regarded as the eminently important thing in md\\nlife, Elizabeth seems to have been comparatively lukewarm.\\nThus inclined by nature to be moderate, she was delivered\\nfrom the destructive radicalism of both Edward and Mary,\\nand happily given to the search rather of what united than\\nwhat divided men.\\nThe chief organs of Elizabeth s government were the Privy Coun-\\nPrivy Council and the parliament. The Privy Council P.,\\nanswered the purpose of a modern cabinet, and Elizabeth\\nregularly heard its advice before arriving at a decision. No\\nlittle credit is due to her for her wise choice of councillors,\\nand especially for the confidence she put in William Cecil,\\nLord Burghley, who was the greatest English statesman of\\nthe time. The Privy Council, a body of her own choice,\\nElizabeth was far more anxious to consult than the parlia-\\nment, a body elected by the people. Parliament under\\nElizabeth remained therefore what it had been under the\\nother Tudors, an obedient instrument of the royal will.\\nThe real power was concentrated almost absolutely in Eliz-\\nabeth s hands.\\nThe great question of the Reformation was the first ques- Elizabeth\\ntion that confronted Elizabeth. Edward had followed a ^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^lopts a\\nmoderate\\npolicy of radical Protestantism and had failed; Mary had religious\\nfollowed a policy of radical Catholicism and had failed; it po^ ^^y-\\nwas plain that the wise course would be a moderate course,\\nand should lie between these two.\\nElizabeth therefore began by letting the Parliament pass,\\nin 1559, the Acts of Supremacy and of Uniformity, which", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "340\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Acts of\\nSupremacy\\nand Uni-\\nformity,\\n1559-\\nElizabeth s\\nattitude\\ntoward the\\nCatholics.\\nPuritans\\nand Sepa-\\nratists.\\nare the foundations of the English Church as that Church\\nstands to-day. By the Act of Supremacy the independence\\nof England from Rome was again proclaimed and Elizabeth\\ndeclared the sui)reme governor of the realm in spiritual as\\nwell as temporal matters; by the Act of Uniformity the\\nclergy were forbidden to depart from the service laid down\\nin the Book of Common Prayer. Later on, it may here be\\nnoted, uniformity was also required in the matter of the\\ncreed which was stated in the Thirty-nine Articles, a re-\\nvision of the Forty-two Articles of Edward s time. Thus\\nthe Anglican Church (also called Episcopal Church, be-\\ncause of its government by bishops) was finally established,\\naud practically in the form in which we have it to-day.\\nElizabeth s policy of a moderate Protestantism con-\\nformed to the wishes of the majority of the English people.\\nIn consequence the feeling of uncertainty, occasioned by\\nthe rapid changes of the previous reigns, was soon replaced\\nby a merited confidence. Slowly Protestantism won its way\\ninto the hearts of the English people and crowded out the\\nmediaeval faith. But for a long time the Catholic party\\nwas still a considerable factor in English life. However,\\nElizabeth was not, strictly speaking, a persecutor. Freedom\\nof worship she would not suffer, and the Catholics had to\\nattend the national Church or pay fines for absenting them-\\nselves (recusancy fines). But they were not punished in their\\npersons if they did not engage in political conspiracies.\\nIn the proportion in \\\\vhich the Catholics decreased in\\nnumber and importance, another party, as ill-disposed in\\nits own way to the Anglican Church as the Catholics\\nwere in theirs, increased. This was the party of the Prot-\\nestant radicals, who were not satisfied with Elizabeth s\\nhalf-measures, and clamored for a thorough-going Protes-\\ntant organization. The non-conformists, as these Protes-\\ntants were called, soon split into two parties, Puritans and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "England under the Tiidors 341\\nSeparatists. The Puritans were moderate opponents, who\\ndid not sever their connection with the Anglican Church,\\nbecause they hoped to win it over to their programme.\\nTheir name was originally a nick-name, given them by\\ntheir Anglican adversaries in consequence of their demand\\nfor what they called a purer worship. This purer worship\\naimed at stripping the Anglican Church of many of the\\nCatholic practices which had been retained, such as genu-\\nflections, wearing the surplice, and decorating the altar.\\nThe Separatists (also called Brownists, after their founder,\\nRobert Brown) were radicals who knew no compromise. The\\nEstablished Church being to them no better than the Roman\\nChurch, they refused to attend it, and thus made themselves\\nliable to persecution under the Act of Uniformity.\\nWhen Elizabeth ascended the throne her religious policy Elizabeth\\nwas so moderate that both Philip and the pope for awhile compelled\\nmaintained good relations with her. But gradually a cool- Protestant-\\nness sprang up, and in 1570, the pope announced that his\\npatience was exhausted by publishing a bull of excommuni-\\ncation against the queen. From this time, England more\\nand more and almost unconsciously assumed the leadership\\nof the Protestant world, and since the Catholic reaction was\\ngrowing more ambitious every day, it was plain that a great\\nworld-struggle between Protestantism and Catholicism,\\nconducted chiefly by their respective champions, England\\nand Spain, could not be long put off.\\nEvery event in Elizabeth s reign contributed to precipi- The affairs\\ntate the struggle notably the queen s relations with Scot- of Scotland,\\nland and Scotland s sovereign, Mary Stuart. Scotland\\nhad been England s foe for centuries, and the bitterness\\nbetween the two kingdoms was probably never fiercer than\\nat this time. Henry VII. had wisely attempted to estab-\\nlish a greater harmony between the royal houses by mar-\\nrying his daughter Margaret to James IV. But war was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "342\\nThe Modern Period\\nSchiller,\\nMary Stuart\\n(drama).\\nMary sent\\nto France.\\nScotland\\nbecomes\\nProtestant,\\n1560.\\nnot thereby averted. James IV. and James V. both sym-\\npathized with France and both perished in the struggle\\nagainst England, the latter (1542) when his only heir and\\nsuccessor, Mary, was but a few weeks old. Mary Stuart s\\ndescent from Henry VII. and the prospective failure of\\nHenry VIII. s direct descendants, opened for the child the\\nprospect of the English succession. On the death of Mary\\nTudor (1558), there was, with the exception of Elizabeth,\\nno other descendant of Henry VII. alive as prominent as\\nshe. To the Catholics, moreover, who saw in the daugh-\\nter of Anne Boleyn merely an illegitimate child, she had\\neven a better claim than Elizabeth. Out of this relation of\\nthe two women to the English throne sprang their intense\\nhatred of each other, and the long and bloody drama of\\ntheir jealousy, ending in Mary s death upon the scaffold.\\nWhen Mary succeeded to the throne of Scotland she\\nwas, as has been said, a child in arms. Her mother,\\nanother Mary, of the French family of Guise, assumed the\\nregency, and in order to withdraw her child from possible\\nEnglish influences, sent her over to France, where she was\\nsoon betrothed to the heir of the throne. Thus the inter-\\nests of France and Scotland were newly knit, to the det-\\nriment of England.\\nMary of Guise soon met in Scotland the difficulties\\nassociated with the Reformation that every sovereign of\\nthat day had to face, for during her regency a number of\\nenthusiastic Calvinist preachers, among whom John Knox\\n(1505-72) occupies the first place, began proclaiming with\\nsuccess the new faith. For awhile the issue trembled in\\nthe balance, but when the nobles, lured by the prospect of\\nthe rich church lands which awaited secularization, threw\\nin their lot with the preachers, the success of the Scotch\\nReformation was assured. A last desperate attempt of the\\nregent to put down the Protestants with the aid of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "England under the Tudors 343\\nFrench troops having failed, owing chiefly to the assistance\\nwhich the cunning Elizabeth lent the Scotch rebels, the\\nregent was obliged to sign the treaty of Edinburgh (1560)\\nand send the French troops home. As she died this same\\nyear, and Queen Mary was still in France, the Protestant lords\\nsuddenly found themselves masters of the situation. In a par-\\nliament composed of the friends of Knox, they established\\nthe new Church of Scotland, the Presbyterian Kirk (1560).\\nUp to this time the absent Queen Mary had not con- Mary comes\\ncerned herself much with the doings of far-away Scotland. Scotland,\\nHer husband, Francis II., had lately (1559) become\\nking of France, and ever since the death of Mary Tudor\\n(1558) she had, supported by a good part of the Catholic\\nworld, looked upon herself as queen, too, of England.\\nBut the year 1560 disturbed her outlook greatly. Her\\nhusband Francis II. died, and Elizabeth made herself\\ntolerably secure at home. Scotland alone seemed to be\\nleft to Mary, and as Scotland needed its sovereign, she\\nsuddenly (1561) hurried thither.\\nWhen Mary landed in Scotland she was only nineteen Her difficul-\\nyears old and no better than a stranger. Add to this fact\\nthe circumstance that she was confronted by a lawless\\nnobility, and, as a Catholic, was an object of suspicion to\\nher Protestant subjects, and you have the elements of a\\nproblem that even a better and wiser person than Mary\\nmight not have solved.\\nBut though Mary proved inadequate, she was a woman Her char-\\nof many admirable gifts. She had been brought up in ^cter,\\nFrance in the refinement that adorned the court of the\\nValois she had wit and beauty, nay, more, she had a\\ncertain indefinable charm which enabled her to dominate\\nall men whom she approached. But unfortunately Mary\\nwas also the slave of her passions, and therein lay the\\ndistinction between her and her cousin Elizabeth. Eliza-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "344\\nThe Modern Period\\nMary s\\ntragical\\nmarriage.\\nThe Scotch\\nrevolt.\\nMary seeks\\nrefuge in\\nEngland,\\n1568.\\nbeth was in the final instance always the statesman guided by\\nthe sense of her duty to her country Mary in the final in-\\nstance was always a woman, swayed by her love or her hatred.\\nIn the year 1565 Mary married her cousin, Lord Darn-\\nley, and from that moment everything went badly. Lord\\nDarnley turned out to be proud, loutish, and dissolute.\\nHe plotted with a party of the nobles hostile to Mary, and\\nin conjunction with them planned and executed the murder\\nof the Italian David Rizzio, one of Mary s secretaries\\n(1566). Such love as Mary had for Darnley now turned\\nto hate, and when in February, 1567, Darnley was mur-\\ndered in a house just outside of Edinburgh, report im-\\nmediately connected Mary with the crime. Its real author\\nwas soon known to be the earl of Bothwell, a dare-devil\\ncavalier, who was deeply in love with the (jueen, but was\\nthe queen his accomplice? The question has been asked\\nagain and again, but never answered conclusively. By\\nwhat followed the murder, however, Mary compromised\\nher good name beyond help. Not only did she fail to\\nprosecute Bothwell seriously, but shortly after the murder\\nshe married him.\\nThe result might have been foreseen. Her subjects,\\nhorrified at her conduct, revolted, and although she made\\na brave resistance she was defeated, and by the year 1568\\nfound herself without sujiport. Despairing of success, she\\nnow left Scotland in the hands of her enemies, who had\\nproclaimed the accession of her infant son James, and\\nsought refuge with Elizabeth. It was not a happy step.\\nMary became Elizabeth s prisoner, and won her release only,\\nafter nineteen years, by laying her head upon the block.\\nThe cue for this ungenerous conduct of the English\\nqueen toward her suppliant cousin is to be found in the\\npolitical situation of Europe, We must again recall that\\nthis was the period of the Catholic reaction, and that in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "England under the Tndors 345\\nmeasure as the movement ripened toward a climax, the The strug-\\nstruggle between England and Spain was becoming inevit- l^Y^*t\\nable. Luckily at the approach of the great crisis the\\ntemper of Englishmen was hardening to steel. Conscious\\nof their power, they even invited the threatening storm.\\nFree-booters Sir Francis Drake and others harried the\\nSpaniards on the Atlantic main, and soldiers enlisted under\\nWilliam of Orange to fight for freedom in the Netherlands.\\nFinally Elizabeth s grant of open aid to the revolted Dutch\\nmade an end of Philip s patience. He prepared against\\nEngland an unexampled armament.\\nIt was the rumor of Philip s invasion of England, coupled\\nwith the renewed activity of the Catholic supporters of\\nMary, that cost the unfortunate queen of Scots her life. Execution\\nProbably it had little value to her and death was not un- 1^87^^^\\nwelcome. In February, 1587, Mary was executed at\\nFotheringay.\\nThe next year the war between Spain and England came\\nto a head. Philip, having at length got together one hun-\\ndred and thirty-t\\\\vo ships, proudly called his Invincible\\nArmada, despatched them toward the English coasts. The\\nisland-realm was thoroughly alive to its danger. In the\\nface of the foreign invader all religious differences were The Eng-\\nforgotten and replaced by a flaming national enthusiasm ^t^th\\nuniting all parties. An eloquent witness of this elation is Armada,\\nfurnished by the fact that the English mustered even more\\nships than the Spaniards, finally no less than one hundred\\nand ninety-seven. Though these ships were no match in\\nsize for the Spanish galleons, by their speed, their excellent\\nequipment, and the perfect seamanship of their sailors they\\nmore than made up the difference in bulk. The Spanish\\nfleet had hardly appeared, toward the end of July, 1588, The defeat\\noff the west coast of England, before the small and rapid\\nEnglish vessels darted in upon their rear and flank. The", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "346\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe\\nArmada, a\\nturning-\\npoint.\\nElizabeth s\\nlast years.\\nEngland\\nadopts the\\nsea.\\ndamage which was done the Spaniards during a passage of\\nthe Channel lasting eight days, forced them to harbor off\\nCalais for repairs. Here a number of fire-ships sent among\\nthem discomfited them so completely that the admiral gave\\nup the enterprise. Finding the Channel blocked behind\\nhim, he tried to make for home by the coast of Scotland,\\nbut untimely storms struck across his i)ath and completed\\nthe work of the enemy.\\nEngland was safe and more than England, the cause of\\nProtestantism the world over. For with the Armada the\\nCatholic reaction reached its height, and with the Armada s\\nfailure there set in an inevitable ebb.\\nAs for Elizabeth, the coming of the Spanish Armada was\\nthe climax of her brilliant reign. Henceforth her people\\nidentified her with the national triumph and worshipped\\nher as the very spirit of England. But her private life\\nslowly entered into eclipse. She was old, childless, and\\nlonely. Her last sincere attachment, of which the earl of\\nEssex was the object, brought her nothing but sorrow, for\\nEssex plotted against her and had to be executed (1601).\\nSlowly the shadows thickened around her and in the year\\n1603 she died.\\nMost wonderful to consider remains England s varied\\nprogress during this reign. In fact, the reign became the\\nstarting-point of a new development, as, under Elizabeth,\\nEnglishmen for the first time grew aware that their true\\nrealm was the sea. The great sailors like Drake, Davis,\\nand Frobisher voyaged to the remotest lands, and though\\nthey established no colonies, and though such attempts as\\nwere made by Sir Walter Raleigh, for instance, in Virginia,\\nturned out to be premature, the idea of a colonial empire\\nin the future was implanted in the minds of Englishmen\\nand for the present there were established lucrative com-\\nmercial relations with various parts of the world. Before", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "England under the Tudors 347\\nthe death of Elizabeth, England, which had theretofore\\nallowed Spain a monopoly of the sea, had fairly entered\\nupon the path of oceanic expansion. The spread of the\\nAnglo-Saxon race, one of the most significant events of\\nModern History, may therefore be dated from the time of\\nGood Queen Bess.\\nWith the increase of commerce, there came an increase The ex-\\nof industry and wealth and a more elevated plane of living, Pif^^^^\\nwhich showed itself in a greater luxury of dress, in a court-\\nlier society, and in the freer patronage of the theatre and\\nthe arts. Altogether England was new-made. The Italian\\nRenaissance poured out its cornucopia of gifts upon her,\\nand there followed such an energy of existence and expan-\\nsion of the intellectual life of man as made this period one\\nof the great culture-epochs of history.\\nThe art by which this new life was immortalized was the\\ndrama, and Christopher Marlowe (d. 1593), Ben Jonson\\n(d. 1637), and William Shakespeare (d. 1616) are its Shake-\\ngreat luminaries. But the other fields of art and science \u00c2\u00a7P^^^^\\nBacon.\\nwere not left uncultivated. Edmund Spenser (d. 1599)\\nwrote the great epic poem of the English tongue, the Faerie\\nQueen, and Francis Bacon (d. 1626), the philosopher,\\ngave a new zest to science by referring man directly to\\nnature for his facts.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Humanism in England. Seebohm, The Oxford Rrformers. Green,\\n(larger work), Vol. II., pp. 77-106. More s Utopia, Cassell s\\nLibrary ($0.10) or in Camelot Series ($0.50).\\n2. The Murder of Darnley and the Question of Mary s Guilt. Burton,\\nHistory of Scotland. 8 vols. Blackwood. See Vol. IV. Green\\n(larger work). Vol. II., pp. 347-64- Creighton, The Age of Elizabeth,\\n(Epochs). Pp. 75-80. $1.00. Scribner. Hosack, Mary, Queen of\\nScots, and Her Accusers. 2 vols. Blackwood.\\n3. English Civilization at the Time of Elizabeth. Green (larger work).\\nVol. II. Ch. VII. Traill, Social England. 6 vols. Putnam. See\\nVol. III., Ch. XI. and XII.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "348\\nThe Modern Period\\nCHAPTER XXII\\nTHE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS AND THE TRI-\\nUMPH OF THE SEVEN UNLFED PROVINCES\\n(1 566- 1648)\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Johnson (as before), pp. 315-87. Fisher (as before),\\n285-315.\\nJ. L. Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic. 13 vols. $6.00. Harper.\\nAlso, History 0/ the United Netherlands. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper.\\nA\\\\so, John 0/ Bcirneveld. 2 vols. $4.00. Harper.\\nRulh PuX.nam^ li illiam the Silent. 2 vols. $3.75. Putnam.\\nHarrison, ;r////Vi;\u00c2\u00ab Me ^/Vch/ (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan.\\nThe Nether- The part of Europe which has been designated from\\n^f of old as the Netherlands or Low Countries is embraced\\nthe Burgun-\\ndian princes, a-pproximately by modern Holland and Belgium. In the\\nMiddle Age the Netherlands consisted of a number of feudal\\nprincipalities or provinces, constituted as duchies, coun-\\nties, or lordships (for instance the duchy of Brabant, the\\ncounty of Flanders, the county of Holland), all of which\\nwere practically independent of all foreign powers and of\\neach other, although there was not one to which France\\nor Germany did not, by some unforgotten feudal right,\\nhave a claim. In the later Middle Age the House of Bur-\\ngundy, a collateral branch of the House of France, had at-\\ntempted to consolidate these provinces into a state, which\\nshould be independent of both the western and the eastern\\nneighbor but before the project had succeeded the family\\ndied out in the male branch with Charles the Bold (1477).\\nThereupon Louis XI. of France seized the duchy of Bur-\\ngundy, which was a fief of France, but the Netherlands\\nproper passed into the hands of Charles s daughter, Mary,\\nand from her, through her marriage with Emperor Maxi-\\nmilian, to the House of Hapsburg. At the time of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "The Revolt of the Netherlands 349\\nReformation, the Netherlands were therefore ruled by\\nCharles V.\\nThe Netherlands are peopled by two races, Kelts and The Kelts\\nTeutons, who, on the whole, have trot along very well to-\\nGermans,\\ngether here. The Kelts are a minority, speak a French\\ndialect, and inhabit the southern districts of what is now\\nBelgium. The Teutons inhabit the northern half of what\\nis now Belgium and the whole of what is now Holland.\\nAlthough originally one in blood and speech, they have\\nbeen artificially divided, by the chances of history, into\\nFlemish, the Teutons of Belgium, and Dutch, the Teutons\\nof Holland, and employ two slightly different German\\ndialects.\\nA good part of the land of the Low Countries is below Physical\\nthe level of the sea, and has been won from that element f^^-tures\\n1-11 dykes and\\nonly m undaunted, century-long struggles by means of a canals.\\nsystem of dykes, which form the rampart of the land\\nagainst the hungry water. But the sea was not the only\\nenemy to overcome in order to render the Netherlands\\nhabitable. The equally great danger arising to life and\\nproperty in these parts from the periodical inundations of\\nthe great rivers, the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, had\\nto be met by an enterprise no less gigantic than the dykes.\\nTo carry off the overflow there was devised and gradually\\ncompleted a system of canals, which covers the country\\nlike a net and distributes the water from the rivers over a\\nvast area. The plentiful water-ways of Holland and Bel-\\ngium, although due in the first instance to necessity, have\\nproved a pure blessing. They have given the country the\\ngreenest and richest meadows of Europe, and besides, fur-\\nnish thoroughfares for traffic, which have the merit of\\ncheapness, durability, and picturesqueness.\\nThe reign of Charles V. proved very advantageous for\\nthe material development of the Netherlands, and was", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "3 so\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe ques-\\ntion of Prot-\\nestantism.\\nThe acces-\\nsion of\\nPhilip, 1555.\\nThe activity\\nof the In-\\nquisition.\\nunsuccessful in only one particular, religion. The Prot-\\nestant agitation wliich troubled Germany was naturally\\ndisrespectful of landmarks, and at an early point of its\\nhistory was carried into the Low Countries. Charles, who\\nwas forced, as we have seen, by his dependence on the\\nprinces of the Diet, to a disastrous dilatory policy in Ger-\\nmany, was not the man to hesitate when he had the power\\nto act. In the Netherlands the Lutheran heresy was met\\non its appearance by a relentless hostility, which waxed\\nmore and more fierce as Charles s reign proceeded. The\\nInquisition, already engaged in its hateful activity in\\nSpain, was established in the Netherlands also, and con-\\nfiscations, imprisonments, and burnings at the stake be-\\ncame common occurrences. Still Protestantism refused to\\ndisappear. The original Lutlieran opinions were even\\nstrengtliened by the invasion of Calvinism, and at the end\\nof Charles s reign heresy was more firmly established than\\never before.\\nThat end came on October 25, 1555, when Charles,\\nbroken by his failure in Germany, resigned his crown, in a\\nceremonial session of the States-General of the Netherlands,\\nto his son and heir, Philip II. Unfortunately Philip,\\nowing to liis harsh Spanish qualities, was even less likely\\nthan his father to find a settlement for the religious\\ntroubles of the Netherlands. The Inquisition was immedi-\\nately spurred on to greater activity than before, and the\\nfagot fires lighted for the victims of the new faith fairly\\nwrapped the country in flames. Though the majority of\\nthe people were still Catholic, they shared with the Prot-\\nestants the aversion to the senseless .policy of the Inquisi-\\ntion, and nursed a smothered discontent which boded a\\nstorm.\\nBut there was other work in the world for Philip besides\\npersecuting the Dutch Protestants. He argued that it", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "The Revolt of the Netherlands 351\\nwould be a fine feather in his cap, if he could close, by a Philip s war\\ndecisive stroke, his father s long wars with France. He p\\ntherefore prepared for a vigorous campaign. Having 1556-59.\\ndefeated the French at Saint Quentin (1557) and at\\nGravelines (1558), and having, in consequence, disposed\\nthem to a settlement, he concluded with them the Peace\\nof Cateau-Cambresis (1559). This peace ended for the\\npresent the long rivalry of France and Spain concerning\\nItaly and the Netherlands, by the admission of Spanish\\nsupremacy in both those countries. This accomplished,\\nPhilip resolved to go to Spain. Leaving his half-sister,\\nMargaret of Parma, as regent in the Netherlands, he sailed\\naway (1559), never to return.\\nThe Regent Margaret was herself a fairly moderate per-\\nson, but the Spanish councillors who controlled her were\\nunder orders from Phihp to maintain the existing system\\nof rigor. The alienation of the people therefore went on\\napace. The nobles, of whom Prince William of Orange\\nand Count Egmont were the leaders, were angered by the\\nattempt to replace their traditional influence by that of\\nforeign favorites, while the people generally were incensed\\nby the presence among them of Spanish troops and by the\\nincreased activity of the abominated Inquisition. Dis- Increasing\\ncontent was plainly ripening to revolt. discontent.\\nThe signal for the rising was given by the nobles. In The protest\\n1565 some of the more hot-headed members of the aristoc- j\\nracy formed a league, the purpose of which was to secure\\nthe abolition of the Inquisition, operating, as they put it,\\nto the great dishonor of the name of God and to the\\ntotal ruin of the Netherlands. In the same document in\\nwhich they made this complaint they avowed their con-\\ntinued allegiance to the king. It was not the dynasty\\nagainst which they protested, but the abuse which the\\ndynasty upheld. On April 5, 1566, three hundred of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "352 The Modern Period\\nThe them marched on foot through Brussels, which served as\\neggars. ^j^^ capital of the country, to the palace of the regent, to\\nlay a statement of their grievances in her hands. In a\\nbanquet that followed they took, amidst a scene of un-\\nbounded enthusiasm, the name of beggars (gueux), which,\\nso the legend runs, was flung at them insultingly by one of\\nthe favorites of the regent s court, as they presented them-\\nselves with their petition.\\nThe general Tiie bold act of the beggars was received with gen-\\n1566. applause. Unfortunately it unchained also the long-\\nrepressed indignation of the people. The government of\\nthe regent was set at naught, and to all who had suffered\\noppression it seemed that the time had come when the\\nrestraints that had weighed upon them should be cast\\noff. At length the excitement, carefully nursed by\\nCalvinistic exhorters, culminated in a furious outbreak.\\nThe Catholic churches were invaded, their pictured win-\\ndows, their saintly images were broken, their crosses and\\naltars were shattered to fragments. The ruin of art\\nIconoclasm. wrought by these iconoclasts was incalculable. It was\\nweeks before the fury spent itself, and months before the\\ngovernment rallied enough of the orderly elements to\\nrepress the insurgents. Philip had received his warning.\\nWould he understand it?\\nPhilip plans It is very possible that the abolition of the Inquisition\\nsends Alva proclamation of religious tolerance, which the\\n1567 nobles demanded, would have put an end to all trouble.\\nBut these ideas were foreign to the rulers of that day, and\\nseemed nothing less than deadly sin to a bigoted Catholic\\nlike Philip. Instead of assisting the regent in confirming\\nthe recently established order, he planned a fearful ven-\\ngeance. One of his best generals was the Duke of Alva.\\nSoldier and bigot, he was the typical Si)aniard of his day,\\nanimated with blind devotion to his king and to his faith.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "The Revolt of the Netherlands 353\\nHim Philip commissioned with the punishment of the\\nNetherlands, and in the summer of 1567, Alva arrived at\\nBrussels at the head of an excellent corps of 10,000\\nSpaniards, Terror marched in his van, and Orange, just\\nbefore the arrival of the troops, crossed the border into\\nsafety.\\nAlva immediately began his work of military repression.\\nA council, famous in history as the Council of Blood, was The Council\\nset up to ferret out all who had taken part in the late dis- Blood,\\norders. Thousands were seized by the police and perished\\non the scaffold thousands fled from the country. Count\\nEgmont, who had refused to flee with Orange, was exe-\\ncuted as a warning to the discontented nobles.\\nWhile the country was afflicted with this scourge. Will-\\njam of Orange^ was busying himself with plans for its liber- William of\\nation. He now began that glorious career by which he g^-\\nfounded the liberties of his country and became its hero\\nand martyr. There have been many better generals and\\nsome better statesmen what makes William memorable\\nis his steadfastness in adversity, which has won for him\\nthe name of William the Silent.\\nIn the spring of 1568 William, with the aid of such\\nmoneys as he could get together, collected an army for the\\npurpose of invading the Netherlands. He counted on William s\\nbeing assisted by a rising within, but in this he proved ^V^f^^^\\nmistaken, for the people, terrified by Alva s severity, did failure,\\nnot as much as budge. Alva therefore, commanding a\\nsuperior infantry, had no difficulty in meeting William s\\nforces and scattering them to the winds.\\nBut the advantage of his position Alva himself soon\\nthrew away he bent the bow till it snapped. In 1571,\\nfeeling sure of the country and urged by the needs of his\\nOrange was a small principality on the Rhone in France, which\\nWilliam s family had acquired by marriage.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "354\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe tenth\\npenny.\\nFirst suc-\\ncess of the\\nDutch\\nrebels,\\n1572.\\nThe internal\\nrising is\\nsustained.\\nAlva s\\nrecall, 1573.\\ntreasury, he ventured to propose an unheard-of and appall-\\ning tax, called the tenth penny. By this an impost of ten\\nper cent, was put upon every commercial transaction,\\nincluding the simple daily purchases for the household.\\nIndignation flared up once more. There was only one\\nanswer for the merchants to make, and they made it by\\nclosing their shops and suspending business.\\nAt this juncture occurred the first successful feat of arms\\nby the Dutch rebels the feat from which dates the general\\nmovement for Dutch independence. The beggars of the\\nsea, hardy Dutch free-booters, swept down suddenly upon\\nthe little town of Brille, and took it. The whole country\\nwas electrified by this success, and now the internal rising\\nfor which Orange had looked for four years in vain took\\nplace spontaneously, and town after town, especially of the\\nprovinces of Holland and Zealand, drove out its Spanish\\ngarrison. Therewith these two provinces had put them-\\nselves in the front of tlie opposition, and now calling\\nWilliam to their aid, in the capacity of Stadtholder or\\ngovernor, prepared to resist to the utmost.\\nBut Alva, not easily cowed, prepared immediately to\\nstamp out the new rebellion. With his splendid Spanish\\ninfantry, he won a number of successes, and Mechlin,\\nHaarlem, and several places which he recaptured had each\\nits tale to tell of bloody and cruel reprisals. But this time\\nthe Dutch answered courage with courage, and soon feroci-\\nty with ferocity. The success at Brille was the beginning\\nof a long war.\\nAlva s incapacity to deal with the situation efficiently\\nwas soon apparent to friend and foe. Six years of govern-\\nment (1567-73) by Council of Blood and Inquisition had\\nended in unqualified disaster, and tired himself of staring\\nat the ruin about him he demanded (1573) his recall.\\nHis successor as Spanish governor-general was Requesens", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "The Revolt of the Netherlands 355\\n(1573-76). Requesens was a sensible, moderate man, who\\nmight have done something if matters had not gone so far\\nunder Alva. But although he abolished the Council of\\nBlood and proclaimed an amnesty, everybody continued to\\nlook upon him with distrust. So he had to proceed with\\nthe military subjugation of the revolted provinces. The The siege\\nmost notable event of his lieutenancy was the siege of Ley- 0 Leyden,\\nden (1573-74)- When the city seemed for failure of pro-\\nvisions to be lost, William of Orange resolved on an\\nextreme measure he ordered that the dykes be cut. As\\nthe waters of the sea rushed over the fields, the beggars\\ncrowded after in their ships, until their heroic efforts brought\\nthem to the wall of the city. The incident well illustrates\\nthe desperation of the Dutch resistance.\\nThe death of Requesens, which occurred in 1576, was The death of\\nthe indirect cause of a further extension of the revolt. As Requesens\\nand the Pac-\\nyet it had been confined to the provinces of the north, ification of\\nwhich had generally adopted the Protestantism of Calvin, G ^57o-\\nand to such occasional cities of the south as inclined tow-\\nard the same faith. Revolt from the Spanish yoke seemed\\nto follow wherever Protestantism had gone before. The\\ngrievances of the southern provinces against Spain were\\ncertainly as great as those of the north, but as the south-\\nerners clung to the Catholic faith, they always retained\\nsome affection for the Spanish rule. For a brief moment,\\nhowever, following the death of Requesens, north and south,\\nTeuton and Kelt, Protestant and Catholic in a word, the\\nUnited Netherlands bound themselves together in one re-\\nsistance. The occasion was furnished by the general horror\\ninspired by the Spanish soldiery, which, left leaderless upon\\nthe death of Requesens, looted what cities it could, and\\nindulged in particular horrors at the rich metropolis of\\nAntwerp. The indignation aroused by this lawlessness\\nunited the country, and in the Pacification of Ghent (1576)", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "356\\nThe Modern Period\\nNorth and\\nsouth goes\\neach its\\nov/n way.\\nThe Union\\nof Utrecht,\\n1579.\\nnorth and south proclaimed their common interests and\\nprepared to make a common stand against the oppressor.\\nIt was the most auspicious moment of the revolution, but\\nit was not destined to bear fruit. Provincial jealousies and\\nreligious distrust, fomented by the shrewd governors, Don\\nJohn of Austria (1576-78) and the duke of Parma (1578-\\n92), who succeeded Requesens, soon annulled the Pacifi-\\ncation of Ghent, and drove a wedge between the north and\\nsouth, the result of which we still trace to-day, in the ex-\\nistence of a Protestant Holland and a Catholic Belgium.\\nIt was especially owing to Alexander Farnese, duke of\\nParma, a most excellent general and diplomat, that the\\nsouthern provinces were saved for Spain. He was clever\\nenough to flatter their Catholic prejudices and to promise a\\nrestoration of their political privileges. If he had not been\\nconstantly interfered with by Philip he might even have re-\\nconquered the north. Thus with heavy heart William the\\nSilent had gradually to relinquish the hope, extended by\\nthe Pacification of Ghent, of a united action of the whole\\nNetherlands against Spain. Still he never wavered in his\\nfaith, and soon succeeded, on a smaller scale, in effecting\\nan organization of the revolt. Hitherto the resistance had\\nbeen left almost exclusively to the separate provinces. In\\n1579, the Protestant provinces of the north, finally seven\\nin number (Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gelderland, Over-\\nyssel, Groningen, and Friesland), formed, for the purpose\\nof an improved defence, the Union of Utrecht. The Ar-\\nticles of the Union of Utrecht, which formed the constitu-\\ntion of the Dutch Republic well into modern times, mark\\nthe entrance of a new state into history.\\nPhilip had already seen that William the Silent was the\\nbackbone of the resistance, and that by good or bad means\\nthe leader must be got rid of if the revolt was to be mas-\\ntered. When bribes failed to detach William from the cause", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "The Revolt of the Netherlands 357\\nof freedom, the Spanish sovereign published a ban against Philip s ban.\\nhim, declaring his life forfeit, and putting a price upon his\\nhead. In that fanatic age, many men were seduced by\\nsuch an offer. It is, therefore, no cause for wonder that\\ndastardly attempts upon William s life should have become\\ncommon occurrences. At last Balthcisar Gerard, a Catholic William\\nenthusiast from Burgundy, fatally shot him as he was com- j g\\ning down the stairway of his palace at Delft (July 10,\\n1584)-\\nWilliam s death was a heavy blow to the cause of the\\nDutch, especially coming at the time it did. The duke of\\nParma was just then winning victory after victory, and con- William s\\nstantly narrowing the territory of his enemies in fact successor,\\nhardly more than Holland and Zealand still held out\\nagainst him. Nevertheless, these two provinces did not\\nabate their resistance, Maurice, the talented seventeen-\\nyear-old son of William, became Stadtholder and military\\ncommander, and at his side there rose to influence, as\\nPensionary or Prime Minister, the wise, statesmanlike John\\nof Barneveld.\\nStill, the new Dutch Republic would hardly have sur-\\nvived if help had not come from without. Already during\\nWilliam s lifetime frequent efforts had been made to in- Help from\\nterest France and England in the war, but neither the one\\nnor the other could be persuaded to throw in its lot wholly\\nwith the Netherlands. However, English Protestant opin-\\nion had loudly declared for the Dutch, and Elizabeth, not-\\ning from what quarter the wind blew, began to despatch\\nsecret money help to William. Finally, in 1585, she sent\\nher first open aid a body of English troops under com-\\nmand of her favorite, the earl of Leicester.\\nAlthough Leicester proved thoroughly incompetent, and\\nhad, in 1587, to retire in disgrace, his interference brought\\nrelief, and probably through its consequences saved the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "358\\nThe Modern Period\\nPhilip\\nturns upon\\nEngland.\\nThe vic-\\ntories of\\nMaurice.\\nThe Twelve\\nYears\\nTruce and\\nthe Peace of\\nWestphalia.\\nDutch. Abandoning the prey which he had ahiiost capt-\\ntured, Philip II. turned furiously upon the English. For\\nthe next years, he seems to have forgotten his original en-\\nterprise first the English, and then the French Huguenots\\nengrossed his thoughts. There follow the disaster of the\\nArmada (1588), the campaigns in France against the Prot-\\nestant Henry of Navarre (1589-98), and in general such a\\ndissipation and ruin of the Spanish power as made it for-\\never impossible for Spain to return, with anything like\\nthe old energy, to the attack upon the young Republic.\\nHowever, Philip II. stubbornly held out against the Nether-\\nlands. Even after the death (1592) of his great general,\\nthe duke of Parma, whose advice had almost always been\\ngood and had almost never been followed, he continued the\\nwar. Philip III., who was as proud as his father, suc-\\nceeded him (1598), and he too refused at first, with the\\nsame obstinacy, to listen to peace. But all this time the\\nDutch fortunes were plainly in the ascendant, and while\\nMaurice, who was a gallant soldier, especially skilled in\\nconducting a siege, won back from the Spaniards place\\nafter place, the brave Dutch sailors swept home and foreign\\nwaters clear of Spanish fleets.\\nUnder these conditions Spain at last saw herself forced\\nto come to terms with her revolted subjects. Too arrogant\\nto acknowledge herself defeated and once for all recognize\\nthe Republic, she would do no more than conclude a\\nTwelve Years Truce (1609). It was not the end, but as\\ngood as the end. When the truce was over (162 1) the\\nThirty Years War was raging in Europe, and although\\nSpain tried to make the confusion serve her purposes, the\\nfirm resistance offered by the hardy little nation rendered\\nthe second effort at the subjugation of the Dutch even more\\nvain than the first. When the Peace of Westphalia (1648)\\nput an end to the long German war, Spain at last declared", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "The Revolt of the Netherlands 359\\nherself ready for the great humiliation. Together with\\nGermany and the other signatory powers of that famous\\npeace-instrument she acknowledged the independence of\\nthe Dutch Republic.\\nThe domestic affairs of the new Republic revolved, from Domestic\\nthe Union of Utrecht through the next two centuries, ^S\\naround the interesting question of rivalry between the\\nprovincial and the central authorities. The Union of\\nUtrecht had established as central authorities a Council\\nof State and a States-General, but their jurisdiction was\\nseverely limited and they were jealously watched by the\\nseven local governments. To this question of unity was\\nadded what turned out to be largely a class conflict. The\\npolitical power was reserved throughout the provinces to\\nthe wealthy middle class, but naturally the common people\\nbegan to demand rights, and that demand soon acquired an\\nimmense importance through the support of the Orange\\nfamily. The House of Orange urged by the people toward\\nmonarchy and grimly opposed by the burgher oligarchy\\nthat is the confrontation of Dutch parties for several cent-\\nuries.\\nThe commercial and intellectual advance of the Re- Commercial\\npublic, during the course of the war, remains the most d intellec-\\nastonishing feature of the period. It was as if the heroic parity.\\nstruggle gave the nation an irresistible energy, which it\\ncould turn with success into any channel. The little sea-\\nboard state, which human valor had made habitable almost\\nagainst the decrees of nature, became, in the seventeenth\\ncentury, not only one of the great political powers of\\nEurope, but actually the leader in commerce and in certain\\nbranches of industry contributed, beyond any other na-\\ntion, to contemporary science and produced a school of\\npainting, the glories of which are hardly inferior to those\\nof the Italian schools of the Renaissance. Such names as", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "360 The Modern Period\\nHugo Grotius (d. 1645), the founder of international\\nlaw; as Spinoza (d, 1677), the philosopher; as Rem-\\nbrandt (d. 1674) and Frans Hals (d. 1666), the painters,\\nfurnish sufficient support to the claim of the United Prov-\\ninces to a leading position in the history of civilization.\\nTheir trade was particularly extensive with the East Indies,\\nand it was here that there were developed the most perma-\\nnent and productive of the Dutch colonies, although there\\nwere such also, at one time, in Asia, Africa, and America.\\nThe city of Amsterdam, in the province of Holland, was\\nthe heart of the vast Dutch trade, and, much as modern\\nLondon, performed the banking business and controlled\\nthe money market of the entire world.\\nThe decay It was not a pleasant lot that awaited the southern prov-\\no u inces, which had remained Catholic and had docilely sub-\\nbpanisn\\nprovinces. mitted to the Spanish rule. These were henceforth gov-\\nerned from Spain as the Spanish Netherlands, and having\\nlost their political spirit, soon lost, too, their material pros-\\nperity, and were sapped of their energy and vitality.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nThe Government OF Alva (1567-73). Motley, Kise of the Dutch Republic,\\nVol. II. Hausser, The Ke/orination. pp. 313-29. Putnam, IVilliam\\nthe Silent, beginning with Vol. I., Chap. XV.\\nPhilii .s Ban and William s Atolocv. Motley, Vol. III., pp. 491-98. Put-\\nnam, Vol. II., Chap. XXX. Harrison, Chap. XI.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in France 361\\nCHAPTER XXIII\\nTHE REFORMATION IN FRANCE TO THE RELIGIOUS\\nSETTLEMENTS OF 1598 (EDICT OF NANTES) AND 1629\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Johnson (as before), pp. 387-449.\\nFisher (as before), pp. 242-85.\\nKitchen, History of France, 3 vols. $7.80. Clarendon Press.\\nAlzog, Church History. Vol. III., pp. 371-82.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Willert, Henry 0/ Navarre (Heroes of the Nations). $1.50. Putnam.\\nLodge, Richelieu (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan.\\nTranslations and Reprints. University of Pennsylvania. Vol. III.,\\nNo. 3 (particularly Edict of Nantes).\\nIn the year 15 15 Francis I. ascended the French throne.\\nEver since 1494, when Charles VIII. had invaded Italy, the\\neyes of French monarchs had been riveted upon the penin-\\nsula. They seemed not to be able to give up the dream of\\nthe south which filled their minds, and although driven\\nfrom their conquests again and again, they always plucked\\nup courage to return to the attack. Francis, who was\\nyoung and filled with knightly ambition, had hardly ac-\\nquired his crown, when he hurried across the Alps. At\\nMarignano (15 15) he won a splendid victory over the\\nSwiss mercenaries of the duke of Milan, and gained, as a\\nresult, the possession of Milan itself. But the success nat-\\nurally excited the jealousy of Spain, and as soon as Charles\\nV. had, at the Diet of Worms (1521), settled the affairs of\\nGermany to his fancy, he undertook to drive Francis out\\nof Milan. There followed the long duel between Francis The rivalry\\nand Charles, the incidents of which have been narrated in andChad^\\nconnection with the history of Germany. The student\\nwill remember that the most notable events of the wars of\\nthese two monarchs were the battle of Pavia, where Fran-\\ncis was captured (1525), and the sack of Rome (1527),\\nes.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "362 The Modern Period\\nIn addition to this matter oF the war with Spain over\\nItaly, there are also to be considered, in connection with\\nThe begin- the reign of Francis, the beginnings of the Reformation in\\nningsofthe j.^j^j-^-g Francis himself was a child of the artistic spirit\\nKetorma-\\ntion. of the Renaissance, and brought neither interest nor under-\\nstanding to bear upon the questions of religious reform.\\nBut it was different with his people, who, of course, could\\nnot remain uninfluenced by the greatest matter of the age.\\nThe beginnings of the Reformation in France are quite\\nindependent of Luther. In France, as elsewhere, the Re-\\nvival of Learning had brought a desire for reform in state\\nand Church, and at the opening of the new century cer-\\ntain select spirits were beginning to formulate their pro-\\ntests against exis.ting conditions. At the time when Lu-\\nThe circle of ther was stirring up Germany, a small circle of reformers,\\nreformers. whom the venerable Lefebre is the most important, had\\nalready begun to preach the abolition of abuses, and had\\nacquired a considerable influence.\\nThis influence the Catholic seminary of Paris, the Sor-\\nbonne, which looked upon itself as the guardian of the\\northodox faith, undertook to combat. Nevertheless, the\\nFrancis opposition of this pedantic institution counted for little\\ninaugurates .^|.jj j.jj was brought to its side. That occurred after\\nthe pohcy of t\\npersecution, the battle of Pavia (1525), when Francis needed the help\\nof the pope and the favor of his Catholic subjects to recover\\nfrom the results of his defeat and captivity. The first ex-\\necutions of heretics in France were ordered at this time.\\nHenceforward Francis wavered in his attitude, but grew on\\nthe whole increasingly intolerant.\\nHenry II. The successor of Francis was his son, Henry 11. (1547-\\ncontinues pj different man from his aff able father, and\\nthe persecu-\\ntions. his sombre character may be taken as an indication of the\\nage of Catholic fanaticism which was approaching. On\\nthe day of his coronation Henry II. promised that he", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in France 363\\nwould exterminate from his kingdom all whom the Church\\ndenounced. If he did not succeed in this pious enter-\\nprise it was because the spirit of resistance, animating the\\nProtestants, was stronger even than the spirit of cruelty\\nwhich filled the king. Edict after edict was published\\nagainst the heretics, and there were many executions, but\\nthe only result was that the faith confirmed by martyrs*\\nblood struck its roots into the hearts of a constantly in-\\ncreasing band of Protestant worshippers.\\nThe bigoted Henry died in 1559. Up to his death the\\nProtestants of France had suffered their persecutions in\\npatience they had not preached revolt nor sought politi-\\ncal influence. But from the mere religious sect they had The\\nbeen, they now advanced to the role of a political party. Protestants\\n_ I 1 J begin to\\nThis change was due in a large measure to the political con- take a hand\\nfusion that ensued on the unexpected death of Henry II. pontics.\\nAt the death of Henry, his son, Francis II., who was\\nbut sixteen years old, and physically and mentally feeble,\\nsucceeded to the throne. The real responsibilities of rule The situa-\\nhe was, of course, unable to assume, nor could his wife, who\\nr f- ,1- 1 accession of\\nwas Mary, queen of Scots, a very intelligent woman, under- Francis II.\\ntake them for him, because of her extreme youth. The\\npower, therefore, fell into the hands of Mary s two uncles\\nof the family of Guise, duke Francis, the soldier, and The Guises.\\nCardinal Lorraine, a churchman.\\nThere were those, however, who believed their own\\nrights were infringed upon by this domination of the Guises\\nat court and throughout the country. First to consider is\\nthe mother of Francis II., Catharine de Medici, a member Catharine\\nof the famous house that ruled at Florence. To an in- Medici,\\nordinate love of power she added some of the character-\\nistic qualities of her nation a rapid intelligence, diplomatic\\nskill, and an entire unscrupulousness. The religious fanati-\\ncism with which she has been sometimes credited has been", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "364 The Modern Period\\nmuch exaggerated, and if she plays a sinister role on several\\noccasions in the subsequent religious troubles, it can be\\nintelligently explained by sole reference to her political\\nambitions. But as intrigues and secrecy, and not open and\\nfrank enmity, were Catharine s political methods, the most\\nearnest opposition to the Guises came not from her, but\\nThe Bour- from the Bourbons. The House of Bourbon was a col-\\nlateral branch of the royal family, and its leading members\\nat this time were, Anthony, king of Navarre, and Louis,\\nprince of Conde. Anthony was graced with the royal title,\\nnot in his own right, but because he had married the heiress\\nof the small kingdom of Navarre, on the border between\\nFrance and Spain. Not unnaturally the Bourbons thought\\nthat they had a better claim to direct the policy of the\\nkingdom than the Guises, and when they found themselves\\nsystematically excluded from power, they sought to bring\\nabout a league of all the opposition elements. Now among\\nthese elements were also the persecuted Huguenots, and\\nout of the common hatred of the Huguenots and the Bour-\\nbons there grew, before long, an intimacy and an alliance.\\nAnthony in a faithless, vacillating spirit, Conde more\\nfirmly, accepted the Reformed faith and, many of their\\naristocratic supporters following their example, it came to\\npass that Protestantism in France was gradually diluted\\nand befouled with political intrigue.\\nOf all these high-stationed Huguenots, the one man who\\nhas won the respect of friend and foe is Gaspard de\\nColigny. Coligny. He was related to the great family of Mont-\\nmorency, and bore the dignity of admiral of France.\\nThough he was not without political ambition, he merits\\nthe high praise of having been a man to whom his faith was\\nThe term Huguenots was probably first applied in derision to the\\nFrench Protestants. Neither origin nor meaning has been satisfactorily\\nexplained.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in France 365\\na thing not to be bought and sold, and of having served it\\nwith single-mindedness to his death.\\nOut of these relations of the factions around the throne\\ngrew the intrigues which led to the long religious wars in Civil war\\nFrance. It is useless to try to put the blame for them upon\\none or the other side. Given a weakened royal executive,\\nthe implacable religious temper which marks the parties of\\nthe sixteenth century, and a horde of powerful, turbulent,\\nand greedy nobles, and civil war is a necessary consequence.\\nThe reader is now invited to note the leading circum-\\nstances connected with the outbreak.\\nThe sickly Francis II. died in December, 1560. There-\\nupon his widow Mary, finding her role in France exhausted,\\nleft for Scotland, and the Guises, who owed their position\\nlargely to her, presently discovered that their power had\\ncome to an end. The successor of Francis was his brother,\\nCharles IX., a weak boy but ten years old, during whose Charles IX.\\nminority his mother, Catharine de Medici, undertook to r th~ ^e\\nact as regent. Thus Catharine at last realized her dream as regent,\\nof power. But her new position was far from easy, as\\nGuises and Bourbons alike w^atched her with jealousy.\\nShe resolved, therefore, with much moderation, upon a\\npolicy of balance between the hostile factions called rep-\\nresentatives of both into her council and published an\\nedict, securing to the Huguenots a limited toleration. It\\nwas the first effort of the kind that had been made in\\nFrance to settle the religious difficulties. Its ending in\\nfailure proved again, if proof were necessary, that no com-\\npromise could satisfy men who, like the Protestants and\\nCatholics of the sixteenth century, were passionately set\\non realizing their own ideas without the abatement of a\\njot or tittle. While the Catholics were embittered by the\\nextent of Catharine s concessions, the Protestants grum-\\nbled at the remaining limitations, and among the more", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "366\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Mas-\\nsacre of\\nVassy.\\nCharacter\\nof the war.\\nThe Peace\\nof St. Ger-\\nmain.\\nfanatical followers of the two parties, sometimes without\\nprovocation, there occurred sharp conflicts, frequently end-\\ning in terrible excesses.\\nOne of these conflicts, the Massacre of Vassy (1562), put\\nan end to hesitation and led to war. The duke of Guise\\nwas passing through the country with a company of armed\\nretainers, when he hapi^encd, at Vassy, upon a band of\\nHuguenots, assembled in a barn for worship. Sharp words\\nled to an encounter, and before the duke rode away, forty\\nProtestants lay dead upon the ground and many more had\\nbeen wounded. A fearful indignation seized their brothers\\nin the faith, and when the duke of Guise was not imme-\\ndiately called to account for his breach of the law, Cond6\\nand Coligny armed and took the field.\\nThus were inaugurated the religious wars of France,\\nwhich were not brought to a conclusion until 1598, by the\\nEdict of Nantes, and which in their consequences contin-\\nued to trouble the country well into the next century. For\\nour purpose it is sufficient to look upon the period from\\n1562 to 1598 as one war, though it is true that there were\\nfrequent suspensions of arms, supporting themselves upon\\nsham truces and dishonest treaties. The war, like all the\\nreligious wars of the century, was waged with inhuman bar-\\nbarity, and conflagrations, pillagings, massacres, and assas-\\nsinations blot every stage of its progress. Protestants and\\nCatholics became brutes alike, and vied with each other in\\ntheir efforts to turn their country into a desert.\\nWhen the Treaty of St. Germain (1570), granting the\\nProtestants the largest toleration which they had yet en-\\njoyed, temporarily closed the chapter of conflicts, many of\\nEight wars have been distinguished as follows First war, 1562-63\\nsecond war, 1567-68 third war, 1568-70 (ended by the peace of St. Ger-\\nmain) fourth war, 1572-73 fifth war. 1574-76 si.xth war, 1577 seventh\\nwar, 1579-80 eighth war (called the War of the three Henries) 1585-89,\\nwhich continued in another form until the Edict of Nantes (1598).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "a moderate\\npolicy.\\nThe Reformation in France 367\\nthe original leaders had passed away. Anthony of Navarre\\nhad been killed in battle against his former friends, the Hu-\\nguenots, whom he had treacherously deserted (1562) the\\nduke of Guise had been assassinated (1563); and Conde\\nhad been unfairly slain in a charge of horse (1569). The\\nhead of the Huguenot party was now Anthony s young\\nson, King Henry of Navarre, but the intellectual leader-\\nship fell, for the present, upon Coligny.\\nMeanwhile, a moderate party had formed in France, Growth of\\nwhich tried to make the Peace of St. Germain the begin-\\nning of a definite settlement. It was only too clear that\\nthe bloodshed which was draining the country of its\\nstrength, ruined both parties and brought profit to none but\\nthe enemies of France. The more temperate of both sides,\\nColigny prominent among them, began to see the folly of\\nthe struggle, and King Charles himself, who was now of\\nage, inclined to their view. And yet such were the mutual\\nsuspicions and animosities, that the effort to remove all\\ncause of quarrel precipitated the most horrible of all the in-\\ncidents of the war, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew.\\nAfter the Peace of St. Germain, Coligny had come up\\nto Paris and had rapidly acquired a great influence with\\nthe king. The young monarch seemed to be disposed to\\nl)ut an end for all time to internal dissension, and to turn\\nthe strength of the united country against the old enemy of\\nFrance, Spain. For this purpose he arranged, as a prelim- The wed-\\ninary step, a marriage between his sister Margaret and j^ g^rv of\\nyoung Henry of Navarre. Joyfully responding to the in- Navarre and\\nvitation of King Charles, the Huguenots poured in swarms\\ninto Paris to attend the wedding of their chief, which was\\ncelebrated on August 18, 1572.\\nThe wedding seemed to inaugurate an era of Protestant\\ntriumphs. Coligny s star, shedding the promise of tolera-\\ntion, was rising steadily that of the Guises and their\\nMargaret of\\nValois.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "368 The Modern Period\\nultra-Catholic supporters, standing for the principle of\\nno-compromise, was as steadily setting. But suddenly the\\nThe alliance orthodox party, which, seeing ruin ahead of it, had fallen\\noiCaJ^a.nn j^^^^ desperate mood, ready for any undertaking, received\\nGuises an unexpected addition. Catharine de Medici, originally\\nagainst hardly more attached to the Guises than to the Huguenots,\\nLoligny. J\\nbecause primarily solicitous only about her own power, had\\nlately lost all influence with the king. She knew well\\nwhither it had gone, and fixed the hatred of a revengeful\\nand passionate nature upon Coligny. Burning to regain\\nher power, she now put herself in communication with the\\nGuises. On August 2 2d, as Coligny was entering his\\nhouse, a ball, meant for his breast, struck him in the arm.\\nThe king, who hurried in alarm to the bedside of his\\ncouncillor, was filled with indignation and swore to take a\\nsummary revenge upon the assassin and his accomplices.\\nThe terror of discovery and punishment, which now\\nracked Catharine and the Guises, drove them to devise\\nsome means by which they might deflect the king s\\nvengeance. On the spur of the moment, as it were, they\\nThe Massa- planned the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. This famous\\nn ?u I massacre is, therefore, not to be considered, as was once\\nBartholo-\\nmew, 1572, the custom, the carefully laid plot of the Catholic heads\\nof Europe, but rather as the bloodthirsty improvisation of\\na desperate band. Catharine de Medici and the Guises\\nwere its authors, and the fervidly Catholic population of\\nParis was the instrument of their will. How the king s\\nconsent was got, when all was ready, would be difficult to\\nunderstand, if we did not know that he was weak and\\ncowardly, and ready fer any measure when hoodwinked\\nand terrorized. On St. Bartholomew s day (August 24),\\nin the early hours of a Sunday morning, the tocsin was\\nsounded from the churches of Paris. At the signal, the\\nCatholic citizens slipped noiselessly from their houses, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in France 369\\nsurrounded the residences which had been previously\\ndesignated by a chalk-mark as the homes of Huguenots.\\nColigny was one of the first victims of the ensuing fury,\\nHenry of Guise himself presiding at the butchery of his\\nHuguenot rival. That night the streets flowed with blood,\\nand for many days after, the provinces emulated the\\nexample of the capital. Henry of Navarre escaped death\\nonly by temporarily renouncing his faith. The victims of\\nthis fearful exhibition of fanaticism amounted approxi-\\nmately to 2,000 in Paris, and 8,000 in the rest of France.\\nWe are helped in understanding the spirit of the time\\nwhen we hear that the Catholic world, the pope and\\nPhilip of Spain at its head, made no effort to conceal its\\ndelight at this facile method of getting rid of adversaries.\\nWar with all its dreary incidents straightway flamed up\\nagain. In 1574 Charles IX. died, out of remorse, as the\\nHuguenots were fain to believe, for his share in the great\\ncrime of St. Bartholomew. His brother, Henry III., sue- Henry III.,\\nceeded him on the throne. A new element of interest was\\nintroduced into the struggle only when the death of Henry s\\nlast brother, the duke of Alengon, and his own failure to\\nhave heirs, involved, with the religious question, the ques-\\ntion of the succession.\\nBy the law of the realm the crown would have to pass, Prospect of\\nupon Henry s death, to the nearest male relative, who was succes-\\ni J sion of\\nHenry of Navarre, head of the collateral branch of Bour- Henry of\\nbon. But Henry was a Huguenot, the enemy of the faith Navarre,\\nof the vast majority of his future subjects. When there-\\nfore his succession became probable, Henry of Guise and\\nhis followers formed the Holy League, which pledged\\nitself to the interests of the Church, even against the king.\\nAs the Holy League satisfied the current fanaticism of the\\nday, it became the rallying-point of Catholic France, and\\nbefore long, Henry III. found at his side a man more", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "370\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe war of\\nthe Three\\nHenries.\\nHenry IV.\\nand the\\nLeague.\\nreally king than himself his former friend and present\\nhead of the League, Henry of Guise. In measure as he\\ntried to live up to his royal duty of mediating between the\\ncontending factions and establishing peace, he found him-\\nself deserted by the League, which would have no peace.\\nFrance was, in consequence, soon divided into three\\ncamps, the ultras of the two religious parties, headed\\nrespectively by Henry of Guise and Henry of Navarre,\\nand between them a moderate party headed by King\\nHenry.\\nThere follows the phase of the struggle known as the\\nwar of the Three Henries (1585-89), which steeped the\\ncountry in new confusion. In December, 1588, King\\nHenry, who had tried all possible shifts to secure peace,\\neven to the point of resigning the real power into the hands\\nof the head of the League, indignantly resolved to put an\\nend to his humiliation. He invited Henry of Guise to his\\ncabinet, and there had him treacherously di.spatched by\\nhis guard. But the League now turned in horror from the\\nmurderer, and Paris and Catholic France declared for his\\ndeposition. In his despair the king fled to Henry of\\nNavarre, and was just about to advance with his Huguenot\\nsubjects upon his capital, when a fanatical Dominican monk\\nforced admission to his presence and killed him with a\\nknife (August, 1589). Thus the House of Valois had come\\nto an end. The question was now simply between Henry\\nof Navarre, the rightful claimant to the crown, and the\\nLeague, which would have none of him.\\nThe new Henry, Henry IV. first king of the House of\\nBourbon, was a brave soldier, an intelligent ruler, and an\\naffable gentleman. He was the idol of his followers, but\\nhis followers were only a small part of France. The at-\\ntachment of the Catholic majority he knew could only be\\nwon slowly, and certainly not by force. Therefore, he", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in France 371\\nundertook with wisdom and patience to assure them of the\\nloyalty of his intentions and win their recognition. If the\\nLeague could only have found a plausible rival for the\\nthrone, Henry might have been annihilated but his claim\\nwas incontrovertible, and that was his strength. For the\\npresent no one thought of disarming. Henry won a num-\\nber of engagements, notably the battle of Ivry (1590), but\\nthe League, supported by Philip of Spain, could not be\\nscattered.\\nAt last Henry, weary of the interminable struggle, re- Henry\\nsolved to take a decisive step. He abjured his faith and p 1..\\nbegged to be readmitted into the Catholic Church (1593). ism.\\nHis calculation of the consequences of this measure proved\\nto be correct, for he was almost immediately recognized\\nthroughout France, the League fell apart, and the war\\nceased. In February, 1594, Henry was solemnly crowned\\nat Chartres, and in March he took possession of his capital\\namidst the unbounded rejoicings of those same Parisians\\nwho had clamored, on St. Bartholomew s day, for his head.\\nOpinion has always been much divided on Henry s con-\\nversion. But there is no necessity for lingering over it\\nlong. It was purely a political measure, and a well-calcu- Henry s\\nlated one, as the result shows, and though Henry professed justification.\\nbefore the priest that the change was with him a matter of\\nconscience, we know that the conversion sat lightly upon\\nhim. Paris is well worth a mass, was the light-hearted\\ncomment he offered his friends to explain his defection.\\nThe first important business of the recognized king was\\nto secure his country the benefit of a permanent religious\\npacification. The edict designed for this end was pub- The Edict\\nlished at Nantes, April, 1598, and although it was not a of Nantes,\\ndecree of toleration such as satisfies our modern feeling, it\\nwas the best the time could afford. The Edict of Nantes\\ngave the great nobles and the people in certain specified", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "372\\nThe Modern Period\\nHenry ends\\nalso the war\\nwith Spain,\\n1598.\\nInternal\\ngovernment\\nof Henry\\nand Sully.\\nHenry plans\\nto abase the\\nHouse of\\nHapsburg.\\nHis death.\\nplaces permission to establish a Protestant worshii); fur-\\nthermore, it placed the Huguenots on a level with the\\nCatholics before the law and finally, to reassure the party\\nof the minority, and as a kind of guarantee of its promises,\\nit made over to the Huguenots a number of fortified towns,\\nof which La Rochelle was the most important. It was this\\nlast measure that later caused a renewal of the civil war, for\\nit was a dangerous concession and made the Huguenots an\\nindependent armed power within the state.\\nIn the same year (1598) Henry closed the war with\\nSpain, due to Spanish interference in behalf of the League.\\nThough he was not unwilling to proceed against his med-\\ndling neighbor with all vigor, he saw that his country was\\nfor the present in no condition for foreign conquest, and\\nthat he would better reserve its strength for the future. So\\nhe signed the Peace of Vervins (1598) on the basis of\\nmutual restitutions.\\nNow that France was at peace within and without,\\nHenry seriously set about the task of building up again his\\nruined country. With the aid of his Protestant minister,\\nthe duke of Sully, he re-established the finances, and ad-\\nvanced commerce and industry, and only when, after years\\nof labor, he saw himself in possession of an ordered and\\nflourishing commonwealth, did he again turn his attention\\nto foreign affairs. The House of Hapsburg, governing\\nthrough its two branches the dominions of Spain and\\nAustria, was still to his mind the great enemy of France.\\nThat France and the House of Bourbon must grow at the\\nexpense of Spain and the House of Hapsburg became\\nHenry s fixed resolution. In 1610, a local quarrel in Ger-\\nmany was just about to furnish him with a desired pretext\\nto interfere against the Hapsburgs, when he was killed by the\\ndagger of a half-insane Catholic fanatic, named Ravaillac.\\nTo this day King Henry is dear to the French people, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "The Reformation in France 373\\nhis popularity has never been eclipsed by that of any of his\\nsuccessors.\\nAt Henry s death his son, Louis XIII. (1610-43), was Regency of\\nbut nine years old. A regency was therefore established ?J^j^-^-*^^\\nunder Marie de Medici, Henry s second wife. As Marie\\nde Medici was a weak woman, the puppet of favorites, the\\nnobility and the Huguenots, whom Henry had vigorously\\nkept within bounds, again raised their heads, and threatened\\nto involve France in new civil wars.\\nIf France was saved from this calamity, it was due, and Richelieu.\\nsolely due, to Cardinal Richelieu. When this churchman\\nbecame the leading minister in 1624, the queen-regent had\\nalready been supplanted by the king, but the change had\\nnot brought with it an improvement in the situation, owing\\nto the fact that the king was indolent and common-place.\\nRichelieu was confronted by a heavy task. Luckily the\\nking fully appreciated the talents of his minister, and left\\nhim in control until his death, a period of eighteen years\\n(1624-42). The extraordinary power enjoyed by Riche-\\nlieu was, on the whole, put by him at the service of an en-\\nlightened patriotism. He set himself two aims the first, His two\\nto strengthen the national monarchy, for which purpose he aims,\\nmust sap the political power of the nobility and the Hugue-\\nnots; the second, to enlarge France territorially, in pur-\\nsuance of which end he must renew the wars with his\\ncountry s old rival, Spain and the House of Hapsburg.\\nThe political power of the nobility Richelieu did not He curbs\\nsucceed in reducing without resistance. He planned to nobles,\\nbring the nobles under the law of the land, and when they\\nprotested by means of plots and insurrections, he exe-\\ncuted a number of them and thus frightened the rest into\\nobedience.\\nMore serious was the case of the Huguenots. The Edict\\nof Nantes had, in addition to toleration, which was entirely", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "374\\nTJie Modern Period\\nHe curbs\\nthe Hugue-\\nnots.\\nLa Rochelle\\n(1628) and\\nthe pacifica-\\ntion of 1629.\\nEnmity to\\nHapsburg.\\nFrance in\\nthe Thirty\\nYears War.\\njust, given them political power an ami)- and fortified\\ntowns. Since the death of Henry IV. they had frequently\\ncreated disturbances, and certain of their measures indi-\\ncated that they were planning to secede from France. That\\nRichelieu was resolved not to suffer. He would leave them\\ntheir freedom of worship for Richelieu, although a church-\\nman, w^as not a fanatic but their pretension to independ-\\nence would have to be surrendered. His campaign against\\nthe Huguenots was carefully planned and culminated in the\\nsiege of La Rochelle (1628). La Rochelle was the great-\\nest of the Protestant strongholds, and although the Ro-\\nchellese, aided by the English, defended themselves witli\\nheroism, they were obliged in the end to deliver themselves\\ninto the Cardinal s hands. Although victorious, Richelieu\\nremained true to his principle of toleration, and signed a\\npeace, first with the Rochellese, and later with the other\\nHuguenots, in which he secured them all the privileges of\\nthe Edict of Nantes, barring the exceptional political\\npower.\\nThe domestic troubles of France beins; thus smoothed\\nover, and all classes having been brought under the law of\\nthe king, Richelieu could turn to the second part of his pro-\\ngramme the humiliation of the House of Hapsburg. A\\ncircumstance most opportune for his policy was that Ger-\\nmany was then convulsed by her Thirty Years War. With\\nthe instinct of the statesman Richelieu felt that if he helped\\nthe Protestants of Germany against the Catholics backed\\nby the House of Hapsburg (Emperor and Spain), he would\\nsooner or later acquire some permanent advantages for\\nFrance. His gradual interference finally secured his king\\nthe balance of power in the German war, and made France\\npractical dictator of Europe when the Peace of Westphalia\\n(1648) ended the struggle. Richelieu did not live to see\\nthis result (he died 1642), but the advantages which", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "stands for\\nabsolutism.\\nThe Reformation in France 375\\nFrance secured on that occasion may be written down to\\nhis statesmanUke conduct of the government.\\nRicheh eu is sometimes called the creator of the absolute Richelieu\\nmonarchy in France. That is an exaggeration, for the\\nFrench kings had for centuries been working toward that\\nend, but though not the creator, Richelieu certainly was\\nthe promoter of absolutism. Attention has already been\\ncalled to his systematic abasement of the nobility. Further\\nhe refused to call, and thus permitted to fall into disuse, the\\nStates- General, the old feudal parliament of the realm.\\nThis body was not assembled from 1614 to 1789, and\\nduring that period the king s power was free from very\\neffective check. Thus, although the benefits conferred by\\nRichelieu upon France were great, it is a question whether\\nhe is not partially responsible for the ills which, in the\\neighteenth century, grew out of the unlimited royal pre-\\nrogative.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. CoLiGN Y AND THE Massacre OF St. BARTHOLOMEW. HaMSStT Reformalion,\\npp. 366-75. Translations and Reprints, Univ. of Penn., Vol. III., No. 3\\n(death of Coligny). KUch in, History n/ France, Vol. II. Guizot, His-\\ntory 0/ France, 8 vols. See Vol. III., Oh. XXXIII. Dumas, Mar-\\ngaret of Valois (novel).\\n2, The Struggle of Richelif-I- against the Nobility. Wakeman, Europe,\\n15Q8-1715, pp. 132-53. Macmillan. Lodge, Richelieu, Ch. VIII.\\nKitchin, History of France, Vol. III., Bk. IV. Perkins, France Under\\nRichelieu and Mazarin, 2 vols. $3.99. Putnam. Bulwer, Richelieu\\n(drama).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "376\\nThe Modcr)i Period\\nCHAPTER XXIV\\nTHE THIRTY YEARS WAR AND THE PEACE OF\\nWESTPHALIA\\nThe relig-\\nious quarrels\\nin Germany\\ncontinue.\\nProtestant-\\nism con-\\ntinues for a\\ntime its\\ntriumphs.\\nLITERATURE. Wakeman, Europe, ijgS-iyrj, pp. 39-132. $1.75. Mac-\\nmillan.\\nGardiner, The Thirty Years IVitr. (Epochs.) $1.00. Scribner.\\nGindely, The Thirty Years lYar. 2 vols. $3.50. Putnam.\\nFletcher, Gustavus Aiiolphus. (Heroes.) $1.50. Putnam.\\nSchiller, IValieiistein s Lager; Die Piccolomini Wallenstein s Tod\\n(dramas).\\nThe Peace of Augsburg (1555) ended the first religious\\nwar of Germany, by an attempt to accommodate the claims\\nof the Catholics and the Protestants, but the attempt did\\nnot and could not succeed. The article, called the Eccle-\\nsiastical Reservation, which tried to protect the Catholic\\nChurch by forbidding all future secularizations of her terri-\\ntory, had hardly been adopted when triumphant Protestant-\\nism infringed upon it at every point. The Catholics were\\nthus furnished with a standing complaint against their\\nrivals. And other difficulties were not wanting. Shortly\\nafter the Peace of Augsburg, Calvinism spread through the\\nsouth and west of Germany, but as only Lutheranism was\\nmentioned in the Peace of Augsburg, Calvinism had no legal\\nbasis. Thus Calvinism led a very precarious existence.\\nIt is a wonder that in spite of the incessant quarrels\\nof the three parties, which filled all the Diets with their\\nclamor, the peace was so long preserved. Probably jeal-\\nousy of one another and fear of the consequences of the\\nsanguinary struggle which would follow, kept them from\\nproceeding to extremes. Meanwhile, the long truce which\\noutlasted the century, proved, at least for a time, favor-\\nable to the Protestants. Lutherans and Calvinists alike", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "The Thirty Years War 377\\nwere little impeded in their propaganda, and soon the\\nwhole German north had become solidly Protestant, while\\nin the south, Austria and Bavaria themselves, states which\\nwere looked upon as mainstays of the Catholic faith, were\\nbecoming dangerously infiltrated with the heretical poison.\\nIt seemed that the Lutherans and Calvinists would only\\nhave to cease their mutual bickerings and organize their\\naction, and Catholicism would be driven out of Germany.\\nBut organize the Protestants would not, and soon the The Catho-\\nCatholics, arousing themselves from the lethargy into which apJon\\nthey had fallen, gathered their forces at the Council of\\nTrent, under the leadership of the Jesuits, and boldly\\nundertook the reconquest of Germany. From the time of\\nEmperor Rudolph II. (1576-1612), a new Catholic vigor\\nbecame noticeable. The Jesuits made their way to the\\nhearths of the ruling Catholic families, and from the\\ncourts of Vienna and Munich, as operating centres, gradu-\\nally widened the sphere of their influence. They did their\\nwork with firm zeal and noiseless caution. They served\\ntheir princely masters as father-confessors or as ministers\\nof state, and in either case controlled their policy they\\nfounded schools and colleges they sent their missionaries\\ninto all hesitating communities, and soon amazed the Prot-\\nestants with the news of the reconversion to Mother\\nChurch of princes and whole territories.\\nBy the beginning of the seventeenth century, the ten- The Prot-\\nsion had so increased that the more assertive Protestants ^f t?\\nUnion and\\nestablished a Union for the purpose of mutual protection the Catholic\\n(1608). This step was answered the next year (1609), ^^^S\\nby a similar organization on the part of the Catholics,\\nwhich they called the Holy League. Henceforth, Ger-\\nmany was divided into the two hostile camps of League\\nand Union, either ready to take the field against the other\\nas soon as the occasion served. Under the circumstances", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "37^ The Modern Period\\nthe opinion was becoming general that the terrible sus-\\npense about the endless religious questions ought finally to\\nbe terminated, one way or another. From the first, how-\\never, this difference between the two religious camps ought\\nto be noted, that, while the Catholics were firmly organ-\\nized under a capable man, Maximilian, duke of Bavaria,\\nthe Protestants, owing to their old divisions, gave their\\nCalvinistic president, Frederick, the count palatine of the\\nRhine, only a wavering support.\\nThe occasion that the two parties were looking for, in\\nThe affairs order to begin the war, was at length furnished by\\no Bo emia. jiQi-^gj-^-^j^. The kingdom of Bohemia, a state inhabited by\\nSlavs (Czechs) and Germans, was a i)art of the possessions\\nof the House of Hapsburg. Lutheranism had got a foot-\\nhold in Bohemia, and after a period of persecution, the\\nEmperor Rudolph had issued (1609) a royal charter in\\nwhich he agreed to tolerate it. But both Rudolph and his\\nsuccessor, Matthias (1612-19), bore with the Protestants\\nin Bohemia only out of necessity. They continued to vex\\nthem even after the decree of toleration, with the result\\nThe revolu- that the Protestants lost patience, and in 1618 rose in\\ntion ot 10 18. j.gyQij They invaded the castle at Prague, the residence\\nof the emperor s lieutenants, and laying violent hands\\nupon the persons of their oppressors, tossed them roughly\\nout of the window. Then they set up a government of\\ntheir own. Thus the challenge that the Protestants and\\nCatholics had been awaiting for years was given the\\nThirty Years War had begun.\\nThe four It is customary to divide the Thirty Years War, for con-\\nth^Th^rtv venience sake, into four periods the Bohemian-Palatine\\nYears Period (1618-23), the Danish Period (1625-29), the\\nSwedish Period (1630-35), and the French-Swedish Period\\n(1635-48). Perhaps the most striking feature of the war\\nis, that, beginning with a local struggle in Bohemia, it", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "The Thirty Years War 379\\nshould gradually have spread until it included all Europe.\\nThe above divisions indicate the widening circles. From\\nBohemia it first extended over southern Germany (Bohemi-\\nan-Palatine Period) then slowly, northern Germany and\\nits nearest Protestant neighbor caught fire (Danish Period);\\nand, finally, country upon country was moved to take part,\\nuntil the war was no longer a German struggle at all, but\\nassumed, first, the aspect of a general conflict between Prot-\\nestantism and Catholicism, and secondly, the character of\\na struggle between the two great dynasties, Hapsburg and\\nBourbon, for the supremacy in Europe.\\nThe Bohemian-Palatine Period. The insurgents at\\nPrague had hardly set up their government, when they\\nappealed to the Protestant Union for help and prepared\\nthemselves for war. In the midst of the first campaign the\\nincapable Emperor Matthias died (16 19), and the Haps-\\nburg dominions passed to a man of altogether different\\nmould, Ferdinand 11.\\nFerdinand II. (1619-37), who had been brought up by Ferdinand\\nthe Jesuits, united with a narrow Catholic enthusiasm many 1619-37.\\nincontestable Christian virtues. He was acknowledged on\\nhis accession in most of his dominions, and the electors of\\nthe empire, although three of the seven electors were Prot-\\nestant, so far accepted the time-honored ascendancy of the\\nHouse of Hapsburg as to choose him emperor. Ferdinand\\nfelt that having gained so much, he must now undertake the\\nrecovery of Bohemia. He appealed to the Catholic League\\nfor help, and Maximilian of Bavaria, its president, readily\\ngranted it.\\nMaximilian and Ferdinand had been brought up together Maximilian\\nunder the same Jesuit influences, and Maximilian, who was oavana.\\nan exceedingly capable man, was always glad to do some-\\nthing for the Catholic cause. Moreover, the newest devel-\\nopments in Bohemia had greatly stimulated this eagerness.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "380\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe battle\\nof the White\\nHill, 1620.\\nThe Pala-\\ntinate occu-\\npied by the\\nCatholics.\\nThe situa-\\ntion begins\\nto interest\\nthe rest of\\nEurope.\\nIn order to strengthen their hand, the Bohemian Protes-\\ntants had just elected (1619) Frederick, count palatine of\\nthe Rhine and head of the Protestant Union, king of Bo-\\nhemia; and Maximilian, as head of the League, felt that he\\ncould not let his adversary assume this honor unchallenged.\\nIn the year 1620 there followed the campaign which de-\\ncided the fate of Bohemia. Frederick, the new king,\\nproved utterly inadequate to his task. At the battle of\\nthe White Hill, just outside of Prague, the united forces of\\nthe emperor and the League scattered the army of the rebels\\nto the four winds, and drove Frederick himself into exile.\\nFerdinand and his Jesuits immediately took possession of\\nBohemia and forced it back to Catholicism.\\nThe war would now have been over if the Catholics had\\nbeen contented with their first success. But urged on by\\nhis advisers, the emperor allowed himself to be hurried into\\na new and larger enterprise. He placed the defeated count\\npalatine Frederick under the ban of the Empire, and com-\\nmissioned Maximilian to occupy his territories, which\\nstraggled in loose array along southern Germany from the\\nRhine to Bohemia, and were known under the name of the\\nPalatinate. Even the Lutherans, hitherto indifferent, be-\\ncame excited at this outrage, and a number of campaigns\\nwere necessary before Maximilian s troops could execute\\nthe imperial order.\\nAnd now a new danger arose. Protestants the world\\nover had expressed their grief at the defeat of their co-\\nreligionists in Germany, while the European Catholics cel-\\nebrated the emperor s victory as their own. Religion, it\\nmust be remembered, was still the dominant interest of the\\nday. Thus Frederick s misfortunes gradually won him the\\nsympathies of foreign Protestant monarchs, and especially of\\nJames I. of England, whose daughter Elizabeth, Frederick\\nhad married. But all the larger states which sympathized", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "The Thirty Years War 381\\nwith Frederick happened to have their hands full at the\\ntime, and thus it happened that the only power which could,\\nfor the present, be persuaded to interfere actively in his be-\\nhalf, was Denmark.\\nThe Danish War (1625-29). In the year 1625, Chris-\\ntian IV., king of Denmark, gave ear to the supplication of\\nthe more radical wing of the German Protestants and placed\\nhimself at their head. The theatre of war was thus imme-\\ndiately transferred from the south to the north.\\nAgain, the Catholics won a complete victory, for against\\nthe Protestant forces they put into the field two armies,\\nsuperior in every way to their Protestant rivals. The first Protestant\\nof these was equipped by the Catholic League and com- |-j, fQj-ces\\nmanded by Tilly, the victor of the White Hill, while the compared.\\nsecond had only lately been got together by the personal\\nactivity of a Bohemian nobleman, one Wallenstein, who\\nplaced it at the service of the emperor.\\nThis Wallenstein was destined to play a great role on the\\nimperial side. The emperor, owing to the exhaustion of\\nhis treasury, had hitherto waged the war primarily with the Wallenstein\\ntroops of the League. Wallenstein now proposed the bold imperial\\nplan of raising an army for him which should cost him army,\\nnothing. His notion was convincingly simple the army\\nwas to live by a system of forced contributions. Wallen-\\nstein s personal magnetism, his promise of large pay and\\nplunder, soon furnished him with a numerous army of ad-\\nventurers, who cared neither for Catholicism nor Protest-\\nantism, and blindly served their chief.\\nIn the year 1626, Tilly and Wallenstein completely Victories of\\nscattered their Protestant adversaries, and then proceeded andTilfv^\\nto invade Denmark. Christian defended himself for a time\\nas best he could, but in the end had to give way. In the\\nyear 1629 he was glad to sign the Peace of Liibeck, upon\\nterms which secured him his territory in return for the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "382 The Modern Period\\npromise that he would not again interfere in the affairs of\\nGermany.\\nWallen- Even before the Peace of Liibeck was signed Wallen-\\n^edal^ laiis covered the whole Protestant north of Germany\\nwith his troops. His remarkable mind was nursing vast\\nand intricate designs, the gist of them being to destroy the\\nlocal power of the princes, and to build up a strong united\\nGermany under the emperor, with himself as the power\\nbehind the throne. His successes were unchecked till he\\nFirst defeat arrived at Stralsund, a port of the Baltic Sea. This city,\\nat Stral-\\nsund 1620 although he vowed in his wrath he would have it, even\\nthough it were fastened to heaven by chains of iron, he\\ncould not take, and was forced to retire. Next to herself,\\nStralsund owed her deliverance to the supplies, secretly\\ncontributed by a voluntary ally, Gustavus Adolphus, king\\nof Sweden. This monarch had been for some time plan-\\nning to interfere in the German war, but he was detained\\nby a war which he had begun with Poland. While he was\\nbringing this to a close and preparing to come in person to\\nGermany, a number of events occurred there that greatly\\nfacilitated his projects.\\nThe Edict In spite of the check at Stralsund, the year 1629 marks\\nthe climax of the Catholic successes. The Peace of Lu-\\ntion, 1629.\\nbeck had removed Denmark from the struggle in the\\nlength and breadth of Germany there was no army to resist\\nthe emperor and Wallenstein and Tilly held both the\\nnorth and the south. This triumphant situation persuaded\\nFerdinand II. to strike a decisive blow at the Protestant\\nreligion. He published (1629) the Edict of Restitution,\\nby which the Protestants were ordered to give up all Church\\nterritories which had been taken into possession since the\\nPeace of Augsburg (1555). As this affected two arch-\\nbishoprics, nine bishoprics, and many monasteries, alto-\\ngether a considerable fraction of German land, it will be", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "The Thirty Years War 383\\nunderstood why all Protestants, even the sluggish Lutherans,\\nwere seized with consternation. For a moment differences\\nwere forgotten, and all stood firm, ready to renew an op-\\nposition which seemed to have been broken by the tide of\\nCatholic victory.\\nLuckily for the Protestants, the emperor himself by his Dismissal\\nvery next step frustrated his own policy. Wallenstein s stg^ji^\\nsavage warfare, above all, his imperial policy, which in-\\nvolved the ruin of the princes. Catholic and Protestant\\nalike, had won him their united hatred. At the Diet of\\nRatisbon (Regensburg, 1630), they fiercely demanded his\\ndismissal. The emperor hesitated for a moment, and then\\ngave way. Wallenstein was forced to take leave of his ar-\\nmy at the very moment when there gathered against Ferdi-\\nnand the worst storm which had yet threatened.\\nSwedish Period {i6jo-js). Wallenstein s retirement Reasons for\\noccurred almost at the same time as the landing in Germany the coming\\nof Gustavus\\nof an army of Swedes under Gustavus Adolphus. What Adolphus.\\nwere the motives of this Swedish king in thus intervening\\nin German affairs? They can still be made out with per-\\nfect ease. First, he was certainly moved by self-interest.\\nSweden was a Baltic power and had been striving for some\\ntime to make of the Baltic a Swedish lake. The wars\\nwhich Gustavus Adolphus had directed against Russia and\\nPoland were waged in obedience to this ambitious policy,\\nand had practically secured Sweden the whole Baltic coast\\nas far as Prussia. The attempt of Wallenstein to establish\\nthe emperor along the northern coast of Germany might\\ncertainly be conceived as a danger by a Swedish patriot,\\nand Gustavus, frightened at Wallenstein s successes, gradu-\\nally became convinced that the safety of his state depended\\nupon the defeat of the House of Hapsburg. Secondly, he\\nwas an ardent Protestant, ready to risk a blow for a cause\\nhe loved. It is unnecessary to try to measure mathemati-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "384\\nThe Modern Period\\nAttitude of\\nthe German\\nprinces.\\nAlliance\\nwith\\nFrance.\\nThe sack of\\nMagdeburg,\\n1631.\\ncally, as some historians have attempted to do, which of\\nthese two motives was dominant in his mind. Capable\\nmen, such asGustavus, who combine ideal aspirations with\\na sense of the necessities and realities of power, always fol-\\nlow a line of action which delicately strikes the balance\\nbetween a multitude of considerations. In any case, Gus-\\ntavus came as a rescuing angel to the aid of a dying cause,\\nand immediately gave to events that larger proportion,\\nwhich lifted the brutal struggle of the religious parties\\nmomentarily to a higher plane.\\nGustavus attempted, upon landing in Germany, to se-\\ncure the alliance of the Protestant princes. But this was\\nno easy matter. They were glad enough to have his help,\\nbut they had legitimate scruples about handing over Ger-\\nmany to a foreigner. While Gustavus was still negotiating\\nwith them aid came to him from another quarter. Rich-\\nelieu had now mastered the Huguenots (fall of La Rochelle,\\n1628), and was determined, like Gustavus, to proceed\\nvigorously against the Hapsburgs. Under the circum-\\nstances it was not unnatural than France and Sweden\\nshould form an alliance, which was duly concluded in\\n1 63 1, and which henceforth determined the course of the\\nwar. For the present, however, the part of France was\\nlimited to a contribution of money to the Swedish ireasury.\\nAll this time Gustavus was in the north, waiting for the\\nProtestant princes to join him. While they were still hes-\\nitating, the army of the League, under Tilly, took, plun-\\ndered, and utterly destroyed the great Protestant city of\\nMagdeburg (1631). The horror of the terrible massacre\\n(20,000 inhabitants were butchered by the soldiery) add-\\ned to the irritation caused by continued imperial aggres-\\nsions, threw the Protestants, and, above all, the greatest\\nprince of the north, the elector of Saxony, upon the\\nSwedish side. Having secured this important ally, Gus-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "The Thirty Years IV ar 385\\ntavus could now march south against Tilly without fear of\\nan insurrection at his back. At Breitenfeld, near Leipsic, The battle\\na great battle took place, in which Swedish generalship f i^ 1611\\nand discipline astonished the world by utterly defeating\\nthe veteran army of Tilly (September, 1631).\\nThe victory of Breitenfeld laid all Germany at the feet\\nof Giistavus. Never was there a more complete dramatic\\nchange. The Catholics, who, a year before, had held the\\nreins in their hands, were now in exactly the same help-\\nless position in which the Protestants had then found them- Gustavus\\nselves. Gustavus, received everywhere with jubilation by j^ r\\nthe Protestants, whom he had delivered, marched, without Protestant\\nopposition, straight across Germany to the Rhine. ermany.\\nIn the spring, Gustavus again took the field, aiming\\nstraight for Munich and Vienna, the capitals respectively\\nof Maximilian and Ferdinand. Munich fell into his hands,\\nand Vienna seemed likewise doomed, when Ferdinand in\\nhis cruel predicament turned once more to Wallenstein Wallenstein\\nfor help. That general, since his dismissal, had been the regrue\\nsulking on his estates. When Ferdinand s ambassador\\nnow besought him for aid he affected indifference, but at\\nlength he allowed himself to be persuaded to collect an\\narmy, upon conditions that practically made his command\\nabsolute. Then he floated his standards to the wind, and\\nimmediately the old veterans flocked around their beloved\\nleader.\\nIn the summer of 1632 Wallenstein and Gustavus, the\\ntwo greatest generals of their day, took the field against\\neach other. After long futile manoeuvring around Nurem-\\nberg, in which Wallenstein won some slight advantages,\\nthe two armies met for a decisive encounter at Lutzen, not The battle\\nfar from Leipsic (November, 1632). The armies of that ^^^^^u^\\nday were not large 20,000 Swedes confronted about as 1632.\\nmany Imperialists. After the Swedish army had knelt in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "386\\nThe Modern Period\\nSwedes de-\\nfeated at\\nNordlingen,\\n1634.\\nMurder of\\nWallen-\\nstein.\\nRichelieu\\nenters the\\nwar.\\nChanged\\ncharacter of\\nthe war.\\nprayer and the trumpeters had sounded the grand old\\nhymn of Luther, A Mighty Fortress is our God, Gus-\\ntavus ordered the attack. The combat was long and\\nfierce, but the Swedes won the day they won, but at a\\nterrible cost. In one of the charges of horse, the impet-\\nuosity of Gustavus had carried him too far into the ranks\\nof the enemy, and he was surrounded and slain.\\nFor a few more years the Swedes, under various lieu-\\ntenants trained in the school of Gustavus, and under the\\npolitical direction of the Chancellor Oxenstiern, who rep-\\nresented Gustavus s infant daughter. Queen Christine,\\ntried to hold what had been won for them. But in 1634\\nthey were defeated by the Imperialists, under the younger\\nFerdinand, the emperor s son, at Nordlingen, and had to\\ngive up southern Germany. Wallcnstein was, at that\\ntime, no longer at the head of the imperial forces. Hav-\\ning fallen under the suspicion of treachery he was mur-\\ndered by a band of conspirators (February, 1634).\\nAt this juncture France entered the war. We have seen\\nthat Richelieu had made with Gustavus, on Gustavus s\\nlanding in Germany, a treaty limited to money-support.\\nBut the battle of Nordlingen establishing the fact that\\nSweden without its king was no longer a match for the\\nemperor, Richelieu now resolved on more vigorous meas-\\nures against the House of Hapsburg. In 1635 he declared\\nwar against both branches.\\nFrench-Swedish Period {^1635-48 From now on the\\nwar was the conflict of the House of Bourbon, allied in\\nGermany with Sweden and in the Netherlands with the\\nDutch, against the Spanish and the Austrian branches of\\nthe House of Hapsburg and the theatre of the struggle\\nof these two dynasties for the leadership in Europe was the\\nterritory where their interests clashed the Netherlands,\\nItaly, and, of course, Germany. The Protestant princes,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "The Thirty Years War 387\\nmere pygmies in this universal contest, sank more and more\\nout of sight. If the war continued, it was not because of\\nany interests of theirs, but because Richelieu was set upon\\nreducing the Hapsburgs in the world, and would not retire\\nuntil France and Sweden had gained a firm foothold in\\nGermany.\\nThe campaigns of this last period of the war consist,\\ntherefore, of a patient forward thrust across the Rhine into\\nsouthern Germany, on the part of France, and a steady The attack\\nmovement southward from the Baltic, on the part of f^I^\\n1 T 1 and Sweden.\\nSweden. The emperor, aided by subsidies from Spain, but\\nrarely by her troops (for Spain was engaged to the extent\\nof her capacity in the Netherlands and Italy), made what\\nresistance he could, while the Germans looked on, for the\\nmost part indifferent, weary to death of the long struggle,\\nand unable to see any further meaning in it. Under these\\nconditions, and especially after the great generals, Turenne\\nand the prince of Conde were put at the head of the French\\ntroops, the emperor was steadily pushed back. Year in,\\nyear out, Germany was harried by fire and sword. The\\ncities fell into decay, and the country was deserted by the\\npeasants. When the product of labor was sure to become\\nthe booty of marauders, nobody cared to work. So the\\npeople fell into idleness, were butchered, or died of hunger The long\\nor of pestilence. The only profession which afforded se- s^go^y of\\nGermany.\\ncurity and a livelihood was that of the soldier, and soldier\\nmeant robber and murderer. Armies, therefore, became\\nmere bands, organized for pillage, and marched up and\\ndown the country, followed by immense hordes of starved\\ncamp followers, women and children, who hoped, in this\\nway, to get a sustenance which they could not find at\\nhome. Finally, defeat upon defeat brought the emperor\\nto terms. Ferdinand II., who had begun the war, having\\ndied in the meantime, it was his son and successor, Ferdi-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "388 The Modern Period\\nThe end of nand III. (1637-57), who put an end to the general misery\\nthe war, y^^ signing, after wearisome negotiations, a peace with all\\nhis enemies, called the Peace of Westphalia (1648).\\nThe Peace of Westphalia is, from the variety of matter\\nwhich it treats, one of the most important documents in\\nhistory. First, it determined what territorial corapensa-\\nThe main tion France and Sweden were to have in Germany for\\nthe Peace of victories over the emperor secondly, it laid a new\\nWestphalia, basis for the peace between Protestantism and Catholicism\\nand, thirdly, it authorized an important political readjust-\\nment of Germany. All these rubrics will be considered\\nseparately.\\nAs to the first rubric, Sweden received the western half\\nof Pomerania, and the bishoprics of Bremen and Verden.\\nBy these possessions she was put in control of the mouths\\nCessions to of the German rivers, the Oder, Elbe, and Weser. France\\nSweden and confirmed in the possession of the bishoprics of Metz,\\nToul, and Verdun, which she had acquired under Henry\\nII. (1552), and received, in addition, Alsace, with the\\nexception of the city of Strasburg and a few inconsidera-\\nble districts.\\nThe relig- Under the second rubric, we note that the Peace of\\nment^^*^*^ Augsburg was confirmed, and that the toleration there\\ngranted to the Lutherans was extended to the Calvinists.\\nIn regard to the bishoprics, which the Edict of Restitution\\nhad declared to be Catholic, the victory remained substan-\\ntially with the Protestants, for January i, 1624, was desig-\\nnated as a test day, it being agreed that whatever land had\\nbeen Protestant at that time should remain Protestant, and\\nvice versa.\\nDisruption Under the third rubric it is necessary to note a variety\\nof Germany. political and territorial changes within Germany. First,\\nthe princes were given a number of new sovereign rights\\namong others, the right of forming alliances with each", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "The Thirty Years War 389\\nother, and with foreign powers. Therewith the decentral-\\nization of Germany was completed, and the single states\\nlegally declared as good as independent. Furthermore, the\\nelector of Brandenburg received additions of territory,\\nwhich made him not only the greatest Protestant prince,\\nbut the greatest prince altogether in Germany, after the\\nemperor. Brandenburg, thus enlarged, was destined to\\ngrow into a kingdom (Prussia), and become in time the Growth of\\nrival and conqueror of Austria, and the recreator of the o^\\nGerman political unity of which the Peace of Westphalia\\nmade an end. As a last curious item, it may be added\\nthat Switzerland and the Dutch Netherlands (seven United Switzerland\\nProvinces), which had once been members of the Empire, jljl ljrgf.\\nbut had long ago won a practical independence, were for- lands,\\nmally declared free from any obligations to that body.\\nThe Peace of Westphalia had also a European signifi- The Peace\\ncance. It dealt with so many international affairs, that it Jja closes\\nmay be said to have been, in a measure, a constitution of the era of\\nEurope, and practically, it was the basis of European public ^a^*\u00c2\u00b0\\nlaw till the French Revolution. We may also take it to\\nmark a turning-point in the destinies of civilization. From\\nthe time of Luther the chief interest of Europe had been\\nthe question of religion. Europe was divided into two\\ncamps, Catholicism and Protestantism, which opposed each\\nother with all their might. In the Peace of Westphaha,\\nthe two parties recorded what they had gradually been\\nlearning which was, that such a fight was futile, and that\\nthey would better learn to put up with each other. Almost\\nimperceptibly men s minds had grown more tolerant, even\\nif the laws were not always so, and this is, when all is\\nsaid, the more satisfactory progress. The best proof of\\nthe improved state of the European mind toward the mid-\\ndle of the seventeenth century, is offered by the practical\\napplication of this very peace instrument. The toleration", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "390\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe princi-\\nple of toler-\\nation.\\nthere granted was merely of the old kind the toleration of\\nthe princes, but not of the individuals, expressed by the\\nfamous CHjus regie, ejus religio (he who rules the coimtry\\nmaysettle its religion) yet, persecution of individuals was\\nhenceforth the exception, and not the rule. It would be\\nan exaggeration to say that the principle of toleration had\\nnow been conquered for humanity, or that the squabbles\\nfor religion s sake ceased in the world, but it may be as-\\nserted, without fear of contradiction, that toleration had\\nAvon with the Peace of Westphalia a definite recognition\\namong the upper and the cultured classes. During the next\\none hundred and fifty years, the principle filtered gradu-\\nally, through the literary labor of many noble thinkers, to\\nthe lowest strata of society, and became, in the era of the\\nFrench Revolution, a possession of all mankind.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nWallenstein s Policy of German Unification and the Causes of the\\nFailure of that folicv. Gindely, Thirty Years War, Vol. II., Chaps.\\nLand IV. Gardiner, Thirty Years War, pp. 98-110 117-30; 151-81.\\nHausser, Reformation, pp. 428-44 501-14.\\nThe Desolation Wroi cht in Germany by the War. Gardiner, pp. 217-\\n21. Gindely, Vol. II., Chap. XL", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "SECTION II\\nTHE ERA OF ABSOLUTISM AND THE DYNASTIC\\nWARS; FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA TO\\nTHE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1648-1789)\\nThe reader is again warned that any staking off of a sec-\\ntion of Modern History is entirely arbitrary, and is solely\\njustified on the score of convenience and in the interest of\\nanalysis. Now the above so-called Second Section has,\\nlike the First, an essential unity, or, to use a musical ex-\\npression, a leading motive. This motive is found in the\\ncircumstance that during the century and a half between\\nthe Peace of Westphalia (1648) and the French Revolu-\\ntion (1789), Europe was dominated by the principle of\\ngovernment known as absolutism, and was constantly\\nshaken by the wars of the various absolute dynasties waged\\nfor the selfish purposes of territorial aggrandizement. But\\nthis once understood, the reader must guard himself against\\nimagining that there was no absolutism and self-aggrandize-\\nment both before and after our Section II. Of course there\\nwas, and all that is meant by this introductory word is that\\nnever at any other time did these two closely wedded ten-\\ndencies stand so prominently in the foreground of public\\naffairs.\\n391", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "392 The Modern Period\\nCHAPTER XXV\\nENGLAND IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. THE\\nSTUARTS, THE PURITAN REVOLUTION, AND THE\\nESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MON-\\nARCHY UNDER WILLIAM HI.\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution. (Epochs.) $i.oo.\\nScribner.\\nGa.Tdir\\\\er, History of England {iboz-A^)- lo vols. $20. cx). Longmans.\\nGardiner, History of the Civil IVar (1642-49). 4 vols. Longmans.\\n(Out of print.)\\nGardiner, History of the Cotnvtonivcalth and the Protectorate (i64 )-6o).\\n2 vols. $14.00. Longmans.\\nCarlyle, CromwelVs Letters and Speeches. 2 vols.\\nOf Memoirs on the Restoration see Pepys. Inexpensive edition\\npublished by Cassell. $0.60.\\nGardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution {xfyiZ-^).\\n$2.60. Clarendon Press.\\nGee and Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History.\\n$2.60. Macmillan.\\nReign of James I. {i6oj-2^\\nGardiner, Student s History of England, pp. 481-503.\\nGreen, Slwrt History of the English People, pp. 474-96.\\nJames, the Elizabeth was succeeded upon her death by the next\\narch 10\u00c2\u00b0 crown, James I., the son of Mary Stuart.\\nGreat Brit- James, who was already king of Scotland, united in his\\nperson for the first time the sovereignty over the kingdoms\\nconstituting Great Britain. But it must be understood\\nthat the union of England and Scotland which the acces-\\nsion of James established, was, for the present, merely a\\npersonal union that is, the accession of James gave the\\ntwo countries a common sovereign, but not, as yet, com-\\nmon laws and institutions.\\nCharacter of It was unfortunate that at a time when the character of\\nthe sovereign greatly influenced the government, such a\\nman as James should have been on the throne. His figure", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 393\\nwas almost ludicrously disjointed, and his character was\\ndevoid of force and fibre. Under the circumstances his\\nreally considerable information was not likely to help him\\nmuch, whereas his exaggerated idea of his office was sure to\\ndo him harm. Concerning this office, he obstinately be-\\nlieved that it was of divine origin, and that its preroga-\\ntives were so extensive as to render him practically abso-\\nlute.\\nThe accession of James occurred at a favorable moment. The favor-\\nThe defeat of the Spanish Armada (1588) had established ^q^ o\u00c2\u00b0 he\\nthe authority of England without. Within, the Catholics kingdom,\\nwere a waning party, and the Anglican Church, which was\\nalone recognized by the law (Acts of Supremacy and Uni-\\nformity, 1559), had, under Elizabeth, acquired solidarity\\nand respect. The Puritan party within the Church, which\\ninclined toward Calvinistic views, was by no means violent,\\nand could be conciliated by a few concessions taking ac-\\ncount of their aversion to the surplice, to genuflections,\\nand similar externals of the service. The question was\\nwhether James would show the breadth of mind which the\\nsolution of this question demanded.\\nShortly after his accession, in 1604, James met the Puri- James es-\\ntans in a conference at Hampton Court. He there bitterly p\\ndenounced them as the enemies of episcopacy, and com-\\npletely identified himself with that system of Church gov-\\nernment. Now the king s charges against the Puritans\\nwere far from true. Once more let us remember that the\\nPuritans at this time were not revolutionary that they\\naccepted the Church of England and the principle of epis-\\ncopacy; and that they demanded only a few liberties,\\nchiefly respecting ceremonial non-essentials. It was, there-\\nfore, extremely unwise on the part of the king to dismiss\\nthe Puritan conference grufily, and to order, shortly after,\\nthe removal from their livings of those of the clergy who", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "394\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe gun-\\npowder plot.\\nThe rights\\nof king and\\nParliament.\\nrefused to conform to every minute prescription of the\\nAnglican service.\\nThe Catholic party, too, had expected an alleviation of\\nits position through James s accession. When it found that\\nnothing was done to make its lot lighter, certain desperate\\nmen resolved upon vengeance. They deliberately planned\\nto destroy the whole English government, king. Lords, and\\nCommons, by one gigantic stroke. They heaped gunpow-\\nder in barrels in the Parliament cellars, and set November\\n5, 1605 the day of the opening in state of a new session\\nfor the monstrous crime. Suspicion, however, had been\\nawakened through a letter of warning, sent by a conspira-\\ntor to a friend who was a member of the House of Lords\\nand luckily, on the very eve of the planned disaster, Guy\\nFawkes, the hardiest of the conspirators, was discovered\\nkeeping watch among the explosives. He and his help-\\nmates were arrested and executed, and the English people\\nwere once more confirmed in that intense hatred and dis-\\ntrust of the Catholic faith which long remained the first\\narticle of their religious and political programme.\\nThe troubles with the Puritans and Catholics were not\\nthe only difficulties which James s policy raised about him.\\nHe managed also to quarrel with his Parliament. In the\\nEngland of that time the rights of king and of Parliament\\nwere not accurately determined, and the king s prerogative\\nwas necessarily vague. It must be remembered that there\\nwas no written constitution, and tliat the legal basis for\\nevery political action was found in a mass of frequently\\nconflicting customs and statutes. Under these circumstances\\na monarch could do a great many things which a Parlia-\\nment might, on the ground of some ancient ordinance, dis-\\npute, but which a Parliament, if well-disposed in general\\ntoward the monarch, and if convinced that the particular\\nact was wise, would not dispute.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 395\\nNow James s finances fell into disorder a sore matter The ques-\\nwith every government. Probably a little clever leading ro iltr*olled\u00c2\u00b0\\nof Parliament would have brought that body around to a the nation s\\ncomplete and wholesome reform of the finances, but James P\\npreferred, in his high-handed and stupid way, to order the\\nlevy of a number of questionable taxes on his own author-\\nity, and to trust to luck that Parliament would, after a little\\nhaggling, yield him the point. In this he was mistaken.\\nParliament after Parliament allowed itself to be dissolved\\nrather than take his dictation in this matter. And what was\\nthe result? What originally had been merely a practical\\nbusiness question, was soon raised to a matter of principle,\\nand the irritated Commons began to ask themselves if the\\nking had a right to raise any kind of tax at all without their\\nconsent. In this way the question, who controlled the\\nnation s purse, was definitely placed before the people, and\\nan answer would have to be found sooner or later, whether\\nby peaceful adjustment or by war.\\nTo his unpopularity James s foreign policy contributed. James s\\nHis one notion was peace. That was not bad in itself, but pg^ce\\nJames contrived an impractical course. He tried to asso-\\nciate himself with Spain, arguing that an understanding\\nbetween the leading Protestant and the leading Catholic\\npower would secure peace to the world. Unfortunately the\\nSpaniards only hoodwinked him, and the English became\\nthoroughly disaffected by this policy of knuckling down to\\ntheir ancient foe. Nevertheless the king persisted in his\\ncourse. In 16 18 he had Sir Walter Raleigh, one of the\\npopular Elizabethan heroes, executed for venturing to attack\\na Spanish village in South America. And when, in that\\nsame year, the Thirty Years War broke out in Germany,\\ninstead of assisting his son-in-law, Frederick of the Palati-\\nnate, who was elected king of Bohemia, he remained an\\nimpotent spectator, in the hope that Spain would somehow", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "396\\nThe Modern Period\\nEnglish\\ncoloniza-\\ntion.\\nIreland.\\nAmerica.\\nIndia.\\nkindly interfere in his relative s behalf. In the end his son-\\nin-law was driven from Germany. But in spite of the fact\\nthat everybody now looked upon a conflict as inevitable,\\nJames continued his futile negotiations, and did not pre-\\npare for war against Spain until within a few months of his\\ndeath, which occurred in 1625.\\nIt is a relief to turn from this chapter of mistaken efforts\\nto the more productive field of James s colonial enterprises.\\nIn 1610 occurred the first settlement of Ulster, the North-\\neastern province of Ireland, with English and Scotch colo-\\nnists. Before James s time Ireland had given to monarch\\nafter monarch nothing but trouble, and James hoped that\\nhis scheme of colonization would bring the unruly island\\nunder his control. However, in order to carry out his pol-\\nicy he had to confiscate the land and crowd the natives\\nback into the marshes. This act of violence, which the Irish\\ntook to be nothing less than a crime, stamped an indelible\\nhatred of the English in their souls. In the new world,\\nanother and an altogether more happy colonization was un-\\ndertaken. In 1607 the first permanent English colony was\\nplanted in Virginia, and in 1620 the first band of radical\\nPuritans, who had separated themselves from the Anglican\\nChurch and had at first taken refuge from persecution in\\nHolland, set out across the Atlantic. From the valiant\\nlabors of themselves and their Puritan successors in the\\nwilderness of Massachusetts developed in time a prosperous\\ncolony, and sprang the germs of that society which became\\nthe United States of America. Furthermore, in 161 2, the\\nEast India Company, which had been chartered under\\nElizabeth, secured its first foothold in India. Thus, the\\nvictories of Elizabeth s reign having cleared the way, the\\nAnglo-Saxon race planted under James the seeds of its ex-\\npansion in the east and in the west, and laid the founda-\\ntions of the English commercial supremacy of our day.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 397\\nReign of Charles {i62^-4g).\\nGardiner, 502-60. Green, 496-572.\\nCharles I., who succeeded James in the year 1625, was Character\\noutwardly very unlike his father. His face, familiar to us Charles,\\nfrom Van Dyck s frequent reproductions, was handsome,\\nand his manner kingly. He was also intelligent and con-\\nscientious, but viewed the royal prerogative like his father,\\nand believed, like him, that a parliament ought not to be\\nconciliated, but cowed.\\nThe two main difficulties created by James bore imme- Struggle\\ndiate and dangerous fruit in the new reign. James had ^p^^^^\\nroused the slumbering Puritanism of his subjects and had and king\\nraised the question with his Parliament as to who controlled a\u00c2\u00b0hea.d\\ntaxation. Charles, by persisting in James s course of hos-\\ntility to Puritans and Parliament, succeeded, in an incredi-\\nbly short time, in developing the prejudices of his people\\ninto a violent opposition to himself, and in rousing the\\nCommons, who had been servilely docile under Elizabeth\\nand, even Avhile protesting, had been deeply re.spectful\\nunder James, to the point where they plainly put the ques-\\ntion who was sovereign in England, Parliament or king\\nIn the very year of his accession, Charles married Hen- Charles falls\\nrietta Maria, a sister of Louis XIH. of France. This mar-\\nCommons in\\nnage with a Catholic was unpopular in England in itself, matters of\\nand was rendered doubly so by the fact that Charles had Sio\\nentered upon an agreement with Louis to offer the English\\nCatholics his protection. Over this concession to a hostile\\nfaith the Parliament straightway flew into a passion. It\\ngrew still- more excited when the fact became known that\\nthe king had lavished favors upon certain Anglican church-\\nmen who had publicly attacked the Calvinistic doctrines\\nthen held by the majority of Englishmen. There is no\\ndoubt that the king meant well enough, and certainly he", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "398 Tlic Modern Period\\nwas far from tlic thought of betraying the cause of Protes-\\ntantism hut his rehgious liberahsm bore the character of\\nlaxity in the minds of the severe behevers of that day and\\naroused general suspicion. The Commons, in consequence,\\nadopted an uncompromising Protestant policy. They\\nbegan to lay niore and more stress on those features of the\\nAnglican Church which were emphatically Protestant, and\\nless and less on those which had been retained from the\\nCatholic establishment. Thus while the doctrines aroused\\ntheir enthusiasm, they grew increasingly indifferent about\\nthe practices and ceremonies. From these latter, however,\\nthe king, who had a fondness for outward show, would\\nabate no jot nor tittle. Monarch and Commons, as a result,\\ndrifted farther and farther apart on questions of religion;\\nand under the unconscious action of resentment, the people\\nbegan falling away from their own ceremonial Anglican\\ntraditions and edging over to Puritan ground.\\nCharles falls Not satisfied with alienating his people by arousing their\\nout with IS j.g]jgiQ^g animosity, the king also alienated them by his\\nover the war political conduct. The war with Spain furnished him the\\nwi pain. Q(,(,^JQj-i j^g \\\\^r^^ inherited it from his father, and was\\nbent on carrying it on. The Parliament was not unwilling\\nto give him support for the war with Spain was popular\\nbut to such grants of money as it made, it attached the\\ncondition that the war be carried on effectively and under\\ngood leaders. This condition Charles, to his misfortune,\\nneglected. He intrusted the conduct of the war to the\\nduke of Buckingham, once his father s favorite and now\\nhis own, and Buckingham, who was handsome and dash-\\ning, but unfit for weighty business, reaped nothing but\\ndisaster. Thus an expedition sent in 1625 against Cadiz\\nended in utter failure. Thereupon, the Commons refused\\nto give the king more money until the duke was removed\\nfrom the council, and, as the king refused to allow himself", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 399\\nto be dictated to in the matter of his ministers, there en-\\nsued a deadlock which Charles tried in vain to break by\\nthe repeated dissolution of Parliament.\\nIn the year 1627 matters grew worse. The king, not Bucking-\\ncontent with one war upon his hands, allowed himself to and the\\nTwar with\\nbe driven into a war with France, in behalf of the French France.\\nHuguenots. The Huguenots were being besieged in La\\nRochelle. As there was no other way of getting money for\\na rescuing expedition, Charles adopted a perilous device:\\nhe forced the rich to make him a loan. But the sums, thus\\nillegally extorted, brought no blessing. A relief exi)edition,\\nwhich sailed for La Rochelle under Buckingham, failed as\\nmiserably as the attack upon Cadiz. As a result ignominy\\nin the war with France was added to the ignominy already\\nincurred in the war with Spain.\\nThe Parliament which met in 1628 was therefore justified The Peti-\\nin its outbreak of wrath against the Government. Before U^^u^ o\\nRight, 1628.\\ngranting another penny it insisted that the grievances of the\\nnation be redressed. Li a document called the Petition of\\nRight, it made a formal assertion of its claims. The\\nPetition of Right declared forced loans illegal, and con-\\ndemned a number of practices, such as arbitrary arrests and\\nbilleting of troops upon householders. The Petition of\\nRight was firmly announced to be a prerequisite to all\\nfurther concessions by the Parliament. Charles, who had\\ntwo wars on his hands and no money, had to give way.\\nThe Petition of Right, celebrated as a renewal of Magna\\nCharta, was accepted and became the law of the land (1628).\\nUnfortunately the Petition of Right did not dispose of\\nall the internal troubles. The obnoxious Buckingham\\nwas not dismissed the excitement, which had permeated\\nall classes, did not subside. Proof of the degree of hatred\\nwhich the party strife had reached was offered soon enough.\\nWhile a new expedition to La Rochelle was fitting out", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "400\\nThe Modern Period\\nMurder of\\nBucking-\\nham, 1628.\\nTunnage\\nand Pound-\\nage,\\nThe Crisis\\nof 1629.\\nEleven\\nyears of rule\\nwithout\\nParliament.\\nat Portsmouth, a fanatic patriot, John Felton by name,\\nstabbed Buckingham to death (1628). The Icing grieved\\nover the loss of his favorite, but his poHcy remained ob-\\nstinately unchanged. And this at a moment when a strug-\\ngle was threatening with his Parliament greater than any\\nthat had preceded\\nIt was the practice in England to vote certain customs\\nduties, called Tunnage and Poundage, at the beginning of\\na reign, for the duration of the king s life. These formed\\nthe most considerable income of the treasury, and without\\nthem the government could not be carried on. Largely\\nby accident the Commons had not voted Tunnage and\\nPoundage for the life of Charles, and now that they had a\\ngrievance against him, they resolved not to vote this tax\\nuntil they had received in return fresh assurances of good\\ngovernment. Charles grew highly excited over their con-\\nduct, which to him seemed mere bickering, and in the\\nsession of 1629 the conflict between king and Commons\\nbroke out anew. After a few unfruitful negotiations,\\nCharles determined to dissolve Parliament but the mem-\\nbers getting wind of it, passed, before the adjournment,\\namidst a scene unparalleled for excitement in English par-\\nliamentary annals, a number of resolutions, affirming that\\nthe levy of Tunnage and Poundage was illegal and that\\nwhosoever paid it or brought in religious innovations Avas a\\ntraitor.\\nThus the question of Tunnage and Poundage, added\\nto the religious excitement, brought about virtual war\\nbetween king and Parliament. But for the next eleven\\nyears (1629-40) the king had the upper hand, the exten-\\nsive prerogative acquired by his predecessors giving him\\nat first a distinct advantage over the ambitious Commons.\\nAmong other privileges, he was not obliged to assemble\\nParliament at all, unless he wanted a new subsidy, and as", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 401\\nanything was better than having Parhament again, he now\\nresolved to get along with the revenues he had. But this\\nplan necessitated economy, and, above all, the termination\\nof the expensive wars with France and Spain. Before the\\nend of 1630, therefore, Charles had made his peace with\\nthese two powers. His outlook now was, on the whole,\\nexceedingly hopeful. Tunnage and Poundage, although\\ncondemned by the Commons, was regularly paid into the\\nexchequer by a people who were not yet ready to renounce\\ntheir king, and Tunnage and Poundage, taken together with\\na number of other taxes which had been regularly pro-\\nvided, were found sufficient for the ordinary expenses of\\nthe administration.\\nDuring these eleven years of practically absolute govern-\\nment Charles managed matters in Church and state as it\\nsuited him. For the affairs of the Church his chief adviser\\nwas William Laud, whom, in 1633, Charles appointed arch- Laud and\\nbishop of Canterbury and primate of England. Laud, like\\nCharles himself, laid stress upon ceremony and uniformity,\\nand proceeded with such vigor against the enemies of cere-\\nmony, that in a few years he had either secured the sub-\\nmission of the Puritan element or had ejected it from the\\nChurch. For the affairs of state Charles depended in large\\nmeasure upon Thomas Wentworth, better known by his later\\ntitle of earl of Strafford. Wentworth, who was a firm be-\\nliever in strong government, supported the king in his stand\\nagainst Parliament and people, but it is entirely erroneous\\nto make him responsible for all the ill-advised measures of\\nthe monarch.\\nOf such measures there were many, all contributing to\\nshake Charles s arbitrary position. Notably was this the\\ncase with ship-money. Ship-money was a tax collected by Ship-money.\\nCharles in the year 1634, for the purpose of creating a\\nnavy. The ordinary method of getting supplies for such", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "Hampden.\\n402 The Modern Period\\nan end would have been to appeal to Parliament, but that\\nthe king shrank from doing. So he hit upon a subterfuge.\\nIn former times monarchs had, when the country was in\\ndanger, ordered the counties bordering on the sea to fur-\\nnish ships. Charles issued such an order in the year 1634.\\nA little later he declared his willingness to receive money\\ninstead of ships, and further ordained that the inland coun-\\nties, too, should pay.\\nPlainly, this procedure was, if not totally illegal, at least\\nhazardous and certain to arouse a great deal of opposition.\\nThe case of This appeared when a country gentleman, John Hampden\\nHamoden name, preferred rather than pay his share of the tax to\\nsuffer arrest and trial. The court, when the case came up,\\ndecided against Hampden, but so wide was the disaffection\\nfollowing upon Hampden s trial that it required only an\\noccasion for England to show that the loyalty which had\\nbound her for ages to her royal house, had suffered fatal\\nimpairment.\\nCharles falls That occasion was furnished by Scotland. In the year\\n1637, Charles, with his usual neglect of popular feeling,\\nventured to introduce into Presbyterian Scotland the Prayer\\nBook and certain of the Episcopal practices of England.\\nThe answer of the Scots to this measure was to rise in in-\\nsurrection. They drew up a national oath or Covenant,\\nby which they pledged themselves to resist to the utmost\\nall attempts at changing their religion, and when Charles\\ndid not immediately give in, he found that he had a war\\non his hands.\\nThe Scotch There follows the campaign of 1639 against the Scots,\\nwar of 1639 ^y]-,j(.|^ jg known as the First Bishops War. It was a mis-\\nover the\\nquestion of erable fiasco. Owing to want of funds, the king led north-\\nward a mere ill-equipped rabble, and when he arrived upon\\nthe scene, found himself compelled to sign a truce. Be-\\ntween his Scotch and English subjects, whom he had alike\\nout with the\\nScots\\nEpiscopacy.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 403\\nalienated, his position was now thoroughly humiliating.\\nIn order to avenge himself upon the Scots, he required\\neffective money help from England, and effective money\\nhelp from England involved calling a Parliament. In one\\nor the other direction he had, therefore, to make conces-\\nsions. Charles fought a hard battle with his pride, but\\nfinally, feeling that the Scotch matter was the more press-\\ning, he summoned a Parliament (1640).\\nThus the long period of government without a Parlia- The Second\\nment had come to an end. When, however, the Parlia- 7,1^^^^,^\\nWar, 1040.\\nment, known as the Short Parliament, began, instead of\\nvoting moneys, to remind the king of the nation s griev-\\nances, Charles flamed up once more and dismissed it.\\nOnce more, in despite of his lack of funds, he conducted\\na campaign, known as the Second Bishops War, against\\nthe Scots (1640). But when the second experiment had\\nfailed as badly as the first, he had to acknowledge himself\\nfinally beaten.\\nIn the autumn of 1640 he summoned another Parliament, The Long\\nwhich he knew he should not be able to send home at his j^ q\\nwill. The Parliament which met has received from his-\\ntory the name of the Long Parliament, and is the most\\nfamous legislative body in English annals.\\nThe Long Parliament, as soon as it was installed, took The victory\\nthe reins into its hands. First the desire for revenge had Commons\\nto be satisfied, and accordingly Strafford and Laud were\\nexecuted. Then the whole constitution was practically\\nremodelled. Parliament declared everything, the king\\nnothing. It Avas the Parliament s answer to the king s des-\\npotic rule. Could a king of Charles s temperament submit\\nfor long to such a terrible abasement\\nFor a year the king bore with the altered circumstances. Division in\\nBut he was watching for his chance, and the first division\\nmons.\\namong the Commons was his signal to strike. The Com-\\nJ", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "404\\nThe Modern Period\\nCharles\\nsides with\\nthe Episco-\\npalians.\\nAttempted\\narrest of the\\nfive mem-\\nbers.\\nThe king\\nunfurls his\\nbanner at\\nNotting-\\nham.\\nThe advan-\\ntage is, at\\nfirst, with\\nthe king.\\nmons had agreed admirably on all the political questions\\nat issue between themselves and the king. Differences ap-\\npeared only when the religious question was presented.\\nThe sentiment against the Episcopal system had made\\na great deal of progress of late years, but a strong con-\\nservative element still supported it. Under the circum-\\nstances Puritans and Episcopalians in the Commons fre-\\nquently came to hard words, and naturally, as soon as this\\nopening in the hitherto solid phalanx of the opposition was\\napparent, Charles took advantage of it. He threw in his\\nlot with the Episcopalians, and so once more rallied about\\nhim a party.\\nIn January, 1642, he calculated that he was strong\\nenough to strike a blow at the predominance of Parliament,\\nand attempted to arrest the five leaders, Pym, Hampden,\\nHazelrigg, Holies, and Strode, in full Parliamentary ses-\\nsion. But the attempt failed, and Charles, always a little\\ntimorous, had not the courage to brave the situation\\nwhich he had himself created. When London rose in\\narms, Charles fled, and the schism was complete. In Au-\\ngust, 1642, unfurling his banner at Nottingham, he bade\\nall loyal Englishman rally to their king. The Parliament\\nin its turn gathered an army and prepared to take the\\nfield.\\nThe parties about to engage each other seemed to be\\nvery equally matched. The king s party, called the Cav-\\naliers, held the north and the west, York and Oxford\\nbeing their chief towns, while the adherents of the Parlia-\\nment, known derisively as Roundheads, for the reason that\\nmany of them cropped their hair close, held the south and\\nthe east, with London for their centre. Neither side was\\nwell furnished with troops, but the fact that the slashing\\ncountry gentlemen crowded into the king s service gave\\nthe royal side, at first, the advantage. In the early cam-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 405\\npaigns the army of the Parhament was steadily driven\\nback, and on one occasion London, the Parhamentary\\ncentre, ahaiost fell into the king s hands. It was really\\nnot until the year 1644 that the Parliament began to de-\\nvelop an efficient army. At the same time there rose into\\nprominence the man who was destined to turn the tables Oliver\\non the king and bring the war to a conclusion Oliver\\nCromwell.\\nOliver Cromwell is one of those surprising characters\\nwho sum up in themselves a whole period of their nation s\\nhistory. He was a country gentleman of the east of Eng-\\nland, whose life had become bound up in the Puritan\\ncause. With firmness and strength, he coupled an ex-\\ntraordinary amount of practical good sense, which enabled\\nhim to see things exactly as they were. Now the great\\nbusiness of the hour was a good army. Gradually, there-\\nfore, Cromwell collected about himself a special troop of\\nmen of his own mind Puritans who had their hearts in\\nthe cause and this troop soon won for itself the grim title\\nof Cromwell s Ironsides.\\nIn the campaign of 1644 Cromwell s Ironsides first Marston\\nprominently showed their metal. They contributed large-\\nly to the great victory of Marston Moor over Prince Ru-\\npert, 1 the king s nephew and the dashing leader of his\\nhorse. At the battle of Newbury, which took place a few\\nmonths later, it is probable that the king would have been\\ncrushed entirely if Cromwell had not been thwarted by his\\nsluggish and incapable superiors.\\nThat winter Cromwell fiercely denounced in Parliament The army\\nthe lax method of carrying on war which had hitherto\\nprevailed, and so convincing were his criticisms that the\\nPrince Rupert, known as Rupert of the Rhine, was the son of EHza-\\nbeth, the daughter of James, who had married Frederick of the Palati-\\nnate.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "4o6\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe decisive\\ncampaign of\\n1645, Nase-\\nby.\\nAlliance be-\\ntween the\\nScots and\\nParliament.\\nPresbyte-\\nrians and In-\\ndependents.\\nCommons now carried out a number of sweeping reforms.\\nBy means of certain ordinances the army was completely\\nreorganized and the spirit of Cromwell s Ironsides intro-\\nduced into the whole service. The spring of 1645 found\\nSir Thomas Fairfax at the head of the reformed forces and\\nCromwell in command of the horse.\\nThe effect of the change made itself felt at once: the\\ncampaign of 1645 proved decisive. At Naseby, in the\\nheart of England, the king made his last formidable effort\\n(June 14). The gallant Rupert plunged, as usual, through\\nthe squadrons of horse opposite him, but Cromwell in the\\nmeantime broke the king s left and centre and won the\\nday. For almost a year the king still held out, vainly\\nhoping relief from this or that small circumstance. In\\nMay, 1646, judging that all was over, he surrendered to\\nthe Scots, who occupied the English north.\\nThe Scots had joined the English Parliament against\\nthe king in the year 1643. They had treated the first\\nsuggestions of alliance with indifference, and when they\\nfinally consented to join the English, they made a very\\nhard condition they demanded that their own Presby-\\nterian system of church government be established also in\\nEngland. The stiff Puritan opinion in the Parliament re-\\nvolted at first at the thought of a foreign dictation, but as\\nthe majority were well disposed to the Presbyterian sys-\\ntem, and the danger from the king was pressing, the al-\\nliance between Scots and Parliament was formally ap-\\nproved on the proposed basis.\\nHowever, a handful of commoners standing for religious\\ntolerance protested against the treaty to the last. To them\\nthe uniformity of belief enforced by the Presbyterian Kirk\\nwas no whit less hateful than the uniformity of service de-\\nmanded by the Anglican Church. But being a mere hand-\\nful, they would have been overridden without a word if", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 407\\nthey had not received support from a very important\\nquarter their religious views had the approval of Crom-\\nwell and his Ironsides. Under the circumstances the ma-\\njority was obliged to proceed with caution, especially while\\nthe war continued and the troops had to be kept in good\\nhumor. Thus the contention slumbered for a time, but as\\nsoon as the battle of Naseby had been won and the enemy\\nscattered, the quarrel between the Presbyterians and the\\nIndependents, as the advocates of tolerance were called,\\nassumed a more serious aspect.\\nWhen the king surrendered to the Scots he was well in- The calcula-\\nformed of these differences of opinion among the victors, Jji\\nand hoped, in his small-minded way, to find his profit in\\nthem. Let the army, representing the Independents and\\ntheir view of tolerance, only fall to quarrelling with the\\nmajority of the Parliament, representing the Presbyterians\\nand their uncompromising system of uniformity, and his,\\nthe king s, alliance would prove invaluable.\\nHerein Charles calculated both well and ill. In the The Parlia-\\nyear 1647 the Scots surrendered him, on the payment of ^e t offends\\na good price, to the Parliament. The Presbyterians there-\\nupon tried to hurry through a settlement, while the army\\noffered a different set of terms. Endless intrigues resulted,\\nin which the Scots, too, took a hand, and the consequence\\nwas that in the year 1648 there broke out a war among\\nCharles s enemies the Scots supported by English Pres-\\nbyterian influence being pitted against the army. So far\\nCharles had calculated well. In the long run, however, The civil\\nhis petty calculations shot wide of the mark, for Fairfax ^^ed 1648\\nand Cromwell very quickly laid their enemies at their feet.\\nThen the army returned to London to have vengeance\\nupon what it called the bloody authors of the struggle, the\\nPresbyterian majority of the Commons and the king. On\\nDecember 6, 1648, a troop under the command of Colonel", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "408\\nThe Modern Period\\nPride s\\npurge, 1648.\\nThe execu-\\ntion of the\\nking, Janu-\\nary 30, 1649.\\nThe break-\\ndown of the\\nconstitu-\\ntion.\\nPride expelled the Presbyterian members, to the number\\nof about one hundred, from the House No more than\\nfifty or sixty commoners retained their seats, and these,\\nthe mere tools of the army, received the contemptuous\\nname of the Rump Parliament.\\nNext the army turned upon the king, firmly resolved to\\nsubject him to a trial. As there were no legal provisions\\nin the constitution for such a step, the now servile Parlia-\\nment created a special high court of justice to try the king.\\nThe end, of course, was to be foreseen. The high court\\nof justice found the king guilty of treason, and on January\\n30, 1649, he was executed on a scaffold before his own\\npalace of Whitehall. He had never been shaken in the\\nconviction that the right, during the whole course of the\\ncivil war, had been with him, and he died bravely in that\\nbelief.\\nThe king s death had been preceded by the dissolution\\nof the House of Lords because of the refusal of that body to\\ntake the army s side. The English constitution, therefore,\\nwas now a wreck tlie king and Lords had disappeared, the\\nCommons were a fragment. The power lay solely with the\\narmy, and the burning question of the day was Would the\\nrevolutionists of the army be able to build a new constitu-\\ntion along new lines?\\nThe com-\\nmonwealth.\\nT/ie Commomvealth and the Protectorate {164^-60).\\nGardiner, 561-77. Green, 572-604.\\nOn the death of the king, the Rump Parliament voted\\nthat England was a commonwealth, and appointed, pro-\\nvisionally, a council of state to act as the executive branch\\nof the government.\\nThere was work enough ahead for the young republic, for\\nin Ireland and Scotland Charles H. had been proclaimed", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 409\\nking. The council of state insisting that these kingdoms Cromwell\\noil r^rt 1 1 o c T r m\\nshould not be allowed to go a separate way in politics, j^^^^ (1640)\\nCromwell was dispatched against them. In 1649 he and Scot-\\nbrought the Irish to terms by means of bloody massacres 5\\nat Drogheda and Wexford. This done, the victor turned\\nto Scotland. At Dunbar (1650) Cromwell s soldiers,\\nwhose tempers were like the steel with which they smote,\\nscattered one Scotch army and when a second army, with\\nCharles II. in its midst, struck across the border in the hope\\nof stirring up an English rebellion, Cromwell starting in\\npursuit met it at Worcester, in the heart of England, and\\nwon the crowning victory of his life (165 1). Charles II.\\nescaped, after various romantic adventures, to the conti-\\nnent but the Scots came to terms, and thus the authority\\nof the commonwealth was established throughout Great\\nBritain and Ireland.\\nNow that England had peace, the question of a per- Dismissal of\\nmanent government became more pressing. Everybody p^ r ^^t\\nclamored for a settlement. Only the Rump Parliament 1653.\\nwas in no hurry, and the fifty or sixty members who com-\\nposed it clung to office, finding power a delightful thing.\\nIn April, 1653, Cromwell, despairing of good through such\\na Parliament, resolved to have done with it. He invaded\\nthe Parliament with a detachment of troops and ordered\\nthe members home. Come, come, he shouted in in-\\ndignation, we have had enough of this. It is not fit you\\nshould sit here any longer. Thus the last fragment of the\\nold constitution had vanished.\\nA new Parliament, freely elected by the nation, would have\\nbeen one solution of the difficulties which now confront-\\ned Cromwell. But such a Parliament would immediately\\nhave called back the king, and Cromwell was ready to try\\nall possible means before he declared that the great cause\\nhad failed. After a few vain shifts, he therefore accepted a", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "4IO\\nThe Modern Period\\nOliver, Pro-\\ntector.\\nThe Pro-\\ntectorate a\\nfailure at\\nhome.\\nEngland\\nrefuses to\\naccept toler-\\nation.\\nconstitution, called the Instrument of Government, which\\nwas drawn up by his ofificers, and which named him Lord\\nProtector. By the Instrument of Government, Oliver, the\\nLord Protector, together with a Council of State, was to\\nexercise the executive, while a Parliament of a single house,\\nfrom which all partisans of the king were excluded, was to\\nperform the legislative functions of government. The new\\nattempt came nearer than any of the others to being a\\nsolution of the political difficulties into which England had\\nbeen plunged but, unfortunately, even this partial success\\nwas due solely to the fact that the new constitution prac-\\ntically placed in control an entirely efficient man.\\nThe five years (1653-58) of Oliver s rule as Protector\\nwere full of difficulties. His first Parliament insisted on\\nrevising the Instrument of Government. As that was\\ntantamount to calling the whole settlement in question,\\nOliver dissolved the Parliament in anger (January, 1655).\\nFor awhile now he ruled without a Parliament. There\\nwere frequent attempts upon his life, republican con-\\nspiracies, royalist risings, the cares and annoyances insep-\\narable from power. But his brave spirit was undaunted\\nand he met every difficulty as it arose. As it was better to\\nrule with the nation than without, he called a second Par-\\nliament in the year 1656, and with this he got along more\\nsmoothly for awhile. The traditional English conserva-\\ntism governed this assembly, and it tried to get back upon\\nthe lines of the old constitution. It even offered to make\\nOliver king. But he declined the honor, and soon new\\nquarrels arose which led to a new dissolution (February,\\n1658).\\nIn all this time the great principle of toleration for which\\nOliver stood had made no progress. Oliver s idea had\\nbeen to give all Protestant Christians, whether they were\\nEpiscopalians, Presbyterians, or Puritans, the protection of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 411\\nthe law. But the fierce religious temper of the time hin-\\ndered the majority from seeing any right outside of their own\\nfaith, or feeling any obligation to put up with any other.\\nOliver, like all men who are ahead of their time, was left\\nwithout support. The animosities of his antagonists, as\\nwell as of his followers, even forced him before long to\\ntrench upon his own principles. In 1655 he began per-\\nsecuting those who held to the Book of Common Prayer,\\nand long before his end he had the bitter conviction that\\nthe government of the Puritan Commonwealth rested on no\\nsingle principle that had taken root in the nation, and that\\nit lived entirely by the will and vigor of one man.\\nIf Oliver was thus reaping failure at home, he added The Protec-\\ntriumph to triumph abroad. From 1652 to 1654 there had ^g^ alfroad\\nbeen a war with the Dutch caused by the famous Naviga-\\ntion Act. The Dutch had in the seventeenth century got\\nthe carrying trade of the world into their hands by means\\nof the Navigation Act (165 1) the Parliament planned to\\nbring part of it to England. The Act ordained that im-\\nported goods be carried in English ships, or else in ships\\nbelonging to the country in which the goods were produced.\\nThe Dutch declared war rather than suffer this injury, but The first\\nafter a few defeats had to accept what they could not alter, r!^*\\n(1052-54).\\nSoon after Oliver entered into an alliance with France\\n(1655) against Spain. Jamaica, in the West Indies, was War with\\ntaken from Spain by an English fleet, and Dunkirk, in the ^P^*\\nSpanish Netherlands, after a French-English victory over\\nthe Spaniards on the Dunes, was surrendered to Cromwell s\\nrepresentatives. Since the days of Elizabeth, the name of\\nEngland had not enjoyed such respect as it did now.\\nThus to the end the Protector held the rudder firmly. The death of\\nBut his health was broken by his great responsibilities, and\\ntor, Septem-\\non the third day of September, 1658, shortly after a great ber 3, 1658.\\nstorm had swept over the island, he passed away.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "412 The Modern Period\\nAnarchy. Cromwell s death was followed by a year of pure anarchy.\\nThe republic was dead. For awhile, however, Richard\\nCromwell, Oliver s commonplace son, ruled as Protector\\n(to April, 1659) then the soldiers tried their talents and\\nfinally, even the Long Parliament appeared again upon the\\nscene. Clearly, after all these shifts, Charles II. was the\\nonly choice left it was but necessary that some strong\\nman should act in the absent king s behalf and order would\\nbe restored. The strong man was found in General George\\nMonk. Monk, one of Cromwell s most capable lieutenants,\\nrefusing to close his eyes longer to the real situation, de-\\nThe Resto- termined to promote the restoration of the Stuarts and the\\n1660 reinvigoration of the old constitution. Charles II. was\\nmerely asked to promise a general pardon. This Charles\\ndid, and when, a month later, he landed at Dover (May,\\n1660), he was received with universal shouts of welcome.\\nSome days before a new Parliament had formally restored\\nthe ancient constitution, voting that the government is,\\nand ought to be, by king. Lords and Commons.\\nThe Restoration. Charles II. (^1660-85) and James II.\\n(168S-88).\\nGardiner, 578-648 Green, 605-83.\\nThe Resto- Charles II. was one of the most iwpular monarchs Eng-\\nration is a j.jj-|j g^^j. popularity was due not so much to\\nchange in\\nlife and his talents as to his vices. To understand this we must re-\\nmember that the Restoration is a complex movement. It\\nmarks not merely the break-down of the Puritan experi-\\nment of government, but also a revulsion from the severe\\nand colorless scheme of life which the Puritans imposed\\nupon society. Like one who had thirsted a long while,\\nthe Englishman of the Restoration, therefore, threw him-\\nself greedily upon splendor and distractions. Profligacy\\nmanners.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 413\\nbecame the fashion of the day, and Charles, because he\\nsatisfied the contemporary ideal in that he was corrupt,\\nwitty, and amiable, assumed the position of a sort of popu-\\nlar hero.\\nNow that the monarchy was restored, it was almost as if\\nthe revolution had not taken place, for the constitutional\\nquestions at issue between king and Parliament were left\\nmuch as they had been before the war broke out. For the\\npresent, however, everybody was so entirely taken up with\\nrejoicing at the restoration of order, that the quarrel about\\nthe measure of the king s prerogative dropped from sight.\\nThe Cavalier Parliament, as the Parliament elected in The Cava-\\n166 1 and allowed to hold power for eighteen years, was ^^J^^^\\nsignificantly called, completely expressed this reactionary\\nsentiment of the country it was more royal than the king.\\nAn index of its political sentiment is furnished by its vote\\nthat no one could lawfully take arms against the sovereign.\\nIn religious matters its stand was even more uncompromis-\\ning. The Cavalier Parliament stood for the Church of\\nEngland and nothing but the Church of England, and\\ninitiated against all non-Anglicans a severe policy of per-\\nsecution.\\nIn the year 1661 the Parliament enacted the Corporation The Corpo-\\nAct, which provided that every one who held an office in 155\u00c2\u00b0\\na municipal corporation would have to take the oath of\\nnon-resistance to the king, and receive the sacrament ac-\\ncording to the rites of the Church of England. The meas-\\nure, of course, turned all non-Anglicans out of the city\\ngovernments. The next year (1662) there followed a new The new\\nAct of Uniformity, by which every clergyman who did not y-^^\\naccept every prescription of the Book of Common Prayer 1662.\\nwas expelled from his living. Hundreds of the Presby-\\nterian and Puritan clergy resigned their cures rather than\\nassent, and from now on men of these faiths, together with", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "414\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Dis-\\nsenters.\\nThe real\\nenemy is\\nCathol-\\nicism.\\nForeign\\npolicy.\\nThe first\\nDutch War\\nof the Res-\\ntoration,\\n1664-67.\\nThe friend-\\nship of\\nLouis and\\nCharles.\\nthe adherents of the other sects which had lately arisen,\\nsuch as the Baptists and the Quakers, were embraced by\\nthe common name of Dissenters.\\nIt is not probable that the Cavalier Parliament would\\nhave insisted on the national creed with such vehemence,\\nif it had not been persuaded that toleration granted to the\\nDissenters would open a loop-hole for the Catholics. And\\njust then the suspicion against Catholicism was stronger in\\nthe land than ever, because of the secret machinations of\\nthe court in behalf of this faith. Had the facts that were\\nonly whispered in the palace-passages been known at West-\\nminster, there can be no doubt that the religious legisla-\\ntion would have been even more stringent than it was for\\nCharles, although afraid to publish the truth, had, not long\\nafter the Restoration, secretly embraced Catholicism.\\nA monarch who identified himself so little in religious\\nmatters with his people was not likely to serve them in for-\\neign affairs. In fact, his guidance of England was weak\\nand unintelligent, being determined simply by aversion to\\nthe Dutch and affection for Louis XIV. of France.\\nThe commercial rivalry between the Dutch and Engli.sh\\nhad ever since the Navigation Act (1651) been very in-\\ntense. It is not astonishing therefore that the war of\\nOliver s time should have been followed soon by another,\\nknown as the first Dutch War of the Restoration (1664-67).\\nBoth nations proved themselves plucky seamen, and when\\npeace was signed, England relaxed the Navigation Act\\nsomewhat in favor of the Dutch, and the Dutch ceded their\\ncolony New Amsterdam, which was renamed New York.\\nThis was the time in European politics of the ascendancy\\nof France. The leading fact of the general situation was\\nthat Louis XIV. was planning to extend his territory at the\\nexpense of his neighbors. The logical policy of England\\nas the rival of France would have been to support the vie-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 415\\ntim against the aggressor but Charles allowed himself to\\nbe directed by personal motives. Naturally his riotous\\nlife kept him involved in constant money difficulties. Fort-\\nunes were flung away on entertainments or were lavished\\non courtiers and mistresses. To get money, therefore,\\nbecame Charles s first object in life, and Louis XIV., who\\nwas always a clever manager, was perfectly willing to oblige\\nhis brother of England, if he could by this means buy Eng-\\nland s aid, or at least, her neutrality in the conflicts he\\nanticipated. Now the French king began his aggressions\\nin the year 1667, by invading the Spanish Netherlands;\\nbut after taking a few towns he was forced to desist, chiefly\\nowing to the energetic protest of the Dutch. No wonder\\nthat Louis resolved to have revenge on this nation of\\ntraders. By the secret Treaty of Dover (1670) he won Treaty of\\nover Charles, by a handsome sum, to join him in his pro- o^^^ 7\u00c2\u00b0-\\njected war against the Dutch and Charles, in his turn,\\nstipulated to avow himself a Catholic and to accept aid\\nfrom Louis in case his subjects, on the news of his conver-\\nsion, revolted against him.\\nWhen, in the year 1672, everything was at length ready,\\nLouis and Charles fell upon the Dutch, engaging in what,\\nin England, is known as the Second Dutch War of the Second\\nRestoration. Just as the war was about to break out, ^f jj^g Res-*\\nCharles, not yet daring to announce himself a Catholic, toration\\npublished a decree of toleration, the so-called Declaration\\nof Indulgence, which, overriding the statutes of Parliament, The Declar-\\ngave to Catholics and Dissenters freedom of worship. Such indulgence,\\na declaration invites the sympathy of us moderns, but it is\\nnecessary to remember in judging it that its motives were\\nimpure. This the people felt, and when Parliament met,\\nits tone became so threatening that the king withdrew his\\nDeclaration. When this was done (1673), the war had lost\\nits interest for Charles, and as the English people were", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "4i6 The Modern Period\\nlearning to feel more and more strongly that their real enemy-\\nwas the French and not the Dutch, Charles further gave\\nway to popular pressure and concluded peace (1674). Thus\\nthe Treaty of Dover came to nothing, except in so far as\\nit involved the Dutch in another heroic combat for life\\nand liberty. So stubborn was their defence under their\\nStadtholder, William III. of Orange, that Louis XIV. fi-\\nnally followed Charles s example and withdrew from the\\nstruggle (Peace of Nimwegen, 1678).\\nThe Test But the Parliament was not satisfied with having forced\\nAct, 1073. j.j^g j^jj^g j.^ withdraw his Declaration of Indulgence. To\\nsecure the country further against the secret machinations\\nof the court, it added a crowning act to its intolerant re-\\nligious legislation the Test Act (1673). 1 Corpora-\\ntion Act (1661) had already purged the municipalities of\\nnon-Anglicans by the Test Act the exclusion was ex-\\ntended to office-holders of any kind.\\nThe death of Charles died in the year 1685, after a reign of twenty-\\n68^/ years. On his death-bed he did what he had been\\nafraid to do during his life he confessed himself a Cath-\\nolic.\\nCharles s reign is marked by an advance in the polit-\\nical life of the nation which deserves sharp attention.\\nUnder him there began to be formed for the first time\\nparties with a definite programme and something like a\\nCreation of permanent organization. These were the parties known\\narv o^Ttles Whigs and Tories,^ and the chief question on which\\nWhigs and they split was the question of toleration. The Tories,\\nwho were mostly the small country gentlemen, stood for\\nThe Test Act is so named because every man, before taking office\\nwas tested with regard to his faitli by his wiljingness or unwillingness to\\ntake the sacrament as prescribed by the Church of England.\\n2 These names were originally taunts. Tory is derived from the Irish\\nand signifies robber, hig comes from Whiggam. a cry with which\\nthe Scotch peasants exhorted their horses. Applied as a party name, it\\nwas intended to convey the idea of a sneaking Covenanter.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 417\\nno-toleration for Dissenters the Whigs, on the other hand,\\nwhose ranks were filled up largely from the great nobles and\\nthe middle classes, wished to promote this act of justice\\nboth parties, being equally Protestant, agreed in denying\\ntoleration to the Catholics. Whigs and Tories from now\\non play a role of increasing importance in the history of\\nEngland.\\nJames II., who succeeded his brother Charles, was not James is un-\\nonly a Catholic, which, of course, raised an impassable bar- P\u00c2\u00b0P\\nrier between him and his subjects, but he was also imbued\\nwith the same ideas of Divine Right as his father Charles I.,\\nand he held to them as stubbornly as ever that monarch\\nhad done. Under these circumstances the new reign did\\nnot promise well.\\nAs James was a Catholic among Protestants, he should at His Cath-\\nthe very least, have kept quiet. But he seems to have been pohcy.\\npossessed with the idea that he had been made king for the\\nexpress purpose of furthering the Catholic cause. He did not\\neven trouble himself to proceed cautiously, and in imitation\\nof his brother, published, in the year 1687, a Declara-\\ntion of Indulgence, suspending all penalties against Cath-\\nolics and Dissenters. Regardless of the universal discon-\\ntent he published the next year a Second Declaration, and\\nordered it to be read from all the pulpits. Most of the\\nclergy refused to conform to this tyrannical order, and The trial of\\nseven bishops presented to the king a written protest, ifili^\\nJames s answer was an order that legal proceedings be taken\\nagainst them. Immense excitement gathered around the\\ntrial, which occurred in June, 1688.\\nThese and other irregularities were borne with for a Son born to\\ntime, because the next heir to the throne, James s daugh- J^\\nter, Mary, who was a child of his first marriage and the\\nwife of William of Orange, was a Protestant. When, how-\\never, James s second wife gave birth, in June, 1688, to a", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "41 8 The Modern Period\\nson, who by the English law would take precedence over\\nMary, consternation seized the whole people. The son, it\\nwas foreseen, would be educated in the Catholic religion,\\nand thus the Catholic dynasty would be perpetuated. As\\nthe birth of the son and the trial of the seven bishops oc-\\ncurred about the same time (June, 1688), England was\\nfilled with excitement from end to end. Seizing the op-\\nportunity, a few patriotic nobles invited William of Orange\\nand his wife Mary to come to England s rescue.\\nThe Glori- In November, 1688, William landed in England, and\\ntion of 1688. bnmediately the people of all classes gathered around him.\\nThe army which James sent against him refused to fight,\\nand James found himself without a supporter. Seeing\\nthat the game was up, he sent his wife and child to France,\\nand shortly after followed in person. Perhaps never in\\nhistory had there been so swift and so bloodless a revolu-\\ntion.\\nThe Parliament, which met to deliberate on these events,\\ndeclared the throne vacant, and offered it to William and\\nThrone Mary as joint sovereigns. As William and Mary were not\\nWn l^am and legitimate heirs, the sovereign of England was by this\\nMary. act virtually declared to be the nominee of the Parliament,\\nand henceforth, the doctrine that an English king held his\\noffice by Divine Right was quietly dropped. The Parlia-\\nment furthermore fortified its position against the king in\\nBill of a Bill of Rights (1689), by which it declared the law\\nRights, supreme over the king. Therewith the conflict between\\nking and Parliament was over, and Parliament had again\\nwon. And the new victory was far more satisfactory than\\nthe earlier radical victory of Cromwell, for the ancient his-\\ntorical constitution was not destroyed ih.\\\\s time, but merely\\nmodified in accordance with the national needs.\\nBut the Glorious Revolution did more; it also\\npaved the way for a religious settlement. On motion of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "England in the Seventeenth Century 419\\nWhigs, Parliament passed, almost simultaneously with the The Tolera-\\nBill of Rights, a Toleration Act, by which Dissenters were ^^o^\\ngiven the right of public worship. The repressive legisla-\\ntion indeed was not repealed, and Catholics were treated\\nas harshly as ever, but the Toleration Act satisfied the\\nreligious demands of the majority of Englishmen, and\\nreligious peace was, by means of it, established in the\\nkingdom. Bill of Rights and Toleration Act inaugurated\\nin England the era of a new and genuine constitutional-\\nism.\\nThe literature of the seventeenth century presents, in The litera-\\nsharp contrast, the two theories of life which combated\\neach other under the party names of Cavalier and Round-\\nhead. The moral severity, the noble aspirations of Puri-\\ntanism found a poet in John Milton Paradise Lost,\\n1667), and a simple-minded eulogist in John Bunyan\\nPilgrim s Progress, 1675). But the literary reign of\\nthese men and their followers was short, for the Restora-\\ntion quickly buried them under its frivolity and laughter.\\nInevitably literature followed the currents of the contem-\\nporary life, and Milton and Bunyan were succeeded by a\\nschool of licentious dramatists and literary triflers. John\\nDryden (1631-1701), although himself a man of sturdy\\nqualities, became, by the force of circumstances, the leader\\nof the Restoration set.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nAnalysis and Comparison of the Petition of Right and of the Bill of\\nRights. For Petition of Right, see Gardiner, Constitutional Documents,\\npp. 1-5. For Bill of Rights, see Gee and Hardy, p. 645 ff. Both\\ndocuments in Stubbs, Select Cliarters. Clarendon Press. See also\\nTaswell-Langmead, Chapters XIII. and XV.\\nThe Intolerant Legislation of the Cavalier Parliament: Penal\\nLaws and Tests. Gee and Hardy, p. 594 fif. Taswell-Langmead,\\nChapter XV.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "420\\nThe Modern Period\\nCHAPTER XXVI\\nTHE ASCENDANCY OF FRANCE\\n(1643-1715)\\nUNDER LOUIS XIV.\\nThe work of\\nRichelieu.\\nMazarin,\\nRichelieu s\\nsuccessor.\\nLITERATURE. Wakeman, Europe, 1598-1715. $1.75- Chaps. IX. -XI.,\\nXIV., XV. Macmillan.\\nKitchin, llistoiy of Frame. 3 vols. $7.80. Macmillan.\\nY\\\\3i%% Louis XIV. (Heroes.) $1.50. Putnam.\\nAd ms, Growth 0/ t/te French Nation. $1.00. Macmillan.\\nThe work of Richelieu had cleared the way for the su-\\nl)remacy of France in Europe. By destroying the political\\nprivileges of the Huguenots and by breaking the power of\\nthe nobility, he had freed the royal authority from the last\\nrestraints which weighed upon it, and had rendered it\\nabsolute. In foreign matters Richelieu had engaged France\\nin the Thirty Years War, and had reaped for her the bene-\\nfits of the Peace of Westphalia (1648). But just at this\\npoint, as France was about to assume a dominant position,\\nshe was threatened once more, and as it proved, for the\\nlast time under the old monarchy, by civil war.\\nThe government, upon the death of Louis XIII. (1643),\\npassed into the hands of his queen, Anne of Austria, who\\nwas named regent for the five-year-old king. At the same\\ntime the post of first minister, which had been occupied\\nby Richelieu, fell to the confidant of the regent, another\\nchurchman and an Italian by birth. Cardinal Mazarin.\\nMazarin carried out faithfully the political intentions of\\nRichelieu, but encountered, like his predecessor, the envy\\nof the great nobles, the chief of whom was the famous\\ngeneral, the prince of Cond6. The Peace of Westphalia\\nhad not yet been signed, when certain nobles ro.se (1648)\\nagainst the crown, in the hope that the new minister would\\nprove not to be of the metal of his predecessor. The", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 421\\nevent showed that they were mistaken. Although the\\nParhament of Pan s joined the high-born rebels, thus giv-\\ning the new civil disturbances something of the character\\nof a popular movement, the Fronde (1648-53), as the The Fronde,\\nrising against Mazarin was called, was, after the first year, (^*^48-53)-\\nnothing but the struggle of the nobility to recover its\\nfeudal privileges. Such a struggle deserved to fail and if\\nit now failed it was chiefly because France saw that in a\\nquestion between king and nobles, her self-interest bound\\nher to the former. The Fronde may be called the death-\\nagony of the nobility as a feudal governing class. From\\nthe time of its suppression the nobles gradually transformed\\nthemselves into a body of docile courtiers, who were rarely\\noccupied with anything more serious than the dances and\\nspectacles of Versailles.\\nThe Peace of Westphalia was signed between France and\\nthe Austrian branch of the House of Hapsburg. Because\\nFrance, in union with the Dutch, had been very successful\\nin the Spanish Netherlands, she was unwilling to draw off\\nand conclude a peace with the Spanish branch of the Haps-\\nburgs without an adequate reward. As this was refused,\\nwar with Spain still went on after the Peace of Westphalia The war\\nhad composed the rest of Europe. The Fronde occurring Spam,\\nat this time, turned the tables and inclined the balance for\\nsome years in favor of Spain, but as soon as the Fronde\\nwas beaten down, Mazarin was able to win back the lost\\nground and force Spain to terms. Owing to foreign war\\nand internal revolution, Spain was, in fact, at her last gasp.\\nWhen she signed with France the Peace of the Pyrenees The Peace\\n(1659), she signed away with it the last vestige of the\\nsupremacy which she had once exercised in Europe. 1659.\\nWith the glory of the Peace of the Pyrenees still linger-\\ning around him, Mazarin died (1661). Thereupon the\\nyoung Louis XIV., now twenty-three years of age, resolved", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "422\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe per-\\nsonal gov-\\nernment of\\nLouis XIV.\\nAbsolutism\\nbecomes\\nDivine\\nRight.\\nThe king s\\nreforms.\\nColbert.\\nColbert\\nestablishes\\nthe protect-\\nive system.\\nto take the government into his own hands, and from this\\nforward the business of the French Government was trans-\\nacted practically by himself. It is said that he once stated\\nhis political theory in the words: Peiat c est moi (I am\\nthe state). The phrase expresses admirably the spirit of\\nhis reign, for he held himself to be the absolute head of\\nthe state, and regarded his ministers not as the responsible\\nheads of departments, but as clerks. Absolutism had ex-\\nisted in Europe long before Louis XIV., but Louis XIV.\\nhedged the absolute monarchs around with a new divinity,\\nand gave the doctrine of the Divine Right of kings a more\\nsplendid setting and a more general currency than it had\\never had before.\\nLouis began auspiciously enough by giving much atten-\\ntion to the improvement of the machinery of government.\\nHe reorganized the diplomatic service; he rendered the\\nadministration more effective; he enlarged the army and\\nnavy; and he purged the finances of disorder and estab-\\nlished them upon a sounder basis. The king s most effi-\\ncient helper in all this was Jean Colbert (1619-83). Col-\\nbert served the king as minister of finance, and merely by\\nputting an end to peculation and applying the principles\\nof business order, he succeeded in turning the annual de-\\nficit of the state into a surplus.\\nThis same Colbert was also a great economic thinker, and\\nis celebrated as the father of the system of j)rotection. He\\nwished to increase the national wealth, and in pursuit of\\nthis aim, encouraged exportation, and, as far as possible,\\ndiscouraged importation. Whether this policy be scienti-\\nfically right or wrong, French manufactures certainly de-\\nveloped greatly under Colbert, and French silks, brocades,\\nand glass captured, and have held to this day, the markets\\nof the world. Colbert also developed internal communi-\\ncations by an admirable system of roads and canals, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 423\\nsupported colonial enterprises, settlements being made at\\nthis time in the West Indies, Louisiana, and India.\\nUnfortunately Louis s successes turned his head. He Louis\\nwas only a young man, and had governed only a few years, conaue^of\\nand now he found himself the cynosure of all Europe. In\\nall truth he could say that he was the first power of the\\nworld. But in proportion as he found that his neighbors\\nwere no match for him, he began to be tempted by the\\nthought of making them his dependents. It was not a\\nhigh ambition, this, still it won the day with him. In the\\nyear 1667, therefore, Louis entered upon a career of aggres-\\nsion and conquest, which, after a few brilliant results, led\\nto such a succession of disasters that the man whose progress\\nhad been attended by clouds of incense, wafted by admiring\\ncourtiers, closed his career in ignominy.\\nFour great wars substantially filled the rest of Louis s His wars,\\nlife. They were: i, The War with Spain for the posses-\\nsion of the Spanish Netherlands (1667-68) 2, the War\\nwith the Dutch (1672-78) 3, the War of the Palatinate\\n(1688-97); 4, the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-\\n14).\\nIn 1667 Louis suddenly invaded the Spanish Nether- The war of\\nlands. The fact that he tried to justify himself by putting N^ther^\\nforth some vague claims of his Spanish wife to these terri- lands,\\ntories, only added hypocrisy to violence. His well-ap-\\npointed army took place after place. Spain was too weak\\nto offer resistance, and if the Dutch, frightened at the pros-\\npect of such a neighbor as Louis, had not bestirred them-\\nselves, Louis would have overrun all the Spanish Nether-\\nlands. The Triple Alliance of the Dutch, England, and\\nSweden, formed by the rapid ingenuity of the republican\\npatriot, John de Witt, who was at this time at the head of\\nthe Dutch Government, bade Louis halt. Louis, on occa-\\nsion, could distinguish the possible from the impossible.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "424\\nTJie Modern Period\\nThe isola-\\ntion of the\\nDutch.\\nThe House\\nof Orange to\\nthe front.\\nThe char-\\nacter of\\nWilliam.\\nIn answer to the threat of the Triple Alliance, he declared\\nhimself satisfied with a frontier strip and retired. The\\nPeace of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) formally secured him\\nin his bold theft (1668).\\nFor the next few years I ouis seemed to be dominated by\\na single thought revenge ni)on the Dutch, and the plan he\\nformed was to sever the Dutch from all their friends and\\nallies, and then fall upon them unawares. The diplomatic\\ncampaign, preliminary to the declaration of war, was\\ncrowned by complete success. Sweden and the emperor\\nwere detached from the Dutch by treaties of neutrality\\nand Charles II., by the Treaty of Dover (1670), was even\\npledged to join the forces of England with the French in\\nthe proposed war. In the spring of 1672 everything was\\nready. While the combined French and English fleets en-\\ngaged the Dutch fleet under the celebrated Admiral Ruy-\\nter in the Channel, the French army, led by Conde and\\nTurenne, invaded the territory of the Seven United Prov-\\ninces by following the course of the Rhine.\\nIn a few weeks most of the provinces were in the hands\\nof the French. And now a terrible indignation swept\\nover the alarmed Dutch. They fell upon and murdered\\nthe republican leader de Witt whom they blamed for their\\ncalamities, and would be satisfied with nothing less than\\nthe reinstatement of the House of Orange, which, at the\\nclose of the Spanish war, had lost its influence. In an\\noutburst of enthusiasm, William III. of Orange was made\\nStadtholder and supreme commander on sea and land.\\nThis William was far from being a genius, but he was\\nsprung from an heroic race, and the responsibility for a\\nnation s safe-keeping which was put upon him in a stern\\ncrisis, brought out liis best (]ualities. The English ambas-\\nsador, on the occasion of the French invasion, invited him\\nto submit, urging that it was easy to see that the Republic", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 425\\nwas lost. I know one means of never seeing it, he\\nreplied, to die in the last ditch. It was this spirit\\nthat now steeled the temper of the little people and ena-\\nbled them to emulate the deeds of their ancestors against\\nSpain.\\nBefore Louis could take the heart of the Netherlands,\\nthe city of Amsterdam, the Dutch had, at the order of\\nWilliam, cut the dykes and restored their country to the The Dutch\\noriginal dominion of the waters. Louis had to retreat\\ncomes gen-\\nhis opportunity was lost. But Europe was now thoroughly eral.\\naroused, and before many months had passed, there had\\nrallied to the cause of the Dutch, the emperor, the states\\nof the Empire, and Spain. In the year 1674 the position\\nof LouiscWas still further weakened. In that year the state\\nof English public opinion forced Charles II. to abandon\\nLouis and make his peace with the Dutch. Louis was\\nthereupon left to face a great continental coalition with no\\nally but remote Sweden. The odds in a struggle with all\\nEurope were patently against Louis, and although the\\nsuperiority of French organization and French generalship\\nenabled him to win every pitched battle with his foes, he\\nwas glad enough to end the war when peace was offered.\\nBy the treaty of Nimwegen (1678) he was permitted to\\nincorporate the Franche Comte (the Free County of Bur-\\ngundy) with France.\\nThe second war, too, although it had roused a European\\nalliance against Louis, had brought him its prize of a new\\nprovince. Louis was now at the zenith of his glory. The Louis takes\\nimperious temper he developed is well exhibited by an ^g si)\\nevent of the year 1681. In a period of complete peace\\nhe fell upon the city of Strasburg, the last stronghold of the\\nEmpire in Alsace, and incorporated it with France.\\nA cloud that settled on the spirit of the king at this time\\nprepared a monstrous action. The frivolous, pleasure-loving", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "426\\nThe Modern Period\\nMadame de\\nMaintenon.\\nThe Revo-\\ncation of the\\nEdict of\\nNantes,\\n1685.\\nEngland\\njoins Eu-\\nrope against\\nLouis.\\nLouis, having lately fallen under the influence of a devout\\nCatholic lady, Madame de Maintenon, the governess of\\nsome of his children, was suddenly seized with religious\\nexaltation. To Madame de Maintenon the eradication of\\nheresy was a noble work, and Louis, taking the cue from\\nher, began gradually to persecute the Protestants. At\\nfirst, innocently enough, rewards were offered to voluntary\\nconverts; then the government proceeded to take more\\ndrastic measures; and, finally, in 1685, two years after\\nLouis had formally married Madame de Maintenon, and\\nhad thus become thoroughly enslaved to her policy, he\\nrevoked the Edict of Nantes, by virtue of which the Hugue-\\nnots had enjoyed a partial freedom of worship for almost\\none hundred years. Therewith the Protestant faith was\\nl)roscribed within the boundaries of France. The blow\\nwhich by this insane measure struck the prosperity of the\\ncountry was more injurious than a disastrous war. Thou-\\nsands of Huguenots the lowest estimate speaks of 50,000\\nfamilies fled across the border and carried their industry,\\ntheir capital, and their civilization to the enemies of\\nFrance chiefly to Holland, America, and Prussia.\\nThe occupation of Strasburg and the Revocation of the\\nEdict of Nantes were events belonging to an interval of\\npeace. But Louis was already planning a new war. When\\nhis preparations became known, the emj^eror, the Dutch,\\nand Spain concluded, at the instigation of William of\\nOrange, a new alliance. Happily before the war had well\\nbegun, a lucky chance won England for the allies. In\\n1688 James II. was overthrown by the glorious revol-\\nution, and William of Orange became king of England.\\nAs the temper of the English people had at the same time\\nbecome thoroughly anti-French, William had no diffi-\\nculty in persuading them to join Europe against the French\\nmonarch. Thus in the new war called the war of the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 427\\nPalatinate, from the fact that Louis claimed the Palatinate\\nLouis was absolutely without a friend.\\nThis third war (1688-97) is, for the general student, The War of\\nthoroughly unmemorable. Battles were fought on land ^^8-\\nand on sea, but no one winning a decisive success, all the 97.\\ncombatants from mere exhaustion were glad to sign, on the\\nbasis of mutual restitutions, the Peace of Ryswick (1697).\\nThe War of the Palatinate was the first war by which The Span-\\nLouis had gained nothing. The fact should have served inherit-\\nhim as a warning that the tide had turned. And perhaps\\nhe would not have been so utterly scornful of the hostility\\nof Europe if there had not opened up to him at this time\\na peculiarly tempting prospect. The king of Spain,\\nCharles IL, had no heir, and at his death, which might\\noccur at any time, the vast Spanish dominion Spain and\\nher colonies, Naples and Milan, the Spanish Netherlands\\nwould fall no one knew to whom. The Austrian branch\\nof Hapsburg had, of course, a claim, but Louis fancied\\nthat his children had a better title still in right of his first\\nwife, who was the oldest sister of the Spanish king. The\\nmatter was so involved legally that it is impossible to\\nsay to this day where the better right lay.\\nAnticipating a struggle with Europe over the coming\\ninheritance, Louis entered into negotiation with his chief\\nadversary, William IIL of England, long before the death\\nof Charles IL had made the inheritance a burning ques-\\ntion. A partition treaty was accordingly agreed on by Louis signs\\nthe two leading powers of Europe, as the most plausible f rejects\\nsettlement of the impending difficulties. But when, on tion treaty,\\nthe death of Charles IL, November, 1700, it was found\\nthat the Spanish king had made a will in favor of Philip,\\nthe duke of Anjou, one of Louis s younger grandsons,\\nLouis threw the partition treaty to the winds. He sent\\nPhilip to Madrid to assume the rule of the undivided do-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "428\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Grand\\nAlliance.\\nThe com-\\nbatants\\ncompared.\\nThe war of\\nthe Spanish\\nsuccession\\nis a world\\nstruggle.\\nminion of Spain. The House of Bourbon now ruled the\\nwhole European west. There are no longer any Py-\\nrenees, were Louis s exultant words.\\nIt was some time before Europe recovered from the\\nshock of its surprise over this bold step, and nerved itself\\nto a resistance. William, of course, was indefatigable in\\narousing the Dutch and English, and at last, in 1701, he\\nsucceeded in creating the so-called Grand Alliance, com-\\nposed of the emperor, England, the Dutch, and the lead-\\ning German princes. Before the war had fairly begun,\\nhowever, William, the stubborn, life-long enemy of Louis,\\nhad died (March, 1702). In the war which broke out,\\ncalled the war of the Spanish Succession, 1702-14, his\\nspirit is to be accounted none the less a potent combatant.\\nIn the new war the position of Louis was more favorable\\nthan it had been in the preceding war. He commanded\\nthe resources not only of France but also of Spain his\\nsoldiers still had the reputation of being invincible and\\nhis armies had the advantage of being under his single di-\\nrection. The allies, on the other hand, were necessarily\\ndivided by conflicting interests. What advantages they\\nhad lay in these two circumstances, which in the end\\nproved decisive the allies possessed greater resources of\\nmoney and men, and they developed in the English duke\\nof Marlborough and in the Austrian prince Eugene two\\neminent commanders. Equally gifted, they planned their\\ncampaigns in common, with sole reference to the good of\\nthe cause, and they shared the honors of victory without\\nthe jealousy which often stains brilliant names.\\nNot even the Thirty Years War assumed such propor-\\ntions as the struggle in which Europe now engaged. It\\nwas literally universal, and raged, at one and the same time,\\nat all the exposed points of the French-Spanish possessions.\\nThe details of this gigantic struggle have no place here.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 429\\nWe must content ourselves with noting the striking mihtary\\nactions and the final settlement.\\nThe first great battle of the war occurred in 1704, at The victo-\\nBlenheim, near the upper Danube. The battle of Blenheim fne and\\nwas the result of a bold strategical move of Marlborough, Marl-\\nstraight across western Germany, in order to save Vienna S\\nfrom a well-planned attack of the French. Together with\\nEugene, Marlborough captured or cut to pieces the French\\narmy. In 1706 Marlborough won a splendid victory at\\nRamillies, in the Netherlands, and in the same year Eugene\\ndefeated the French at Turin and drove them out of Italy.\\nThese signal successes were followed in the year 1708 and\\n1709 by the great victories of Oudenarde and Malplaquet.\\nOudenarde and Malplaquet left France prostrate, and\\nseemed to open up the road to Paris.\\nThe road to Paris, however, owing to a number of un- A Tory min-\\nexpected occurrences, which utterly changed the face of J ^/j5\\nEuropean politics, was never taken. In 1710 the Whig Whigs.\\nministry in England, which had supported Marlborough\\nand advocated the war, was overthrown, and a Tory min-\\nistry, in favor of peace at any price, succeeded. Thus from\\n1 7 ID on, Marlborough s actions in the field were paralyzed.\\nThe next year was marked by still another calamity.\\nIn 171 1 the Emperor Joseph died, and was succeeded by The death\\nhis brother, Charles VI. As Charles was also the candidate 10^\\nof the Grand Alliance for the Spanish throne, the death of\\nJoseph held out the prospect of the renewal of the vast em-\\npire of Charles V. Such a development did not lie in the\\ninterests of England and the Dutch, and these two nations\\nnow began to withdraw from the grand alliance and urge\\na settlement with the French. Louis, who was utterly ex-\\nhausted and broken by defeat, met them more than half\\nway. In 17 13, the peace of Utrecht ended the war of the\\nSpanish succession.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "430\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe peace\\nof Utrecht,\\n1713-\\nLouis s\\ndeath.\\nBrilliancy\\nof French\\ncivilization.\\nBy the peace of Utrecht the Spanish dominions were\\ndivided, everybody managing to get some share in the\\nbooty. First, PhiHp V., Louis s grandson, was recognized\\nas king of Spain and her colonies, on condition that P^rance\\nand Spain would remain forever separated. Next the em-\\nperor was provided for he received the bulk of the Italian\\npo-ssessions (Milan and Naples), together with the Spanish\\nNetherlands (henceforth Austrian Netherlands). The\\nDutch were appeased with a number of border fortresses in\\nthe Austrian Netherlands, as a barrier against France; and\\nEngland took some of the French possessions in the New\\nWorld, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia (Acadia) and the Hud-\\nson Bay Territory, together with the Spanish rock of Gib-\\nraltar, which gave her the command of the Mediterranean\\nSea. The ambitious and dissatisfied emperor refused, at\\nfirst, to accept this peace, but he was forced to give way and\\nconfirm its leading arrangements by the peace of Rastadt\\n(1714)-\\nShortly after the treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt, Louis\\nXIV. died (September, 1715). The material prosperity\\nthat he and Colbert had created in his early years had\\nvanished, and he left a debt-burdened country and a fam-\\nished population. His disastrous end was a merited pen-\\nalty for a foolish ambition. But to his contemporaries he\\nremained to the day of his death, the grand monarque and\\nthat title is a good summary of him as he appears in history,\\nfor it conveys the impression of a showy splendor which is\\nnot without the suspicion of hollowness.\\nThe brilliancy which Louis s long reign lent France cast\\na spell upon the rest of the world. Louis s court, which\\nhe established at Versailles, became the model court of\\nEurope, and French civilization was mimicked all the way\\nfrom London to Moscow. A number of great dramatists,\\nCorncille (died 1684), Racine (died 1699), and Moliere", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "Rise of Russia under Peter tJie Great 431\\n(died 1673) added literary distinction to Louis s reign,\\nand altogether we cannot fail to recognize that the age of\\nthe grant/ monan/ue possessed beneath the artificial polish,\\ngenuine dignity and intellectual power.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Louis XIV. and the Huguenots. Kitchin, Vol. III., Bk. V., Chaps. III.\\nand IV. Perkins, France Under the Regency. $2.50. See Chap,\\nVI. Houghton.\\n2. The Society and the Court of France at the Time of Louis XIV,\\nHassall, Louis .\\\\l\\\\ Guizot, History 0/ France, 8 vols. Vol. IV.,\\nChaps. XLVIII. and XLIX. Lovell.\\nCHAPTER XXVII\\nTHE RISE OF RUSSIA UNDER PETER THE GREAT (1689-\\n1725) AND CATHARINE THE GREAT 1 762-96) THE\\nDECAY OF SWEDEN\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Wakeman (as before), pp. 297-308.\\nW^L^^sW, Europe, IT I s-iySg. $1.75. Chaps. V., XI., XIII. Macmillan.\\nRambaud, History of Russia, 3 vols. $6.00. Dana Estes.\\nMorfill, Russia. (Nations.) $1.00. Putnam.\\nAttention has been called in an earlier section to the The early\\nunification of the Russians under the dynasty of Rurik to 0^*\u00c2\u00b0^^\\ntheir Christianization by Greek missionaries to the Mon-\\ngol invasions and to the liberation of the people under\\nIvan III., known as the Great (1480). Ivan IV. (1533-\\n84), known as the Terrible, added to these triumphs. By\\nthe conquest of Astrachan from the Tartars, he pushed the\\nRussian boundary southward to the Caspian Sea.\\nThe House of Rurik came to an end in 1598, and for The House\\nthe next ten years Russia was in a condition of anarchy, Komano\\nthe whole state seeming on the verge of falling a prey to its\\njealous western neighbors, Sweden and Poland. In 16 13", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "432 The Modern Period\\nthe national party, however, succeeded in putting one of\\nits own number, Michael Romanoff, ui)on the throne, and\\nunder the House of tliis prince the state rapidly revived. In\\na very few decades, the Romanoffs had not only banished\\nthe Polish and Swedish influence, but had also acquired\\nthe vast territory of Siberia.\\nThe access- But the Romanoffs came to particular honor in the per-\\n1682 son of Peter, who succeeded to the throne, together with\\nhis older brother Ivan, in the year 1682. As the new\\nCzars were, at that time, still boys, and Ivan little better\\nthan an imbecile, the government was exercised for some\\ntime by an older sister, Sophia, in the capacity of regent.\\nHowever, in 1689, Peter, who had then attained his seven-\\nteenth year, resolved to take matters into his own hands,\\nsummarily declared the regency at an end, and sent Sophia\\nto a nunnery. As the sickly Ivan (d. 1696) was harm-\\nless, Peter generously allowed him to play the part of a\\nco-ruler for the few more years that he lived.\\nThe three In order to understand Peter s programme, it is neces-\\nof Peter s ^^^y review the chief elements of the political and intel-\\nlife. lectual position of Russia at the time of his accession. In\\nthe second half of the seventeenth century the Russians\\nwere still in life and manners an Asiatic people, who were\\nconnected with European culture by but a single bond\\ntheir Christian faith. Their political situation seemed, at\\nfirst sight, more hopeful. But in spite of the vast area of\\nthe state, which included the eastern plain of Europe and\\nthe whole north of Asia, Russia was so cooped in on the\\nwest and south by a ring of great powers, Persia, Turkey,\\nPoland, and Sweden, that she was practically an inland\\nstate. Finally, it is necessary to understand the Russian\\nconstitution. The Czar was the absolute master, but there\\nexisted two checks upon his power the patriarch, the\\nhead of the Church, who exercised great influence in re-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 433\\nligious matters, and the Streltsi, the Czar s body-guard,\\nwho, because they were a privileged force, felt inclined to\\nregard themselves superior to their master. This whole\\ncomposite situation Peter soon seized with a statesmanlike\\ngrasp, and admirably moulded it, through the efforts of a\\nlong rule, to his own purposes. He set himself in the\\nmain, three aims, and met in all a degree of success which\\nis fairly astonishing. These aims were the following\\nHe resolved to make the culture connection between\\nRussia and Europe strong and intimate he labored to\\nopen a way to the west by gaining a hold on the Black\\nand on the Baltic seas and, lastly, he planned to rid him-\\nself of the restraint put upon his authority by the patriarch\\nand the Streltsi.\\nPeter is a difficult person for a modern man to under-\\nstand. One aspect presents him as a murderer, another as\\na monster of sensuality, and still another as a hero. We Peter s\\nhave the key to his character when we remember that he character.\\nwas a barbarian of genius never anything more. With\\nbarbarian eagerness he assimilated every influence that he\\nencountered, good and evil alike, and surrendered himself,\\nfor the time being, to its sway with all his might. Cer-\\ntainly, his distinguishing characteristic was an indomitable\\nenergy Peter s life burnt at a white heat.\\nPeter s first chance to distinguish himself came in the Peter s first\\nyear 1695. The emperor was at that time waging war conquest:\\nagainst the Turks, who were beginning to show the first\\nsymptoms of collapse. Seeing his opportunity, Peter re-\\nsolved to make use of the fortunate embarrassment of the\\nTurks to acquire a .southern outlet for Russia. In 1696 he\\nconquered the port of Azov. The future now opened\\nmore confidently to him, and before taking another step\\nhe determined to visit the West and study the wonders of\\nits civilization with his own eyes.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "434\\nThe Modern Period\\nPeter s\\njourney of\\ninstruction.\\nThe Streltsi\\ndisbanded.\\nThe Church\\nmade de-\\npendant on\\nthe Czar.\\nPeter spent the year 1697-98 in travel through Germany,\\nHolland, and England. The journey was meant purely\\nas a voyage of instruction. Throughout its course Peter\\nwas indefatigable in his efforts to get at the bottom of\\nthings, at the methods of western government, at the\\nsources of western wealth, at the systems of western\\ntrade and manufacture. At Zaandam, in Holland, he\\nhired out for a time as a common ship-carpenter, and every-\\nwhere he attended surgical lectures, visited paper-mills,\\nflour-mills, printing presses, in short, was untiring in his\\nefforts to assimilate, not a part, but the whole of western\\ncivilization.\\nThe opportunity for putting the results of his trip to the\\ntest of practice came sooner than Peter expected. At\\nVienna he heard that the Streltsi had revolted. He set\\nout post-haste for home, established order, and then took\\na fearful vengeance, executing over a thousand of the\\nluckless guards with terrible tortures. Rumor reports\\nthat Peter in his savage fury himself played the headsman.\\nSovereign and executioner this combination of offices\\nfilled by Peter, clearly exhibits the chasm that then yawned\\nbetween Europe and Russia. But no one will deny that\\nthere was method in Peter s madness. The Streltsi had\\nbeen a constant centre of disaffection, and were now re-\\nplaced by a regular army, organized on the European\\npattern and dependent on the Czar.\\nPeter s reforms now crowded thick and fast. Everything\\nforeign was fostered at the expense of everything national.\\nThus he introduced western dress and opposed the Russian\\ncustom of wearing long beards. But the clergy especially\\nbecame increasingly suspicious of Peter s policy. As the\\ndiscontent of the clergy was a danger to the throne and a\\nhindrance to reforms, the Czar resolved to make that order\\nmore dependent on himself. When the patriarch died in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 435\\n1700, Peter committed the functions of the primate to a\\nsynod which he himself appointed and controlled, and thus\\nthe Czar became the head of the Church as he already was\\nthe head of the state.\\nTo enumerate more than a part of Peter s activities in His civiliz-\\nbehalf of his state is quite impossible. He built roads and\\ncanals he encouraged commerce and industry and he\\nerected common schools. The fruits of these vast civiliz-\\ning labors ripened of course slowly, and Peter did not live\\nto gather them. But his efforts at making himself strong\\nthrough a navy and army, and at extending his territory to\\nthe sea, were crowned with a number of brilliant and almost\\nimmediate successes.\\nAfter his return from the west, Peter was more desirous Peter turns\\nthan ever of gaining a hold on the Baltic. Azov, on the R*a,ltic\\nBlack Sea, was worth little to him as long as the Turks\\nheld the Dardanelles. The west, it was clear, could be\\nbest gained by the northern route. But the enterprise was\\nfar from easy. The Baltic coast was largely held by\\nSweden, and Sweden, the first power of the north, was\\nprepared to resist any attempt to displace her with all her\\nenergy.\\nThe rise of Sweden to the position of the first power of The great-\\nn6ss of\\nthe north, dates from the time of Gustavus Adolphus (161 1- Sweden,\\n32). Gustavus extended his rule over almost the whole\\nof the northern and eastern shore of the Baltic, and by\\nhis interference in the Thirty Years War, his daughter\\nChristina, who succeeded him, acquired, as her share in the\\nGerman booty, western Pommerania and the land at the\\nmouth of the Weser and the Elbe (1648). Sweden was\\nnow for a short time the rival of France for the first honors\\nin Europe. Unfortunately, her power rested solely on her\\nmilitary organization, not on her people and her resources,\\nand, as experience proves, no purely military state is likely", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "436\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe league\\nof Denmark,\\nPoland, and\\nRussia,\\n1700.\\nCharlesXII.\\nof Sweden.\\nThe marvel-\\nlous cam-\\npaign of\\n1700.\\nto live long. But as the Swedish rulers of the seventeenth\\ncentury were capable men, especially in war, they succeeded\\nin maintaining the supremacy which Gustavus had won.\\nHowever, they injured and antagonized so many neighbors\\nthat it was only a question of time when these neighbors\\nwould combine against the common foe. Denmark to\\nthe west, Brandenburg-Prussia to the south, Poland and\\nRussia to the east, had all paid for Sweden s exaltation\\nwith severe losses, and nursed a deep grudge against her in\\npatience and silence. The long awaited opportunity for\\nrevenge seemed at length to have arrived, when in the year\\n1697, Charles XII., a boy of fifteen, came to the throne.\\nHis youth and inexperience appeared to mark him as an\\neasy victim. Therefore, Denmark, Poland, and Russia\\nnow formed a league against him to recover their lost ter-\\nritories (1700).\\nThe allies had, however, made their reckoning without\\nthe host. Charles XII. turned out, in spite of his youth,\\nto be the most warlike member of a warlike race a i)erfect\\nfighting demon. But beyond his military qualities he\\nlacked almost every virtue of a ruler. He was Don\\nQuixote promoted to a throne, and though he could\\nfight with admirable fiiry against windmills, he could not\\ngovern and he could not build.\\nBefore the coalition was ready to strike, young Charles\\ngathered his troojjs and fell upon the enemy. As the forces\\nof Denmark, Poland, and Russia were necessarily widely\\nseparated, he calculated that if he could meet them in turn,\\nthe likelihood of victory would be much increased. He\\nlaid his plans accordingly. In the spring of 1700, he\\nsuddenly crossed from Sweden to the island of Seeland,\\nbesieged Copenhagen, and obliged the king of Denmark\\nto make peace. The ink of this treaty was hardly dry be-\\nfore Charles was off again like a flash. This time he sailed", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 437\\nto the Gulf of Finland, where Peter was besieging Narva. Victory of\\nPeter had with him at Narva some 50,000 men, while\\nCharles was at the head of only 8,000 but Charles, never-\\ntheless, ordered the attack, and his well-disciplined Swedes\\nsoon swept the confused masses of the ill-trained Russians\\noff the field like chaff. The Russians now fell back into\\nthe interior, and Charles was free to turn upon his last and\\nmost hated enemy, August the Strong, king of Poland.\\nBefore another year had passed, Charles had defeated Au-\\ngust as roundly as the sovereigns of Denmark and Russia.\\nThus far the war had been managed admirably Charles\\nmight have made his conditions and gone home. But ob- Charles s\\nstinate as he was, he preferred to have revenge on August, Mistake,\\nwhom he regarded as the instigator of the alliance, and\\nresolved not to give up until he had fore-id his adversary to\\nresign the Polish crown, and had appointed as successor a\\npersonal adherent.\\nPoland was at this time in a condition hardly better than Anarchy in\\nanarchy. The nobles held all the power and were sover-\\neign on their own lands. The only remaining witnesses of\\na previous unity were a Diet, which never transacted any\\nbusiness, and an elected king, who was allowed no power\\nand had nothing to do. In the year 1697, the Poles\\nhad even elected to the kingship a foreigner, August the\\nStrong, elector of Saxony. Now when inthe year 1701 King\\nAugust was defeated by Charles, the majority of the Poles\\nwere glad rather than sorry, for August had engaged in the\\nwar without asking the consent of the Polish Diet; but\\nwhen Charles insisted on forcing a monarch of his own\\nchoosing on the Poles, a national party naturally gathered\\naround August, who, although a foreigner, was, neverthe-\\nless the rightful king.\\nFor many years following the brilliant campaign of 1700 Charles in\\nCharles hunted August over the marshy and wooded plains Poland.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "438\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe prog-\\nress of\\nPeter.\\nPultava,\\n1709.\\nRussia\\ntakes the\\nplace of\\nSweden.\\nof Poland, and though always victorious, he could never\\nquite succeed in utterly crushing his enemy. Even his\\ntaking Warsaw and crowning his dependent, Stanislaus\\nLesczinski, king, did not change the situation. Finally,\\nin 1706, Charles decided on a radical measure. He sud-\\ndenly invaded Saxony, to which August had withdrawn,\\nand there wrung a treaty from August, in which that mon-\\narch acknowledged his rival, Stanislaus, king of Poland. Of\\ncourse, a peace signed under such conditions was illusory.\\nIn fact, August broke it as soon as an opportunity offered.\\nBut the peace with August at length set Charles free to\\nact against the Russians. Too much time had been lost\\nalready, for since Peter s defeat at Narva, great things had\\nhappened. The Czar had indeed fallen back, but he was\\nresolutely determined to try again, and while Charles was,\\nduring six long years, pursuing spectres in Poland, Peter\\ncarefully reorganized his troops, and conquered half the\\nSwedish provinces on the Baltic. In 1703 he founded on\\nthe newly acquired territory the city of St. Petersburg,\\ndestined to become the modern capital of Russia.\\nCharles, immediately after having made his peace with\\nAugust, resolved on a decisive stroke against the Russians.\\nHe marched (1708) for the old capital, Moscow, but was\\novercome by the hardships of the march and the rigors of\\nthe climate before he met the enemy. When Peter came\\nu]) with him at Pultava (1709), the Swedes fought with\\ntheir accustomed bravery, but their sufferings had worn\\nthem out. And now, Narva was avenged. The Swedish\\narmy was literally destroyed, and Charles, accompanied by\\na few hundred horsemen, barely succeeded in making his\\nescape to Turkey. The verdict of Pultava was destined to\\nbe final. Sweden stepped down from her position as a\\ngreat power into obscurity, and a new power, Russia, ruled\\nhenceforth in the north.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 439\\nCharles remained in Turkey for five years, obstinately Charles in\\nset on involving the Turks in a war on his behalf. When\\nhe returned (17 14) to his native country, the Swedish des-\\ntiny was already fulfilled, for the surrounding powers had\\ntaken advantage of the king s long absence to help them-\\nselves to whatever part of Sweden they coveted. Charles\\nmet them, indeed, with his accustomed valor, but his\\ncountry was exhausted, and his people ahenated. In i 718, The death\\nwhile besieging Frederikshald in Norway, he was killed in of C^s^rles,\\nthe trenches. His sister, Ulrica Eleanor, who succeeded\\nhim, was compelled by the aristocratic party to agree to a\\nserious limitation of the royal prerogative. Then the tired\\nSwedes hastened to sign a peace with their enemies. Den-\\nmark agreed to the principle of mutual restitutions the\\nGerman states of Hanover and Brandenburg acquired pay- The Rus-\\nments out of the Swedish provinces in Germany; August sianacquisi-\\nthe Strong received recognition as king of Poland but\\nPeter, who had contributed the most to the defeat of\\nCharles, got too, by the Treaty of Nystadt (1721), the\\nlion s share of the booty Carelia, Ingria, Esthonia, and\\nLivonia, in fact, all the Swedish possessions of the eastern\\nBaltic except Finland.\\nPeter was now nearing the end of his reign. His rule The execu-\\nhad brought Russia a new splendor, but he was not spared V?\\ndefeat and chagrin. For one thing his efforts in behalf of\\nRussian civilization were not appreciated. The extreme\\nnationalists among the Russians objecting to being lifted\\nout of their barbarism, soon fixed their hopes upon Peter s\\nson and heir, Alexis, and Alexis, for his part, shunned no\\ntrouble to exhibit his sympathy with a reactionary policy.\\nWith a heavy heart Peter had to face the possibility of a\\nsuccessor who would undo his cherished life-work. For\\nyears he took pains to win Alexis over to his views, but\\nwhen his efforts proved without avail, he resolved, for the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "440\\nThe Modern Period\\nCatharine\\nII., 1762-96.\\nCatharine\\nplans to\\ndestroy Po-\\nland and\\nTurkey.\\nsake of the state, to strike his son down. The resohition\\nwe may praise the method was terrible. The Czarowitz\\nwas tortured in prison until he died (1718), and the prob-\\nability is that the father presided in person at the execution\\nof the son.\\nWhen Peter died (1725), it seemed for a time as if\\nRussia would return to her former Asiatic condition. The\\ngovernment fell into the hands of a succession of dissolute,\\nincompetent Czarinas, who had few interests in life beyond\\ntheir own pleasures. Out of this sorry plight the country\\nwas drawn by the accession of a remarkable woman, who\\nhad enough good sense to accept the traditions of Peter s\\nreign, and enough power to continue them. This was\\nCatharine II., the wife of Peter III. Catharine, by birth\\na petty princess of Germany, had married Peter III. when\\nhe was heir-apparent. She was not only intelligent and\\nenergetic, but also wholly unscrupulous, and shortly after\\nPeter III., who was crotchety and half insane, had as-\\ncended the throne (1762), she had him strangled by two\\nof lier favorites. Although she thus acquired the supreme\\npower by means of a crime, once in possession of it, she\\nwielded it with consummate skill. Being of western birth,\\nshe naturally favored western civilization. Peter the Great\\nhimself had not been more anxious to found schools, and\\ncreate industries and a commerce. More important still,\\nshe took up Peter s idea of expansion toward the west.\\nWith Sweden annihilated by Peter, the only other\\nEuropean powers which pressed npon Russia, were Poland\\nand Turkey. Catharine gave her life to the abasement of\\nthese two European neighbors, and before she died she had\\nsucceeded in destroying Poland and in bringing Turkey to\\nher feet.\\nThe hopeless anarchy of Poland had been brought home\\nto everyone in Europe, when Charles XII. of Sweden sue-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "Rise of Rtissia under Peter the Great 441\\nceeded in holding the country for a number of years with Polish\\na mere handful of troops (i 702-1 707). The weakness of f ^hy.\\ny j_i(,erum veto.\\nthe country was due to the selfish nobles and their impos-\\nsible constitution. To realize the ludicrous unfitness of\\nthis instrument, one need only recall the famous provision\\ncalled liberiun veto, which conferred on every noble the\\nright to forbid by his single veto the adoption by the Diet\\nof a measure distasteful to himself. By liberum veto one\\nman could absolutely stop the machinery of government.\\nUnder these circumstances Poland fell a prey to internal\\nconflicts, and soon to ambitious foreign neighbors.\\nIt is useless to investigate what one person or power is Russia,\\nresponsible for the idea of the partition of Poland. The P^ ^ssia, and\\n1 -1 1 1 I Austria\\nidea was in the air, and the three powers which bordered equally\\non Poland and benefited from the partition Russia, Aus- responsible\\nfor the par-\\ntria, and Prussia, governed at the time by Catharine, Maria tition.\\nTheresa, and Frederick must share the odium of the act\\namong them.\\nDiplomatically considered, the First Partition of Poland The First\\nwas a triumph for Frederick the Great for Catharine was Partition,\\n1772.\\ncounting on pocketing the whole booty, when Frederick\\nstepped in, and by associating Austria with himself forced\\nthe Czarina to divide with her neighbors. The First Par-\\ntition belonging to the year 1772 did not destroy Poland.\\nIt simply peeled off slices for the lucky highwaymen the\\nland beyond the Dwina went to Russia, Galicia to Austria,\\nand the Province of West Prussia to Prussia. But the\\nprecedent of interference had been once established, and a\\nfew years later the fate of Poland was sealed by a Second The Second\\nand a Third Partition (1793 and i7qO. Poland ceased S.^ ^^T^^\\nPartitions,\\nto exist as a state, when her last army, gallantly led by 1793, 1795.\\nKosciusko, went down before the Russians but as a peo-\\nple, she exists to this day, and stubbornly nurses in her\\nheart the hope of a resurrection.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "442\\nThe Modern Period\\nCatharine s\\nsuccesses\\nover the\\nTurks.\\nHer signal success over the Poles excited Catharine to\\nincreased efforts against the Turks. In two wars (first war,\\n176S-74 second war, 1787-92), she succeeded in utterly\\ndefeating the Turks, and in extending her territory along\\nthe Black Sea to the Dniester. It was a fair acquisition,\\nbut it did not satisfy her ambitious nature. She left the\\ndream of Constantinople as a heritage to her successors,\\nwho have cherished it tenderly, and during the hundred\\nyears since her death have struggled patiently to push their\\nfrontiers to the Bosi)orus.\\nCatharine left Russia at her death (1796) the greatest\\npower of the north. Her life, like that of Peter, is stained\\nwith crime and immorality, but these two have the honor\\nof having lifted Russia almost without aid, and often in\\nspite of herself, to her present eminent position.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nThe Civilizing Labors of Petek the Great. Wakeman, pp. 301-304.\\nMorfill, Ch. VII. Rambaud, History oj Russia, Vol. II., Chap III.\\nThe First P..\\\\ktition if Pol.\\\\nd. Carlyle, Frederick the Great. Book\\nXXL.Ch. IV. Rambaud, /i\u00c2\u00abj\u00c2\u00abVi, Vol. XL, Chap. IX. Perkins, ./^rawc\\nunder Louis XV. Vol. II., Chap. XXI.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "The Rise of Prussia 443\\nCHAPTER XXVIII\\nTHE RISE OF PRUSSIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND\\nEIGHTEENTH CENTURIES\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Wakeman (as before), Chapters VIII. and XIII.\\nHassall (as before), Chs. V.-IX. XI.\\nl^ongm n, Frederick tke Great. (Epochs.) $1.00. Scribner.\\nTuXXXe, History 0/ Prussia, -vols. $8.25. Houghton.\\nCarlyle, Frederick the Great. 8 vols. $10.00. Scribner.\\nThe cradle of the modern kingdom of Prussia is the mark The history\\nof Brandenburg. Concerning the mark we have been told k\u00e2\u0080\u009ej./^\\nin the mediaeval section how it became an electorate, and\\nhow it pas.sed into the hands of the House of Hohenzol-\\nlern. Since the mediaeval period two further events had\\noccurred which contributed to prepare the Brandenburg\\nstate for the role which it was destined to play. The\\nelector of Brandenburg and his people, had, at the time\\nof Luther, become Protestant, and in the early seventeenth\\ncentury the elector had fallen heir to considerable terri-\\ntories in the extreme west and in the extreme east of Ger-\\nmany Cleves in the Rhine country, and the duchy of\\nPrussia.\\nThe duchy of Prussia thus joined to the Brandenburg The history\\npossessions had an interesting history. To understand it \u00c2\u00b0f Prussia\\nwe must go back to the Middle Age, when the term Prussia\\nwas applied rather vaguely to all the land which lay along\\nthe eastern Baltic and was inhabited by a heathen and\\nSlav tribe called Prussians. This territory had been con-\\nquered in the thirteenth century by the military order of\\nthe Teutonic Knights, who had ruled and Christianized it,\\nbut were them.selves conquered in the fifteenth century by\\nthe king of Poland. The king of Poland thereupon made", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "444 Modern Period\\nthe following arrangement he incorporated the western\\nhalf of Prussia with his own dominions, and gave back the\\neastern half to the Knights upon the condition that they\\nhold it as a fief of his crown. East Prussia thus became a\\nfeudal dependency of Poland, and its status was not changed\\nwhen at the time of Luther the Knights became Protestant,\\nthe order was broken up, and the then grand master, Albert,\\na younger member of the House Hohenzollern, assumed\\nthe title of duke (1525). The line of this Albert having\\nfailed in 1618, the duchy of Prussia, or more exactly of\\nEast Prussia, fell to his relative of Brandenburg.\\nThe Great Still Brandenburg, thus enlarged by East Prussia and\\n6-88 Cleves, played no role in Germany or Europe until the\\naccession in 1640 of Frederick William, known as the Great\\nElector. At the time of his accession, the Thirty Years\\nWar was raging, and Brandenburg had been reduced to\\nthe greatest misery. But Frederick William, although\\nonly twenty years old, displayed an admirable energy,\\nmade peace all round, and when the great Treaty of West-\\nphalia was signed (1648), received valuable additions of\\nterritory namely, a number of secularized bishoprics\\n(Halberstadt, Magdeburg, Camin, Minden) and the eastern\\nhalf of Pomerania. Brandenburg had a valid claim to\\nall of Pomerania, but the claim could not be made good,\\nas a great power, Sweden, took the western and better half\\nof Pomerania for herself.\\nThe domes- Now the domestic situation of Frederick William was,\\nic pro i^jg accession, as follows he found himself at the head of\\nthree separate territorial groups the Brandenburg territory,\\nthe Cleves territory, and the Prussian territory and each\\ngroup was organized as a separate little state with its own\\nDiet, its own army, and its own administration. Fred-\\nerick William wisely resolved to replace this diversity by\\nuniformity. He therefore dismissed the Diets and made", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "The Rise of Prussia 445\\nhimself absolute he united the three local armies under\\na single national organization and he merged the three\\nseparate administrations into one. He thus amalgamated\\nhis three territories, and to all intents and purposes created\\na united monarchy of which he was as completely master\\nas Louis XIV. was of France.\\nFrederick William was also a man with territorial aspira- Frederick\\ntions. In order to be ready when the chance came he ^^re^Ea^t\\ntirelessly increased and perfected his army. And the chance Prussia in\\ndid come, for in 1655 there broke out a war between Po- e ig-nty^^\\nland and Sweden. In this war the Great Elector put him-\\nself forward so successfully, that, after a great deal of skil-\\nful and unscrupulous manoeuvring, he wrung from the king\\nof Poland a treaty, by which that monarch renounced the\\nsuzerainty over East Prussia, and gave the duchy to Fred-\\nerick William in full sovereignty. This was his greatest\\npolitical triumph.\\nA much greater military triumph he won a few years He defeats\\nlater. In 1672, Louis XIV. fell upon Holland, and Fred-\\nerick William, together with the emperor, marched to the\\nassistance of the hard-pressed Republic. In order to draw\\nthe elector back from the Rhine, Louis now persuaded the\\nSwedes, his only ally, to invade Brandenburg. The elec-\\ntor thereupon hastened homeward at his best speed, and\\nsucceeded in surprising and utterly defeating the Swedes\\nat Fehrbellin (June, 1675). The military reputation of\\nBrandenburg was henceforth established, and in the course\\nof the next few years the elector clinched matters by\\ndriving the Swedes completely out of Pomerania. But\\nwhen the general European war came to an end, by the\\nTreaty of Nimwegen (1678), Frederick William was not\\nallowed to keep his conquest. Louis XIV. stood faithfully\\nby his ally, Sweden, and insisted that she should not pay\\nfor her help to him by territorial sacrifices. With a sore\\nthe Swedes,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "446\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe elector\\nbecomes\\nking in\\nPrussia,\\n1701.\\nFrederick\\nWilliam I.,\\nthe great in-\\nternal king,\\n1713-40.\\nheart, Frederick William had to give way, and in a treaty,\\nsigned near Paris, at St. Gerraain-en-Laye (1679), he re-\\ngretfully restored to the Swedes what he had won.\\nThe Great Elector died in the year 1688 and was suc-\\nceeded by his son Frederick, a person of an altogether dif-\\nferent type. Having been weak and deformed from his\\nbirth and incapable of hard work, he had learned to care\\nvery much more about the pleasures of the court than\\nabout the duties of his office. His reign is memorable for\\none fact only he won for the elector of Brandenburg\\nthe new title of king in Prussia. The title was granted by\\nthe emperor Leopold, in order to secure Frederick s al-\\nliance in the War of the Spanish Succession which was\\njust breaking out. On January 18, 1701, the coronation\\nof Frederick took place at Konigsberg, the capital of East\\nPrussia, and henceforth the Elector Frederick HI. of Bran-\\ndenburg was known by his higher title of King Frederick\\nI. The title, king in Prussia,^ was adopted in preference\\nto that of king of Brandenburg, because Frederick wished\\nto be king in full independence, and that was possible only\\nin Prussia, as Prussia was not a part of the empire. The\\nname Prussia was henceforth used as a common designa-\\ntion for all the Hohenzollern states, and gradually sup-\\nplanted the use of the older designation, Brandenburg.\\nFrederick s successor, King Frederick William I. (1713-\\n40), is a curious reversion to an older type. He was the\\nGreat Elector over again, with all his practical good sense,\\nbut without his genius for diplomatic business and his polit-\\nical ambition. He gave all his time and his attention to\\nthe army and the administration. By close thrift he man-\\naged to maintain some 80,000 troops, which almost\\nThe form of the title, king in Prussia, was clue to the fact that all of\\nPrussia did not belong to the Hohenzollern Poland still held the western\\nhalf, and might reasonably have objected to the title, king ^/Prussia.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "The Rise of Prussia 447\\nbrought his army up to the standing armies of such states\\nas France and Austria. And excellent troops they were,\\nfor an iron discipline moulded them into the most precise\\nmilitary engine then to be found in Europe. In his civil\\ngovernment he continued the work, begun by the Great\\nElector, of centralizing the various departments. A\\nGeneral Directory took complete control of finances Creation of\\nand administration, and its severe demands gradually called bureau-\\ninto being the famous Prussian bureaucracy, which in spite cracy.\\nof its inevitable red tape, is notable to this day for its\\neffectiveness and its devotion to duty. Certain it is that\\nno contemporary government had so modern and so thrifty\\nan administration as that of Frederick William.\\nFor these creations of an efficient army and a unified Frederick\\ncivil service, both of which were made to depend directly ^i\\nand solely upon the crown, and for a healthy financial sys-\\ntem, which yielded that rare blessing, an annual surplus,\\nFrederick William I. deserves to be called Prussia s greatest\\ninternal king. But he did not contribute much to the\\nterritorial growth of Prussia, owing largely to his distrust\\nin his power to handle international affairs. However, he\\nwas successful enough in the one war which he undertook.\\nThat was a war against Sweden in the period of Sweden s\\nabasement after the defeat of Pultava. As all of the\\nSwedish neighbors, Russia, Denmark, and Poland were\\nhelping themselves to Swedish territories, Frederick Will-\\niam did not see why Prussia should be left out, and in one He acquires\\nrapid campaign conquered Swedish Pomerania. In a\\npeace signed (1720) after Charles XII. s death, he declared\\nhimself satisfied with the territory about Stettin, which\\nfurnished Prussia a needed port upon the Baltic.\\nSturdy and hard-working as Frederick William was, he\\nwas also vulgar and crotchety. For example his ideal of\\nthe king was the patriarch, and he was constantly prying", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "448\\nThe Modern Period\\nClash\\nbetween\\nfather\\nand son.\\nFrederick s\\naccession,\\n1740.\\nThe death\\nof Charles\\nVI., 1740.\\ninto people s private affairs and making their lives a burden.\\nHis own family he treated in the same tyrannical way,\\nwith results that were not always pleasant. Once he even\\nbrought matters to the verge of a great tragedy. That\\nwas when his son and heir, Frederick, known afterward as\\nthe Great, resolved to withdraw himself from his fatlier s\\ncontemptuous treatment of him by flight into foreign\\nparts. Unluckily for the young prince the plan failed,\\nand the old king, lashed into a white heat, seemed at first to\\nbe bent on taking his son s life. Even after he had been\\nmoved to take better counsel, he was still resolved on\\npunishment, and put the crown prince through such an\\napprenticeship in the civil and military administrations\\nfrom the lowest grades upward, as perhaps no other royal\\npersonage has ever received. The discipline doubtless\\nawakened resentment in Frederick, the gay prince but\\nFrederick, the serious-minded king, was enabled thereby\\nto know every branch of his vast administration like a\\nthumbed book.\\nIn the year 1740 Frederick II., who had now reached\\nthe age of twenty-eight, succeeded his father. As he had\\nspent the last years of his father s life in retirement, giving\\nhimself up to the pursuit of art and literature, everything\\nelse was expected of him, when he ascended the throne,\\nrather than military designs and political ambition. But\\nan unexpected opportunity immediately plunged him into\\ngreat undertakings.\\nA few months after Frederick s accession in October,\\n1740, the Em])eror Charles VI., the last male of the line\\nof Hapsburg, died. Long before his death, foreseeing the\\ntroubles of Austria, he had by a law, which received the\\nname of the Pragmatic Sanction, appointed his oldest\\ndaughter, Maria Theresa, his sole heir, and throughout his\\nwhole life he bestirred himself to extract from the European", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "The Rise of Prussia 449\\npowers guarantees of this Pragmatic Sanction. These guar-\\nantees having been obtained from all the leading states,\\nsometimes at a great sacrifice, he died with composed con-\\nscience, and the archduchess Maria Theresa prepared im-\\nmediately to assume the rule of Austria, Bohemia, Hungary,\\nand the other Hapsburg lands. It was at this point that\\nFrederick stepped in. His father had guaranteed the\\nPragmatic Sanction, too, but Frederick did not choose\\nto consider that circumstance. He thought only of the\\nunparalleled opportunity of acquiring fame and position by\\npitting his father s large army, backed by a full treasury,\\nagainst the weakened power of Austria. The fact that his\\nHouse of Hohenzollern possessed some old claims to Silesia,\\na territory held by Austria, served as a pretext, and un- Frederick\\nfurling his banner, he marched in December, 1740, into i .Y\\nthe coveted province. His act was the signal for a general\\nrising. Spain, France, Savoy, Bavaria, and Saxony, fol-\\nlowing his example, all dished up some kind of claim to\\nparts of the Austrian dominions. They sent their armies\\nagainst Maria Theresa, and their greed merely mocked\\nat that poor princess s indignant remonstrances. Thus\\nhardly was Charles VI. dead, when it was apparent that\\nthe Pragmatic Sanction was not worth the paper it was\\nwritten on.\\nIt might have gone hard with Maria Theresa if she had The War\\nnot found splendid resources of heart and mind in herself, pv\\ntrian buc-\\nand if she had not gained the undivided support of the cession.\\nmany nationalities under her sway. Her enemies were\\ndescending upon her in two main directions, the French\\nand their German allies from the west, by way of the\\nDanube, and Frederick of Prussia from the north. Un-\\nprepared as she was, her raw levies gave way, at first, at\\nevery point. On April 10, 1741, at MoUwitz, Frederick\\nwon a great victory over the Austrians, clinching, by means", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "450\\nThe Modern Period\\nEnd of the\\nFirst Si-\\nlesian War,\\n1742.\\nThe Second\\nSilesian\\nWar,\\n1744-45-\\nof it, his hold upon Silesia. In the same year the French,\\nSaxons, and Bavarians invaded Bohemia.\\nBut at this point Maria Theresa s fortunes rose again,\\nowing, in no small measure, to the enthusiasm with\\nwhich she filled her soldiers. The army of the coalition\\nwas driven out of Bohemia Bavaria was in turn invaded\\nand occupied. The Prussians, who had likewise entered\\nBohemia, in order to help the French, were hard pressed,\\nbut saved themselves by a victory at Czaslau (May, 1742).\\nThereupon Maria Theresa, who saw that she could not meet\\nso many enemies at one and the same time, declared her\\nwillingness to come to terms with her most formidable foe.\\nIn 1742 she signed with Frederick the Peace of Breslau,\\nby which she gave up practically the whole province of\\nSilesia. What is known in Prussia as the First Silesian\\nWar had come to an end.\\nMaria Theresa now prosecuted the war against her other\\nenemies with increased vigor. England and Holland, old\\nfriends of Austria, joined her, and the war assumed wider\\ndimensions. During the next years the French consistently\\nfell back Maria Theresa conquered Bavaria, overran south\\nGermany, and seemed on the point of becoming mistress\\nof Germany. Aware that in that case he could not hold\\nhis new conquest a year, Frederick was moved to strike a\\nsecond blow. In 1744 he began the Second Silesian War,\\nin which his calculations were completely successful. He\\nfirst relieved the French and the Bavarians by drawing the\\nAustrians upon himself, and then he defeated his enemy\\nsignally at the battle of Hohenfriedberg (1745). On\\nChristmas day, 1745, Maria Theresa bought her peace of\\nFrederick by a renewed cession of Silesia (Peace of Dres-\\nden).\\nFor a few more years the general war continued.\\nFinally, in 1748, everybody being tired of fighting, the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "The Rise of Prussia 451\\ncontestants signed the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen), End of the\\nby which Maria Theresa was universally recognized as the Austrian\\nsovereign of Austria. Already as early as 1745, her hus- Succession,\\nband, Francis of Lorraine, had been elected emperor, thus\\nconfirming to Maria Theresa s family the honor which it\\nhad so long held. The War of the Austrian Succession\\nhad come to an end, and, against everybody s prediction,\\nthe empress s splendid qualities had maintained the Aus-\\ntrian dominions intact, with the exception of the one sub-\\nstantial sacrifice of Silesia.\\nWhen Frederick retired from the Second Silesian War, Prussia a\\nthe position of Prussia had been revolutionized. The S^eat pow-\\ner.\\nking had received from his father a promising state, but it\\nwas of no great size, and it enjoyed no authority in Eu-\\nrope. Frederick, by adding Silesia to it, gave it for the\\nfirst time a respectable area, but that acquisition alone\\nwould not have raised Prussia to the level of Austria,\\nFrance, England, or Russia. It was the genius displayed\\nby the young king, who stood at the head of Prussia,\\nwhich fell so heavily into the balance, that Prussia was\\nhenceforth counted among the great powers of Europe.\\nFrederick, having thus won his military laurels, settled Frederick s\\ndown to the much harder work of governing with wisdom P^^*^\u00c2\u00ae\\nand elevating his people materially and mentally. The\\nten years of peace which followed the Second Silesian\\nWar were crowded with vigorous internal labors for ex-\\nample, he drained the great swamps along the Oder, pro-\\nmoted internal traffic by new canals, and established new\\niron, wool, and salt industries.\\nAll of Frederick s various labors never destroyed in him Frederick\\nthe light, humanistic vein which marks him from his birth, the philos-\\nopher.\\nHe engaged in literature with as much fervor as if it were\\nhis life-work, and took constant delight in composing\\nmusic and in playing the flute. What pleased him most,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "452\\nThe Modern Period\\nVoltaire.\\nMaria\\nTheresa\\nnurses plans\\nof revenge.\\nThe diplo-\\nmatic revo-\\nlution of\\n1756.\\nhowever, was a circle of spirited friends. He was espe-\\ncially well inclined to Frenchmen, because that nation\\nrepresented, to his mind, the highest culture of the Europe\\nof his day, and for several years (1750-53) he even en-\\ntertained at his court the prince of the eighteenth century\\nphilosophers, Voltaire. But after a period of sentimental\\nattachment, the king and the philosopher quarrelled, and\\nVoltaire vanished from Berlin in a cloud of scandal. In\\nany case, the momentary conjunction of the two brilliant\\nspirits of the eighteenth century the one its greatest mas-\\nter in the field of action, the other its greatest master of\\nthought and expression has an historical interest.\\nAll this while Frederick was aware that Maria Theresa\\nwas not his friend and had not forgotten the deceit of\\nwhich she had been made the victim. In fact she hoped\\nto get back Silesia, and for years carefully laid her plans.\\nAn important preparatory measure seemed both to her\\nand to her minister Kaunitz, to be the alliance with\\nFrance. In the eighteenth century an alliance between\\nHapsburg and Bourbon, the century-old enemies, seemed\\nridiculous. The rule in Austria had been the alliance\\nwith England, and any other arrangement seemed to be\\ncontrary to the law of nature itself. Kaunitz, however,\\naccomplished the miracle of a diplomatic revolution,\\nwhich during the next years turned Europe topsy-turvy.\\nHis plans were greatly aided by the following circum-\\nstance England and France were making ready, in the\\nmiddle of the century, to contest the empire of the sea.\\nBoth were looking for continental allies, and as Prussia,\\nafter holding back a long time, was induced at last to sign\\na convention with England, France was naturally pushed\\ninto the arms of Prussia s rival, Austria. In the spring of\\n1756 this diplomatic revolution was an accomplished fact.\\nThe two great political questions of the day, the rivalry", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "Tlie Rise of Prussia 453\\nbetween England and France, on the one hand, and of\\nPrussia and Austria, on the other, were about to be fought\\nout in the great Seven Years War (1756-63), and the\\ntwo northern and Protestant powers of England and Prus-\\nsia were to consolidate therein their claims and interests\\nagainst the claims and interests of the Catholic powers,\\nFrance and Austria.\\nBut Maria Theresa was far from being satisfied with The great\\nmerely the French alliance. She signed also alliances ^^S\\nagainst\\nwith Russia, Sweden, and Saxony, and therefore, when the Frederick.\\nwar broke out, had good reason to hope that Frederick\\nwould be smothered by mere numbers.\\nFrederick s one chance in this tremendous crisis was to The Seven\\nmove quickly. Therefore before the allies were ready, ^^^5^ War\\nJ begins,\\nhe occupied Saxony, and invaded Bohemia (autumn, 1756). 1756.\\nThe next year his enemies, whose number had meanwhile,\\nat the instigation of Francis I., the husband of Maria\\nTheresa, been increased by the accession of the states of\\nthe empire, marched upon him from all points of the com-\\npass. Again he planned to meet them separately before\\nthey had united. He hurried into Bohemia, and was on\\nthe point of taking the capital, Prague, when the defeat of\\na part of his army at Kolin (June i8th), forced him to\\nretreat to Saxony. Slowly the Austrians followed and\\npoured into the coveted Silesia. The Russians had already\\narrived in East Prussia, the Swedes were in Pomerania,\\nand the French, together with the Imperialists as the\\ntroops of the Empire were called were marching upon\\nBerlin. The friends and family of Frederick were ready\\nto declare that all was lost. He alone kept up heart, and\\nby his courage and intelligence freed himself from all im-\\nmediate danger by a succession of surprising victories. At\\nRossbach, in Thuringia, he fell, with 22,000 men, upon\\nthe combined French and Imperialists of twice that num-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "454\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe famous\\ncampaign of\\n1757-\\nThe situa-\\ntion is sim-\\nplified.\\nPrussia\\nagainst\\nAustria and\\nRussia.\\nFrederick\\ngro^vs\\nweaker.\\nber, and scattered them to the winds (November 5, 1757).\\nThen he turned hke a flash from the west to the east. Dur-\\ning his absence, in Thuringia, the Austrians had completed\\nthe conquest of Silesia, and were already proclaiming to\\nthe world that they had come again into their own. Just\\na month after Rossbach, at Leuthen, near Breslau, he\\nsignally defeated, with 34,000 men, more than twice as\\nmany Austrians, and drove them pell-mell over the passes\\nof the Giant Mountains back into their own dominions.\\nFear and incapacity had already arrested the Swedes and\\nRussians. Before the winter came, both had slipped away,\\nand at Christmas, 1757, Frederick could call himself lord\\nof an undiminished kingdom.\\nIn no succeeding campaign was Frederick threatened by\\nsuch overwhelming forces as in 1757. By the next year\\nEngland had fitted out an army which, under Ferdinand of\\nBrunswick, operated against the French upon the Rhine,\\nand so protected Frederick from that side. As the Swedish\\nattack degenerated at the same time into a mere farce, Fred-\\nerick was allowed to neglect his Scandinavian enemy, and\\ngive all his attention to Austria and Russia. No doubt even\\nso, the odds against Prussia were enormous. Prussia was a\\npoor barren country of barely 5,000,000 inhabitants, and in\\nmen and resources, Austria and Russia together outstripped\\nher at least ten times but at the head of Prussia stood a\\nmilitary genius, with a spirit that neither bent nor broke,\\nand that fact sufficed for awhile to establish an equi-\\nlibrium.\\nIt was Frederick s policy during the next years to meet\\nthe Austrians and Russians separately, in order to keep\\nthem from rolling down upon him with combined forces.\\nIn 1758, be succeeded in beating the Russians at Zorndorf\\nand driving them back, but in 1759 they beat him in the\\ndisastrous battle of Kunersdorf. For a moment now it", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "The Rise of Prussia 455\\nlooked as if he were lost, but he somehow raised another\\narmy about him, and the end of the campaign found him\\nnot much worse off than the beginning. However, he\\nwas evidently getting weak the terrible strain continued\\nthrough years was beginning to tell and when George\\nIII., the new English monarch, refused (1761) to pay the England\\nannual subsidy, by which Frederick was enabled to keep\\nhis army on foot, the proud king himself could hardly keep\\nup his hopes.\\nAt this crisis Frederick was saved by the intervention Peace with\\nof fortune. Frederick s implacable enemy, the Czarina jlgl^\\nElizabeth, died January 5, 1762. Her successor, Peter HI.,\\nwho was an ardent admirer of the Prussian king, not only\\nstraightway detached his troops from the Austrians, and\\nsigned a peace, but went so far as to propose a treaty of\\nalliance with the late enemy of Russia. Peter HI. was soon\\noverthrown (July, 1762), but although his successor, Cath-\\narine II., cancelled the Prussian alliance, she allowed the\\npeace to stand. This same year England and France\\ncame to an understanding (Preliminaries of Fontainebleau,\\n1762), and hostilities between them were at once suspended\\non all the seas. So there remained under arms only Aus-\\ntria and Prussia, and as Austria could not hope to do\\nunaided, what she had failed to do with half of Europe at Peace with\\nher side, Maria Theresa, although with heavy heart, resolved 175,\\nto come to terms. In the peace of Hubertsburg (February,\\n1763), the cession of Silesia to Frederick was made final.\\nCounting from the Peace of Hubertsburg Frederick had The second\\nstill twenty-three years before him. They were years de- P^\\nvoted to the works of peace. And all his energy and ad- 86.\\nministrative ability were required to bring his exhausted\\ncountry back to vigor. We now hear again, as during the\\nfirst period of peace (1745-56), of extensive reforms, of\\nthe formation of provincial banks, the draining of bogs,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "456\\nThe Model Period\\nThe acquisi-\\ntion of West\\nPrussia.\\nThe rivalry\\nof Austria\\nand Prussia.\\nthe cutting of canals, and the encouragement of industries;\\nin a word, we hear of Frederick doing everything that\\nan energetic ruler has ever been known to do.\\nOnly one political event of the last period of Frederick s\\nlife claims our attention. In 1772 the troubles in Poland\\nled to the First Partition of that unhappy country among\\nRussia, Austria, and Prussia. Frederick received, as his\\nshare, the province of West Prussia, establishing, at last,\\nby means of it the necessary continuity between his cen-\\ntral and his eastern provinces.\\nThe great result of Frederick s reign was, that he created\\nthe dualism between Austria and Prussia, and that from his\\ntime on the ancient Catholic power, Austria, the traditional\\nhead of the German confederation, was engaged in fierce\\nrivalry with upstart Protestant Prussia for the control of\\nGermany, In fact the mutual jealousy of these two states\\nis the central theme of German history for the next one\\nhundred years, and it is only within the memory of living\\nmen (1866) that this chapter has been definitely closed by\\nthe final victory of Prussia and by the exclusion of Austria\\nfrom Germany. In that famous settlement, introductory\\nto the unification of Germany (1871), it is not difficult to\\nperceive that Frederick had a hand.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Domestic Labors of the Great Elector and of Frederick W^illiam I.\\nTuttle, Vol. I., especially Chapters VI. and X.\\nCarlyle, Bk. III., Chap. XVIII. Bk. IV. (passim).\\n2. The Relations of Frederick and Voltaire.\\nCarlyle, Bk. X., Chap. II. Bk. XI., Chap. IV. Bk. XIV., Chap.\\nII. Bk. XVI. (passim).\\nTuttle, Vol. II., Chaps. I. and II. (passim); Vol. III., Chap. V.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "England and France in the Eighteenth Century 457\\nCHAPTER XXIX\\nENGLAND AND FRANCE IN THE EIGHTEENTH\\nCENTURY\\nLITERATURE. Gardiner, Students History of Englatid. Parts VIII.\\nand IX.\\nAdams, Gro-wtk of the Freiich Nation. $i.oo. Macmillan.\\nV x^avci^, France under Louis XV. 2 vols. $4.00. Houghton.\\nQx^e.n, History 0/ the English People. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper.\\n\\\\^^z\\\\y England in tlie Eighteenth Century. 8 vols. $12.00. Appleton.\\nlAa)r\\\\a.n, InJJuenee 0/ Sea-Po7uer upon History. $4.00. Little, Brown.\\nThe Glorious Revolution of 1688 ended the period\\nof the civil wars in England. It had established the Prot-\\nestant sovereigns, William and Mary, upon the throne it\\nhad, by the Bill of Rights, made the law supreme over the\\nking; and it had paved the way to an understanding be-\\ntween the Established Church and the Dissenters by the\\nToleration Act.\\nFor the first few years of his reign, William had to se-\\ncure his throne by fighting. James II. had sought refuge\\nwith Louis XIV., and the decision of the French king to\\nespouse the cause of James naturally threw England on the\\nside of the allies, consisting of the emperor, the Dutch, and\\nSpain, with whom Louis had just engaged in the war known\\nas the War of the Palatinate (1688-97). This was the first\\ntime that England had reached out a hand to the powers of\\nthe Continent to help them against the continued aggres-\\nsions of Louis XIV. Her national interests had long ago\\ndemanded that she associate herself with the enemies of\\nFrance, but it was one of the penalties she paid for putting\\nup with Stuart rule, that she was not governed for her\\nown, but for dynastic ends. It is the great merit of Will-\\niam to have amalgamated the interests of the nation and\\nThe result\\nof the\\nGlorious\\nRevolu-\\ntion.\\nWilliam in-\\ntroduces a\\nnew foreign\\npolicy.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "458\\nThe Modern Period\\nRivalry of\\nFrance and\\nEngland.\\nWilliam\\nconquers\\nIreland.\\nBattle of\\nthe Boyne,\\n1690.\\nThe\\nrelations\\nbetween\\nEngland\\nand Ireland.\\nThe policy\\nof confisca-\\ntion.\\nthe interests of the monarchy, and to have given a direction\\nto Enghsh affairs which was steadily maintained during\\nthe next century, and ended not only with checking the\\nambition of France on the Continent, but also in wresting\\nfrom her her best colonies, and in winning the supremacy\\nof the seas.\\nThe War of the Palatinate has been dealt with elsewhere\\nin connection witli Louis XIV. one chapter of it, however,\\nthe insurrection of Ireland, must be embodied in the history\\nof William s reign. In March, 1689, James II. landed in\\nIreland, and immediately the Irish, who were enthusiastic\\nCatholics, gathered around him. However, on July i,\\n1690, William defeated James II. at the battle of the\\nBoyne, whereupon James, who was a poor soldier, hur-\\nried back to France, shamefully abandoning to the English\\nmercies the people who had risen in his behalf. The\\nmeasures now taken by William and his successors against\\nthe Irish broke their resistance to English rule for a hun-\\ndred years.\\nIt will be well before we speak of these measures, to re-\\nview the relations of England and Ireland during the whole\\nseventeenth century. When James I. mounted the throne\\n(1603), Ireland had been a dependency of the English\\ncrown for centuries, but never more than a nominal one.\\nJames, by breaking the power of the family of O Neill, be-\\ncame real master there. The question now was how\\nsecure the prize? After much deliberation, James resolved\\n(16 10) to confiscate the province of Ulster and settle it\\nwith English and Scotch colonists. The Irish were simply\\ncrowded out, with no more said than that they must seek\\nsubsistence elsewhere. The act of 1610 created an im-\\nplacable hatred between oj:)pressors and oppressed.\\nIn consequence the next century of Irish history is\\ncrowded with rebellions and Lorrors. In the year 1 641,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "England and France in the Eighteenth Century 459\\nduring the civil disturbances in England, the Irish fell upon\\nthe colonists and destroyed them. But England got her re-\\nvenge in 1649. I^^ that year Cromwell overthrew the\\nrebels with terrible slaughter, and set the crown on his\\nwork of violence by confiscating, in addition to Ulster, Confiscation\\nthe provinces of Leinster and Munster. The Irish were continued.\\nbidden to find bread, or else a grave in the wilderness of\\nthe remaining province, Connaught. But when William\\nIII. overthrew the next insurrection at the battle of the\\nBoyne (1690), the policy of confiscation was applied to\\nthe most of Connaught too. Therewith the Irish had\\nbecome a landless people in their own land, and were\\nreduced to becoming tenants, day laborers, and beg-\\ngars, which they have remained, to a large extent, to\\nthis day.\\nIt has already been said that William s great merit, as William\\nsovereign of England, was that he enabled her to follow her\\nnatural inclination and range herself with the enemies of France.\\nLouis XIV. He gave all his life as English sovereign to\\ncreating a system of balance to the power of France. This\\nsystem he discovered in the alliance of England, the em-\\nperor, and the Dutch, and it was this alliance which waged\\nthe War of the Palatinate (1689-97), with the result that\\nLouis XIV. drew off, at the Peace of Ryswick, without a\\ngain. It was only in the next war, the war of the Spanish\\nSuccession, that the alliance soundly defeated Louis, but\\nthat war William, although he had prepared for it, did not\\nlive to see, as he died in 1702. His wife Mary, having\\ndied some years before (1694), without issue, the crown\\nnow passed, by virtue of the Act of Settlement (1701), to\\nMary s sister Anne. The Act of Settlement further pro- The Act of\\nvided, with regard to the succession, that, in case of Anne s Settlement,\\ndeath without heirs, the crown was to pass to the Electress\\nSophia of Hanover and her descendants, the principle", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "46o\\nThe Modern Period\\nGrowth of\\nParliament\\ndecline of\\nking.\\nFreedom of\\nthe press.\\nAnnual vote\\nof supplies.\\nThe War of\\nthe Spanish\\nSuccession.\\nwhich determined the selection of Sophia being that she\\nwas the nearest Protestant heir.^\\nWilliam s reign is constitutionally very interesting. Al-\\nthough the Parliament, as we have seen, had won in the\\nlong struggle with the king, it was not inclined, for that\\nreason, to rest upon its laurels. It now proceeded to reap\\ngradually the harvest of its victory. From William s time\\non we have, therefore, to notice a continual enlargement of\\nthe sphere of tlie Parliament, accompanied by a proportion-\\nate restriction of the sphere of the king, until we arrive at\\nthe condition which obtains in this century, when the sov-\\nereign of England is hardly more than a sovereign in name,\\nA number of acts, passed under William, prepared this\\ndevelopment. We notice of them only the more important.\\nFirst to consider is the removal of all restrictions weighing\\non the freedom of the press (1695) henceforth there ob-\\ntained in England that state of free opinion which is the\\nnecessary concomitant of free government. Secondly, we\\nnote that William s Parliaments fell into the habit of mak-\\ning their money-grants for one year only which custom\\nhad the consequence of necessitating annual Parliaments,\\nsince the king s officers were not qualified to collect a\\nrevenue that had not first been regularly voted. From\\nWilliam s time on, therefore, the king s old trick of getting\\nrid of Parliament by indefinite adjournment, had to be\\nabandoned.\\nThe event of the reign of Anne (1702-14), overshadow-\\ning all others, was the War of the Spanish Succession.\\nIt has been treated elsewhere. Although England won\\ntherein a leading position among the powers of Europe,\\nMarlborough s march of victory from Blenheim to Mal-\\nplaquet did not excite universal ap})roval. The Tories,\\nSee genealogical chart No. x. 3.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "England and France in the Eighteenth Century 461\\nwho were recruited largely from the gentry, had never\\nlooked upon the war with favor. As the taxes grew heavier\\nand the national debt became more burdensome, an increas-\\ning part of the population rallied to the opposition. It was\\nwith the aid of the Whigs, who were in control of the min-\\nistry, and of the duchess of Marlborough, who controlled\\nthe easy-going, good-natured queen, that the duke was en-\\nabled to carry on his campaigns in the Netherlands and Ger-\\nmany. However, the duchess, being a high-strung and ar-\\nrogant lady and not always capable of holding her tongue,\\ngradually fell out of favor, and in 17 10 the queen, having\\nbecome disgusted with the whole Whig connection, abruptly\\ndismissed the Whigs from office. There followed a ministry\\nof Tories, with a policy of peace at any price, and the re-\\nsult was that Marlborough was disgraced, and that Eng-\\nland signed in 17 13, the Peace of Utrecht, by virtue of\\nwhich she acquired from France, Newfoundland, Nova\\nScotia, and the Hudson Bay territory; from Spain, Gibral-\\ntar and Minorca; but, best of all, she could now boast\\nherself without a rival upon the sea.\\nAn event of Anne s reign, which, although not much Union with\\nnoticed, was hardly less important than the War of the ?5\u00c2\u00b0*\\nSpanish Succession, was the union with Scotland. Since\\nthe accession of James I., Scotland and England had had\\nthe same sovereigns, but, for the rest, had remained jeal-\\nously independent of each other under separate Parliaments\\nand separate laws. In 1707 the century-old suspicion be-\\ntween the two nations was forgotten long enough for an\\nagreement to be arrived at, by which the two Parliaments\\nwere merged in one.\\nIn the year 17 14, Anne died, and the crown fell to the Accession of\\nHouse of Hanover. The Electress Sophia, who had been\\nHanover.\\ndesignated by the Act of Settlement as the eventual heir,\\nhaving preceded Anne in death, her son, George I., now", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "462\\nThe Modern Period\\nRule of the\\nWhig aris-\\ntocracy.\\nDevelop-\\nment of cab-\\ninet govern-\\nment.\\nascended the throne. Some great stroke on the part of\\nthe Pretender, the son of James II., was expected, but\\nwhen it fell (17 15), it turned out to be harmless. The\\nman who claimed to be James III. had hardly landed when\\nhis courage failed him, and he turned back to France,\\nGeorge I. (1714-27), immediately dismissed from office\\nthe Tories, who were known to be favorable to the Stuarts,\\nand chose his advisers from among the Whigs. He clung\\nto the Whigs for the rest of his life, and so introduced that\\ngovernment of the Whig aristocracy, which is one of the\\nleading features of the constitutional history of the eigh-\\nteenth century.\\nThis prolonged power of a single party helped Parlia-\\nment in taking another step toward acquiring complete\\ncontrol of the state with George I. is associated the begin-\\nning of cabinet government. We have already seen that,\\nas far back as Charles 11. the Parliament was divided into\\nWhigs and Tories. As things stood then, though the ma-\\njority of the Commons were Tory, the king could continue\\nto choose his ministry from the Whigs. Sooner or later it\\nwas bound to appear that such a division was harmful, and\\nthat to attain the best results the ministry would have to be\\nin accord with the majority of the Commons. The reform\\nmeant a new loss of influence by the king, but under\\nGeorge I. the development was duly effected. Henceforth\\nthe ministry was still named by the king, but, as no set of\\nmen who had not first assured themselves that they were\\nsupported by a majority in the Commons, would accept the\\nappointment, the Parliament practically dictated the king s\\ncabinet. With the annual vote of supplies, and with cabinet\\nand party rule established as practices of the English Gov-\\nernment, the constitution may be said to have reached the\\ncharacter which distinguishes it to-day.\\nGeorge s reign was a reign of peace. It furnished just", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "England and France in the Eighteenth Century 463\\nthe opportunity which the Whigs wanted to develop the Walpole s\\nprosperity of the great middle class, upon which they de- j^^j^ sense\\npended against the combination of Tory squire and Tory\\nclergyman. The leading man among the Whigs, and\\nauthor of their pohcy, was Sir Robert Walpole. One may\\nsum up his ideas by saying that he wished to settle Eng-\\nland under the Hanoverian dynasty, and give free play to\\nthe commercial and industrial energy of his countrymen.\\nThe period which he directed is therefore well entitled the\\nera of common sense.\\nIt was only when Walpole deliberately set himself against\\nthe people that he lost his hold. George I. had meanwhile\\nbeen succeeded by George II. (1727-60). The new king\\nwas, like his father, without intelligence, but was possessed,\\nlike him, with a certain honesty and solidity, and under\\nthe direction of Walpole, he continued the peace policy of\\nGeorge I., until a succession of events plunged Europe\\nagain into war. In the year 1738, a storm of indignation\\nswept over the English people at the restrictions which\\nSpain had for ages been putting upon English trade with\\nthe Spanish colonies. Walpole, against his will, was forced War with\\nto declare war (1739). The next year the continental ^P^ ^739-\\npowers becoming involved among themselves, owing to the\\ndeath of Emperor Charles VI. (1740) and the dispute about\\nhis heritage, there followed the war known as the war\\nof the Austrian Succession (1740-4S). As Walpole was\\nunsuited for an enterprise of this nature, and as, moreover,\\nhe stood personally for peace, his majority melted away,\\nand, in 1742, he resigned. He had directed the destinies\\nof England for twenty-one years (1721-42).\\nThe war of the Austrian Succession was, as far as England\\nis concerned, entirely inconclusive, and, when the Peace\\nof Aix-la-Chapelle was signed, left matters as they were.\\nThe one incident associated with the war which is now", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "464\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe inva-\\nsion of the\\nYoung Pre-\\ntender,\\n1745-\\nThe Re-\\ngency in\\nFrance.\\nThe War of\\nthe Polish\\nSuccession,\\n1733-35-\\nremembered In England, was the attempt of Charles Ed-\\nward, son of the Pretender, and known as the Young Pre-\\ntender, to win back his kingdom. In July, 1745, he\\nlanded with only seven men, in the Highlands of Scotland,\\nand the Highlanders flocking to him in crowds, he was soon\\nenabled to take Edinburgh. For a moment now the gov-\\nernment at London lost its head, but it was soon found\\nthat the wild courage of feudal clans was of no avail against\\nthe discipline of a trained army. On Culloden Moor\\n(April, 1746) the Highlanders were defeated with fearful\\nslaughter by the king s second son, the duke of Cumber-\\nland. Prince Charlie, after many romantic adventures,\\nmade his escape but he lived ever afterward in indolence\\nabroad, and gave no further trouble (d. 1788). His fail-\\nure marks the last Stuart attempt to recover the throne.\\nWhile England, under Walpole, was preparing to as-\\nsume the industrial leadership of the world, France was\\ndoing little or nothing to recover from the disasters of the\\nWar of the Spanish Succession. When Louis XIV. died,\\nin the year 1715, he was succeeded by his great-grandson\\nLouis XV. (1715-74). As Louis XV. was but five years\\nold at the time, the government during his minority was\\nexercised in his name by the nephew of Louis XIV., Philip,\\nduke of Orleans. The regent Orleans, although a man of\\nintelligence, Avas utterly debauched and succeeded only in\\nplunging France into deeper misery. Nobody grieved\\nwhen he died in 1723.\\nThe great event of Louis XV s reign is, of course, the\\nstruggle with England for colonial empire in the Seven\\nYears War. Chronologically, however, that event is sub-\\nsequent to two others which must be briefly recorded.\\nFrom 1733 to 1735 France waged war with Austria, because\\nof a difference over a Polish royal election, the war of the\\nPolish Succession, and in this Avar France rapidly worsted", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "England and France in flic Eighteenth Century 465\\nAustria and won the duchy of Lorraine. This turned out\\nto be the last gain that France made from Germany under\\nthe old regime, and rounded off the long list of conquests\\nthat had been begun by the acquisition almost two centu-\\nries before of Metz, Toul, and Verdun by Henry II. (1552).\\nThe other war, the war of the Austrian Succession (1740- The War of\\n48) effected no territorial change in France, the Peace of the Austrian\\nSuccession\\nAix-la-Chapelle being concluded, as we know, upon the 1740-48.\\nbasis of mutual restitutions.\\nToward the middle of the eighteenth century, the great\\nquestion for France became would she hold her own in\\nthe increasing maritime and colonial rivalry with England. Rivalry\\nThese two powers, indisputably the greatest in the world, F^rance and\\nhad begun to clash in America, India, and on all the seas, England,\\nand, as the settlement of their conflicting claims by means\\nof amicable negotiations was out of the question, it be-\\ncame plain that the disputants would have to resort to arms.\\nWe have already seen, in treating of Frederick the Great,\\nhow this rivalry got subtly bound up with the question of\\nsupremacy in Germany that had risen between Prussia and\\nAustria, and we have also seen how the outbreak of the\\nFrench-English struggle was preceded by a diplomatic rev-\\nolution. This revolution came to a head in 1756, and The diplo-\\nleagued England and Prussia together against France and V^^. ^^O\\nAustria. The Prussian-Austrian phase of this world-con- 1756.\\nflict, called the Seven Years War (1756-63), has already\\nbeen studied. We turn now to the French-English phase\\nof it, and therewith to a struggle which is properly the\\nmost important contest of the century, for it determined\\nwhether America and India were to be French or English.\\nFrance made great sacrifices in the Seven Years War to The Seven\\nmaintain her power. She sent an army over the Rhine to Years War,\\n1756-63.\\nco-operute with the Austrians against the Prussians and the\\nEnglish, and she prepared to defend herself with might in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "466\\nThe Modern Period\\nAmerica and on the sea. Unfortunately she was governed\\nby an ignorant and vicious king, who was too feeble to\\npersist in any policy, and who was no better than the\\npuppet of his courtiers and his mistresses. The real direc-\\ntion of French affairs during the war lay in the hands of\\nMadame de Pompadour,\\nWhile government was thus being travestied in France,\\nthe power in England fell into the hands of the capable and\\nPitt, captain fiery William Pitt, who is known in history as the Great\\nof England.\\nEnglish\\nvictories.\\nCommoner, and who now organized the strength of Eng-\\nland as no one had ever organized it before. Fleets and\\narmies were equipped and dispatched in accordance with a\\nsimple and comprehensive plan to all parts of the world.\\nUnder these circumstances, victory necessarily fell to Eng-\\nland. The French army in Germany was badly beaten by\\nFrederick the Great at Rossbach (1757), and later held in\\neffective check by the English and Hanoverian forces under\\nFerdinand of Brunswick. But the most signal advantages of\\nthe English were won, not in Euroj^e, but on the sea and in\\nthe colonies. First, the French were driven from the basin\\nof the Ohio (1758). In the next year Wolfe s capture of\\nQuebec secured the course of the St. Lawrence, and there-\\nwith completed the conquest of Canada. Furthermore, in\\nIndia, the celebrated Lord Clive (victory of Plassey, 1757),\\ncrowded out the French and established the English influ-\\nence, while the great maritime victories (1759) of Lagos\\nand Quiberon confirmed England s ancient naval greatness.\\nIn the year 1760, while the war was at its height,\\nGeorge II. died, and was succeeded by his grandson.\\nThe French hail claimed the whole Mississippi basin, and in order to\\nshut out the English had built a fort on the upper Ohio. In 1755 Gen-\\neral Braddock was sent out to destroy the French fort, but refusing to be\\nguided by the advice of the V irginian officer, George Washington, was\\nbadly beaten. When the French fort was finally taken, it was re-baptized\\nPittsburg, in honor of England s great minister.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "England and France in the Eighteenth Century 467\\nGeorge III. (i 760-1 820). George III. had one leading George III.,\\nidea, which was to regain for himself the place in the gov- 1700-1820.\\nernment which had been usurped by the Parliament. So\\ncompletely was he absorbed by this policy, that the war\\nhad only a secondary interest for him. He therefore dis-\\nmissed Pitt, who was identified with the war, from office\\n(1761), and shortly after ordered Lord Bute, a minister of\\nhis own independent appointment, to conclude peace with\\nFrance. Although the English negotiators, in their haste\\nto have done, occasionally sacrificed the English interests,\\nthe great results of Pitt s victories could not be overturned.\\nBy the Peace of Paris (1763) England acquired from Peace of\\nFrance, Canada and the territory east of the Mississippi Pa s, 1763.\\nRiver, and reduced the French in India to a (qw trading\\nposts.\\nIf the Seven Years War is the greatest triumph of Eng- The Ameri-\\nland in history, she was visited soon afterward with her\\nseverest disgrace. In the year 1765 the British Parliament\\nlevied a tax upon the American colonies, called the Stamp\\nAct. When it became known that the tax aroused discon-\\ntent, it was wisely withdrawn, but at the same time the\\nprinciple was asserted and proclaimed that the British Par-\\nliament had the right to tax the colonies. As the Ameri-\\ncans would not accept this point of view, friction grew\\napace and soon led to mob violence. The British minis-\\ntry, which was under the direction of a very high-spirited\\nking, resorted to military force, and the answer of the\\nAmericans to this measure was the resolution to revolt\\n(Declaration of Independence, 1776). In 1778 the colo-\\nnists, through their agent, Benjamin Franklin, made an\\nalliance with France, and from this time on the English\\nwere hard pressed by land and by sea. Finally, the sur-\\nrender of Yorktown (1781) to the American hero of the\\nwar, George Washington, disposed the English to peace.\\ncan Revolu-\\ntion, 1776.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "468\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Peace\\nof Ver-\\nsailles,\\n1783.\\nRenewal of\\nagitation in\\nIreland.\\nThe Act of\\nUnion, 1800.\\nIll the peace of Versailles (1783) England made France a\\nfew unimportant colonial concessions, but the really mem-\\norable feature of the peace was the recognition of the inde-\\npendence of the American colonies.\\nThis American success once more stirred the Irish to\\naction. Ever since the brutal confiscations of the time of\\nWilliam III. they had borne their ills in silence they were\\ncrushed. But now they began an agitation for Legislative\\nIndependence or Home Rule, with the result that the min-\\nistry at London, intimidated by the American calamity,\\nyielded the point (1782). The troubles in the island,\\nhowever, did not cease bloody encounters between the\\nCatholic natives and the Protestant colonists were common\\noccurrences; and in 1800 the younger Pitt, who held the\\npost of Prime Minister, resolved to make an end, and passed\\nan Act of Union which destroyed the independence of Ire-\\nland for good and all, and incorporated the Irish Parlia-\\nment with the British Parliament at London. Since then\\nIreland has been ruled in all respects from the English\\ncapital.\\nThe Act of Union did not greatly occupy the pubhc\\nmind. For when it was passed the French Revolution,\\nthough it was now in its twelfth year, was still holding the\\nattention of all Europe riveted upon it.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nThe Regent and the Regency. Perkins, France Under the Regency.\\nChap. X. ff. Guizot, History of France, Vol. V., Chap. LI.\\nThe Struggle ovek India. Story, Building of the British F.vipire. (Na-\\ntions.) 2 vols. $3.00. Putnam. Seeley, The Expansion of England,\\n$1.75. Little, Brown. Perkins, France Under Louis XV. Vol. I.,\\nChaps. IX. and X.\\nThe Stuart Attempts to Recover the Throne. Green, Bk. VIII., Chap.\\nIV. (passim). Dictionary of National Biography. Macmillan. Sec\\narticles James and Charles Edward. Thackeray, Henry Esmond\\n(novel). Scott, Waverky (novel).", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "SECTION III\\nREVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION; FROM THE\\nFRENCH REVOLUTION TO OUR OWN TIME\\n(1789-1900)\\nOur third section begins with the French Revolution,\\nwhich gave general currency to those essentially modern\\nprinciples, the sovereignty of the people and national\\nunity. As these principles were opposed to the principles\\nof absolutism in vogue during the seventeenth and eigh-\\nteenth centuries, there arose a struggle, which, under the\\nform of liberalism versus conservatism, has continued\\nthroughout the nineteenth century. The end, however,\\nwas the victory of liberalism, resulting in the very general\\nestablishment throughout Europe of constitutional or lim-\\nited monarchies on a national basis.\\nCHAPTER XXX\\nTHE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND ERA OF NAPOLEON\\n(1789-1815)\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stephens, Europe, 1789-1815. $1.40. Macmillan.\\nRose, The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era (tySg-rSrs)- $1.25. Mac-\\nmillan.\\nL,owc\\\\\\\\, Eve 0/ the French Revolution. $2.00. Houghton.\\nTains, T/ie Ancient Regime. $2.50. Holt. K\\\\%q The French Revolution,\\n3 vols. $7.50. A.\\\\so The Modern Regime. 2 vols. $5.00.\\nStephens, French Revolution. 2 vols. $5.00. Scribner.\\nCarlyle, French Revolution. $3.75. Scribner.\\nVon Sybel, French Revolution. 4 vols. Murray. London. (Out of\\nprint.)\\nSloane, Napoleon. (In Century Magazine of 1896 and 1897.)\\nTranslations and Reprints, University of Penn. Vol. I., No. 5 {Rights\\nof Man, Jacobin Club) etc. Vol. II., No. 2 {Treaties, Continental\\nSystem). Vol. IV., No. 5 (Cahiers of lySg). Vol. V., No. 2\\nTaxation under A ncient Regime).\\nIf the seventeenth century, which recalls the names of\\nRichelieu, Colbert, and Louis XIV., was the period of the\\n469", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "470\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe condi-\\ntion of\\nFrance at\\nthe end of\\nthe eigh-\\nteenth cen-\\ntury.\\nDecay due\\nto system\\nof govern-\\nment.\\nThe king is\\nthe state.\\nLouis XV.\\nexpansion of France, the eighteenth century, associated\\nwith such names as the Regent Orleans, Louis XV., and\\nMadame de Pompadour, proved the period of French de-\\ncay. We have just seen that the Seven Years War all but\\ncompleted the ruin of the kingdom, for the defeats of the\\narmies of France in Germany destroyed her military pres-\\ntige, and her maritime disasters overthrew her naval power\\nand deprived her of her colonies. But the loss of her great\\nposition was not the worst consequence of the Seven Years\\nWar. France found herself, on the conclusion of the Peace\\nof Paris (1763), in such a condition of exhaustion, that it\\nwas doubtful, even to patriots, whether she would ever\\nrecover health and strength.\\nThe case, at first sight, seemed anomalous. Here was\\na country which, in point of natural resources, had the\\nadvantage over every other country of Europe its popula-\\ntion, which was estimated at 25,000,000, was greater than\\nthat of any rival state and the mass of the nation had no\\ncause to fear comparison with any other people as regards\\nindustry, thrift, and intelligence. If this people so con-\\nstituted tottered in the second half of the eighteenth cen-\\ntury on the verge of disruption, that circumstance cannot\\nbe ascribed to any inherent defect in the nation. It was\\ndue solely to the break-downi of the system of government\\nand of society, which bound the nation together.\\nThe reader is acquainted with the development of the\\nabsolute power of the French king he had absorbed,\\ngradually, all the functions of government. In fact, as\\nLouis XIV. himself had announced, the king had become\\nthe state. Now it is plain that such extensive duties\\ndevolving on the king, only a very superior monarch was\\ncapable of holding and giving value to the royal office.\\nLouis XIV. never failed at least in assiduity. But his suc-\\ncessor, Louis XV., who was weak and frivolous, and", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 471\\nincapable of sustained work, shirked the exercise of the\\npowers which he none the less claimed as his due. The\\nresult was that the business of governing fell to a greedy\\nhorde of courtiers and adventuresses, who were principally\\nconcerned with fattening their fortunes, and who sacrificed,\\nwith no more regret than is exi^ressed by a shrug of the\\nshoulders and a laugh, every interest of the state.\\nIf under Louis XV. the centralized monarchy progres-\\nsively declined, the whole social fabric which that mon-\\narchy crowned, exhibited no less certain signs of decay\\nand disruption. French society, like that of all Europe,\\nhad its starting-point in the feudal principle of class. In\\nfeudal times there had been recognized two great ruling\\ncla.sses, the clergy and the nobility, which in return for\\nthe services they rendered as the provincial government,\\nenjoyed exemption from taxation. In the eighteenth\\ncentury the central government was performing those\\nlocal services, but the clergy and nobility still enjoyed\\nexemption. What for Plainly the arrangement was\\niniquitous, for it divided France into privileged and un-\\nprivileged cla.sscs, or into subjects who pjaid and subjects\\nwho did not pay. But the social inequality did not end\\nhere, for the privileged classes had also a monopoly of the\\nhonors and emoluments. No least lieutenancy in the\\narmy, which the money of the commoners supported, was\\nopen to a son of a commoner, and neither the Church nor\\nthe government, except in rare instances, admitted into\\ntheir high places the man of humble birth.\\nThe membership of the two orders, to whom these ex-\\ntensive privileges were reserved, was not very large. The\\nnoble families numbered 25,000 to 30,000, with an aggre-\\ngate membership of perhaps 140,000 and the clergy,\\nincluding the various religious orders and the parish priests,\\nhad an enrolment of about as many names. These two\\nThe feudal\\norders\\nbecome\\nprivileged\\norders.\\nThe num-\\nbers and the\\nwealth of\\nthe privi-\\nleged.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "4/2 The Modern Period\\ncastes between them owned about half the land of France,\\nso that it could be fairly claimed by the indignant people\\nthat the principle of taxation which obtained in their\\ncountry was: to relieve those who did not need relief, and\\nto burden those who were already overburdened.\\nThe prog- The commoners, or members of the Third Estate (tiers\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00a2pec c\\\\\\\\ f h P\\nThird Es- etat), who were shut out from the places of authority re-\\ntate. served to the first two estates of the realm, were reduced to\\nfinding an outlet for their energy in the field of business\\nenterprise or else in literature. They succeeded in piling\\nup wealth both in Paris and in the cities of the provinces,\\nuntil their resources, constantly increased through thrift and\\nhard work, far exceeded those of the nobility, who con-\\ncerned themselves only with elegantly spending what they\\nhad and what they could borrow. Thus the bourgeoisie\\nhad long been better off than the nobility and now they\\nproceeded to surpass the nobility in other respects. For\\nincrease of wealth had brought increase of leisure and of\\nthe desire and power to learn and grow. So it happened\\nthat in the progress of the eighteenth century, the Third\\nEstate had fairly become the intellectual hearth of France.\\nThe misery But if the bourgeoisie was doubtlessly prospering, the\\nine- da^s different with the vast majority of French subjects,\\nwho are often called the Fourth Estate, and who embraced\\nthe two utterly wretched classes of the urban proletariat\\nand the peasants. The proletariat was composed of the\\nartisans and day-laborers, and was, owing to the fact that\\nthe middle class controlled the commercial and industrial\\nsituation by means of close corporations called guilds, com-\\npletely under the heel of its richer fellow-citizens. But\\nThe misery still worse off than the working people were the peasants,\\noe t obligations exceeded all justice and reason. The\\nlord of the manor exacted rent from them the Church\\nlevied tithes and the king collected taxes almost at will.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 473\\nThe result was that the peasants did not have enough left\\nover from their toil to live on. And if these regular taxes\\ndid, by any chance, leave anything in their hands, that\\nlittle was constantly jeopardized by certain remaining feu-\\ndal obligations. Thus the lord of the land had the sole\\nright to hunt, and the peasant was forbidden to erect\\nfences to shut out the game from his fields. If the caval-\\ncade from the chateau dashed over the young wheat in the\\nspring, the peasant could do nothing but look on at the\\nruin of his year, hold his peace, and starve.\\nA government struck with impotence, a society divided The demand\\ninto discordant classes these are the main features of the\\npicture we have just examined. French public life in the\\neighteenth century had become intolerable. Dissolution\\nof that life, in order that reform might follow, was patently\\nthe only possible escape out of the perennial misery. This\\nthe educated people began to see more and more clearly,\\nand a school of writers, known as the philosophers, made\\nthemselves their mouthpiece.\\nThe eighteenth century is the century of criticism. The intel-\\nMen had begun to overhaul the whole body of tradition in y^Jjj.\\nstate, Church, and society, and to examine their institu-\\ntional inheritances from the point of view of common-sense.\\nIf things had been allowed to stand hitherto, because they\\nwere approved by the past, they were to be permitted hence-\\nforth only because they were serviceable, and necessary to\\nthe present. Reason, in other words, was to be the rule\\nof life. This gospel the philosophers spread from end to\\nend of Europe. They opened fire upon everything that ran\\ncounter to reason and science upon the intolerance of the\\nChurch, upon the privileges of the nobility, upon the abuse\\n1 Other vexatious feudal dues were the corvees (compulsory mending\\nof the roads), bridge-tolls, and the obligation to grind corn in the mill of\\nthe lord, and bake bread in his oven.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "474\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe centre\\nof the intel-\\nlectual re-\\nvolt is\\nFrance.\\nof the royal power, upon the viciousness of criminal justice,\\nand a hundred other things.\\nAlthough the revolt against the authority of tradition was\\nuniversal in the eighteenth century, the leading names\\namong the philosophers are those of Frenchmen, and of all\\nthe French philosophers, Voltaire and Rousseau^ carried\\non the most effective agitation. By means of their work\\nand that of their followers, it was brought about that long\\nbefore the Revolution of 1789, there had occurred a revolu-\\ntion in the realm of ideas, by which the hold of the exist-\\ning Church, state, and society on the minds of men had\\nbeen signally loosened. All that the material Revolution\\nof 1789 did was to register this fact in the institutions and\\nin the laws.\\nA society which has become thoroughly discredited in\\nthe minds of those who compose it, is likely to fall apart\\nat any moment, and through a hundred different agencies.\\nThe agency which directly led up to the French Revolu-\\ntion, and gave the signal, as it were, for the dissolution\\nof the ancient regime, was the state of the finances.\\nThe debts of Louis XIV. had been increased by the wars\\nand extravagances of Louis XV., and by the middle of the\\neighteenth century France was confronted by the difficulty\\nof a chronic deficit. As long as Louis XV. reigned (1715-\\nThe chronic 74), the deficit was covered by fresh loans. Although the\\ndevice was dangerous, it did not arouse any apprehension\\nin that monarch s feeble mind. Things will hold to-\\ndeficit.\\nVoltaire (1694-1778) excelled in the use of mockery. He made the\\ncontemporary world ridiculous to itself. Because his writings were so\\nspecifically addressed to his own time, they have not retained all their\\nsavor. Perhaps his most valuable production is I Essai sur las\\nMix urs.\\n*^Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-78) was a Genevan by birth. In his\\nEmile (a work on education) and his Contrat Social (a work on so-\\nciety), he preached the return from artificiality to nature. Voltaire and\\nRousseau differed in many important respects, but were both eloquent\\nin their demand for civil and religious liberty.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 475\\ngether till my death, he was in the habit of saying com-\\nplacently, and Madame de Pompadour would add, non-\\nchalantly After us the deluge.\\nWhen Louis XVI. (1774-92) succeeded his grandfather. The acces-\\nthe question of financial reform would not brook any fur- fi??,\u00c2\u00b0^^\u00c2\u00b0\\nAVl. (1774).\\nther delay. The new king was, at his accession, only\\ntwenty years old, and was honestly desirous of helping his\\npeople, but he had, unfortunately, neither the requisite\\nenergy nor the requisite intelligence for developing a pro-\\ngramme, and carrying it through, in spite of opposition.\\nHis queen, Marie Antoinette, the daughter of Maria\\nTheresa of Austria, was a lovely and vivacious person, but\\nas young and inexperienced as himself.\\nThe fifteen years from Louis s accession to the outbreak Attempts at\\nof the Revolution (1774-89), constitute a period of unin- ^.ncial\\ntermitted struggle with the financial distress. The problem\\nwas how to make the revenues meet the expenditures, and\\nplainly the only feasible solution was reform the lavish\\nexpenditure of the court would have to be cut down and the\\nprivileged orders would have to give up their exemptions.\\nFor the consideration of these matters Louis at first called\\ninto his cabinet a number of notable men. xA.mong his\\nministers of finance were the economist Turgot (1774-76),\\nand the banker Necker (first ministry, 1778-81; second\\nministry, 1788-90). But although these men labored\\nearnestly at reform, they could make no headway owing to\\nthe opposition of the nobles, and toward the end of the\\neighties the king stared bankruptcy in the face. Since he\\nwas absolutely without further resource, he now resolved to\\nappeal to the nation. The determination was in itself a Appeal to\\nrevolution, for it contained the admission that the absolute the nation\\n(1789).\\nmonarchy had failed. In May, 1789, there assembled at\\nParis, in order to take council with the king about the\\nnational distress, the States-General of the realm.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "4/6\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe States-\\nGeneral\\nformerly\\ncontrolled\\nby the feudal\\norders.\\nThe ques-\\ntion wheth-\\ner the\\nStates-Gen-\\neral were to\\nbe an an-\\ncient or a\\nmodern\\nbody.\\nThe States-General were the old feudal Parliament of\\nFrance, composed of the elected representatives of the three\\norders, the clergy, the nobles, and the commons. As the\\nStates-General had not met for one hundred and seventy-\\nfive years, it was not strange that nobody was acquainted\\nwith their mode of procedure. So much was certain,\\nhowever, that the assembly had formerly voted by orders,\\nand that the action of the privileged orders had always\\nbeen decisive.\\nThe first question which arose in the assembly was whether\\nthe feudal orders should be allowed this traditional suprem-\\nacy in the new States-General. Among the members of\\nthe Tliird Estate, as the commons were called in France,\\nthere was, of course, only one answer. These men held\\nthat the new States-General were representative, not of the\\nold feudal realm, but of the united nation, and that every-\\nbody, therefore, must have an equal vote. In other words,\\nthe Third Estate maintained that the vote should not be\\ntaken by order, but individually. As the Third Estate had\\nbeen permitted to send twice as many delegates (six hun-\\ndred) as either clergy or nobility (three hundred each), it\\nwas plain that the proposition of the Third Estate would\\ngive that body the preponderance. The clergy and nobil-\\nity, therefore, offered a stubborn resistance but, after a\\nmonth of contention, the Third Estate cut the knot by\\nboldly declaring itself, with or without the feudal orders,\\nthe National Assembly (June 17). Horrified by this act\\nof violence the king and the court tried to cow the com-\\nmons by an abrupt summons to submit to the old procedure,\\nbut when the commons refused to be frightened, the king\\nhimself gave way, and ordered the clergy and nobility to\\njoin the Third Estate (June 27). Thus, at the very begin-\\nning of the Revolution, the power passed out of the hands\\nof the king and feudal orders into the hands of the people.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 477\\nThe National Assembly (^i /8g-(pi^\\nThe National Assembly, which was thus constituted to The Nation-\\nregenerate France, was composed of very intelligent men fntellf^ent\\nwho were animated by a pure enthusiasm to serve their but unprac-\\ncountry. But a fatal defect more than counterbalanced this\\ngenerous disposition. The Assembly was composed of\\ntheorists, of men who were inexperienced in the practical\\naffairs of government, and was, therefore, calamitously\\nprone to treat all questions which arose as felicitous occa-\\nsions for the display of parliamentary eloquence.\\nOut of this immense body of 1,200 legislators there grad-\\nually came to the front a number of men of whom Lafay-\\nette, Robespierre, and Mirabeau are the most important. Lafayette.\\nThe marquis de Lafayette had won a great name for\\nhimself in the American Revolution, and though a noble,\\nsympathized with the people. Robespierre, a lawyer by Robes-\\nprofession, was vain and narrow-minded, but fanatically P^^\\nattached to the principles of democracy. Head and shoul-\\nders above these two, and above all his colleagues, rose the\\ncount de Mirabeau, for he was a born statesman, perhaps Mirabeau.\\nthe only man in the whole Assembly who instinctively knew\\nthat a government was as natural and gradual a growth as\\na plant or a child. He wished, therefore, to keep the in-\\nherited monarchy intact, with just such reforms as would re-\\nstore it to health and vigor, but unfortunately, he never suc-\\nceeded in acquiring a guiding influence. In the first place,\\nhe was a noble, and therefore subject to suspicion then his\\nearly life had been a succession of scandals, which now\\nrose up and bore witness against him, undermining confi-\\ndence in his honor.\\nThe primary business of the National Assembly was the\\nmaking of a new constitution. It was of the highest im-\\nportance that this work should be done in perfect security,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "478\\nThe Mediccval Period\\nDegenera.\\ntion of the\\nRevolution\\ndue to the\\nmob.\\nThe insur-\\nrections of\\nParis.\\nThe storm-\\ning of the\\nBastille\\n(July 14.\\n1789).\\nFormation\\nof the\\nNational\\nGuard.\\nfree from the interference of popular passion and violence.\\nAs the National Assembly represented the propertied in-\\nterests, there seemed to be every chance of calm and sys-\\ntematic procedure but unfortunately the Assembly soon\\nfell under the domination of the mob, and that proved the\\nruin of the Revolution. The growth of the influence of the\\nlower elements, who interpreted reform as anarchy, is the\\nmost appalling concomitant of the great events of 1789.\\nIf we understand this fact, we have the key to the awful\\ndegeneration of what certainly was, at its outset, a generous\\nmovement.\\nFor this degeneration the king and the National Assem-\\nbly are both responsible, for, instead of working together\\nin harmony, they tried to injure each other as much as they\\ncould. In consequence the people were kept agitated with\\nrumors of court plots, and were ever ready to rise in insur-\\nrection against the monarch whom the orators designated\\nas the tyrant. Thus, on July 14, the populace of\\nParis threw itself in a rage upon the Bastille, an ancient\\nstate prison in the heart of Paris, and after a bloody en-\\ncounter with the royal troops, razed it to the ground.\\nThe king at Versailles did not misread the lesson which\\nthe episode of the Bastille pointed. If he had had any\\nthought of employing arms against the Revolution, he now\\nabandoned it, and tried to make his peace with the people.\\nAnd the citizen class, too, adopted temporarily, at least,\\na more conciliatory attitude. Resolved to have done with\\nviolence, they organized for the maintenance of order a\\nmilitia, called the National Guard, and made the popular\\nLafayette commander. The question now was whether\\nthe national guard understood its duty, and was strong\\nenough to repress the lawless elements which were con-\\nstantly growing more bold and more numerous.\\nThe test came soon enough. In October the rumor of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 479\\nanother court plot tremendously excited the people. It The insur-\\nwas said that the tyrant was once again scheming to October^q\\nput down the Revolution with troops and it was further and 6.\\nsaid that he and none other had caused the dreadful famine\\nin the city by buying up all the grain in the land. On the\\nmorning of October 5th, 10,000 women, fierce and hag-\\ngard from long suffering, set out for Versailles to fetch the\\nking to Paris. The transfer, they were brought to believe,\\nwould somehow inaugurate a reign of plenty. Naturally\\nenough as they straggled along, all the male and female\\nriff-raff of the city joined them. But where were the au-\\nthorities? Where was Lafayette, the commander of the\\nNational Guard His duty in the face of this popular up-\\nrising was plain, but certain it is that he did nothing to\\nbreak up the rioters, probably because he himself sympa-\\nthized with their aim to bring the king to Paris. Only\\nlong after the. insurgents he set out for Versailles, where, on\\nhis arrival, he found everything in the greatest confusion,\\nbut where, by his timely intercession, he saved the lives of\\nthe royal family. However, if the mob spared the king and\\nqueen, it declared firmly, at the same time, that it would be\\nsatisfied with nothing short of the removal of the king and\\nthe royal family to the capital. What could the king do\\nbut give his consent? On the 6th, the terrible maenads. The king\\nindulging in triumphant song and dance along the road, es- ^ucted\\ncorted the royal family to the Tuileries at Paris. The Tuileries.\\nNational Assembly, of course, followed the king, and was\\nquartered in the riding-school, near the palace.\\nThe events of October 5 and 6, in literal truth, ruined The mob\\nthe monarchy, and Lafayette cannot escape the charge ^^^fo^th\\nof having contributed in large measure to the result.\\nThe king at the Tuileries, indeed, if that was what La-\\nfayette wanted, was now practically Lafayette s prisoner,\\nbut Lafayette himself, even though it took him some", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "480\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe clubs.\\nThe Jaco-\\nbins.\\nThe aboli-\\ntion of\\nprivileges,\\nAugust 4.\\nmonths to find it out, was henceforth the prisoner of the\\nmob.\\nWhat greatly contributed to the power of the mob was\\nthe excitement and vague enthusiasm which possessed all\\nclasses alike. We must always remember, in order to un-\\nderstand the tremendous pace at which the Revolution de-\\nveloped, that the year 1789 marks an almost unparalleled\\nagitation of public opinion. Leading symptoms of this\\nagitation were the innumerable pamphlets and newspapers\\nwhich accompanied the events of the day with explana-\\ntory comment, but a still more unique witness of the exal-\\ntation of men s minds was offered by the clubs. Clubs\\nfor consultation and debate became the great demand\\nof the hour they arose spontaneously in all quarters\\nin fact, every coffee-house acquired, through the passion\\nof its frequenters, the character of a political association.\\nOf all these unions the Jacobins soon won the most in-\\nfluential position. Beginning moderately enough, they\\noffered a meeting-point for the constitutional and educated\\nelements, and rapidly spread in numberless branches or\\nso-called daughter-societies over the length and breadth of\\nFrance. Unfortunately, however, this club, too, soon fell\\nunder the domination of the extreme revolutionary tenden-\\ncies. Lafayette and Mirabeau, whose power was at first\\ndominant, were gradually displaced by Robespierre and\\nRobespierre, once in authority, skilfully used the club as\\na means of binding together the radical opinion of the\\ncoimtry.\\nThroughout the years 1789 and 1790, the National As-\\nsembly was engaged with providing for the government of\\nFrance, and in making a constitution. The great question\\nof the privileges, which had proved unsolvable in the early\\nyears of Louis XVL, caused no difficulties after the Na-\\ntional Assembly had once been constituted. On August", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 481\\n4, 1789, the nobility and clergy, in an access of magna-\\nnimity, renounced voluntarily their feudal rights, and de-\\nmanded that they be admitted into the great body of\\nFrench citizens on a basis of equality. August 4 is one of\\nthe great days of the Revolution.\\nIn the intervals of the discharge of the current business, The charac-\\nthe Assembly deliberated concerning the future constitution consti-\\nof France. Of course it is not possible to examine it here tution.\\nin any degree of detail, but if we remember that it was the\\nwork of men Avho had suffered from an absolute executive,\\nwe shall understand its principal feature, which was that\\nthe legislative branch of the government was made superior\\nto the executive branch. The legislative functions were\\nentrusted to a legislature of one house elected for two years.\\nMirabeau, the great statesman of the Revolution, fought\\nhard to preserve the king that measure of power which an\\nexecutive requires in order to be efficient but he was un-\\nappreciated by his colleagues and in almost all important\\nmatters met defeat. Broken down by disappointment and The death\\nreckless excesses he died (April, 1791), prophesying in his of Mirabeau,\\nlast days, with marvellous accuracy, all the ulterior stages 1791.\\nof the Revolution.\\nThe death of Mirabeau, the supporter of monarchy, The uncom-\\ngreatly weakened the king s position. Ever since October ^gv e\\n6, Louis had been the virtual prisoner of the populace, and the king,\\never since that time he was being systematically deprived\\nof his authority by the National Assembly. The constitu-\\ntion, which in the spring of 1791 was nearing completion,\\nhe regarded as impracticable, and since the death of\\nMirabeau destroyed the hope of an effective revi?:ion, it is\\nnot strange that he should have meditated flight.\\nThe flight of the king and the royal family was arranged The at-\\nwith the greatest secrecy for the night of June 20. A fl^ ]F/^j\\nlittle less delay at the post stations, or a little more care 20, 1791.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "482 The Modern Period\\non the part of the king to keep himself in conceahiient,\\nwould have crowned the venture with success. But the\\nking was recognized at Sainte Menehould, and a little\\nfarther on at Varennes, where the change of horses was\\naccidentally prolonged, the travellers found themselves\\nhemmed in by the mob, and arrested. A few days after\\ntheir departure the fugitives were brought back to Paris as\\nprisoners.\\nDivision of The flight of the king divided opinion in Paris sharply.\\nopinion. Y^ j.]^g constitutional monarchists it gave their first inkling\\nthat they had gone too far, for a monarch was necessary\\nto their constitutional fabric, and here they beheld their\\nchosen monarch refusing to serve their plan. They began\\nin consequence to exhibit suddenly for the captive and\\ndisarmed Louis a consideration which they had never ac-\\ncorded him in the days when he still had favors to dis-\\npense. The democrats, on the other hand, such as Danton\\nand Robespierre, regarded the flight as a welcome jn-etext for\\nproclaiming the republic. A struggle followed (July 17,\\n1 791), the most ominous which Paris had yet witnessed;\\nbut the monarchists were still a majority, and by ordering\\nout the National Guard against the rioters, won a victory.\\nThe king The Assembly, on hearing from the king that he had never\\nreinstated. nieant to leave the soil of France, solemnly welcomed him\\nback to office and Louis, in return, to mark his recon-\\nciliation with his subjects, accepted and swore to observe\\nThe Assem- the constitution. On September 30, 1791, the last ar-\\nbly dis- tistic touches having been added to the constitution, the\\nsolves itself,\\n1791. assembly dissolved itself, and retired from the scene. Its\\nstrenuous labors of two years, from which the enthusiasts\\nhad expected the renovation of old Europe, culminated in\\nthe gift to the nation of the completed liberal constitution.\\nThe question now was would the vaunted constitution at\\nlength inaugurate the prophesied era of peace and happiness?", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 483\\nThe Legislative Assembly (October i, lygi, to September\\n21, I7g2).\\nThe answer to the above question would depend largely Inexperi-\\nupon the First Legislative Assembly, which, elected on newlee-isfa-\\nthe basis of the new constitution, met the day after the ture.\\nNational Assembly adjourned. By a self-denying ordi-\\nnance, characteristic of the mistaken magnanimity which\\npervaded the National Assembly, that body had voted the\\nexclusion of its members from the Legislative Assembly.\\nThe seven hundred and forty-five new legislators of France\\nwere, therefore, all men without experience. That alone\\nconstituted a grave danger, which was still further in-\\ncreased by the fact that the prevailing type of member\\nwas that of the young enthusiast, who owed his political\\nelevation to the oratorical vigor he had displayed in his\\nlocal Jacobin Club.\\nThe dangerous disposition of the Assembly became ap- Republican-\\nparent as soon as the members grouped themselves in par-\\nties. Only a small fraction, called the Feui Hants, under-\\ntook to support the constitution. The two most influential\\nparties, the Gironde^ and the Mountain, 2 favored the\\nestablishment of a republic, and, from the first day, set de-\\nliberately about destroying the monarchy. The stages\\nby which they accomplished their work of ruin we need\\nnot here consider, but the supreme blow against the king\\nwas delivered when he was forced to declare war against\\nAustria, and except for this declaration, which marks a\\nnew mile-stone in the Revolution, we can almost forget\\nthe Legislative Assembly entirely.\\nism of the\\nassembly.\\nSo called from the fact that the leaders of the party hailed from the\\ndepartment of the Gironde (Bordeaux).\\n2 This party owes its name to the circumstance that its members took\\ntheir seats in the Assembly upon the highest tiers of benches.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "484\\nThe Modern Period\\nWar\\nagainst\\nAustria,\\nApril 20,\\n1792.\\nThe war\\ndestined to\\nbecome gen-\\neral.\\nFrench\\ndefeats.\\nThe declaration of war against Austria was the result of\\na variety of circumstances. In the first place, monarchical\\nEurope, the natural head of which was the Emperor Leo-\\npold, the brother of Marie Antoinette, had begun to\\nexhibit hostility to the Revolution then the French no-\\nbility which had migrated and lived chiefly along the\\nRhine, where it was organized under the leadership of\\nthe count of Artois, brother of Louis XVL, exasperated\\nthe French by its threats of revenge; finally, the Gironde\\ndesired war in tlie expectation that war would overthrow\\nthe monarchy. The interaction of these various motives\\nand circumstances, led the Assembly in an access of passion\\nto declare war against Austria (April 20, 1792).\\nUnfortunately, the capable Leopold had died a month\\nbefore the declaration was made, and it was his incapable\\nson, Francis IL (i 792-1835), who was called to do battle\\nwith the Revolution. But Leopold had before his death\\nmade some provision against the eventuality of war with\\nFrance. In February, 1792, frightened by the dangers to\\nthe cause of monarchy lurking in the Revolution, he had\\npersuaded Frederick William II. of Prussia to ally himself\\nwith him. The declaration of April 20 brought, therefore,\\nnot only Austria, but also Prussia, into the field. Thus\\nbegan the revolutionary wars which were destined to\\ncarry the revolutionary ideas to the ends of the earth, to\\nsweep away landmarks and traditions, and to lock old\\nEurope in death-grapple with new France, for over twenty\\nyears.\\nThere can be no doubt that the republican Girondists,\\nwho were the real originators of the war, expected an easy\\nvictory. They saw, in a vision, the thrones of the tyrants\\nshaking at the irresistible onset of the revolutionary ideas,\\nand themselves hailed everywhere as the liberators of the\\nhuman race. But the first engagement brought a sharp dis-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "Tlie French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 485\\nappointment. The undisciplined French forces, at the\\nmere approach of the Austrians, scampered away without\\nrisking a battle, and when the summer came it was known\\nthat the Austrians and Prussians together had begun the\\ninvasion of France. At this unexpected crisis wrath and\\nterror filled the republicans in Paris. They began to whis-\\nper the word treason, and soon their orators dared to de-\\nnounce the king publicly, and in the vilest language, as the\\nauthor of the French defeats. Every day brought the Prus-\\nsian van nearer Paris every day added to the excitement\\nof the frightened citizens. When the duke of Brunswick,\\nthe Prussian commander-in-chief, threatened, in a senseless\\nproclamation, to wreak vengeance on the capital, if but a\\nhair of the king s head were injured, the seething pas- Blame put\\nsion burst in a wave of uncontrollable fury. In the early\\nmorning of August 10, the mob, organized by the republi-\\ncan leaders, marched against the Tuileries to overthrow the\\nman whom the orators had represented as in league with\\nforeign despots against the common mother, France.\\nWith his regiment of Swiss mercenaries, who alone could\\nbe depended upon, Louis might have made a brave resist-\\nance. But he was not the man to be moved by a heroic\\nimpulse. If there had ever been one settled determination\\nin his breast, it was that no French blood should flow for\\nhim in civil war. At eight o clock in the morning, seeing August 10,\\nthat the mob was making ready to storm the palace, he 792-\\nabandoned it to seek shelter in the Legislative Assembly.\\nThe Swiss guard, deserted by their leader, made a brave\\nstand, and only on the king s express order gave up the\\nTuileries, and attempted to effect a retreat. But the odds\\nwere against them, and most of them were butchered in the\\nstreets.\\nMeanwhile the Assembly was engaged in putting its offi-\\ncial seal to the verdict of the mob. With Louis himself", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "486\\nThe Modern Period\\nBreak-down\\nof the mon-\\narchy and\\nthe constitu\\ntion.\\nThe govern-\\nment in the\\nhands of the\\ndema-\\ngogues.\\nThe Moun-\\ntain defends\\nFrance.\\npresent, the members voted the suspension of the king, and\\nordered the election of a National Convention to consider\\nthe basis of a new constitution. The present Assembly was\\nto hold over till September 2 1 the day when the new body\\nwas ordered to meet. Thus perished, after an existence of\\nten months, the constitution which had been trumpeted\\nforth as the final product of the human intellect.\\nThe suspension of the king left the government legally\\nin the hands of the Legislative Assembly and of the ministry\\nwhich the Assembly appointed. But as the capital was in\\nthe hands of the mob and the machinery of government\\nparalyzed, it was found impossible to keep the real power\\nfrom falling into the hands of the demagogues, who, on\\nAugust 10, had had the courage to strike down the king.\\nThese victorious demagogues were identical with the Moun-\\ntain party in the Assembly, and with the patriots, who\\nhad just possessed themselves, by means of violence, of the\\ncity council or commune. The most prominent figures of\\nthis dread circle were Danton, Marat, and Robespierre, and\\nthese and their henchmen were the feal sovereigns of France\\nduring the interlude from August 10, the day of the over-\\nthrow of the monarchy, to September 2 1 the day of the\\nmeeting of the National Convention.\\nIt was plain that the first need of France in this crisis\\nwas to beat back the invasion. The Mountain, therefore,\\nmade itself the champion of the national defence. The\\nfatherland was declared in danger all occupations ceased\\nbut those which provided for the necessaries of life and\\nfurnished weapons of defence; finally, the whole male pop-\\nulation was invited to enlist. Whatever we may think of\\nthis system of government by violence and frenzied enthu-\\nsiasm, it certainly accomplished its end: it put an army\\ninto the field composed of men who were ready to die, and\\nso saved France.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 487\\nSlowly the republican recruits checked the Prussian ad- Prussians\\nvance. Finally, on September 20, General Kellermann valmv Sen-\\ninflicted a defeat upon the Prussians at Valmy, whereupon tember,\\nKing Frederick William lost courage, and gave the order\\nto retreat. A few weeks later not a Prussian was left upon\\nFrench soil.\\nThis really great achievement of the radical democrats The Sep-\\nwas unfortunately marred by a succession of frightful crimes, gacre Sen\\nTo understand why these were perpetrated, we must once tember 2, 3,\\nagain picture to ourselves the state of France. The country\\nwas in anarchy the power in the hands of a few men, reso-\\nlute to save their country. They were a thoroughly un-\\nscrupulous band, the Dantons, the Marats, and their col-\\nleagues, and since they could not afford to be disturbed in\\ntheir work of equipping armies by local risings among the\\nsupporters of the king, they resolved to cow the constitution-\\nalists, still perhaps a majority, by a system of terror. They\\nhaled to the prisons all to whom the suspicion of being de-\\nvoted to the king attached, and in the early days of Septem-\\nber they emptied the crowded prisons again by a deliberate\\nmassacre of the inmates. An armed band of assassins, re-\\ngularly hired by the municipality, made the round of the\\nprisons, and in the course of three days dispatched about\\ntwo thousand helpless victims. Not a hand was raised to\\nstop the hideous proceedings. Paris, to all appearances,\\nlooked on, stupefied.\\nThe National Convention {September 21, 17Q2, to October\\n26, I79S)-\\nThis short interlude of government by terror came to an France\\nend temporarily when the National Convention met (Sep- reoublk\\ntember 21) and assumed control. The first act of this\\nbody was to declare the monarchy abolished. As the de-\\nfeat of the Prussians at Valmy, which occurred about this", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "488 The Modern Period\\ntime, was followed soon after by the repulse of the Aus-\\ntrians from the walls of Lille, France was freed from all\\nimmediate danger from without. Thus the Convention\\ncould turn its attention to internal affairs.\\nTheGironde In the precarious condition in which France then found\\nand the herself, everything depended upon the composition of the\\nnew governing body. It was made up of almost eight\\nhundred members, all republicans; but they were republi-\\ncans of various degrees of thoroughness. There were the\\ntwo parties of the Gironde and the Mountain, known to us\\nfrom the Legislative Assembly and between them, voting\\nsometimes with the Gironde, sometimes with the Mountain,\\nbut definitely attached to neither, was the Plain. The\\nGirondists dreamed of a new Utopia, which was to be\\nstraightway realized by legislation they wished to end the\\nl^eriod of murders, and thus wipe away the stains which\\nwere beginning to attach to the name of liberty. The\\nMountainists were men of a more fierce and practical\\nmood they thought primarily of saving France from the\\nforeigners, and were willing to sacrifice liberty itself to\\nfurther that great end.\\nThat the chasm between the Gironde and Mountain was\\nabsolutely unbridgeable was exhibited on the Convention s\\nTrial and taking up the trial of the king, who, ever since August\\ndeath of the j^^^ been confined with his family in the prison of\\nking. Jan-\\nuary 2i, the Temple. In December the deposed monarch was sum-\\nmoned before the bar of the Convention. The Girondists\\nwere anxious to save his life; but the Mountainists, backed\\nby the threats of the mob, carried the Convention with\\nthem, and the citizen Louis Capet, once Louis XVI., was\\ncondemned to death. On January 21, 1793, he was exe-\\ncuted by the guillotine.\\nThe execution of the king raised a storm of indignation\\nover Europe, and a great coalition, which every state of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 489\\nimportance joined, sprang to life for the purpose of punish- The first\\niwii the regicides of the Convention. Thus the war with\\nD against\\nAustria and Prussia promised to assume immense propor- France,\\ntions in the coming year, and under these circumstances,\\nthe question of the defence of French soil became again,\\nas it had been in the summer of 1792, the supreme question\\nof the hour. It was plain that, in order to meet her ene-\\nmies, who were advancing from every point of the com-\\npass, France would be required to display an almost super-\\nhuman vigor.\\nThe new crisis quickly developed the animosities between Overthrow\\nGironde and Mountain into implacable hatred. There can p- j\\nbe no doubt that both sides were equally patriotic, but it\\nwas not now primarily a question of patriotism between\\nthem, but of the most practical means for meeting the\\nthreatening invasions. The philosophers of the Gironde\\ninsisted on presenting moral scruples, on spinning out end-\\nless debates and because the case would not wait upon\\nscruple or debate, the fanatics of the Mountain resolved to\\nstrike their rivals down. Mobs were regularly organized\\nby Marat to invade the Convention, and howl at its bar\\nfor the heads of the Girondist leaders. Finally, on June\\n2, 1793, thirty-one of them, among whom were the brill-\\niant orators Vergniaud, Brissot, and Gensonne, were de-\\nclared under arrest.\\nThe fall of the mild-mannered Girondists meant the re-\\nmoval of the last check upon the ferocity of the Mountain.\\nThe government now lay in its hands to use as it would,\\nand the most immediate end of government, the Moun- The Moun-\\ntain had always maintained, was the salvation of France nrpmp\\nfrom her enemies. To accomplish that great purpose, the\\nMountain now deliberately returned to the successful sys-\\ntem of the summer of 1792 the system of terror. The\\nphase of the Revolution, which is historically famous as the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "490 The Modern Period\\nReign of Terror (La Terreur) it may profitably be called\\nthe Long Reign of Terror in order to distinguish it from\\nthe Short Reign of Terror of August and September, 1792\\nbegins on June 2, with the expulsion from the Conven-\\ntion of the moderate element, represented by the Gironde.\\nThe Reign of Terror {June 2, ijgj, to July 27, iyg4).\\nThe Com- The Short Reign of Terror of the summer of 1792 was\\np brc\u00c2\u00b0 marked by two conspicuous features: first, an energetic\\nSafety. defence of the French soil, and, secondly, a bloody re-\\npression of the opposition elements in Paris. The Long\\nReign of Terror reproduces these elements developed into\\na system. What is more likely to secure an energetic de-\\nfence than a strong executive? The Mountain, therefore,\\ncreated a committee of twelve, called the Committee of\\nPublic Safety, to which it intrusted an almost unlimited\\nexecutive power. As the most conspicuous, though cer-\\ntainly not the most capable figure of this committee was\\nRobespierre, the rule of the Committee of Public Safety is\\ngenerally identified in people s minds with his name.\\nThe executive having been thus provided for, it remained\\nto systematize the repression of the anti -revolutionary ele-\\nThe machin- ments. The machinery of the Terror, as this system-\\n^y of the atization may be called, presented, on its completion, the\\nfollowing constituents First, there was the Law of the\\nSuspects. By this unique measure the authorities were\\nauthorized to imprison any and every body who was de-\\nnounced to them as suspect. The iniquitous Law of the\\nSuspects soon taxed the prisons to the utmost. To empty\\nthem was the function of the second element of the terror-\\nist machinery, called the Revolutionary Tribunal. This\\nwas a special court of justice, created for the purpose of\\ntrying the suspects with security and dispatch. At first\\nthe Revolutionary Tribunal adhered to certain legal forms.\\nRobes\\npierre.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 491\\nbut gradually it sacrificed every consideration to the de-\\nmand of speed. The time came when prisoners were haled\\nbefore this court in companies, and condemned to death\\nwith no more ceremony than the reading of their names.\\nThere then remained for the luckless victims the third and\\nlast step in the process of the Terror they were carted\\nto an open square, called the Square of the Revolution,\\nand amidst staring and hooting mobs, who congregated to\\nthe spectacle every day, as to a feast, their heads fell under\\nthe stroke of the guillotine.\\nBefore the Terror had well begun, one of its prime in- Marat and\\nstigators, Marat, was overtaken by a merited fate. Marat rnrdav\\nwas the mouth-piece of the utterly ragged and abject ele-\\nment of Paris. His savage thirst for blood had aroused\\nthe aversion of all decent people, and finally awakened in\\nthe breast of a beautiful and noble-minded girl of Nor-\\nmandy, Charlotte Corday, the passionate desire to rid her\\ncountry of this monster. On July 13, 1793, she succeeded\\nin forcing an entrance into his house, and stabbed him in\\nhis bath She knew that the act meant her own death\\nbut her exaltation did not desert her for a moment, and\\nshe passed to the guillotine a few days after the deed with\\nthe sustained calm of a martyr.\\nThe dramatic incidents associated with so many illus- Death of\\ntrious victims of the Terror can receive only scant justice f^-^ ^^f*. q\\nhere. In October, Marie Antoinette was summoned be- tober, 1793.\\nfore the Revolutionary Tribunal. A number of untenable\\ncharges were trumped up against her by the prosecuting\\nattorney; she met them with noble dignity, and on receiv-\\ning her death-verdict, mounted the scaffold with all the\\nstanchness befitting a daughter of the Caesars.\\n1 Marie Antoinette left two children, a princess of fifteen years, and the\\ndauphin, Louis, aged eight. The princess was released in 1795, but be-\\nfore that mercy could be extended to the boy, he had died under the in-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "492 The Modern Period\\nThe duke of Another victim was the duke of Orleans, perhaps the\\neans. niost despicable character of the Revolution. He was\\nhead of the secondary branch of the House of Bourbon,\\nbut he had deserted the cause of monarchy and had sunk\\nso low as even to vote for the death of his relative the king.\\nMadame A person of a very different type was Madame Roland,\\nKoiand. ^^.j^^ animated with the vague and generous republican\\nenthusiasm which we know to have been the characteristic\\npossession of the Girondists. To this party she had been\\nnaturally drawn, and, because of her intimacy with it, she\\nwas compelled to mount the scaffold.\\nBut the rule of the Terror was, perforce, exceptional.\\nDisruption Sooner or later there was bound to occur a division among\\ninevi^table^^ supporters, and when division came the terrorists were\\nsure to rage against each other, as they had once raged in\\ncommon against the aristocrats. And in the autumn of\\n1793, unmistakable signs of the disintegration of the party\\nof the Terror began to appear. The most radical wing,\\nwhich owed its strength to its hold on the government of\\nthe city of Paris, and which followed the lead of one He-\\nbert, had turned its particular animosity against the Catho-\\nlic faith. To replace this ancient cult, despised as aristo-\\ncratic, there was proclaimed the religion of Reason and,\\nfinally, in order to hurry the victory of this novel faith, the\\nHebertists in the municipality decreed the closure of all\\nEnd of the ])laces of worship in Paris. As this ultra-revolutionary\\nHebertists, alienate the affections of the sincere be-\\nIVl arrh Jlr\\\\A\\nlievers, who were still very numerous, Robespierre took\\nthe earliest opportunity to denounce Hebert and his whole\\nilk before the Jacobins. Finally, in March, 1794, the last\\nMarch, 1794.\\nhuman treatment of his jailers. The systematic torturing to death of the\\npoor daupliin, who is reckoned as Louis XVII., is one of the most hide-\\nous blots upon the Revolution.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "The French Rcvohition and Era of Napoleon 493\\nthread of his patience having snapped, he abruptly ordered\\nthe whole atheistic band to the guillotine.\\nThe overthrow of Hebert was followed by that of Dan-\\nton and his friends, although for an altogether different\\nreason. No man had done more than Danton to establish\\nthe reign of the Mountain. A titanic nature, with a claim\\nto real statesmanship, he had exercised a decisive influence\\nin more than one great crisis France had primarily him\\nto thank for her rescue from the Prussians in the summer\\nof 1792. But now he was growing weary. The uninter-\\nrupted flow of blood disgusted him, and he raised his voiqe\\nin behalf of mercy. Mercy, to Robespierre and his young\\nfollower the arch-fanatic. Saint Just, was nothing less than\\ntreason, and in sudden alarm at Danton s moderation,\\nthey hurried him and his friends to the guillotine (April\\n5, 1794). Thus Robespierre was rid of his last rival. No End of the\\nwonder that it was now whispered abroad that he was plan- AnrU T^ol\\nning to make himself dictator.\\nAnd between Robespierre and a dictatorship there stood,\\nin the spring of 1794, only one thing his own political\\nincapacity. That he had the Jacobins, the municipality\\nof Paris, the Convention, and the Committee of Public\\nSafety in his hands was proved by their servile obedience Robes-\\nto his slightest nod. On May 7th he, the deist, who bor- P\\nJ I supreme.\\nrowed his faith, as he borrowed his politics, from the writ-\\nings of Jean Jacques Rousseau, had the satisfaction of\\nwresting from the Convention a supreme decree. Thereby\\nthe worship of Reason, advocated by the atheists, was over-\\nthrown, and the Convention declared that the French\\npeople recognized a Supreme Being and the immortality of\\nthe soul and on June 8, 1794, the ludicrous religion of Introduces\\nthe Supreme Being was inaugurated by a splendid festival, religion\\nat which Robespierre himself officiated as high priest. Supreme\\nTwo days later, he showed in what spirit he interpreted S-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "494 Modern Period\\nhis new spiritual function, for he succeeded, by regular\\ndecree, in having the Revolutionary Tribunal stripped\\nof its last vestiges of legal form (June to). Now only it\\nwas that the executions in Paris began in a really wholesale\\nmanner. During the forty-five days before the reorgani-\\nzation of the Tribunal, the numbers of those guillotined in\\nParis amounted to 577 during the forty-five days after its\\nadoption, the victims reached the frightful figure of 1,356.\\nNo government office, no service rendered on the battle-\\nfield secured immunity from arrest and death. At last, the\\nTerror gathered like a cloud over the Convention itself,\\nand, paralyzed by fear, that body submitted for a time to\\nthe unnatural situation. But when the uncertainty con-\\nnected with living perpetually under a threat of death had\\nbecome intolerable, the opponents of Robespierre banded\\ntogether in order to crush him. With his immense foUow-\\nFall of ing among the people he could doubtless have anticipated\\nRobes- 1^1 enemies, but instead of acting, he preferred to harangue\\npierre, 9th o 1 o\\nThermidor. and denounce. On the 9th of Thermidor (July 27), he\\nand his adherents were outlawed by the Convention and\\nexecuted the next day.\\nT/ic Rule of the Thennidorians {July 2J, I7g4, to October\\n26, I7QS)-\\nThe fall of Robespierre put an end to the Terror, not so\\nmuch because he had created it, but because the system\\nThe Convention, guided by its hatred of the royalist past, had intro-\\nduced a new system of time reckoning. Since the birdi of the Republic\\nwas regarded as more important than the Ijirth of Christ, September 22,\\n1792, the first day of the Republic was voted the beginning of a new era.\\nThe whole Christian calendar was at the same time declared to be tainted\\nwith aristocracy, and a new calendar devised. The chief feature of the\\nnew revolutionary calendar was the invention of new names for the\\nmonths, such as Nivose, Snow month Pluviose, Rain month Ventose,\\nWinil month, for the winter months. Germinal, Budding month Flo-\\nreal, Flower month Prairial, Meadow month, for the spring months, etc.\\nIt is worthy of notice that the Convention introduced one change which\\nhas become popular. It supplanted the old and complicated system of\\nweights and measures by the metrical system.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "counsels.\\nThe French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 495\\nhad, after a year of frightful ravages, become thoroughly\\ndiscredited, and further, because the Thermidorians, many\\nof whom had been the most active promoters of the Terror, Return to\\nwere politic enough to bow to the force of circumstances.\\nThey therefore heaped all the blame for the past year on the\\ndead Robespierre, and impudently assumed the character of\\nlife-long lovers of rule and order. Slowly the bourgeoisie\\nrecovered its courage, and rallied to the support of the\\nThermidorian party; finally, a succession of concerted blows The Ther-\\nswept the fragments of the Terror from the face of France.. dest*roTthe\\nThe municipality of Paris, the citadel of the rioters, was dis- instruments\\nsolved the Revolutionary Tribunal dispersed the func- terror\\ntions of the Committee of Public Safety restricted and, to\\nmake victory sure, the Jacobin Club, the old hearth of dis-\\norder, was closed. During the next year the last of its\\nlong lease of power the Convention ruled France in full\\naccord with the moderate opinion of the majority of the\\ncitizens.\\nBut if the Terror fell, its overthrow was due also to the Progress of\\nfact that it had accomplished its end. Its excuse, as we have\\nseen, was the danger of France, and whatever else be. said\\nof it, it had really succeeded in defending France against the\\nforces of a tremendous coalition. On this defence the reader\\nmust now bestow a rapid glance. In the campaign of 1793\\nthe French had just about held their own, but, in 1794, the\\nsplendid power of organization exhibited by Carnot, the\\nmilitary expert of the Committee of Public Safety, and his\\ngift for picking out young talent, enabled the revolution-\\nary army to carry the war into the territory of the enemy.\\nIn the course of this year Jourdan s army conquered Bel-\\ngium, and shortly after Pichegru occupied Holland. Bel-\\ngium, as a part of the Austrian dominions, was quickly\\nannexed to France, but Holland was merely modelled, after\\nthe example of France, into the Batavian Republic, and, for\\nthe war.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "49^\\nThe Modern Period\\nPeace with\\nPrussia and\\nSpain, 1795.\\nThe Con-\\nvention\\ncompletes\\nits constitu-\\ntion.\\nBonaparte\\nprotects the\\nConvention,\\nOctober,\\n1795.\\nThe Consti-\\ntution of the\\nyear III.\\nthe present, confirmed in its independence (1795). These\\nastonishing victories prepared the disruption of the coali-\\ntion, and as the Thermidorians, for their part, had no de-\\nsire to continue the war forever, they entered, on receiving\\ninformation of the favorable disposition of Prussia and\\nSpain, into negotiations with these governments, and in the\\nspring of 1795 concluded peace with them at Basle. By\\nthese treaties the position of France was made very much\\nmore simple of the great powers, England and Austria\\nalone were now left in the field against her.\\nMeanwhile, the Convention had taken up the long-neg-\\nlected task for which it had been summoned in the course\\nof the year 1795 it comi)leted a new constitution for re-\\npublican France. This constitution was all ready to be pro-\\nmulgated, when, in October, the Convention had to meet\\none more assault of tlie lawless elements. But somewhat\\nmore courageous of late it resolved to defend itself, and in-\\ntrusted the task to a committee, which in turn entrusted\\nit to a young officer, present in Paris by chance. Napoleon\\nBonaparte. This young officer had already creditably dis-\\ntinguished himself at Toulon, and wanted nothing better\\nthan this opportunity. When the mob marched against\\nthe Convention on October 5, young Bonaparte received\\nthem with such a volley of grape-shot, that they fled precip-\\nitately, leaving hundreds of their comrades dead upon the\\npavement. It was a new way of treating the Parisian mob,\\nand it had its effect. Henceforth, in the face of such\\nresolution, the mob lost taste for the dictation which it had\\nexercised unquestioned for six years. Thus the appearance\\non the scene of Bonaparte and his soldiers meant the dawn\\nof a new era of order.\\nThe Convention could now perform its remaining busi-\\nness without fear. On October 26 it dissolved itself, and\\nthe new constitution went immediately into effect. This", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 497\\nconstitution is called the Constitution of the year III., from\\nthe year of the republican calendar in which it was com-\\npleted. It established an executive of five members, called\\nthe Directory, while it entrusted the legislative functions to\\ntwo houses a significant departure from the constitution\\nof 1 79 1, the single legislative house of which had proved\\na failure called, respectively, the Council of Five Hundred\\nand the Council of the Ancients.\\nThe Directory (//pj-pp).\\nThe Directory wished to signalize its accession to power The Direc-\\nby a brilliant victory over the remaining enemies of France \u00c2\u00b0^J^:^\\ncampaign\\nEngland and Austria. But an attack upon England was, against\\nbecause of the lack of a fleet, out of the question. With\\nAustria, the case was different, and Austria the Directory\\nnow resolved to strike with the combined armies of France.\\nIn accordance with this purpose, the organizer of victory,\\nCarnot, who was one of the Directors, worked out a plan\\nby which the Austrians were to be attacked simultaneously\\nin Germany and Italy. Two splendid armies under Jour-\\ndan and Moreau were assigned to the German task, which\\nwas regarded as by far the more important, while the Italian\\ncampaign, undertaken as a mere diversion, was intrusted\\nto a shabbily equipped army of 30,000 men, which was put\\nunder the command of the defender of the Convention,\\nGeneral Bonaparte. But by the mere force of his genius,\\nBonaparte upset completely the calculations of the Direc-\\ntory, and gave his end of the campaign such importance\\nthat he, and not Jourdan or Moreau, decided the war.\\nBonaparte s task was to beat, with his army, an army of Bonaparte\\nPiedmontese and Austrians twice as large. Because of the VIqa\\nsuperiority of the combined forces of the enemy, he natu-\\nrally resolved to meet the Piedmontese and Austrians sepa-\\nrately. Everything in this plan depended on quickness,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "498\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Peace\\nof Campo\\nFormio,\\n1797.\\nBonaparte\\ncreates two\\nrepublics in\\nItaly.\\nand it was now to appear that quickness was Bonaparte s\\ngreat military merit. Before the snows had melted from\\nthe mountains, he arrived unexpectedly before the gates of\\nTurin, and wrested a peace from the king of Sardinia-Pied-\\nmont, by the terms of which this old enemy of France had\\nto surrender Savoy and Nice (May, 1796). Then Bona-\\nparte turned against the Austrians, and before May was over,\\nhe had driven them out of Lombardy. The Pope and the\\nsmall princes, in alarm, hastened to buy peace of France by\\nthe cession of territories and of works of art, while the\\nAustrians tried again and again to recover their lost posi-\\ntion. But at Areola (November, 1796) and Rivoli (Jan-\\nuary, 1797), Bonaparte, by his astonishing alertness, beat\\nsignally the forces sent against him. Then he crossed the\\nAlps to dictate terms under the walls of Vienna.\\nThis sudden move of Bonaparte s determined the emperor\\nFrancis II. to sue for peace, and out of the negotiations\\nwhich ensued there grew the Treaty of Campo Formio\\n(October, 1797). By this Treaty Austria ceded her Bel-\\ngian provinces to France, recognized the French political\\ncreations in Italy, and promised to use her influence to get\\nthe empire to accept the principle of the Rhine boundary.\\nIn return for these concessions, she received from France\\nthe republic of Venice, which Bonaparte had just occupied.\\nThe French political creations in Italy which Austria\\nrecognized by the Peace of Campo Formio were the per-\\nsonal work of Bonaparte, having been established by him\\nout of the conquests of the war. They were the Cisalpine\\nrepublic, identical, in the main, with the old Austrian\\nprovince of Lombardy, and the Ligurian republic, evolved\\nfrom the old republic of Genoa. Both these republics\\nwere modelled upon the republic of France, and were\\nmade entirely dependent upon their prototype.\\nWhen Bonaparte returned to France he was greeted as", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 499\\nthe national hero, for he had at last given France the peace Bonaparte\\nwhich she had been so long desiring. And while renewing p\\npeaceful relations between her and the Continent, he had\\nwon for her terms more favorable than her greatest monarch\\nhad ever dreamt of. A man who had in a single campaign\\nso distinguished himself and his country naturally stood,\\nfrom now on, at the centre of affairs.\\nThat Napoleon Bonaparte should obtain a position of Bonaparte s\\npre-eminence in France, before he had reached the age of\\nthirty, would never have been prophesied by the friends\\nof his youth. He was born on the island of Corsica on\\nAugust 15, 1769. It so happened that at the time of his\\nbirth, France, which had just obtained this Italian island by\\ncession from the small state of Genoa, was engaged in es-\\ntablishing her rule there, and though the Corsicans resisted\\nthis act of aggression, they had in the end to yield. One\\ncurious consequence of this struggle between the French\\nand the Corsicans was, that the boy Napoleon learned to\\ndetest the French so bitterly that he was dominated by this\\nhatred throughout the period of his early manhood. Only\\nvery gradually did he make his peace with the conquering\\nnation, and chiefly through the agency of the French Rev-\\nolution. The French Revolution opened a career for\\ntalent, and thus enabled him, who had adopted the military\\nprofession, to rise rapidly from grade to grade, and satisfy\\nhis passionate dream of ambition. It was only when Bona-\\nparte had been seduced by the opportunities extended by\\nrevolutionary France, that he consented to forget his native\\nland. First at the siege of Toulon, and then at Paris, he\\nhad won distinction. Now the Peace of Campo Formio\\nlifted him head and shoulders above all rivals.\\nWith the continent at peace with France, the Direc- England\\ntory had cause to congratulate itself. It had beaten down j^\\nall the enemies of France with the exception of Eng-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "500\\nThe Modern Period\\nEngland\\nattacked in\\nEgypt,\\n1798.\\nBattle of\\nAbukir Bay.\\nThe failure\\nof the\\nEgyptian\\ncampaign.\\nland, but England still showed no disposition to yield to\\nthe Republic.\\nTherefore, in the year 1798, the Directory planned\\nagainst England a great action in order to bring her to\\nterms. As the lack of a fleet put a direct attack upon the\\nisland-kingdom, now as ever, out of the question, it was\\nresolved to strike England indirectly, by threatening her\\ncolonies. With due secrecy an expedition was prepared\\nat Toulon, and Bonaparte given the command. Nelson,\\nthe English admiral, was, of course, on the watch, but\\nBonaparte succeeded in evading his vigilance, and in May,\\n1 798, set out for Egypt. Egypt was a province of Turkey\\nsince then, as now, it was the key to the Orient, Bonaparte\\nby establishing himself on the Nile, could threaten the con-\\nnection of England with India and the East. It was for this\\nreason that Nelson immediately gave chase when he got\\nwind of Bonaparte s movements, and although he arrived\\ntoo late to hinder the French from landing near Alexan-\\ndria, he just as effectually ruined the French expedition, by\\nattacking the French fleet on August i, at Al)ukir Bay,\\nand destroying it utterly. Bonaparte might now go on\\nconquering Egypt and all Africa he was shut off from\\nEurope and as good as imprisoned with his whole army.\\nThus the Egyi)tian campaign was lost before it had fairly\\nbegun. Napoleon could blind his soldiers to the fact but he\\nhardly blinded himself. Of course he did what he could to\\nretriev e the disaster to his fleet, and by his brilliant victory\\nover the Egyptian soldiery, the Mamelukes, in the battle\\nof the Pyramids (1798), he made himself master of the\\nbasin of the Nile. The next year he marched to Syria.\\nThe seaport of Acre, which he besieged in order to estab-\\nlish communication with France, repulsed his attack the\\nplague decimated his brave troops. Sick at heart Bona-\\nparte returned to Egypt, and despairing of a change in his", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 501\\nfortunes, suddenly resolved to leave his army. On Aug-\\nust 22, 1799, he contrived to run the English blockade,\\nand on October 9 he landed with a few friends at Frejus.\\nThough the army he had abandoned was irretrievably lost/\\nthat fact was forgotten amid the rejoicings with which the\\nconqueror of Italy was received in France.\\nThe enthusiastic welcome of France, which turned Bona- The Second\\n..r)--^ i.- 11 Coalition,\\nparte s journey to Fans into a triumphal procession, was j^_g i^gg,\\ndue partially to the unexpected reverses which the Direc-\\ntory had suffered during the young general s absence.\\nBonaparte was hardly known to have been shut up in\\nEgypt, when Europe, hopeful of shaking off the French\\nascendancy, formed a new coalition against the warlike\\nrepublic. Austria and Russia, supported by English\\nmoney, renewed the continental war, and the year 1798\\nwas marked by a succession of victories which swept the\\nFrench out of Italy and Germany.\\nNo wonder that the hopes of the nation gathered around Napoleon,\\nthe dashing military leader. What other French general saviour,\\nhad exhibited such genius as Bonaparte, had won such\\nglory for himself and France? Besides the executive of\\nthe five Directors, unable to maintain even the show of\\nharmony, was beginning to lose its grip. So evidently had\\ndisorder set in that the royalists came out of their hiding-\\nplaces, and negotiated openly about the return of the le-\\ngitimate king. In short, in October, 1799, France was\\nin such confusion that everybody turned spontaneously to\\nBonaparte as toward a saviour.\\nBonaparte was hardly apprized of this state of public Bonaparte\\nopinion, when he resolved to overthrow the government, overthrows\\nthe Direc-\\nThe only resistance which he encountered was from the tory, 1799.\\nChamber of Five Hundred, and that body was overcome\\nThe army surrendered to the English a year later.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "502\\nThe Modern Period\\nBonaparte\\ngives\\nFrance a\\nnew consti-\\ntution.\\nNapoleon\\nagain in\\nItaly.\\nby the use of military force. The ease with which Bona-\\nparte executed the coup d etat of November 9, 1799 (i8th\\nBrumaire), proves that the Constitution of Year III. was\\ndead in spirit, before he destroyed it in fact.\\nThe Consulate {1799 to 18 04).\\nBonaparte was now free to set up a new constitution, in\\nwhich an important place would be assured to himself.\\nRightly he divined that what France needed and desired\\nwas a strong executive, for ten years of anarchic liberty\\nhad prepared the people for the renewal of despotism.\\nThus the result of Bonaparte s deliberations with his friends\\nwas the Consular Constitution, by which the government\\nwas practically concentrated in the hands of one official,\\ncalled the First Consul. Of course, the appearances of\\npopular government were preserved. The legislative func-\\ntions were delegated to two bodies, the Tribunate and the\\nLegislative Body, but as the former discussed bills without\\nvoting upon them, and the latter merely voted upon them\\nwithout discussing them, their power was so divided that\\nthey necessarily lost all influence. Without another coup\\nd etat, by means of a simple change of title, the Consul\\nBonaparte could, when he saw fit, evolve himself into the\\nEmperor Napoleon.\\nBut for the present, there was more urgent business on\\nhand, for, as France was at war with the Second Coalition,\\nthere was work to be done in the field. The opportune\\nwithdrawal of Russia, before the beginning of the campaign,\\nagain limited the enemies of France to England and Aus-\\ntria. The situation was, therefore, analogous to that of\\n1796, and the First Consul resolved to meet it by an anal-\\nogous plan. Concentrating his attention upon Austria, he\\nsent Moreau against her into Germany, while he himself\\nwent to meet her, as once before, in Italy. By a dramatic", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "TJic French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 5^3\\nmarch in the early spring over the Great St. Bernard Pass,\\nhe was enabled to strike unexpectedly across the Austrian\\nline of retreat, and to force the enemy to make a stand.\\nIn the Battle of Marengo, which followed (June 14, 1800),\\nhe crushed the Austrians, and recovered all Italy at a stroke.\\nAgain Francis II. had to admit the invincibility of French\\narms. In the Peace of Luneville (1801), he reconfirmed\\nall the cessions made at Campo Formio, and as the empire\\nbecame a party to the Peace of Luneville, there was no\\nflaw this time in the cession of the left bank of the Rhine.\\nIt is this feature of the Rhine boundary which gives the\\nPeace of Luneville its importance. As the Peace, further-\\nmore, re-delivered Italy into Bonaparte s hands, to do with\\nas he pleased, he now re-established the Cisalpine and\\nLigurian Republics in their old dependence upon France.\\nAgain, as in 1798, the only member of the coalition\\nwhich held out against France, was England. How hum-\\nble the great sea-power? Bonaparte s naval power was as\\ninadequate now as ever, and, in no case, did he have any\\ndesire to renew the Egyptian experiment. Being at the\\nend of his resources, he opened negotiations with the cabi-\\nnet at London, and in March, 1802, concluded with Eng-\\nland, on the basis of mutual restitutions, the Peace of\\nAmiens.\\nFrance was now, after ten years of fighting, at peace with\\nthe whole world. The moment was auspicious, but it re-\\nmained to be seen whether she could accumulate the\\nstrength within, and inspire the confidence without, which\\nwould enable her to make the year 1802 the starting-point\\nof a new development.\\nCertainly Bonaparte showed no want of vigor I n engag-\\ning in the tasks of peace, although even a strong man might\\nhave been discouraged by the chaotic aspect of the country.\\nIt is not too much to say, that in consequence of the whole-\\nPeace of\\nLuneville,\\n1801.\\nThe Rhine\\nboundary.\\nPeace of\\nAmiens,\\n1802.\\nFrance at\\npeace with\\nthe world.\\nBonaparte\\nundertakes\\nthe recon-\\nstruction of\\nFrance.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "504\\nThe Modern Period\\nA central-\\nized admin-\\nistration.\\nReconcilia-\\ntion with\\nthe Church,\\n1801.\\nsale destruction and careless experimentation of the last de-\\ncade, there was not, when Bonaparte assumed power, a\\nprinciple nor an institution of government which stood\\nunimpaired. The work before the First Consul during the\\ninterval of peace which followed the treaties of Luneville\\nand Amiens was, therefore, nothing less than the recon-\\nstruction of the whole of France. But this reconstructive\\nlabor Bonaparte now undertook, and a good deal of it\\nsurvives to this day, constituting his best title to fame.\\nFirst to consider is Bonaparte s system of administration.\\nThe internal administration of France had, during the last\\nten years, fallen into complete anarchy. To remedy the\\ndisorder in the departments, Napoleon invented a system\\nof prefects and sub-prefects, who, appointed directly by\\nhimself, ruled the department like so many little first\\nconsuls. This meant, ofcour.se, the abandonment of the\\nideas of self-government developed by the Revolution, but\\nit meant also order, and that was all the people wanted for\\nthe present.\\nNext Nai)oleon gave back to France her religion and her\\nChurch. The Revolution had consistently antagonized\\nthe Catholic Church it had confiscated its property, and\\nbad attempted to make its ministers officials of the state.\\nNapoleon knew that the restoration of the Church would\\nwin him the gratitude of the people, and, therefore, soon\\nafter his advent to power he opened negotiations with the\\nPope which ended in a peace called the Concordat (1801).\\nP.y the terms of the Concordat, the Church, on the one\\nhand, resigned its claims to its confiscated possessions, but\\nthe state, in return, assumed the maintenance, on a liberal\\nbasis, of the priests and bishops. Besides, the government\\nreserved to itself the nomination of these latter. Thus the\\nChurch was re-established, but in very close dependence on\\nthe state.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 505\\nBut Bonaparte s greatest creation was the reconstruction Return of\\nof the French courts and laws effected by the Code Na- ^f^ ^^y\\npoleon. The juridical confusion reigning in France, before Napoleon.\\nthe Revolution, is indescribable. By the Code Napoleon\\n(1804), all France received a common book of laws and at\\ncommon system of justice, whereby the handling of law-\\nsuits was made rapid, cheap, and reliable. No labor of a\\nsimilar degree of perfection had been performed since the\\ngreat codification of Roman laws under the Emperor\\nJustinian.\\nIf Bonaparte had sincerely attached himself to the policy\\nof peace, heralded by the above creations, it is not im-\\nprobable that he would have succeeded in consolidating the\\nresults of the Revolution. But the works of peace and\\nthe duties of a civil magistrate could not long satisfy his\\nboundless hunger for action and his love of glory, which\\nled him to aspire to the splendor of a conqueror like Alex-\\nander, or to the majesty of an emperor of the sway of Au-\\ngustus. In 1802 he had himself elected consul for life. Napoleon\\nThe step brought him within view of the throne, and in ir\\nMay, 1804, he dropped the last pretence of republicanism, emperor\\nand had himself proclaimed emperor of the French. Fi- i iSoT^\\nnally, in December of the same year, amidst ceremonies\\nrecalling the glories of Versailles, he crowned himself and\\nhis wife Josephine at the Church of Notre Dame, at Paris.\\nThe Empire {1804 to 181^).\\nThe change of France, from a republic to a monarchy,\\nnaturally affected the circle of subject-republics with which\\nshe had surrounded herself. Their so-called freedom\\nhad been the gift of France, and could not logically stand\\nwhen France herself had surrended hers. At a nod from\\nNapoleon, the Batavian Republic now changed itself into\\nthe Kingdom of Holland, and thankfully accepted Louis", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "5o6\\nThe Modern Period\\nNapoleon\\nking of\\nItaly, May,\\n1805.\\nRenewal of\\nthe warwith\\nEngland.\\nThe Third\\nCoalition.\\nAusterlitz,\\n1805.\\nBonaparte, Napoleon s brother, for king. In like manner,\\nthe Cisalpine Rei)uLlic became the Kingdom of Italy but\\nin Italy, Napoleon himself assumed the power, and in May,\\n1805, was formally crowned king of Italy at Milan.\\nEven before these momentous changes, the confidence\\nwith which the European governments had first greeted\\nNapoleon had vanished. Slowly they began to divine in\\nhim the insatiable conqueror, who was only awaiting an\\nopportunity to swallow them all. As early as 1803 con-\\ntinued chicaneries between him and England had led to a\\nrenewal of the war. Napoleon now prepared a great naval\\narmament at Boulogne, and for a year, at least, England\\nwas agitated by the prospect of a descent upon her coasts;\\nbut the lack of an adequate fleet made Napoleon s project\\nchimerical from the first, and in the summer of 1805 he\\nunreservedly gave it up.\\nHe gave it up because England had succeeded in arrang-\\ning with Austria and Russia a new coalition (the third).\\nNo sooner had Napoleon got wind of the state of affairs,\\nthan he abandoned his quixotic English expedition, and\\nthrew himself upon the practical task of defeating his con-\\ntinental enemies. At Austerlitz, in Moravia, he inflicted a\\ndecisive defeat upon the combined Austrians and Russians\\n(December 2, 1805). Again Emperor Francis II. was re-\\nduced to bow down before the invincible Corsican, and at\\nthe Peace of Pressburg (December 26, 1805) he gave up\\nVenice, which was incorporated with the Kingdom of Italy,\\nand the Tyrol, which was incorporated with Bavaria. At\\nthe same time, the small South German States, Bavaria and\\nAVurtemberg, were recognized as kingdoms.\\nThis last provision of the Peace of Pressburg made a full\\nrevelation of Napoleon s German policy clearly he wished\\nto increase the lesser states of Germany to the point where\\nthey could neutralize the power of the two great states, Aus-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 507\\ntria and Prussia. For this reason he lavished favors upon\\nthem, and made them so dependent upon his will, that they\\ncould offer no resistance when he proposed to them the\\nidea of a new political union. This union was the Con- Napoleon\\nfederation of the Rhine, which all the important German r^onfedera-\\nstates, with the exception of Austria and Prussia, agreed tionofthe\\nfinally to join. Napoleon himself assuming the guidance of\\nit, under the name of Protector (1806).\\nNaturally the Confederation of the Rhine effected a revo-\\nlution in the old German political system. With southern\\nand western Germany acknowledging allegiance to a new\\nunion of French origin, what room was there for the old\\nempire? Having been deserted by its supporters, it was\\nactually at an end. Therefore, at the news of the new\\nConfederation, the Emperor Francis II. resolved to make The end of\\na legal end of it as well, and formally resigned. Thus Roman Em-\\nperished the Holy Roman Empire, which had stood in the pire.\\nworld since the times of the great Augustus. Never was\\nthere an institution so long in dying. Centuries ago it had\\nlost its efficacy, and its very venerability had become an\\naggravation of its weakness. Certainly no German had\\nany cause to shed a tear at the passing away of such a\\nnational government. As for Francis II., he consoled\\nhimself for his loss by adopting the unhistorical title of\\nemperor of Austria.\\nThe interference of Napoleon in Germany brought about Relations of\\nnext, the ruin of Prussia. Ever since 1795 (Treaty of prussia.\\nBasle), Prussia had maintained toward France a friendly\\nneutrality, and all the persuasion and threats of the rest of\\nEurope had not induced her to join the Second and Third\\nCoalitions. But now that Napoleon had set himself the\\naim of conquering Europe, and had already reduced Aus-\\ntria, Italy, and Germany to terms, peace with Prussia was\\nno longer in accordance with his plans. He therefore", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "5o8\\nThe Modern Period\\nPrussia de-\\nclares war,\\n1806.\\nThe cam-\\npaign of\\n1806.\\nCampaign\\nagainst\\nRussia,\\n1807.\\nPeace of\\nTilsit,\\nPrussia\\nhumbled.\\ndeliberately provoked Prussia, until the obsequious govern-\\nment of King Frederick William III. (i 797-1840), could\\nsink no lower and had to declare war (1806).\\nThe campaign of 1806 was the most brilliant that Na-\\npoleon had yet fought. In a few weeks he had defeated\\nthe Prussians at Jena, entered Berlin, and practically ruined\\nthe monarchy of Frederick. With a bare handful of trooi)S\\nFrederick William III. fled eastward, in order to put him-\\nself under the protection of Russia.\\nAll central Europe now lay in Napoleon s hand, but he\\nwas not yet content. In order to humiliate the presump-\\ntuous ally of Prussia, the Czar Alexander (1801-25), Napo-\\nleon now set out for Russia. But having in June, 1807,\\nwon the splendid victory of Friedland (East Prussia), he\\nmagnanimously accepted Alexander s overtures of peace.\\nThe Czar Alexander had long felt a secret admiration\\nfor the great Corsican, and now, when he met him under\\nromantic circumstances, on a raft moored in the river\\nNiemen, he fell completely under the spell of his person-\\nality. The consequence of the repeated deliberations of\\nthe emperors, to which Frederick William of Prussia was\\nalso admitted, was the Peace of Tilsit (July, 1807). By\\nthis Peace Russia was restored without loss, but Prussia\\nwas thoroughly humiliated and condemned to the sacrifice\\nof half her territory. The Prussian provinces between the\\nElbe and the Rhine were made into a Kingdom of West-\\nphalia for Napoleon s brother Jerome, and the Prussian\\nspoils of the later Polish partitions were constituted as the\\nGrand-duchy of Warsaw, and given to the elector of Sax-\\nony, whom Napoleon in pursuance of his established Ger-\\nman policy, created king. Thus Prussia was virtually re-\\nduced to a secondary state.\\nBut the most important feature of the Treaty of Tilsit\\nwas, perhaps, the alliance between France and Russia,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 509\\nwhich was developed from the simple peace. The gist of Alliance\\nit was that Napoleon and Alexander should divide Europe Napoleon\\nbetween them, Napoleon exercising supremacy in the west\\nAlexander,\\nand Alexander in the east.\\nThe Peace of Tilsit carried Napoleon to the zenith of Napoleon\\nat the\\nhis career. He was now emperor of the French and king zenith of his\\nof Italy; he held Germany as Protector of the Confeder- career.\\nation of the Rhine, and Switzerland as Mediator of the\\nHelvetic Republic and in certain scattered territories,\\nwhich he had not cared to absorb immediately, he ruled\\nthrough subject-kings of his own family through his\\nbrother Louis in Holland, through his brother Jerome in\\nWestphalia, through his brother Joseph in Naples. Cen-\\ntral Europe lay prostrate before him, while in the east\\nRussia was his ally. To a man of Napoleon s imperious-\\nness it was an intolerable indignity that one nation still\\ndared threaten him with impunity England.\\nThe war with England, renewed in 1803, had been War\\npractically settled, when in October, 1805 Napoleon gwl^nd\\nbeing then on his march to Vienna Nelson destroyed the the Conti-\\nallied French and Spanish fleets off Trafalgar. The great\\nNelson perished in this engagement, at the moment of\\nvictory. Since then fighting on the seas had ceased.\\nThough Napoleon might strike the inhabitants of Vienna\\nand St. Petersburg with fear, his power, being military and\\nnot naval, ended with the shore. In the dilemma in which\\nhe found himself he now hit upon a curious device in\\norder to bring England to terms. He resolved to ruin her\\ncommerce and sap her strength by the so-called Continen-\\ntal System. As early as November, 1806, he sent out\\nfrom Berlin a number of decrees enforcing the seizure of\\nEnglish goods, and ordering the cessation of English traffic\\nin all French and allied ports and at Tiisit he had, with\\nthe consent of Alexander, declared the commercial breach", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "5IO\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe\\nContinental\\nSystem\\nprepares\\nNapoleon s\\ndownfall.\\nNapoleon\\noccupies\\nPortugal.\\nNapoleon\\ngives Spain\\nto his broth-\\ner Joseph,\\n1808\\nwith England incumbent on all Europe. As England iiii-\\nmediatcly responded with a blockade of all the continental\\nports, the conflict between England, dominant on the seas,\\nand Napoleon, dominant on the Continent, now took the\\nform of a vast struggle between the sea power and the land\\npower.\\nThe Continental System may fairly be called the begin-\\nning of Napoleon s downfall, for it marks the point where\\nthe great genius overreached himself. By means of the\\nContinental System trade was ruined and misery and fam-\\nine systematically created. More and more the people of\\nEurope became incensed at their oppressor, and more and\\nmore did the subject-nations incline to revolt from him.\\nBut if ever the nations of Europe rose of one accord what\\nchance was there for Napoleon s loose-jointed, cosmopol-\\nitan empire\\nThe first protest against the Continental System was\\nmade, curiously enough, by little Portugal. In order to\\nclose its ports against the English, Napoleon occupied it\\nwith an army, November, 1S07. The resistance offered at\\nfirst was small, and the royal family fled to Brazil.\\nFor the same purpose. Napoleon next occupied Spain.\\nThe relations between France and the Spanish Bourbons had,\\nsince the peace of 1795, been exceedingly friendly Napo-\\nleon and Charles IV. of Spain had even become allies,\\nand the latter had exhibited his good faith by sacrificing\\nhis fleet, for Napoleon s sake, at Trafalgar. Nevertheless,\\nNapoleon now deliberately planned to deprive his friend\\nof his kingdom. Taking advantage of a quarrel between\\nthe king and his son Ferdinand, he invited the royal pair\\nto France, to lay their quarrel before him, and then, in-\\nstead of adjudicating between them, he forced both to re-\\nsign their rights to the throne (May, 1808). Spain was\\nthereupon given to Napoleon s brother Joseph, who, in", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 5 1 1\\nreturn, had to hand over his kingdom of Naples to Napo-\\nleon s brother-in-law, the great cavalry leader Murat.\\nThis unexampled violation of law and justice occasioned The Span-\\na terrible excitement among the Spaniards. Spontaneously\\nthe various provinces of the proud nation rose in revolt\\nagainst the foreign usurper, and attacked him not with a\\nprofessional army but in guerilla bands. The result was\\nthat the summer of 1808 brought Napoleon a harvest of\\nsmall calamities, and to make things worse, England be-\\ngan, gradually, to take a hand in Spanish affairs. Having\\nwaited in vain for Napoleon to seek her on the sea, she\\nfound and seized this opportunity to seek him on the land,\\nand in the summer of 1808 dispatched an English army\\ninto Portugal for the purpose of supporting the Portuguese England\\nand Spanish national revolts. When Napoleon, angered P^ Spain,\\nby the check received by his political system, appeared in\\nperson on the scene (autumn, 1808), he had no difficulty in\\nsweeping the Spaniards into the hills and the English to\\ntheir ships, but he was hardly gone when the Spaniards\\nagain ventured forth from their retreats, and the English\\nforced a new landing.\\nNapoleon had now to learn that a resolute people can- Successes of\\nnot be conquered. The Spanish war swallowed immense ja^ds and of\\nsums and immense forces but Napoleon, as stubborn in Wellington,\\nhis way as the Spaniards, would give ear to no sugges-\\ntion of concession. Slowly, however, circumstances told\\nagainst him. The revolts showed no signs of abating, and\\nwhen, in 1809, a capable general, Sir Arthur Wellesley,\\nknown by his later title of duke of Wellington, took com-\\nmand of the English forces, and foot by foot forced his way\\ntoward Madrid, Napoleon s Spanish enterprise became\\nhopeless. Of course, that was not immediately apparent\\nbut what did become very soon apparent was that the\\nenslaved states of central Europe were taking the cue from", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "512\\nThe Modern Period\\nFailure of\\nthe Austrian\\nrevolt, 1809.\\nNapoleon\\nand Czar\\nAlexander\\ndra^v aAvay\\nfrom one\\nanother.\\nNapoleon\\nseeks an\\nalliance\\nwith Aus-\\ntria.\\nNapoleon\\ndivorces\\nJosephine.\\nthe Spaniards, and were preparing, in a similar manner, a\\npopular struggle to the knife with their oppressor.\\nIn the year 1809, Austria, encouraged by the Spanish\\nsuccesses, was inspired to arouse the Germans to a national\\nrevolt. But the result proved that the effort was premature.\\nAt Wagram (July, 1809) Napoleon laid Austria a fourth\\ntime at his feet, and in the Peace of Vienna which followed,\\nforced her to make further cessions of territory. It is\\nnot improbable that Napoleon would now have made an\\nend of Austria altogether, if he had not been forced at\\nthis time to provide for a complete change of his political\\nsystem.\\nThe fact was, that Czar Alexander was getting tired of\\nthe arrangements of Tilsit. The Peace of Tilsit practi-\\ncally shut Russia off from the west, and made it incumbent\\nupon the Czar to accept before-hand every alteration in that\\npart of Europe which Napoleon chose to dictate. Then\\nthe Continental System, to which Alexander had pledged\\nhimself, was proving in Russia, as elsewhere, a heavy burden.\\nNapoleon noticed the diminishing heartiness of the Czar,\\nand resolved to secure himself against defection by allying\\nhimself with Austria. Austria was, after the war of 1809,\\nin no position to refuse the proffered friendship, and when\\nNapoleon further demanded, as a pledge of good faith, the\\nhand of the emperor s daughter Marie Louise, that request,\\ntoo, had to be granted. In consequence of these changed\\npolitical plans, Napoleon divorced his first wife, the amia-\\nble Josephine Beauharnais, and in April, 1810, celebrated\\nhis union with a daughter of the ancient imperial line of\\nHapsburg. When, in the succeeding year, there was born\\nto him a son and heir, he could fancy that his throne had\\nfinally acquired permanence.\\nKnown as king of Rome and styled Napoleon II. He died young\\n(1832), at the court of his grandfather, the emperor of Austria.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 513\\nThe breach between Napoleon and Alexander became The cam-\\ndefinite in the course of the year 181 1. Both powers, igrf\\ntherefore, eagerly prepared for war, and in the spring of\\n181 2, Napoleon set in movement toward Russia the great-\\nest armament that Europe had ever seen. A half million\\nof men, representing all the nationalities of Napoleon s cos-\\nmopolitan empire, seemed more than adequate to the task\\nof bringing the Czar under the law of the emperor. And\\nthe expedition was, at first, attended by a series of splendid\\nsuccesses. In September Napoleon even occupied Moscow,\\nthe Russian capital, and there calmly waited to receive\\nAlexander s submission.\\nBut he had underrated the spirit of resistance which ani-\\nmated the empire of the Czar, Here, as in Spain, a de-\\ntermination to die rather than yield possessed every man,\\nwoman, and child, and Napoleon was destined to receive, at\\nthe very culmination of a triumphant campaign, a terri-\\nble witness of the popular aversion. He had hardly ar- The burning\\nrived in Moscow when the whole city was, in accordance O ^^oscow.\\nwith a carefully laid plan on the part of the retreating Rus-\\nsians, set on fire and burned to the foundations.\\nThe burning of Moscow meant nothing more nor less\\nthan the loss of the campaign, for Moscow gone, there was\\nnot the least chance of finding adequate winter quarters in\\nRussia. What was there left to do Napoleon, with The retreat,\\nheavy heart, had to order the retreat. The rest of the\\ncampaign can be imagined, but not told. The frost of a\\nwinter unexampled even in that northern climate the\\ngnawing hunger, which there was nothing to appease, but\\noccasional horseflesh; and, finally, the fierce bands of en-\\nveloping Cossacks racked that poor army, till its disci-\\npline broke and its decimated battalions melted into a wild\\nheap of struggling fugitives. Napoleon was unable to\\nstand the sight of the misery and ruin, and, on December", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "514\\nThe Modern Period\\nEurope\\nprepares to\\nrise.\\nThe revival\\nof Prussia.\\nPrussia de-\\nclares war,\\n1813.\\nFirst half\\nof the cam-\\npaign of\\n1813.\\n5, deserted the army, and hurried to Paris. Only late in\\nDecember the remnant of the so-called grand army dragged\\nitself across the Niemen into safety.\\nThe loss of his splendid army in Russia was, in any case,\\na serious calamity to Napoleon. But it would become an\\nirremediable catastrophe, if it encouraged central Europe\\nto proclaim against him a national revolt, and created\\nnew complications at a juncture when he required all his\\nstrength to repair the unique disaster of his life. Unluck-\\nily for Napoleon, patriots everywhere felt this fact instinc-\\ntively. Here was a moment of supreme importance, offer-\\ning to all the conquered peoples of Europe the alternative\\nof now or never, and at the call of the patriots, they rose\\nagainst their military master and overthrew him. But the\\nhonor of having risen first belongs to Prussia.\\nThe Peace of Tilsit had indeed ground Prussia into the\\ndust, but it had also prepared her redemption. A number of\\nsober and patriotic men, notably Stein, Hardenberg, and\\nScharnhorst, had, after the overthrow at Jena, gained the\\nupper hand in the council of the weak king, and had carried\\nthrough a series of reforms, such as the abolition of serf-\\ndom and the reorganization of the army on a national\\nbasis, which, as by some process of magic, rejuvenated the\\nstate. When this renovated nation heard of Napoleon s\\nruin on the Russian snowfields, it was hardly to be con-\\ntained for joy and impatience. All classes were seized with\\nthe conviction that the great hour of revenge had come\\nno debate, no delay on the part of the timid king was suf-\\nfered, and resistlessly swept along in the rising tide of en-\\nthusia.sm, he was forced to sign an alliance with Russia and\\ndeclare war (March, 18 13).\\nThe disastrous campaign of 18 12 would have exhausted\\nany other man than Napoleon. But he faced the new\\nsituation as undaunted as ever. By herculean efforts he", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 515\\nsucceeded in mustering a new army, and in the spring of\\n1813 he appeared suddenly in the heart of Germany,\\nready to punish the Prussians and the Russians. At Liitzen\\n(May 2), and at Bautzen (May 20), he maintained his\\nancient reputation. But clearly the day of the Jenas and\\nFriedlands was over, for the allies after their defeat fell back\\nin good order upon Silesia, and Napoleon had to confess\\nthat his victories had been paid for by such heavy losses\\nthat to win, at this rate, was equivalent to ruin. On June 4\\nhe agreed to an armistice in order to reorganize his troops.\\nBoth parties now became aware that the issue of the Second half\\ncampaign depended upon Austria so delicately adjusted campaign\\nwere the scales between the contestants that the side upon\\nwhich she would throw her influence would win. In\\nthese circumstances Metternich, Austria s minister, un-\\ndertook, at first, the role of mediator, but when Napoleon\\nindignantly rejected the conditions for a general peace\\nwhich Metternich proposed, Austria threw in her lot with\\nthe European coalition, and in the autumn of 1813 there\\nfollowed a concerted forward movement on the part of all\\nthe allies Prussians, Russians, and Austrians crowded in\\nupon Napoleon from all sides. Having the smaller force Battle of\\n(160,000 men against 255,000 of the allies), he was grad- P^**^-\\nually outmanoeuvred, and at the great three days battle\\nof Leipsic (October i6-i8) crushed utterly. With such\\nremnants as he could hold together he hurried across the\\nRhine. Germany was lost beyond recovery. The ques-\\ntion now was merely would he be able to retain France\\nIf the alhes had been able to think of Napoleon in any\\nother way than as a conqueror, it is very probable that\\nthey would not have pursued their advantage beyond Leip-\\nsic. But Napoleon, as the peaceful sovereign of a re-\\nstricted France, was inconceivable, and therefore, after a\\nmoment s hesitation on the shores of the Rhine, the allies", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "5i6\\nThe Modern Period\\ninvaded the French territory, resolved to make an end of\\ntheir enemy. Still Napoleon, always fearless, held out.\\nMilitary men regard his campaign of the winter of 1814\\nCampaign of as worthy of his best years, but he was now hopelessly\\n1814.\\nNapoleon\\nabdicates.\\nThe Con-\\ngress of\\nVienna.\\noutnumbered, and when, on March 31, the allies forced\\nthe gates of Paris, even Napoleon s confidence received\\na shock. As he looked about him, he saw the whole east\\nof France in the hands of his enemies of Leipsic, while the\\nsouth was as rapidly falling into the power of Wellington,\\nwho having signally defeated the army of Marshal Soult in\\nSpain, was now pursuing it across the Pyrenees. On April\\n6, 1814, Napoleon declared at his castle of Fontainebleau\\nthat all was over, and offered his abdication. The allies\\nconceded him the island of Elba, as a residence, and then\\ngave their attention to the problem of the future of France.\\nNot from any enthusiasm for the House of Bourbon, but\\nmerely because there was no other way out of the diffi-\\nculties, they finally gave their sanction to the accession to\\nthe throne of Louis XVIII. brother of the last king. As\\nregards the extent of the restored kingdom, it was agreed\\nin the Peace of Paris that France was to receive the\\nboundaries of 1792.\\nThis important work being completed, a general con-\\ngress of the powers assembled at Vienna to discuss the\\nreconstruction of Europe. The modern age has not seen\\na more brilliant gathering, all the sovereigns and statesmen\\nwho had stood at the centre of public attention during the\\nlast momentous years being, with few exceptions, present.\\nBut before the Congress of Vienna had ended its labors,\\nthe military coalition, which the congress represented,\\nwas once more called upon to take the field. For, in\\nMarch, 181 5, the ne\\\\A^ reached the sovereigns at Vienna,\\nthat Napoleon had made his escape from Elba, and had\\nonce more landed in France.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 517\\nThe resolution formed by Napoleon in February, 18 15, Napoleon s\\nto try conclusions once more with united Europe was a des- jpiua\\nperate measure. On March i he landed unexpectedly\\nnear Cannes, and no sooner had he displayed his banners,\\nthan his former soldiers streamed to the standards, to which\\nthey were attached with heart and soul by innumerable\\nglorious memories. Marshal Ney, who was sent out by\\nLouis XVIII. to take Napoleon captive, broke into tears at\\nsight of his old leader, and folded him in his arms. There\\nwas no resisting the magnetic power of the name Na-\\npoleon. Louis XVIII. again fled across the border, and\\nthe hero of the soldiers and the common people entered\\nParis amidst the wildest acclamations.\\nThe Hundred Days, as Napoleon s restoration is called, The Hun-\\nform a mere after-play to the great drama of the years 1812, A P^^-^~7\\nJ J an historical\\n1813, and 1814, for there was never for a moment a chance interlude,\\nof the emperor s success. The powers had hardly heard of\\nthe great soldier s return when they launched their excom-\\nmunication against him, and converged their columns from\\nall sides upon his capital. That Napoleon might under\\nthe circumstances win an encounter or two was undeniable\\nbut that he would be crushed in the end was, from the\\nfirst, certain as fate. The decision came in Belgium. There\\nWellington had gathered an English-German army, and\\nthither marched to his assistance Marshal Bliicher with his\\nPrussians. These enemies, gathered against his northern\\nfrontier. Napoleon resolved to meet first. With his usual\\nswiftness he fell upon Bliicher on June 16 at Ligny, before\\nWellington could effect a junction, and beat him roundly.\\nLeaving Marshal Grouchy with 30,000 men to pursue the\\nPrussians, he next turned, on June 18, against Wellington.\\nWellington, who had taken a strong defensive position The battle\\nnear Waterloo, resolutely awaited the French attack. All the P^ Water-\\nloo, June 18,\\nafternoon Napoleon hurled his infantry and cavalry against 1815.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "$i8 The Modern Period\\nthe iron duke s positions he could not dislodge his enemy,\\nand when, toward evening, the Prussians unexpectedly\\nmade their appearance on his right, he was caught between\\ntwo fires, and totally ruined. Precipitately he fled to Paris,\\nand there abdicated a second time. Deserted by all in his\\nmisfortunes, he now planned to escape to America, but on\\nNapoleon being recognized as he was about to embark, he was taken\\nsent to St.\\nHelena. prisoner, and by the verdict of the European coalition con-\\nveyed, soon after, to the rocky, mid-Atlantic island of St.\\nHelena.\\nThe Bour- At Paris, meanwhile, the allies were celebrating their\\nDon Restor-\\nation. victory by again raising Louis XVIII. to the throne (Sec-\\nond Peace of Paris).\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nPrivileged and Unprivileged Classes under the Ancient Regime. Lowell,\\n\u00c2\u00a3vt of tht French Revolution. Von Hoist, Frenck Revolution, a vols.\\nCallaghan, Chicago. $2.00. See Vol. I. Taine, A mieitt Regime.\\nThe Philosophers of the Eighteenth Centirv. Lowell and Taine as in\\npreceding topic. Morley, Rousseau, 2 vols. Macmillan. Also Vol-\\ntaire also Diderot aud the Ettcyclopadists, 2 vols.\\nMiRABEAU AS A Man AND STATESMAN. Von Holst. Especially Vol. II.\\nWillert, mirabeau (Statesmen). $1.00. Macmillan.\\nThe Character of Napoleon. Seeley, Napoleon I. $1.00. Roberts Bros.\\nMadame de R6musat, Memoirs. Sampson Low. Taine, Modem\\nRi ime. Vol. I., Bk. I.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2At St. Helena Napoleon died {1821), after a captivity of six years.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 18^0 519\\nCHAPTER XXXI\\nTHE HOLY ALLIANCE AND THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Fyffe, History of Modcr/i Europe (1792-1878). Popular\\nedition. $2.75. Holt. Ch. XII. -XVI.\\nMiiller, History of Recent Tunes. $2.00. Harper. Periods I. and II.\\nSeignobos, Political History of Europe Since 1S14. $3.00. Holt. Of\\nthese three narrative histories, Seignobos is the latest and most\\nscientific.\\nAndrews, The fiistorical Development of Modern Europe, 2 vols. $5.00.\\nPutnam. Excellent, but useful rather as a commentary than\\nas a narrative text.\\nTranslations and Reprints. Univ. of Penn. Vol. I. No. 3 {JThe Charte\\nHoly Alliance, etc.).\\n.1\\nThe battle of Waterloo having rung down the curtain on\\nthe great Napoleonic drama, the plenipotentiaries at Vienna\\ncould, in all peace of mind, bring their deliberations to a\\nclose. These were embodied in the Final Act of the Con-\\ngress of Vienna, and, than this, no political treaty has ever\\nbeen more universally condemned, because of the hide-\\nbound conservatism which is its informing spirit. But all\\nthings taken into consideration, it was not so very un-\\nnatural that governments, which had suffered so severely\\nfrom revolution, as the governments represented at Vienna,\\nshould have inclined toward a reactionary policy. Since\\nrevolution had proved an unmitigated evil, the best thing\\npossible was to return to the pre-revolutionary conditions,\\nand to restore the pre-revolutionary sovereigns or their heirs.\\nThis dominant principle of the Congress received the name\\nof legitimacy, and its most fanatical champion was the\\nAustrian minister, Metternich.\\nNow such a principle certainly had its excuse, but the\\nCongress at Vienna made the mistake of applying it\\nblindly and in direct contravention, in frequent cases, to\\nThe Con-\\ngress of\\nVienna\\nruled by\\nconserva-\\ntive princi-\\nples.\\nMetternich\\nand legit-\\nimacy.\\nExtrava-\\ngance of the\\nreactionists.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "520\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe territo-\\nrial recon-\\nstruction of\\nthe great\\npowers.\\nthe rights of nationahty and to the popular demand of free\\ninstitutions. Only the overmastering longing for rest, which\\nhad come over Europe after the unparalleled agitation of\\nthe last twenty-five years, explains why the very arbitrary\\narrangements of the Congress were accepted without pro-\\ntest. Sooner or later, however, a protest was sure to be\\nmade. The various peoples of Europe would remember the\\nnational and liberal ideas, which had been made common\\nproperty by the Revolution, and then the narrow, reac-\\ntionary policy of the Congress would become the subject of\\ncriticism and attack. In fact, the substance of the history\\nof the nineteenth century may be said to be the conflict\\nbetween the reactionary policy adopted by the governments\\nat the Congress of Vienna and the expanding national and\\nliberal ideas of the people themselves.\\nThe Congress of Vienna concerned itself, first of all,\\nwith the restoration of the great powers. The two Ger-\\nman powers, Prussia and Austria, acquired a territory as\\nextensive, but not identical with that enjoyed before the\\nera of Napoleon. Though they gave up their claims to\\nsome of their Polish provinces, they received ample com-\\npensation, Austria in Italy, and Prussia in western Ger-\\nmany. The Polish provinces surrendered by Austria and\\nPrussia were given to Czar Alexander, who formed them\\ninto a new kingdom of Poland, with himself as king.\\nEngland was rewarded for her share in the victory over\\nNapoleon by a number of French and Dutch colonies,\\nnotably South Africa (the Cape) and Malta. Thus each\\none of the great powers, which had contributed to the\\noverthrow of the Corsican conqueror, was not only restored\\nto its former condition, but received a substantial increase.\\nThe Congress encountered its greatest difficulties in ar-\\nranging the affairs of Italy and Germany. As regards\\nItaly, these difficulties were finally met by the application,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of i8jo 521\\nin a loose way, to the Italian situation of the principle of The legit-\\nlegitimacy. The kingdom of Naples (also called the \\\\^iL^ -_.\\nkingdom of the Two Sicilies) was restored to the legit- stored in\\nimate Bourbon king; the pope got back the States of\\nthe Church Tuscany was returned to its legal sovereign, a\\nyounger member of the House of Hapsburg Piedmont,\\nincreased by the Republic of Genoa, was restored to the\\nking of Sardinia and Lombardy and Venice, far and\\naway the richest provinces of Italy, were delivered over\\nto Austria. There were also established a number of\\nsmaller states for instance, Parma, Modena, Lucca but\\nit will be seen at a glance that the dominant power of\\nthe peninsula, on the basis of these arrangements, was\\nAustria.\\nAs for Germany, the Napoleonic wars had been a blessing Instead of\\nin disguise. To note only one result they had destroyed Jj^nv eets\\nthe old impotent empire, and had reduced the number the Bund,\\nof sovereign states from over three hundred to thirty-eight.\\nCertainly this last revolution had vastly improved the\\nchances for a new German unity. But the obstacles in the\\nway of such a movement were still too great to be immedi-\\nately overcome. From century-old habit the thirty-eight\\nstates looked upon each other with ill-favor, and even if the\\nlesser ones could have mastered their mutual distrust, there\\nstill remained as a barrier to union the ineradicable jealousy\\nbetween Austria and Prussia. Under these untoward cir-\\ncumstances, the utmost concession of the sovereign states\\nto the popular demand for unity was a loose confederation\\ncalled Bund. The constitution of the ^w;?^ provided for a\\nDiet at Frankfurt, to which the governments of the thirty-\\neight states were invited to send delegates, but as the con-\\nThe thirty-eight states may, for convenience sake, be divided into\\nthree groups i, large states, Austria and Prussia 2, middle states, Ba-\\nvaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wurtemberg, all raised to the rank of king-\\ndoms by Napoleon 3, small states, Hesse, Weimar, etc.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "522\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Holy\\nAlliance.\\nReaction in\\nSpain fol-\\nlowed by\\nrevolution.\\nstitution carefully omitted giving those delegates any nota-\\nble functions, the Diet could enact no laws to speak of, and\\nthe remained a farce.\\nWe have already seen that the point of departure for the\\ndeliberations of the Congress of Vienna was the hatred of\\nrevolution. This hatred developed into a fanatical faith,\\nand in order to support better the cause of quiet and order\\nagainst revolutionary disturbers, it was agreed on the part\\nof the more ardent of the reactionary powers Russia,\\nAustria, and Prussia to form what is known in history as\\nthe Holy Alliance. The Holy Alliance was on its face\\nnothing more than a pledge on the part of Czar Alexander,\\nEmperor Francis, and King Frederick William to rule in\\naccordance with the precepts of the Bible, but as these\\nprecepts were understood to be absolutist and reactionary,\\nthe Holy Alliance came to mean the determination to\\nfight revolution with united forces wherever it showed\\nitself.\\nThe first revolution to shake Europe out of the unworthy\\nstupor, into which she had fallen on the overthrow of Na-\\npoleon, occurred in Spain. The fall of Napoleon had\\nbrought back to that country the deposed Bourbon mon-\\narch, Ferdinand VH. On his return to Spain he thought\\nonly of recovering all the autocratic rights of his ancestors,\\nand deliberately set aside the constitution which the patriots\\nhad enacted during his absence, and which is always re-\\nferred to as the Constitution of 1812. Then he started\\nout on a policy which involved the abolition of all the\\nNapoleonic reforms, the restoration of the monasteries, and\\nthe persecution of the patriots. By 1820 his government\\nhad made itself so intolerable that the liberals rose in revolt,\\nwith the result that the king, who was a coward at heart,\\nimmediately bowed to the storm, and restored the Consti-\\ntution of 181 2. Before reactionary Europe had recovered", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 1830 523\\nfrom the surprise and indignation caused by the news from\\nSpain, a revolution similar to that of Spain shook the king-\\ndom of Naples. In Naples the Congress of Vienna had\\nrestored another Bourbon king, also named Ferdinand. A\\nweak-kneed individual he was frightened by a mere public\\ndemonstration into accepting a constitution similar to that\\nof Spain.\\nIn view of these threatening movements in Spain and\\nin Naples, Metternich, the Austrian premier, called together\\na European Congress, first at Troppau (1820), and later at\\nLai bach (1821). At these conferences he put the question\\nbefore the great powers, whether revolutions should be suf-\\nfered, or whether Europe would not be acting more wisely\\nto interpose wherever the sacred rights of a legitimate mon-\\narch were attacked. Backed by his friends of the Holy Al-\\nliance, he carried his point at these Congresses Europe\\nformally adopted a policy of repression against revolution,\\nand initiated its programme by charging Austria with the\\nrestoration in Naples of what Metternich was pleased to call\\norder.\\nOf course it was hardly to be expected that the Neapoli-\\ntans would stand up against Austria. At the approach of\\nthe Austrian army, the liberal government immediately\\nwent to pieces, and King Ferdinand was restored as abso-\\nlute monarch.\\nThis first success so greatly delighted Metternich and his\\nreactionary henchmen Uiat they resolved to play a still\\nbolder game. At a new Congress, held at Verona (1822),\\nthey resolved on intervention in Spain, and this time com-\\nmissioned France with the execution of their verdict. As\\na result King Ferdinand was restored by a French army,\\nand celebrated his return to absolute power by a series of\\ncruel executions. Thus the reaction maintained its grip on\\nEurope.\\nRevolution\\nin Naples,\\n1820.\\nMetternich\\npersuades\\nEurope to\\nput down\\nrevolution.\\nAustria\\nmakes an\\nend of the\\nconstitution\\nof Naples.\\nFrance re-\\nstores des-\\npotism in\\nSpain, 1823.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "524\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe re-\\nnascence of\\nGreece,\\n1821.\\nEngland,\\nFrance, and\\nRussia in-\\nterfere in\\nbehalf of\\nGreece.\\nBattle of\\nNavarino,\\n1827.\\nWhile the west was thus cowed and degraded by a\\nridiculous tutelage, a little country in the far east boldly\\nventured to assert the inalienable right of every people to\\nliberty and self-government. This little country was the\\nhistoric land of Greece. The very name of Greece had\\nalmost fallen into oblivion when, in 182 1, the inhabitants\\nof the ancient peninsula aroused Europe to surprise and en-\\nthusiasm by rising concertedly against the power of the\\nTurks, in whose repulsive bondage they had lain for many\\ncenturies. The Sultan, in his rage at the audacity of the\\nlittle people, allowed himself to be hurried into abominable\\natrocities (20,000 Greeks, for instance, were murdered in\\nthe island of Chios), but the Greeks resisted the Turkish\\ntyranny every whit as bravely as their ancestors had, at\\nMarathon and Thermopylae, held out against the Persian\\ninvasion, and, though defeated, could not be subdued.\\nFor a long time the governments of Europe took no part\\nin the struggle, though it was a Christian nation which\\nwas fighting against Mohammedans. The European 7-\\nples, indeed, had exhibited a sympathy which stood out in\\nnoble contrast with the apathy of the rulers, and many\\nwere the volunteers who, joining the Greek ranks, had sac-\\nrificed wealth and life for the sacred soil of the old Hellenic\\nculture but scattered volunteers do not decide great causes,\\nand the governments, as has been said, remained cold and\\nindifferent. At last the English minister. Canning, suc-\\nceeded in persuading Czar Nichojas, who had succeeded\\nAlexander in 1825, to interpose with him in behalf of the\\nGreeks. France also lent her aid to Canning s project of\\nintervention, and when the Mohammedans refused to as-\\nsent to the demands of the western powers, the united French\\nand English fleets attacked them at Navarino, and totally\\nruined their naval power (1827).\\nThe Sultan now saw that he must grant the Greeks their", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of i8jo 525\\nindependence, but before he had made up his mind to\\nhumble himself in so conspicuous a manner, the Czar Nich-\\nolas, impatient of further delay, declared war against him\\n(1828), invaded the Danubian provinces, and forced him\\nto sign the Peace of Adrianople (1829). By this Treaty Russia\\nthe Sultan granted Servia, Moldavia, and Wallachia, the ^^f^^\\nSultan to ac-\\nleading provinces of the Balkan peninsula, Christian gov- knowledge\\nernors, and recognized the independence of Greece. A ngnHenc f\\nconference of the powers at London, held to settle the af- Greece,\\nfairs of their protege, determined that Greece was to be a\\nfree monarchy, and offered the crown to prince Otto of\\nBavaria. This Otto ruled as first king of Greece until the\\nyear 1862.\\nThe independence of Greece was the first great victory\\nof liberalism in Europe since the Congress of Vienna. It\\nwas destined to be the prelude of a much greater one in the\\nold home of revolution France.\\nThe battle of Waterloo had for the second time brought The danger\\nthe Bourbons back to France. But upon the second resto- P^ Bour-\\nDon restora-\\nration, as upon the first, wise men everywhere looked with tion in\\napprehension. For, unfortunately, the Bourbons and the\\nemigrant nobles returned with all the old prejudices with\\nwhich they had departed during their long foreign resi-\\ndence they had, as Napoleon said, learned nothing, and\\nforgotten nothing.\\nThe allied monarchs themselves entertained grave doubts Louis\\nabout the wisdom of the Bourbon restoration. In order ^^^y-\\ngrants a\\nto set the king upon the right path, they insisted, before constitu-\\nthey would leave French soil, that Louis XVIII. pledge\\nhimself to a constitutional government. Louis XVIII.\\nwho was happily the most sensible and moderate member\\nof the royalist party, very willingly acceded, and published\\na constitution (Ja charie), by which he accepted the situa-\\ntion created by the Revolution, and assured the people", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "526\\nThe Modern Period\\nCharles X.\\n(1824-30)\\nattempts to\\nrestore ab-\\nsolutism.\\nThe July\\nordinances,\\n1830.\\nThe July\\nrevolution\\nat Paris.\\na share in the government by means of two legislative cham-\\nbers, the chamber of Peers and the chamber of Deputies.\\nFor awhile the government did well enough, but\\nwhen Louis XVIII. was succeeded on his death (1824) by\\nhis brother, Charles X., things rapidly went from bad to\\nworse. Charles X. as count of Artois, had been the head\\nof the noble emigrants, and was as much detested by the\\npeople as he was idolized by the feudal party. The reign of\\nreaction was now unchecked. Among other measures, one\\nbillion francs were voted to the nobles to indemnify them\\nfor their losses during the revolution. Finally, it was\\nplanned to muzzle the press and gag the universities. But\\nat this point the chamber of Deputies refused to serve the\\nreaction further, and had to be dissolved (1830). There-\\nupon the prime minister, the unpopular duke of Polignac,\\nurged the king to take by decree what he could not get by\\nlaw, and on July 26, 1830, there appeared under the king s\\nseal four ordinances, which arbitrarily limited the list of\\nvoters, and put an end to the freedom of printing. The\\nordinances substantially meant the abandonment by the\\nking of legal courses, the revocation of the constitution,\\nand the return to absolutism. Did France have no answer\\nto so monstrous an attempt\\nThe four ordinances of July 26 caused an immediate\\ntumult in the capital, bands of students and workmen pa-\\nrading the streets and cheering the constitution. But\\ntheir cheers changed soon to the more ominous cries:\\ndown with ministers down with the Bourbons The king\\nwas summering at the time at St. Cloud, and hardly\\nraised a hand in his defence. The few troops in the city\\nsoon proved themselves inadequate to restrain the multi-\\ntude, and after a number of sharp encounters withdrew\\ninto the country. For a moment it seemed that the capi-\\ntal was delivered over to anarchy.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 1830 527\\nIn this confusion a number of prominent members of The moder-\\nthe middle-class or bourgeoisie met to discuss what was to the^crown\\nbe done. They were men equally averse to tyranny and to Louis\\nto disorder all that France needed and desired according PP^*\\nto them was a genuitiely constitutional monarchy. They\\ntherefore resolved to concur in the deposition of Charles X,\\nand his heirs, and offer the crown to the popular head of\\nthe secondary branch of the House of Bourbon, Louis\\nPhilippe, duke of Orleans. Louis Philippe was the son of\\nthat disreputable duke of Orleans, who had voted for the\\ndeath of Louis XVI., and had been guillotined by the\\nTerror. As a young man he had served in the revolu-\\ntionary army, and though he had abandoned France in\\n1793, and little had been heard of him since, he was re-\\nputed to be a man of firm, liberal principles. When the\\nself-constituted committee of the Parisian moderates waited\\nupon him to tender him the crown, he at first feigned re-\\nluctance, but was finally persuaded to accept provisionally,\\nuntil such time as the Chamber of Deputies, representing\\nthe country, had come to a final decision.\\nWhen the Chamber of Deputies assembled it immediately Louis\\noffered the crown to Louis Philippe. He had already ap- iPPS\\npeared in the city some days before, and had, after pub- king of the\\nlicly assuming the tricolor, the emblem of the Revolution,\\nundertaken the government temporarily as lieutenant-\\ngovernor. Now he hesitated no longer to take the final\\nstep at the solicitation of the chamber, he solemnly swore\\nto observe the constitution, and adopted the style of Louis\\nPhilippe, king of the French. This news blasted the last\\nhopes of Charles X. and he now abandoned the kingdom.\\nThus France had inaugurated a new experiment in govern-\\nment which is named from the Orleanist dynasty, now pro-\\nmoted to the control of affairs.\\nMeanwhile the report of the July Revolution in Paris\\nFrench.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "528\\nTlic Modern Period\\nThe July\\nrevolution\\na^vakens an\\necho in\\nEurope.\\nThe revolu\\ntion in\\nBelgium.\\nThe breach\\nwith the\\nDutch,\\nAugust,\\n1830.\\nhad travelled abroad. Ever since the seventeenth century\\nFrance had assumed in Europe the leadership in political\\nide:is, and every action upon her public stage was watched\\nby her neighbors with eager interest. Therefore the fall\\nof the Bourbons and the victory of the people sent a flutter\\nof eager hope through the peoples which had been injured\\nand shackled by the Congress of Vienna. Evidently the\\ntime had at last come to venture a blow, and in the course\\nof the year 1830, country after country, imitating the ex-\\nample set by the Parisians, raised its voice in behalf of\\nfreedom and self-government.\\nriie most immediate stir was caused among the north-\\neastern neighbors of France, the Belgians, than whom i)er-\\nhaps no people had suffered more from the high-handed\\nmethods of the Congress of Vienna. AVithout even the\\npretence of consulting the wishes of the inhabitants, the\\ncountry of Belgium had, at Vienna, been incorporated\\nwith Holland. The kingdom of the Netherlands, as the\\nfused states of Holland and Belgium were called, was put un-\\nder the government of the ancient Dutch House of Orange,\\nand was expected to keep a close eye, in behalf of the Euro-\\npean peace, on the old disturber of that peace France.\\nHowever, the union caused discomfort to the Belgians\\nfrom the first. They protested against the over-lordship\\nwhich Holland, the smaller partner, was exercising, and\\nfinally demanded a separate administration. A\\\\ hen King\\nWilliam resisted these claims, they resolved, in August,\\n1S30, to imitate the Parisians, and accordingly revolted.\\nBut at this point, the European powers became alarmed,\\nand at a conference held at London resolved to interfere.\\nAlthough the members of the Holy Alliance would gladly\\nhave supported the House of Orange, they had troubles of\\ntheir own to attend to, and so reluctantly acceded to the\\nproposition of France and England to grant the Belgians", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of i8jo 529\\nindependence. This matter having been settled without Belgium\\nmuch difficulty, the powers next approved of a Belgian con- J^depe^ dent\\ngress to take into its hands the internal affairs of the coun- kingdom,\\ntry. When this congress met (November, 1830), it de-\\nclared in principle for a limited monarchy, and then set\\nabout constructing an appropriate constitution. When all\\nwas done, it offered the crown to Prince Leopold, of the\\nGerman House of Saxe-Coburg, and Leopold actually as-\\nsumed the government in 1831, with the title of king of King Leo-\\nthe Belgians. It is to the credit of King Leopold (183 1- igoi-a i;\\n65) that, although a foreigner, he should have made him-\\nself entirely acceptable to his new people, and that under\\nhis wise rule Belgium prosjiered, as she had not prospered\\nsince the evil day when she fell into the clutches of Spain.\\nAs the two great central European countries, Germany Germany\\nand Italy, had received very ungenerous treatment at the\\nCongress of Vienna, it might be expected that the July\\nrevolution would create a widely sympathetic movement\\namong them. But although they enjoyed neither national\\nunity nor freedom, and had every cause for discontent,\\ntheir revolutions of 1830 were, for different reasons, most\\ninsignificant affairs.\\nIn Germany every important development hinged,\\nnaturally, upon the action of the two great states, Prussia\\nand Austria. But owing chiefly to the ancient habit of\\nobedience, the people of these two states did not, in 1830,\\nstir against their reactionary monarchs. However, in a\\ngreat many of the smaller states, like Brunswick, Hanover, In Germany\\nand Saxony, the cry was raised for a liberal constitution, states\\nand in each instance the princes had to give way, and become con-\\nestablish a modern representative government. As the\\nsouth German states, the most notable of which were Ba-\\nvaria, Wurtemberg, and Baden, had, by the free act of\\ntheir sovereigns, been granted liberal constitutions soon", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "530\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Italian\\nrevolution\\nof 1830 of no\\nconse-\\nquence.\\nPoland in\\n1830.\\nafter 1815, the result of the commotions of 1830 fur Ger-\\nmany may be summed up thus With that year practically\\nall the smaller German states had declared for sensible con-\\nstitutional progress, Austria and Prussia, the natural leaders,\\nalone persisting in the antiquated absolute system.\\nIf in Italy there was aroused no great commotion by the\\nJuly revolution, it was due to the lingering memories of\\nthe unfortunate Neapolitan insurrection of 1820, and of\\nthe armed intervention of Austria which had followed.\\nEver since, Metternich was keeping a close watch upon\\nthe peninsula, and holding himself ready to fall, at a mo-\\nment s notice, from his vantage-point of Lombardy upon\\nany disturber of the peace. Thus the liberals could no-\\nwhere make a successful beginning, and the total result for\\nItaly of the revolution of 1830 was an increased hatred of\\nthe Austrian master and meddler.\\nThe agitations of Germany and Italy were mere trifles\\ncompared to the great insurrection which took place in\\nPoland. The reader will remember that at the Congress\\nof Vienna Poland was partially restored. Prussia and Aus-\\ntria having surrendered for an adequate compensation cer-\\ntain of their Polish spoils to Russia, the Czar Alexander,\\nwho was a man of extremely generous disposition and full\\nof kindly feeling toward the unfortunate Poles, seized the\\nopportunity, afforded by this acquisition, to re-establish,\\nwith somewhat restricted boundaries, the old kingdom of\\nPoland. Although a despot in Russia, he gave the king-\\ndom of Poland a constitution, and promised to rule there\\nas a constitutional king. Under him Poland had a sepa-\\nrate administration and its own army. This was certainly\\nsomething but unfortunately it was not enough for the\\nproud nation, which remembered that it had been a great\\npower when Russia, its present master, was no more than\\na mean and snow-bound duchy of Muscovy.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 18^0 53 1\\nEverywhere there were murmurs of discontent, and Discontent,\\nwhen the magnanimous Alexander died (1825), and was\\nsucceeded by his severe and unpopular brother, Nicholas,\\nthey swelled to ominous proportions. In November, 1830,\\nunder the leadership of a few young enthusiasts, the cap-\\nital, Warsaw, suddenly rose in insurrection. The rest of The rising\\nthe country followed the example of the capital, and before 1830.\\nmany days had passed, the Poles were masters in their own\\nland and had set up a provisional government at Warsaw.\\nAnd if mere valor could have availed, the Poles would\\nnow have maintained their independence. But they had\\nto face disciplined Russian armies which overwhelmingly\\noutnumbered their own, and after a year of stiff resistance\\nwere forced to surrender. Thus the seal of fate was set\\nupon \\\\\\\\\\\\Q finis Polonies pronounced in the previous century.\\nWhen Czar Nicholas again took hold, it was with the The rising\\ngrim resolve to remove all chances of another Polish rev- f*\\nolution. He firmly believed that he had been trifled with\\nby the Poles because he had proved himself too kind.\\nHe would not err in that way any more, and now deter-\\nmined that Poland should be merged with Russia as a\\nRussian province the very language of the Poles was to Poland\\nbe replaced by the Russian tongue and their Catholic u vf J h\\nfaith was to make room for the Greek Orthodox Church, Russia.\\nof which the Czar was the head. Poland now fell into a\\ni sad eclipse. Bound and gagged she lay at the feet of\\nRussia but as long as there was life, her people were de-\\ntermined to cling to their national memories. And they\\nhave clung to them to this day.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nX. The Final Collapse of the Bourbons. Seignobos, Ch. V. Fyffe, Ch.\\nXVI. Andrews, Vol. I., Ch. IV.\\n2. Metternich and the Holy Alliance. Text of Holy Alliattce in Transla-\\ntions and Reprints, University of Pennsylvania. Vol. I,, No. 3. Fyffe,\\nCh. XII.-XIII. Andrews, Vol. I., Ch. III.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "532 The Modern Period\\nCHAPTER XXXII\\nTHE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848\\n{a) The French Revolution of 1848\\nLITERATURE. -Fyffe, Chs. XVII. -XIX. (passim).\\nMuller, Period III., Division 15.\\nSeignobos, Chs. V. and VI. Andrews, Vol. I., Chap. VIII.\\nLouis Phil- Meanwhile France, the country in which the revokition-\\n^tizen- ^^y iiiovement of 1830 had begun, was experimenting with\\nking. its new Orleanist government. Clearly the success of the\\nventure depended, first of all, on the character of the new\\nking and his power to conciliate the numerous opposition.\\nAnd at first glance Louis Philippe, who was shrewd and\\nwell-meaning and quite without the ancient affectations of\\nroyalty, did not seem an unsuitable man for the royal office.\\nBut his situation was extremely perilous, for France was\\ndivided into four parties, three of which could not possibly\\nbe reconciled with the reigning government. The Bona-\\npartists, the Bourbonists (or Legitimists), and the RepubU-\\ncans, although differing radically among themselves, existed\\nby virtue of governmental principles which were antagon-\\nistic to the Orleanist dynasty, and so there remained noth-\\ning for Louis Philippe to do but to identify himself with\\nthe party of quiet Constitutionalists which recruited its num-\\nbers from the well-to-do middle class or bourgeoisie. By\\nthat step, however, he declared himself not the head of the\\ncountry, but the head of a party, and gave an undeniable\\nbasis to the derisive sobriquet of roi- bourgeois (citizen-king)\\nfixed upon him by the opposition.\\nAnd there was another and unexpected reason why this\\nchampionship of the capitalist middle class was likely to", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "The Revolutions of 1848 533\\nprove threatening. As is well known the most important Growth of\\nsocial fact of the nineteenth century is its industrial devel- dustrial\\nopment. The growth of manufactures has drawn together classes,\\nin the cities vast aggregations of workmen, and the growth\\nof intelligence has led these workmen to combine in trades-\\nunions and political parties, and to demand increasing\\nsocial and political benefits. The result has been the con-\\nflict of capital and labor, for which we have found no\\nsolution to this day. Now, at the time of Louis Philippe\\nthis conflict was just beginning, and the phenomenon being\\nnew, his government was thoroughly dismayed by it. What\\nwas to be made of the enthusiasts called socialists who were\\nadvancing all kinds of humane but dangerous programmes?\\nThat Louis Philippe should have treated these people with\\nharshness is not particularly strange, but he ought to have\\nconsidered that he was thereby alienating from his dynasty\\nthe whole working population of France, and turning them\\nover to the Republicans.\\nBecause of the natural preference of Louis Philippe for Guizot and\\nthe middle class, the whole period of his government jjin^g^ ad-^\\n(1830-48) has been called the reign of the bourgeoisie, visers.\\nAnd most of the prominent advisers of the king were men\\nof that estate. Their programme, as is usual with persons\\nof the thriving middle class, had, on the whole, an honest,\\nvirtuous character, but was disfigured by occasional narrow\\nprejudices. The leading men of the Chamber of Deputies\\nwere Guizot and Thiers, distinguished alike in their day\\nfor their literary labors, and filled equally with eager pa-\\ntriotic zeal. They became determined rivals, dividing the\\nChamber between them, and occupying in turn the chief\\nplace in the ministry. Both were equally resolute in stand-\\ning by Louis Philippe and in fighting the plots of the Le-\\ngitimists, the Bonapartists, and the Republicans, but they\\nfell out over the important question of the enlargement of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "534\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe ques-\\ntion of the\\nextension\\nof the\\nsuffrage.\\nThe break-\\ndown of the\\nOrleanist\\nmonarchy,\\nFebruary,\\n1848.\\nthe voting body, which came more to the foreground every\\nyear, and finally caused a new revolution.\\nNow the firanchise situation was anomalous and stood as\\nfollows among a population of 30,000,000, there were, ow-\\ning to a high property qualification, only 200,000 voters.\\nThe discontent of the masses at so absurd a situation was\\nrapidly becoming ominous. Thiers, having a warmer\\nfeeling for. the people than most Orleanists, proposed in\\nthe chambers again and again an extension of the suffrage.\\nGuizot, who in the year 1848 was prime minister, and\\nnarrow-minded in proportion to his respectability, would\\nnot even listen to the new demands. Thiers and his friends\\nthereupon resolved to stir up public opinion, and so force\\nthe minister s hand. They held political meetings, coupled\\nwith banquets, all over the country, and set February 22,\\n1848, for a so-called Reform Banquet in Paris. When\\nits arrangements were interfered with by the police, the\\nmeeting was given up, but the great crowd which had gath-\\nered for the celebration thereupon took to parading the\\nstreets and shouting for the deposition of Guizot.\\nThe next day (February 23), the king dismissed the\\nministry and made an effort to conciliate the opposition,\\nbut a company of soldiers having fired at the mob, killing\\nand wounding some fifty men, caused the passions of the\\npeople to flame up anew. Houses were sacked and the pal-\\nace of the Tuileries surrounded by armed men. Finally, on\\nFebruary 24, I.ouis Philippe, convinced that discretion was\\nthe better part of valor, fled from his capital to take refuge,\\nas Charles X. had done eighteen years before, in England.\\nThe cause of monarchy might yet have been saved if\\nthe deputies, among whom the Constitutionalists had a\\nclear majority, had stood their ground like men, and pro-\\nclaimed the succession of the young grandson of Louis\\nPhilippe, the count of Paris. But when the rioters broke", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "The Revolutions of 1848\\n535\\ninto the parliamentary hall, the frightened members surren-\\ndered the field, and sought safety in flight. Thus the rab-\\nble, with the poet Lamartine at its head, found itself mas-\\nter of the situation. Spurred on to act with promptness,\\nit declared for a republic, and appointed a provisional\\ngovernment of which Lamartine became the moving spirit.\\nThus on February 24, 1848, the republicans had won\\nthe day. But they were far from being a unanimous party,\\nfor the socialists formed an important wing of the republi-\\ncan fold, and that they were not going to permit themselves\\nto be simply merged with the majority appeared from the\\nfirst. They secured a representation in the provisional\\ngovernment, and straightway demanded the proclamation\\nof their Utopian programme. The provisional government\\nhad to give in so far as to proclaim the so-called right to\\nlabor and to establish national workshops, where the\\nunemployed of Paris were guaranteed a living in the service\\nof the state.\\nMeanwhile elections had been ordered for a National\\nAssembly to settle in detail the forms of the new republic.\\nIt met at the beginning of May, 1848, and straightway\\ntaking the control into its own hands, dismissed Lamartine s\\nprovisional government. Being composed largely of solid,\\norder-loving republicans from the country, the Assembly\\nwas imbued with the strongest antipathy toward the socialist\\ncity faction, which aspired to manage the state. Sternly it\\nmade ready to pu4: an end to the prevalent confusion, and\\nwin Paris back to the principles of law and decency.\\nGreat masses of troops were concentrated in the city then\\nthe most virulent of the disturbers were put under lock and\\nkey finally (June), the Assembly attacked the root of all\\nthe difficulties, and dissolved the national workshops.\\nAt this juncture the socialists barricaded themselves in\\ntheir quarters, and for four days (June 23 to 26) made a\\nA republic\\nwith a pro-\\nvisional\\ngovernment.\\nThe so-\\ncialist de-\\nmands.\\nRepublicans\\nvs.\\nSocialists.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "536\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe social-\\nists over-\\nthrown,\\nJune, 1848.\\nThe new\\nrepublican\\nconstitu-\\ntion.\\nLouis Napo-\\nleon, presi-\\ndent.\\nDanger\\nlurking in\\nthe election\\nof Prince\\nNapoleon.\\nheroic stand against the troops under General Cavaignac,\\nwho in this crisis had been appointed dictator. Never had\\nParis, accustomed as it was to rioting, witnessed street-\\nfights of such dimensions as it witnessed now the Social-\\nists were not put down until ten thousand men had been\\nstretched dead or wounded upon the pavements.\\nThe National Assembly, now at last in unquestioned au-\\nthority, turned next to its business of making a republican\\nconstitution. It voted that the legislative function should\\nbe intrusted to a single chamber, elected on the basis of\\nuniversal suffrage, and it assigned the executive, to a pres-\\nident, elected directly by the people for a period of four\\nyears. When the constitution prepared on the above lines\\nwas ready, the Assembly ordered the presidential election\\n(December 10, 1848). To the surprise of Europe, Cav-\\naignac, who had been most in sight during the previous\\nmonths, received only a comparatively few votes the vast\\nmajority of ballots were cast for Prince Louis Napoleon.\\nPrince Louis Napoleon was the nephew of the great\\nNapoleon and the heir of the Napoleonic traditions. His\\nlife had been largely spent in banishment, but the revolu-\\ntion of 1848 had built a bridge for his return. If he now\\nwon an astonishing victory at the polls, that was not due\\nto any known virtues of his own, but solely to the prestige\\nof his famous uncle. However, the election victory of the\\nimperial pretender clearly revealed, that although France\\nhad a republican constitution, a large majority of her people\\nwere still attached to the principles of monarchy.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "The Revolutions of 1848 537\\n(J)) The German, Austrian, and Italian Revolutions\\nOF 1848\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Fyffe, Chap. XIX.\\nMiiller, Period III. (passim).\\nSeignobos, Chaps. XII. -XIII.\\nAndrews, Vol. I., Chaps. IX. -X.\\nThayer, Dawn of Italian Independence. 2 vols. $4.00. Houghton.\\nFrom 1830 to 1848, Germany and Italy, divided and Central\\nimpotent, were delivered over to reactionary influences, oreoared to\\nBut because the liberal and national spirit, fostered by the follow the\\npoets and writers, had been steadily growing, the news France\\nof the Paris Revolution of 1848 straightway set both eastern\\nneighbors of France on fire.\\nIn Germany, the month of March saw revolutions every- The tri-\\nwhere. These revolutions were of especial importance at cKt t\u00c2\u00b0 1\\nVienna and Berlin, capitals respectively of Austria and ism at\\nPrussia, for by means of the movements in these two cities ggrhn^\\nabsolutism was abolished and constitutionalism established March,\\nin its place. Thus the liberal party had suddenly realized\\none-half of its programme the victory of constitutionalism\\nno wonder that it now gave its attention to the other half\\nnational unity. That Germany must be united became Desire for\\nthe resolution of all the progressive elements, and in order ^^y\\nGerman\\nto establish that unity there was now called together a Parliament,\\ngeneral German Parliament.\\nThe German Parliament, elected by universal suffrage. The posi-\\nmet in May, 1848, at Frankfurt-on-the-Main. It was Ge?n?In^^\\ncomposed in large part of the most distinguished men of Parliament,\\nthe land, and was animated with a generous zeal for Ger-\\nman unity. But intelligence and zeal alone do not suffice\\nfor lasting performances what heart and mind conceive,\\nforce must realize. Thus the great question before the\\nGerman Parliament was not so much would it prove itself", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "538 The Modern Period\\nwise enough, but rather would it have the force to effect\\nthe changes which it was about to advocate; in other\\nwords, could it make good the claim which it was putting\\nforward of being the sovereign body in Germany\\nCertainty of For the first few months the German Parliament expe-\\nbet\\\\v^en the rienced no difficulties, and even the emperor of Austria and\\nParliament the king of Prussia seemed to have resigned their sovereign\\nernmentf\u00c2\u00b0^ rights to the democratic body sitting at Frankfurt. But\\nsuppose the case that, on the lessening of the popular press-\\nure at Vienna and Berlin, one or the other of the great\\nmonarchs refused to accept a decree forwarded from the\\nParliament what then There would then be a conflict\\nof authorities which would furnish a test of the relative\\nstrength of the new national assembly and the old state\\ngovernments.\\nThe ques- The test was offered, and that soon enough, by the\\ntionof Schleswig Holstein complication. The two duchies of\\nbcnleswig\\nand Hoi- Schleswig and Holstein occupy the southern half of the\\npeninsula of Jutland, and are inhabited for the most part\\nby a German-speaking people. They were at that time\\nunited with Denmark in a personal union, that is, their\\nduke was also king of Denmark but they lived, in spite\\nof that fact, under their own laws, of the observance of\\nw^hich by the king of Denmark they were exceedingly\\njealous. Now it had lately become apparent that the\\nDanish royal house would soon die out in the male line.\\nThe Danish law provided that, in such an event, the crown\\nshould pass to the female line by the law of the duchies,\\nhowever, the succession to Schleswig-Holstein would fall\\nto a secondary male branch.\\nIn fear of this separation, the king of Denmark pub-\\nlished for Schleswig-Holstein, in the year 1846, a new law\\nof succession, by virtue of which the union of Denmark and\\nthe duchies was secured for all time. The disaffection", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "The Revolutions of 1848 539\\naroused thereby throughout the duchies was general, and The revolt\\nin 1848 the Schleswig-Holsteiners, encouraged by the gen- duchies\\neral confusion in Europe, boldly cast off the Danish yoke. 1848.\\nSince as Germans they appealed to the Parliament at\\nFrankfurt for help, that body, claiming to represent the\\nGerman name, could not remain deaf to their cries. It The Parlia-\\nordered Prussia and some other states of the north to march P^*\\ntheir troops into the duchies, and in the name of Germany\\ndrive the Danes out. That feat was soon accomplished,\\nfor the Danes are not a powerful nation but the Danes\\ntook revenge by destroying the Prussian shipping of the\\nBaltic. This the king of Prussia stood for awhile, but\\nwhen in the course of the summer it seemed to him that\\nthe tide of revolution in Germany was running lower, he\\ntook heart, and, without consulting the German Parliament,\\nsigned a truce with the Danes which practically delivered\\nthe brave Schleswig-Holsteiners over to their Danish mas-\\nters (August 26, 1848). When the Parliament heard of\\nthis act it was furious against the disobedient king. There Prussia\\nwas talk for a time of civil war; but the talk subsided ^^^rate\\nvery quickly, and, on second thoughts, the Parliament en- peace,\\ndorsed everything which Prussia had done. The long and jg^^\\nshort of the situation was that Prussia had an army and the\\nParliament not. But Prussia having by this occurrence The Parlia-\\ndiscovered the essential impotence of the Parliament, to^prussia\\nwould not the other governments before long discover it\\ntoo? In fact, the local governments began gradually to\\npick up courage, and as early as September, 1848, it was\\nplain that the national Parliament at Frankfurt was a beau-\\ntiful illusion.\\nWhile the local revolutions, the national Parliament at\\nFrankfurt, and the Schleswig-Holstein war were engaging\\nthe attention of Germany, Italy was stirred from Sicily to\\nthe Alps by a similar political movement, for at the first", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "540\\nThe Modern Period\\nMilan and\\nVenice rise\\nagainst\\nAustria,\\nMarch,\\n1848.\\nAll Italy\\nresolves to\\nhelp.\\nThe Aus-\\ntrians crush\\nthe king of\\nSardinia\\nand his\\nItalian al-\\nlies, 1848-\\n49-\\nSardinia\\nmakes\\npeace,\\nMarch,\\n1849.\\nLombardy\\nand Venice\\nrecon-\\nquered.\\nnews of the revolution at Vienna, Milan and Venice had\\nrisen against tlie Austrians, driven out the troops, and de-\\nclared for independence (March, 1848). Then they had\\nset up provisional governments and called upon Charles\\nAlbert, king of Sardinia, and the other Italian governments\\nto come to their help against the foreign tyrants. As the\\nrevolutionary fever had already seized Tuscany, Rome, and\\nthe other states, and the liberal spirit was everywhere tri-\\numphant, assistance was freely promised from all sides, and\\nin the spring of 1848 Italian troops, contributed by all the\\nprovinces of the peninsula, converged in long lines upon\\nthe middle course of the Po. The expected war of all Italy\\nagainst the Austrian oppressor was at length engaged.\\nOf the motley Italian army thus hurriedly mobilized to\\nassist the Lombards and Venetians, Charles Albert, king of\\nSardinia, assumed the command. The fact that he was the\\nhead of the house of Savoy, the oldest ruling family of\\nItaly, and that he had expressed his sympathy with the con-\\nstitutional and national aspirations of his countrymen,\\npointed him out to all Italians as their natural leader. But\\nwhen the clash came at Custozza on July 25, 1848, the\\nAustrians won, scattered the Italian forces, and straightway\\nre-entered Milan. Sick at heart, Charles Albert now ab-\\ndicated, and was succeeded by his son, the famous Victor\\nEmmanuel II. (March, 1849). When young Victor Em-\\nmanuel professed his willingness to sign a peace, Austria,\\nharassed sufficiently in other quarters, made no objections.\\nBy the terms of the peace agreement the defeated monarch\\nof Sardinia-Piedmont paid a money-fine to Austria, but did\\nnot lose a foot of territory.\\nBefore that document was signed, Austria had already re-\\nestablished her hold on Lombardy, and now, after a brave\\nresistance on the part of the people, she put her yoke on\\nVenice as well. TIius, only a little over a year after the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "The Revolutions of 1848 541\\nhopeful rising of March, 1848, the Austrian soldiers had\\nagain laid the Italian north at their feet. But to the Ital-\\nians the war had nevertheless brought a benefit. Through\\nstinging disaster they had learned the lesson that they must\\nstand shoulder to shoulder if their righteous cause was ever\\nto triumph and they had become persuaded by a com-\\nradeship of arms, no less sacred because disastrous, that the\\nhouse of Savoy was their natural point of union.\\nWhile Sardinia was fighting a futile battle for Milan and Liberal in-\\nVenice in the north, the states of the centre and south, ^.j^g centre\\nTuscany, Rome, and Naples, had also been shaken by and south\\nrevolutions. Everywhere, the liberals had been successful reaction,\\nfor awhile, but when the Austrians had triumphed in the\\nnorth, the reaction thus begun, perforce affected the south\\nand swiftly brought back all the old petty despots. In\\nRome alone did this game of revolution and reaction as-\\nsume a form that makes it worth attending to.\\nIn the year 1848, Pius IX., a very earnest and affable The Pope,\\nman, who had won the favor of his subjects by a number of between\\ngenerous measures, was sovereign Pontiff and lord of the two fires.\\nStates of the Church. He sympathized somewhat with the\\nliberal party, and on the first stirrings of the revolution\\ngranted his people a constitution. Only when it came to\\njoining in the national war with the rest of Italy against\\nAustria did he call a halt. A universal pope, he argued,\\nleading Catholics to be slaughtered by other Catholics was\\na ludicrous and impossible figure. On the other hand, the\\nRomans generally maintained, and with as much show of\\nreason, that an Italian prince who contributed nothing to\\nthe overthrow of the tyrants of Italy was no better than a\\ntraitor. Now it was that the pope began to experience the\\ncalamity of his double position as a spiritual and a temporal\\nruler. In his dilemma he adopted contradictory measures\\nbut the Romans, who wished passionately to help their", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "542\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Pope\\nflees, No-\\nvember,\\n1848.\\nThe Roman\\nrepublic.\\nThe Pope\\nrestored by\\nthe French.\\nAustria\\napparently\\nin dissolu-\\ntion.\\nLombard brethren against Austria, grew so dangerously\\nrestless that Pius IX. finally fled from the city, and took\\nrefuge in Gaeta, on Neapolitan soil (November 24, 1848).\\nThereupon Rome fell completely into the hands of the\\nrevolutionists under the leadership of the famous agitator\\nMazzini, and at Mazzini s instigation, the pope was de-\\nclared to have forfeited his temporal dignities, and the\\npapal dominions were proclaimed a republic.\\nMazzini s new Roman republic never had more than a\\nfighting chance to live. Catholic peoples the world over\\nwere horrified at its high-handed treatment of the Holy\\nFather, and Louis Napoleon, the new president of the\\nFrench republic, was delighted at the opportunity offered\\nby the Roman events to curry favor with the Catholic\\nclergy and peasantry of France. He now sent an army to\\nRome to sweep Mazzini and his republicans out of the city.\\nGeneral Garibaldi, who had been made commander-in-\\nchief, made a gallant fight, but in the end had to give\\nway to numbers. In July, 1849, the French entered the\\nconquered city, the old papal rule was re-established, and\\na few months later the hated Pope himself returned to the\\nVatican.\\nBut while the reaction was winning these victories in\\nItaly, it was making ready to celebrate great triumphs also\\nin Germany and Austria. And first as to Austria. In the\\nspring of 1848, Austria, that empire of many races, seemed\\nto have gone to wrack and ruin, for hardly had the Ger-\\nmans revolted at Vienna, when all the other Austrian peo-\\nples followed suit. In a few weeks there were separate\\nrevolutions among the Slavs (Czechs) at Prague, among\\nthe Hungarians at Budapest, and among the Italians at\\nMilan and Venice Austria seemed destined to fall into\\nfour independent states corresponding to the four lead-\\ning races of which she was made up. If that dissolu-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "The Revolutions of 1848 543\\ntion did not actually occur in 1848, it is due solely to Salvation\\none institution the Austrian army. During all the dis- o ^P^^^^ on\\nthe army.\\nturbances the army held loyally together under its natural\\nhead, the emperor, and gradually restored quiet.\\nThe army first put down the revolution of the riotous The army\\nSlavs at Prague, and then the revolution of the Germans at r^ chs th^\\nVienna. This was comparatively easy work, real difficult- Germans,\\nies arising only when the army approached the problem of ^^alian^s in\\nreducing to order the Italians and the Hungarians. How- quick order,\\never, when, at Custozza, the submission of the Italians, too,\\nhad been secured (July 25, 1848), the government and\\narmy could concentrate their attention upon Budapest.\\nAlthough the Hungarians had bowed for centuries to the The Hunga-\\nyoke of the Hapsburgs, they had never lost their proud in- UQ^g j-ule\\ndependent spirit. Under their leader, Louis Kossuth, they\\nhad now, in the summer of 1848, made themselves as good\\nas independent. They did not object to a ruler of the\\nhouse of Hapsburg, but they wished to be free of the con-\\nnection with the other parts of the many-tongued empire.\\nAs the programme of the emperor and his ministry was, in\\nsharp contrast to the Hungarian idea, the maintenance of\\nthe indivisible Hapsburg realm, an Austrian general moved\\nin the winter into Hungary at the head of 100,000 troops.\\nThe Hungarians fought splendidly for their freedom, and Russia and\\nat first actually drove the Austrians back but Kossuth, ^^i^^fL\\nover-elated at his success, made the mistake of proclaiming Hungarian\\nHungary independent (April, 1849), and immediately Czar /fyfust\\nNicholas, in alarm at the progress of the democratic spirit 1849.\\nat his very border, offered to help out his brother of Aus-\\ntria with a flank attack. In the summer the Austrians\\nfrom the west and the Russians from the east caught the\\nHungarians between them and quickly made an end of\\ntheir resistance (August, 1849). Hungary, broken in\\nspirit and resources, stolidly reassumed the Austrian yoke.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "544 Modern Period\\nAustria As for Austria, she had, after a year of terrible commo-\\nagain on her ^j^j-jg^ successively subdued the revolution among her Slav,\\nher German, her Italian, and her Hungarian subjects, and\\nwas now again a great power under the absolute govern-\\nment of her yotmg emperor, Francis Joseph, who had only\\njust succeeded his uncle, Ferdinand, on the throne (De-\\ncember, 1848).\\nThe reac- The victory of the reaction in Austria was sure to affect\\nto Germanv S^^^^ly the affairs of Prussia and Germany, for just as revo-\\nlution begot revolution, so reaction begot reaction Hardly,\\ntherefore, had the reaction begun to triumph in Austria,\\nbefore Frederick William IV. of Prussia dismissed the\\nPrussian Diet at Berlin, which was at work making a con-\\nstitution for the kingdom. However, Frederick William\\nPrussia gets showed some moderation. Of his own free will he pre-\\ntion i84o scnted the people, in February, 1849, with a constitution,\\nand although it was not as democratic as could have been\\nwished, it at least secured the Prussian people a share in\\nthe government. Revolution was thus put down in Prussia\\nas elsewhere, but here, almost alone, the king had been\\nwise enough to accept the more moderate popular demands.\\nWe left the German Parliament at Frankfurt at the time\\nof its first great discomfiture, in the matter of the Schles-\\nwig-Holstein war (September, 1848). That difficulty had\\nThe German proved that the Parliament could not exact obedience from\\nParhament jj^.^ pj-uggja. But if that was the case before\\nendangered\\nby the the triumph of the governments at Vienna and Berlin over\\nreaction. ^j^^ revolutionists, how would matters stand after these\\ngovernments had recovered their strength\\nThe crown Although the members of the Parliament were themselves\\nFred^edck l^itterly conscious that their power was waning, they kept\\nWilliam IV. bravely to the task for which they had been called together.\\nof Prussia. j^^ course of the winter (1848-49) they completed their\\nconstitution for united Germany; there now remained", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "The Revolutions of 1S48 545\\nonly the difficult matter of finding a head for the new\\nconstitution an emperor, for which honor the choice nat-\\nurally lay between the two greatest German princes, the\\nemperor of Austria and the king of Prussia, The question\\nof their respective merits was hotly debated, but the fact\\nthat Prussia was more of a German state than disjointed\\nAustria, finally won a majority for Frederick William IV.\\nWhen, however, a deputation from the Parliament waited The crown\\nupon the king to offer him the crown of Germany, he re- [^pj-ji 1840)\\nfused to accept it, first, because of its democratic origin,\\nand secondly, because of the threat of Austria that she\\nwould make war rather than see Prussia assume the head-\\nship of Germany.\\nThe refusal naturally annihilated the Parliament. There The Bund\\nwere a few final convulsions of the revolutionary monster\\nhere and there, and then there was quiet. Fate seemed to\\nhave decided that there should be no united Germany.\\nTaking advantage of the feeling of resignation which seized\\nupon the land, Austria now proposed to the governments\\nto reinstate the old ludicrous Bund, which the events of\\n1848 had swept out of existence. The Bund, with its\\nDiet, in which the various government delegates met,\\ntalked, and decided nothing, seemed the best thing Ger-\\nmany was capable of.\\nIn this general collapse of German hopes and illusions Schleswig\\nthe Schleswig-Holsteiners, who had built their revolution g^ejn\\non the prospect of a united Germany, could not escape crushed,\\ndisaster. Abandoned by Prussia in August, 1848, they\\ncontinued to fight manfully against the Danes for their\\nfreedom. Finally, Russia and England were moved to\\ninterfere. They called a conference of the powers at Lon-\\ndon (1850), which determined that the unruly duchies of\\nSchleswig and Holstein were to be inseparably connected\\nwith the Danish crown. Outwardly the duchies now bowed", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "546 The Modern Period\\nto the inevitable, but an inner acceptance of the unjust\\ndecree no amount of pressure could wring out of them. It\\nwas evident that they would rise again at a more auspicious\\nmoment.\\nAnother With the German Parliament dissolved, the Schleswig-\\nreign of re- Holsteiners delivered over to the Danes, the JBi/m/ recon-\\naction.\\nstituted at Frankfurt, it seemed, in the year 1851, that the\\nJNIetternichian era had come again. The patriots were\\nfilled with despair. But as far as they were thoughtful\\nmen, they must have made this observation the move-\\nment of 1S48 had failed because it was a merely popular\\naction, which took no account of the established authori-\\nties. The established authorities had, therefore, been its\\nenemy, and had ruined it. If, in the future, the govern-\\nments themselves would take up the national movement,\\nand direct it into sensible channels, would there not then\\nbe more chance of success\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. The National W orkshops and the Fkench Socialists of 1848. An-\\ndrews, Vol. I., pp. 339-357- Seignobos, pp. 159-165.\\nOn Socialism see Cossa, Political Economy, p. 389 ff.\\n2. M.A.zziNi s Roman Republic. Andrews. Vol. I., p. 392 ff. p. 413 ff- Still-\\nman, /Aj/j (1815-95). $1.60. Macmillan. Sh. IX. Thayer, jrt\\n0/ Italian Independettce, Vol. II.\\nCHAPTER XXXIII\\nFRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON III.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 THE UNIFICATION\\nOF ITALY\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FyflFe, Muller, Seignobos, Andrews (as before).\\nSWWmSia, Union 0/ Italy {\\\\ii5- iS)- $i-6o. Macmillan.\\nThe Napo- Prince Louis Napoleon, on being elected to the presidency\\na \u00c2\u00b0anda French Republic (December, 1848), justified very\\nquickly the suspicions entertained against him. One of\\nhis first acts was to put down, with French troops, the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "France under Napoleon III. 547\\nRoman Republic of Mazzini and Garibaldi (June, 1849).\\nRepublics evidently were not his hobby. He then sys-\\ntematically undermined the constitution, and when every-\\nthing was ready, he overthrew it on December 2, 185 1, by\\na coup a etat. Shortly after he gave the country of his The coup\\nown gift a new and strongly monarchical constitution, and December 2\\nexactly a year after the coup cT etat, on December 2, 1852, 1851.\\nhe assumed the title of Emperor Napoleon III. The\\nnew constitution assured a share in the government to a\\nsenate and a legislative body, but the share was hardly\\nmore than nominal,\\nA Napoleonic empire could only be maintained by mili- Napoleon s\\ntary successes which flattered the vanity of the French yg^t ure\\npeople. So at least Napoleon argued, and directed in\\nconsequence all the efforts of his reign toward attempts at\\nharvesting what is ordinarily called glory. These at-\\ntempts won him at first an enviable position they ended\\nby plunging him and his country into defeat and misery.\\nThe first opening for Napoleon s policy of adventure was The Cri-\\noffered in the east. Czar Nicholas had lately made the ^g^^\\nsomewhat obvious discovery that the Sultan was a sick\\nman. Being convinced that he, Nicholas, was the Sultan s\\nnatural heir, he held it to be a piece of unnecessary polite-\\nness to wait for the sick man s death before he took\\npossession of the heritage, and suddenly demanded of the\\nSultan to be recognized as the protector of all the Greek\\nChristians resident in Turkey. When the Sultan refused,\\nNicholas invaded Moldavia (July, 1853). Europe being\\nfilled with indignation at this high-handed measure, Eng-\\nland and France joined hands and presented a solemn pro-\\ntest to the Czar. When Russia gave no heed to the joint\\nremonstrance, the two western powers made an alliance\\nwith Turkey, and declared war (March, 1854).\\nThe Russian campaign of 1854 was a complete failure.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "548 The Modern Period\\nThe siege of The Russian forces tried to take the Danubian fortresses,\\nbebas opo ^^^^j. being repulsed by the Turks, withdrew in June from\\nthe invaded territory. When the French and Enghsh ar-\\nrived upon the scene, they resolved to attack the great\\nRussian stronghold in the Crimea, Sebastopol. But unfort-\\nunately for the western powers the capture proved no easy\\nmatter. Sebastopol, admirably defended by the Russians,\\nwas taken only after a siege which lasted a whole year,\\nand is one of the most memorable events of the kind in his-\\ntory. But the final surrender of Sebastopol in September,\\n1855, thoroughly discouraged the Russians. As the war-\\nThe Pedce like Nicholas had died in March of the same year, and been\\nsTtf^ succeeded by his son, Alexander II. (1855-81), there was\\nnow no further obstacle to peace. At a Congress held at\\nParis, Russia, in exchange for Sebastopol, gave up her pre-\\ntensions in Turkey, and the Sultan was received among\\nthe great powers and solemnly guaranteed against inter-\\nference from without (March, 1856).\\nNapoleon The Peace of Paris, dictated by Napoleon in his own\\nturns to new r *i i.i i c c\\nenterprises capital, won for the empire the place of first power in\\nEurope. But Napoleon was not satisfied. Attracted by\\nthe prospect of a military glory still greater than that\\nwon in the Crimea, he now began to turn his attention to\\nItaly.\\nPolicy of A welcome excuse for interesting himself in the affairs of\\nEmmanuel transalpine peninsula was furnished Napoleon by the\\nand Cavour. fact that Sardinia-Piedmont, the largest native state of\\nItaly, had voluntarily sought his friendship and alliance.\\nSince the War of 1848, King Victor Emmanuel was firmly\\nheld by all Italians to be the future unifier of Italy. The\\npractical question before the recognized champion of Italy\\nwas what measures would speed the liberation of his\\ncountry? Luckily Victor Emmanuel found a gifted adviser\\nin Count Cavour, and under Cavour s guidance, Sardinia", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "France under Napoleon 111. 549\\nentered, about the middle of the century, upon a pohcy\\nwhich led finally to the complete gratification of the na-\\ntional desires.\\nCavour argued simply that the leading obstacle to Ital- Alliance of\\nian unity was Austria Austria, which held Lombardy and France\\nVenice, and dictated her policy to all the little tyrannical against\\nprinces of the peninsula. Alone Sardinia could not defeat\\nthe Danubian empire; the year 1848 had proved that. It\\nwas therefore necessary to find an ally for the inevitable\\nfuture war. Cautiously Cavour sought the friendship of\\nNapoleon, and in the year 1859 signed with him a close alli-\\nance. When Austria, guessing the purport of the alliance,\\nordered Sardinia to disarm, and on her prompt refusal oc-\\ncupied her territory, the war which Cavour so ardently de-\\nsired broke out (spring, 1859).\\nThe real campaign did not begin till June, 1859, and The Italian\\nthen was over in a few weeks. By the two great victories\\nof Magenta and Solferino, the French and the Sardinians\\ndrove the Austrians back from the Lombard plain into their\\nstrongholds. Italy was ablaze with bonfires; Napoleon\\nevoked, wherever he appeared, a boundless enthusiasm.\\nBut just as everybody was expecting that he would now\\nfinish the good work by driving the Austrians completely\\nacross the Alps, he suddenly turned round, and, without\\nconsulting the Sardinians, signed a truce with the enemy.\\nTo this step he was urged by a variety of considerations.\\nFirst, the Italian situation, with the Italians themselves\\nloudly clamoring for unification, was full of danger, and\\nsecondly, Prussia might at any time join Austria and at-\\ntack France on the Rhine. Everything considered, Na- Sardinia\\npoleon judged that he had better be satisfied with the glory Lombardy\\ngained and retire. Of course Victor Emmanuel was furious,\\nbut what could he do? In the peace that followed, he got\\nLombardy as his share in the victory, but had to leave", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "550\\nThe Modern Period\\nFrance ac-\\nquires Nice\\nand Savoy.\\nGaribaldi\\nconquers\\nSicily and\\nNaples,\\ni860.\\nThe States\\nof the\\nChurch, ex-\\ncept Rome,\\ndeclare for\\nSardinia.\\nVictor Em-\\nmanuel be-\\ncomes king\\nof Italy,\\n1861.\\nVenetia in the hands of the Austrians. Napoleon, in re-\\nturn for the French assistance, obtained from Sardinia the\\ncession of Nice and Savoy.\\nBut the first step in the unification of Italy had been\\ntaken, and the process once begun was not likely to be\\nchecked. In fact, Victor Emmanuel and Cavour, with\\nthe north in their hands, now considered themselves strong\\nenough to do something on their own account, and secretly\\npermitted General Garibaldi, the bold leader of volunteers,\\nto fit out a small expedition for the conquest of the kingdom\\nof Naples. In May, i860, Garibaldi proceeded by sea,\\nw itii an escort of only 1,000 men, to Sicily. The Island\\nwas conquered at a rush Garibaldi, the liberator, had only\\nto appear, and the tyrannical government of the Bourbon\\nking of Naples, whom everybody hated, fell to pieces. In\\nSeptember, he entered the city of Naples, and the Bourbon\\nking, Francis II., having fled in terror from his capital,\\nwas declared deposed and his country annexed to Sardinia.\\nAt the same time, all the papal provinces, except the ter-\\nritory immediately about Rome, which was held by the\\nFrench troops, followed the example of the king of Naples,\\nand declared for Victor Emmanuel.\\nItaly was now complete but for Venetia in the north-\\neast, held by Austria, and Rome, in the centre, held by\\nthe Pope with the assistance of the French. For Garibaldi\\nto attack either of these two provinces meant a declaration\\nof war against a great power, and Victor Emmanuel and\\nCavour wisely decided that they were not yet ready for\\nsuch an undertaking. They therefore resolved to consol-\\nidate first what they had got, and bide their time. Ac-\\ncordingly, in February, 1861, there met at Turin, the\\ncapital of Piedmont, the first general Italian Parliament.\\nIt was a proud moment for Italy when the king in his\\nopening speech recounted the auspicious events of the past", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "France under Napoleon III. 551\\nyears, and then, in obedience to the wishes of the Parha-\\nment, assumed the style of king of Italy.\\nOf course the hot-blooded Garibaldi, backed by a con- The king\\nsiderable party of patriots, urged the government to take ^^i?-n\\nRome and Venice by an immediate war. But the king policy,\\nand his minister Cavour would not hear of this advice, and\\neven after the king s great counsellor had died (June,\\n1 861) Victor Emmanuel clung to a waiting policy. And\\nin the end it bore its fruits.\\nIn the year 1866 there broke out the long-threatening The war of\\nwar between the two German powers, Austria and Prussia.\\nThat was a legitimate opportunity for Italy, and Italy and\\nPrussia straightway formed a close alliance, and together\\nproceeded to attack Austria from the north and south.\\nAlthough the Italian part of the joint campaign was very\\nunfortunate, the Italian army being defeated at Custozza\\n(June), and the Italian fleet even more signally off Lissa,\\nin the Adriatic (July), the great Prussian victory of Sadowa\\nmade good these Italian calamities, and forced Austria to\\naccept the terms submitted by the allies. Venetia, the\\nlast Austrian foothold south of the Alps, accordingly be- Italy ac-\\ncame a part of Italy, and in November, 1866, Victor Em- S, ^esVen-\\nmanuel made his triumphal entry into the City of the\\nLagoons.\\nRome alone now remained to be won. And if the Italy ac-\\nRomans had been left free to choose, there is no doubt J\\nRome, 1870.\\nwhat course they would have pursued. But Napoleon s\\ntroops held the city for the Pope, and neither the Romans\\nnor Victor Emmanuel dared encourage a revolution in the\\npapal capital out of fear of provoking a French war. At\\nlength patience, here as in the case of Venice, brought the\\ndue reward. On the outbreak, in 1870, of the great Franco-\\nGerman War, Napoleon saw himself reduced to the ne-\\ncessity of recalling his Roman troops in order to put them", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "552 The Modern Period\\ninto the field against Germany. Immediately Victor Em-\\nmanuel, disembarrassed of the French, marched his army\\nto the gates of Rome, and seized the city (September, 1870).\\nThe Pope protested clamorously, but in spite of his un-\\ncompromising attitude was not disturbed by the victorious\\nItalians in his quarter of the Vatican. There he has since\\nresided, but the glorious City of the Seven Hills, definitely\\nlost to him, became, as the great majority of the nation\\nardently desired, the capital of the reborn ItaUan state.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Napoleon s Coup d Hat of 1851.\\nAndrews, Vol. II., Chap. I. Seignobos, Chap. VI.\\nForbes, Life of Napoleon III. $3.00. Chatto Windus.\\n2. Cavour as a Statesman.\\nCesaresco, Cavour (Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan.\\nMazade, Cavour. $4.00. Chapman HaU.\\nCHAPTER XXXIV\\nTHE UNIFICATION OF GERMANY\\nLITERATURE. Fyffe, Miiller, Seignobos, Andrews (as before).\\nVon Sybel, Founding of the German Empire under Willium I. 7 vols.\\n$14.00. Crowell.\\nThe lesson The year 1848 had not passed over Germany without\\n\u00c2\u00b08/i8^ result. It was a real gain, for instance, that Prussia, by\\nacquiring a constitution (1849), had confirmed the princi-\\nple of constitutionalism in Germany, and it was a cause for\\ncongratulation that the national spirit had, at least for a\\nmoment, commanded all hearts. But it was also undenia-\\nble that the national aspirations would have to be realized\\nby more practical measures than the paper resolutions of the\\npoi)ular Parliament at Frankfurt they would have to be\\nrealized by an organized force. So at least argued William\\n1848.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "The Unification of Germany 553\\nof Prussia, who in the year 1858 succeeded^ his brother,\\nFrederick William IV.\\nWilliam was a practical, soldierly gentleman, quite the William\\nopposite of his romantic, ineffective brother, and had\\nplans on a\\nhardly arrived at power when he resolved to create a strong strong\\narmy. But in his attempt to fashion a strong army, the y-\\nsovereign stumbled upon an obstacle. The liberal majority\\nin the Prussian Diet objected to the army expenditures, re-\\nfused to authorize them, and thus created a sharp conflict Trouble\\nbetween the king and the legislature. But the king was tine and\\na soldier without fear the reform which he knew to be legislature,\\ngood he was determined to carry out in spite of his Diet,\\nand, therefore, in the year 1862, he called to his support\\nas prime-minister a resolute adherent of royalty, Otto von Bismarck.\\nBismarck. This naturally did not improve the relations\\nof king and legislature, and things were going from bad to\\nworse, when there occurred a number of events which drew\\nthe attention of the people away from internal affairs.\\nIn the year 1863 King Frederick VII. of Denmark died The second\\nand was succeeded, with the acquiescence of all the Euro- s^cMes\\npean powers, by his relative. Christian IX. Christian IX. Holstein,\\nwas at first recognized in Schleswig-Holsteiil also, but when\\nhe ventured to publish a constitution, by which he incor-\\nporated the northernmost duchy, Schleswig, directly with\\nDenmark, he was straightway repudiated by the whole Ger-\\nman population of the two provinces. Of course all Ger-\\nmany was greatly agitated in behalf of its Schleswig-Hol- The\\nstein brothers, and, as in 1848, threatened a national war Schleswig-\\nagainst Denmark. Taking advantage of the situation Bis- war, 1864.\\nmarck now persuaded Austria to associate herself with Prus-\\nsia, in order that the Danish difficulty might be settled in\\nWilliam was at first only regent for his brother he became king in\\n1861,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "554\\nThe Modern Period\\nBismarck\\nquarrels\\nwith\\nAustria\\nover the\\ndivision of\\nSchleswig-\\nHolstein.\\nMeaning of\\nthe war of\\n1866.\\nSadowa,\\nJuly 3-\\nan orderly way. Accordingly, in January, 1864, Prussian\\nand Austrian troops entered the duchies side by side.\\nIn a quick campaign Denmark was disarmed, and in Octo-\\nber she saw herself reduced to the necessity of ceding\\nSchleswig and Holstein to the victors.\\nNow that Prussia and Austria possessed the duchies, the\\nquestion was how to divide the spoils. Of course the di-\\nvision turned out, to Bismarck s great delight, a difficult\\nmatter. Austria not being willing to give up her position\\nin Germany, the Prussian prime-minister had long been\\nplanning to make her give it up by force, and here was the\\nSchleswig-Holstein booty, the very matter over which to\\npick a plausible quarrel. Finally, in the spring of 1866,\\nPrussia signed a close alliance with Italy, while Austria, for\\nher part, sought the support of the smaller German states.\\nThese dispositions made Prussia having secured the\\nsupport of Italy, and Austria the alliance of Bavaria, Sax-\\nony, and most of the other German states in June, 1866,\\nthe two apparently well-matched combatants took the\\nfield. The contest was the culmination of the rivalry, in-\\naugurated over a hundred years ago, at the time of Freder-\\nick the Great and Maria Theresa; the prize of the winner\\nwas to be the supremacy in Germany.\\nNow it was seen that King William s plan of a strong\\nand modern army had its merits. The Prussians Avere\\nready sooner than the Austrians, and showed themselves to\\nbe much better armed and disciplined. By the admirable\\narrangements of the great strategist, Moltke, three Prussian\\ncolumns were made to converge upon the Austrians, and\\nenclosing them at Sadowa, in Bohemia, on July 3, as in a\\nvise, crushed them utterly. The war had hardly begun\\nwhen it was over. It was of little consequence that the\\nAustrians in Italy defeated the Italians at Custozza or that\\nthe Prussians defeated the South Germans. Austria proper", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "The Vilification of Germany\\n555\\nlay at the feet of Prussia, and had to make peace. A truce\\nin July was followed in August, 1866, by the definitiv^e\\nPeace of Prague.\\nBy the Peace of Prague Austria accepted her exclusion\\nfrom Germany, and agreed to any reconstruction of Ger-\\nmany which Prussia should carry out. Territorially she\\nwas not heavily punished she had to cede Venetia to\\nItaly, and her share in Schleswig-Holstein to Prussia.\\nThese arrangements made, Bismarck proceeded to make\\npeace with the German allies of Austria. Bavaria, Wur-\\ntemberg, and the South German states in general were let\\noff with a money fine, but most of the hostile North Ger-\\nman states, as for example, Hanover and Nassau, were in-\\ncorporated with Prussia.\\nThen Bismarck proceeded to replace the old Bund by an\\neffective central government, and formed among the states\\nnorth of the river Main, the North German Confederation,\\nwith Prussia at its head. With wise moderation, he made\\nno effort to force the South German states into the new\\nunion they were, for the most part. Catholic and opposed\\nto Protestant Prussia then they had just been defeated in\\na bitter civil war. From 1866 to 1870, Germany, there-\\nfore, consisted of two distinct parts a strong united north\\nunder the leadership of Prussia, and a feeble south of the\\nfour detached states, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, and\\nHesse. Then there happened something which spontane-\\nously brought the two parts together, and completed the\\nunification of Germany France declared war and threat-\\nened Germany with invasion.\\nWe met the Emperor Napoleon last in the Italian cam-\\npaign of 1859. That campaign marks the zenith of his\\nlife, for after 1859 he no longer prospered. His occupation\\nof Rome lost him his popularity among the Italians. Then\\nin an evil hour he turned his desires upon the New World.\\nPrussia\\nmakes\\npeace with\\nAustria and\\nthe South\\nGerman\\nstates.\\nBismarck\\nforms the\\nNorth Ger-\\nman Con-\\nfederation.\\nThe decline\\nof Napoleon\\nIII.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "556\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Mexi-\\ncan muddle.\\nFrance\\ngrows jeal-\\nous of\\nPrussia.\\nThe\\nSpanish in-\\ncident of\\n1870.\\nHe was led to interfere in the internal affairs of Mexico, and\\nfinding that that repubhc made but a feeble resistance, he\\noverturned it, and set up an empire under the archduke\\nMaximilian, brother of the emperor of Austria (1863). But\\nthe Monroe Doctrine, cherished by all Americans, had been\\nflagrantly set aside by the French invasion, and as soon as\\nthe Civil War, which was then embarrassing the United\\nStates, was over. Secretary Seward gave Napoleon to under-\\nstand that he must withdraw immediately. Napoleon\\nshuffled awhile, but in the end did not have the courage\\nto refuse. The French sailed for Europe, and Maximil-\\nian, deserted by his allies, was captured and shot (1867).\\nThereupon the Mexicans re-established their republic.\\nThe shame of this disgraceful ending was not the worst\\nfeature about the Mexican adventure. Owing to the ab-\\nsence of the best French troops in the New World, the\\nEmperor Napoleon could exercise no influence on the issue\\nof the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. Thus it happened\\nthat Prussia came out of the war with a greatly increased\\nterritory, but France won from the embarrassment of the\\nGerman powers nothing whatever. Now the French hav-\\ning for centuries entertained the hope of extending their\\nterritory to the Rhine, were angry with Napoleon for hav-\\ning missed the opportunity offered by the Austro-Prussian\\nWar to gain that end. More and more passionately public\\nopinion began to clamor for some territorial increase to off-\\nset the growth of Prussia. Consequently the relations\\nbetween France and Prussia became gradually worse. A\\nlittle incident sufficed to precipitate war.\\nThe Spanish throne happening in the year 1870 to be\\nvacant, the Cortes that is, the Spanish Parliament offered\\nthe throne to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern. As this\\nprince was a relative of King William of Prussia, the can-\\ndidature caused great excitement at Paris. Largely on", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "The Unification of Germany 557\\nthis account, Leopold withdrew but Napoleon, not sat-\\nisfied with the withdrawal pure and simple, wanted a\\npromise from King William that he would never permit\\nLeopold to be a candidate in the future. This demand\\nKing William curtly rejected. Thereupon Napoleon, with\\nthe full consent of his legislature, declared war (July 19,\\n1870).\\nIn the struggle which now ensued. Napoleon hoped that South Ger-\\nthe South German states would, out of hatred of Prussia, ^de^o\u00c2\u00b0\\nside with him. But these states, remembering in Germa- Prussia.\\nny s hour of need both their written and unwritten obliga-\\ntions, put their forces under the command of the Prussian\\nking. Not Prussia merely, but for the first time in cen-\\nturies a united Germany marched to meet the German foe.\\nThe German forces in the beginning of August invaded The German\\nFrance. On August 6 the Crown Prince Frederick of victories.\\nPrussia came up with the army of Marshal MacMahon at\\nWorth, and defeated it so roundly that it had to abandon Worth.\\nAlsace. The second French army, stationed in Lorraine,\\nnow fell back on the great fortress Metz. There the great\\nGerman strategist, Moltke, determined on shutting it in,\\nand after fighting the murderous battle of Gravelotte (Aug- Gravelotte.\\nust 18), succeeded in doing so. One-half of the German\\nforces were now detailed for the investment of Metz, while\\nthe other half pushed westward to find MacMahon, who,\\nhaving recovered from his defeat at Worth, was hurrying\\non to relieve Metz.\\nAt Sedan, on September ist, MacMahon s forces once The surren-\\nmore met the Germans, and on the next day, seeing that ^^r of Sedan,\\nresistance was hopeless, the whole French force surren- 2, 1870.\\ndered. Napoleon, who was present with his army, was\\nsent as a prisoner across the Rhine, while the victorious\\nGermans continued their march westward, and toward the\\nend of September undertook the investment of Paris,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "558\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe Third\\nRepublic.\\nCapitula-\\ntionof Paris,\\nfollowed by\\npeace.\\nThe crea-\\ntion of the\\nGerman Em\\npire, 1871.\\nThe consti-\\ntution of the\\nnew empire.\\nMeanwhile, important things had happened in the capi-\\ntal of France. The calamity of Sedan was hardly known\\nwhen the whole city of Paris rose in indignation against the\\nluckless imperial government. The Empress Eugenie was\\ndriven from her palace, and France once more declared a\\nRepublic (September 4). At the same time, a number\\nof men, the most prominent of whom was Gambetta, set up,\\nfor the purpose of effectively prosecuting the war, the Gov-\\nernment of the National Defence.\\nThe siege of Paris marks the last stage of the war.\\nGambetta made a most active and honorable resistance,\\nbut his raw levies were no match, in the long run, for the\\ndisciplined soldiers of Germany. On January 28, 187 1,\\nParis, disheartened by the surrender of Metz (October),\\nand reduced to the last extremes of misery and hunger,\\ncapitulated, and the war was over. France had to buy\\npeace from her enemies by paying a war indemnity of one\\nbillion dollars, and by ceding to them the provinces of\\nAlsace and Lorraine.\\nAs for Germany the war effected as important a change\\nof government as in France. The great victories, won by\\nthe united efforts of north and south, created the desire for\\na permanent union, and accordingly, on January 18, 1871,\\nat Versailles, King William of Prussia was proclaimed\\nGerman Emperor.\\nAbout the same time there was completed a constitution\\nfor the new German Empire which was merely the con-\\nstitution of the North German Confederation, so enlarged\\nas to embrace the South German states. By virtue of\\nthis instrument Germany was organized as a federal gov-\\nernment like the United States of America. The con-\\nstitution recognizes twenty-five states of various size. The\\ngovernments of these twenty-five send delegates to an up-\\nper house, called the Bundesrath, while the people elect,", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "The Unification of Germany 559\\non the basis of direct and universal suffrage, the members\\nof a second house, called the Reichstag. Bundesrath and\\nReichstag together make the laws the king of Prussia, in\\nhis capacity of German emperor and head of the confed-\\neration, executes them. By this union Germany after long\\ncenturies again became a great power.\\nFrance, in the months immediately following the peace The riots\\nwith Germany, went through a terrible crisis. The Re- \u00c2\u00b0f\u00e2\u0080\u009e^iL^\\nmune, 1071.\\npublic being at that time not yet fairly on its feet, the\\nlawless elements of Paris made an attempt to set up a gov-\\nernment of their own, which they called the Commune.\\nThe Commune actually acquired possession of the capital,\\nand by confiscations, murders, and other atrocities main-\\ntained its hold upon it for two months (March-May, 1871).\\nBut in May the patriot Thiers, who was appointed first\\nexecutive of the new Republic, having collected a consid-\\nerable force about him at Versailles, sent forth Marshal\\nMacMahon to take the offensive against the Parisian revo-\\nlutionists. After a long siege and fearful street-fights, last-\\ning a whole week, the forces of the Commune were shattered\\nto pieces. In their fanatical hatred of the established order\\nof society, the Communists vowed that the victors should\\npossess only a heap of ashes, and destroyed by fire the\\nTuileries and the Hotel de Ville, and tried to destroy the\\nrest of Paris. There followed a period of arrests and ex- The up-\\necutions, and then France settled down earnestly to the ^ing of\\nFrance,\\nwork of repairing the fearful ravages of the war. The pres-\\nent flourishing condition of the country is a witness of her\\nsuccess, and a testimony to the strength of the Third Re-\\npublic.\\nThe rest of the European powers had been no more than The dual\\nonlookers during the Franco-German War. The emperor Pir^ of\\nAustro-\\nof Austria, mindful of 1866, was at first half inclined to Hungary,\\ntake a hand, but for various reasons was persuaded to desist.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "560 The Modern Period\\nPerhaps predominant among them was that his country had\\nonly just been internally reorganized. The year 1866 had,\\nin fact, introduced an era of reform, for his terrible defeat\\nat the hands of Prussia had not passed over the Emperor\\nFrancis Joseph without results. He knew now that he\\nmust conciliate his various peoples, and establish a popular\\ngovernment especially he must win back to allegiance the\\nHungarians. He, therefore, divided the Hapsburg domin-\\nions into an Austrian and a Hungarian half, and made\\nthem independent of each other, except for such matters as\\ndiplomacy and war. At Vienna, Francis Joseph would be\\nemperor of Austria, at Budapest, king of Hungary, and in\\neach half of his realm, he was to reign under a separate\\nconstitution, legislature, and administration. This dual\\nempire of Austro-Hungary was created in the year 1867,\\nand has proved a greater success than could have been ex-\\npected. A great danger to the dual empire, however, arises\\nfrom the Slavs, who are constantly demanding for them-\\nselves the exceptional position already granted to the Hun-\\ngarians: instead of a dual empire, they want di federal one.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Napoleon s Mexican Scrape. Andrews, Vol. II., p. 173 ff. Lothrop,\\nWilliam H. Seward {American Statesmen), pp. 357-62. $1.25. Hough-\\nton. H. H. Bancroft, History 0/ Mexico. 6 vols. History Co., San\\nFrancisco. See Vol. VI.\\n2. Bismarck AS A Statesman, l^owe, Prince BismanA: 2 vols. $3.00. Cassell.\\nBusch, Our CAancellor. 2 vols. $3.00. Macmillan. See also Von\\nSybel, Founding of the German Empire.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "Great Britain and Russia $6i\\nCHAPTER XXXV\\nGREAT BRITAIN AND RUSSIA\\n(a) Great Britain in the Nineteenth Century\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Seignobos, Chaps. II. -IV.\\nMcCarthy, History of Our Oiun Times. 3 vols. $4.25.\\nErskine May, The Constitutiotial History 0/ Englattd {lybo-iS ji 3 vols.\\n$4.00. Longmans.\\n^AMrd^ozh, History of Constitutional Re/or\u00c2\u00bbt. $1.50. Blackie.\\nNo country had fought the French Revolution more Tory gov-\\nbitterly or more persistently than Great Britain. Naturally ^ffi^^ si\\ntherefore when the long war (1793-18 15), which had in-\\nspired the subjects of King George III. with a fanatical\\naversion to revolutionary ideas, was once over, England,\\nlike the Continent, entered upon a period of reaction. The\\nTory party, led by Lord Castlereagh, the duke of Welling-\\nton, and other haters of innovations, took control of the\\nBritish state, and directed it for many years strictly in the\\naristocratic interest. But just as the Continent of Europe The begin-\\nbore the reactionary yoke of Metternich and the Holy Alii-\\nance unwillingly, and quietly made ready to throw it off,\\nso England gradually roused herself from her lethargy, and\\nprepared to enter the road of reform. And that there were\\nmany things imperatively demanding reform, became clear\\nas daylight the moment the idea had been once admitted.\\nFirst of all, there was the anomalous religious situation.\\nThe Toleration Act of 1689 had practically given the Dis-\\nsenters freedom of worship, but by the Test Act, which Religious\\nwas still in vogue, they were debarred from holding office. y f\\n1 6St Act\\nFinally, in 1828, Parliament was persuaded to repeal the repealed\\nTest Act, and thereby first made the numerous bodies of\\nPresbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists full-fledged English", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "562 The Modern Period\\ncitizens, as eligible to fill a position of public trust as any\\nAnglican.\\nRelief It still remained to perform a similar act of justice tow-\\nCatholics Catholics, who were not relieved by the repeal of\\n(1829). the Test Act, owing to a special provision compelling\\nevery office-holder of England to abjure the Pope. Perhaps\\nthe severely Protestant Parliament would not have taken up\\nthe matter of the liberation of the Catholics at all, if it had\\nnot been urged thereto by a dangerous agitation stirred up\\nin Ireland by the patriotic orator, Daniel O Connell, who\\ninspired the Catholic Irish to protest against the outrage-\\nous enactments which deprived them, as adherents of the\\nancient faith, of representation at Westminster. Welling-\\nton and his Tory friends were inclined at first to sneer at\\nO Connell s loud words and threats, but when the Iron\\nDuke saw that Ireland to a man was backing her leader, and\\nresolute in her demands to the point of revolution, he had\\nthe statesmanlike sagacity to give in. He passed, in 1829,\\na Catholic Relief Bill, by which Catholics were admitted to\\nall but the highest offices of the realm.\\nThe spirit of These two liberating acts of 1828 and 1829 were the\\ntor?ous^*fter breaches made in the conservative defences. But\\n1830. other assaults were sure to follow, and when, in 1830, a\\nWhig or Liberal ministry had displaced the Tories or Con-\\nservatives, the Parliament was bold enough to proceed\\nstraightway to the most necessary of all reforms to the\\nreform of its own membership.\\nThe Parlia- The seats in Parliament were distributed, in the year\\nalMos^ 1830, in accordance with a plan which had suffered no\\nmaterial alteration for two hundred years. But the last\\ntwo hundred years had wrought great changes in the society\\nof England towns which had once flourished had de-\\ncayed, mere villages had become prosperous towns. Thus\\nit happened that a number of boroughs which were practi-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "Great Britain and Russia 563\\ncally extinct, by old custom still sent representatives to\\nParliament. Such boroughs were justly denominated\\nrotten, because the members who sat in Parliament in\\ntheir behalf were the nominees of a mere handful of men,\\nnay, frequently of a single person. And as if to crown\\nthis crying injustice the right to vote was reserved to a few\\nthousands of the rich. Thus it w^as clear that the House\\nof Commons, as constituted in 1830, had become a mock-\\nery, and that it was a shameful lie to claim that it repre-\\nsented the English people.\\nThe question of Parliamentary reform, brought fonvard\\nby the Liberals in 1830, involved them in a severe conflict\\nwith the Conservatives, but backed by the country, they\\ncarried their point. The Reform Bill (1832) became a The Pas-\\nlaw the rotten boroughs were disfranchised, and at g^^^fp^f^^\\nthe same time the right to vote was extended to addi- Bill, 1832.\\ntional classes of citizens.\\nThe Reform Bill of 1832 may be said to have trans- The second\\nferred the power in England to the middle class. But it third\\ndid nothing for the industrial and farming classes, and Bills,\\nsooner or later, such was the levelling tendency of the age,\\nthese would have to be admitted to a share in the govern-\\nment. As the practical need arose. Parliament, from time\\nto time, extended the franchise by two additional reform\\nbills the one of 1867, the other of 1884 it has rounded\\noff the Act of 1832, and given the right to vote to such\\nnumbers, that England may almost be said to maintain at\\npresent the system of universal suffrage.\\nHand in hand with these Parliamentary reforms have\\ngone a great number of others affecting almost every\\nbranch of the public service. Perhaps the most impor-\\ntant is the repeal of the Corn Laws. The Corn Laws Repeal of\\nwere intended to protect the land-holding class, who, of ty^ s Ts^e\\ncourse, are the aristocracy, by means of a large duty upon", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "564\\nThe Modern Period\\nEngland\\nadopts free\\ntrade.\\nThe Irish\\nproblem.\\nThe\\nEpiscopal\\nChurch\\ndisestab-\\nlished, 1868.\\nThe two\\npresent\\ngrievances.\\ngrain. Naturally that duty, by raising the price of bread,\\nfell heavily upon the English laborer. After a long edu-\\ncational campaign, headed by the economist, Richard\\nCobden, the Corn Laws were repealed (1846), and with\\nthem the whole system of protection was dropped. In lieu\\nof it, England adopted the system of free trade, under\\nwhich she has tremendously extended her commercial re-\\nlations with the whole world.\\nAlthough the policy of sensible reform has removed most\\nof the internal difficulties which have arisen in Great Brit-\\nain during the nineteenth century, one problem remains\\nas perplexing and hopeless at the end of the century as\\nat the beginning. The name of that problem is Ireland.\\nWe have seen that the British Parliament had not remained\\nblind to all the various forms of Irish misery, and that by\\nthe Catholic Relief Bill of 1829 the Catholic Irish had at\\nlength been admitted to office. A benefit along the same\\nline was conferred when, in the year 1868, the Protestant\\nEpiscopal organization, which the Irish had been obliged\\nto call their national Church, was deprived of its privi-\\nleges.\\nBut these religious grievances of the Irish, it was com-\\nparatively easy for Parliament to settle in an age of in-\\ncreasing tolerance. For two other grievances, however,\\nfor more injurious to the welfare of the Irish people, it has\\nbeen impossible to find a remedy. Owing to the confisca-\\ntions of the seventeenth century, the Irish soil is, for the\\nmost part, in the hands of a few hundred English land-\\nlords, the Irish themselves being mere tenants and day-\\nlaborers furthermore, Ireland, since the Act of Union of\\n1801, is without the benefits of self-government.\\nUnder these circumstances, the efforts of the Irish party\\nThe word corn, as used in England, embraces all kinds of grain.\\nCorn Laws mean Grain Laws.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "Great Britain and Russia 5^5\\nin the House of Commons have been directed toward two The efforts\\naims: First, to enable the Irish tenants to acquire from p^rty\\nthe Enghsh landlords the ownership of the land they till backed by\\nand secondly, to secure for the Irish an Irish Parliament at Liberal.\\nDublin, with power to manage local affairs very much like\\nan American state-legislature. Although the great Lib-\\neral party, inspired by William E. Gladstone, attempted\\nto help the Irish achieve the above programme, and al-\\nthough several Land Acts have been passed for the relief\\nof the Irish tenants, and a Home Rule Bill has frequently\\nbeen debated in the House of Commons, the Irish are still\\nfar from being satisfied, and the thorny Irish problem is as\\nfar removed as ever from adjustment.\\nNo sketch of the development of England in the nine- England\\nteenth century can afford to leave out of account her mar- world-\\nempire.\\nvellous colonial expansion and some of the attendant bene-\\nfits. Above all, the colonies have created that vast trade\\nthrough which has been amassed the fabulous wealth of\\ncontemporary Britain. But the benefits of expansion are\\nnot unmitigated. By the creation, all over the world, of\\ninterests which require to be defended when threatened,\\nEngland has become involved in the nineteenth century in\\nnumerous wars. Indeed war may be said to have become\\na permanent feature of English politics. If her troops are\\nnot fighting in South Africa, they are engaged on the Nile,\\nand if not on the Nile, then one may be sure that they are\\nforcing the passes of the Himalayas.\\nBut these are conflicts with minor powers. Of great Rivalry of\\npowers England has, in the nineteenth century, fought only pn^flnd at;\\none Russia, in the Crimean War (1854-56). She en- Constan-\\ngaged in this war because she wished to keep Russia out of\\nConstantinople, and ever since the rivalry of these two\\npowers over Turkey has troubled their relations. And to\\nthis difficulty another has been added in Asia. The largest", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "566\\nThe Modern Period\\nRivalry of\\nRussia and\\nEngland\\nin Asia.\\nHer splen-\\ndid isola-\\ntion.\\nand richest province of England being India, that territory\\nis guarded by England with exceeding jealousy. Now\\nRussia has for a hundred years been steadily extending her\\npossessions over central and western Asia, until the English\\nin India feel that they are no longer safe. Border disputes\\nbetween England and Russia have not been unfrequent of\\nlate years, and may at some time involve the two countries\\nin war. Altogether it may be asserted that the greatest\\ndanger to the English colonial empire threatens from Rus-\\nsia, and chiefly at the two points mentioned in the eastern\\nMediterranean, where the object of rivalry is Constantino-\\nple, and in India.\\nBut Russia is not the only power which puts a restraint\\nupon Great Britain, for France and Germany, and even the\\nUnited States, have of late years been engaged in frequent\\ndiplomatic disputes with the great sea-power. And it must\\nbe granted that the habit of promiscuous land-grabbing,\\nwhich has long distinguished the policy of Great Britain, is\\nvery j)rovoking to high-spirited nations. Thus by her oc-\\ncupation of Egypt, in 1882, she indeed secured for herself\\nthe control of the Suez Canal and the other waterways to\\nIndia, but at the same time delivered a blow to the influ-\\nence of France in the Mediterranean which will not be\\neasily forgotten by that nation. However, up to the pres-\\nent day, this and other disputes have not led to w-ar\\nGreat Britain being a commercial power, is not anxious to\\nengage in military enterprises, and the other European\\npowers, torn by disputes of their own, have never been able\\nto combine against her.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "Great Britain and Russia 5^7\\nRussia in the Nineteenth Century\\nLITERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Seignobos, Fyffe, Muller, and Andrews (as before).\\nThe study of the foregoing pages must, on more than The rise of\\none occasion, have impressed the reader with the increasing\\nimportance in the world of Russia. We saw Russia under\\nPeter the Great (1689- 1725) establish herself as a Euro-\\npean power; under Catharine the Great (1762-95) we\\nobserved her accomplish the destruction of Poland and\\nunder Alexander I. (1801-25) we noted her assumption of\\nthe leadership of the European nations in the overthrow of\\nNapoleon. From the death of Alexander I. to the present\\nday the principal objects of the policy of the Czars have\\nbeen the overthrow of Turkey and the extension of Rus-\\nsian rule in Asia,\\nTo understand the character of the conflict between The empire\\nRussia and Turkey it is necessary to grasp the condition\\nof the Ottoman empire. This state was created chiefly\\nin the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries by the military\\ntriumphs of fanatical Mohammedan hordes, called Turks,\\nand embraced at its height the north coast of Africa, Syria,\\nAsia Minor, and southeastern Europe. The head of the\\nempire of Turkey is its absolute master, and is called Sul-\\ntan. Under him as heads of the provincial divisions of the\\nempire are the pashas. The Turks have made no effort to\\nassimilate the many peoples they have conquered, and have\\nnever appeared in any other guise than that of a privileged\\nclass of military despots encamped among conquered nations\\nof slaves.\\nAt the beginning of the nineteenth century the des- The revolt\\npotic character of the Turkish rule began to excite shame tian oeoDles\\nand horror among the Christian subjects of the Sultan, of the Bal-\\nThe bulk of these were resident in southeastern Europe,\\nand were racially either Greeks or Slavs. The Greeks", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "568\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe inde-\\npendence ol\\nGreece and\\nthe Turco-\\nRussian\\nWar of\\n1828-29.\\nThe\\nCrimean\\nWar. Tur-\\nkey helped\\nby England\\nand France.\\ndwelt approximately within the confines of ancient Hellas\\nand on the ^gean Islands, while the Slavs, among whom\\nwe must distinguish the families of the Serbs, the Rouma-\\nnians, the Bulgarians, and the Montenegrins, were scat-\\ntered, often without any clearly marked geographical boun-\\ndaries, over the Balkan peninsula. From the beginning of\\nthis century the Greeks and the Slavs, growing more and\\nmore restless under the Turkish rule, have risen repeatedly\\nto gain their independence. In these risings they have al-\\nmost invariably enjoyed the sympathy and aid of Russia, for,\\nin the first place, the rise of the subject nationalities of the\\nBalkans has fallen in with the Russian policy, which aims\\nat the abasement of Turkey and in the second place, the\\nRussian people are linked with the Slav and Greek peoples\\nby the common bond of the Greek Church.\\nThe reader has already been made acquainted with some\\nof the movements of the Balkan peninsula and with some\\nof the conflicts between Russia and Turkey resulting there-\\nfrom. In the year 182 1 the Greeks rose against their mas-\\nters, and maintained themselves for years against them in\\na struggle as heroic as any in history. The interference of\\nthe western powers at Navarino (1827), followed by the still\\nmore emphatic interference of Russia in the war of 1828-\\n29, inclined the scales in favor of the Greeks: they be-\\ncame independent under a constitutional monarchy. In\\nthe peace signed at Adrianople (1829) the Russians fur-\\nther secured for the principalities of Servia, Moldavia, and\\nWallachia, a fair degree of self-government.\\nIt was Czar Nicholas I. (1825-55) who had waged the\\nwar of 1828-29, and during the following years he be-\\ncame more and more convinced that the Turkish empire\\nwas falling apart. He invented the famous phrase by\\nwhich he designated the Sultan as the sick man, and,\\nin 1853, occupied the sick man s territories. The result", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "Great Britain and Russia 569\\nwas the Crimean War, in which Turkey was allied with\\nFrance and England, and in which, because of this alliance,\\nshe came out victorious. But in spite of the Russian de-\\nfeat the Christians of the peninsula suffered no loss, and\\nthe Turks gained no advantage. The leading Danubian\\nprincipalities, Servia, Wallachia,^ and Moldavia, were con-\\nfirmed in the rights (self-government under the suzerainty\\nof the Sultan) which had been granted them in the Peace\\nof Adrianople.\\nThe situation in the Balkan peninsula did not enter The revolt\\nanother crisis till 187 when a revolt broke out in of Bosnia,\\n1875.\\nBosnia owing to the insufferable oppression of the Turkish\\ntax-collectors. The brave Bosnian insurgents main-\\ntained themselves with success in their mountains, and\\nfor a time the situation of the Turks was critical. While\\nfighting the Bosnians in front of them, they had to reckon\\nwith the possibility of a rising among the Bosnian sympa-\\nthizers in their rear, for the consequence of the Bosnian\\nstruggle was a tremendous ferment among all the Christian\\nraces under Turkish rule, accompanied by the desire to\\neffect a common rising against the Mohammedan master.\\nFearfiil of this movement the Turks resolved to forestall it\\nby a characteristic method. They sent irregular troops\\namong the Bulgarians, with orders to kill whonisoever they\\nencountered, and these troops throwing themselves upon\\nthe defenceless Bulgarian villages, massacred in cold blood\\nthousands and thousands of men, women, and children.\\nThe Bulgarian atrocities filled Europe with horror. The The\\nSultan made glib excuses, and the diplomats arranged all\\nkinds of compromises, but the difficulties between Europe 1876.\\nand Turkey had already got beyond adjustment by paper\\nconclusions. In Russia, where the people were related to\\nWallachia and Moldavia were in 1861 united under the name o(\\nRoumania", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "570\\nThe Modern Period\\nRussia de-\\nclares war,\\n1877.\\nThe\\nRussian\\ninvasion.\\nPlevna.\\nThe Peace\\nof San\\nStefano.\\nEngland\\nprotests.\\nThe Con-\\ngress of\\nBerlin, 1878.\\ntlie Bulgarians by ties of race and religion, the popular\\nsentiment was soon excited beyond control, and in April,\\n1877, Czar Alexander II. (1855-81), unable and unwill-\\ning to resist longer the public pressure, declared war.\\nIn June the Russians crossed the Danube, and a month\\nlater occupied the principal passes of the Balkan Mountains.\\nBut at this juncture they met with their only serious check.\\nIn the rapid overthrow of the Turkish empire one man ap-\\npeared, resolved to save at least the military honor of the\\nnation. This was Osman Pasha. He gathered such forces\\nas were available, fortified himself at Plevna, and for five\\nmonths directed a defence against the Russians which\\nstopped completely the forward movement upon Constan-\\ntinople, and invited the admiration of the world. But in\\nDecember, 1877, Plevna was taken, and Osman, the lion\\nof Plevna, with the worn-out remnant of his troops, had\\nto surrender.\\nImmediately on the surrender of Plevna the Russians\\ntook up again their march to Constantinople. Turkey\\noffered no further resistance, and in sight of the minarets\\nof the Turkish capital, the Russians forced from the Turks\\nthe Peace of San Stefano (March, 1878). The Peace of\\nSan Stefano practically decreed the dissolution of the Turk-\\nish empire, but it was no sooner signed than England made\\nthe demand that it be submitted to the European powers\\nfor revision. Russia at first protested, but as England,\\nthen governed by Lord Beaconsfield (Disraeli), threatened\\nto go to war in order to get satisfaction, the Czar gave way.\\nIn consequence there assembled for the revision of the Peace\\nof San Stefano the Congress of Berlin (June, 1878).\\nThe Congress of Berlin was largely dominated by sus-\\npicion of Russia, and adopted in consequence the policy of\\nstrengthening the small states of the Balkan peninsula, in\\nthe hope that they might prove an effective barrier, in the", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "Great Britain and Russia 57 1\\nfuture, between Russia and her prey on the Bosporus. It\\nratified the following measures: i. Montenegro, Servia,\\nand Roumania were declared independent. 2. Bulgaria\\nwas constituted a self-governing principality, subject mere-\\nly to the payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan. Its\\nboundaries were drawn on the north by the Danube, and\\non the south by the Balkan Mountains. 3. The southern\\npart of ancient Bulgaria the part south of the Balkans\\nwas constituted as the province of East Roumelia, and\\nthough given an independent civil administration, was left\\nunder the military authority of the Turks. 4. Austria was\\ncommissioned to occupy and administer Bosnia and Herze-\\ngovina. 5. Russia received Bessarabia and a number of\\nterritories in Asia Minor. As the reader will observe, Russia\\ncame out of the Congress of Berlin damaged in prestige and\\nshorn of her triumphs, and has ever since looked upon the\\nBerlin settlement with wrath and indignation.\\nSince the Congress of Berlin a number of changes have Roumania,\\noccurred, most of which point to the increasing vigor of the g ar a\\nBalkan buffer states and to the success of the Berlin since the\\npolicy. In 1881 Roumania declared herself a kingdom\\nunder King Charles I. of the German House of Hohen-\\nzollern-Sigmaringen. Servia followed suit in 1882, her\\nfirst king being Milan I. of the native Servian family of\\nObrenovitch. Bulgaria, however, has seen even greater\\nchanges. In 1885 East Roumelia, which had by the Con-\\ngress of Berlin been separated from Bulgaria against its will,\\nrevolted against Turkish rule, and united itself with its\\nsister state. Soon after this event Alexander of Batten berg,\\nwho had been elected prince of Bulgaria in 1879,\\nposed by a Russian conspiracy, but the affairs of the coun-\\ntry were not greatly disturbed by this mischance, for Fer-\\ndinand of Coburg was elected prince in Alexander s stead,\\nand the country has since enjoyed comparative quiet.\\nwar.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "572 The Modern Period\\nRussia in If by means of the three wars which Russia has waged\\nagainst Turkey since the Congress of Vienna, she has\\nmade considerable acquisitions from that country, she has\\nfared still better in another quarter. In central and eastern\\nAsia, she has had no very important foe to face, and has\\nin consequence, by a system of gradual encroachments,\\nadded to Siberia, which she already held, a great number\\nof border provinces.\\nThe eman- Before we close the chapter on Russia, a number of inter-\\nthe%er s matters deserve a passing mention. Czar Alexander II.\\n1861. (1855-81) was rather more humane than his predecessor,\\nand introduced at least one praiseworthy reform. In 185S\\nhe granted freedom to the 20,000,000 serfs on the crown\\ndomains, and in 1861 he ordered also the liberation of the\\n20,000,000 serfs resident upon the lands of the nobles,\\nmaking the peasants by these decrees free proprietors. This\\nhigh-minded measure raised great expectations among the\\neducated classes, who fancied that the Russian millennium\\nwas at hand, and demanded a constitutional government.\\nWhen the Czar turned a deaf ear to their request, the more\\nradical elements plotted secretly against the government,\\nNihilism. and drifted gradually into nihilism. The nihilists have\\nkept up an active propaganda for many decades, and have\\ndone many deeds of horror, even assassinating, in 1881,\\nthe Czar. These excesses the government has met by\\nwholesale execution and exile to Siberia, but thus far with-\\nout crushing the nihilist agitation.\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\nI. The Irish Land Qi estion.\\nSeignobos, Chaps. II. -IV. (passim).\\nMcCarthy, Ireland Since the Union. $1.50. Chatto Windus. Es-\\npecially Chap. XVI.\\n3. The Congress of Berlin.\\nAndrews, Chap. VIII., p. 321 ff. Fyffe, p. 1045 flf.\\nHolland, J he Etiropean Concert in the Eastern Question. $3.75. Clar-\\nendon. (Contains treaties of San Stefano, Berlin, etc.)", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 573\\nCHAPTER XXXVI\\nTHE GENERAL SITUATION AT THE CLOSE OF THE\\nNINETEENTH CENTURY\\nLilTERATURE.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 CuTzon, Proi/ems q/t/te Fnr East $2.00. Longmans.\\nMilner, Etiglandin Egypt. $1.50. Arnold.\\nLandell, Russian Central Asia. 2 vols. $6.00. Sampson Low.\\nAVorcester, TAe Philippitu Islands. $3.00. Macmillan.\\nIn the last few decades of the nineteenth century it has\\nbecome apparent to every observer that the efforts of\\nEuropean cabinets are no longer confined to the Continent\\nof Europe, but are largely devoted to problems lying out-\\nside of Europe, beyond the seas the policy of the powers\\nof Europe has become a world-policy.\\nThis important change is not so sudden as it looks, in The expan-\\nfact, its origin may be traced back to the momentous voy-\\nages of Columbus and Vasco da Gama at the end of the\\nfifteenth century. Through these and through others which\\nfollowed in the wake of these, the leading European powers\\nestablished commercial interests at various points of the\\nglobe, and many of them even planted seedlings of the old\\nstock in the new lands. The result has been that Europe\\nhas become in a real way interlaced and identified with\\nAsia, Africa, Australia, and America, and the connection,\\nslight and faint at first, has gradually acquired such huge\\nproportions and such immense vigor that its severance\\nwould appear to mean for the home country nothing less\\nthan the annihilation of the authority which that country\\nenjoys in the council of the nations.\\nIf all the European powers are involved in these world\\ninterests, they are not all involved in the same degree.\\nSome entered earlier and some later upon this development,\\nand since it requires time for commerce to grow and col-\\nsion of Eu-\\nrope.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "574 T^hc Modern Period\\nonies to spread, the nations that early gave their attention\\nto the problem of trans-oceanic expansion have acquired a\\nlead, which the younger rivals have overcome either with\\ndifficulty or not at all.\\nNow the order in which the European nations took up a\\nworld-policy seems to have been largely determined by the\\nfollowing political law they took to the sea approximately\\nin the order in which they arrived at their national consoli-\\ndation that is to say, in the order in which their govern-\\nments became strong enough to claim new territory and to\\nhold it against all comers.\\nPortugal We have seen in an earlier chapter that Portugal and\\nand Spain. gpaj^ were the first to direct their attention from Europe\\nto the outer world. They acquired and settled a good\\ndeal of territory east and west. But, victims soon of grave\\ninternal disorder, they found themselves lacking in the\\nrequisite strength and health to persist in their forward\\nmovement. The nations which in the seventeenth century\\nHolland, supplanted them were Holland, England, and France.\\nEngland, p j. ^j colonial vitality of Holland hardly extended\\nand France.\\nover more than one astonishing century, and was largely\\ndue to the exaltation of the struggle with Spain, and to\\nthe temporary eclipse of England and France under the\\nburden of their civil wars. When in the second half of\\nthe seventeenth century England and France, command-\\ning resources that little Holland could not match, entered\\nthe field of competition, the Dutch had, in their turn, to\\ndesist from further gains and be satisfied with what they\\nalready possessed. That left only England and France\\nin the colonial race, and in the course of the eighteenth\\ncentury these two powers met in a memorable contest,\\nwinning in which England reduced France to a few trivial\\nholdings, mere points of support for her merchant marine\\nin various parts of the earth.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 575\\nThus the nineteenth century opened with England enor- Leading co-\\nmously in the lead as a world-power. But of course it was e\u00c2\u00b0s of to\\nimpossible to bar the other European nations from farther day: Eng-\\nattempts at world-empire, and consequently they have prance\\nmade, in the order in which their internal consolidation\\npermitted, new efforts to establish themselves along the\\ngreat lines of travel. Russia, above all, and France, in\\nmeasure as she recovered her national vitality, have at-\\ntempted to raise their flags over unclaimed territory, and\\nlatterly Germany and Italy, having at length achieved their\\nlong-desired unity, have bestirred themselves to make up\\nfor their long impotence. But of course the lead gained\\nby England has not been and could not be overtaken, and\\ntherefore in the enumeration of colonial interests and pos-\\nsessions the great island-kingdom deserves easily the first\\nplace.\\nBy virtue of her success in the Seven Years War (1756- The colonial\\n6;^^ England became undisputed mistress of North America g^Jand\\nand India. The successful revolt of the Atlantic colonists,\\nwho formed the government of the United States of Amer-\\nica, deprived her soon after of the better part of her Amer-\\nican holdings, but the peace of 1783 which acknowledged\\nthe new nation did not disturb the English possession of\\nCanada, and Canada remains to this day the most impor-\\ntant English possession in the west. In India, the author-\\nity of England, uninterrupted since 1763, has become\\nconstantly more consolidated, and her material interests,\\ncarefully nursed, have swelled to gigantic proportions.\\nDuring the Napoleonic Wars England acquired from the\\nDutch, who had been obliged to side with the French em-\\nperor, the territory in South Africa known as the Cape, and\\nin the first half of the nineteenth century she acquired by\\nsettlement the vast continent of Australia. Her latest large\\nacquisition is Egypt, which the government in 1882 took", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "576\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe\\nholdings of\\nRussia.\\nThe\\nholdings of\\nFrance.\\nin an occupation announced at the time to be temporary,\\nbut apparently intended since to be permanent. In addi-\\ntion to these substantial provinces on the great continents\\nof America, Asia, Africa, and Australia, England holds\\nan almost incalculable number of islands, scattered over all\\nthe seas, by which her continental possessions are conven-\\niently bound together.\\nThe greatest rival of England for world-empire is Russia.\\nAs early as the seventeenth century this power had begun to\\nexpand over the north of Asia, and all through the eigh-\\nteenth and nineteenth centuries the absorption by Russia\\nof eastern and central Asia has continued, until her en-\\ncroachments eastward have reached the Chinese Wall, and\\nher progress southward has brought her to the Himalayas,\\nthe northern boundary of British India. Certain small\\ncentral Asiatic states like Afghanistan and Persia still pre-\\nserve their independence; but they are exposed to the\\ndanger of almost hourly extinction in the great conflict\\nwaged between English and Russian diplomacy for the con-\\ntrol of their governments. In addition Russia has steadily\\nreached out in the direction of the Black Sea, and in her\\nprogress has gathered up province after province which\\nthe moribund Sultan has been obliged to release from his\\ngrasp.\\nFrance, which suffered such a grievous colonial setback\\nin the eighteenth century, has in the nineteenth century\\nonce more bravely attempted to retrieve her losses. In the\\nyear 1830 she seized a favorable opportunity to conquer\\nAlgiers, and she has since extended her power over Tunis\\nand the whole Sahara region. Besides this African terri-\\ntory she enjoys a considerable position in Asia by virtue of\\nher occupation of southern China (Tonquin) and the eastern\\nhalf of Farther India.\\nGermany and Italy were of course in no position to en-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 577\\ngage in colonial enterprises till within a very few years, The\\nwhen all the best parts of the earth were already spoken q\u00c2\u00b0 j-j^anv^\\nfor. Still the national pride urged them to fly their flag and Italy.\\nsome\\\\. here and over something, and so when in the eigh-\\nties the general scramble of the European powers for the\\nlast and most worthless continent, the scramble for Africa\\nbegan, these two nations took a hand in the game with\\nEngland and France, and acquired considerable terri-\\ntory, Germany on the west and east coast (Kameroons,\\nGerman Southwest Africa, German East Africa), and Italy\\nin the neighborhood of Abyssinia.\\nA close study of these vantage-points held by the Euro- The _\\npean powers will greatly help in the understanding of their affinities of\\nrelations toward each other since 1870. But these rela- the Europe\\ntions will not be wholly understood thereby, for they have expressed\\nalso been determined by the clash and adjustment of in- by the\\n.1 Triple and\\nterests more nearly at home, that is, m the old historical Dual Al-\\nfield of Europe itself. And especially does this hold of the liances.\\nnow famous grouping of the powers under a Triple and\\nDual Alliance. In fact, however much the maintenance\\nof these alliances may be due to the protection which they\\nextend to the colonial pretensions of their members, they\\nowe their inception to circumstances strictly and narrowly\\nEuropean in their bearing. Let us follow this argument\\nbriefly.\\nThe leading idea of Bismarck s policy after the creation The origin\\nof the German Empire in 1871 was to keep Germany suf- ^J. Triple\\nficiently strong and France sufficiently isolated for the\\nlatter power to feel disinclined to risk a war of revenge for\\nthe purpose of wiping out the memory of her great deleat,\\nand of reconquering the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine.\\nAccordingly, Bismarck fostered the friendship of Germany\\nwith Austria and Russia, and established the alliance which\\nbecame popularly known as the League of the Three Em-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "5/8 The Modern Period\\nperors. The good understanding of Austria and Russia,\\nhowever, was badly impaired by the jealousy aroused in\\nAustria by the Russian successes in the Turkish war of\\n1877, and when, at the Congress of Berlin (1878), Rus-\\nsian diplomacy became convinced that Germany was not\\nsupporting Russia with sufficient heartiness, the League of\\nthe Three flmperors received its death-blow. Bismarck\\nnow felt obliged to protect German interests by some other\\narrangement, and in the year 1879 he signed a close de-\\nfensive alliance with Austria. This Dual Alliance was in\\nthe year 1882 converted into a Triple Alliance by the ad-\\ndition of Italy, which power was impelled to this step by\\nthe fear of French aggression in the Mediterranean, aroused\\non the occasion of the French occupation of Tunis (1881).\\nThe Triple Alliance is at the close of the century still in-\\ntact, and seems to have fulfilled honestly its purpose, an-\\nnounced on a hundred different occasions, of maintaining\\nthe peace of Europe.\\nThe origin The isolation which marked the position of France after\\nAlliance 1870 was due to two causes. First, there was Bismarck s\\ndiplomatic success in drawing most of the European pow-\\ners around himself in a league of peace, and secondly, there\\nwas the natural aversion felt by monarchical governments\\nto a close union with a republic, presumably revolution-\\nary in its tendencies. But the coolness arising between\\nRussia and Germany at the Congress of Berlin inevitably\\nplayed into the hands of France. She sought the friend-\\nship of Czar Alexander III., and although the monarchical\\nprejudices of this sovereign caused him to proceed very\\ncautiously, she finally succeeded (1891) in establishing\\namicable relations, which under Czar Nicolas II. (1894)\\nseem to have assumed the character of a formal alliance.\\nThis Dual Alliance, like the Triple Alliance, claims to be\\npursuing only peaceful purposes, and has not yet given oc-", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 579\\ncasion to doubt its word. These two great European de-\\nfensive alliances have been formed with feference to antag-\\nonisms in Europe, and are pledged, as far as is known,\\nsolely to the maintenance of the status quo on the Con-\\ntinent. They do not seem to concern themselves with\\nthe extra-European ambitions of the powers, but have nev-\\nertheless had some influence in the solution of the various\\nrivalries and conflicts of the last twenty-five years.\\nNow these European rivalries and conflicts have gathered The present\\naround the following leading storm-centres Africa, Tur- tres ^Afrka\\nkey, and China. None of these territories is able to offer Turkey,\\nmuch resistance to attack, and hence their exposure to the\\naggression of the strong.\\nFirst, as to the African difficulties. These are now luck- The African\\nily approaching a solution, since the conflicting claims, P\\ninaugurated by the general scramble of the eighties, have\\nbeen adjudicated by the adoption of the sensible policy of\\nmutual concessions. There were, however, many black\\nmoments in the history of the African negotiations, for in-\\nstance, the conflict between England and France in 1898\\nfor the possession of the Niger and the Upper Nile, which\\nwas, after dangerous haggling, settled by the withdrawal on\\nthe part of France of her pretensions. Peril still threatens Egypt and\\nchiefly at two points first, in Egypt, where France watches ^^^^j rans-\\nwith undisguised aversion the English occupation and sec-\\nond, in the Transvaal (South African Republic), where\\nEngland s attempt to get citizen-rights for her emigrants\\ncalled outlanders, and President Kruger s counter-propo-\\nsition for complete and unlimited sovereignty, involved\\nthe two countries in long negotiations, and led, in Octo-\\nber 1899, to war.\\nThe Turkish muddle is older than the African one, and The Turk-\\noffers much tougher resistance to the solvents that have problem,\\nbeen applied to it. Turkey, or the Ottoman Empire, has", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "58o The Modern Period\\nlong been in dissolution, and would have vanished, at least\\noff the face of Europe, decades ago, if the European powers\\ncould only have agreed as to who should inherit from the\\nSultan. At the important Congress of Berlin (1878) they\\nagreed to the principle of fostering the Christian national-\\nities of the Balkan Peninsula, and although this principle\\ncan hardly be expected to meet with the hearty api)roval\\nof Russia, it has been maintained ever since, with the re-\\nsult that Greece, Roumania, Servia, Montenegro, and Bul-\\ngaria have acquired a constantly increasing vigor. In fact,\\nthe fierce rivalries of these small states have become as\\ngreat a threat to the European peace as the progressive\\ndecay of Turkey. Thus when in 1885 East Roumelia\\nrevolted from Turkey and begged to be incorporated with\\nBulgaria, Servia, jealous of this increase of her neighbor,\\nengaged in a war in which she was defeated. The con-\\nflagration was only kept from spreading over the whole\\nPeninsula by the interference of the powers.\\nMeanwhile the .decay of Turkey has continued, and at\\ntwo points in particular has led to the old game of revolt\\nby the subjects, answered by massacres on the part of the\\nTurks. These two points are Armenia and Crete or\\nCandia.\\nArmenia. The territory of Armenia in eastern Asia Minor is partly\\nRussian and partly Turkish. The Armenians are of Semitic\\nstock, but have long been converted to Christianity. Be-\\nginning with 1890, the Armenians resident on Turkish .soil\\nbegan organizing a revolt for the purpose of acquiring their\\nindependence after the manner of the Balkan nationalities.\\nIn 1894, 1895, and 1896, grave outrages were committed\\nby the Turks as an answer to the revolutionary propaganda,\\nand although the powers in response to the clamorous senti-\\nment of Europe interfered and put an end to the disturb-\\nances, they did not succeed, owing to the opposition of", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0602.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "Situation at Close of Nineteenth Century 581\\nRussia, in carrying out the only permanent measure of re-\\nform the separation of Armenia from Turkey.\\nIn Crete there arose even greater difficulties, but they Crete,\\nwere luckily brought in the end to a more satisfactory con-\\nclusion. The Island of Crete is inhabited by Christians\\nand Mussulmans, the Christians being of Hellenic race.\\nAs far back as 1868 the Sultan had been obliged by the\\npowers to promise reforms in Crete, but these were carried\\nout with so much delay and equivocation that the island\\nnever obtained any real peace, and was perpetually disturbed\\nby outbreaks between the Christians and Mussulmans. In\\n1894 the Christians, secretly aided by their brethren in the\\nkingdom of Greece, began a systematic revolt which the\\nSultan was not able to suppress. In 1896 the Sultan, under\\npressure from the powers, again promised reforms and a\\nChristian governor, but the distrust of him was by this\\ntime firmly rooted, and neither the Cretans nor the Greeks\\nwere appeased. Finally, in February, 1897, the Greeks, The Turco-\\ncarried away by the pan-Hellenistic passion, sent a flotilla Greek War\\nof torpedo-boats to aid the Cretans, and thereby practically\\ndeclared war against Turkey. During the next weeks there\\nwere feverish preparations on both sides, and in April\\nTurkey actively took the field. In a short campaign she\\ncompletely overwhelmed the Greeks, but was hindered by\\nthe interference of the powers from getting any great ad-\\nvantage from her victory. One important result of the\\nwar, however, was that Greece and Turkey alike agreed to\\nthe principle of autonomy for Crete, and promised to ac-\\ncept the Christian governor, who was to be named by the\\npowers. After wearisome negotiations. Prince George of\\nGreece was at last (1898) appointed to this office. Crete\\nis therefore at present only nominally under Turkey, and\\nher self-government under a Greek prince would seem to\\nindicate that the future will bring her into the fold of the\\nChristian kingdom.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0603.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "582\\nThe Modern Period\\nThe\\nChinese\\nProblem.\\nThe war\\nwith Japan,\\n1895.\\nThe ques-\\ntion of the\\ndismember-\\nment of\\nChina.\\nThe weakness of Cliina is an old story. On several oc-\\ncasions (1842, i860, 1868) she has been compelled by\\nEngland or France or Russia to make commercial and even\\nterritorial concessions. But it was not till her war with\\n]apan in 1895 that her whole weakness was revealed. In\\nthis war, Japan, commanding an army and a navy organ-\\nized on modern principles, won an easy victory, and would\\nhave acquired a substantial piece of Chinese territory, if\\nRussia, France, and Germany had not interfered and\\nobliged her (Treaty of Shimonoseki) to be satisfied with\\nthe island of Formosa and a money indemnity. But besides\\nthe weakness of China, there were also brought to the at-\\ntention of Europe on this occasion her immense undeveloped\\nresources, which soon aroused the avidity of the jjowers to\\nstriking pitch. In 1897 Em^^eror William II. of Germany\\nseized the port of Kiao-Chow, and immediately after Rus-\\nsia got possession of Port Arthur, and England of Wei-hai-\\nwei. Thus the scramble for China has begun. France\\nand Italy have not failed to demand special privileges for\\nthemselves, and in 1898 the problem became still further\\ncomplicated by the advent in the Orient of a new power,\\nthe United States, through the acquisition from Spain, in\\na successful war, of the Philippine Islands. At present the\\npowers seem all to be inclined toward a liberal commercial\\npolicy, are alike profuse with protestations of good inten-\\ntions toward China and toward each other, but nevertheless\\nare watching every new move with suspicion. The inter-\\nesting question for every student of contemporary politics\\nis whether China will maintain herself or will be partitioned\\namong the powers,\\nSPECIAL TOPICS\\n1. Bismarck AND THE Triple Alliance. Seignobos, Chaps. XXVIII. An-\\ndrews, Vol. II., p. 323 ff. Lowe, Prince Bismarck. Vol. II.\\n2. The Transvaal Disruxi;. Hillegas, Ooin Paul s People. $1.25. Ap-\\npleton. Bryce, Impressions in South Africa. $2.50. Century Co.\\nNorth American Rcvieiv, November, i8gg March, 1900 (especially\\narticle by Bryce). Also Nineteenth Century, Fortnightly, etc., of\\nsame period.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0604.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL\\nTABLES\\nI.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 EMPERORS AND POPES\\nNote i.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The table of Emperors is complete from Karl the Great on; the table of\\nPopes contains only the more important names.\\nNote 2. The names in italics are those of German kings who never made any claim\\nto the imperial title. Those marked with an were never actually crowned at Rome.\\nCharles V. was crowned by the Pope, but at Bologna, not at Rome.\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nPopes.\\nEmperors.\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nA.D.\\nA.D.\\n314\\nSylvester I. (d. 336).\\nConstantine (the Great),\\nalone.\\n323\\nJulian the Apostate.\\n361\\nTheodosius I.\\n379\\nArcadius (in the East),\\nHonorius (in the West).\\n395\\nTheodosius II. (E.).\\n408\\nValentinian III. (W.).\\n424\\n440\\nLeo I. (the Great),\\n(d. 461).\\nRomulus Augustulus\\n(W.).\\n475\\n(Western line ends with\\nRomulus Augustulus,\\n476)\\n[Till 800 there are Em-\\nperors only at Constan-\\nti?iople.\\nAnastasius I.\\n491\\nJustin I.\\n518\\nJustinian.\\n527\\nJustin II.\\n565\\n590\\nGregory I. (the Great),\\n(d. 604).\\n7IS\\nGregory II.\\n583", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0605.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "584\\nChronological and Genealogical Tables\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nPopes.\\nEmperors.\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nA.D.\\nA.D.\\nLeo III. (the Isaurian).\\n718\\n731\\nGregory III.\\n741\\nZacharias.\\n752\\nStephen II.\\n752\\nStephen III,\\n772\\nHadrian 1.\\nConstantine VI.\\n780\\n(Deposition of Constan-\\ntine VI. by Irene, 797.)\\n[The table gives hence-\\nforth only the Empe-\\nrors of the new West-\\nern line.]\\n795\\nLeo III.\\nKarl the Great.\\n800\\nLiidwig I.\\n814\\n816\\nStephen IV. (d. 817).\\nLothar I.\\n840\\nLudwig II, (in Italy).\\n855\\n872\\nJohn VIII. (d. 882).\\nCharles II. (the Bald).\\n875\\nCharles III. (the Fat).\\n881\\n88s\\nStephen V.\\n891\\nFormosus.\\nGuido (in Italy).\\n891\\nLambert (in Italy).\\n894\\n896\\nBoniface VI.\\n896\\nStephen VI. (d. 897).\\nArniilf.\\n896\\nLudwig the Child.\\n899\\nLouis III. of Provence\\n(in Italy).\\n901\\nCourad I.\\n911\\nBerengar (in Italy).\\n915\\nHenry I. {the Fowler).\\n918\\n955\\nJohn XII.\\nOtto Kitiff., 936; Em-\\nperor, 962.\\n962\\n963\\nLeo VIII. (d. 965).\\nOtto II.\\n973\\nOtto III.\\n983\\nHenry II. (the Holy)\\n1002\\nConrad II. (the Salic).\\n1024\\nHenry III. (the Black).\\n1039\\nHenry IV.\\n1056\\n1057\\nStephen IX.\\n1058\\nBenedict X.\\n1059\\nNicholas II.\\n1061\\nAlexander II.\\n1073\\nGregory VII. (Hilde-\\nbrand).\\n(Rudolph of Suabia, ri-\\nval.)\\n1077\\nloSo\\n(Clement, Anti-pope.)\\n(Hermann of Luxem-\\nburg, rival.)\\n1081\\nI", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0606.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "Chronological and Genealogical Tables\\n585\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nPopes.\\nEmperors.\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nA.D.\\nA.D.\\n1086\\nVictor III.\\n1087\\nUrban II.\\n(Conrad of Franconia, ri-\\nval.)\\n1093\\n1099\\nPaschal II.\\nHenry V.\\n1106\\nII18\\nGelasius II.\\nIII9\\nCalixtus II. (d. 1124).\\nLothar II.\\nII2S\\n*Conrad III.\\n1 138\\nFrederick I. (Barbaros-\\nsa).\\n1152\\n54\\nHadrian IV.\\n1 159\\nAlexander III. (d. 1181).\\n59\\n(Victor, Anti-pope.)\\nHenry VI.\\n1 190\\nPhilip of Suabia, Otto\\nIV. (rivals).\\n1 197\\n1198\\nInnocent III.\\nOtto IV., alone.\\n1208\\nFrederick II.\\nI2I2\\n1216\\nHonorius III.\\n1227\\nGregory IX.\\n1241\\nCelestine IV.\\n1243\\nInnocent IV. (d. 1254).\\n(Henry Raspe, rival.)\\n1246\\n(William of Holland, ri-\\nval.)\\n1246\\n*Conrad IV.\\n1250\\nInterregtium.\\n1254\\n*Richard of Cornwall and\\nAlfonso of Castile, ri-\\nvals.\\n1257\\n1271\\nGregory X. (d. 1276).\\nRudolf I. of Hapsburg.\\n1273\\n1277\\nNicholas III. (d. 1281).\\n*Adolph of Nassau.\\n1292\\n1294\\nBoniface VIII.\\n*Albrecht I. of Hapsburg.\\n1298\\n1303\\nBenedict XI.\\n1305\\nClement V. (who re-\\nmoves Papacy to\\nAvignon).\\nHenry VII. of Luxem-\\nburg.\\n1308\\nLouis IV. of Bavaria,\\nI3I4\\n(Frederick of Austria, ri-\\nval.)\\n1316\\nJohn XXII. (d. 1334).\\nCharles IV. of Luxem-\\nburg.\\n1347\\n(Gunther of Schwarz-\\nburg, rival.)\\n1352\\nInnocent VI.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0607.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "586 Chronological and Genealogical Tables\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nPopes.\\nEmperors.\\nYear of\\nAccession.\\nA.D.\\nA.D.\\n1362\\nUrban V.\\n1370\\nGregory XI. (who\\nbrings Papacy back\\nto Rome).\\n1378\\nUrban VI.\\n(Clement VI. Anti-\\npope. [Htre begins\\nthe Great Schism.]\\n*Wenzel of Luxemburg.\\n*Rupert of the Palati-\\n1378\\nnate.\\n1400\\nSigismund of Lu.xem-\\nburg.\\n1410\\nI417\\nMartin V. [Great\\nSchism healed.]\\n143 1\\nEugene IV.\\n*Albrecht II. of Haps-\\nburg.\\n1438\\nFrederick III. of Haps-\\nburg.\\n1440\\n1447\\nNicholas V.\\n1455\\nCali.xtus IV.\\nI45\u00c2\u00ab\\nPius II. (.-Eneas Picco-\\nloniini).\\n1464\\nPaul 11.\\n1471\\nSi.xtus IV.\\n1484\\nInnocent VIII.\\n1492\\nAlexander VI. (Bor-\\ngia), d. 1503.\\n*Ma.ximil;an I. of Haps-\\nburg.\\n1493\\nCharles V. of Hapsburg.\\n1519\\nThis table has been compiled from Bryce s Holy Roman Empire, with\\nthe kind permission of the publishers, The Macmillan Company.\\nJ", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0608.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "Chronological and Genealogical Tables\\n587\\nPi\\nW\\nH\\nn\\no\\no\\no\\no\\nH\\no\\nO\\no\\nu\\niri\\nlO\\nbfl\\ni\\nT\\nM r-\\nt-t tA\\nr c\\no\\nO b(\\nb/;S\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a03\\n2a*\\nbfl\\nc\\n-g\\nU c\\nu t/i nj\\nO O\\n3\\n1)\\nuw!5\\nbe bt\\nc c\\nu:2\\nbflO -o\\nc\\n3\\n60\\nCO\\nlA c\\nrt\\n_|s\u00c2\u00ab_\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00c2\u00a3.\u00c2\u00a3\u00e2\u0096\u00a03\\no o,_\\n:b o\\nU bo\\no c\\nbfl;-;\\no\\nvQ^o\\nbO\\nQ\\n1- x\\nbo\\n-J3\\n3\\ni c\\n1!.\\no\\nb\u00c2\u00ab\\nc\\n3 -o\\nb\u00c2\u00ab\\n-fe\u00c2\u00b02\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2OT3 2\\n3 C\\nu rt V-\\nbo 2\\nc c\\nc\\n15\\nA\\nk\u00c2\u00a3^\\nu c\\nK S\\na c\\n3\\nu::\\nr o^\\n.s\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094 m\\nt\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1\\nfc4\\nrt\\nhn\\nc\\nto\\nX: ri\\nc\\n3 3\\n1\\nQ\\nH\\na\\ntq\\nrT\\nri3\\n-yi\\n(A\\neric 1\\n(Aus\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a234-\\nU rt\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\neber\\nustr\\n-48.\\nebal\\nustr\\n-55-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0aa i-\\n-\u00e2\u0096\u00a0v\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a20 OT\\n3 U H\\n3v\u00e2\u0080\u009e ri\\n3v.\\nU-3 10\\nU\\n-C\\nH-\\nH-S\\nH\\nbs\\nc\\nUj\\nJ3\\nO\\nbo\\na\\nI.\\nH\\nH\\no\\nz\\na\\nO\\nHI\\nI\\nH\\niJ\\nOS\\nb.\\nO\\no\\nt\\nin\\nu\\nu\\nz\\na\\nH\\nO\\nCO\\nUS\\nQ\\nM\\no\\n.0\\n9\\nrt\\na\\nII-\\nbi\\nW.5\\no\\nUi\\nB\\n4)-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 N\\no rn\\nC I\\n5.\\nc\\n_b\u00c2\u00ab\\nbs\\nV\\nM 1^\\nI\\nOoo\\n5.\\na\\nII\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2d\\nO\\no\\nJ3\\n3\\n-ll\\n1 3\\nc\\n2\\no \u00c2\u00bbo\\nV O", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0609.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "588\\nChronological and\\nGenealogical\\nTables\\no\\nW\\nO\\n13\\nH\\nu\\no\\nX\\no\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00baJ\\nO\\no\\nK\\nH\\nI\\n^4 00\\na\\nS\\no\\n3\\nO\\n3\\nII _\\no\\nI\\nI\\ns\\nII\\nI\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0s^ 00\\n2\\nu;\\nc\\n;ot\\nhi\\na\\ne\\nu\\nu\\no\\n.Sfoo\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\n3\\n.Soo J\\n3\\n^3? t-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0J; to\\nu\\nc\\no\\nUJc\\n.2i.\\n3\\nO\\ns:^\\nc c\\n3 rt\\no\\no\\n3 c\\nCh\\no\\nI\\nlog\\nPoo\\n^00-v-\\nUK/\\nif\\nk-^\\nV\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0u\\n3\\n00 v\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2S-d\\n3\\nrt I\\njC\\nU\\n5\\n.8\\n2\\nu\\nu\\na\\na\\nV\\no\\n5 ^3\\n1\u00c2\u00ab\\n3 i-i\\n2*00 c\\nc\\n5.\\no.\\nA\\na.\\nEi\\nn\\nojg\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0s:_\\nO o\\n1-1 M\\ne\\n4\\nP.\\nE\\nu\\nH\\nO", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0610.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "Chronological and Genealogical Tables\\n589\\nw\\nH\\nM\\nW3\\nID\\no\\n,5\\nM\\nb\\nA\\nW\\nO\\nz;\\no\\nu\\niz;\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2A\\no\\nH\\nI\\nli o\\nu-c:\\ngo\\n3\\nf Si\\nIg.i\\nu c\\n^-t: cj\\nV\\nQ\\na\\n3+\\nJ?\\nq M rt\\nO J=\\nO\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a02c2 J\\n5\\nCi^co o\\nEM\\no _^\\no u\\noT\\nO\\nO f^3\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\no\\noj rt u\\nJ: rt\\n1-^ o -u\\nOS\\nu\\nh\\na\\nt\\n3\\n^S\\n3\\no 6\\nZ lU\\no .i-\\nT3\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ot:\\nO\\nc\\n.\u00c2\u00a33\\nO\\n:a.s\\n._ 3\\nI .s\\no 3\\n.0,\\nI V\\n-So-\\nO\\nJ. CS\\no\\n0)\\nH\\n51.\\n0\\\\\\n2^1\\n1\\nI\\nII-\\nc\\n51\\nf\\nM U\\n33\\nc\\n_\u00c2\u00ab\\nc\\nrK\\n1. 3\\n2\\n3\\no\\nb\\nx:\\nc\\nE\\nr o\\nai\\n3; u\\no\\n-_^ \\\\r\\\\\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n0.\\na\\nrt\\n-n\\nu\\n-c\\nO\\nK\\nCJ\\nt;\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nn\\nu\\nC\\no\\nU\\nc\\nQ\\n2", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0611.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "590\\nChronological and Genealogical Tables\\nV qj\\nE\\nm I-\\nC -A\\ni\u00c2\u00bb\\nin\\n(4\\nB\\nc\\n1\\ns\\n(A\\noo\\n00\\nV\\n-V\\nJ)\\n1^\\nS a.\\no\\n00\\na\\nu\\nm\\no\\n-1(1\\nu\\no.\\no\\nC3\\nu\\no\\nc\\nV\\nV\\n3\\nc\\no\\n(A\\nJi\\nn\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nB\\nCJ\\nB\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a25\\nu\\nu\\n2 o\\nC u\\nU\\n1\\nO CJ\\n(/I\\np 00\\no\\nJ\\no-\\nE\\nc\\no-\\nK\\nU\\nb\\nU*\\n9\\nto\\no\\nfc\\ng\\no\\nc\\nV\\n13\\n(0\\nS\\nV\\nc\\nC\\n1\\nu\\n2d\\nS 01\\noo\\nb\\nMM\\n09\\nE\\no\\n^0\\n.s\\nu\\nH B\\nn (0\\nO\\nO\\nPi\\nt\\nm\\nen\\n\u00c2\u00ab2\\nC\\nU\\nQ.\\n10\\ns\u00c2\u00a3\\nc^\\n00\\n(A\\n2\\n^0\\nE\\n!c\\ns\\n\u00c2\u00bb-i\\nS.\\nc\\nD.\\nT3\\nC\\nr:\\nc\\no\\nu\\nn\\n.2\\n3\\nvd\\n4-*\\n2\\no\\nfc-\\no\\nu\\n.2\\no\\n-c\\nn\\nu\\n(I.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\n(9\\nB\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05\\nE\\nU\\nE\\nM\\n3\\no\\n(A\\n1\\nb.\\n\u00c2\u00bbJ\\nS\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2c\\nC4\\n_a\\n5\\n6\\nV\\nB\\nW\\nc\\n5\\nc\\nto\\nIt\\n\u00c2\u00bb-l\\nHt\\nVO\\nn\\nE.^\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2s\\nCO\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\nt3\\nB\\nc\\n.2\\nif\\nO\\nto\\na\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a03\\nu\\nc\\na\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a25\\nu\\nu\\nc\\nE\\nb\\nb\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\n3\\n-E\\no\\n4^\\no\\nM\\nOS\\nE-\\n[5t)\\ni\\nr^\\nCi\\nc\\nO\\nc\\nli-l\\neI\\no\\nCQ\\nX\\nb\\no\\ns\\no\\no\\nK\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\n3\\nD3\\nB\\n-g\\nE\\nf\\n^1\\nu in\\nV lO\\n2\\na\\nu\\n0)\\no\\n(A\\nO\\nK\\nw\\nO\\nV\\n3\\nu\\n3\\ni-\\nn\\nft\\nE\\nO, V\\nE-^\\n1\\no\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n1\\nK\\ne\\no\\nVI\\nw.s\\n13\\n00\\nlo\\na.\\nX\\nH\\n1\\nX\\n0)\\ne\\nn\\nc\\nE\\na\\nX\\nV\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05\\njU o\\nc\\na\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2-I\\na\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094a.\\n2^\\na\\nO\\nrn\\nJ3\\nf^\\nu^\\n.9-\\nO\\n!c\\nB\\n.2\\nJ3\\ncu\\na,\\ni\\n5\\n^1^\\no 9 2\\nti -ii.\\na\\n2\\nc\\n1^^.", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0612.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "Chronological and Genealoo-ical Tables\\n591\\nZ 1\\nU\\nc\\nu\\nM-S.\\ns\\nCo\\nEM\\nx\\nX\\nC\\nr fl\\nS-^\\ntd rt\\nd-s\\nc\\nhJ\\na.\\nOS\\nMl\\nc\\nO\\nJ -a\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nV\\nV\\nu\\nu\\n9\\nM\\ns\\nis\\nH-\\nEe.\\nvd\\nS\\n5\\nu\\nB\\niC\\n1\\nX\\nK\\nS\\nU)\\nbc\\ns\\nw\\nH\\ng\\nH\\nOJ\\nsi\\nCd\\nU\\nS\\nS\\n1^\\na-: -3\\nn\\nT-\\n3 u\\nC\\nu; HH\\nQ,\\na\\n_o\\njT\\n-j:\\n5\\ncc\\n-13\\n5^\\nN\\n1\\n75 II\\nK\\n2\\ny p\\n3\\nu\\n:t\\nu\\nn,\\nm\\nH\\ns\\n5\\nw\\nc\\n;j\\niC\\ng\\nE\\nu\\n1\\n3\\nQ\\nc\\nz\\n7;\\nVm\\n_;\\nDO\\nK\\nLa\\nz\\nbfl\\n-\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J?\\nc\\nz\\nJa:^\\nh:)\\n_^\\n(A\\nII \u00c2\u00a3S\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a26\\nfA\\nr^\\n5\\nz^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a16\\n00\\nt\\nu o\\np\u00c2\u00ab\\n0\\nu-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0T. 1\\ni; 00\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0=3 M\\n3\\np.\\n00\\n30\\n\u00c2\u00ab^J\\n1\\nS\\nu\\nOS", "height": "2970", "width": "1817", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0613.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "H\\nJ\\nP\\nCL,\\nrt\\n7^\\nz\\n-S\\nc\\nO \\\\f\\\\\\nz\\nU\\nC^\\nb\\n(/I\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a u\\nK\\n5.\\n\u00c2\u00abl\\nc 2\\no\\nJSZ\\n(iu\\nW\\nH\\ni:2\\n.as\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2s\\n6\\\\\\nU\\nJ3\\nO\\no\\nc\\n3\\nto\\nz\\nD\\nO\\na:\\nD\\nP3\\nO c\\n01\\na,\\n15\\n2 a-\\nrt\\na. w)\\n3\\ni\\n3\\no\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05 r5\\nA-\\n.a\\no\\n3\\no\\no\\n_ 3\\n3\\nCL,\\na\\nin\\n3\\nO\\nS i\\n3 1\u00c2\u00a3\\n3 0.\\nn!\\nU\\n-3-S-\\ni-J rt\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\na\\n0^\\no\\nV i:\\n3, 0,\\no (X\\nC50\\n.-c-\\n.a\\na\\nU\\nU\\nS P\\no\\ns\\n00 5\\nOD\\n3\\nrt\\nS ^-5\\nV\\na\\n.c\\n3\\nQ\\nc\\no\\na\\no\\nJ\\nX\\na\\no\\n3 U\\nc o\\n-I 8\\n3 t)\\n3\\nO\\nW\\nbfl\\nCO\\no\\nc\\nw\\n.4) CO\\nrO\\nC\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a22\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nand.\\ncrown, I\\nmj:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2H:Sy\\n4-\\nM\\ni ro\\nOb\\ni\\nS\\n5\\n1\\n^1\\nI-]\\nCI\\nU\\nn\\nO\\n1-.\\nc\\nV\\nX\\na\\nC\\nM\\n(IS\\nm\\n^Z\\n-aj\\n*T^\\nm\\no\\no\\nM\\n1\\n-s\\no\\n4J\\noo\\na a\\n.J^\\n_c-tr\\n3\\nQ\\n^S\\nt\\nX\\n(fl _\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a23\\n3\\n3\\n_o\\nU\\n5\\nrt\\nS\\no\\nU\\n60\\nB", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0614.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "Chronological and Genealogical Tables\\n593\\nw) O\\n00\\nc\\nUl\\nnl\\no\\nc*\\no\\na\\nCfl\\ni\\n_rt\\n3\\nS\\nu\\nQ\\nd\\no\\nUi\\nO\\nIS\\no\\nM N\\nP\\nc\\nc\\nV\\nE\\no\\n3\\nm\\nC\\ns\\no\\nS\\nVO\\nen\\no\\nJ3\\nT\\ni\\nc^\\n00\\nin\\nW\\nZ\\nC\\nC\\nu\\nC\\n03\\nc\\no\\nu _\\nC\\nV\\nX\\n_ m\\n3\\no\\nO\\n3\\nm\\no\\nb.\\nvi\\no\\no\\nin\\nC/3\\n3\\nQ\\ni-J\\no\\nc\\nX\\nM\\nS- o.\\n_X\\nCO\\n3\\nO\\no\\nbo\\n(A\\nn!\\nC\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2S\\no\\na,\\no\\n1-1\\n00\\na\\n(J\\nCO\\n1)\\nfa\\n1\\n(A\\nc\\nk.\\nm\\nOii\\nhn\\no\\no\\na\\nr.\\ni4\\nV\\nc\\n3\\niiJ\\nn.\\n3\\na\\n0^\\n*5\\nU\\nx:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\n.S\\nJ\\na\\na\\nJ3\\n4-J\\nin\\n(1,\\nfl(\\nw\\n-T\\no-\\n_ y) _\\n_ t/i\\no\\nfa\\n3\\nO\\n0.-P\\nE\\n0.\\n.en\\no S\\na\\n3 3\\nC3\\nX\\no\\no o\\nc\\nE o o\\no 4) g\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nc\\nho\\nM\\n3\\n(\u00c2\u00ab-i\\nr^\\nO\\nu\\n3\\nQ\\nX\\nr/)\\n(fl\\n3\\n3\\nn\\n-J\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00ba4\\n.c\\nu\\nc\\n3\\nO\\nU.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05 r,_ r.\\nU\\na\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\n3\\no\\n03\\nH\\n3\\nO\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00baJ\\nX S\\n3\\nO\\nfa\\nH\\no\\nfa\\no\\nCO\\nw\\na\\na\\nc-2\\nSi\\nV\\n_S\\no\\n_ c\\no\\nu\\na\\nU\\n3\\nv- B S\\nH c: c 3\\no s s a\\n.SSK 03\\n3\\no\\nt. 3\\n1^ u\\na\\ng-rt\\no B H\\nCO.\\njU\\nsi\\na 00\\n03\\nU\\nfa\\n.a\\nO 00\\n3\\nni-\\n3\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J\\nO 3\\nCO\\nrt\\nDO!\\n4a. i!\\no\\ni; E\\no\\n-a\\n03\\nZ\\ntc\\nc\\nO!^ 00\\nbo CO\\nj= m\\na. O\\no.o\\n._;\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094 t\\n3\\nc\\nQ\\nu\\nU\\n0.\\niS", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0615.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "594\\nChronological\\nand Genealogical Tables\\no\\nP3\\nO\\nCD\\na\\no\\n(A\\nB\\nW Ml\\nOS\\nc\\nH\\nH\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J\\nK\\nu\\nIII\\nX\\nH\\nS\\nb\\n0)\\nu\\nrt-\\nU\\nc\\n00\\n7\\ns\\nQ\\nu\\ni-i I\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\na\\na\\nV\\n-u c-\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\n9\\nI -d\\ng-\\nCO 2\\nrt\\noo\\nX o\\no\\n(0 CO\\nc o\\no S\\no\\nU*\\nraj,\\ne\\n01\\nl\u00c2\u00ab 00\\n3 O\\n3\\nPi\\nw\\no\\nw\\no\\nO\\nw\\nc/)\\no\\nW\\nCO\\nen\\nPi\\n5\\nc\\nW\\ntj\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a j\\nc\\no c\\nO lyi\\nWO\\nc\\n3\\nE\\nO\\nO 00\\n6 e\\n.2\\nW^\\n_j-s_l_?-\\nbj)\\n(3\\nB\\nSi\\no\\nu\\nu\\no\\nV\\na\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\na\\na\\n-a\\n3\\nj2\\nu\\no,\\nB\\nW\\nc\\n6\\nV\\nO\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\na\\nc\\nW\\n3\\no\\nvi S;\\ne\\nH\\ns\\n3\\n3\\nE\\n(4\\nu\\nu\\nT3\\nta ta\\nE E\\ni 1\\nVO\\ni\\nu\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nu\\nO", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0616.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "Chronological and Genealogical Tables\\n595\\nV\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05\\nM\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nc\\na c\\n2^\\nPw\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2H\\nhi o\\n\\\\C V\\nSt?\\nphus\\nry pow\\nabdic\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0o\\nc\\nfu\\noiS^\\nVm\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o:s Y\\no\\n-H\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nc\\n3\\ng\\nM n\\n1\\nrt\\nw\\n3\\n_o\\n!2 J^\\n2 -c\\no\\nO o\\na\\nU\\no\\nu\\n3\\nU\\nC\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nu\\nII\\no\\nc\\na\\nr: fa\\nQ\\n-8\\n1\\nw\\nrt\\nC/2\\nr\\\\\\no\\na.\\nO\\nX\\nX\\na\\nXI\\nu\\no c\\n.6:3\\n1\\n3\\no\\n3\\nQ.\\n_U\\nX\\nCD\\nU\\nX X\\nCD\\nO\\nM\\nr-^i\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00ba-I\\nu o o\\\\\\n1JJ= in\\nH\\nu 01\\nc\\nh;0 c\\nr,\\n^-S\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\nli-!?\\nE \u00c2\u00abJ\\nSt3 O\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0SiS\\nCO\\nMt3 5\\nCD\\nO\\nS\\nX\\nu\\nc\\no\\nJ\\nu\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0o-\\nu\\n3\\nx:\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nU\\no\\nO\\nc\\ns\\no\\nO -o\\no\\nX\\nU\\no\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nffl\\nH\\ng X\\ns\\nCO\\n\u00c2\u00bb1 O\\n3 K\\n-\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a o\\niJ m\\n3\\no\\n3 u\\nS\\nn! o\\n4- TD\\n3 C\\n(J\\nc\\nu\\nv\\n.a\\nc\\no\\nX\\nC N OO\\nD\\nI\\no\\no\\nw\\nH\\nK r\\nO\\ne.\\nH\\nW\\nu\\nH\\nP\\nQ\\nW\\nC\\nJJ\\nC\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\ni*^\\nc\\nrt\\nM\\nC\\nW\\na\\no\\nS\\nbo\\n3\\nn\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nn\\nS\\nII\\nX\\nu\\n6\\nJ3\\nsi\\no\\na,\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nt^ .5\\nc\\nE\\na\\nc\\nu\\nE\\na\\nE\\nx:\\na\\n111\\n.a", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0617.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "596\\nChronological and Genealogical Tables\\na*\\no\\n1-^\\nCI\\nc\\na\\nXI\\nM\\nN\\nVO\\nI^\\nO\\nJ3\\nU\\n(/I\\nO\\nnl\\nu\\no\\nu\\nO\\nu\\n~J3\\n0.\\no O,\\nu 2\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nV o\\n\u00c2\u00a39\\nn _-\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\\nJZ o\\nOS\\nN\\np.;\\nu u\\n1UJ3 5\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2O T3 (9\\nC\\n-rt_(0 O\\ntj (U c*\\n2 Z\\no\\nJ3\\no\\nU\\ni)\\nc\\na\\n4) m\\nC i\\nCO o\\nX Jo\\no\\nw\\nCO\\nc\\n-A\\nu\\nV\\n_ c\\nVO\\nj:\\nV\\nU\\nkl\\no\\nT3\\nO\\nJ=\\nH\\na\\nc\\n01\\nH\\nQ\\n-1\\nO\\n12;\\nw\\nI o\\nW\\nH\\nCA\\no\\nu\\nV\\nn\\nr)\\nm\\nu-,\\nC\\nli,\\n2\\ns\\nO\\no\\n4J\\n4-\\nE\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nO\\na\\nJ3\\no\\no\\nO\\nu\\nQi\\nCk!\\nbe\\nS -fi-\\nre\\n-o\\nV\\no\\n01\\nw\\nW\\nB\\n3\\nE\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nn\\nW\\n-v\u00c2\u00ab\\n1\\na\u00c2\u00ab\\nII\\nC9\\nu\\nb\\nO\\nE\\nu\\no o\\nII\\nD N\\n4J\\nr\u00c2\u00a3?\\nU\\nT3\\nO\\nf^\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2s\\ni; \u00c2\u00b0-o\\nIs\\n.t I-.\\nr\\n-n in\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nM\\nfii\\nii\\n4)\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a25", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0618.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "Cliroiioloijical and GcncaloQ-ical Tables\\n597\\nz\\nw\\nX\\no\\nH\\nh\\nw\\nC\\no\\no\\no\\nw\\nH\\nO\\na\\nV\\na.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nV\\n3\\no\\nU\\n1 m\\n6 N\\no\\nu\\n-3 -P\\na\\nII\\n3\\nir K\\nc c\\nJ\\n6\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\nrt\\na\\nc\\ns\\nM\\nc\\nIT)\\nr 1\\nM\\no\\nm\\n(1)\\nC\\nM\\n3\\nP.\\nn\\nO\\nOi\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nnl\\no\\ne\\nf^3\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2T3\\nt-\\no\\no\\nc\\nCD\\nm\\n3\\n3\\nJ3\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0s\\nf^\\no\\ns c\\no\\n(IS J J\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0T3.il\\n3\\nPR\\n3\\no\\nc\\no\\nm\\nVO\\n13\\n1\\nf^\\nM\\nM\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0d-\\nt-4\\nu\\nC\\nX\\nC\\n11\\nu\\ns\\nrt\\nu\\n[K\\n4-l\\nO\\nu\\n_c\\nu\\na\\nN\\nCD\\nho\\n^3 O\\na V\\n\u00c2\u00ab7\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2V.\\nj- u\\n3\\no\\\\\\na\\n(ii E-\\nJ^\\nII-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nc\\nCI\\nJ3\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\n3\\na\\n3\\nO\\na\\nV\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nt3\\nC\\n\u00c2\u00a7.\u00e2\u0096\u00a03\\n0. a\\nu\\no\\nH\\n(J oT\\n5\\n1\\n(11\\n5\\n.CJ\\nW\\np\\nOOP\\nto\\n,3 in\\nH\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a20\\nC cJ\\n.U Zi\\ns\\n3\\nH\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a20\\nC\\nc\\nt/. 3\\no\\n3\\nu\\nc\\nJ=\\na\\\\\\n6\\nc-if.S\\n2\\nu\\nh o\\\\\\nT3\\nrt\\nrt\\nu\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\n3\\ne\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\n2\\nS\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05\\ns-g\\nw\\n0-3\\n0) 1) 1-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0n 5; j=\\nU CO\\nW\\ns\\noil\\n1\\n3\\np\\nm\\nII\\n2\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a02\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\noJ\\no.\\nOJo\\nu\\ng\\n3", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0619.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "598\\nChronological and\\nGenealogical Tables\\no\\nH\\nU\\nz\\no\\nu\\noi\\nI\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I\\nX\\nH\\nO\\no\\nac\\nO\\nQ\\nCO\\nci\\no\\nQ\\nH\\nb\\nO\\nOT\\ntn\\no\\nK\\nK\\nH\\nE\\no\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\nc\\ns\\nM\\n3\\nO\\na\\nin\\na\\no\\n4)\\ni.\\nc-\\n6\\nu O\\no\\n?0-\\n*o\\nV\\nE\\na\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\n-rt J,\\no\\no\\na\\ni\\nII\u00e2\u0080\u0094 rt -io\\nc 2S\\nM\\nu\\nbay\\n3 5\\nI\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I\\nc2^\\na;\\ndl\\na\\n3\\nai\\nM\\nm\\n*-4\\nv\\n3\\nQ\\nrt\\nIM_\\nWl-\\niJ\\nbL\\nL.\\nO\\no\\nrj\\nO\\nS\\nu\\no\\nu\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2o\\nO\\nO\\nfa\\nO\\nM\\no J2\\n^S\\nCD\\no\\nto\\nf.\\nt)\\no\\nE\\nt^\\n(d\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2-1\\nu\\na\\na\\nin\\nno\\nbl\\nt^ 0)\\nM\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2n\\nc\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2n\\nL.\\n1,\\n-3\\n-1\\no\\n(-1\\ntag\\nu\\nO\\nO\\nII .-3\\nre\\nIS I\\nfw.S\\noo", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0620.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAachen, 94\\nAbbassides, 188\\nAbelard, 146, 168, 198\\nAbsolutism, growth of, in Europe,\\n279\\nAbu Bekr, 184, 188\\nAbukir Bay, battle of, 500\\nAcco, siege of, 200; taken by Mo-\\nhammedans, 203\\nAct of Settlement, 459\\nAct of Supremacy, 331 abolished,\\n336 restored, 340\\nAct of Uniformity, 340, 413\\nAdelaide, 97\\nAdolph of Nassau, 249\\nAdrianople, battle of, 23 peace of,\\n.Alfred the Great, 70-72\\n^thelberht, king of Kent, 31\\n.-Ethelred the Redeless, 73 f.\\n^thelstan, 72\\n^thelwulf, 70\\n^.tius, 25 defeats Attila, 26\\nAgincourt, battle of, 239\\nAix-la Chapelle, peace of, 424, 451,\\n46s\\nAlamanni, 25, 44\\nAlaric, 23 f.\\nAlberic, 98\\nAlbigenses, 161, 162, 224\\nAlbornoz, 221\\nAlcuin, 56\\nAlexander 11., Pope, 80, 13S f.\\nAlexander III., Pope, 152-6\\nAlexander V., Pope, 271\\nAlexander VI., Pope, 273, 292\\nAlexander I. (Czar), 508 ff.; 530\\nAlexander II. (Czar), 569, 572\\nAlexander of Battenberg, 571\\nAlexis (son of Peter), 439\\nAlexius, 105, 195\\nAli Khalif, 184, 188\\nAlsace, cession of, 388 to Ger-\\nmany, 558\\nAlva, duke of, 352 ff.\\nAmerican Revolution, 467\\nAmiens, Peace of, 503\\nAndrew of Longjumeau, 208\\nAngelo, Michel, 266\\nAngles, 28\\nAnglo-Saxon Chronicle, 72\\nAnglo-Saxons, 28 ff. missionaries,\\n127\\nAnne, queen of England, 460 f.\\nAnne of Austria, 420\\nAnne Boleyn, 329 proclaimed\\nqueen, 330 execution of, 333\\nAnne of Cleves, 333\\nAnselm, 80, 83\\nAntioch, 124, 195, 203\\nAntoine, king of Navarre, 364, 367\\nArabic civilization, 189 ff.\\nArabs, 182 ff.\\nArcadius, 21\\nArchitecture, Arabic, 190\\nAreola, battle of, 498\\nArianism, 33\\nAristotle, 190\\nArmada, Spanish, 322, 345\\nArnold of Brescia, 156 ff., 198\\nArnold of Winkelried, 251\\nArnulf, 67, 91\\n599", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0621.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "ooo\\nIndex\\nArt, Byzantine, 37\\nAssembly, National. 477 ft Legis-\\nlative, 483 ft:\\nAssize of Clarendon, 234\\nAthanasius, 174\\nAthaulf, 173\\nAthens, University of, 38\\nAttila, 25 f.\\nAugsburg, Diet of, 306 Confession\\nof, 306 Religious Peace of, 309\\nAugust the Strong (Poland), 437\\nAugustine, sent to England, 31\\nAugustine, St., 174\\nAusterlitz, battle of, 506\\nAustrasia, 45, 46\\nAustria, 48, 248 Seven Years War,\\n452 ft War of Austrian Suc-\\ncession, 449 ft and French Revo-\\nlution, 484, 496, 497. 506, 512,\\n515 territorial reconstruction of,\\n520 revolution of 1S48 in, 537,\\n542 ft war of 1S66, 544\\nAustrian Succession, war of, 449 ff.\\nAustro-Hungary, 559\\nAvars, 41, 48\\nAvignon. 228, 270 f.\\nAzov, Port of, acquired by Peter,\\n433\\nBacon, Francis, 347\\nBagdad, seat of KhJifate, i38\\nBaldwin I., 194, 196\\nBalkan Peninsula, 567 fF.\\nBannockburn, battle of, 237\\nBarneveld, 357\\nBastille, fall of, 478\\nBatavian Republic, 495\\nBattle of the Spurs, 327\\nBavaria, in Thirty Years War, 379\\nff. favored by Napoleon, 506\\nBavarians, 42, 54\\nBeaconsfield, Lord, 570\\nBede, 31 f.\\nBedford, Duke of, 239, 242\\nBecket, Thomas, 235\\nBegg;us (in Netherlands) 353\\nBegging Friars, 167\\nBelgium, 255 f ceded to France,\\n498 revolution in, 528 f.\\nBelisarius, 40\\nBenedict II., 269\\nBenedict of Anianc, 176\\nBenedict of Nursia, 175 f.\\nBenedictine rule, 176 f.\\nRenevento, Duchy of, 42, 96\\nBeowulf, 28\\nBerengar of Friuli, 67\\nBernard of Clairvau.v, 144, 199\\nBertha of Kent, 31\\nBesan(,xin Episode, 148 ff\\nBill of Rights, 418\\nBishoprics, established by Karl the\\nGreat, 48 by Otto I., 96\\nBishops Wars, 402 f\\nBismarck, Otto von, 553 ft 577 ft\\nBlack Prince, 238\\nBl.mche of Castile, 225\\nBlenheim, battle of, 429\\nBlucher, Marshal, 517\\nBoemund, 105, 194 fF.\\nBoethius, 72, 190\\nBohemia, 48, 96, 99, 250, 252 and\\nThirty Years War, 378 f.\\nBonaparte, Jerome, 50S\\nBonaparte, Joseph, 510\\nBonaparte, Louis, 505 see Na-\\npoleon\\nBoniface, 127 ff., 176\\nBoniface VIII., 228. 268 f.\\nBook of Common Prayer, 334. 340\\nBosnia, revolt of, 569\\nBoso, 67\\nBosworth, battle of, 245, 295\\nBothwell, Earl of, 344\\nBourbon, House of, in Civil ars.\\n364 restoration of, 516\\nBouvines, battle of, 224\\nBoyne, battle of the, 458\\nBraganza, House of, 323\\nBrandenburg, growth of, 389 see\\nPrussia\\nBrazil, 283", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0622.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "Index\\n60 1\\nBreitenfeld, battle of, 385\\nBretigny, Treaty of, 239\\nHrille, taking of, 354\\nBrissot, 489\\nBritannia, 28\\nBruce, David, 238\\nBrunhilda, 45\\nBrunswick, duke of, 485\\nBuckingham, duke of, 398, f. mur-\\nder of, 400\\nP ulgaria, 569, 571\\nI ulgarians, 41\\nBund, the (German), 521, 545\\nBunyan, John, 419\\nBurgundians, 24 f\\nI5urgundy, 45, 67, 101, 253, 256;\\nHouse of, 348\\nBute, Lord, 467\\nCabot, John, 284\\nCaedmon, 28\\nCairo, 189 f.\\nCalais, loss of, 337\\nCalendar (republican), 494\\nCalvin, 313 ff.\\nCalvinism, spread of, 314\\nCambray, peace of, 306\\nCampo Formio, peace of, 498\\nCanning, 524\\nCanossa, 141\\nCapetian dynasty, 87\\nCappel, battle of, and peace of, 312\\nCaracalla, 8\\nCardinals, 134 college of, 135, 142\\nCarnot, 495, 497\\nCassiodorus, 176\\nCastlereagh, Lord, 561\\nCatalaunian Fields, 26\\nCateau-Cambresis, peace of, 351\\nCatharine 11., of Russia, 440 f 455\\nCatholic Relief Bill, 562\\nCatholicism in England, 340, 414, 417\\nCavaliers, 404\\nCavour, 548 ff.\\nCharles Albert of Sardinia, 540\\nCharles Edward (Pretender), 464\\nCharles L (Eng. 397 ff. flight from\\nLondon, 404 surrender to Scots,\\n406 beheaded, 408\\nCharles IL (Eng.), 412 ff. and Louis\\nXIV., 414; death of, 416\\nCharles the Bald, 63 ff.\\nCharles the Bold, 246, 253, 256\\nCharles the Smiple, 84 f\\nCharles L, of Roumania, 571\\nCharles II., of Spain, 427\\nCharles IV., of Spain, 510\\nCharles V., Emperor, king of Spain,\\n254, 295, 319 French-Spanish\\nWars, 305 crowned Emperor,\\n306 war in Germany, 308 f ab-\\ndicates, 310; and the Netherlands,\\n349 f-\\nCharles IV., of Bohemia, 250\\nCharles IV., of France, 231\\nCharles VI., Emperor, accession,\\n429 death of. 448\\nCharles VI., France, 239\\nCharles VII., France, 239 ff.\\nCharles VIII., France, 222, 246\\nCharles IX., France, 3^, 367 f.\\nCharles X., France, 526\\nCharles XII., .Sweden, 436 in Po-\\nland, 437 f. Pultava, 438 death\\nof, 439\\nChina, 582\\nChioggia, battle of, 219\\nChivalry, 119\\nChlodvvig, 44 ft\\nChristian IV. (Denmark), 381\\nChristianity, 3 ff. legalized, 19 f\\nin Ireland, 30 f. m England,\\n31 ff. in Hungary, 257 in\\nPoland, 257 f.\\nChristina of Sweden, 386\\nChristopher Columbus, 282\\nChurch, under Gratian, 21; Con-\\nstantine and, 20; under Justinian,\\n37 ff. in England. 31 and Chlod-\\nwig, 44 under Karl the Great,\\n51, 58 f. under Otto I. 96 under\\nHenry 111., 103 f. and feudalism,", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0623.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "602\\nIndex\\nIII, 120; organization of, 123;\\nconquest of the West, 126 f.\\nworldliness of, 173 and Louis\\nIX., 227; and Wyclif, 243; in\\nMiddle Age, 261 States of the,\\n292, 541\\nCisalpine Republic, 498, 506\\nCities, 117; growth of, 209 ff. in\\nGermany, 215 f. in Netherlands,\\n255 f. in Italy, 217 ff.\\nCivil Wars, England, 404 ff. 407\\nClarendon, constitutions of, 234\\nClement III., 155 f.\\nClement V., 228 at Avignon, 270\\nClergy, 120 celibacy of, 142 regu-\\nlar and secular, 177\\nClermont, first crusade, 193\\nClive, Lord, 466\\nCluniac reforms, 98, 102, 177 f.\\nCode Napoleon, 505\\nColbert, Jean, 422\\nColet, John, 325 f.\\nColigny, Gaspard de, 364 murder\\nof, 369\\nColonies, Spanish, 283 English,\\n284 French, 285 Dutch, 285\\nCqlumba, St., 30\\nCommerce, 206 f., 211\\nCommittee of Public Safety, 490 ff.\\nCommonwealth, creation of, 408\\nCommune of Paris, 559\\nConcordat, the (French), 504\\nConde, Prince of, 364\\nConfederation of the Rhine, 506\\nCongress of Berlin, 570 f.\\nCongress of Laibach, 523\\nCongress of Troppau, 523\\nCongress of Verona, 523\\nCongress of Vienna, 516, 519\\nConrad I., 92\\nConrad II., loi\\nConrad III., 144 f. 199\\nConrad IV., 168\\nConradino, i68 f\\nConstance of Sicily, 154\\nConstance, Treaty of, 154\\nConstantino, 19 ff\\nConstitution of the year III., 496\\nConsulate, the (French), 502\\nContinental system, 509 ff.\\nConvention (French), 487 ff.\\nCorday, Charlotte, 491\\nCorn Laws, repeal of, 563 f.\\nCorporation Act, 413\\nCorsica, 499\\nCortez, 320\\nCosenza, 23\\nCouncil of Blood, 353, 355\\nCouncil of NicEea, 125, 158 of Alt-\\nheim, 92; of Sutri, 102; of Sar-\\ndica, 125 of Constantinople, 125\\nofChalcedon, 125; of Pavia, 131;\\nof Worms, 138 of Clermont, 193\\nof Constance, 222, 252, 272 of\\nPisa, 271 of Basel, 272 of Trent,\\nCounter-Reformation, 315 ff.\\nCranmer, Archbishop, 330, 334, 337\\nCrecy, 238\\nCrete, 581\\nCrimean War, 547 f.\\nCromwell, Oliver, 405 ff Protector,\\n410 death of, 411\\nCromwell, Richard, 412\\nCromwell, Thomas, 330, 332\\nCrusade, Frederic I., 155, 199 f.\\nfirst, 193 ff second, 198 f. third,\\n199 f of Henry VI., 200; fourth,\\n201 Children s, 202 last, 203\\nCrusaders, 193 f. motives of, 194\\nCrusades, 193 ff.\\nCurials, 9 ff.\\nCuria Regis, 233\\nCustozza, battle of, 540, 551\\nCuthbert, St., 30\\nCyprus, 200, 203\\nDagobbrt, 46\\nDamascus, 188, 199\\nDanelaw, 71\\nDanes, 13, 70 ff. 99 f.\\nDanton, 486 death of, 493", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0624.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "Index\\n603\\nDarnlcy, Lord, 344\\nDeclaration of Independence, 467\\nDeclaration of Indulgence, 415, 417\\nDenmark, 256 accepts Lutheran-\\nism, 311 league with Poland and\\nRussia, 436 and Schleswig, 538,\\n553\\nDesiderius, 48\\nDiocletian s reform, 18 f.\\nDionysius Exiguus, 126\\nDirectory, 497 ff.\\nDissenters, 414\\nDomesday Book, 232\\nDominic, St., 179\\nDominicans, 179\\nDon John of Austria, 323, 356\\nDo nothing kings, 46\\nDover, treaty of, 415, 424\\nDresden, peace of, 450\\nDryden, John, 419\\nDual Alliance, 578\\nDunstan, 73\\nDutch, in Netherlands, 348 ff.; wars\\nwith England, 411, 414, 415 f and\\nLouis XIV., 424 ff.\\nDutch Colonies, 285, 360\\nDutch Republic, origin of, 356\\nEadgas Atheling, 81\\nEadmund, 70, 72\\nEadmund Ironside, 74\\nEcclesiastical Reservation, 309\\nEcgberht, 28, 69 f.\\nEdessa, 196 f.\\nEdict of Restitution, 382, 388\\nEdict of Worms, 303\\nEdward the Elder, 72\\nEdward the Confessor, 75\\nEdward I., 237\\nEdv/ard II., 237\\nEdward III., 231, 237 f.\\nEdward IV. and V. 239\\nEdward VI., 333 f.\\nEgmont, Count, 351, 353\\nEgypt, Napoleon in, 500\\nEinhard, 60\\nEkkehard, 99\\nEleanor of Aquitaine, 223\\nElizabeth, character, 338 f. religious\\npolicy, 339; and Mary Stuart,\\n341 ff.\\nElizabeth of the Palatinate, 380\\nElizabeth of Russia, 455\\nEngland, 28, 33 and the Norse-\\nmen, 69 ff.; after 1070, 232 ff;\\nunder the Tudors, 296 establish-\\nment of Church of, 334, 339 f. ex-\\npansion of life, 347 in seventeenth\\ncentury, 395 ff. Commonwealth\\nand Protectorate, 408 ff. restora-\\ntion, 412 ff. under William and\\nMary. 457 ff. seven years war,\\n452 ff., 465 f and Ireland, 458,\\n564 f.; war of Spanish Succession,\\n428 460; union with Scotland,\\n461 and Napoleon, 499 ff. a\\nworld empire, 565, 574 f.\\nEnzio, 167, 169\\nErasmus, 299\\nEsthonians, 15\\nEugene, prince of Savoy, 428\\nEurope, physical character of, 56 fE\\nFairfax, 406\\nFatima, 189\\nFawkes, Guy, 394\\nFerdinand and Isabella, 294\\nFerdinand I. (Emperor), 310\\nFerdinand II. (Emperor), 379 f.\\nFerdinand III. (Emperor), 387 f.\\nFerdinand (Brunswick), 466\\nFerdinand (Coburg), 571\\nFerdinand (Naples), 523\\nFerdinand VII. (Spain), 522\\nFeudal armies, 113 dues, 113 f.\\njustice, 115 society, 116 castles,\\n120\\nFeudalism, 107 origin of, 108 and\\nthe Church, in terms, in and\\nserfs, 116; chivalry, 119; clergy,\\n120 decay of, 121\\nFief, III", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0625.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "6o4\\nIndex\\nFinnic-Turkish tribes, 15 f.\\nFloddcn Field, battle of, 327\\nFlorence, 220 f., 291\\nFrance, 64 cities of, 209 fT. after\\n1108, 223 ff. English wars with,\\n237 ff. army of, 244 unification\\nof, 245, 293 reformation in, 362 ff.\\nunder the Guises, 363 ff. war of\\nthe three Henries, 370 under\\nRichelieu, 373 ff. in Thirty Years\\nWar, 384, 386 under Louis XIV.,\\n421 ff. Seven Years War, 452 ff.\\n465 f. in eighteenth century,\\n469 ff. revolution, 475 ff. under\\nLouis Philippe, 532 ff.; Second\\nRepublic, 535 under Napoleon\\nIIL, 546 ff.; third republic, 558\\nFrancis L (France), 361 French-\\nSpanish wars, 294, 305 f.; rivalry\\nwith Charles V., 361; a persecu-\\ntor, 362\\nPVancis II. (Emperor), 484, 503\\nFrancis II. (Naples), 550\\nFrancis II. (France), 363, 365\\nFrancis Joseph, 544, 560\\nFrancis, St., 178 f\\nFranciscans, 178 f., 270\\nFranco-Prussian W^ar, 557 ff.\\nFranks, 13, 28, 44 ff.\\nFredegondc, 45\\nFrederick I. (Emperor), 145 ff.\\nFrederick II. (Emperor), 158 ff.,\\n230 crowned, 163 and the pa-\\npacy, 163 ff. in Sicily, 164 char-\\nacter of, 167 on crusade, 163,\\n20i\\nFrederick L (Prussia), 446\\nFrederick William, the Great Elec-\\ntor, 444 ff.\\nFrederick the Great, 448 ff. and\\nVoltaire, 452 Seven Years War,\\n453 ff-\\nFrederick William I. 446 f.\\nFrederick William II., 484\\nFrederick William III., 508, 514\\nFrederick William IV., 539, 544, 553\\nFrederick of the Palatinate, 378\\nKing of Roliemia, 380 and |ames\\nI.,38of.\\nFricdland, battle of, 508\\nP rondc, the, 421\\nGambetta, 558\\nGaribaldi, 542, 550\\nGaul, invasions of, 24 ff.\\nGefolge, 13 f. 109\\nGeiseric, 24\\nGeneva, 313 ff.\\nGenoa, 219\\nGeorge I., 461\\nGeorge II., 463\\nGeorge III., 467\\nGepidaj, 42\\nGerbert, 100, 191\\nGerman Empire, Constitution of,\\n558\\nGerman, order of knights, 180\\nGerman Parliament, 537 ff 544 f\\nGermans, 12 ff. reaction against,\\n35 ff.\\nGermany, 52 f. 64 expansion of, 96\\ngreat interregnum in, 248 cities\\nof, 215 f., 285 f reformation in,\\n298 ff. Thirty Years War, 376 ff\\nand Congress of Vienna, 521 ef-\\nfect of July revolution, 529 revo-\\nlution of 1848 in, 537 ff unifica-\\ntion of, 553 ff.\\nGhengis Khan, 189\\nGhibclline.s, 145, 154, 218\\nGibraltar, 530\\nGironde, 483, 484, 488 f.\\nGladstone, 565\\nGodfrey of Bouillon, 194, 197\\nGodwin, Earl, 75\\nGolden Bull, 250\\nGoths, 12\\nGoths, East, 24 invade Italy, 27\\nkingdom destroyed, 27 f.\\nGoths, West, 23 f.\\nGratian and the Church, 21\\nGravelotte, 557", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0626.jp2"}, "627": {"fulltext": "Index\\n605\\nGreek Revolution, 524 f.\\nGregory I., 31, 176\\nGregory II., 130 f.\\nGregory VII., 89, 105, 131, 136 ff.,\\n177, 198\\nGregory IX., 165\\nGregory X., 203\\nGregory XI., 271\\nGrimoald, 46\\nGrouchy, Marshal, 517\\nGuelfs, 145, 154, 157, 218\\nGuido of Spoleto, 67\\nGuilds, 210, 213, 215\\nGuise, duke Francis of, 363, 366\\nGuise, Henry of, 368, 370\\nGuizot, 533 f.\\nGunhild, 74\\nGunpowdc r Plot, 394\\nGustavus Adolphus, 383 ff.\\nGuthrum, 71\\nHaurfan I., 59\\nHadri.in IV., 147 ff.\\nHampden, John, 402, 404\\nHanover, House of, 459\\nHapsburgs, 248 ff. two branches,\\n310; and Richeheu, 374,378,386,\\n388\\nHardenberg, 514\\nHarold, elected king of England,\\n76; and William, 80 f.\\nHebertists, 492\\nHegira, 184\\nHeliand, 100\\nHenrietta Maria, 397\\nHenry I. (I-Lngland), 232 f.\\nHenry II., 127, 233 ff and Beket, 235\\nHenry III. 236 i.\\nHenry IV., 237, 239\\nHenry V., 237, 239\\nHenry VI., 237, 239\\nHenry VII., 245, 296\\nHenry VIII., 325 f. foreign policy,\\n327 marriages, 328, 333 head of\\nchurch, 330 f protestantism of, 331\\nHenry I. (France), 88\\nHenry II., 362, 363\\nHenry III., 369 ff.\\nHenry IV. (Henry of Navarre),\\n367, 369 ff. abjures Protestantism,\\n371 and House of Hapsburg,\\n372 assassinated, 372\\nHenry I. (Germany), 92 f.\\nHenry II., loi\\nHenry III., 102 f no; and papacy,\\n131 f. died. 134\\nHenry IV., 103, 105, 134 ff.\\nHenry V., 143\\nHenry VI., 155 ff. 200\\nHenry VII., 249\\nHenry the Lion, 145, 153 ff.\\nHermits, 173\\nIlildebrand, 133 ff. Pope, 136\\nHohenfriedberg, battle of, 450\\nHohenzollern, 252. See Prussia\\nHolland, 255, province of, 356 f.\\nbecomes Batavian republic, 495\\nand Napoleon, 505 a breach\\nwith Belgium, 528\\nHoly Alliance, 522\\nHoly League, 289 (France), 369\\n(Germany), 377\\nHoly Roman Empire, 285 disrup-\\ntion, 388 end of, 507\\nHonorius, Emperor, 21\\nIlonorius III., Pope, 163\\nHouse of Commons, beginning of,\\n237 separated from House of\\nLords, 241\\nHubertsburg, 455\\nHugo Capet, 86 f.\\nHuguenots, 363 ff. and Edict of\\nNantes, 371 curbed, 373\\nHumanists, German, 299; English,\\n32s\\nHundred Days, the, 517\\nHundred Years War, 237 ff\\nHungary, 95 f., 253, 257 f. in 1848,\\n543 in 1867, 559\\nHuns, 15, 23, 25 f.\\nHuss, John, 252, 271\\nHutten, Ulrich von, 299", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0627.jp2"}, "628": {"fulltext": "6o6\\nIndex\\nIl,LYUI.\\\\, 23\\nIndependents, rise of, 406\\nIndiiV, English win, 466 f.\\nIndulgences, 300\\nInnocent II., 144\\nInnocent III., 158 ff., 201, 236\\nInnocent IV., 176 ff., 268\\nInquisition, in Spain, 295 first\\norganized, 318 in the Nether-\\nlands, 350 f.\\nInterregnum in Germany, 170, 248\\nlolanthe, 163\\nlona. Isle of, 30\\nIreland, 30 f., 127, 235 colonization\\nof Ulster, 396 subdued by Crom-\\nwell, 409; Act of Union, 468;\\nrelation to England, 458 f., 564 f.\\nIrene, Empress, 50 f., 58\\nIrish Missionaries, 30, 127\\nIronsides, 405\\nIsabella, 255\\nItaly, in time of Otto I., 97 f. and\\nNormans, 103 to 1494, 217 ff.\\nand Renaissance, 267, 288 ff.\\nand Holy Alliance, 520 f. July\\nrevolution in, 529 f. revolution of\\n1848 in, 5S9 ff. unification of,\\n548 ff.\\nIvan III., 258\\nJacobins (club), 480\\nJames I. (England), 392 ff.\\nJames II., 417 ff. in Ireland, 458\\nJames (Pretender), 462\\nJane Grey, 335\\nJeanne D Arc, 240 f.\\nJena, battle of, 508\\nJerome, St., 174\\nJerusalem, 124 taken by Crusad-\\ners, 196 f., 199, 202\\nJesuits, 316 f.\\nJohn of England, 163, 235 I.\\nJohn XII. (Pope), 98\\nJoseph I. (Emperor), 429\\nJosephine (Empress), 505, 512\\nJourdan, 495, 497\\nJubilee of 1300, 269\\nJulius II., 273, 292\\nJuly Revolution, 326/.\\nJustin I., 35\\nJustin II., 42\\nJustinian, 27, 35 ff.\\nJutes, 28\\nKarlings, origin of, 46 last of, 92\\nKarl the Great, 48 ff. as lawgiver\\nand builder, 55 and learning,\\n56 f. and the Church, 57 f. and\\nEcgberht, 69 and feudalism,\\n108 f. and the papacy, 130 and\\nthe cities, 209 f.\\nKarl the Fat, 67, 91\\nKarl Martel, 47, 128, 130\\nKaunitz, 452\\nKellermann, 487\\nKelts, II f., 37\\nKerbogha, 195 f.\\nKhaliffs, 188\\nKnights of St. John, 180, 203\\nKnights Templars, 180, 228\\nKnights, German Order of, 180 f.\\nKnox, John, 342\\nKnut, 74\\nKolin, battle of, 453\\nKoran, 186\\nKossuth, 543\\nKunersdorf, battle of, 454\\nLakavette, 477, 478, 479\\nLamartine, 535\\nLanfranc, 80\\nLangton, Stephen, 160, 236\\nLa Rochelle, siege of, 374\\nLateran Council, i6i\\nLaud, 401, 403\\nLaw of Suspects, 490\\nLaws, Anglo-Sa.xon, 28, 72; codifi-\\ncation of Roman, 36\\nLeague, Hanseatic, 216 Rhenish,\\n248 of Schmalkalden, 306, 308\\nSuabian, 216\\nLefebre, 362", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0628.jp2"}, "629": {"fulltext": "Index\\n607\\nLegislative Assembly (French),\\n483 f.\\nLegitimacy, principle of, 519\\nLegnano, battle of, 154, 217\\nLeicester, Earl of, 357\\nLeipsic, battle of, 515\\nLeo I., the Great (Pope), 126, 131\\nLeo III., 49 f., 62, 135\\nLeo IX., 104, 132\\nLeo X., 273, 292\\nLeo III. (Emperor), 130\\nLeofric of Mercia, 75 f.\\nLeopold II. (Emperor), 484\\nLeopold of Belgium, 529\\nLeopold of HohenzoUern, 556\\nLepanto, battle of, 322 f.\\nLesczinski, Stanislaus, 438\\nLetts, 15, 170\\nLeuthen, battle of, 454\\nLeyden, siege of, 355\\nLigny, battle of, 517\\nLigurian Republic, 498, 503\\nLindesfarne, 30\\nLissa, battle of, 551\\nLiterature, of Middle Age, 261\\nArabic, 191 in Germany, 99\\nLiutprand, 99\\nLombard League, 153\\nLombards in Italy, 42 and Karl,\\n48; and the papacy, 130\\nLombardy, 97, 145, 218, 220; ac-\\nquired by Italy, 549\\nLorraine, 64 acquired by France,\\n465; by Germany, 558\\nLothaire, 86\\nLothar, 63 ff.\\nLothar the Saxon, 143 f.\\nLouis II., the Stammerer, 66\\nLouis III., 66\\nLouis IV. (d Outremer), 86\\nLouis VI., 90, 198, 223\\nLouis VII., 198, 223\\nLouis VIII., 225\\nLouis IX., 203, 215, 225 ff., 231\\nLouis XI., 222, 246\\nLouis XI 1., 294\\nLouis XIII., 373\\nLouis XIV., accession, 421 per-\\nsonal government of, 422 wars of,\\n423 ff.\\nLouis XV. 464 f 470\\nLouis XVI., accession of, 475 calls\\nStates-General, 475 death, 488\\nLouis XVII., 491, n.\\nLouis XVIII., 516, 525\\nLouis Napoleon, 536\\nLouis Philippe, 527, 532 ff.\\nLoyola, Ignatius, 315 f.\\nLubeck, Peace of, 381\\nLudwig of Bavaria, 249 f. 270\\nLudwig the Child, 91 f.\\nLudwig the German, 62 ff.\\nLudwig the Pious, 62 f.\\nLuneville, Peace of, 503\\nLuther, Martin, 300 ff.\\nLutzen, battle of, 358, 515\\nMachiavelli, 265\\nMacMahon, Marshal, 557, 559\\nMagdeburg, 95 sack of, 384\\nMagellan, 282\\nMagenta, battle of, 549\\nMagna Charta, 236\\nMagyars, 15, 93 ff., 170\\nMaintenon, Madame de, 426\\nMajor Domos, 45 f.\\nMalplaquet, battle of, 429\\nManfred, 68\\nMarat, 486, 491\\nMarco Polo, 208\\nMarengo, battle of, 503\\nMargaret of Valois, 367\\nMaria Theresa, 448 ff.\\nMarie Antoinette, 475 death of, 491\\nMarie Louise (Empress), 512\\nMarignano, Vjattle of, 294\\nMarlborough, duke of, 428 f\\nMarston Moor, battle of, 405\\nMary of Burgundy, 253, 256\\nMary of England, 335 ff character\\nof, 337\\nMary Stuart, 341 ff. execution of, 345", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0629.jp2"}, "630": {"fulltext": "6o8\\nIndex\\nMathematics, 190 f.\\nMatilfia of England, 233\\nMatilda of Scotland, 233\\nMatilila of Tuscany, 139\\nMatthias, Emperor, 378\\nMaurice de Nassau, 358\\nMaurice of Saxony, 308 f.\\nMaximilian I., 253, 256, 285 ff.\\nMaximilian, duke of Bavaria, 379 f.\\nMaximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 556\\nMayfields, 53\\nMazarin, 420 f.\\nMazzini, 542\\nMecca, 183, 185.\\nMedici, 221 Eorenzo de 221, 291\\nMedici, Catharine de 363, 365, 368\\nMedici, Marie de 373\\nMerovingian kings, 44 ff.\\nMetternich and Napoleon, 515, 519,\\n523\\nMexico, French in, 556\\nMilan, 146; destroyed, 152; rebuilt,\\n153 after 1300, 218, 220, 289 rises\\nagainst Austria, 540\\nMilton, John, 419\\nMirabeau, 477 death of, 481\\nMissi Dominici, 54\\nMissionaries, Anglo-Saxon, 127;\\nIrish, 30, 127\\nMohammed, 182 ff.\\nMohammedanism, 185 ff Turkish,\\n187 in Spain, 189 m Africa, 189\\nMohammedans, and Karl, 48 f in\\nSicily, 96 and Venetians, 201\\nreconquer Syria, 203 in Spam\\nand Portugal, 254 ff in Balkan\\nPeninsula, 258 f.\\nMolhvitz, battle of, 449\\nMoltke, von, 554, 557\\nMonasteries, suppression of, 331\\nMonasticism, 172 ff Cluniac pro-\\ngramme, 177 benefits and faults\\nof, 179 f. military monkish or-\\nders, 180 f.\\nMonk, George, 412\\nMonte Casino, 175\\nMontenegro, 570\\nMoors, 254 f. 294, 324\\nMore, Sir Thomas, 326, 331\\nMoreau, 497, 502\\nMorgarten, battle of, 251\\nMoscow, burning of, 513\\nMountain, the, 483, 486, 489\\nMuhlberg, battle of, 308\\nMurat, 511\\nNancy, battle of, 253\\nNantes, edict of, 371 f. revocation\\nof, 426\\nNaples, 222, 257 university, 167,\\n289 revolution in, 523 acquired\\nby Italy, 550\\nNapoleon Bonaparte, and conven-\\ntion, 496 in Italy, 497 f. P irst\\nConsul, 502 centralized adminis-\\ntration, 504 Emperor, 505 and\\nPrussia, 508 and Alexander,\\n508 f. abdication of, 516 return\\nfrom Elba, 517\\nNapoleon II., 512 n.\\nNapoleon III., 546 ff., 555 ff.\\nNarses, 42\\nNarva, battle of, 437\\nNaseby, battle of, 406\\nNational Assembly (French), 476 ff\\nNational guard (French). 478\\nNational workshops, 535 f.\\nNavarino, battle of, 524\\nNavigation Act, 411\\nNecker, 475\\nNelson. 500. 509\\nNetherlands, 255 f. under House of\\nBurgundy, 348 revolt of, 351 ff.\\nseven united Provinces, 356 ff.\\nThirty Years War, 358 declared\\nfree, 389\\nNetherlands, Spanish, 360 war with\\nLouis XIV., 423\\nNeustria, 45 f\\nNey, marshal, 517\\nNibelungen lied, 24, 57", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0630.jp2"}, "631": {"fulltext": "Index\\n609\\nNicasa, council of, 58 f. 125 siege\\nof, 195\\nNice, 550\\nNicholas I., Pope, 131\\nNicholas II., 104, 134 f.\\nNicholas, Czar, 524, 531, 547, 568\\nNimwegen, treaty of, 425\\nNoricum, 23\\nNormandy, 79\\nNormans, in England, 75 ff. in It-\\naly, 104 flf.\\nNorth German Confederation, 555\\nNorthmen (norsemen), in West\\nFrankland, 66, 84 invade Eng-\\nland, 69 f. pirates, 77 f charac-\\nter of, 77 in the East, 78 in the\\nWest, 79 in France, 79\\nNorthumberland, duke of, 334 f.\\nNorway, 256 f.\\nNorwegians, 13\\nNystadt, Treaty of, 439\\nO CoNNELL, Daniel, 562\\nOdo, 67, 84\\nOdovaker, 22, 26 f.\\nOlaf, 73\\nOmar, khalif, 184, 188\\nOmmeiades, 188 f.\\nOrange, house of, 353, n. rein-\\nstatement of, 424, 528\\nOrestes, 22\\nOrleans, regent, 464; duke of,492,527\\nOsman Pasha, 570\\nOthman, khalif, 184, 188\\nOtto I., 94 ff. importance of his\\nreign, 99 f and the papacy, 131\\nOtto II., 100\\nOtto III., 86 f., 100; and the papacy,\\n131\\nOtto IV., 167 f.\\nOtto, king of Greece, 525\\nO.xenstiern, chancellor, 386\\nO.xford reformers, 267, 325 f.\\nPacification of Ghent, 355\\nPalatinate, and Thirty Years War,\\n380 war of, 427\\nPannonia, 26, 27, 42\\nPapacy, ninth and tenth centuries,\\n96 f. reformed by Henry III.,\\n102 and William the Conqueror,\\n83 and the Normans, 104 f\\norigin and growth of, 123 ff.\\nstruggle with emperors, 134 ff.\\nunder Gregory VII., 136 ff. and\\nFrederick I., 148 ff. concordat of\\nWorms, 143 character changed,\\n162; and Frederick II., 163; in-\\nfluence of crusades, 205 at Avig-\\nnon, 270 secularization of, 221\\nstruggle with Ludwig of Bava-\\nria, 249 f. after 1250, 268 ff.\\nschism, 271 f. conciliar idea,\\n271 f.\\nParis, peace of, 467. 516, 548\\nParlement, 227 ff.\\nParliament, 237, 241 ff. under Eliz-\\nabeth, 339 under James, 394\\nunder Charles, 397 ff. long,\\n403 ff. cavalier, 413 ff. ascend-\\nency, 460\\nParma, duke of, 356, 358\\nPartition treaty, the, 427\\nPatriarch, office of, 124\\nPatrick, St. 30 f\\nPaulus Diaconus, 56\\nPavia, 42 battle of, 305\\nPeasants revolt (Germany), 304 f.\\nPersia, 41\\nPeter the Great, 432 ff. at Nerva,\\n437 at Pultava, 438\\nPeter III. (Russia), 455\\nPeter the Hermit, 193\\nPeter of Pisa, 56\\nPetition of Right, 399\\nPetrarch, 265\\nPhilip II. (France), 199, 223 f., 167\\nand John, 235 f.\\nPhihp III., 227 f.\\nPhilip IV., 228 ff. and Boniface,\\n268 f. and Clement V., 270\\nPhilip V. 231\\nPhihp VI. 231 f., 238", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0631.jp2"}, "632": {"fulltext": "6io\\nIndex\\nPhilip of Anjou, 427 as Philip V.,\\nof Spain, 430\\nPhilip II. (Spain), 320 ff. war with\\nDutch, 322, 350 ff. armada, 322,\\n345 acquires Portugal, 323\\nPhilip 111., 324\\nPhilip of Suabia, 159\\nPichegru, 495\\nPiedmont, and Napoleon, 498; re-\\nstored to Savoy, 521\\nPippin, 47, 128 and the papacy, 130\\nPippin the elder, 46\\nPippin the younger, 467\\nPitt,William, Earl of Chatham, 466 f.\\nPitt, William, the younger, 468\\nPius IX., 5+1 f.\\nPlague, 241\\nPlevna, battle of, 570\\nPodesta, 218\\nPoictiers, battle of, 238\\nPoland, 257 f. anarchy of, 437, 441;\\npartition of, 441, 456; revolution\\nin, 530 f.\\nPolish Succession, war of, 464\\nPompadour, Madame de, 466, 475\\nPortugal, 255; falls to Spain, 323;\\nand Xnpoleon, 510\\nPragmatic Sanction, 448\\nPresbyterianism, origin of, 314\\nPride s Purge, 408\\nPrivileged orders, in France, 471\\nProtestantism see Reformation\\nPrussia, 96, 252 increase in power,\\n444 ff. and French Revolution,\\n484, 496; and Napoleon, 507 f.\\nrevival of, 514 ff. war of 1866,\\n554 war of 1870, 556 ff.\\nPrussians, 15\\nPultava, battle of, 438\\nPuritans, origin of, 340 and James\\nI., 393 f. and Charles I., 397, 406\\nPym, 404\\nPyrenees, treaty of, 421\\nQuKBKC, capture of, 466\\nQuiberon, battle of, 466\\nRastadt, peace of, 430\\nRatger, 24\\nRavenna, 43\\nRaymond, Count of Toulouse, 194,\\n196\\nReform Bills (England), 562 f.\\nReformation: in Germany, 298 ff.\\nin France, 362 ff. in Switzerland,\\n312 ff.; in Scandinavia, 311; in\\nEngland, 330 ff.\\nReichstag, 559\\nRembrandt, 360\\nRenaissance, in England, 245, 267\\nin Italy, 262 in France, 267, 278\\nRequesens, 354 f.\\nRestoration, the (English), 412 ff.\\nReuchlin, 299\\nRevolutionary Tribunal, 490, 494\\nRichard I., 157, 189 f., 235\\nRichard II., 237, 239\\nRichard III., 244 f., 267\\nRichelieu, 373; enters thirty years\\nwar, 386\\nRienzi, 221\\nRizzio, murder of, 344\\nRobert I. (France), 85\\nRobert II., 88\\nRobert the Strong, 84\\nRobert Guiscard, 104 f., 134, 142,\\n195\\nRobert II. of Sicily, 144\\nRobespierre, 477 and Jacobins,\\n480 and Committee of Public\\nSafety, 490 fall of, 494\\nRoland, Madame, 492\\nRolf, the Norman, 79\\nRoman Empire, 8 ff. government\\ndivided, 21\\nRomanoff, house of, 431\\nRome, sacked by West Goths, 23 f.\\nchurch at, 124 f.; sack of, 305;\\nrepublic, 540; acquired by Italy,\\n557\\nRomulus Augustulus, 22\\nRoncaglian Diet, 145, 151\\nRossbach, battle of, 453", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0632.jp2"}, "633": {"fulltext": "Index\\n6ii\\nRou mania, 569, 570 f.\\nRoundheads, 404\\nRousseau, 474\\nRudolf, count, 67, 85\\nRudolf I. (Hapsburg), 248 f.\\nRudolf II., 377\\nRugians, 27\\nRugilas, 25\\nRump Parliament, 408 f.\\nRupert, 252\\nRupert, Prince, 405, 406\\nRurik, 78\\nRussia, 258 under Peter, 433 ff.\\nunder Catharine II. 440 f and\\nFrench Revolution, 508, 512 and\\nGreek Revolution, 525 and Po-\\nland, S30 f. and Crimean War,\\n547 and Balkan Peninsula, 568 ff.\\nRyswick, peace of, 427\\nSadowa, battle of, 554\\nSt. Bartholomew, massacre of, 368 f.\\nSaint Germain, peace of, 366\\nSt. Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 446\\nSt. Just, 493\\nSaladin, 189, 199\\nSan Germane, 164\\nSan Stephano, treaty of, 570\\nSan Yuste, 310\\nSaracens in Sicily, 103\\nSardinia, 540 under Victor Em-\\nmanuel, 548 ff.\\nSavonarola, 222, 291\\nSavoy, 218, 292 acquired by\\nFrance, 550\\nSaxons, 28, 48\\nSchamhorst. 514\\nSchism, 271 f.\\nSchleswig-Holstein, 538, 545, 553\\nScotland 30, 327 and Mary Stuart,\\n341 ff. and Charles I.. 402 f.\\nsubdued by Cromwell, 409 union\\nwith England, 392, 461\\nSebastopol, 548\\nSedan, battle of, 557\\nSempach, 251\\nSenators, 9\\nSeparatists, origin of, 341\\nSeptember massacres, 487\\nSerfs, 116\\nServia, 569, 570 f.\\nSeven Years War, 453 ff. 465 ff.\\nSforza family, 220\\nShakespeare, 347\\nShip-money ordinances, 401 f.\\nSicilian Vespers, 268\\nSicily, under Saracens, 103 under\\nNormans, 104 ff. and Henry VI.,\\n157 under Frederick II., 164 f.\\nSigismund, 252\\nSilesia, Frederick invades, 449\\nSimon de Montfort, 237\\nSlavs, 14 f., 48 f., 56, 96, 143, 170\\nSocialists (French), 533, 535 f.\\nSoissons, 47, 85\\nSolferino, battle of, 549\\nSolyman II., 257\\nSomerset, duke of, 333 f.\\nSophia (Hanover), 459, 461\\nSophia, St., church of, 37\\nSoult, marshal, 516\\nSpain, 23, 254 f. unification of,\\n294; under Charles I., 319 under\\nPhilip II., 320 ff. and Napoleon,\\n510 f. revolution in, 522\\nSpanish colonies, 283 f.\\nSpanish Succession, war of, 427 ff.\\n460\\nSpinoza, 360\\nSpoleto, 42, 96 f.\\nStates of the Church, 292\\nStates-General, 229, 375, 475 f.\\nStein, 514\\nStephen of Blois, 193, 233\\nStephen IV., 62\\nStephen VI., 97\\nStrafford, earl of, 401, 403\\nStralsund, siege of, 382\\nStreltsi, the, 434\\nSuevi, 24\\nSuger, 223\\nSully, 372", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0633.jp2"}, "634": {"fulltext": "6l2\\nIndex\\nSupreme Being, religion of, 494\\nSweden, 256 accepts Lutheranism,\\n311 in Thirty Years War, 383\\nff. under Charles XII., 435 ff.\\nSwedes, 13\\nSwein, 74\\nSwein of Denmark, 82\\nSwiss guards, 485\\nSwitzerland, 250 f. 253 reforma-\\ntion in, 312 independence of,\\n389\\nSword Brothers, i8i\\nSyagrius, 44\\nSylvester II., 100\\nTancred, 156 f.\\nTancred, 194 f.\\nTchuds, 15\\nTerror, reign of, 490 ff.\\nTest Act, 416; repealed, 561\\nTetzel, 300\\nTeutonic Knights, 180 f.\\nThanes, 22\\nTheoderick the Great, 27, 190\\nTheodora, empress, 40\\nTheodore of Tarsus, 32\\nTheodosius, 21, 23\\nThermidoreans, rule of, 494\\nThiers, 533. 534, 559\\nThird coalition, 506\\nThird Estate, 230, 472 f.\\nThirty-nine articles, 334, 340\\nThuringia, 45\\nTilly. 381, 38s\\nTilsit, peace of, 508 f.\\nTogrul Beg, 188, 193\\nToleration Act (England), 419\\nTories, origin of, 416\\nTours, battle of, 47\\nTower of London, 82\\nTrafalgar, 509\\nTransvaal, 579\\nTrent, council of, 307, 317\\nTribonian, 36\\nTriple Alliance, 577\\nTunnagc and Poundage, 400 f.\\nTuranians, 15\\nTurgot, 475\\nTurks, 188, 192 f. 202, 258 f.; and\\nVenice, 290 in Germany, 207\\nwar with Philip II., 322 f. war\\nwith Catharine, 490 war with\\nGreeks, 524 f.; wars with Russia,\\n525. 568 ff.\\nUnion, Protestant, 377\\nUnion of Utrecht, 356\\nUral-Altaic peoples, 15\\nUrban II., 142, 193, 205\\nUrban III., 156\\nUrban VI., 271\\nUtopia (More), 326\\nUtrecht, peace of, 430\\nValens, 23\\nValmy, battle of, 487\\nVandals, 24\\nVarennes, flight to, 482\\nVasa, house of, 311\\nVasco da Gama, 281\\nVassalage, 107\\nVassy, massacre of, 366\\nVatican library, 273\\nVenetians, 105, 201 f.\\nVenice, 201 f., 219, 290 rises against\\nAustria, 540 acquired by Italy,\\n551\\nVerdun, treaty of, 63 f.\\nVergniaud, 489\\nVersailles, peace of, 408\\nVervins, peace of, 372\\nVictor Emmanuel II., 540, 548 ff.\\nVienna, congress of, 516, 519 f.\\nVinci, Leonardo da, 266\\nVisconti family, 220\\nVoltaire, 452, 474\\nVoyages of discovery, 280 ff.\\nWagr.\\\\m, battle of, 512\\nWales, 237\\nWallenstein, 381, 386\\nWalpole, Sir Robert, 462", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0634.jp2"}, "635": {"fulltext": "Index\\n613\\nWars of the Roses, 244 f.\\nWarsaw, grand duchy of, 508\\nWashington, 466, n. 467\\nWat Tykr s Rebellion, 242\\nWaterloo, battle of, 517 f.\\nWedmore, treaty of, 71\\nWellington, duke of, 516 in Spain,\\n511 at Waterloo, 517 f., 561 f.\\nWentworth, Sir Thomas, 401\\nWestphalia, peace of, 388 f.\\nWhigs, origin of, 416 rule of, 462\\nWhitby, council of, 31\\nWhite Hill, battle of, 3S0\\nWidukind, 99\\nWilliam I. the Conqueror, 80 ff., 89,\\n138, 142, 232\\nWilliam II., 232\\nWilliam of Holland, emperor, 167\\nWilliam of Orange, 351. 353 ff.;\\ndeath of, 357\\nWilliam III., accession, 424 cham-\\npion of Europe, 426. See William\\nand Mary\\nWillfam I. (Prussia), 553 ff. em-\\nperor, 558\\nWilliam and Mary, 418, 457 ff.; con-\\nstitutional developments under,\\n460\\nWitenagemot, 73, 232\\nWitt, John de, 423, 424\\nWolfe, 466\\nWolsey, Thomas, 327, 330\\nWorcester, battle of, 409\\nWorms, Council of, 138 concordat\\nof, 143 diet of, 302 edict of, 303\\nWyclif, John, 243, 271\\nYork, House of, 295\\nYorktown, 467\\nZacharias, pope, 47\\nZenki, 197, 199\\nZeno, 22, 35\\nZorndorf, battle of, 454\\nZwingli, Ulrich, 312", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0635.jp2"}, "636": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0636.jp2"}, "637": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0637.jp2"}, "638": {"fulltext": "Longitude West lt V\u00c2\u00bb om Greentrich.\\n10\\n\u00c2\u00a30)1.\\nt F^\\n^^^/^i./^iv^ 5^^ fnj^^", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0638.jp2"}, "639": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0639.jp2"}, "640": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0640.jp2"}, "641": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0641.jp2"}, "642": {"fulltext": "After 507 the Kingdom of the AVest Goth? in Gat", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0642.jp2"}, "643": {"fulltext": "imited to a small soulhern strip (Seplininnia).", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0643.jp2"}, "644": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0644.jp2"}, "645": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0645.jp2"}, "646": {"fulltext": "Longitude\\nE-.rnt from", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0646.jp2"}, "647": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0647.jp2"}, "648": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0648.jp2"}, "649": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0649.jp2"}, "650": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0650.jp2"}, "651": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0651.jp2"}, "652": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0652.jp2"}, "653": {"fulltext": "Ik\\nI", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0653.jp2"}, "654": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0654.jp2"}, "655": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0655.jp2"}, "656": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0656.jp2"}, "657": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0657.jp2"}, "658": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0658.jp2"}, "659": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0659.jp2"}, "660": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0660.jp2"}, "661": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0661.jp2"}, "662": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2959", "width": "1909", "jp2-path": "generalhistoryof00that_0662.jp2"}, "663": {"fulltext": "Loni/itude UVsf ^t /rom Greenwich i)^ Longitude Eaut ._ from Grct Tiuieh\\nT L A IK Tic y) AXooiMoiJ-\\nOCEAN\\nLA MAR CHE\\nLIMOUSIN\\nLyons.\\nPERIGORD\\nQl ERCY\\nUl VERGJjE\\nN E\\n.T O\\nViyARAIS\\nUZES\\nu ;,--t5 USE\\n:-i^-\\n{\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^V\\nA S C O N Y PTiXfrouse\\nBEARX\\nFKAXCE\\ntl85.\\n*farbonne o(\\nDominions directly governed brj Henry TI. 1\\nDominions dependent on Henry II, J\\nDominions directly governed by King of FrancelLm^mMS^\\nDominions dependent on King of France I I\\nThe M.-N. 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