{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4812", "width": "3332", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0A 1 N\\nsJ\\nr\\ny\\n.A\\n8 I\\nV\\nA^ x\\nOCT\\n,0O,\\n**s\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2u\\n9\\nP r\\nv\\nr4*\\n\u00c2\u00ab\\\\V", "height": "4778", "width": "2966", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "Cp\\nV\\nw\\nxV\\nM^\\nvO\\nV\\nV\\ni^t\\nV\\nW", "height": "4766", "width": "3040", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "JUL 2 1900", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "ONE HUNDRED YEARS\\nOF\\nPlatforms, Principles and Policies\\nOF\\nThe American Democracy\\nB V s/s.^BLOOM, Sbelby, o.\\nContaining\\nA Concise Statement of the Leading Cardinal Prin-\\nciples of the Democratic Party of the United\\nStates, as Taught by the Fathers of the\\nRepublic, Enunciated in Their National Plat-\\nforms, and Proclaimed by Representative Demo-\\ncrats, from the Foundation of the Government\\nto the Date of Publication.\\nIn which also Appears\\nPortraits of all the Democratic Presidents.\\nA. D. 1900.\\nPublished by\\nTHE SHELBY PUBLISHING CO.\\nShelby, Ohio.", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "13762\\nLibrary of Congr\u00c2\u00ab w\\nTwo Copies Received\\nJUL 2 1900\\nCopyright enby\\nSECOW COPY.\\nOww\u00c2\u00a9rcrf to\\n.ORDER DIVISION,\\nJUL 13 1900\\nCOPYR1GH\\nS. S. BLOOM\\n1900\\n3^\\\\\\nb\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0TO\\nO", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "Dedicated to The Democracy of Richland\\nCounty, Ohio.\\nTo you Democrats of Richland County, Ohio, and\\nyour fathers who so unitedly honored me with a com-\\nmission of public service as Representative, during a\\n-^riod unusual and double that of others, in accordance\\nth a prevailing custom, I desire to dedicate this work,\\na feeble expression of my appreciation of the great\\naors thus conferred upon me in the earlier years of my\\nDuring all those years, at no time and in no way, has\\ncensure of my public acts been passed upon me by you,\\nand this might be said in a personal way of our oppon-\\nents, even during those exciting political campaigns. Tx\\nyou then, in part, would I entrust this little work, believ-\\ning that it will be judged as generously, and magnanim-\\nously by you as my public services have been in the past.\\nMay it not only occupy a place in your homes, and\\nyour libraries, but in your hearts and minds as well, to\\nremind you of our former relations and also may the\\ngeneral sentiments of A Hundred Years be re-\\nfreshed in your memories, as those which actuated your\\nservant, then in the cause of true Detiiocracv.", "height": "4194", "width": "2614", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "4 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nAnd now as these few lines are being penned, shall we\\nforget those noble Democrats and people of my native\\ncounty, Perry, Pa., still living, who first taught me to\\nlove and revere those principles in that beautiful valley,\\nbeyond the crest of the Alleghanies, and who first called\\nme to speak and write in their behalf, nearly half a cen-\\ntury ago? No, but they too shall have a share in the\\nwork now also here dedicated to them, with the assur-\\nance that never has that banner been dishonored by de-\\nfeat, trailed in the dust, or turned against them or their\\nfriends in the many contests over which it has waived.\\nBe ever faithful to your principles and friends, is the\\nlast best wish uttered and watchword given from,\\nYours truly,\\nS. S. Bloom,\\nShelby, Ohio.\\nJune i, 1900.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "Advertisement.\\nThis work is a compendium of the leading principles\\nannounced by Democratic Presidents, Congressional\\nCaucuses, and National Democratic Conventions during\\nthe past one hundred years to which added of cardinal\\nDemocratic principles, as distinguished from those pre-\\nvailing in Monarchical governments together with a few\\nchapters referring to measures of more recent public\\nconcern and present importance, explanatory of the\\npositions held thereon by the American Democracy.\\nIts object is to gather all these into the smallest pos-\\nsible compass, at the least cost, so that these sound Demo-\\ncratic principles of public policy may be within the reach\\nof all. By thus summing up those adhered to during the\\npast one hundred years, freighted with the experience of\\nthe best minds, of the most intelligent, considerate stal-\\nwart Democrats of a century, may thus more easily be\\ntransmitted to future generations, stamped by the ex-\\nperience of those gone before us, upon their earnest\\nrecommendation and approval, as acknowledged princi-\\nples of the American Democracy.\\nThe hope is that the present generation may study\\nthem well, and thus preserve the unity, power, and in-\\nfluence of the great party in years to come; and to pre-\\nvent its members from deserting the main column as it", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "6 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\ngoes marching on through the ages, knowing what they\\nbelieve in, and the reasons for their faith in them, and\\nnot go scouting, by detachments, after single measures,\\nhowever plausible they may be presented, to be led into\\nambush, and captured by the general opponents; or by\\nthus weakening the main column, betray their friends\\ninto defeat.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nChapter\\nI.\\nChapter\\nII.\\nChapter\\nIII.\\nChapter\\nIV.\\nChapter\\nV.\\nChapter\\nVI.\\nChapter\\nVII.\\nChapter\\nVIII.\\nChapter\\nIX.\\nChapter\\nX.\\nChapter\\nXI.\\nChapter\\nXII.\\nChapter\\nXIII.\\nChapter\\nXIV.\\nChapter\\nXV.\\nPage.\\nIntroduction 9\\nDuty of Voters 14\\nOrigin of Democracy 21\\nPrinciples of Early Leaders. 27\\nCongressional and Conventional\\nPlatforms 1800 to 1900 48, 114\\nFurther Principles of Party 114, 121\\nCardinal Principles 122\\nRationale of Democracy 158\\nSummary of Democracy 170\\nCurrency and Coinage 174\\nPaper Money Plans 181\\nNational Bank Currency 183\\nNew Issues 187\\nEncouragement and Conclusion 189\\nAddenda Monroe Doctrine 191", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nINTRODUCTION.\\nThe Democractic party in the United States has now\\nbeen in existence as a political power, for about one\\nhundred years. Like many other things done, without\\nmuch reflection at the time, the reasoning of Thomas\\nJefferson, and his labors to promulgate his views, have\\nfar outstripped his most sanguine expectations. The\\ngood he then did, cannot ever now be estimated, and\\nfuture ages only will record the mighty results which\\nhis efforts inaugurated. It is not the design of the\\nwriter to attempt anything like a history of the party of\\nwhich Jefferson is the acknowledged founder; space\\nallotted would be utterly insufficient for that purpose\\nbut it is only intended to group under appropriate heads,\\nthe principles which he and his compeers, successors and\\nsupporters avowed and promulgated, in as brief a space\\nas possible so that the young men of the present genera-\\ntion may in the briefest possible time, and in the cheapest\\npossible manner, become more fully acquainted with\\nthem; and what is more to the purpose, that they may\\nbe guided by them, enforce them during their lives, and\\nhand them down to future generations, unimpaired, that\\nthe blessings flowing from the exercise of those princi-\\nples may exert their influence in the establishment and\\nmaintainance of free government down to the latest per-\\niod of time. The writer claims no credit whatever, as the\\nauthor of those principles. He regards himself simply\\nas the instrument used in again recording and com-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "10 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\npiling them, that others may have the full benefit thereof,\\nin guiding their political actions through life.\\nAbout twenty years ago, he compiled a similar work\\ncalled Why We Are Democrats/ and much of that he\\nmay now desire to make use of in order to carry out his\\npresent intentions. He cannot expect to reach even a\\nmoiety of such as he could desire to influence, still when\\nonce words are spoken or printed, they go out into the\\nworld on a mission, and no one can estimate the good re-\\nsults that may tiow from their utterance. As such we send\\nthem out, w T ith the hope that great good results may flow\\nfrom their publication.\\nHon. William Allen, once a Democratic leader in\\nOhio, and a noted United States Senator, subsequently in\\nhis old age elected Governor, once uttered such a beauti-\\nful description of Democracy in the abstract, that we\\ncannot forego the pleasure of inserting them here again.\\nHe said Democracy is a sentiment not to be appalled,\\ncorrupted, or compromised. It knows no baseness it\\ncowers to no danger it oppresses no weakness, fearless,\\ngenerous and humane it rebukes the arrogant, cherishes\\nhonor, and sympathizes with the humble. It\\nasks nothing but what it concedes; it concedes\\nnothing but what it demands. Destructive only of\\ndespotism, it is the sole conservator of liberty, labor\\nand property. It is the sentiment of freedom, of equal\\nrights and equal obligations. It is the law of nature\\npervading the land. The stupid, the selfish, and the\\nbase in spirit may denounce it as a vulgar thing; but in\\nthe history of our race the Democratic principle has\\ndeveloped and illustrated the highest moral and intellec-\\ntual attributes of our nature. It is a noble, a sublime\\nsentiment which expands our affections, enlarges the\\ncircle of our sympathies, and elevates the soul of man,\\nuntil claiming an equality with the best, it rejects as\\nunworthy of its dignity, any political immunities over", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 11\\nthe humblest of his fellows. Yes, it is an ennobling\\nprinciple; and may that spirit which animated our\\nrevolutionary Fathers in their contest for its establish-\\nment, continue to animate us, their sons, in the im-\\npending struggle for its preservation/\\nThus eloquently spoke that honored and revered mem-\\nber of the Democratic party, years ago, who came very\\nnear being made the Democratic candidate for President\\nby the convention which nominated Franklin Pierce.\\nAnother honored member of the party, Hon. Geo.\\nHoadly, declared concerning the principles of Old De-\\nmocracy.\\nThey are eternal a Divine fire burning in the hearts\\nof men. They quicken the thoughts of the statesman,\\nnerve the arm of the soldier, and double the energies of\\nthe toiler. They are found in the self-evident truth of\\nthe American patriot who declared that all men are\\ncreated equal. Democracy is the unrelenting foe of\\ndespotism and communism, whether open or sought to be\\nhidden under the disguise of paternal govenment. Its\\nbeneficent office in political affairs is to secure to every\\nman the utmost possible liberty of action consistent with\\nequal liberty to every other. It is not the office of the\\nDemocratic party to invent, but to promulgate not to\\ndiscover, but to declare those eternal principles, and to\\napply them to the ever-changing affairs of human\\nsociety.\\nOld eternal Democracy is founded on the living law\\nof political affairs that the largest liberty should be\\nevery man s heritage, consistent with law and order.\\nTherefore it is that the Democratic party stands for the\\nindividual against the encroachments of the state, for the\\nrights of the states against the encroachments of the\\nfederal government for home rule against foreign inter-\\nfere 1 cc and aggression. Its corner stone is the principle\\nof the capability of individual man, with the aid\\nof Divine grace, to govern himself, and of each", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "12 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nindividual man united in society to govern society with\\nthe least possible interference from society with the in-\\ndividual concerns of man. Therefore it stands for per-\\nsonal liberty as against aristocracy, which stands for an\\nimpudent attempt of those who style themselves the best,\\nto interfere w r ith the liberties of those whom they choose\\nto think their inferiors.\\nThe Democratic party dates, therefore, from every\\nattempt to interfere with liberty; it is the resistance to\\nthat interference with liberty which means Democracy.\\nIt dates in our own government from the differences of\\nopinion which those great, leaders, Jefferson and Hamil-\\nton entertained with regard to the scope and duty of civil\\ngovernment. Hamilton was the regulating, ordaining,\\nand controlling mind on the one side, and on the other\\nwas Jefferson, the philosophical statesman, who never at-\\ntempted to regulate nor control, but who with great quiet\\nenergy of infusing principles, enabled popular rights to\\ntake care of themselves. From these two great statesmen\\narose two great parties\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the Jeffersonian and Hamilton-\\nian, and today they stand in conflict with each other as\\ncompletely as at the time when Mr. Jefferson was elected.\\nThose two parties one favoring a Paternal govern-\\nment, seeking to regulate from above the other, Dem-\\nocratic, favoring equal rights, seeking to spread their\\nbeneficent influence around these are the two hostile\\nand conflicting views which are arrayed against each\\nother.\\nWhen any new idea is suggested, one can tell in a\\nmoment whether the man advancing it be a Democrat in\\nsentiment, or the opposite in his ideas, by the proposed\\nplan of action, the manner in which the idea of control\\nshould be applied. The men who believe in the precepts\\nof Jefferson, who believe that each man is clothed with\\nDivine endowments with the largest measure of liberty\\nwhich is consistent with law and order that each man\\nis the best judge of what he believes will benefit himself,\\nso far as, in so doing, he does not interfere with the\\nliberty and rights of others.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 13\\nThese sentiments meet a proud response in the hearts\\nof millions of Democrats and yet how many really know\\nwhat Democracy means They are members of the party\\nwhich bears that ennobling name, and promulgates these\\nglorious sentiments of free government among men\\nthey are enthusiastic in its support, but they have given\\nthe matter too little thought, have spent too little time\\nin their investigation to be fully informed of the very prin-\\nciples which they profess to love, revere and support.\\nThey have had opportunity to know but little of the\\nreasons which influenced the founders of that party when\\nfirst organized, and when its great leaders first began to\\nadminister government in accordance with its doctrines.\\nBelieving that many who have hitherto opposed its prin-\\nciples and its policy would.be glad to have an opportunity\\nto review the grounds upon which the faith of the Ameri-\\ncan Democracy rests, the writer has prepared the follow-\\ning pages as a brief compend of those principles which\\nhave controlled the actions of eminent Democratic states-\\nmen in the past, and which now prompt the actions of\\nthe honest, true-hearted faithful adherents of that party,\\nprinciples which its leaders must uphold and defend,\\nif they would be instrumental in perpetuating, not only\\nthe great party to which they belong, but the government\\nitself, which was so firmly established upon those great\\nprinciples of human liberty, and which, as a system, is\\nthe very corner stone upon which the whole fabric rests.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nDEMOCRATS SHOULD INFORM THEMSELVES.\\nDemocrats cannot be too well informed on the subject\\nof their party principles. They should, by studying them,\\nsecure themselves against division in their ranks. It is\\nsimple justice to themselves, to be so properly informed;\\nit is due their manhood; due the dignity of American\\ncitizens, that they have knowledge on this subject, in\\norder that they may render a clear, logical, and concise\\nreason for every political action they perform for every\\nballot they deposit. All have not had the opportunity so\\nto inform themselves they have not access to the deposi-\\ntories of this knowledge, and must depend upon political\\nspeeches delivered during heated campaigns, or from the\\ncolumns of political newspapers, published by leading and\\neminent Democratic leaders hence it is that a calm, de-\\nliberate discussion and statement of the elementary prin-\\nciples of Democracy, in their homes and by their firesides,\\nis what the voters so much need, that they, too, may learn\\nof those principles, which actuated the founders of the\\ngreat Democratic party, when they first expounded them\\nto the voters of the country and that they may by their\\nintelligent votes favor that party with their support,\\nwhich for a century, whether in or out of power, has more\\nor less influenced the administration of public affairs. A\\nstatement of those principles, gathered from authentic\\nsources, published in a compact and convenient form,\\nwith such explanations as may suggest themselves, it is\\nbelieved will supply this need, so that all who aspire to", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 15\\nbecome intelligent Democratic voters, may know the ele-\\nmentary principles upon which their faith is founded.\\nThose who have xot heretofore supported that\\nPARTY SHOULD KNOW THE REASON WHY They should\\nknow the reasons which call forth so much enthusiasm at\\nevery returning national election. It is always wise to\\nfully comprehend the positions of our opponents. Why\\nshould not those wdio oppose Democracy, know their\\nreasons for being Democrats? If those reasons are un-\\nsound, they will be all the better prepared to overcome\\nour arguments, by first knowing what they are. It is an\\nevidence of weakness in their cause, if they refuse to do\\nthis. It is an evidence of confident strength in their\\ncause, when they challenge an investigation it shows\\nthat they are at least honest, and sincere, in what they pro-\\nfess to believe.\\nXot everything which assumes to be democratic\\nis so Hypocrisy is said to be the compliment which vice\\npays to virtue. Things most rare and valuable are us-\\nually the first to be counterfeited. A mere name does\\nnot, demonstrate a principle. Intelligent men dive be-\\nneath the surface to ascertain from what motives profes-\\nsions proceed, and they very reasonably look to the meas-\\nures advocated and actions performed, to discover upon\\nwhat principles they are founded, before they will give\\nadherence to or advocate them as being best calculated\\nto bring peace, happiness and prosperity to the masses.\\nParty names therefore do not always represent what they\\nexpress in words. These sometimes change, and even\\npolitical parties may assume to change their names and\\nprinciples. Democratic principles are ever the same, and\\nherein lies the beauty and strength, and durability of the\\nDemocratic party. In free governments like ours, in the", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "J 6 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nvaried questions which constantly arise, consequent upon\\nthe ever-changing circumstances of the case, new applica-\\ntions of old and well established rules must necessarily\\narise. It therefore becomes a patriotic duty, which every\\ncitizen owes to his country, to be well informed concern-\\ning the principles and methods adopted by political par-\\nties, so that when he identifies himself with any party, he\\nmay feel at ease within its ranks, and be able to con-\\nscientiously maintain and support it before his fellow\\nmen.\\nIt is to aid somewhat the inquiring reader in this work\\nof investigation, that the writer invites the voters of all\\nparties to examine the principles and policy of the great\\nDemocratic party, that each may know the reasons why,\\nand when convinced, give that assent to its doctrines, ab-\\nsolutely necessary to maintain its organization.\\nIt should be the aim of every voter the laudable ambi-\\ntion of every citizen to cast his ballot at every election,\\nso as to give to his mind the strongest possible assurance\\nthat the policy proposed bv his party will result in the\\ngreatest good to the greatest number of his fellow men.\\nIt should be the ambition of every voter who has little\\nelse to do in the administration of public affairs than to\\ncast an intelligent ballot, that he should vote wisely and\\npatriotically. That ends the sovereign power of the voter\\nuntil the return of another election. Those he aids in\\nelecting to office are, it is true, his public servants, but\\nthey are also the chosen agents of his sovereign will, and\\nit therefore becomes a matter of great importance to him\\nto know not only for whom he votes, but, also upon what\\nprinciples he for whom he votes casts his ballots, or in\\nwhat manner he proposes to administer this great trust.\\nIt is only by electing such agents as most nearly repre-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 17\\nsent his views that he can make his sovereign power to\\nbe felt; it becomes important, therefore, for him to know\\nnot only why he himself is a Democrat, but that he for\\nwhom he votes is also a Democrat.\\nIn order to enable the intelligent voter the more readily\\nto comprehend the difference between the parties, and to\\nlearn from the public expressions by candidates and from\\nparty platforms what the views of such party representa-\\ntives really are, and upon what principles they are\\nfounded, this little book is written. From its pages we\\ntrust they may learn what the creed of the Democratic\\nparty really is, and whether those which are announced\\nas Democratic principles really are such or not and that\\nif any, as Jefferson has so tersely stated it, in moments\\nof doubt or alarm have really wandered away from them,\\nthat they may hasten their return to the well beaten\\npath of a genuine Democracy. The writer indulges\\nthe hope, that before they have concluded the perusal of\\nthese pages, they will have learned that the Democratic\\nparty has always had, and now has, a clear and well de-\\nfined system of government and policy of administering\\nthe same upon every question of state or national import\\nand that they have good and substantial reasons for each\\nand every measure of public policy, founded upon these\\nfundamental principles of Democracy, in perfect accord\\nwith the best experience of past ages, all in perfect har-\\nmony with the true spirit of our Democratic-Republican\\ninstitutions.\\nIt is no blind adherence to party idols the mere pop-\\nular worship of so-called great men that makes men\\nDemocrats but it is their belief in certain principles upon\\nwhich a free government should be administered, and\\nwhich to them promises the highest good to themselves\\n2", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "18 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nand their fellow men, that impels them to associate to-\\ngether for the purpose of promoting their desires. It is\\nprinciple which makes men Democrats, and it is their ad-\\nherence to those principles which makes the Democracy\\nthe organized power in the land which it always has been.\\nIt is to a study of these principles our readers are invited\\nwhile perusing these pages.\\nThe principles and traditionary policy of the\\ndemocracy should be WELL understood defined and\\nimplicitly adhered to. A wise general policy on almost\\nevery question liable to arise has been marked out by the\\nFathers of the Constitution. They framed and put into\\nsuccessful operation a century ago, a Government, so well\\nprovided with checks and balances against the exercise of\\narbitrary power, for the protection of the lives, liberties\\nand property of the people, that if properly administered,\\nit is, we confidently believe, the best form of government\\never devised by man. It is a claim the Democratic party\\nhas ever put forward, that their principles have been more\\nin accord with the true theory upon which that Govern-\\nment is founded, than those of any other party organiza-\\ntion, and that in accordance with those principles, and\\nupon the policy thus marked out, our government can\\nalone be smoothly and successfully administered.\\nA party in order to be successful, must educate its.\\nadherents into a clear knowledge of its aims and purposes\\nand they must earnestly believe in the justness and cor-\\nrectness of those principles. The Democracy, then, must\\nknow what they believe, and be acquainted with the\\nreasons why they believe in those principles and then,\\nbeing convinced that the happiness, comfort and welfare\\nof themselves and their posterity depend upon the appli-\\ncation of those principles to the administration of public", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 19\\naffairs, they possess one of the strongest incentives to\\nlabor for their ultimate triumph. Such a party cannot be\\nbroken up and destroyed while the government continues\\nto exist. Therefore a wise general policy has been\\nmarked out by the Democracy, by which they propose to\\nadminister the affairs of government. Without funda-\\nmental principles a party cannot long exist. A party\\nfounded upon a single idea, necessarily must be, short\\nlived. One great reason why the Democratic party has\\nso long existed under that name, and has so successfully\\nperpetuated itself for a century in the United States is\\ndue to these reasons. It has always mantained a code of\\nprinciples, transmitted from one generation to another,\\nand hence to-day maintains the same general fundamental\\nprinciples, and proposes to pursue the same policy under\\nsimilar conditions which the founders of the party pro-\\nclaimed a century ago. By the application of these prin-\\nciples, and the pursuit of this policy, they have sought to\\nadminister the affairs of this government, and so long as\\nthey were strictly adhered to, peace, happiness and gen-\\neral prosperity prevailed and will continue to do so in\\nthe future.\\nThe fact that these principles are scattered through\\nthe records of the past oftimes inaccessible to the masses\\nis one reason why they are not now so generally known\\nby the people and the. fact that they have been practically\\nout of power, in the administration of the Federal gov-\\nernment for a season, has prevented these principles from\\nbeing so thoroughly impressed upon the great mass of\\nthe people as in former years. There is therefore a\\ngreater necessity for a revival of this knowledge, a more\\ngeneral diffusion of those principles, than when its faith-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "20 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nful leaders were at the head of public affairs, where they\\ncould apply those principles to the administration of pub-\\nlic affairs and the people learn, almost by intuition, what\\nnow must be sought for more by research and investiga-\\ntion. With the increased light shed upon the nation by\\nthe more general diffusion of knowledge, should come a\\nmore thorough knowledge of the principles which under-\\nlie free Democratic government. The area over which\\nour government exerts its influence having been many\\ntimes multiplied, and the intelligence of the people greatly\\nincreased in other things, there is therefore all the more\\nnecessity for a better knowledge of Democratic principles,\\nand a more strict application of them to the affairs of a\\ngovernment derived from the people, over this vast ex-\\ntent of territory, now almost embracing the entire conti-\\nnent of North America, and some of the isles of the sea.\\nFor these, and many other reasons which might be ad-\\nduced, the principles of the American Democracy should\\nbe well understood yea they should be better understood\\nthan ever before, during the history of our country.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III.\\nTHE ORIGIN OF DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES.\\nTHE RISE AND PROGRESS OF DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES\\nmay be traced far back in the history of ancient govern-\\nments. Their origin the very dawning of their light\\nmay be seen in the free governments of ancient Greece\\nand Rome. They may be found shining more and more\\nalong succeeding ages, through the annals of the British\\ngovernment- -bursting with increased brilliancy over the\\nevents at the granting of Magna Charta on the banks of\\nRunnymede where first they were wrested from the En-\\nglish crown, and along the line of the ages, until planted\\nupon American soil by reason of the attempted oppression\\nof the mother country, and for more than a century nur-\\ntured and cultivated along the Atlantic coast, preceding\\nthe American revolution. Even in colonial times here in\\nthe western wilds of America, governments were estab-\\nlished as a means of protection of the people, by the peo-\\nple, and for the people and this, even when the British\\nsovereign still pretended to possess the power to grant\\nthese God-given rights to his dutiful subjects. But when\\nthe Declaration of American Independence was first writ-\\nten and thundered into the ears of the mightiest govern-\\nment then on earth when they were watered by the blood\\nshed through a long and tedious war, and finally estab-\\nlished in the Constitution of the United States, the prin-\\nciples of the American Democracy began first to be for-\\nmulated into something like a substantial political system,\\nfrom which began to flow tangible results designed to bless", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "22 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthe whole world by their beneficent influences. A Dem-\\nocrat must thoroughly believe in the principles declared\\nand established in those immortal documents drafted by\\nAmerican Democrats, and from them he must draw his\\npolitical inspirations in them he finds his first lessons of\\ninstruction, and upon them must be founded his political\\nfaith. They have stood the test for over a hundred years\\nin America, and the application thereof has never failed\\nto produce beneficent results whenever justly applied.\\nThey have proved themselves efficient in stilling the tem-\\npest of civil war, and how often they have saved internal\\nstrife and bloodshed, none can ever know.\\nIn these documents and the Bill of Rights preceding\\nthem, can be found the best compend of Democratic doc-\\ntrines ever promulgated by mortal men. These were\\nframed exclusively for the people, by the agents of the\\npeople, and adopted by the people for the protection of the\\nliberties of themselves and their posterity. These immor-\\ntal men had studied well the history of ancient free gov-\\nernments and directed by what seems more than human\\nwisdom, even though enlightened by the experience of\\npast ages, they placed, as the foundation of that Consti-\\ntution those inalienable rights and privileges of freemen\\nwhich arbitrary power can never successfully or long wrest\\nfrom them while the people remain true to themselves,\\nand faithful to their political trusts. They drafted those\\ndocuments in such plain and simple terms that it would\\nseem no one could misunderstand their meaning, and\\nthough the area of territory over which the states have\\nnow extended, reaching far over the plains of the then\\nunknown west, and to them a foreign country, and still\\nextending to the far ofif shores of the Pacific, and the\\nisles of the sea, they seem to be as applicable to-day as", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 23\\nthey were when first engrossed for formal adoption.\\nTheir provisions are too plain to be misunderstood, and\\nit is this what Democrats mean when they say that they\\nadhere to a strict construction of the Constitution, be-\\ncause they believe human rights and liberties have the\\nsame old foes to contend against, and having safely guided\\nthe ship of state on its hitherto almost unparalleled pros-\\nperous voyage, they are unwilling to change its principles,\\nbut bid it Godspeed through the ages to come, that it may\\nserve the same blessed purposes down to the latest period\\nof time. Democrats have in these revered documents a\\ncompendium of first principles of free government, to\\nwhich they cannot too often resort when embarrassed by\\ndoubts as to what course to pursue in seasons of difficulty\\nand trouble. Hence it is that the frequent perusal and\\nstudy of the symbols of Democracy the Declaration of\\nIndependence, and the Constitution of the United States\\nis earnestly urged upon those who would study the prin-\\nciples of the party more in detail than our space will per-\\nmit within the compass of this work.\\nWhen an unprejudiced voter has fully informed him-\\nself of the principles of the Democratic party, he will find\\nno reason to be ashamed of joining its fortunes, and es-\\npousing its cause. Rather will he become proud of the\\nfact, that he sustains an organization, which represents\\nprinciples, without the practice of which neither our own,\\nnor the enlightened nations of the earth in other lands,\\nwould be what they are to-day; rather should he be\\nashamed when requested so to do, to be unable to render\\na reason for his political faith.\\nThe writer does not urge this duty upon others because\\nhe claims to be the author or expounder of those prin-\\nciples,but only the medium through whom they have been", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "24 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\ngathered from various sources where found, and the pub-\\nlication of them in this convenient form for the benefit of\\nthousands of such, who are Democrats, and who, desiring\\nto be honest with themselves, can be nothing else in sen-\\ntiment but who have no other means by which to have\\nclearly set before them the principles they have espoused,\\nand which they desire to see applied in the administration\\nof public affairs.\\nThese principles of Democracy are found in Magna\\nCharta the Declaration of Independence the Constitu-\\ntion of the United States in the farewell address of\\nWashington in the messages of the early Presidents in\\nthe speeches of great senators and public speakers, as well\\nas in the columns of Democratic newspapers and the plat-\\nforms of party conventions. They are the heritage left\\nus by the great leaders of public sentiment anterior to the\\nformation of our government, in their contest against tyr-\\nanny and oppression kingly powers and imperial pre-\\nrogatives. Growing with the growth of freedom in all\\nages, they form a part of the his tory of our race in its\\nprogress from the darkness and superstition of barbarism,\\nto the present high position of enlightenment and civil-\\nzation. How then could the ordinary reader, who is com-\\npelled to toil from day to day to support himself and fam-\\nily, ever expect to acquaint himself with them by detail,\\nwhen he has neither the time nor means to search for\\nthem among the musty records of the past? It is simply\\nimpossible, were it not for a work like this.\\nThe strength of the Democratic party, so far as\\nmere numbers is concerned, is in the toiling millions\\nof our country, and in truth it should be equally\\nstrong in the general intelligence of the voters on the sub-\\nject of those principles; because in the justness, the cor-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 25\\nrectness and imperative necessity of the application of\\nihose principles in the administration of free government,\\nlies the real strength of the Democratic party. It there-\\nfore becomes the duty of the members of that party, when\\nthey thus have brought together, in a brief codified, con-\\nsolidated form, these principles, by means of which they\\nmay the more easily learn and comprehend them, to give\\nsome little attention to acquire a better knowledge of\\nthem.\\nSurely sufficient time to peruse these pages can be\\ngained from the hours of labor, and it certainly is the im-\\nperative duty of every freeman to learn more of the ad-\\nministration of public affairs, in order to promote his own\\nwelfare, and transmit to posterity the beneficent form of\\ngovernment bequeathed to us by the Democratic Fathers\\nof the Republic.\\nThere is another reason why it is the duty of Dem-\\nocrats to be well informed as to their recognized princi-\\nples. Xot everything which claims to be Democracy, is\\nalways such, in the popular acceptation of the term. As\\nan illustration may be cited the maxim, that the ma-\\njority must rule which it is true is a recognized Dem-\\nocratic doctrine but if taken in its absolute sense, with-\\nout reference to constitutional limitations, the doctrine\\nmight degenerate into mere Communism, which is by no\\nmeans Democracy as understood by the party. Com-\\nmunism elevates the state above the citizen; Democracy\\nelevates the citizen, shields him in his personal rights, and\\nmakes him a freeman indeed. Thus it is that care must\\nbe taken to distinguish the true from the false Democ-\\nracy, and in order to do this it becomes our duty to\\ncorrectly inform ourselves as to what really is the gen-\\nuine article. Intelligent men are obliged to go beneath", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "26 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthe surface, and ascertain from the principles professed,\\nand the acts performed by political parties, whether their\\npolicies are founded on correct principles and will have\\nthe desired effect in bringing peace, happiness and pros-\\nperity to the masses affected by them. It is to aid the\\nreader in this work that he is invited to examine the prin-\\nciples of the National Democratic Party, in order to know\\nfor himself whether his mind can give assent to its policy\\nor not.\\nWith this exhortation by way of introduction, we are\\nprepared to enter upon the earliest announcement in\\nAmerica, by great Democratic-Republican leaders, of the\\nprinciples of the great Democratic Party.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "GEORGE WASHINGTON", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nDEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES AS PROCLAIMED BY EARLY\\nLEADERS.\\nWhile it is true that Democratic Principles, in direct\\nopposition to Monarchical systems of Government are\\nolder than Republican forms of Government in America,\\nreference is here only made to the principles of the Demo-\\ncratic party since that time and as now existing in the\\nUnited States. The first party organization is to be\\ntraced as being in opposition to the original Federalists,\\nand for these we must look to the enunciations of them,\\nto the earlier Democratic Presidents. Their declarations\\nhave always been held, as it were, sacred by the Demo-\\ncracy.\\nPRINCIPLES OF WASHINGTON.\\nWashington lived before the days of party politics.\\nHe exemplified his principles by his conduct, whether at\\nthe head of the army or of the civil administration. He\\nhad studied well the principles of free governments in\\nformer ages, and was well grounded in the faith. In his\\nfarewell address to the American people he left a legacy\\nany party might well be proud of. Not because he was\\nat the head of a so-called Democratic or Republican or any\\nparty, but because the few fundamental principles upon\\nwhich rested the perpetuity of the Union, which he an-\\nnounced have always been a part of the faith of the Dem-\\nocracy, does it become appropriate here to insert those\\nprinciples. No person can be a sound Democrat, who", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "28 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\ncannot give unqualified assent to them. In substance he\\nannounced the following principles\\nThe union of the government is the main pillar\\nin THE Edifice OF our real independence. The sup-\\nport of our tranquility at home, our peace abroad, of our\\nsafety and our prosperity yea of the very liberty all so\\nhighly prize/\\nHe warned his countrymen that from different causes\\nand from different quarters, great pains would be taken\\n(as was the case three-quarters of a century after that),\\nand many artifices would be employed to weaken the\\nminds of the people, the conviction of this great truth. He\\nTOLD THEM THAT THIS WAS A POINT IN THEIR POLITI-\\nCAL FORTRESS AGAINST WHICH THE BATTERIES OF INTER-\\nNAL AND EXTERNAL ENEMIES WOULD MOST CONSTANTLY\\nAND MOST ACTIVELY, THOUGH COVERTLY AND INSID-\\nIOUSLY, DIRECT THEIR ASSAULTS.\\nHe entreated them to cherish a cordial, habitual and\\nimmovable attachment to the Union; accustoming them\\nto think and speak of it as the palladium of their political\\nsafety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with\\njealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever might even\\nsuggest a suspicion that it could in any event be aban-\\ndoned JAND INDIGNANTLY FROWN UPON THE FIRST DRAW-\\nING OF EVERY ATTEMPT TO ALIENATE ANY PORTION OF\\nOUR COUNTRYMEN FROM THE REST OR TO ENFEEBLE THE\\nSACRED TIES WHICH LINK TOGETHER THE VARIOUS PARTS\\nOF OUR COMMON COUNTRY.\\nWhether he called himself a Democrat or not makes\\nno difference this principle of cherishing an absolute\\ndevotion to the existence of the Union, under one form\\nof government, is a sacred Democratic principle that\\nmust be subscribed to by every citizen of this great Re-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 29\\npublic who aspires to be called an American Democrat.\\nIt is because Domecrats have ever entertained the same\\nconvictions, and (save by men who called themselves\\nDemocrats, but had forgotten or disregarded the warn-\\ning voice of Washington, and went into a rebellion\\nagainst the government, thereby seeking to destroy the\\nUnion) have ever been true to these principles, and above\\nall other parties, most profoundly impressed with the\\ntruth of this doctrine, that they have been Democrats.\\nWashington sought by most cogent arguments to im-\\npress upon his countrymen, that all parts of the country,\\nNorth, South, East and West, had a common destiny and\\na common interest in the general welfare of every other\\nsection, and because each added strength and security\\nto the other, and in this sense the Union was the main\\nprop of our liberties, so that the love for one should en-\\ndear to the people the preservation of the other, and thus\\nbecome the primary object of patriotic desire.\\nDemocrats believe all this; and though the party itself\\nbecame distracted, and many of its adherents were\\ndragged into a rebellion, still, as soon as miltary force\\nwas overcome and the conviction of the mind could be\\nfreely exercised, even those again became as ardently at-\\ntached to the Union as any other portion of our people,\\nand since the closeofthe war have sought by every means\\nwithin their power to bring together and bind more\\nclosely the whole people of this Union in the bonds of a\\nfraternal brotherhood of states.\\nWashington warned his countrymen against\\nsectionalism He cautioned them that designing men,\\nas they ever have, would endeavor to excite a belief that\\nthere was a real difference of local interest and views.\\nHe said one of the expedients of partyi^m would, be to", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "30 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nacquire influence in one particular section, by misrepre-\\nsenting the opinions and aims of another section, and that\\nthey could not shield themselves too much against the\\njealousies and heartburnings aroused by these misrepre-\\nsentations, which tended to alienate the sections from\\neach other, instead of binding them more closely to-\\ngether with fraternal regard and affection. It is because\\nthey have seen the Democratic party endeavoring by\\nevery possible means in its power to inculcate these same\\ngreat truths, while its opponents have conducted them-\\nselves towards one section precisely in the way and man-\\nner Washington suggested men would, that they are\\nforced to be Democrats, when true to their convictions\\nof right.\\nHe cautioned his countrymen against heaping up\\nPUBLIC DEBTS FOR POSTERITY TO PAY, THUS UNGENER-\\nOUSLY THROWING UPON THEM BURDENS WHICH WE, OUR-\\nSELVES, should pay. This whole business of bonded\\nindebtedness in un-Democratic, and ought not to be indul-\\nged in, if by any means it can be avoided. It is true that\\nDemocrats have been led astray by the plausible argu-\\nments of those who regarded public debts as public\\nblessings/ still the Democratic party as such, has ever\\ndenounced the practice, and because they have always\\ncoincided with Washington s teaching in this particular,\\nthey are Democrats.\\nAgainst the insidious wiles of foreign influence, he\\nconjured his fellow-citizens, their jealousy ought to be\\nconstantly awake. Numerous opportunities would be\\noffered, he said, to tamper with domestic factions, to\\npractice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion,\\nto influence public counsels.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 31\\nNO ATTACHMENT, THEREFORE, FOR ONE NATION TO\\nTHE EXCLUSION OF ANOTHER SHOULD BE TOLERATED.\\nSuch conduct would lead to concessions to one nation,\\nand denials of privileges to others, and would invite a\\nmultitude of evils upon it.\\nIt is because this has been a fundamental principle of\\nthe Democratic party, who most heartly believe in the\\ndoctrine, hence they are Democrats.\\nWashington also advised his countrymen To RESIST\\nWITH CARE THE SPIRIT OF INNOVATION UPON THE PRIN-\\nCIPLES ON W T HICH THE GOVERNMENT WAS FOUNDED, how-\\never specious the pretext might be. One method of as-\\nsault would be, he said, to effect under the forms of the\\nConstitution, alterations which would impair the whole\\nsystem. It is because, impressed by the truth of these\\nteachings of Washington, the Democratic party has op-\\nposed amendments constantly being proposed, that they\\nare Democrats, believing that in this they adhere more\\nstrictly to the teachings of Washington, than any other\\nparty.\\nBelieving therefore that the principles of Washington\\nare correct and true, worthy to be practiced and in ac-\\ncord with the principles of free government, they are not\\nashamed to avow them as Democratic.\\nIt would be well if Democrats more closely studied\\nthese Washingtonian principles, and in deciding ques-\\ntions, of public policy, and measures designed for the\\nwelfare of the people, would apply these doctrines, and\\nwe doubt not that they would invariably arrive at a cor-\\nrect conclusion.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "32 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nTHJ) PRINCIPLES OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.\\nAlthough not called a Democrat in a party sense, yet\\nThomas Jefferson as a Republican-Democrat, opposed\\nthe policy avowed and maintained by Alexander Hamil-\\nton while a member of Washington s Cabinet, he was\\nthe best expounder of Principles since avowed by the\\nDemocratic party, among all the revolutionary sages.\\nIn his writings and official messages as President, we\\nfind frequent allusions to, and a rigid application of them\\nin the administration of public affairs, so that he has been\\ncalled the Father of the Democratic party. It was pe-\\nculiarly appropriate that he should do so, because, though\\nearly in the history of our government, yet anti-Demo-\\ncratic principles were already slowly creeping into the\\nadministration of public affairs, under the administration\\nof the elder Adams, so that it required vigorous opposi-\\ntion, and determined application, to bring the govern-\\nment back once more, to be administered in accordance\\nwith the pure principles of a representative Democratic\\ngovernment.\\nIn his inaugural address, delivered tio Congress on\\nMarch 4, 1801, the commencement, as well of a new\\ncentury, as of a new era in our government, President\\nJefferson announced the following fundamental doctrines\\nof Democracy, which, he said, he deemed essential prin-\\nciples of our government, which should guide him in\\nits administration. He compressed them withirt the*\\nsmallest possible compass, stating only the general prin-\\nciples, but not all their limitations\\n1. Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever\\nstate or persuasion, religious or political.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THOMAS JEFFERSON", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 33\\n2. Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all\\nnations entangling alliance with none.\\n3. The support of the State governments in all their\\nrights,, as the most competent administrators of our do-\\nmestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-Re-\\npublican tendencies.\\n4. The preservation of the general government in its\\nwhole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our\\npeace at home, and safety abroad.\\n5. A jealous care of the right of election by the\\npeople, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are\\nlopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable means\\nare unprovided.\\n6. Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the ma-\\njority, the vital principles of republics, from which there\\nis no appeal but to force the vital principle, and immed-\\niate parent of depostism. (This, of course, subject to\\nconstitutional limitations.)\\n7. A well disciplined militia, our best reliance in\\npeace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may\\nrelieve them.\\n8. The supremacy of the civil over the military au-\\nthority.\\n9. Economy in the public expenses, that labor may be\\nlightly burthened.\\n10. The honest payment of our debts, and the sacred\\npreservation of the public faith.\\n11. Encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce\\nas its handmaid.\\n12. The diffusion of information, and arraigment of\\nall abuses at the bar of public reason.\\n13. Freedom of religion.\\n14. Freedom of the press.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "34 THE) AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\n15. Freedom of the person, under the protection of\\nthe habeas corpus.\\n16. Trial by juries, impartially selected.\\nThese principles, said Jefferson, form the bright con-\\nstellation, which has gone before us, and guided our steps\\nthrough the age of revolution and reformation. The\\nwisdom of our sages, and the blood of our heroes, have\\nbeen devoted to their attainment. They should be the\\ncreed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction,\\nthe touchstone by which to try the services of those we\\ntrust; and should we wander from them in moments of\\nerror or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to\\nregain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and\\nsafety.\\nDemocrats believe those fundamental principles to be\\ntrue, and therefore hold them in high esteem.\\nMADTSONIAN PRINCIPLES.\\nDemocrats believe in a full, unequivocal, and hearty\\nsupport of the Constitution, in a strict construction of \\\\t r\\nand in the spirit and the purpose for for which it was\\nformed, and in Madison, also, who took such a deep in-\\nterest in its formation, as to be called the Father of the\\nConstitution/ they have another exponent of sound\\nDemocratic principles.\\nHe knew well the principles on which that constitution\\nwas founded. He had studied the rise, progress, decay\\nand fall of every free government which had gone before,\\nand profiting by the very misfortunes of other nations,\\nhe had secured in the adoption of our Constitution, such\\nprinciples as he fondly believed would prevent us as a\\npeople from falling into similar errors. Standing upon\\nthe threshold of his great office, as President of the United\\nStates, succeeding Jefferson, he announced the following", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "JAMES MADISON", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 35\\nas additional principles, vital to the welfare of the Amer-\\nican people, in their intercourse with foreign nations.\\nThey were in part but the echoes, of what came from the\\nlips of Washington and Jefferson, and became the policy\\nof the Democratic party ever since. He announced them\\nas follows\\ni. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all\\nnations having a corresponding disposition.\\n2. To maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent\\nnations.\\n3. To prefer, in ail cases, amicable discussions and\\nreasonable accommodation of differences, to a decision\\nof them by an appeal to arms.\\n4. To exclude foreign intrigues, and foreign partial-\\nities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free\\nones.\\n5. To foster a spirit of independence, too just to in-\\nvade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our\\nown; too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices our-\\nselves, and not too elevatel to look down upon them in\\nothers.\\n6. To hold the Union of the States as the basis of\\ntheir peace and happiness.\\n7. To support the Constitution which is the cement\\nof the Union, as well in its limitations as in its author-\\nities.\\n8. To respect the rights and authorities reserved to\\nthe states and the people, as equally incorporated with\\nand essential to the success of the general system.\\n9. To avoid the slighest interferences with the rights\\nof conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely ex-\\nempted from civil jurisdiction.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "36 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\n10. To preserve in their full energy the salutary pro-\\nvisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and the\\nfreedom of the press.\\nii. To observe economy in public expenditures.\\n12. To liberate public resources by an honorable dis-\\ncharge of the public debts.\\n13. To keep within the requisite limits a standing\\nmilitary force always remembering, that an armed and\\ntrained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics.\\n14. That without standing armies their liberties can\\nnever be in danger, nor with large ones, safe.\\n15. To promote by authorized means improvements\\nfriendly to agriculture, to commerce, to manufactures,\\nand to external as well as internal commerce.\\n16. To favor in like manner the advancement of\\nscience and the diffusion of information, as the best ali-\\nment of true liberty.\\n17. To carry on benevolent plans for the conversion\\nof our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and\\nwretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the im-\\nprovements of which the human mind and manners are\\nsusceptible in a civilized state.\\nIn one of his messages he also laid down the principle,\\nthat a zveil-instructed people alone can be permanently\\nfree.\\nJ ACKSONIAN PRINCIPLES.\\nIn the principles of Andrew Jackson the Democracy\\ntake great pride. From his Inaugural Address on March\\n4, 1829, to the close of his administration of eight\\nyears, in every message to Congress he uttered Demo-\\ncratic sentiments in a terse, vigorous style, which, on\\naccount of their self-evident truth deeply rooted them-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "ANDREW JACKSON", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 37\\nselves in American hearts, and became the principles of\\nthe Democratic party, which during his administration\\nfirst took that name, and which it has) held ever since.\\nThey are found scattered all through his messages, and\\nwere his guide in deciding all questions of national\\npolicy, so many of which pressed themselves upon him\\nduring his term of office. From these the following may\\nbe selected and placed in order, which should be\\nthoroughly studied and applied to all questions which\\nmay even now arise.\\ni. He said: Regard should be had for the rights\\nof the several States, taking care not to confound the\\npowers reserved to them, with those they had in the Con-\\nstitution granted to the general government/\\n2. In every aspect of the case, advantage must result\\nfrom strict and faithful enconomy in the administration\\nof public affairs.\\n3. He declared the unnecessary duration of the pub-\\nlic debt incompatible with real independence.\\n4. In the adjustment of a tariff for revenue, he in-\\nsisted that a spirit of equity, caution and compromise re-\\nquires the great interests of agriculture, manufactures\\nand commerce to be equally favored.\\n5. He admitted the policy of internal improvements\\nto be wise only, in so far as they could be promoted by\\nconstitutional acts of the general government.\\n6. He declared standing armies to be dangerous to\\nfree government, and that the military should be in strict\\nsubordination to the civil power.\\n7. He declared the National Militia to be the bul-\\nwark of our national defence. In enforcing this prin-\\nciple he declared that, so long as the government was\\nadministered for the good of the people, and regulated", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "38 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nby their will so long as it secured to the people the\\nrights of person and of property, liberty of conscience\\nand of the press, the government would be worth defend-\\ning, and so long as it was worth defending, the patriotic\\nmilitia would cover it with an impenetrable aegis.\\n8. He pledged himself to the work of reform in the\\nadministration, so that the patronage of the general gov-\\nernment which had been brought into conflict with the\\nfreedom of elections, and had disturbed tjie rightful\\ncourse of appointments, by continuing in power unfaith-\\nful and incompetent servants, should no longer be used\\nfor that purpose.\\n9. He declared his belief in the principle, that the\\nintegrity and zeal of public officers would advance the\\ninterests of the public service more than mere numbers.\\n10. He declared the right of the people to elect a\\nPresident, and that it was! never designed that their\\nchoice should in any case be defeated by the interven-\\ntion of agents enforcing this principle by saying what\\nexperience had amply proved, that in proportion as\\nagents were multiplied to execute the will of the people,\\nthere was the danger increased, that their wishes would\\nbe frustrated. Some may be unfaithful all liable tjo\\nerror. So far then as the people were concerned, it was\\nbetter for them to express their own will.\\n11. The majority should govern. No President\\nelected by a minority could so sucessfully discharge his\\nduties, as he who knew he was supported by the majority\\nof the people.\\n12. He advocated rotation in office. Corruption, he\\nsaid, would spring up among those in power, and there-\\nfore he thought appointments should not be made for a\\nlonger period than four years. Everybody had equal", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 39\\nright to office, and he favored removals as a leading\\nprinciple, which would give healthful action to the polit-\\nical system.\\n13. He advocated unfettered commerce, free from re-\\nstrictive tariff laws, leaving it to flow into those natural\\nchannels in which individual enterprise, always the sur-\\nest and safest guide, might direct it.\\n14. He opposed specific tariffs, because subject to\\nfrequent changes, generally produced by selfish motives,\\nand under such influences, could never be just and equal.\\n15. The proper fostering of manufactures and com-\\nmerce tended to increase the value of agricultural pro-\\nducts.\\n16. In cases of real doubt, as to matters of mere public\\npolicy, he advocated a direct appeal to the people, the\\nsource of all power, as the most sacred of all obligations,\\nand the wisest and most safe course to pursue.\\n17. He advocated a just and equitable bankrupt law,\\nas beneficial to the country at large, because after the\\nmeans to discharge debts had entirely been exhausted,\\nnot to discharge them, only served to dispirit the debtor,\\nsink him into a state of apathy, make him a useless drone\\nin society, or a vicious member of it, if not a feeling wit-\\nness of the rigor and inhumanity of his country. Op-\\npressive dejbt being the bane enterprise, it should be\\nthe care of the republic not to exert a grinding power\\nover misfortune and poverty.\\n18. He declared in favor of the principle, that no\\nmoney should be expended, until first appropriated for\\nthe purpose by the legislature. The people paid the\\ntaxes, and their direct representatives should alone have\\nthe right to say what they should be taxed for, in what\\nsums, and how, and when it should be paid.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "40 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\n19. He titterl} opposed the system of government\\naiding private corporations in making internal improve-\\nments. It was deceptive and conducive of improvidence\\nin the expenditure of public monies. For this purpose\\nappropriations could be obtained with greater facitities,\\ngranted with inadequate security, and frequently com-\\nplicated the administration of government.\\n20. The operations of the general government should\\nbe strictly confined to the few simple, but important ob-\\njects for which it was originally designed.\\n21. He favored the veto power in the executive, but\\nonly to be exercised in cases of attempted violation of\\nthe Constitution, or in cases next to it in importance.\\n22. He advocated State rights, as far as consistent\\n-with the rightful action of the general government, as\\nthe very best means of preserving harmony between\\nthem and pronounced this the true faith, and the one to\\nwhich might be mainly attributed the success of the en-\\ntire system, and to which alone we must look for stabil-\\nity in it.\\n23. He advocated a uniform and sound currency,\\nbut doubted the constitutionality and expediency of a\\nnational bank; and afterwards made his administration\\nfamous by successfully opposing the renewal of its\\ncharter.\\n24. Precious metals as the only currency\\nknown to the CONSTITUTION. Their, peculiar prop-\\nerties rendered them the standard of values in other\\ncountries and had been adopted in this. The experience\\nof the evils of paper money had made it so obnoxious in\\nthe past, that the framers of the constitution had for-\\nbidden its adoption as the legal tender currency of the\\ncountry.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 41\\nVariableness must ever be the characteristic of a cur-\\nlency not based upon metals. Expansion and contrac-\\ntion, without regard to principles which regulate the\\nvalue of those metals, as a standard in the general trade\\nof the world were, he said, extremely pernicious.\\nWhere these properties are not infused into the circula-\\ntion, and do not control it, prices must vary, according\\nto the tide of the issue; the value and stability of prop-\\nerty exposed, uncertainty attending the administration\\nof institutions, constantly liable to temptations of an in-\\nterest distinct from that of the community at large, all\\nthis attended by loss to the laboring class, who have\\nneither time nor opportunity to watch the ebb and flow\\nof the money market.\\n25. He renews his advocacy of a cheerful compliance\\nwith the will of the majority; and the exercise of the\\npower as expressed in a spirit of moderation, justice and\\nbrotherly kindness, as the best means to cement, and for-\\never preserve the Union. Those, he closes, who advo-\\ncate sentiments adverse to those expressed, however\\nhonest, are, in effect, the worst enemies of their country.\\nVIEWS OF GROVER CLEVELAND AS PRESIDENT.\\nGrover Cleveland was the first Democratic President\\n(elected in A. D. 1884.) after James Buchanan elected\\nin A. D. 1856. He was renominated in 1888, and de-\\nfeated by Benj. Harrison; in 1892 he defeated Mr. Har-\\nrison, serving until the 4th of March, 1897.. He was one\\nof the most positive in his opinions of any former presi-\\ndent not a man-pleaser, but fearlessly expressed his con-\\nvictions, regardless of what others thought or advised,\\ndoing what he conceived to be right. He was bitterly\\nopposed at his first election by his political opponents,\\n4", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "42 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nand severely criticiz-d when he retired by some of his\\nformer adherents, as having- too little discretion, to be\\npolitic. Public servants feared him when in power over\\nthem his administrations were free from scandals, and\\nhistory will assign him the position of being an honest,\\nfearless and courageous President.\\nWe have gathered a few of his declarations, to serve\\nas examples.\\nHe declared the collection of more revenue than was\\nnecessary to defray the expenses of government economi-\\ncally administered, multiplied a brood of evil consequen-\\nces, and that the public treasury should exist only as a\\nconduit conveying the people s tribute to its legitimate\\nobjects of expenditure, otherwise it became a hoarding\\nplace for money, needlessly withdrawn from trade and\\nthe people s use, crippling their energies, suspending the\\ncountry s development, preventing investments in pro-\\nductive enterprises, threatening financial dsturbances,\\nand inviting schemes of public plunder.\\nHe deprecated the depositing of public monies in\\nbanks, as exceedingly objectionable, establishing a too\\nclose relationship between the operations of the treasury,\\nand the business of the country, and fostering an unnat-\\nural reliance of private business upon public funds and\\n^ven if remedies proposed were adopted, would afford\\nonly temporary relief to meet urgent necessity, while the\\neffort ought to be in the opposite direction. A divorce\\nshould be had as fast as it could be safely done between\\nthe treasury, and private enterprise.\\nHe said the people could only be saved from future\\nlike troubles by removing the cause.\\nHe favored the taxing of tobacco, spirituous and malt", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 43\\nliquors by internal revenue, as not being, strictly speak-\\ning, necessaries.\\nHe claimed the effect of tariff laws was to raise the\\nprice upon imported articles upon the consumers, and he\\nsaid many of these articles are raised or manufactured\\nin this country and duties levied upon foreign goods,\\nraised prices on domestic articles, and thus it happened,\\nthat as millions of our people never purchased foreign\\ngoods of the same kind, thus large amounts were paid\\nby a majority of our people, which never reached the\\ntreasury. He said that this was not stated by way of in-\\nstruction to Congress, but to remind them, that this tax-\\nburden fell both upon the consumers of domestic pro-\\nducts, as well as those who purchased foreign goods.\\nThis burden should not be laid upon our laborers life, as\\nthey were entitled to a full share of all our advantages.\\nHe declared as a principle, that the reduction of taxation\\ndemanded by the public interests, should be so measured,\\nas not to necessitate or justify the loss of employment by\\nthe working men or lessening their wages. He there-\\nfore favored the admission free of duty on raw materials\\nused in the manufacturing, which could result in no loss\\nto labor.\\nRight here, to elucidate his idea of tariff duties, we\\ndesire to introduce an extract from a speech delivered\\nby an old friend, as showing the precise difference be-\\ntween political parties on that subject.\\nHon. A. G. Thurman, of Ohio, one of the foremost\\nDemocrats, and Vice-Presidential candidate in 1888,.\\nsaid that the opponents of the Democracy desired to take\\noff only the internal revenue taxation, and not to touch\\nthe tariff laws, while the Democracy, on the contrary,\\nsaid that the best way to relieve an overtaxed people was", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "44 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nto reduce the taxes upon the necessaries of life, rather\\nthan upon mere luxuries; that the best way to treat the\\npeople honestly, fairly and wisely was to take no more\\ntaxes out of their pockets, than the government actually\\nneeded for its legitimate expenditures. The issue then,\\nhe said, was fairly made up between the two great par-\\nties. It was between high tariff taxation on the one\\nhand, and reasonable taxation on the other. It was be-\\ntween taking the money from the people out of their own\\ncontrol, out of their pockets where it belongs, to be used\\nby them as their intelligence and honesty directed, or\\nburying it in the vaults of the treasury, or what would be\\nstill worse, squandering it upon objects without merit,\\nentailing expensive habits upon the government and the\\npeople, and engendering unnumbered evils resulting\\nupon corrupt legislation, and schemes for plundering the\\ntreasury for purposes foreign to the true objects of good\\ngovernment.\\nAfter Cleveland s second election, while reasoning on\\nthis same subject he said, that tariff taxes were only justi-\\nfiable when laid and collected for the purpose of main-\\ntaining our government for the accomplishment of its\\nlegitimate purposes and functions. This he said was\\ntaxation by a tariff revenue. This accorded with the\\nprofessions of American free institutions, and its justice\\nand honesty answered the test of the principles\\nupon which those institutions rest. It enjoined, he said,\\nstrict economy in public expenditures, limited to legiti-\\nmate public uses, exhibiting the absolute extortion by\\nway of taxation from the people beyond the necessities\\nof a careful proper administration of government. Op-\\nposed to this theory was the dogma boldly announced of\\ntariff taxation as justifiable for the express purpose and", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 45\\nintent of thereby promiting special interests. Such was\\nclearly contrary to the spirit of the constitution, encourag-\\ning disturbance by selfishness and greed of patriotic pub-\\nlic sentiment, that its statement would rudely shock our\\npeople, if they had not already been insidiously lured\\nfrom the safe landmarks of principle.\\nHe also said while the tariff question was a question\\nof markets, it also involved a question of morals. We\\ncannot he said, with impunity permit injustice to taint\\nthe spirit of right and equity, which is the life of our\\nRepublic, and would fail to reach our national destiny if\\ngreed and selfishness lead the way.\\nHe said we relied upon the intelligence of our country-\\nmen to reject the charge, that a majority of our people\\nwere planning a destruction of our industries, as we\\nknew they could not be frightened by the specter of im-\\npossible free trade. On the subject of currency he said\\nthat our people were entitled to sound and honest money\\nabundantly sufficient to supply business needs. What-\\never might be the form of the people s currency, national\\nor state, goid, silver and paper, it should be so regulated\\nand guarded by governmental action that no one\\ncould be deluded as to the certainty and stability of its\\nvalue. Everv dollar in the hands of the people should be\\nof the same intrinsic value and purchasing power. With\\nthese conditions absolutely guaranteed, both gold and\\nsilver could be safely utilized upon equal terms in the ad-\\njustment of our currency.\\nHe favored the construction of the Xicaraguan ship\\ncanal as a means of promoting commerce between our\\nstates, and with foreign nations. He said it could not\\nbe doubted that our country s robust strength had given\\nrise to heedlessness of those laws governing national", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "46 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nhealth, which we can no more evade than human life\\ncould escape the laws of God and nature.\\nHe said it was the plain dictate of honesty and good\\ngovernment, that public expenditures should be limited\\nby public necessity, measured by tjie rules of strict\\neconomy, as it was equally clear that frugality among the\\npeople was the best guaranty of a contented and strong\\nsupport of free institutions.\\nHe said the existence of immense aggregations of\\nkindred enterprises, and combinations of business inter-\\nests, formed for the purpose of fixing prices was incon-\\nsistent with that fair field which ought to be open to\\nevery independent activity. These aggregations fre-\\nquently constituted conspiracies against the interests of\\nthe people, and in all their phases were unnatural and\\nopposed to our American sense of fairness.\\nHe said our mission, (referring to the Democratic\\nparty, again coming into power) was not punishment,\\nbut the rectification of wrongs. If/ he said, in lifting\\nburdens from the daily life of our people, we reduce in-\\nordinate advantages, too long enjoyed, this is\\nbut a necessity incident of our return to right and\\njustice/\\nHe announced the principle that The people\\nare entitled to a sound and stable currency, and to money\\nrecognized as such on every exchange, and in every\\nmarket of the world. The government has no right to\\ninjure (the people) by financial experiments opposed to\\nthe policy and practice of other civilized states, nor\\nin permitting an unreasonable reliance on our national\\nstrength and ability to jeopardize the soundness of the\\npeoples money.\\nHe furthermore said, the speculator may anticipate a\\nharvest gathered from the misfortune of others, the", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 47\\ncapitalist may proitect himself in hoarding,\\nbut the wage earner the first to be injured and\\nthe last to receive a benefit of its correction, is practically\\ndefenseless. He relies for work upon the ventures of\\nconfident and contented capital. This failing him, his\\ncondition is without alleviation, for he can neither prey\\non the misfortune of others, nor hoard his labor. He\\nthen, quotes from a statesman fifty years ago who said\\nThe very man of all others, who has the deepest interest\\nin a sound currency, and who suffers most by mischiev-\\nous legislation in money matters, is the man who earns\\nhis daily bread by his daily toil.\\nHe repeats an earlier recommendation that, The ab-\\nsolute divorcement of the government from the business\\nof banking is the ideal relationship of the government to\\nthe circulation of the currency of the country, but he\\nsays, this condition cannot be immediately reached.\\nWith these examples from his messages, in view of\\nlimited space we must be content.\\nTheforegoing are principles by eminetnt Democratic\\nstatesmen and Presidents, and almost universally quoted\\nas sound Democratic doctrines.\\nOur attention will now be directed to the principles as\\nsettled by their National Conventions, which are of\\ncourse considered as binding upon members of the party,\\nuntil superseded or changed by the same authority.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nCONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS PLATFORM OF A. D. 180O.\\nIn setting forth the platforms of the Democratic party,\\nwe take first that of the Republican Members of Con-\\ngress, at Washington, in January, A. D. 1800, as opposed\\nto the Federlists, then in power, under President John\\nAdams. They nominated Thomas Jefferson as their\\ncandidate, who was finally elected by the House of Rep-\\nresentatives, Jefferson and Burr having each received an\\nequal number of electoral votes, for President and Vice-\\nPresident. Limited in space, w r e give the platforms in\\nthe shortest possible space. The caucus declared that\\nthey favored\\n1. An inviolable preservation of the Federal Constitu-\\ntion, according to the true sense in which it was adopted\\nby the States that in which it was advocated by its\\nfriends, and not that which its. enemies apprehended,\\nwho, therefore became its enemies.\\n2. Opposition to monarchizing its features by the\\nforms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a\\ntransition, first to a President and Senate for life; and\\nsecondly to a hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus\\nto worm out the elective principle.\\n3. Preservation to the States of the powers not\\nyielded by them to the Union, and to tjhe legislature of the\\nUnion, its constitutional share in division of its powers;\\nand resistance, therefore, to existing movements for\\ntransferring all the powers of the States to the general", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 49\\ngovernment, and all of those of that government to the\\nexecutive branch.\\n4. A rigorously frugal administration of the govern-\\nment, and the application of all the possible savings of the\\npublic revenue to the liquidation of the public debt and\\nresistance, therefore, to all measures looking to a mul-\\ntiplication of officers and salaries, merely to create part-\\nisans and to alignment the public debt, on the principle\\nof its being a public blessing.\\n5. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the mil-\\nitia till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only\\nas may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors from\\ndepredations and opposition, therefore, to the policy of\\na standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the\\npublic sentiment; and to a navy, which, by its own ex-\\npenses, and the wars it will implicate us, will grind us\\nwith public burdens and sink us under them.\\n6. Free commerce with all nations political connec-\\ntion with none, and little or no diplomatic establishments.\\n7. Opposition to linking ourselves by new treaties\\nwith the quarrels of Europe, or joining in the confeder-\\nacy of Kings to war against the principles of liberty.\\n8. Freedom of religion, and opposition to all maneu-\\nvers to bring about a legal ascendency of one sect, over\\nanother.\\n9. Freedom of speech and of the press and opposi-\\ntion, therefore, to all violations of the Constitution, to\\nsilence by force, and not by reason, the complaints or crit-\\nicisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct\\nof their public agents.\\n10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the well\\ndisposed of ail nations, who may desire to embark their\\nfortunes with us, and share with us the public burden,", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "50 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nmay have an opportunity, under moderate restrictions,\\nfor the development of honest intention and severe ones\\nto guard against the usurpation of our flag.\\n11. Encouragement of science and arts in all their\\nbranches, to the end that the American people may per-\\nfect their independence of all foreign monopolies, institu-\\ntions and influences.\\nPLATFORM OF JANUARY, A. D. 1836 ON THIS MARTIN VAN\\nBURSN WAS ELECTED PRESIDENT.\\nDemocratic Platform of 1836. From the time that\\nThomas Jefferson was elected President, down to Jan-\\nuary, A. D. 1836, when Martin Van Buren became the\\nDemocratic candidate, we find no formal declaration of\\nprinciples by the party, as announced by Jefferson, Mad-\\nison, Monroe and Jackson, stated in another part of this\\nvolume, in their messages to Congress, forming the lead-\\ning tenets of the party, and to which, afterwards, fre-\\nquent allusions are made in the declarations of principles\\nby the Democratic party\\nIn January, A. D. 1836, the following platform of prin-\\nciples was put forth by the party.\\nWe hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men\\nare created free and equal, that they are endowed by their\\nCreator with certain inalienable rights, among which are\\nlife, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that the true\\nfoundation of Republican Government is the equal rights\\nof every citizen in his person and property and in their\\nmanagement that the idea is quite unfounded that on en-\\ntering into society we give up our natural right; that the\\nrightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce\\nonly our natural right to commit aggressions on the equal", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "MARTIN VAN BUREN", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 51\\nrights of another, and this is all from which the law ought\\nto restrain him that every man is under the natural duty\\nof contributing to the necessities of society, and this is all\\nthe law should enforce on him that when the laws have\\ndeclared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their\\nfunctions.\\nWe declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and\\npaper money as a circulating medium, ^because gold and\\nsilver is the only safe and constitutional currency oppo-\\nsition to any and all monopolies by legislation, because\\nthey are violations of equal rights of the people; hostil-\\nity to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of\\nvested rights or prerogatives by legislation, because they\\nare usurpations of the peoples sovereign rights; no leg-\\nislative or other authority in the body politic can right-\\nfully by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of\\nmen in any case whatever from trial by jury, and the jur-\\nisdiction or operation of the laws w r hich govern the com-\\nmunity.\\nWe hold that each and every act of incorporation\\npassed by preceding legislatures can be rightfully altered\\nand repealed by their successors, and that they should\\nbe altered or repealed when necessary for the public good,\\nor when required by a majority of the people.\\nPLATFORM OF 184O.\\nPlatform of 1840. On May 5th, 1840, the following\\nplatform was adopted by the Democracy, in convention\\nassembled at Baltimore:\\n1. Resolved. That the Federal Government is one of\\nlimited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and\\nthe grants of power shown therein, ought to be strictly\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6This had reference to irresponsible paper money issued by Stale\\nBanks.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "52 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nconstrued by all the departments and agents of the gov-\\nernment, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to ex-\\nercise doubtful constitutional powers.\\n2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the\\nGeneral Government the power to commence and carry\\non a general system of internal improvements.\\n3. That the Constitution does not confer authority\\nupon the Federal Government directly or indirectly to\\nassume the debts of the several states contracted for local\\ninternal improvements or other state purposes, nor would\\nsuch an assumption be just or expedient.\\n4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Fed-\\neral Government to foster one branch of industry to the\\ndetriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one\\nportion to the injury of another portion of our common\\ncountry that every citizen and every section of the coun-\\ntry has a right to demand and insist upon an equality 01\\nrights and privileges, and to complete an ample pro-\\ntection of persons and property from domestic violence or\\nforeign aggression.\\n5. That it is the duty of every branch of govern-\\nment to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in\\nconducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue\\nought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary\\nexpenses of the government.\\n6. That Congress has no power to charter a United\\nStates bank that we believe such an institution one of\\ndeadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dan-\\ngerous to our Republican institutions and the liberties of\\nthe people, and calculated to place the business of the\\ncountry within the control of a concentrated money\\npower, and above the laws, and the will of the people.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 53\\n7. That Congress has no power under the Constitution\\nto interfere with or control the domestic institutions of\\nthe several States and, that such States are the sole and\\nproper judges of everything pertaining to their own af-\\nfairs not prohibited by the Constitution tjhat all efforts\\nmade to induce Congress to interfere with questions of\\nslavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are\\ncalculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous\\nconsequences and that all such efforts have an inevitable\\ntendency to endanger the stability and permanence of\\nthe Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any\\nfriend of our political institutions.\\n8. That the separation of the moneys of the govern-\\nment from banking institutions, is indispensable for the\\nsafety of the funds of the government and the rights of\\nthe people.\\n9. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson\\nin the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the\\nConstitution, which makes ours a land of liberty, and the\\nasylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been\\ncardinal principles in the Democratic faith, and every at-\\ntempt to abridge the present privileges of becoming citi-\\nzens and the owners of soil amongst us, ought to be re-\\nsisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedi-\\ntion laws from our statute book.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "54 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nPLATFORM OF T844 JAMES K. POLK NOMINATED.\\nThe entire platform of A. D. 1840, was affirmed, to\\nwhich were added the following resolutions\\nThat the proceeds of the public lands ought to be\\nsacredly applied to national objects, specified in the Con-\\nstitution, and we are opposed to the laws lately adopted,\\nand to any law for the distribution of such proceeds\\namong the states, as alike inexpedient in policy, and re-\\npugnant to the constitution.\\nThat we are decidedly opposed to taking from the\\nPresident the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled,\\nunder restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient\\nto guard the public interest, to suspend the passage of a\\nbill whose merits cannot secure the approval of two-\\nthirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until\\nthe judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and\\nwhich has thrice saved the American people from corrupt\\nand tyrannical domination o f the Bank of the United\\nStates.\\nThat our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon\\nis clear and unquestionable that no portion thereof ought\\nto be ceded to England, or any other power, and that the\\nreoccupation of Oregon, and the reannexation of Texas,\\nat the earliest practical period, are great American meas-\\nures, which this convention recommends to the cordial\\nsupport of the Democracy of the Union.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "JAMES K. POLK", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 55\\nFROM PLATFORM OF 1848. MAY 22, AT BAI/TIMORE,\\nGENERAL LEWIS CASS, NOMINATED.\\n1. That the American Democracy place their trust\\nin the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discrimination\\nof the American people.\\n2. That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our\\npolitical creed, which we are proud to maintain before\\nthe world, as the great moral element in a form of govern-\\nment springing from and upheld by the popular will and\\ncontrast it with the creed and practice of federalism,\\nunder whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the\\nwill of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture\\ntoo monstrous for the popular credulity.\\n3. That entertaining these views, the Democratic\\nparty of the Union, through the delegates assembled in\\nGeneral Convention of the States, coming together in a\\nspirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith\\nof a free representative government and appealing to their\\nfellow citizens, for the rectitude of their intentions, renew\\nand reassert, before the American people, the declaration\\nof principles avowed by them on a former occasion, when,\\nin general convention, they presented their candidates\\nfor the popular suffrage.\\n(Here resolutions No. 1 2, 3 and 4 of the platform of\\nA. D. 1840, were reaffirmed.)\\n8. That it is the duty of every branch of the govern-\\nment to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in\\nconducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue\\nought to be raised than is required to defray the neces-\\nsary expenses of the government, and for the gradual\\nbut certain extinction of the debt created by the prosecu-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "50 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nHon of a just a?)d necessary war, (a resolution of which\\nthe author takes occasion to remark, by way of par-\\nenthesis, could not well be improved to meet the exigen-\\ncies of the present day).\\nResolutions numbers seven, eight and nine of the plat-\\nform of A. D. 1840. were here inserted, w T hich it is un-\\nnecessary here to repeat, after which the platform pro-\\nceeds to resolve as follows\\n13. The proceeds of the public lands ought to be\\nsacredly applied to the national objects specified in the\\nConstitution; and that we are opposed to any law for\\nthe distribution of such proceeds among the states as\\nalike inexpedient in policy, and repugnant to the Con-\\nstitution.\\n14. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from\\nthe President the qualified veto power, by which he is\\nenabled under restrictions and responsibilities amply suf-\\nficient to guard the public interests, to suspend the pass-\\nage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of\\ntwo-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives,\\nuntil the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon,\\nand which has saved the American people from. the cor-\\nrupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United\\nStates, and from a corrupting system of general internal\\nimprovements.\\n15. This resolution was a simple justification of the\\nMexican war, and announced no distinctive principle of\\nthe party and so the sixteenth and seventeenth were reso-\\nlutions of congratulations upon the results of the war,\\nand the duty of the government toward the brave soldiers\\nwho so nobly did their duty in the service of their coun-\\ntry during that war.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 57\\nThe eighteeenth resolution extended congratulations to\\nthe national convention of the Republic of France, and\\ntheir best wishes for the success of free government to\\nthe people of France, but enunciates no new principle of\\nthe Democratic party properly within the scope of this\\nwork, and consequently here omitted. The only principle\\nreiterated is that, the inherent and inalienable rights of\\nthe people, in their sovereign capacity to make and to\\namend their forms of government in such manner as the\\nwelfare of the community may require.\\nThe platform then proceeds to declare\\nThat in view of the recent development of this grand\\npolitical truth of the sovereignty of the people, and their\\ncapacity and power of self-government, which is pros-\\ntrating thrones, and erecting republics on the ruins of\\ndespotism in the old world, we feel that a high and sacred\\nduty is devolved with increased responsibility, upon the\\nDemocratic party of this country, as the party of the\\npeople, to sustain and advance among us constitutional\\nliberty, equality and fraternity, by continuing to resist all\\nmonopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of\\nthe few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and\\nconstant adherence to those principles and compromises of\\nthe constitution, which are broad enough and strong\\nenough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the\\nUliion as it is, and the Union as it shall be, in the full ex-\\npansion of the energies and capacity of this great and\\nprogressive people.\\nThe remainder of the platform of A. D. 1848, was\\nmerely laudatory of the administration of President Polk,\\nexpressive of confidence in his capacity, firmness and\\nintegrity, and congratulations upon the success of his\\nadministration.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "58 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nTHE PLATFORM OF 1852, JUNE I FRANKLIN PIERCE\\nNOMINATED.\\nThis platform was but a repetition of those of 1840-44\\nand of 1848; and resolving that the liberal principles em-\\nbodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence,\\nand sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours\\nthe land of liberty, and the asylum of the oppressed of\\nevery nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the\\nDemocratic faith and every attempt to abridge the privi-\\nlege of becoming citizens, and the owners of the soil\\namong us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit that\\nswept the alien and sedition laws from our statute books.\\n12. That Congress has no power under t(he Con-\\nstitution to interfere with or control the domestic in-\\nstitutions of the several States, and that such States are\\nthe sole and proper judges of everything appertaining\\nto their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution;\\nand that all efforts made to induce Congress\\nto interfere with such questions are calculated\\nto lead to the most alarming and dangerous con-\\nsequences and that all such efforts have an inevitable\\ntendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and\\nendanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and\\nought not to be countenanced by any friend of our politi-\\ncal institutions.\\nThe remainder of the resolutions in the platform of A.\\nD. 1852, is but a repetition of others already given, or\\nrelates to temporary questions not within the scope of this\\nwork ,and therefore omitted.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "FRANKLIN PIERCE", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "JAMES BUCHANAN", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 59\\nI\\nDEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1856 JAMES BUCHANAN NOM-\\nINATED AND ELECTED.\\nPlatform of 1 856 June 6. The platform of A. D.\\n1856, adopted at Cincinnati, June 6th of that year, is the\\nmost comprehensive of any that had preceded it, em-\\nbracing all the leading resolutions adopted and pro-\\nmulgated by the Democratic party for more than fifty\\nyears previous thereto, and are already stated in the pre-\\nvous platforms given in this work, and therefore un-\\nnecessary to be here again repeated, but as the old Whig\\nparty had been within the previous four years substantially\\ndissolved, and the so-called American, or Know Nothing\\nparty had been organized in its place, raising new ques-\\ntions and issues, the convention to meet those, added the\\nfollowing resolutions to the platform.\\nWhereas: Since the foregoing declaration was\\nuniformly adopted by our predecessors in National Con-\\nventions, an adverse political and religious test has been\\nsecretly organized by a party claiming to be exclusively\\nAmerican, and it is proper that the American Demo-\\ncracy should clearly define its relations thereto, and de-\\nclare its determined opposition to all secret political\\nsocieties, by whatever name they may be called, there-\\nfore the convention, Resolved.\\nThat the foundation of this Union of States having\\nBeen laid in and its prosperity, expansion and pre-eminent\\nexample in free government built upon entire freedom of\\nreligious concernment, and no respect of persons In re-\\ngard to rank or place of birth, no party can justly be\\ndeemed to be National, Constitutional, or in accordance\\nwith American principles, which bases its exclusive", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "60 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\norganization upon religious grounds and accidental birth-\\nplace; and hence a political crusade in the Nineteenth\\nCentury, and in the United States of America, against\\nCatholics and foreign-born, is neither justified by the\\npast history or future prospects of the country, nor in\\nunison with that spirit of toleration and enlightened free-\\ndom which peculiarly distinguishes the American system\\nof popular government.\\nHere follow several resolutions to be found in the plat-\\nform of A. D. 1852, on the subject of slavery, and leaving\\nthat position as fixed and settled upon the basis of non-\\ninterference by Congress in the domestic institutions of a\\nState. In order to meet distinctly the issue on which a\\nsectional party had arisen, subsisting alone upon slavery\\nagitation, the Convention adopted the following additional\\nresolutions\\n1. That claiming fellowship with, and desiring the\\nco-operation of all who regard the preservation of the\\nUnion under the Constitution as the paramount issue,\\nand repudiating all sectional parties and platforms con-\\ncerning domestic slavery which seek to embroil the\\nStates and incite to treason and armed resistance to law\\nin the Territories, and whose avowed purpose if con-\\nsummated, must end in civil war and disunion, the Ameri-\\ncan Democracy recognize and adopt the principles con-\\ntained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of\\nKansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and\\nsafe solution of the slavery question upon which the great\\nnational idea of the people of this whole country can\\nrepose in its determined conservation of the Union, and\\nnon-interference by Congress with slavery in the Terri-\\ntories, or in the District of Columbia.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 61\\n2. That this was the basis of the compromise of 1850,\\nconfirmed by both the Democratic and Whig parties in\\nNational Conventions, ratified by the people in the elec-\\ntions of 1852, and rightly appplied to the organization of\\nthe Territories in A D. 2854.\\n3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic\\nprinciple to the organization of Territories and the ad-\\nmission of new States with or without domestic slavery\\nas they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will\\nbe preserved intact, the original compacts of the Con-\\nstitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and ex-\\npansion of the Union insured to its utmost capacity, of\\nembracing in peace and harmony every future American\\nState that may be constituted or annexed, with a Republi-\\ncan form of government.\\nThat we recognize the right of the people of all the\\nTerritories acting through the legally and fairly\\nexpressed will of the majority of the actual residents, and\\nw T henever the number of inhabitants justifies it, to form\\na Constitution. and be admitted into the\\nUnion upon terms of perfect equality with the other\\nStates/\\nTo these resolutions others were added upon new sub-\\njects not indeed then agitated, but directing a policy to be\\npursued in regard to them whenever the occasion would\\narise. The following are those resolutions\\nThat in view of the condition of the popular institu-\\ntions in the old world and the dangerous tendencies of\\nsectional agitation combined with the attempt to enforce\\ncivil and religious disabilities against the rights of ac-\\nquiring and enjoying citizenship in our own land, a high\\nand sacred duty is devolved with increased responsibility\\nupon the Democratic party of this country as the party of", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "62 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthe Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every\\nState, and thereby the Union of the States, and to sustain\\nand advance among us constitutional liberty, by con-\\ntinuing to resist all monoplies and exclusive legislation for\\nthe benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and\\nby vigilant and constant adherence to those principles\\nand compromises of the Constitution which are broad\\nenough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the\\nUnion as it was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it\\nshould be, in the full expression of the energies and\\ncapacity of this great and progressive people.\\nThat there are questions connected with the foreign\\npolicy of this country which are inferior to no domestic\\nquestion whatever. The time has come for the people of\\nthe United States to declare themselves in favor of free\\nseas, and progressive free trade throughout the world,\\nand by solemn manifestations to place their moral in-\\nfluence at the side of their successful example.\\nTHE: MONROE DOCTRINE.\\nThat our geographical and political position with re-\\nference to other States of this continent no less tjhan the\\ninterest of our commerce and development of our grow-\\ning power, requires that we should hold sacred the princi-\\nples involved in the Monroe doctrine. Their bearing and\\nimport admit of no misconstruction, and should be ap-\\nplied with unbending rigidity.\\nNICARAGUAN CANAL OR PANAMA R. R.\\nThat the great highway which nature as well as the\\nassent of the States most immediately interested in its\\nmaintenance, has marked out for free communication be-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 63\\ntween the Atlantic and Pacific oceans constitutes one of\\nthe most important achievements realized by the spirit\\nof modern times, in the unconquerable energy of our\\npeople, and that result would be secured by a timely and\\nefficient exertion of the, control which we have the right to\\nclaim over it and no power on earth should be suffered to\\nimpede or clog its progress by any interference with re-\\nlations that may suit our policy to establish between our\\ngovernment and the governments of the States within\\nwhose dominion it lies; we can under no circumstances\\nsurrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all\\nquestion arising out of it.\\nThat in view of so commanding an interest,, the people\\nof the United States cannot but sympathize with the\\nefforts which are being made by the people of Central\\nAmerica to regenerate that portion of the continent which\\ncovers the passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus.\\nThat the Democratic party will expect of the next ad-\\nministration, that every proper effort will be made to in-\\nsure our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to main-\\ntain permanent protection to the great outlets through\\nwhich are emptied into its waters the products raised out\\nof the soil, and the commodities created by the industry of\\nthe people of our Western valleys, and of the Union at\\nlarge.\\nDEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, i860, APRIL 23, AT CHARLES-\\nTOM, S. C, AND BALTIMORE.\\nThat we, the Democracy of the Union, in convention\\nassembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolu-\\ntions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of\\nprinciples by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "64 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nin the year A. U. 1856, believing that Democratic princi-\\nples are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the\\nsame subject matters; and we recommend, as further\\nresolutions, the following\\nInsomuch as differences of opinion exist in the Demo-\\ncratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of\\na territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duty of\\nCongress, under the Constitution of the United States,\\nover the institution of slavery within the territories.\\n2. That the Democratic party will abide by the de-\\ncisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the\\nquestions of Constitutional law.\\n3. That it is the duty of the United States to afford\\nample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether\\nat home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.\\nPACIFIC RAILROAD.\\n4. That one of the necessities of the age, in a military,\\ncommercial and postal point of view, is speedy communi-\\ncation between the Atlantic and Pacific States and the\\nDemocratic party pledge such constitutional aid as will\\ninsure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific Coast,\\nat the earliest practicable period.\\nACQUISITION OF CUBA.\\n5. That the Democratic party are in favor of the\\nacquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall\\nbe honorable to ourselves, and just to Spain.\\nHere a resolution was adopted, temporary in character,\\nand the platform was closed by the following resolution\\n7. That it is in accordance with the true interpreta-\\ntion of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 65\\nof the territorial governments, the measure of restriction,\\nwhatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution\\non the power of the territorial legislature, over the subject\\nof domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall here-\\nafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the\\nUnited States, shall be respected by all good citizens and\\nenforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch\\nof the general government.\\nA portion of the convention seceded from the re-\\nmainder, and organized in another hall, over which Hon.\\nB. F. Butler, of Massachusetts, Continued to preside,\\nadopted the following resolutions on the subjects, in con-\\ntroversy, viz\\n1. That the government of a territory, organized by an\\nact of Congress is provisional^ and temporary, and during\\nits existence, all citizens of the United States, have an\\nequal right to settle, with their property, in the territory,\\nwithout their rights, either of person or property, being\\ndestroyed or impaired by Congressional or territorial\\nlegislation.\\n2. That it is the duty of the Federal government,\\nin all its departments, to protect when necessary the\\nrights of persons and properties in the territories, and\\nwherever else its Constitutional authority extends.\\n3. That when the settlers in a territory having an\\nadequate population form a state constitution in pur-\\nsuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and\\nbeing consummated by admission into the Union, they\\nstand on an equal footing with the people of other States,\\nand the State thus organized ought to be admitted into\\nthe Federal Union whether its Constitution prohibits\\nor recognizes the institution of slavery.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "66 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nThese three last stated resolutions, compared with the\\nresolution number seven (7) preceding them, shows the\\ndifference in the party concerning the subject of permit-\\nting or prohibiting slavery in the territories of the United\\nStates.\\nThe rebellion having resulted in the abolition of\\nslavery, the principles were never required to be applied,\\nand there the contest ended. It may, however, be stated\\nas an historical fact, that Congress has ever since c aimed\\nto have more or less authority over territories, until a\\nState Constitution has been formed, and the State ad-\\nmitted into the Union.\\nThe foregoing resolutions, however, clearly show the\\nview of the Democracy on the subject of the relation of\\nterritories to the Union.\\nDEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1864 GEN. GEORGE B.\\nMCCLELLAN nominated.\\nPlatform of 1864 Chicago, August 29. That in\\nthe future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving\\nfidelity to the Union, under the Constitution, as the only\\nsolid foundation of our strength, security and happiness\\nas a people, and as a frame-work of government equally\\nconducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States,\\nboth Northern and Southern.\\nThat this Convention does explicity declare, as the\\nsense of the American people., that after four years ot\\nfailure to restore the Union by the experiment of war,\\nduring which under the pretense of a military necessity\\nof a war power higher than the Constitution, the Con-\\nstitution itself has been disregarded in every part, ind\\npublic liberty and private right, alike trodden down, and", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 67\\nthe material prosperity of the country essentially im-\\npaired, justice humanity, liberty, ascl the public welfare\\ndemand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of\\nhostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all\\nthe States or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the\\nearliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the\\nbasis of the Federal Union of all the States/\\nIn regard to a part of this resolution it should be re-\\nmarked, that it has so often been misquoted by the op-\\nponents of the Democratic party, asserting that the\\nresolution declared the zvar itself a failure, that many,\\ndoubtless, still believe it. Nothing was farther from the\\ntruth. The war was not a failure, nor was it so de-\\nclared; but the resolution did declare the opinion that\\nafter four years of failure to restore the Union by war,\\nsome efforts should be made to restore it by peace. The\\nwar itself was a brilliant success, but great as it was,\\nsomething more they thought was necessary to restore\\nthe Union, and so dear to the hearts of Democrats was\\nthat old Union of States, that they were willing to try\\nevery possible effort to succeed in their desires. War\\nhad been tried hundreds and thousands of precious\\nlives had been sacrificed, millions upon millions of money\\nhad been spent and the Democracy desired to supple-\\nment the glorious deeds of the soldier, by the wise and\\ncalm action of the statesman.\\nThey desired to show to those who had gone into\\nrebellion that they desired them to return to their al-\\nlegiance, and meet once more around a common altar, as\\nit were, to do by wise statesmanship what war had thus\\nfar failed to accomplish. These and other arguments, had\\ntheir desired effect. President Lincoln, after his re-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "68 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nelection did make such overtures to the rebel authorities,\\nand if nothing more was accomplished, it showed the\\npeople that peaceable means would be used to restore the\\nUnion, and if these should fail ,they would continue to\\nresort to arms with increased vigor, until such time as\\nthe voice of reason and of peace could be heard. True\\nis was, that men and States which claimed to be Demo-\\ncratic went into rebellion against the government of our\\nFathers, but the same is true of those in the South who\\nhad opposed the Democracy during the best years of their\\nlives, so that one is equally to blame with the other; but\\nthe teachings, and principles, and traditions of the Demo-\\ncratic party were never opposed to the Union. It is a\\nfoul slander upon the party, and upon the memory of\\nits best and greatest men; and no one, not a demagogue,\\nor a mere politician, dishonest, and intending to deceive,\\nor totally ignorant of the real facts, should ever think\\nof making so gave and groundless a charge.\\nThe next resolution declared:\\n2. That the direct interference of the military author-\\nity of the United States in the recent elections held in\\nKentucky, Maryland, Missouri and Delaware, was a\\nshameful violation of the Constitution and the repetition\\nof such acts in the approaching election will be held as\\nrevolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power\\nunder our control.\\nNext com^s a resolution clearly defining the aim and\\nobject of the Democratic party during the war for the\\nsuppression of the Southern rebellion, which is as fol-\\nlows\\n3. That the aim and object of the Democratic party\\nis to preserve the Federal Union, and the rights of the\\nStates unimpaired and they hereby declare that they", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 69\\nconsider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary\\nand dangerous powers not granted by the military law\\nin the States not in insurrection, the arbitrary military\\narrest, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American\\ncitizens in states where civil law existed in full force, the\\nsuppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the\\ndenial of the right of asylum, the open and avowed dis-\\nregard of state rights, the employment of unusual test\\noaths, and the interference with, and denial of the right\\nof the people to bear arms in their defense, as calculated\\nto prevent a restoration of the Union, and the perpetua-\\ntion of a government deriving its just powers from the\\nconsent of the governed.\\n4. That the shameful disregard of the administration\\nto its duty, in respect to our fellow citizens who now\\nare. and long have been, prisoners of war, in a suffering\\ncondition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score\\nalike of public policy and common humanity.\\n5. That the sympathy of the Democratic party is\\nheartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our\\narmy, and the sailors of our navy, who are or have been\\nin the field, and on the sea under the flag of their country\\nand, in the event of our attaining power, they will receive\\nall the care and protection, regard and kindness that the\\nbrave soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned/\\nThis was the platform of the Democracy during the\\nwar, and have they not faithfully carried out. their\\npledges and avowed purposes ever since? Has a soldier\\never suffered any diminution of his pensions, because\\nthey have term after term held the popular branch of\\nCongress in their hands if anything, have they not ex-\\nceeded in generosity towards their opponents, though\\nsometimes a majority of their members of Congress came", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "70 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nfrom the States once in rebellion? Let the history of\\nthe legislation, in this particular .furnish a complete ref-\\nutation of the charge, that they have been in any sense\\nthe enemy of the soldiers for the Union.\\nTHE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF l868, JULY 4 HORATIO\\nSEYMOUR NOMINATED.\\nThe Democratic party in National Convention assem-\\nbled, reposing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and\\ndiscriminating justice of the people, standing upon the\\nConstitution as the foundation and limitation of the\\npowers of the government and the guarantees of the lib-\\nerties of the citizen, and recognizing that the questions of\\nslavery and secession as having been settled for all time to\\ncome by the war or voluntary action of the Southern\\nStates in Constitutional Conventions assembled, and\\nnever to be revived or re-agitated, do, with the return of\\npeace, demand,\\n1. Immediate restoration of all the States to their\\nrights in the Union under the Constitution, and of Civil\\nGovernment to the American people.\\n2. Amnesty for all past political offences ,and the\\nregulation of the elective franchise in the States by\\ntheir citizens.\\n3. Payment of all public debt of the United States as\\nrapidly as practicable all money drawn from the peo-\\nple by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the ne-\\ncessities of the Government, economically administered,\\nbeing honestly applied to such payment; and where the\\nobligations of the Government do not expressly state\\nupon their face, or the law under which they were issued\\ndoes not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 71\\nought, in right and justice, to be paid in the lawful money\\nof the United States.\\n4. Equal taxation of every species of property accord-\\ning to its real value, including government bonds and\\nother public securities.\\n5. One currency for the Government and the people,\\nthe pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bond-\\nholder. C\\n6. Economy in the administration of Government,\\nthe reduction of the standing army and the navy, the abo-\\nlition of the Freedman s Bureau, and all political instru-\\nmentalities designed to secure negro supremacy simpli-\\nfication of the system and discontinuance of inquisitorial\\nmodes of assessing and collecting internal revenue; that\\nthe burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened, and\\nthe credit of the Government and the currency made\\ngood the repealing of all enactments for enrolling the\\nState militia into National forces in time of peace and a\\ntariff for revenue upon foreign imports and such equal\\ntaxation under the internal revenue laws as will afford in-\\ncidental protection to domestic manufactures, and, as will\\nwithout impairing the revenue, impose the least burdens\\nupon, and best promote and encourage the great indus-\\ntrial interests of the country.\\n7. Reform of abuses in the administration, the expul-\\nsion of corrupt men from office, the abrogation of useless\\noffices the restoration of rightful authority to, and the in-\\ndependence of the executive and judicial departments of\\nthe Government the subordination of the military to the\\ncivil power, to the end that the usurpations of Congress\\nand the despotism of the sword may cease.\\n8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and\\nnative-born citizens at home or abroad; the assertion of", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "72 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nAmerican nationality which shall command the respect of\\nforeign powers, and furnish an ample encouragement to\\npeople struggling for national integrity; Constitutional\\nliberty, and individual rights, and the maintainance of the\\nrights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doc-\\ntrines of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign\\npowers to punish them for alleged crimes beyond their ju-\\nrisdiction.\\nIn demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign\\nthe Radical party for its disregard of right, and the un-\\nparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its\\ncareer. After the most solemn and unanimous pledges\\nof both houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclu-\\nsively for the maintainance of the Government, and the\\npreservation of the Union under the Constitution, it has\\nrepeatedly violated the most sacred pledge under which\\nalone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried\\nour flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union it has\\nso far as in its power dissolved it, and subjected ten\\nStates, in time of profound peace, to military despotism\\nand negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of\\ntrial by jury, it has abolished the habeas corpus, that\\nmost sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the free-\\ndom of speech and press it has substituted arbitrary seiz-\\nures and arrests, and military trials, and secret star-cham-\\nber inquisitions for the Constitutional tribunals it has\\ndisregarded in time of peace the right of the people to be\\nfree from searches and seizures; it has entered the post\\nand telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of indi-\\nviduals, and seized their private papers and letters with-\\nout any specific charge or notice of affidavit as required\\nby the organic law. It has converted the American Cap-\\nitol in a bastile; it has established a system of spies and", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 73\\nofficial espionage, to which no Constitutional monarchy of\\nEurope would now dare to resort; it has abolished the\\nright of appeal, on important Constitutional questions, to\\nthe supreme judicial tribunal, and threatens to curtail or\\ndestroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably\\nvested by the Constitution; while the learned Chief Jus-\\ntice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies,\\nmerely because he would not prostitute his high office to\\nthe support of the false and partisan charges preferred\\nagainst the President.\\nIts coruptions and extravagance have exceeded any-\\nthing known in history; and, by its frauds and monopo-\\nlies, it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created\\nby the war. It has stripped the President of his Consti-\\ntutional power of appointment, even of his own Cabinet.\\nUnder its repeated assaults, the pillars of the government\\nare rocking on their base; and should it succeed in No-\\nvember next, and inaugurate its President, he will meet a\\nsubjugated and conquered people, amid the ruins of lib-\\nerty and scattered fragments of the Constitution.\\nAnd we do declare and resolve that ever since the peo-\\nple of the United States threw off all subjection to the\\nBritish Crown, the privilege and trust of suffrage have\\nbelonged to the several states, and have been granted, reg-\\nulated and controlled exclusively by the political power of\\neach state respectively and that any attempt by Congress,\\non any pretext whatever, to deprive any state of this right,\\nor interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of\\npower which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and,\\nif sanctioned by the people, will subvert our form of gov-\\nernment, and can only end in a single, centralized, and\\nconsolidated government, in which the separate existence\\nof x the states, will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "74 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\ndespotism be established in place of a Federal union of co-\\nequal states. And that we regard the reconstruction\\nacts so called of Congress as usurpations, unconstitu-\\ntional, revolutionary and void.\\nThat our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of\\nour country to victory, against the most gallant and deter-\\nmined foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, and all\\nthe guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully car-\\nried into execution.\\nThat the public lands should be distributed as widely\\nas possible among the people, and should be disposed of\\neither under the pre-emption of homestead lands, or sold\\nin reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants\\nat the minimum price established by the government.\\nWhen grants of public lands may be allowed, necessary\\nfor the encouragement of important public improvements,\\nthe proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands\\nthemselves, should be so applied/\\nThe next resolution was one simply commending Pres-\\nident Johnson for the many contests he made while Pres-\\nident in behalf of Constitutional government.\\nThe remaining resolutions were three only, the first in-\\nviting men of all political parties to unite w T ith the Democ-\\nracy in the struggle for the liberties of the people sym-\\npathy with the workingmen; and thanking Chief Justice\\nChase for the manner in which he presided so impartially\\nover the court of impeachment on the trial of President\\nAndrew Johnson.\\nWhile the Democracy did not gain the succeeding elec-\\ntion, the discussion of the questions raised, and the ar-\\nraignment made against the proceedings of the so-called\\nRadical Republican party, did very much in finally restor-\\ning to the people many of their rights which the Democ-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 75\\nracy claimed were gross usurpations of power, and fla-\\ngrantly unconstitutional and in every instance, in cases\\nwhere the parties sought relief in the courts, the position\\nof the Democracy was sustained, by the United States\\ncourts.\\nDEMOCRATIC PLATFORMS, l8/2, JULY 9, AT BALTIMORE,\\nMD. HORACE GREEEY S NOMINATION AND ACCEPTANCE.\\nThe Liberal Republicans having met in Convention\\nat Cincinnati, en May 1, 1872, the Democracy, in their\\nConvention, adopted their resolutions as essential to good\\ngovernment. The resolutions which thus became their\\nplatform in that Presidential election were as follows\\n1. We recognize the equality of all men before the\\nlaw, and hold that it is the duty of government in its deal-\\nings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice\\nto all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, re-\\nligious or political.\\n2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the Union of\\nthese States, emancipation and enfranchisement, and to\\noppose any reopening of the questions settled by tfhe thir-\\nteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments to the Con-\\nstitution.\\n3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal\\nof all disabilities imposed on account of the rebellion,\\nwhich was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that\\nuniversal amnesty will result in complete pacification in all\\nsections of the country.\\n4. Local self-government with impartial suffrage\\nwill guard the rights of all citizens more securely than any\\ncentralized power. The public welfare demands the su-\\npremacy of the civil over the military authority, and the", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "76 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nfreedom of the person under the protecting habeas cor-\\npus. We demand for the citizen the largest liberty con-\\nsistent with public order; for the State, self-government;\\nfor the nation, a return to the methods of peace, and the\\nConstitutional limitations of power.\\n5, The civil service of the Government has become a\\nmere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambi-\\ntion, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and\\nreproach upon free institutions, and breeds a demorali-\\nzation dangerous to the perpetuity of Republican Govern-\\nment. We, therefore, regard a thorough reform of the\\ncivil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the\\nhour that honesty, capacity and fidelity constitute the\\nonly valid claims to public employment that the offices of\\nthe government cease to be a matter of arbitrary favorit-\\nism and patronage and that a public station shall again\\nbecome a post of honor. To this end, it is imperatively\\ndemanded that no President shall become a candidate for\\nre-election.\\n6. We demand a system of Federal taxation which\\nshall not unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the\\npeople, and which shall provide the means to pay the ex-\\npenses of the Government, economically administered,\\nthe pensions, the interest on the public debt, and a mod-\\nerate reduction annually of the principal thereof and rec-\\nognizing that there are in our midst honest but irrecon-\\ncilable differences of opinion with regard to the respec-\\ntive systems of protection and free trade, we remit the\\ndiscussion of the subject to the people in their congres-\\nsional districts, and the decision of Congress thereon,\\nwholly free from executive interference or dictation.\\n7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained,\\nand we denounce repudiation in every form and guise.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 77\\nA speedy return to specie payment is demanded\\na] ike by the highest consideration of commercial morality\\nand honest government.\\n9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sac-\\nrifices of the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no\\nact of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned\\nfame, or the full rewards of their patriotism.\\n10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to\\nrailroads or other corporations the public domain should\\nbe held sacred to actual settlers.\\n11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in\\nits intercourse with foreign nations, to cultivate tne\\nfriendship of peace, by treaty with all, on fair and equal\\nterms, regarding it alike hishonorable either to demand\\nwhat is not right, or submit to what is wrong.\\n12. For the promotion and success of these vital\\nprinciples, and the support of the candidates nominated\\nby this Convention, we invite and cordially welcome the\\nco-operation of ail patriotic citizens, without regard to\\nprevious affiliations.\\nThus did a very decided and respectable portion of the\\nRepublican party secede from their party, and announce\\na platform so nearly consistent with Democratic princi-.\\npies, that the Democracy adopted it as their own.\\nPLATFORM Or 1876 ST. LOUIS, MO., JUNE 27. SAMUEL\\nJ. TILDEX NOMINATED.\\nAfter declaring that the administration of the Federal\\ngovernment was in urgent need of immediate reform in\\nall its departments, the convention declared as follows\\nFor the Democracy of the whole country we do hereby\\nreaffirm our faith in the permanence of the Federal", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "78 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nUnion, our devotion to the Constitution of the United\\nStates, with its amendments universally accepted as a final\\nsettlement of the controversies that engendered civil war,\\nand do record our steadfast confidence in the perpetuity\\nof self government.\\nIn absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority\\nthe vital principle of republics in the supremacy of the\\ncivil over the military authority; in the total separation\\nof the church and state, for the sake alike of civil and re-\\nligious freedom; in the equality of all citizens before just\\nlaws of their own enactment; in the liberty of individual\\nconduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws in the faithful edu-\\ncation of the rising generation, that they may preserve,\\nenjoy and transmit these best conditions of human happi-\\nness and hope we behold the noblest products of a hun-\\ndred years of changeful history but while upholding the\\nbond of union, and great charter of these our rights, it\\nbehooves a free people to practice also the eternal vigi-\\nlance which is the price of liberty.\\nReform is necessary to rebuild and re-establish in the\\nhearts of the whole people, the union, eleven years ago\\nhappily rescued from the danger of a secession of states,\\nbut now to be saved from a corrupt centralism which,\\nafter inflicting upon ten states the rapacity of carpet-bag\\ntyranny, has honey-combed the offices of the Federal gov-\\nernment itself with incapacity, waste and fraud infected\\nstates and municipalities with the contagion of misrule;\\nand locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people\\nin the paralysis of hard times.\\nReform is necessary to establish a sound currency, re-\\nstore the public credit, and maintain the national honor.\\nWe denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of\\npeace, to make good the promise of the legal tender notes,", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 79\\nwhich are a changing- standard of value in the hands of\\nthe people, and the non-payment of which is a disregard\\nof the plighted faith of the nation.\\nWe denounce the improvidence which in eleven years\\nof peace, has taken from the people, in Federal taxes,\\nthirteen times the whole amount of the legal-tender notes,\\nand squandered four times their sum in useless expense\\nwithout accumulating any reserve for their redemption.\\nWe denounce the financial imbecility and immorality\\ncf that party, which, during eleven years of peace, has\\nmade no advance toward resumption, no preparation for\\nresumption, but, instead, has obstructed resumption, by\\nwasting our resources, and exhausting all our surplus in-\\ncome and while annually professing to intend a speedy\\nreturn to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hin-\\ndrances thereto, as such hinderance we denounce the re-\\nsumption clause of 187^, and we demand its repeal.\\nWe demand a judicious system of preparation by pub-\\nlic economies by official retrenchments, and by wise fi-\\nnance, which shall enable the Nation, soon to assure the\\nwhole world of its perfect ability and perfect readiness to\\nmeet any of its promises at the call of the creditor entitled\\nto payment. We believe such a system well devised, and,\\nabove all, entrusted to competent hands for execution,\\ncreating at no time an artificial scarcity of curency, and\\nat no time alarming the public mind into a withdrawal of\\nthat vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-five per\\ncent of all business transactions are performed. A sys-\\ntem open, public, and inspiring general confidence, would\\nfrom the day of its adoption bring healing on its wings to\\nall our harrassed industries set in motion the wheels of\\ncommerce, manufactures, and the mechanical arts, restore", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "80 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nemployment to labor, and renew, in all its natural sources,\\nthe prosperity of the people.\\nReform is necessary in the sum and modes of Federal\\ntaxation, to the end that capital may be set free from dis-\\ntrust, and labor lightly burdened.\\nWe denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four\\nthousand articles, as a monster piece of injustice, inequal-\\nity, and false pretence. It yields a dwindling not a\\nyearly rising revenue it has impoverished many indus-\\ntries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might\\npurchase the products of American labor. It has de-\\ngraded American commerce from the first to an inferior\\nrank on the high seas. It has cut down the sales of Am-\\nerican manufactures at home and abroad, and depleted\\nthe re urns cf American agriculture\u00e2\u0080\u0094 an industry followed\\nby half our people. It costs the people five times more\\nthan it produces to the treasury, obstructs the processes of\\nproduction, and wastes the fruit of labor. It promotes\\nfraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and\\nbankrupts honest merchants. We demand that all cus-\\ntomhouse taxation shall be only for revenue.\\nReform is necessary m the scale of public expense\u00e2\u0080\u0094fed-\\neral, state, and municipal. Our federal taxation has\\nswollen from sixty millions gold, in i860, to four hundred\\nand fifty millions currency, in 1870; an aggregate taxa-\\ntion from one hundred and fifty-four millions gold, in\\ni860, to seven hundred and thirty millions currency, in\\n1870 or, in one decade, from less than five dollars per\\nhead, to more than eighteen dollars per head. Since the\\npeace the people have paid to their tax-gatherers more\\nthan thrice the sum of the National debt, and more than\\ntwice that sum for the Federal Government alone. We de-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 81\\nmand a rigorous frugality in every department, and\\nfrom every officer of the government.\\nReform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate\\nwaste of public lands, and their diversion from actual\\nsettlers by the party in power, which has squandered\\n200,000,000 acres upon railroads alone, and out of more\\nthan thrice that aggregate has disposed of less than a\\nsixth directly to tillers of the soil.\\nReform is necessary to correct the omission of a Rer\\npublican Congress, and the errors of our treaties and\\ndiplomacy which have stripped our fellow-citizens of\\nforeign birthright and kindred face, recrossing the At-\\nlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and have ex*\\nposed our brethern of the Pacific coast to the incursions\\nof a race not sprung from the same great parent stock,\\nand in fact, now by law, denied citizenship through\\nnaturalization, as being neither accustomed to the tradi-\\ntions of a progressive civilization, nor exercised in lib-\\nerty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which\\nthus discards the liberty-loving German, and tolerates\\na revival of the coolie trade in Mongolian women, for im-\\nmoral purposes, and Mongolian men, held to perform\\nservile labor contracts and demand such modification\\nof the treaty with the Chinese empire, or such legisla-\\ntion, within Constitutional limitations, as shall prevent\\nfurther importation or immigration of the Mongolian\\nrace.\\nReform is necessary, and can never be effected but by\\nmaking it the controlling issue of the elections, and lift-\\ning it above the two false issues with which the office-\\nholding class and the party in power seek to smother it.\\n1. The false issue with which thev would enkindle", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "82 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nsectarian strife in respect to the public schools, of which\\nthe establishment and support belongs exiculsively to the\\nseveral States, and which the Democratic party has\\ncherished from their foundation, and is resolved to\\nmaintain without prejudice or preference for any class,\\nsect or creed, and without largesses from the treasury\\nto any.\\n2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew\\nthe dying embers of sectional hate between kindred\\npeoples, once estranged, but now reunited in one indivis-\\nible Republic, and a common destiny.\\nReform is necessary even more in the higher grades\\nof the public service President, Vice-President,\\nJudges, Senators, Representatives, Cabinet officers\\nthese and all others in authority are the people s ser-\\nvants. Their offices are not a private perquisite, they\\nare a public trust. When the annals of this Republic\\nshow the disgrace and censure of a Vice-President; a\\nlate Speaker of the House of Representatives marketing\\nhis rulings as a presiding officer; three Senators profit-\\ning secretly by their votes as law makers five chairmen\\nof the leading committees of the late House of Represen-\\ntatives exposed in jobbery; a late Secretary of the\\nTreasury forcing balances in the public accounts a late\\nAttorney-General misappropriating public funds a Sec-\\nretary of the Navy enricher or enriching friends, by per-\\ncentages levied on the profits of contractors with his de-\\npartment an Ambassador to England concerned in dis-\\nhonorable speculations the President s private secretary\\nbarely escaping conviction upon trial for guilty com-\\nplicity in frauds upon the revenue; a Secretary of War\\nimpeached for high crimes and misdemeanors the de-\\nmonstration is complete, that the first step in reform", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 83-\\nm ist be the people s choice of honest men from another\\nparty, lest the disease of one political organization infect\\nthe body politic, and lest by making no change of men or\\nparties, we get no change of measures and no real re-\\nform. All these abuses, wrongs and crimes the pro-\\nduct of sixteen years ascendancy of the Republican\\nparty create a necessity for reform, confessed by the\\nRepublicans themselves; but their reformers are voted\\ndown in convention and displaced from the Cabinet.\\nThe party s mass of honest voters is powerless to resist\\nthe 80,000 office holders, its leaders and guides.\\nReform can only be had by a peaceful civil revolution.\\nWe demand a change of system, a change of adminis-\\ntration, a change of parties, that they may have a change\\nof measures and of men.\\nThe two remaining resolutions were simply commen-\\ndatory of Congress for curtailing expense s, etjc., and\\npledging the soldiers and sailors, and their families, the\\nprotection and gratitude of the people.\\nThis election Democrats have always claimed resulted\\nin the election of Samuel J. Tilden, but that they were\\ncheated out of it by the Electoral Commission. Sub-\\nmission was counseled as better for the country, than to\\nresort to measures that might have resulted in civil war.\\nPLATFORM OF JUN^ 22, l880 GEN. W. S. HANCOCK NOM-\\nINATED AT CINCINNATI, OHIO.\\nThe Democrats of the United States, in Convention\\nassembled, declare\\n1. We pledge ourselves anew to the Constitutional\\ndoctrines and traditions of the Democratic party, as il-\\nlustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "8-1 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nof Democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in\\nthe platform of the last National Convention of the\\nparty.\\n2. Opposition to centralization, and to that danger-\\nous spirit of encroachment, which tends toi consolidate\\nthe powers of all the departments in one, and thus to\\ncreate, whatever form of government, a real despotism;\\nno sumptuary laws separation of the church and state\\nfor the good of each common schools fostered and pro-\\ntected.\\n3. Home rule; honest money, consisting of gold and\\nsilver, and paper convertible into coin on demand the\\nstrict maintainance of the public faith, state and national,\\nand a tariff for revenue only; the subordination of the\\nmilitary to the civil power; and a general and thorough\\nreform of the civil service.\\n4. The right of a free ballot is a right preservative\\nof all rights and must and shall be maintained in every\\npart of the United States.\\n5. The existing administration is the representative\\nof a conspiracy only, and its claim of right to surround\\nthe ballot-boxes with troops and deputy marshals, to in-\\ntimidate and obstruct the elections, and the unpreced-\\nented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and des-\\npotic power insults the people and imperils their insti-\\ntutions. We execrate the course of this administration\\nin making places in the civil service a reward for polit-\\ncal crimes, and demand a reform by statute, which shall\\nmake it forever impossible for a defeated candidate to\\nbribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains\\nupon the people.\\n6. The great fraud of 1876-77, by which, upon a\\nfalse count of the electoral votes of two States, the tan-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 85\\ndidate defeated at the polls was declared to be President,\\nfor the first time in American history, the will of the\\npeople was set aside under a threat of military violence,\\nand a deadly blow was struck at our system of represen-\\ntative government. The Democratic party, to preserve\\nthe country from the horors of civil war, submitted for\\nthe time, in the firm and patriotic belief that the people\\nwould punish the crime in 1880. This issue precedes\\nand dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sacred duty\\nupon the people of the Union than ever addressed the\\nconsciences of a nation of freemen.\\n7. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden not again to\\nbe a candidate fcr the exalted place to which he was\\nelected by a majority of his countrymen, and from which\\nhe was excluded by the leaders of the Republican party,\\nis received by the Democrats of the United States with\\ndeep sensibility; and they declare their confidence in his\\nwisdom, patriotism, and integrity unshaken by the as-\\nc aults of the common enemy: and they further assure\\nhim that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen\\nfor himself, by the sympathy and respect of his fellow-\\ncitizens, who regard him as one who by elevating the\\nstandard of the public morality, and adorning, and pur-\\nifying the public service, merits the lasting gratitude\\nof his country and his party.\\n8. Free ships, and a living chance for American com-\\nmerce upon the seas and on the land no discrimination\\nin favor of transportation lines, corporations or monop-\\nolies.\\n9. Amendments of the Burlingame treaty no more\\nChinese immigration except for travel, education, and\\nforeign commerce, and therein carefully guarded.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "86 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nio. Public money, and public credit for public pur-\\nposes solely, and public lands for actual settlers.\\n11. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and\\nthe laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike\\nagainst the cormorants and the commune.\\n12. We congratulate the country upon the honesty\\nand thrift of a Democratic Congress, which has reduced\\nthe public expenditures ten millions of dollars a year;\\nupon the continuation of prosperity at home and the\\nnational honor abroad; and above all, upon the promise\\nof such a change in the administration of the government\\nas shall insure a genuine and lasting reform in every de-\\npartment of the public service/\\nPLATFORM OF 1 884 GROVER CLEVELAND NOMINATED\\nAND ELECTED.\\nThe Democratic party of the Union, through its rep-\\nresentatives in National Convention assembled, recog-\\nnizes that as the nation grows older new issues are born\\nof time and progress and old issues perish, But the\\nfundamental principles of the Democracy, approved by\\nthe united voices of the people, remain, and will ever re-\\nmain as the best and only security for the continuance of\\nfree government. The preservation of personal rights;\\nthe equality of all citizens before the law the reserved\\nrights of the States and the supremacy of the Federal\\ngovernment within the limits of the constitution, will\\never form the true basis of our liberties, and can never\\nbe surrendered without destroying that balance of rights\\nand powers which enable a continent to be developed in\\npeace, and social order to be maintained by means of\\nlocal self- government.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "GROVER CLEVELAND", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 87\\nBut it is indispensable for the practical application and\\nenforcement of these fundamental principles, that the\\ngovernment should not always be controlled by one polit-\\nical party. Frequent change of administration is as\\nnecessary as constant recurrence to the popular will.\\nOtherwise abuses grow, and the government, instead of\\nbeing carried on for the general w r elfare, becomes an in-\\nstrumentality for imposing heavy burdens on the many\\nwho are governed for the benefit of the few who govern.\\nPublic servants thus become arbitrary rulers.\\nThis is now the condition of the country. Hence a\\nchange is demanded. The Republican party, so far as\\nprinciple is concerned, is a reminiscence in practice it\\nis an organization for enriching those who control its\\nmachinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been\\nbrought to light in every department of the government\\nare sufficient to have called for reform within the Repub-\\nlican party; yet those in authority, made reckless by the\\nlong possession of power, have succumbed to its corrupt-\\ning influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket\\nagainst which the independent portion of the party are\\nin open revolt.\\nTherefore, a change is demanded. Such a change\\nwas alike necessary in 1876, but the will of the people\\nwas then defeated by a fraud which can never be for-\\ngotten nor condoned. Again in 1880, the change de-\\nmanded by the people was defeated by the lavish use of\\nmoney contributed by unscrupulous contractors and\\nshameless jobbers who had bargained for unlawful pro-\\nfits or for high office.\\nThe Republican party, during its legal, its stolen and\\nits bought tenures of power, lias steadily decayed in moral\\ncharacter and political capacity.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "88 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nIts platform promises are now a list of past failures.\\nIt demands the restoration of our navy. It has\\nsquandered hundreds of millions to create a navy that\\ndoes not exist.\\nIt calls upon Congress to remove the burdens under\\nwhich American shipping has been depressed. It has\\nimposed and has continued those burdens.\\nIt professes the policy of reserving the public lands\\nfor small holdings by actual settlers. It has given away\\nthe people s heritage, till now a few railroads and non-\\nresident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger\\narea than that of all our farms between the two seas.\\nIt professes a preference for free institutions. It or-\\nganized and tried to legalize a control of State elections\\nby Federal troops.\\nIt professes a desire to elevate labor. It has subjected\\nAmerican workingmen to the competition of convict and\\nimported contract labor.\\nIt. professes gratitude to all who were disabled or died\\nin the. war, leaving widows and orphans. It left to a\\nDemocratic House of Representatives the first effort to\\nequalize both bounties and pensions.\\nIt proffers a pledge to correct the irregularities of our\\ntariff It created and has continued them. Its own\\nTariff Commission confessed the need of more than\\ntwenty per cent reduction. Its Congress gave a reduc-\\ntion of less than four per cent.\\nIt professes the protection of American manufactures.\\nIt has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufact-\\nured goods and a hopeless competition with manufactur-\\ning nations, not one of which taxes raw materials.\\nIt professes to protect all American industries. It has\\nimpoverished many to subsidize a few.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 89\\nIt professes the protection of American labor. It has\\ndepleted the returns of American agriculture an in-\\ndustry followed by half our people.\\nIt professes the equality of all men before the law.\\nAttempting to fix the status of colored citizens, the acts\\nof its Congress were overset by the decisions of its\\ncourts.\\nIt accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of\\nprogress and reform. Its caught criminals are per-\\nmitted to escape through contrived delays or actual con-\\nnivance in the prosecution. Honey-combed with corrup-\\ntion, outbreaking exposures no longer shock its moral\\nsense. Its honest members,, its independent journals no\\nlonger maintain a successful contest for authority in its\\ncounsels or veto upon bad nominations.\\nThat change is necessary is proved by an existing sur-\\nplus of more than $100,000,000, which has yearly been\\ncollected from a suffering people. Unnecessary taxation\\nis unjust taxation. We denounce the Republican party\\nfor having failed to relieve the people from crushing war\\ntaxes which have paralyzed business, crippled industry\\nand deprived labor of employment and of just reward.\\nThe Democracy pledges itself to purify the Adminis-\\ntration from corruption, to restore economy, to revive re-\\nspect for lav/, and to reduce taxation to the lowest limit\\nconsistent with due regard to the preservation of the\\nfaith of the Nation to its creditors and pensioners.\\nKnowing full well, however, that legislation affecting\\nthe occupations of the people should be cautions and con-\\nservative in method, not in advance of public opinion,\\nbut responsive to its demands, the Democratic party is\\npledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to all-\\ninterests.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "90 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nBut in making reduction in taxes it is not proposed to\\ninjure any domestic industries, but rather to promote\\ntheir healthy growth. From the foundation of this gov-\\nernment taxes collected at the custom house have been\\nthe chief source of Federal revenue. Such they must\\ncontinue to be. Moreover, man\\\\ industries have come\\nto rely on legislation for successful continuance, so that\\nany change of law must be at every step regardful of the\\nlabor and capital thus involved. The process of reform\\nmust be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of\\njustice.\\nAll taxation shall be limited to the requirements of\\neconomical government. The necessary reduction in\\ntaxation can and must be effected without depriving\\nAmerican labor of the ability to compete successfully\\nwith foreign labor,, and without imposing lower rates of\\nduty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of\\nproduction with may exist in consequence of the higher\\nrate of wages prevailing in this country.\\nSufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the Fed-\\neral government, economically administered, including\\npensions, interest and principal of the public debt, can be\\ngot, under our present system of taxation, from custom-\\nhouse taxes on fewer imported articles, bearing heaviest\\non articles of luxury, and bearing lightest on articles of\\nnecessity.\\nWe, therefore, denounce the abuses of the existing\\ntariff; and, subject to the preceding limitations, we de-\\nmand that Federal taxation shall be exclusively for pub-\\nlic purposes, and shall not exceed the needs of the gov-\\nernment, economically administered.\\nThe system of direct taxation known as the Internal\\nRevenue is a war tax, and so long as the law continues", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 91\\ntht money derived therefrom should be sacredly devoted\\nto the relief of the people from the remaining burdens of\\nthe war, and be made a fund to defray the expense of the\\ncare and comfort of worthy soldiers disabled in line of\\nduty in the wars of the Republic, and for the payment of\\nsuch pensions as Congress may from time to time grant\\nto such soldiers, a like funds for the sailors having been\\nalready provided and any surplus should be paid into the\\ntreasury.\\nWe favor an American continental policy based upon\\nmore intimate commercial and political relations with the\\nfifteen sister republics of North, Central and South\\nAmerica, but entangling alliances with none.\\nWe believe in honest money, the gold and silver coin-\\nage of the Constitution, and a circulating medium con-\\nvertible into such money without loss.\\nAsserting the equality of all men before the law, we\\nhold that it is the duty of the government, in its dealings\\nwith the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to\\nall citizens of whatever nativity, race, color, or persua-\\nsion religious or political.\\nWe believe in a free ballot and a fair count; and we\\nrecall to the memory of the people the noble struggle of\\nthe Democrats in the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Con-\\ngresses by which a reluctant Republican opposition was\\ncompelled to assent to legislation making everywhere il-\\nlegal the presence of troops at the polls as the conclusive\\nproof that Democratic Administration will preserve lib-\\nerty with order.\\nThe selection of Federal officers for the Territories\\nshould be restricted to citizens previously resident there-\\nin.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "92 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nWe oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizen and\\ninterfere with individual liberty; we favor honest civil-\\nservice reform and the compensation of all United States\\nofficers by fixed salaries the separation of church and\\nState and the diffusion of free education by common\\nschools, so that every child in the land may be taught the\\nrights and duties of citizenship.\\nWhile we favor all legislation which will tend to the\\nequitable distribution of property, to the prevention of\\nmonopoly, and to the strict enforcement of individual\\nrights against corporate abuses, we hold that the welfare\\nof society depends upon a scrupulous regard for the\\nrights of property as defined by law.\\nWe believe that labor is best rewarded where it is\\nfreest and most enlightened. It should, therefore, be\\nfostered and cherished. We favor the repeal of all laws\\nrestricting the free action of labor, and the enactment of\\nlaws by which labor organizations may be incorporated,\\nand of all such legislation as will tend to enlighten the\\npeople as to the true relations of capital and labor.\\nWe believe that the public lands ought, as far as pos-\\nsible, to be kept as homesteads for actual settlers that all\\nunearned lands heretofore improvidently granted to rail-\\nload corporations by the action of the Republican party,\\nshould be restored to the public domain and that no more\\ngrants of land should be made to corporations, or be al-\\nlowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees.\\nWe are opposed to all propositions which, upon any\\npretext, would convert the general government into a ma-\\nchine for collecting taxes to be distributed among the\\nStates, or the citizens thereof.\\nIn reaffirming the decaration of the Democratic plat-\\nform of 1856, that the liberal principles embodied by", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 93\\nJefferson in the Declaration of Independence and sanc-\\ntioned in the Constitution, which make ours the land 01\\nliberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation,\\nhave ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic\\nfaith, we nevertheless do not sanction the importation oi\\nforeign labor, or the admission of servile races, unfitted\\nby habits, training, religion or kindred for absorption into\\nthe great body of our people, or for the citizenship which\\nour laws confer. American civilization demands that\\nagainst the immigration or importation of Mongolians to\\nthese shores our gates be closed.\\nThe Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this\\ngovernment to protect, with equal fidelity and vigilance,\\nthe rights of citizens, native and naturalized, at home\\nand abroad and to the end that this protection may be as-\\nsured, United States papers of naturalization, issued by\\ncourts of competent jurisdiction, must be respected by\\nthe executive and legislative departments of our own\\ngovernment and by all foreign powers.\\nIt is an imperative duty of this government to effici-\\nently protect all the rights of persons and property of\\nevery American citizen in foreign lands, and demand and\\nenforce full reparation for any invasion thereof.\\nAn American citizen is only responsible to his own\\ngovernment for any act done in his own country or under\\nher flag, and can only be tried therefor on her own soil\\nand according to her laws and no power exists in this\\ngovernment to expatriate an American citizen to be tried\\nin any foreign land for any such act.\\nThis country has never had a well-defined and executed\\nforeign policy save under Democratic administrations;\\nthat policy has ever been, in regard to foreign nations,\\nso long as they do not act detrimentally to the interests of", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "94 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthe country or hurtful to our citizens, to let them alone;\\nthat as the result of this policy we recall the acquisition\\nof Louisiana, Flordia, California, and of the adjacent\\nMexican territory by purchase alone, and contrast these\\ngrand acquisitions of Democratic statesmanship with the\\npurchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican ad-\\nministration of nearly a quarter of a century.\\nThe Federal government should care for and improve\\nthe Mississippi river and other great waterways of the\\nRepublic, so as to secure for the interior States easy and\\ncheap transportation to tide water.\\nUnder a long period of Democratic rule and policy our\\nmerchant marine was fast overtaking and on the point of\\noutstripping that of Great Britain.\\nUnder twenty years of Republican rule and policy\\nour commerce has been left to British bottoms, and al-\\nmost has the American flag been swept off the high seas.\\nInstead of the Republican party s British policy, we\\ndemand for the people of the United States an American\\npolicy.\\nUnder Democratic rule and policy our merchants and\\nsailors, flying the Stars and Stripes in every port, success-\\nfully searched out a market for the varied products of\\nAmerican industry.\\nUnder a quarter century of Republican rule and policy,\\ndespite our manifest advantage over all other nations in\\nhigh-paid labor, favorable climates, and teeming soils;\\ndespite freedom of trade among all these United States;\\ndespite their population by the foremost races of men and\\nan annual immigration of the young, thrifty, and adven-\\nturous of all nations despite our freedom here from the\\ninherited burdens of life and industry in Old-World mon-\\narchies their costly war navies, their vast tax-consum-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 95\\ning. nonproducing standing armies despite twenty years\\nof peace-Republican rule and policy have managed to sur-\\nrender to Great Britian, along with our commerce, the\\ncontrol of the markets of the world.\\nInstead of the Republican party s British policy, we\\ndemand, in behalf of the /Vmerican Democracy, an Ameri-\\ncan policy.\\nInstead of the Republican party s discredited scheme\\nand false pretense of friendship for American labor, ex-\\npressed by imposing taxes, we demand in behalf of the\\nDemocracy, freedom for American labor by reducing\\ntaxes, to the end that these United States may compete\\nwith unhindered powers for the primacy among nations\\nin all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty.\\nWith this statement of the hopes, principles, and pur-\\nposes of the Democratic party, the great issue of reform\\nand change in administration is submitted to the people\\nin calm confidence that the popular voice will pronounce\\nin favor of new men and new and more favorable condi-\\ntions for the growth of industry, the extension of trade,\\nthe employment and due reward of labor and capital, and\\nthe general welfare of the whole country.\\nDEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, 1 888. AT ST. LOUIS, MO.,\\nJUNE 7TH.\\nThe Democratic party of the United States, in National\\nConvention assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity\\nto Democratic faith and reaffirms the platform adopted\\nby its representatives in the Convention of 1884, and\\nendorses the views expressed by President Cleveland in\\nhis last annual message to Congress as the correct inter-\\npretation of that platform -upon the question of tariff re-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "96 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nduction and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic\\nrepresentatives in Congress to secure a reduction of ex-\\ncessive taxation.\\nChief among its principles of party faith are the main-\\ntenance of an indissoluble Union of free and indestructi-\\nble States, now about to enter upon its second century of\\nunexampled progress and renown devotion to a plan of\\ngovernment regulated by a written Constitution, strictly\\nspecifying every granted power and expressly reserving\\nto the States or people the entire ungranted residue of\\npower; the encouragement of a jealous popular vigilance\\ndirected to all who have been chosen for brief terms to\\nenact and execute the laws, and are charged with the duty\\nofjpreserving peace, ensuring equality and establishing\\njustice.\\nThe Democratic party welcome an exacting scrutiny of\\nthe administration of the Executive power, which four\\nyears ago was committed to its trust in the election of\\nGrover Cleveland, President of the United States; and\\nit challenges the most searching inquiry concerning its\\nfidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited the\\nsuffrages of the people.\\nDuring a most critical period of our financial affairs,\\nresulting from overtaxation, the anomalous condition of\\nour currency, and a public debt unmatured, it has by the\\nadoption of a wise and conservative course, not only aver-\\nted disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the\\npeople.\\nIt has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of\\nthe Republican party touching the public domain, and has\\nreclaimed from corporations and syndicates, alien and do-\\nmestic, and restored to the people, nearly one hundred", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 97\\nmillions of acres of valuable land to be sacredly held as\\nhomesteads for our citizens.\\nWhile carefully guarding the interest of the taxpayers\\nand conforming- strictly to the principles of justice and\\nequity, it has paid out more for pensions and bounties to\\nthe soldiers and sailors of the Republic than was ever paid\\nbefore during an equal period.\\nBy intelligent management and a judicious and eco-\\nnomical expenditure of the public money it has set on foot\\nthe reconstruction of the American Navy upon a system\\nwhich forbids the recurrence of scandal and insures suc-\\ncessful results.\\nIt has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and\\nprudent foreign policy, preserving peace with all nations\\nwhile scrupulously maintaining all the rights and interests\\nof our Government and people at home and abroad.\\nThe exclusion from our shores of Chinese laborers has\\nbeen effectually secured under the provisions of a treaty,\\nthe operation of which has been postponed by the action\\nof a Republican majority in the Senate.\\nHonest reform in the Civil Service has been inaugur-\\nated and maintained by President Cleveland, and he has\\nbrought the public service to the highest standard of effi-\\nciency, not only by rule and precept, but by the example\\nof his own untiring and unselfish administration of public\\naffairs.\\nIn every branch and department of the Government\\nunder Democratic control, the rights and welfare of all\\nthe people have been guarded and defended every public\\ninterest has been protected, and the equality of all our\\ncitizens before the law, without regard to race or section,\\nhas been steadfastlv maintained.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "98 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nUpon its record thus exhibited and upon the pledge of\\na continuance to the people of the benefits of good govern-\\nment, the National Democracy invokes a renewal of popu-\\nlar trust by the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who has\\nbeen faithful, able and prudent.\\nThey invoke an addition to that trust by the transfer\\nalso to the Democracy of the entire legislative power.\\nThe Republican party controlling the Senate and re-\\nsisting in both Houses of Congress a reformation of un-\\njust and unequal tax laws, which have outlasted the\\nnecessities of war and are now undermining the abund-\\nance of a long peace, deny to the people equality before\\nthe law and the fairness and the justice which are their\\nright.\\nThus the cry of American labor for a better share in\\nthe rewards of industry is stifled with false pretenses, en-\\nterprise is fettered and bound down to home markets;\\ncapital is discouraged with doubt and unequal, unjust\\nlaws can neither be properly amended nor repealed.\\nThe Democratic party will continue, with all the power\\nconfided to it, the struggle to reform these laws in ac-\\ncordance with the pledges of its last platform endorsed\\nat the ballot-box by the suffrages of the people.\\nOf all the industrious freemen of our land, an immense\\nmajority, including every tiller of the soil, gain no advan-\\ntage from excessive tax laws, but the price of nearly\\neverything they buy is increased by the favoritism of an\\nunequal system of tax legislation.\\nAll unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation.\\nIt is repugnant to the creed of Democracy, that by\\nsuch taxation the cost of the necessaries of life should be\\nunjustifiably increased to all our people.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 99\\nJudged by Democratic principles, the interests of the\\npeople are betrayed, when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts\\nand combinations are permitted and fostered, which,\\nwhile unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the\\nbody of our citizens by depriving them of the benefits of\\nnatural competition. Every Democratic rule of govern-\\nmental action is violated when through unnecessary taxa-\\ntion a vast sum of money, far beyond the needs of an\\neconomical administration, is drawn from the people and\\nthe channels of trade, and accumulated as a demoralizing\\nsurplus in the National Treasury.\\nThe money now lying idle in the Federal Treasury re-\\nsulting from superfluous taxation amounts to more than\\n$125,000,000. and the surplus collected is reaching the\\nsum of more than $60,000,000 annually.\\nDebauched by this immense temptation the remedy of\\nthe Republican party is to meet and exhaust by extrav-\\nagant appropriations and expenditures, whether consti-\\ntutional or not, the accumulations of extravagant taxa-\\ntion.\\nThe Democratic remedy is to enforce frugality in\\npublic expense and abolish needless taxation.\\nOur established domestic industries and enterprises\\nshould not, and need not be endangered by a reduction\\nand correction of the burdens of taxation. On the con-\\ntrary, a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due\\nallowance for the difference between the wages of Amer-\\nican and foreign labor, must promote and encourage every\\nbranch of such industries and enterprises by giving them\\nassurance of an extended market and steady and con-\\ntinuous operation.\\nIn the interest of American labor, which should in no", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "100 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nevent be neglected, the revision of our tax laws contem-\\nplated by the Democratic party would promote the\\nadvantage of such labor by cheapening the cost of the\\nnecessaries of life in the home of every working man, and\\nat the same time securing to him steady and remunerative\\nemployment.\\nUpon this great issue of tariff reform, so closely con-\\ncerning every phase of our national life, and upon every\\nquestion involved in the problem of good government,\\nthe Democratic party submits its principles and profes-\\nsions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people.\\nUpon this platform they renominated President Cleve-\\nland and Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, for vice-president\\nbut Benj\\\\ Harrison, Repubican of Indiana was elected.\\nPLATFORM Or 1892 PRESIDENT CLEVELAND NOMINATED\\nA THIRD TIME WITH ADEAI STEVENSON OF\\nILLINOIS FOR VICE PRESIDENT.\\nThis platform of the Democratic party substantially\\ndeclares as follows\\n1. They reaffirm their allegiance to the principles of\\nthe party as formulated by Jefferson, an d exemplified by\\nthe long illustrious line of his successors in Democratic\\nleadership from Madison to Cleveland and they solemnly\\ndeclare that the need of a return to these fundamental\\nprinciples of popular government based on home rule, and\\nindividual liberty, was never more urgent than now, when\\na tendency to centralize all power at the Federal capitol\\nhas become a menace to the reserved rights of the states,\\nthat strikes at the very roots of our government, under\\nthe Constitution, as framed by the fathers of the Re-\\npublic.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 101\\n2. It warns the people, jealous of the preservation of\\ntheir free institutions, that the policy of the Federal con-\\ntrol of elections, to which the Republican party has com-\\nmitted itself, is fraught with the gravest dangers, scarcely\\nless momentous that would result from a revolution\\npractically establishing monarchy on the ruins of the Re-\\npublic. It strikes at the North as well as the South, and\\ninjures the colored citizen even more than the white.\\nIt means a hoard of deputy marshals at every polling\\nplace, armed with Federal power, returning boards ap-\\npointed by Federal authority, the outrage of the electoral\\nrights of the people in the several states, the subjugation\\nof the colored people to the control of the party in power,\\nand reviving of race antagonism, now happily abated,\\nof the utmost peril to the safety and happiness of all; a\\nmeasure deliberately and justly described, by a leading\\nRepublican Senator, as the most infamous bill that ever\\ncrossed the threshold of the Senate. Such a policy, if\\nsanctioned by law, would mean the dominance of a self\\nperpetuating oligarchy of office holders, and the party\\nfirst entrusted with its machinery could be dislodged\\nfrom power, only by an appeal to the reserved rights of\\nthe people, to resist oppression, wdiich is inherent in self\\ngoverning communities. Two years ago this revolution-\\nary policy was condemned by the people at the polls, but\\nin contempt of the verdict, the Republican party has\\ndefiantly declared in its latest authoritative utterances,\\nthat its success in the coming elections will mean the en-\\nactment of the force bill, and the usurpation of despotic\\ncontrol over elections in all the states. Believing that the\\npreservation of Republic government in .the United States\\nis dependent on the defeat of this policy of legalized force\\nand fraud, they invite the assistance of all citizens, who", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "102 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\ndesire the Constitution maintained in its integrity, with\\nthe laws pursuant thereto, which have given our country\\na hundred years of unexampled prosperity and we pledge\\nthe Democratic party, if it he entrusted with power, not\\nonly the defeat of the force bill, [which was accomplished\\nEd.] but also the relentless opposition to the Republi-\\ncan party, of profigate expenditure, which, in the short\\nspace of two years, had squandered an enormous surplus,\\nand emptied an overflowing treasury, after piling new\\nburdens of taxation upon the already overtaxed labor of\\nthe country.\\n3. They reiterate the oft repeated doctrines of the\\nDemocratic party, that the necessity of the government is\\nthe only justification for taxation, and whenever a tax\\nis unnecessary it is unjustifiable; that when custom house\\ntaxation is levied upon articles of any kind produced in\\nthis country, the difference between the cost of labor here\\nand labor abroad, when such difference exists, fully\\nmeasures any possible benefits to labor, and the enormous\\nadditional impositions of the existing tariff fall with\\ncrushing force upon our farmers and working men, and\\nfor the mere advantage of the few whom it enriches,\\nexact from labor, a grossly unjust share of the expense of\\nthe government and they demand such a revision of the\\ntariff laws as will remove their iniquitous inequalities,\\nlighten their oppressions, and put them on a constitu-\\ntional and equible basis.\\n4. They denounce the McKinley tariff law as the\\nculminating atrocity of class legislation and they endorse\\nihe efforts made by the Democratic members of Congress\\nto modify its most oppressive features in the direction\\nof free raw material, and cheaper manufactured goods\\nthat enter into home consumption and they propose a re-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 103\\npeal of those laws, as one of the beneficient re-\\nsults that will follow the action of the people in entrust-\\ning power to the Democratic party.\\n5. They call the attention of thoughful Americans to\\nthe fact, that after thirty years of restrictive taxation\\nagainst importations of foreign products, in exchange for\\nour agricultural products, the homes and farms of the\\ncountry have become burdened with mortgages of over\\ntwo thousand five hundred millions dollars, exclusive of\\nall other forms of indebtedness and they denounce a\\npolicy which fosters no industry so much as it does that\\nof the Sheriff.\\n6. They declare that trade exchanges on the basis of\\nreciprocal advantages to the countries participating, is a\\ntime honored doctrine of the Democratic faith, but they\\ndenounce that reciprocity which juggles with the\\npeople s desire for enlarged foreign markets, and freer\\nexchanges by pretending to establish trade relations for a\\ncountry, whose articles of export are almost exclusively\\nagricultural, which erecting a custom house barrier of\\nprohibitive tariff taxes against the richest countries of the\\nworld, that are ready to take our entire surplus of pro-\\nducts, and to exchange therefor commodities which are\\nnecessary, and are comforts of life among our own people.\\n7. They recognize in trusts and monopolies, which are\\ndesigned by capitalists to secure more than their just share\\nof the joint product of capital and labor, a natural con-\\nsequence of prohibiting tariffs, which prevent that free\\ncompetition, which is the life of honest trade; but they\\nbelieve the worst evils can be abated by law, and they de-\\nmand the rigid enforcement of laws made to prevent and\\ncontrol them, together with such farther legislation in re-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "104 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nstraint of their abuses, as experience may show to be\\nnecessary.\\n8. The policy of the Republican party, in regard to the\\npublic lands, is condemned; and that of the Democracy\\nin regard to the same is commended.\\n9. They hold to the use of both gold and silver as the\\nstandard money of the country, and to the coinage ot\\nboth gold and silver, without discrimination against\\neither metal, or charge for mintage, but the dollar unit of\\ncoinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and ex-\\nchangeable value, or be adjusted by international agree-\\nment, or by such safeguards of legislation as shall in-\\nsure the maintenance of the parity of the two metals, and\\nthe equal power of any dollar at all times, in the markets,\\nand in the payment of debts; and they demand that all\\npaper currency shall be kept at par and redeemable in\\nsuch coin. They insist upon this policy as especially\\nnecessary for the protection of the farmers and laboring\\nclasses, the first most defenseless victims of unstable\\nmoney, and a fluctuating currency.\\n10. They again declare that public office is a public\\ntrust; and reaffirm the platform of 1876 in regard to the\\nreform of the civil service, and they call for the honest\\nenforcement of all laws in regard to the same.\\n11. They declare the policy of the Democratic party\\nin regard to foreign nations and favor the cultivation\\nof friendly relations with other nations, especially with\\nour neighbors on the American continent; and in this\\nconnection favor the maintenance of a navy strong enough\\nfor all purposes of national defense, and to properly\\nmaintain the honor and dignity of the country abroad.\\n12. They express sympathy for those who are op-\\npressed for conscience sake, as practiced by the Russian", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 105\\ngovernment; and tender profound and earnest sympathy\\nto those lovers of freedom, who are struggling for home\\nrule, and the great cause of self government in Ireland.\\n13. They renew their opposition to the making the\\nUnited States the dumping grounds of the criminal\\nand professional paupers of Europe, but denounce and\\ncondemn all attempts to restrict immigration of the in-\\ndustrious and worthy of foreign lands.\\n14. They renew their pledge of their appreciation of\\nthe patriotism of our soldiers and sailors, and favor\\nliberal pensions for all disabled soldiers, their widows\\nand dependent ones and they denounce the administra-\\ntion of the pension department as incompetent, corrupt,\\ndisgracful and dishonest.\\n15. They favor the improvement of the Mississippi\\nEiver, and our internal waterways, in order to secure\\neasy and cheap transportation to tide water, from our\\ninterior states.\\n16. For purposes of national defense and the promo-\\ntion of commerce between the states, they favor the early\\nconstruction of the Nicaragua Canal.\\n17. Popular education being the only safe basis of\\npopular suffrage, they commend to the several states\\nmost liberal appropriations for the purpose of schools;\\nand they declare that free public schools are the nursery\\nof the government, and have always received the foster-\\ning care of the Democratic party. Freedom of educa-\\ntion being an essential of civil and religious liberty, as\\nwell as necessity, for the development of intelligence,\\nthey must not be interfered with under any pretext what-\\never.\\n18. They declared themselves opposed to state in-\\nterference with parental rights, and rights of con-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "106 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nscience in the education of children, as an infringement\\nof the fundamental Democratic doctrine, that the largest\\nindividual liberty, consistent with the rights of others,\\ninsures the highest type of American citizenship, and\\nthe best government.\\n19. They favored the early admission, as states, of\\nthe territories of New Mexico and Arizona; and de-\\nmanded that the officers appointed within the same, and\\nof the District of Columbia, and Alaska, should be\\nbona fide residents of the same. The Democracy be-\\nlieve in home rule, and the control of their own affairs\\nby the people of the vicinage.\\n20. They favored legislation by Congress and State\\nLegislatures, to protect railway employes, and to those\\nof other hazardous transportation companies.\\n21. They favored the enactment by the states, of laws\\nfor the abolishment of the sweating convict system, and\\nfor abolishing contract convict labor, and for pro-\\nhibiting the employment in factories of children under\\nfifteen years of age.\\n22. They opposed sumptuary laws as an interference\\nwith the individual rights of the citizen.\\n23. Upon these issues the Democracy asked for a\\nchange in the administration of public affairs, and of a\\nchange of methods, and asked upon the same, the in-\\ntelligent judgment of the American people; and again\\nelected Grover Cleveland, President.\\nPLATFORM JULY 7, 1 896.\\nThe folowing is substantially the now famous\\nChicago Platform of 1896/ on which W. J. Bryan was\\nnominated.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 107\\nThey reaffirmed their allegiance to those great essen-\\ntial principles of justice and liberty upon which our in-\\nstitutions are founded, and which the Democrat c party\\nhas advocated from Jefferson s time to our own freedom\\nof speech, freedom of conscience -the preservation of\\npersonal rights, and equality of all citizens before the\\nlaw, and faithful observance of constitutional limita-\\ntions. During all these years, the Democratic party has\\nresisted the tendency of selfish interests, to the central-\\nization of governmental power, and steadfastly main-\\ntained the integrity of the dual system of government\\nestablished by the founders of this Republic of Re-\\npublics. Under its guidance and teachings the great\\nprinciple of local self government has found its best\\nexpression in the maintainance of the rights of the\\nstates, and in its assertion of the necessity of con-\\nfining the general government to the exercise of the\\npowers granted by the constitution of the United States.\\nRecognizing the money question is paramount to all\\nothers at this time, we invite attention to the fact, that\\nthe Federal Constitution names silver and gold together,\\nas the money metals of the United States, and that the\\nfirst coinage law passed by Congress under the con-\\nstitution made the silver dollar the unit of value, and\\nadmitted gold to free coinage at a ratio measured by the\\nsilver unit.\\nThey declared the opinion, that the act of 1873\\ndemonetizing silver, without the knowledge or approval\\nof the American people, had resulted in the appreciation\\nof gold, and a corresponding fall in the prices of com-\\nmodities produced by the people a heavy increase in\\nthe burden of taxation, and of all debts, public and", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "108 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nprivate; the enrichment of the money-lending class at\\nhome and abroad prostration of industry and impover-\\nishment of the people. They declared themselves un-\\nalterably opposed to monometalism, which had locked\\nfast the prosperity of an industrious people in the\\nparalysis of hard times. Gold monometalism, they said,\\nwas a British policy and its adoption had brought other\\nnations into financial servitude to London; it was not\\nonly un-American, but anti- American, and could be\\nfastened on the United States only, by the stifling of that\\nindominable spirit and love of liberty which proclaimed\\nour political independence in 1776, and won it in the war\\nof the Revolution, and then said, we demand the free\\nand unlimitd coinage of both gold and silver at the legal\\nratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the consent or aid\\nof any other nation; that the standard silver dollar\\nshould be a full legal tender, equal with gold for all debts\\npublic and private, and favored such legislation as would\\nprevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of\\nlegal tender money by private contract.\\nThey opposed the policy and practice of surrendering\\nto holders of obligations of the United States, the option\\nreserved by law to the Government of redeeming such\\nin either silver or gold coin.\\nThey also opposed the issuing of interest-bearing\\nbonds of the United States in time of peace, and con-\\ndemned the trafficking with banking syndicates, which in\\nexchange for bonds, at enormous profit to themselves,\\nsupply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the\\npolicy of gold monometalism. They said that Congress\\nalone had the power to coin and issue money, and that\\nPresident Jackson had declared that this power could not\\nbe delegated to corporations or individuals. They there-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 109\\nfore demanded that the power to issue notes to circulate\\nas money be taken from the national banks, and all paper\\nmoney shall be issued directly by the Treasury Depart-\\nment redeemable in coin, and receivable for all debts, pub\\nlie and private.\\nOn the. subject of tariff they said We hold that tariff\\nduties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such du-\\nties to be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the\\ncountry, and not discriminate between class or section.\\nAnd that taxation should be limited by the needs of the\\ngovernment honestly and economically administered.\\nThey denounced as disturbing to business, the Republican\\nthreat, to restore the McKinley law, which had been\\ntwice condemned by the people in national elections, and\\nwhich, enacted under a false plea of protection to home\\nindustry proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monop-\\nolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, re-\\nstricted trade, and deprived producrs of the great Amer-\\nican staples of access to their natural markets.\\nThey said that, until the money question is setteld, they\\nare opposed to any agitation for further changes in tariff\\nlaws, except such as are necessary to make up the deficit\\nin revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme\\nCourt on the income tax. But for that decision there\\nwould have been no deficit in the revenue under the law\\npassed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of\\nthe untiform decision of that court for nearly one hundred\\nyears, it having sustained Constitutional objections to its\\nenactment, which had been overruled by the ablest judges\\nwho had ever sat on that bench. They declared it the duty\\nof Congress to use all Constitutional power which re-\\nmained after that decision, or which might come from", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "110 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nits reversal, by the court as it might hereafter be consti-\\ntuted so that the burdens of taxation might be equally\\nand impartially laid, to the end, that wealth might bear\\nits due proportion of the expenses of government.\\nOn the subject of labor they held that the mast effi-\\ncient way to protect American labor was to prevent the\\nimportation cf foreign pauper labor to compete with it in\\nthe home market, and that the home market to our Amer-\\nican farmers and artisans is greatly reduced below the\\ncost of production, and thus deprived them of the means\\nof purchasing the products of our home manufactures.\\nThe absorption of wealth by the few, it said, and the\\nconsolidation of our leading railroad systems, and the\\nformation of trusts and pools, required a stricter control\\nby the Federal Government of those arteries of com-\\nmerce they therefore demanded the enlargement of the\\npowers of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and\\nsuch restrictions and guarantees in the control of rail-\\nroads as will protect the people from robbery and op-\\npression.\\nThey denounced the profligate waste of the money\\nwrung from the people by oppressive taxation, and the\\nlavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses,\\nwhich had kept taxes high,, while labor, which paid them,\\nwas unemployed, and the products of the people s toil\\nwas depressed in price, till they no longer repaid the cost\\nof production they therefore demanded a return to that\\nsimplicity and economy, which befits a Democratic Gov-\\nernment, and a reduction of useless offices, the salaries of\\nwhich drain the substance of the people. They also de-\\nnounced arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in\\nlocal affairs as a violation of the Constitution, and a\\ncrime against free institutions and especially objected", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 111\\nto government by injunctions as a new and highly dan-\\ngerous form of oppression by which Federal Judges, in\\ncontempt of the laws of the States and the rights of cit-\\nizens, become at once legislators, judges, and execu-\\ntioners; and they approved the bill passed at the preced-\\ning session of the United States Senate, pending in the\\nHouse relative to contempts in Federal Courts, and pro-\\nviding for trials by jury in certain cases of contempt\\n(which bill has since become a law.)\\nThey further declared, that no discrimination should\\nbe indulged by the government of the United States in\\nfavor of any of its debtors; approved of the refusal of\\nthe Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad\\nFunding Bill, and denounced the effort of the then ex-\\nisting Republican Congress to enact a similar measure.\\nRecognizing the just claims of deserving Union\\nsoldiers, they heartily endorsed the rule of the Commis-\\nsioner of Pensions, that no names should be arbitrarily\\ndropped from the pension roll and that the fact of en-\\nlistment and service should be deemed conclusive evi-\\ndence against, or disability before enlistment.\\nThey also favored the admission of the Territories of\\nXew Mexico, and Arizona into the Union as States, and\\nthe early admission of all the Territories having the\\nnecessary population and resources to entitle them to\\nStatehood, and while they remained Territories, they\\nheld, that the officials appointed to administer the gov-\\nernment of any Territory, together with the District of\\nColumbia, and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of\\nthe Territory or district in which their duties are to be\\nperformed.\\nThey declared that, they believed in home rule, and\\nthat all public lands of the United States s/hould be ap-", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "112 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\npropriated to the establishment of free homes for Amer-\\nican citizens. They also recommended that Alaska be\\ngranted a delegate in Congress, and that the general land\\nand timber laws of the United States should be extended\\nto that Territory.\\nThey extended their sympathy to the people of Cuba\\nin their heroic struggle for liberty and independence.\\nThey opposed life tenure in the public service and\\nfavored appointments based upon merit, fixed terms of\\noffice, and such an administration of the civil service\\nlaws, as would afford equal opportunities to all citizens\\nof ascertained fitness.\\nThey also declared, that the Federal Government\\nshould care for and improve the Mississippi River, and\\nother great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure\\nfor the interior states easy and cheap transportation to\\ntide water and that when any waterway of the Republic\\nis of sufficient importance to demand aid of the Govern-\\nment, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan\\nof continuous work until permanent improvement is\\nsecured.\\nThey also declared as a new plank in a Democratic\\nplatform, that, it was the unwritten law of the Republic,\\nestablished by the customs and usages of a hundred\\nyears, sanctioned by the examples of the greatest and\\nwisest of those who founded, and maintained our Gov-\\nernment, that no man should be eligible for a third term\\nof the Presidential office.\\nFinally, confiding in the justice of their cause, and the\\nnecessity of its success at the polls, they submitted the\\nforegoing declaration of principles and purposes to the\\nconsiderate judgment of the American people. They", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 113\\ninvited the support of all citizens who approved them,\\nand who desired to have them made effective through\\nlegislation for the relief of the people, and the restora-\\ntion of the country s prosperity.\\nOf this platform it may be said, that upon the coinage\\nquestion at the ratio of i 6 to I, a difference of opinion\\narose. There were other matters of disagreement but\\nthat was evidently the principal one. There was another\\nConvention subsequently held, and Palmer, of Illinois,\\nand Buckner, of Kentucky, nominated for President and\\nVice President, for whom 132,056 votes were cast\\nthroughout the Union. This difference of opinion still\\nexists, at this writing. What the result will be, must be\\nrecorded, after the next National Democratic Conven-\\ntion to meet on July 4, 1900, at Kansas City has been\\nheld.\\nFor an explanation of the money question, mani-\\nfested as a second difference of opinion (the slavery\\nquestion was the other) in the period of one hundred\\nyears, reference may be had to another chapter.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nFURTHER PRINCIPLES OF THE PARTY STATE RIGHTS\\nSECESSION THE RIGHT OF COERCION, ETC.\\nWe have now gone through with a brief statement of\\nthe principles of the Democracy, as ascertained from the\\nexpressions of leading Democratic statesmen, and the\\ndeclarations of the party in their National Conventions.\\nThere are still other questions deemed necessary to\\nmore fully explain, giving reasons and circumstances\\nunder which they have become settled as Democratic doc-\\ntrines.\\nTo a very great extent they could have been settled by\\napplying the declarations of prominent leaders, and of\\nthe resolutions in Democratic platforms to their solution\\nbut, having, to some extent been the subject of discus-\\nsion in the party, we have concluded to give a separate\\nstatement of each, together with the reasons upon which\\nfounded.\\nIn some instances they assume the character of de-\\nfences against charges made by the opponents of the\\nparty; and in others, as expositions of their views upon\\nthese particular questions.\\nThey will be treated successively to as full an extent\\nas our limits will permit, and can be equally as strongly\\nrelied upon as the fixed and settled conclusions of the\\nparty, as evidenced by the utterances of leading members\\nof the party, supported by its platforms and public as-\\nsemblies, until no longer questioned.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 115\\nThs Principle of State Rights.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The rights of the\\nStates tinder our Federal Constitution had long been a\\nquestion discussed, on which great differences of opinion\\nhad arisen, within the Democratic party. The views\\nheld by Thomas Jefferson, Madison and Andrew Jack-\\nson is the one always prevailing in National Conventions\\nthe only body having power to settle the question for\\nthe whole party, viz: That the general government is\\none of expressly granted powers, in the exercise of which\\nit is supreme. That these powers, faithfully and vigor-\\nously carried out are necessary to the general welfare of\\nthe whole. That all powers not expressly granted in\\nthe Constitution to the Federal Government, in the lan-\\nguage of that instrument itself, are reserved to the States\\nand to the people.\\nThe Republican party at the time of its organization\\nplanted itself upon this doctrine and in their platform\\nat Chicago, when Abraham Lincoln was first nominated\\nfor President, they passed the following resolution:\\nFour tli. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights\\nof the States, and especially the right of each State to\\norder and control its own domestic institutions accord-\\ning 10 its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that\\nbalance of power on which the perfection and endurance\\nof our political fabric depends and we denounce the law-\\nless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or\\nTerritory, no matter under what pretext, a\u00c2\u00a3 one of the\\ngravest of crimes/\\nSo thoroughly had this Constitutional doctrine en-\\ngrafted itself upon the public mind found utterance in\\nboth of the great political parties, and in their platforms,,\\nthat it ought to have been acquiesced in by all.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "116 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nThe National Democratic party still adheres to that\\nidea. It is unalterably fixed in its creed but it has not\\nappeared in the Republican party platform from that\\ntime to the present, while the Democracy have reaf-\\nfirmed the same upon every occasion. Ever since the\\ndays of Jackson s administration has the question of the\\nright of secession been settled, so far as the power of a\\nnational party convention could settle it. No matter\\nwhat individual members of the party may have said no\\nmatter what State and District Conventions may have\\ndeclared on the subject, the National Convention only\\nof a national party, can -finally settle national questions;\\nand, therefore, no matter how frothy orators may ,f fret\\nand fume, and tear passion into tatters over a seces-\\nsion Democracy, the record proves that the right of se-\\ncession never was the doctrine of the National Demo-\\ncratic party.\\nThe Republican party has frequently announced that\\nour Government was not a league, but a nation; but no\\ntrue Jackson Democrat ever disputed that proposition as\\nhe understands it. Jackson, in his immortal proclama-\\ntion, said\\nThe Constitution of the United States, then, forms\\na government, not a league; whether it be formed by\\ncompact between the States or otherwise, or in any other\\nmanner, its character is the same. It is a government in\\nwhich the people are represented, whi ch operates directly\\non the people individually, not upon the States they\\nretain all the power they did not grant. But each State\\nhaving expressly parted with so many powers as to con-\\nstitute jointly with the other States, a single nation can-\\nnot from that period possess any right to secede, because\\nsuch secession does not break a league, but destroys the\\nunity of the nation; and any injury to that unity is net", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 117\\nonly a breach which would result from the contravention\\nof a contract but it is an offence against the whole Un-\\nion. To say that any State may at pleasure secede front\\nthe Union, is to say that the United States is not a\\nnation; because it would be a solecism to contend that\\nany part of a nation might dissolve its connection with\\nthe other party, to their injury and ruin, without com-\\nmitting any offence. Secession, like any other revolu-\\ntionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity of\\noppression; but to call it a Constitutional right is con-\\nfounding the meaning of terms, and can only be done\\nthrough gross error, or to deceive those who are willing\\nto assert a right, but would pause before they made a\\nrevolution, or incur the penalties consequent on a\\nfailure.\\nHerein is set forth in the plainest terms the principles\\nadhered to by the great Democratic party of the coun-\\ntry. The Democracy have through all the past through\\nyears of sectional madness and party strife adhered in\\nconscious integrity to those views, that they have been\\ndenounced by enraged sectionalists Xorth and South\\nuntil reason has been again enthroned, and the nation\\ncan see where they have stood all these years.\\nThey constitute the only party which has a record\\nupon this question, dating from its first inception to the\\npresent moment. Democrats opposed the Xew England\\nsecessionists who held the Hartford convention in the\\ninterest of northern nullification and seccession they op-\\nposed the South Carolina nullifiers at a later date, and\\nhave as a great national organization, opposed the doc-\\ntrine at all times, under all circumstances, and against all\\npersons, no matter whether they claimed to be Demo-\\ncrats or not. But it may be said, as it frequently has\\nbeen, unjustly, that when the rebellion was first organ-\\nized, a Democratic administration did not do its duty to", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "118 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nsuppress it. President Buchanan, elected by southern as\\nwell as northern votes, denied the right of secession. He\\nwas a representative Democrat, and he said in his mes-\\nsage of December, i860: This government is a great\\nand powerful government, invested with all the attrib-\\nutes of sovereignty over the subjects to which its author-\\nity extends. Its framers never intended to plant in its\\nbosom the seeds of its own destruction, nor were they\\nguilty of the absurdity of providing for its own dissolu-\\ntion. It was not intended by its framers to be the base-\\nless fabric of a vision, which at the touch of the en-\\nchanter, would vanish in thin air; but a substantial and\\nmighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow 7 decay of time,\\nand defying the storms of ages. In short, let\\nus look the danger fully in the face; secession is neither\\nmore nor less than revolution.\\nThus, it will be seen, that at no time,. even the most crit-\\nical, have true national Democrats either in national con-\\nventions, or by their chief executives ever countenanced\\nsecession. Therefore, a Democrat, as such, subscribes\\nto the soundest plank ever put forth by either party on\\nthe subject of the relation of the Federal to the State\\ngovernments.\\nFanaticism never stops to reason. Driven by honest\\nimpulses, it rushes to its object without regard to obsta-\\ncles. So it was with the secession movement, and so it\\nwas with the political abolitionists of the North. Driven\\non, they ceased not their agitation until the clash of arms\\ncame. Slavery went down, and now it becomes the duty\\nof every patriot to repair the injury done by war, and\\nplace our institutions on a more solid foundation than\\never before. The disturbing cause is removed, and it is\\ntime for sober reflection and intelligent action, so that we", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 119\\nmay preserve intact the government our fathers trans-\\nmitted to us, unimpaired, unchanged, and vigorous as\\nit came from the hands of its founders. To do this, we\\nconscientiously believe, the great Democratic party of\\nthe Union now offers the best means by which this can be\\ndone. It reaches out into every section of this great\\ncountry; it stands united upon these grand principles of\\nfraternal union, upon the basis of the Constitution the\\njust rights of the Federal government undisputedly\\ngranted to it, while the reserved rights of the States are\\nequally preserved to them. It is the only na-\\ntional party that can conciliate angry sections, and make\\nthis country what the sages and heroes of the revolu-\\ntion designed it should be, a sisterhood of States, a land\\nof freedom, a home for the oppressed of all lands.\\nTh\u00c2\u00a3 Right of Coercion. It has been said by some\\nwho have but poorly studied the formation of our gov-\\nernment, that because Democrats opposed coercion\\nbefore the rebellion commenced, that therefore it was a\\ndisloyal party. Andrew Johnson, Senator from Ten-\\nnessee, then applauded for his opinions, and the candi-\\ndate of the Republican party for Vice President in 1864,\\nelected by them, and afterwards President of the United\\nStates, -held these views. He said in the Senate of the\\nUnited States, on December 18, i860: The Federal\\ngovernment has no power to coerce a state, because by\\nthe eleventh amendment of the Constitution of the Uni-\\nted States, it is expressly provided that you cannot even\\nput one of those States before the courts of the country\\nas a party. As a State, the Federal Government has no\\npower to coerce it but each State was a party to the com-\\npact to which it agreed with the other States, and this\\ngovernment has the right to pass laws, and to enforce", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "120 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthose lazes on individuals, and it has the right and power,\\nnot to coerce a State, but to enforce and execute the law\\nupon individuals within the limits of a State.\\nThis was the view held by Hon. John A. Logan, sub-\\nsequently their candidate for Vice President, and by\\nmany other members of the Republican party, and why\\nshould it be strange that Democrats announced those\\ndoctrines\\nThey did not deny the duty and power of the Federal\\nGovernment to enforce its laws at the point of the bayo-\\nnet, if resisted.\\nPresident Buchanan, in his message to Congress, on\\nJanuary 8, A. D. 1861, says:\\nThe dangerous and hostile attitude of the States tow-\\nard each other, has already far transcended and cast in\\nthe shade the ordinary executive duties, already provided\\nfor by law, and has assumed such vast and alarming pro-\\nportions as to place the subject entirely beyond executive\\ncontrol. The fact cannot be disguised that we are in the\\nmidst of a great revolution. In all its various bearings,\\ntherefore, commend the question to Congress, as the\\nonly human tribunal, under Providence, possessing the\\npower to meet the existing emergency. To them, exclu-\\nsively belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize\\nthe employment of the military force, in all cases con-\\ntemplated by the Constitution/\\nCongress might then have taken action. The Repub-\\nlican party had the power in both branches of Congress,\\nby reason of the secession of Southern Senators, who\\nleft the Republicans in control of the Senate, and they\\nhad held the House of Representatives before that event\\noccurred. No person ever doubted the right and duty ot\\nCongress to pass laws to enable the President to defend\\nthe Union against armed rebellion.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 121\\nAt this time the question of coercion had already\\npassed away. Some of the Southern States had already\\nseceded and taken forcible possession of public property,\\nand had, themselves, become the assailants. To this Con-\\ngress the President appealed to decide the question but\\nthough the Republicans were in power in both branches,\\nCongress shrank from its duty. It might have been\\ncommendable had it desired to prevent the effusion of\\nfraternal blood, and restore the Union. Perhaps that\\nwas their object; still the duty of the hour confronted\\nthem and they shrank from it. Had Congress promptly\\npassed the bill to enable the President to call forth the\\nmilitia, or to accept the services of volunteers, as Lincoln\\ndid when Congress was not in session, it might com-\\nplain; but it failed to do so, and is estopped from charg-\\ning others with a want of vigor in this respect.\\nWhy, then, charge Democrats with dereliction of duty,\\nwhen its own chosen party legislative power was then\\nassembled, and failed to do that w r ith which they would\\nnow blame the Democracy! It was his duty to enforce\\nthe laws theirs to pass them! Then how absurd to\\nblame others for that which they were guilty of them-\\nselves.\\nThis, then, is a brief allusion to the subject ot cocer-\\ncion, and the exercise of military power to suppress the\\nrebellion, and there is nothing in it that any Democrat\\nneed blush to acknowledge.\\nThese sound views of the Constitution, and convic-\\ntions of patriotic duty in those trying days of our na-\\ntional peril, should induce men to rally under the flag of\\nDemocracy, and place in power those who have been\\ntrue to the great principles of free institutions, upon\\nwhich our government is founded.", "height": "4431", "width": "2735", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nSOME) cardinal doctrines of democracy the right\\nOF PETITION, PUBLIC MEETINGS, SUPREM-\\nACY OF THE LAW, ETC.\\nThe Right of Petition for a redress of grievances, is a\\nright conceded and sanctioned by Democratic principles.\\nThat this right has been abused is no argument against\\nits proper use. When it is made the means of insulting\\nlegislative bodies, and of consuming much valuable time,\\nand merely for political effect, it is not to be commended.\\nStill it may correct many wrongs, and the foundation\\nupon which the right rests is and must ever remain in-\\nviolate. The people deprived of this right, would im-\\nmediately degrade the real sovereign the people in\\nthe eyes of the servant the representative. It is as\\nnecessary a right as that of free speech or a free press.\\nIt is a privilege, not denied by Deity itself, and is a right\\ninherent in the people, or wherever the relation of in-\\nferior to superior in power exists. How much more\\nproper is it, where the real sovereign has entrusted his\\nauthority, for a brief season, to his chosen representative.\\nTo petition, in the Democratic sense of the word, is,\\nsimply directing those in power, in what their constitu-\\nents conceive to be, the discharge of their duties. When\\nconsidered however, in the light of a possibility, that the\\nservant has taken the oath of office, and his supposed\\nsuperior facility for acquiring necessary information, and\\nhis relations to his oath of office, where required to bind\\nhis conscience as such, it is of doubtful utility. It is", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 123\\nalways commendable when resorted to for a redress of\\ngrievances., and in such instance is, in accordance with\\nthe highest conception of free government. The right\\nof petition here spoken of is, that right of citizens to pe-\\ntition the law-making power for a redress of grievances.\\nIt must not be confounded with that of petitioning, by\\nforce of numbers, to the executive in case of pardons,\\nwhich is, in many instances, rather the subversion of the\\nwholesome execution of the law. So also petitions by\\nthe army are not favored in free governments. So care-\\nfully is this right, and prerogative of the legislator and\\nlegislative bodies guarded, that they must be presented\\nin accordance with the rules of legislative bodies, and\\nwithin the true spirit of the privilege granted. When\\npresented by large bodies, accompanied by physical de-\\nmonstrations, either by crowds, armed or unarmed, in\\nor outside of legislative halls, they partake of the nature\\nof threats and intimidations, and are therefore subver-\\nsive, rather than conducive to the well being of a free\\npeople. In such instances, the demonstration is contrary\\nto Democratic principles. Legislative and deliberative\\nbodies must be perfectly free.\\nDemocrats therefore should discriminate between the\\nuses, and abuses of this right of petition.\\nThis right, when asserted for its rightfully intended\\npurposes, is a right never to be surrendered. The weak-\\nness of men. oftimes induces them to grant their signa-\\ntures to petitions, rather than refuse, and thus this means\\nof informing legislative bodies, is rather calculated to\\nconfuse than to direct. Yet when it is considered, that\\nthis sacred right of the people to petition, can in no event\\ndo harm, especially when directed to a body of men or-\\ndinarily intellingent, and serve, to direct public attention", "height": "4510", "width": "2967", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "124 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nto wrongs and grievances; as well as to support meas-\\nures, and aid public servants in the support of public\\nduties, it becomes a privilege that can by no means be\\ndenied.\\nPublic Meetings and Associations. Democracy\\nfavors public meetings and associations. Closely allied\\nto the right of petition is the right of the citizens peace-\\nably to assemble and petition their public servants for a\\nredress of grievances.\\nThese, too-, may become dangerous, and laws may be\\npassed to direct and control them, without in anyway in-\\nfringing upon these rights. Their danger may be seen\\nin the system of clubs in France during the Revolution.\\nThis right of association is at the foundation of the\\nexistence of political parties the assembling of Conven-\\ntions the conferences of churches and societies for the\\npurpose of mental, physical, social, religious, improve-\\nment, and many other purposes are of this character;\\nand there never was a time when there were so many of\\nthem as now.\\nThe principle of association is higly conducive to free\\ngovernment, and during later years is much resorted to.\\nIt is educative, conservative, and preservative; as a\\nmeans of acquiring political knowledge it is scarcely ex-\\ncelled. It tends towards conservatism in government,\\nbecause all phases of public questions are therein dis-\\ncussed, and it. is preservative of the liberties of the\\npeople, because it gives the people the opportunity to\\nhear and discuss measures designed for their general\\nwelfare.\\nThe Democratic party was the first to break off from\\nthe old system of Congressional nominations for Presi-\\ndent, and to organize a new tribunal a Convention of", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 125\\nthe people to place in nomination candidates, upon this\\nprinciple.\\nThe organization of a National Convention by the\\n.Democracy, led to similar Conventions by all parties,\\nand for all political and civil divisions until no move-\\nment is now carried on successfully unless a meeting of\\nthose who sympathize with each other on public ques-\\ntions or purposes, is first held to proclaim their purposes,\\nand appoint their committees, by w T hich these organiza-\\ntions are perpetuated and made effective. Strike down\\nthis principle, and the American people would soon lose\\nthat self-reliance, energy, and power, necessary to the\\nsuccessful administration of public affairs.\\nIt is the spirit of Democracy itself, exemplified with-\\nout it free government could scarcely exist.\\nThe Supremacy of the Law. Every citizen must\\nbe subject to the law: that is, he must be subject to\\nnothing else than the law. All exercise of arbitrary or\\nmob law is contrary to Democratic principles. The law\\nmust be the only and universal rule of conduct, to which\\nall must bow with equal and proper submission. It must\\nnot be an ex post facto law, but published to the world.\\nAll must have an opportunity to obey it, and, conse-\\nquently, must be presumed to have knowledge of it\\nthat is, the law must be made before the case arises to\\nwhich it is applied. Fairness demands this. There\\nmust be no extraordinary courts or government com-\\nmissions organized for special cases, or to benefit special\\nparties.\\nThere can be no mere proclamations by executive of-\\nficers dictations from mobs, or from any people who\\nclaim to be alone the people, except in their legally or-\\nganized capacity.", "height": "4510", "width": "3031", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "126 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nMartial law can, therefore, not be declared, and cit-\\nizens subiected to military duty, unless actually in the\\nmilitary service, tried for alleged offenses, by virtue of\\nsuch proclamations, declarations, or orders, except in\\ncases where rebellion exists.\\nIt is sometimes said this can be done zvhen rebellion\\nexists but according to the Democratic interpretation of\\nthe provision, and Democratic principles, martial law\\ncan only be property and justly reclared zuhere rebellion\\nexists, and the civil courts closed.\\nWhen the courts are open, and offenders can be tried\\nin the usual way according to the forms of the civil law,\\nthere can be no necessity for military courts.\\nThis principle involves the suspension of the great\\nwrit of Habeas Corpus, and on this point the Constitu-\\ntion of the United States declares that the privilege of\\nthe writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, un-\\nless, when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public\\nsafety may require it.\\nThe adverb zvhen is here vised as to time, instead of\\nwhere, as to place; however, as it is qualified by when\\nthe public safety requires it and being reasonable to\\nsuppose that public safety would not require such ex-\\ntreme measures in all parts of the country at the same\\ntime, where the courts are open and prepared to execute\\nlaw by the usual civil processes, the practice has been in\\nconformity to the rule here laid down, to suspend the\\nwrit only in such districts of the country, as was required\\n4 .o subserve the public welfare.\\nIt may be said that even this provision of the Consti-\\ntution authorizes arbitrary proceedings, and may be in\\nviolation of a Democratic principle but it must be re-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 127\\nmembered that another principle here comes to the relief\\nof freemen.\\nDr. Francis Leiber, in his work on Civil Liberty, says\\nthat the principle of the Supremacy of the Law/ leads\\nto a principle that has never been attempted to be trans-\\nplanted from soil inhabited by Anglican people, but has\\nbeen in our system of a thorough government of law,\\nas distinguished from a government of functionaries/\\nand that is this Ever}* officer, high or low, remains per-\\nsonally answerable to the person affected, for the legality\\nof the acts he executes, no matter whether his lawful su-\\nperior orders it or not. If it be illegal, the person -who\\nexecutes it remains responsible for the act, although the\\nPresident or king should have ordered it or the offend-\\ning person be a soldier obeying his commander.\\nThis is a stern laWj but a sacred Democratic principle.\\nA strict government of law cannot dispense with it, and it\\nhas worked well. It secures to the fullest extent the\\nrights of the citizen.\\nThe Military Subservient to the Civie Law.\\nGovernments have it in their power to worry people into\\nsubmission when the rights of the private citizen is con-\\ncerned. One of the means resorted to has been, that of\\nquartering soldiers upon disaffected or obnoxious cit-\\nizens. To guard the citizen against a violation of his\\nrights to a peaceable and quiet home, the following limi-\\ntation upon government, has been placed in the Consti-\\ntution of the United States providing that no soldier\\nshall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house with-\\nout the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in\\na manner prescribed by law.\\nThis safeguard, although justly pointd out, is but a\\npart of the more general one, that the military power of", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "328 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\na state must be submissive to the civil authorities. It\\nis a Democratic principle, to jealously guard the rights\\nof the people against the usurpations of the military\\nauthorities. Ever since free governments have had an\\nexistence, it has been found necessary, in various ways,\\nto prevent the army from becoming independent of the\\nlegislative authority. There is no liberty, for one who\\nhas been educated in the Democratic school, where there\\nis not a perfect submission of the army to the legislature\\nof the people. For these purposes appropriations are\\nmade for the army, for only brief periods. The legis-\\nlature the popular branch thereof, especially, must\\nhave control of the purse of the nation. In no case\\nmust they hold the sword of a people, also control their\\ntreasury. The Constitution of the United States, it is\\ntrue, makes the President Commander in Chief of the\\narmy and navy, but he cannot enlist a man, or pay a\\nsoldier unless in pursuance of law and his attempt to do\\nso, would subject him to impeachment by the representa-\\ntives of the people, and removal from office by the Sen-\\nate. The importance of this principle, the dependence\\nof the army upon the civil power, cannot be too strongly\\nimpressed upon the people. It was one of the griev-\\nances alleged against the British Crown in the Declara-\\ntion of Independence, that it had attempted to render\\nthe military independent of and superior to, the civil\\npower. Standing armies are always dangerous to civil\\nliberty, because usually depending upon executive power.\\nThey infuse into a whole nation a spirit directly opposite\\nto the general spirit of a free people devoted to self-\\ngovernment.\\nA nation of freemen should stand committed to obedi-\\nence to law an armv teaches obedience to orders. Self", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 129\\nsustaining law and order ought to pervade a free people\\nsimple command rules the army. It makes no difference\\nwhether an army is Democratic or not. The danger\\nis only so much greater, when the army is a part of\\nthe people. No better illustrations can be found of this\\ndanger than in the past history of France. The prin-\\nciple of entire submission of the army to the civil power,\\nis one that should never be lost sight of by a Democratic\\nfree people.\\nThe War Power. Democracy teaches that the power\\nto declare was must, like the power to raise revenue, re-\\nmain with the immediate representative of the people.\\nThe executive pow T er would be a dangerous repository of\\nthis power. If the funds of the people should be alone\\ncontrolled by them how much more should the power\\nover their lives and money be retained.\\nThe people cannot be said to be free when this power\\nis surrendered by them, into other than their own hands,\\nThey must fight their own battles they must furnish the\\nmeans to carry on the war; and they alone should have\\nthe authority to commence hostilities.\\nWhen the executive power has not only the nominal,\\nbut the real power of declaring war, says Dr. Leiber,\\nwe cannot speak of civil liberty or self-government\\nfor that which most essentially affects the people in all\\ntheir relations, is in that case beyond their control.\\nLiberty of Conscience. Liberty of Conscience the\\nright to worship as man pleases is a fundamental Dem-\\nocratic principle. No system of liberty is perfect with-\\nout this right. Church and state in a system of Democra-\\ntic free government are entirely separate. This principle\\nforbids civil government from founding or endowing\\nchurches, or demanding a religious qualification for office\\n10", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "130 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nunder such government. It is not hostile to religion;\\nbut if one sect, or denomination, or church, could be up-\\nheld, another could be persecuted or destroyed. No\\nworship can be interfered with, and none can be estab-\\nlished by law. Calamitous consequences might easily\\nfollow, if this right were not strictly maintained.\\nPERSONAL LIBERTY PRIVATE PROPERTY FREE COM-\\nMUNICATIONS\\nIt is impossible to imagine liberty in all its fullness,\\nif the people are not entirely independent. They must\\nnot be coerced into measures by executive or military\\npower. Their agents must be free from arrests while\\nin attendance upon legislative assemblies. No influence\\nfrom without, must be admitted into their councils. The\\nlegislative power must not be dictated to by any power.\\nWe must allow no entangling alliances with foreign na-\\ntions, whereby they may dictate the laws of our own land.\\nIndividual liberty requires strong guarantees.\\nThat the individual must have guarantees aga A nst the\\nrepository of power, is one of the elementary principles\\nof Democracy. Thus it is, that we have the maxims,\\nEvery man s house is his castle, general warrants\\nshall not be issued/ and the writ of habeas corpus shall\\nnot be suspended/ and etc.\\nEvery man s house is his castle. No one can enter\\nthe same save by the writs of the law. A writer once\\nsaid, It may be a straw built hut the wind may whistle\\naround it the rain may enter it but even the king, the\\ngovernment may not.\\nIt is a bold declaration against a mere police govern-\\nment and an acknowledgment of individual security,", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 131\\nas opposed to governmental power, which dignifies this\\nguarantee.\\nNo general warrants shall issue. The Constitution\\ndeclares no warrants shall issue but upon probable\\ncause supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly\\ndescribing the place to be searched and the person or\\nthings to be seized/ This directly opposes police\\nsearches and seizures, which must be done only in pur-\\nsuance of particular warrants.\\nAgain, the great writ of habeas corpus secures the\\ncitizen against unjust imprisonment, and long delay of\\ntrial. At the demand of the accused he must be im-\\nmediately brought before a court, who may liberate him,\\nadmit him to bail, or remand him upon the proper show-\\ning being made. It allows of no administrative ar-\\nrests. It proclaims against the arrest of political sus-\\npects. It demands a speedy trial. These are funda-\\nmental Democratic principles, and principles potent as\\nguarantees of personal liberty.\\nExcessive bail shall not be required. A man is held\\nto be innocent until he is proved guilty. If judges could\\ndemand exorbitant bail, they might defeat this whole-\\nsome principle.\\nIt should be noted, that trials by impeachment, are not\\ntrials for treason. Impeachment is a trial for political\\nincapacity, hence by the Senate generally, upon present-\\nment by the House of Representatives.\\nA well secured penal trial protection to indicted per-\\nsons certainty of defense a distinct indictment charg-\\ning a distinct act, which it is the duty of the government\\nto prove, and not the duty of the prisoner to prove his\\ninnocence; the fairness of the trial of the prisoner, by a", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "132 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\njury of his peers, according to the usual sound rules of\\nevidence the publicity of the trial by accusatorial not\\ninquisitorial process of trials certainty of the law\\nspeedy, impartial and absolute verdicts, are safeguards\\nof personal liberty.\\nThe reason for these rules is obvious. The party ac-\\ncused forms one party; society,-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the State, the govern-\\nment, forms the other. It is clear that unless very strong,\\ndistinct guarantees of protection are afforded, that the\\naccused has a fair and impartial trial by jury, that noth-\\ning be adjudged against him but what the law already de-\\nmands, there can be no security against oppression.\\nGovernment being the custodian of power, and power\\nbeing always desirous of carrying its point the desire\\nincreasing in intensity as difficulties are in its way there\\nis no better security than that which places the whole\\nburden upon the accusing party.\\nDemocracy is so jealous of the personal liberty of the\\nindividual, that it demands these securities against\\narbitrary power.\\nDemocratic principles demand that there be no such\\na thing as a political offence.\\nIt follows that a well regulated penal trial must be had\\nthe individual being placed opposite to public power\\na carefully organized trial for treason, well defined, is\\nabsolutely necessary. There the rule changes. Govern-\\nment is no longer the accusing power in theory, but is the\\noffending power; but endowed with the force of the\\ngovernment -o annoy, persecute, and crush the citizen;\\nhence it is that in the United States, (and we believe\\nall the States,) treason against the Government is clearly\\ndefined in the Constitution itself.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 133\\nThe Constitution of the United States declares\\ni. Treason against the United States shall consist\\nonly in levying war against them, or adhering to their\\nenemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall\\nbe convicted of treason unless upon the testimony of two\\nwitnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open\\ncourt.\\n2. Congress shall have power to declare the pun-\\nishment for treason; hut no attainder of treason shall\\nwork corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during\\nthe life of the person attainted/\\nTo repeat, therefore, the principles governing the\\nliberty of the citizen in this respect, we formulate them\\nas follows:\\n1. The indictment must be clear as to facts and\\ntime when the offence has been committed.\\n2. The accused must have, after indictment, a suf-\\nficient time before the trial, so as to be able to prepare\\nfor it.\\nHe must have a list of witnesses against him a certain\\ntime beforehand.\\n3. Counsel must be allowed to the accused as a\\nmatter of course; peers of the accused must be the\\njudges, and, consequently, must not be asked before-\\nhand, what the result will be.\\nPerfect publicity must be obtained from beginning to\\nend.\\n4. Hearsay must be excluded from the trial; con-\\nfession must be free and in open court; there must be no\\nphysical torture or coercion; and there must be good\\nwitnesses, and the judges must not depend upon execu-\\ntive power. No evidence must be admitted in criminal", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "134 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthat is not admitted upon other trials there must be no\\nconstructive treason, and the courts must not be politi-\\ncal bodies.\\nAll these guarantees are secured either by Constitu-\\ntional or statutory law.\\nThe Democratic party has ever prided itself upon\\nfavoring the largest amount of liberty of the citizen con-\\nsistent with public order; and of shielding to the fullest\\npossible extent the personal liberty of the citizen hence\\nthese well established rules regulating his personal and\\npolitical liberty are fundamental doctrines of the Dem-\\nocratic party, and -should be implicitly adhered to under\\nall circumstances.\\nThe Security of Private Property. Democracy\\ndemands the strongest guarantees to be thrown around\\nprivate property.\\nIt shall not be taken for public use, except that full\\ncompensation be first made.\\nIt includes the unrestrained right of producing and\\nexchanging the same. It prohibits the unfair use of the\\ntariff by monopolies, and promotes entire commercial\\nfreedom. It demands that it be not taken without the\\nconsent of the owner and, even, when it concedes the\\nright of Government to take a portion, by the way of tax-\\nation, it demands that no more be taken even for that\\npurpose, than precisely sufficient to meet the necessities\\nof Government, and that it be equally assessed upon all\\nalike.\\nThis principle goes so far as even not to permit it to\\nbe taken in the shape of a punishment for crime and\\nforbids its forfeiture beyond the life of the person who\\nhas been, himself, found guilty of treason.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 135\\nWe may here say that a person may deprive himself\\nliberty, or the liberty to use this property during his\\nlifetime, because of a conviction of crime: but it would\\nbe unjust to punish his heirs for his own crime; and,\\nhence cannot be confiscated beyond the period of his\\nown life, for his own misdeeds.\\nThis principle also forbids even the supreme power\\nof a State, from passing any law impairing the validity\\nof contracts already made.\\nAll these rights and privileges are founded upon cor-\\nrect Democratic principles condemnation of monopolies\\nfreedom in trading freedom of home-production free-\\ndom in the exchange of commodities possession of prop-\\nerty taxation; confiscation; each and every one of these\\nhas a long history full of struggles against error and\\nernmental interference, far too long to be here in-\\nserted, and can be only hinted at in a work so limited as\\nthis is intended to be yet each and every one is founded\\nupon Democratic principles, and can in no way be violat-\\ned without trenching upon the liberties of the people, in\\na free Democratic government. Repudiation of public\\ndebts is not a Democratic principle it is a serious wrong,\\nwhich no States, county, or municipality can indulge in\\nwithout doing violence to Democratic principles.\\nPublic Funds.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Democracv favors the keeping of\\npublic funds under the direct control of the law-making\\npower, notably under the more immediate control of the\\npopular branch of legislative assemblies.\\nIt has almost become a sort of common law where it\\nhas not been made a Constitutional provision, that rev-\\nenue bills and appropriations of public funds, should\\noriginate in the popular branch of assemblies. In the", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "136 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nEnglish parliament, so jealous are the Commons of this,\\ntheir right, that they will not permit the House of Lords\\nto even propose amendments to such bills.\\nIf this power were left to the executive will, soon\\npublic liberty would have an end. It would be highly\\nun-Democratic to withold necessary public supplies\\nbut it is the high prerogative of the people to tax them-\\nselves, and to tax no people without their consent.\\nDemocracy requires taxation and representation to go\\nhand in hand. Specific purposes must be announced when\\ntaxes are to be levied, and applied to such purposes and\\nno other; specific appropriations made for specific pur-\\nposes, and used for such purposes only.\\nDemocracy cannot consent that any power other than\\nthe people, through their immediate representatives,\\nshall transfer public funds from one to another and a\\ndifferent purpose.*\\nFurthermore, Democracy denies to the executive the\\npower to exceed in expenditure the several amounts ap-\\npropriated for certain purposes.\\nIt is a vital principle of Democracy, that the purse\\nstrings remain m the hands of the popular branch of the\\nlegislature; and that the taxing and expending power\\nbe in all cases left with the immediate representatives of\\nthe people.\\nPublicity of Public Business. Democracy favors\\npublic business to be transacted in a public manner. The\\npublication of public accounts, and of the votes of public\\nservants. It holds in detestation star chamber proceed-\\nings, and inquisitions. It denounces secret political\\nNo taxes shall be levied except In pursuance 3f law, to which\\npurpose only it shall be applied.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 137\\nparties. It demands the publication of all public proceed-\\nings, and favors the open discussion of public questions.\\nThe public discussion of great questions in public\\njournals is one* great means of disseminating truths, yet\\noral discussions, before judges and juries, and in public\\nassemblies are even more important, and promotive of\\npublic liberty. Democracy favors publicity to the fullest\\nextent, of all transactions in public business. It tends to\\npurity in the administration of public affairs, honesty in\\nthe disbursement of public funds preserves and pro-\\nmotes public economy, and guards the public against\\nmany frauds and peculations that otherwise could not\\nwell be avoided. Publicity informs, teaches, educates.\\nIt is promotive of patriotism it sounds the alarm bell in\\nseasons of public danger. It is conducive to eloquence;\\nit prepares the citizen for public duties it is, it^ short, the\\nlife blood of public liberty, and a leading principle of the\\nAmerican Democracy.\\nFreedom of Elections. The Democratic principle\\nrequires absolute freedom of the citizen in casting his\\nballot. On election day he is a sovereign. Though still\\namenable to the laws, he is free from arrest in going to\\nand from the polls.\\nThe executive power should have no authority over\\nelections. The electors, themselves, should have charge\\nof their own elections.\\nThey must be absolutely free from military control.\\nNo troops must be allozved to be stationed near the place\\nwhere elections arc held, to overawe the voters.\\nThe principle of permitting executive officers to ap-\\npoint managers for elections is un-Democratic, and tends\\nto a subversion of the free elective principle but if it\\nbe done, the minority should always be represented on", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "138 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthe boards, receiving and counting the ballots. No in-\\ntimidation of voters should be permitted.\\nCorruption at the polls is one of the most dangerous\\npractices, and is evidence of decay in free government.\\nThe unbought, unawed, and absolute judgment of the\\nvoter should alone find a lodgment in the ballot-box.\\nWhen the citizen will sell this his dearest birthright\\nfor money, or anything of value, it should be so heinous\\na crime as to prevent him ever afterwards from exercis-\\ning the right.\\nAnother principle is, that the legislative body shall\\nalone be the judges of the election, and qualification of\\nits members.\\nThe executive should have no control, whatever, in\\ndetermining the election of members.\\nSo too, when elections have been free, so should the\\nrepresentatives of the people be free when met to legis-\\nlate. They must be free to adopt their own rules of\\nproceeding. They must not be questioned for any\\nspeech or debate uttered, while in session. They, too,\\nmust be free from arrest while in attendance upon their\\nsessions. All must be upon a perfect equality. One\\nmust have precisely the right of each and every other\\nmember.\\nThere can be no inequality among members, save that\\nwhich ability and industry will produce. Frequent re-\\nturn and election of members is another vital principle\\nof Democracy. A wholesome fear of constituents to whom\\nthey must return for a fresh lease of power, has a re-\\nstraining and energizing influence upon representatives\\nand Democracy for these reasons favors a frequent re-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 139\\nturn of power to the people, the source of all political\\npower and authority.\\nLocomotion, Communion and Emigration. The\\nfreedom of communion is a precious principle of De-\\nmocracy of free government.\\nIt should be remembered that the Constitution of the\\nUnited States is made up of grants of power. When a\\npower is not expressly granted, it is reserved to the\\nStates or the people.\\nIt is one of the most precious of all individual rights.\\nIt is one of those elements of liberty that has, in Amer-\\nican institutions, not been even mentioned, because sup-\\nposed to be unquestioned.\\nIt is singled out here because under other than Demo-\\ncratic institutions, it has been among the very first to be\\nviolated It has been one of the first rights se-\\ncured when an un-free people declared themselves free\\nthe right to go where they please.\\nFree communication is an element of civil liberty\\nno one is truly free, if his right to go where he pleases\\nis interrupted or submitted to surveillance. Equal with\\nthis right is that of free speech.\\nFree or Democratic nations demand the right to free\\ncommunion, free speech, the right to free public assem-\\nblies, and the right to speak publicly of whatever con-\\ncerns the public good, and also the right and sacredness\\nof free epistolary correspondence.\\nWhen the Constitution of the United States was first\\nframed, these rights had not been enumerated but upon\\nfurther reflection, these rights were guaranteed by way\\nof amendments.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "140 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nLiberty of conscience, of free communion, of assem-\\nbling and petitioning Government for a redress of griev-\\nances, belong to this class, and the Democratic right to\\nthese privileges is held to be sacred and well guarded in\\nall our Constitutions.\\nThe Constitution expressly declares that Congress\\nshall pass no law respecting an establishment of relig-\\nion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridg-\\ning the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of\\nthe people peaceably to assemble and to petition the Gov-\\nernment for a redress of grievances.\\nWhen all these sacred rights of the citizen have not\\nbeen rigidly retained in the bill of rights, or in the sev-\\neral Constitutions, still the courts have decided that\\nAmerican citizens expressly possess them. It is as if\\nthe nation said, we possess these rights, let the Govern-\\nment dare to take them away.\\nWe have mentioned already the right of freedom in\\nepistolary communion. This is, unquestionably one of\\nthe dearest, as well as most necessary rights to civilized\\nman and yet it was not mentioned by the founders of\\nour Government in our so-called bill of rights probably\\nso, because they were so little acquainted with a police\\ngovernment.\\nThe liberty of free correspondence should stand be-\\ntween free speech and a free press free speech free\\nletters a free press. The sacredness of free letters ap-\\npears the more important, because in almost every civ-\\nilized country the Government is the only carrier of let-\\nters, and forbids individuals or corporations from carry-\\ning sealed letters. So soon, therefore, as a letter is de-\\nlivered to the custody of Government, it has obligated", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 141\\nitself to deliver it to the party, and good faith and hon-\\norable dealing demands, that it be delivered in good\\nfaith to the party intended, free from spies and inform-\\ners, from whatever source they come.\\nSo sacred is this right, that in the United States, it is\\nsaid, there is not known any means not even a writ\\nfrom a court by which a letter can be extracted from the\\nmails and read, except by him to whom it is addressed.\\nThese are all Democratic principles, intended for the\\nmost complete liberty and protection of the citizen\\nagainst the powers of Government, even when of the\\nclass denominated free Governments. These are rights\\nreserved to the people, and so sacred in their eyes, that\\neven a majority, however legally organized otherwise,\\nhave no right to deprive any one of them.\\nSumptuary Laws. The Democracy are opposed to\\nSumptuary laws, which means that class of laws in-\\ntended to regulate the expenses, the food, raiment, and\\nhabits of the private citizen. It protects the citizen\\nagainst the invasion of these rights, by his fellow men.\\n*o long as he does not thereby invade theirs. This prin-\\nciple is based upon that which God has recognized in\\ncreating man a free moral agent, to do whatsoever may\\nseem. good to him, yet holding him accountable for any\\nabuse of the exercise of his free moral agency.\\nHe punishes man for every violation of His laws,\\nwhether moral or physical, not only in his moral gov-\\nernment, but the law of man s very being. If, by intem-\\nperance in the use of anything, he violates the laws gov-\\nerning his body, disease and death is the result so also\\nshould the laws of man be framed to set before him the\\nsame incentives to be temperate in all things, in which his", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "142 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nfellow-man is interested. While it gives to the citizen\\nperfect liberty, it holds him accountable for violating any\\nof the rights of his fellow-men. He may eat, and drink,\\nand wear, and use whatever he chooses, but if thereby\\nhe takes from them, their families, or from his own fam-\\nily, or children, anything which belongs to them in com-\\nmon with himself, it may be recovered back and so it\\nmay be from any who knowingly aids him in doing it.\\nCommunities are entitled to the peaceful enjoyment\\nof their civil rights. Churches, and meetings of a pub-\\nlic or private nature, are protected by the exercise of this\\nsame principle, and so are families. Each and all have\\nthe right to enjoy their homes, their churches, and their\\nassemblies, and when any one, through intemperance in\\nfood, drink, or conduct, or in any manner whatever, in-\\nterferes with the proper and just exercise of those rights\\nand privileges, whereby they are injured, the laws should\\nand do take hold upon him, and restrain him, by penal-\\nties, even to the infliction of imprisonment, from inter-\\nfering with those rights, alike the common heritage of\\nall and compel him to yield obedience to such whole-\\nsome regulations as are best calculated to promote\\nthe general welfare.\\nWhile, therefore, a majority cannot restrain the cit-\\nizen in the enjoyment of his personal liberties, he is re-\\nstrained through means of legal enactments from injur-\\ning any one else by the exercise of them. Thus it is,\\nthat poisons, and the means of taking life are sold for\\nlawful purposes and the citizen can purchase them for\\nproper uses, and when obtained may take his own life\\ntherewith but cannot be sold to him when it is known\\nto the vendor that the purchaser intends to thus destroy", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 143\\nhimself, or even attempt to do himself an injury. The\\nperson may attempt or even take his own life, and for\\nneither can he be punished, or forfeits collected from his\\nestate but no person can aid him without becoming\\namenable to the penalties of the law.\\nDemocracy favors legislation, therefore, to protect so-\\nciety in all its rights, while it leaves the individual free\\nto exercise his own, so long as he does not trample upon\\nthe rights of others, which are as sacred in the eyes of\\nthe law as his own are to him.\\nIt is liberty regulated by law. It is the exemplifica-\\ntion of f ree- speech, free letters, a free press, a free table,\\na free home, a free family, a free person, but in the ex-\\nercise and enjoyment of any of those rights he cannot in-\\njure the very least of one of those associated with him,\\nor who are dependent upon him, in the enjoyment of\\ntheir rights, without incurring the penalties prescribed\\nfor the protection of all alike. Sumptuary laws, there-\\nfore, are subject to these sound principles, while in no\\nsense do the proper exercise of moral principles come in\\ncontact with them. Believing in the largest amount of\\nliberty to the citizen, consistent with public order, men\\nare Democrats because opposed to sumptuary laws.\\nA Tariff for Revenue. The question of how to\\nraise revenues with which to support the General Gov-\\nernment, has been a question which has long been dis-\\ncussed between political parties.\\nThere has always been a party in favor of special pro-\\ntection to American manufactures, by specific duties on\\nimported articles, whether the necessities of the Govern-\\nment required much or but little revenue. Protection\\nfor the sake of protection is their fundamental idea", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "144 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nwhile, upon the other hand there has always existed a\\nstrong element in favor of free trade, the latter vary-\\ning from a tariff for revenue,, which is far less objection-\\nable to the other class, than that of absolute free trade,\\nand direct taxation.\\nThe Democracy have always favored a tariff for rev-\\nenue, so levied, as Jackson stated the proposition, in\\na spirit of equity, caution and compromise, so that the\\ngreat interests of agriculture, manufactures, and com-\\nmerce will be equally favored.\\nThe doctrine promulgated by the Democracy, and\\nagain and again affirmed by their National Conventions,\\nis that as already stated, a tariff for revenue and not pro-\\ntection.\\nThe Democracy believe that, as a Constitutional prin-\\nciple, the General Government has no power to collect\\nmore revenue than just enough to meet its lawful ex-\\npenditures just enough to carry out the enumerated\\npowers granted to it in the Constitution.\\nThey regard the collection of any greater sum as a\\nsystem not only unconstitutional, but unjust, unequal,\\nand if persisted in, leading to corruption and ultimate\\nruin of the best interests of the country, by stimulating\\nin these later years the organization of trusts and mo-\\nnopolies, features always opposed by Democrats.\\nThe necessities of the Government, for large revenues,\\nin order to meet the ordinary expenses of the Govern-\\nment and, in addition to that, the interest upon the pub-\\nlic debt, and a portion of the debt itself each year, has\\ncaused the people to submit to a higher tariff than they\\nwould have done were the circumstances otherwise but\\nwhatever these necessities may be, Democrats do not, as", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 145\\n-a party believe in what is called a protective tariff\\nor in raising any more money than is absolutely neces-\\nsary to meet the expenditures of the Government,\\nPresident Jackson, in his farewell address, has- set\\nforth the views of the Democracy on this subject, per-\\nhaps in the most forcible manner in which they can be\\npresented, upon the various phases which the question\\nmay assume.\\nWhen the public debt, resultant of the war of A. D.\\n1812, had been almost paid, and a surplus was about to\\naccumulate in the national treasury,, he advised the peo-\\nple that the design to collect an extravagant revenue,\\nand to burden the people with taxes beyond the eco-\\nnomical wants of the government, had not been aban-\\ndoned.\\nThe various interests, he said, would combine together\\nto impose a heavy tariff, and produce an overflowing\\ntreasury, and these elements were too strong, and had\\ntoo much at stake, to surrender the contest; and the\\nhistory of tariff legislation from that day to- this, verifies\\nhis predictions.\\nThe great corporations which have grown up, and the\\nwealthy individuals engaged in manufacturing establish-\\nments, desire a high tariff in order to increase their gains,\\nunder the plausible pretext that they desire it in order to\\npay their working men better wages. Designing poli-\\nticians support it to conciliate their favor, and advocate\\nprofuse expenditures for the purpose of purchasing in-\\nfluence in other quarters.\\nWhen driven from the policy of making immense pub-\\nlic internal improvements, they sheltered themselves\\nunder the plea of dividing the surplus revenue thus\\n11", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "146 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nraised among the States, as another means to induce Con-\\ngress to continue the policy of protective tariffs.\\nThe Democracy believe that the only safe principle is\\nto levy a tariff only for purposes of revenue and confine\\nthe Government rigidly within the sphere of its appro-\\npriate duties. They insist that it has no power to raise\\nmore revenue, or to impose any tax, except for the pur-\\nposes enumerated and that if its income is found to ex-\\nceed these wants, it must be reduced, and the burdens of\\nthe people so far lightened.\\nThe revenue, no matter how raised, unless it be by di-\\nrect taxation upon incomes, must be drawn from the\\npockets of the people from the farmer, the mechanic,\\nand the laboring classes of the country the consuming\\nclass.\\nThe excess not required, cannot be returned to them\\nin any possible way the class who most need it, and\\nwho are justly entitled to it. It is therefore, a species of\\nlegal robbery a forced loan never to be repaid not for\\nthe purpose of defending the life of the nation but to un-\\nduly stimulate the production of manufactured articles\\nbeyond the necessities of the hour, that a privileged few\\nmay reap its benefits, and accumulate more than their just\\nshare of the wealth of the country.\\nThey believe that this unnatural stimulation itself, will,\\nif overproduction be the result, finally lead to greater\\nembarrassments than if left to regulate itself by the or-\\ndinary laws of supply and demand. An effort has been\\nmade to show that by pushing into the markets of the\\nworld, our sales could be so greatly increased, as to turn\\nthe balance of trade largely in favor of the United States,\\nthus richly repay America by supplying the world with", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 147\\nour wares. The answer to this is, that there is a limit\\nto these bright anticipations, on account of retaliatory\\nmeasures by foreign nations when unduly pressed as in\\nthe case of our tariff troubles with Germany, on account\\nof the American Hog and cattle trade. Then, again,\\nin case of wars among foreign nations and other causes\\nby reflex influences, upon our industrial enterprises\\nmight, in the end produce greater depressions in business,\\non a larger scale, than on account of over-production\\nin our own land. Time alone can demonstrate the re-\\nsults upon our business in general.\\nRichard Cobden, laid down the cardinal principle of a\\ntariff incorporated in financial legislation, as follows\\nTaxes, when necessary, must be laid for revenue\\nalone, and in their remission of those to be remitted the\\ninterests of the consumers are paramount, and must be\\nconsulted; no taxes should be levied exclusively in the\\nsupposed interests of producers or manufacturers they\\nhave no right to enjoy this immunity because in the\\nminority.\\nIn this country, the agricultural class is by far the\\nmost numerous, and no legislation is asked to protect\\nthem. All they want is a market the world over,, to sell\\ntheir productions but the manufacturer wants his pro-\\nductions protected, so thatihecan sell at the highest prices,\\nby excluding competition. If the principle were sound,\\nit would apply with equal force to our inter-State com-\\nmerce, whereas it has been entirely excluded. Hence to\\naid manufacturers, both agriculture and commerce are\\ninjured, which is not in accordance with sound princi-\\nples, because in a great agricultural country like this, the\\nprinciple announced by Jefferson the encouragement\\nof agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid are", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "148 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nconducive of the greatest good to the greatest number,\\nand of vastly more importance to the country at large,\\nthan the mere development of a comparatively small class\\nof manufacturing interests. Rather should all these\\ngreat interests be considered as Jackson declared^ and\\nthese be left free and unfettered, that commerce may\\nflow into those natural channels in which individual en-\\nterprise may direct it, which is always the safest guide.\\nThese reasons, founded upon the Constitution, and re-\\nsulting in the greatest good to the greatest number, have\\ninduced men to favor a tariff for revenue, and not only\\nfor the sake of protection. They believe that where so\\nlarge an amount of revenue is needed to supply the ne-\\ncessities of our government, that sufficient protection is\\nafforded, incidentally, without legislating purely in the\\ninterest of classes, thereby aiding in fostering monopo-\\nlies the bane of free governments, which will be ena-\\nbled thereby to enrich themselves beyond measure, by the\\nadditional profits wrung from consumers, who ultimately\\nare compelled to pay, not only the tariff thereon or\\nrather the enhanced price by reason of the tariff, but the\\nadditional profits thereon by reason of the enhanced\\nprice. For these, and many more reasons, Democrats\\nare opposed to a high protective tariff as by specific du-\\nties upon imports.\\nSectional Parties. The Democracy regard sec-\\ntional parties as one of the greatest evils that could arise,\\nhas arisen in this country. President Jackson said, in\\nhis farewell address, the evil is sufficiently apparent to\\nawaken the deepest anxiety in the bosom of everv pa-\\ntriot.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 149\\nAnd although we have had a civil war, in consequence\\nof sectional strife and although we have come out of that\\nterrible ordeal with a united country, as far as mere ter-\\nritory is concerned, and would seem to be drifting\\nback into the haven of rest, under the protection of our\\ncommon Constitution, still the angry waves of sectional\\nstrife are not yet entirely allayed, and at every repeated\\nPresidential election the strife is seemingly renewed.\\nWhile we may not see systematic efforts made to sow\\nthe seeds of discord between the sections, we do see such\\nefforts made to keep once-existing discord alive. We\\nsee a party, which should be national, and magnanimous,\\nasserting its superior loyalty, intelligence and patriot-\\nism, as entitling it to rule, to the exclusion of all other\\nsections or parties, unless they bow to their peculiar no-\\ntions, as to what legislation should be passed, and by\\nwhom the laws should be administered. This attitude\\nin the North is calculated to create a corresponding solid-\\nity in the South.\\nIt prevents them from differing upon matters of in-\\nternal policy, upon questions of revenue and tariffs; and\\nit will do so, as long as there is a party,, sectional in its\\nnature, which asserts its right to rule the other section\\nby sheer force of power or of numbers.\\nAppeals are thus constantly being made in the North\\nto sectional prejudice, and to force into the controversy\\nmatters calculated to stir up mutual hatred and strife.\\nThe Chief Magistrate, it is urged, should be elected, not\\nalone from one section of the Union, but that he must be\\none who has shown, not the greatest devotion to the\\nUnion, and the Constitution the common heritage of all\\nbut the greatest loyalty to that one party, always in an-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "150 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\ntagonism to the other section, though the occasion for\\nstrife has long since passed away, as if it were desired\\nthat he should favor a particular part of the country\\nmore than he favored the whole, or to administer the laws\\nimpartially in the interest of all sections alike. This\\nmatter of mutual reproaches and mutual suspicion is the\\nbane of our party politics. Men seem not to reflect, that\\nthis is all the country we have; that our States, our\\ncounties, our towns, our farms, our homes, lie side by\\nside with those of others, however differing upon polit-\\nical questions that we look with equal pride to the glory\\nand greatness of our common country; that we worship\\nthe same God, and have a common interest in the wel-\\nfare of our children, to whom this country must soon be\\ncommitted, and that future generations will find this peo-\\nple so commingling together, if a wise policy is pursued,\\nthat none need say to another, Were your ancestors\\nloyal.\\nThe Union cannot long be maintained and the laws en-\\nforced by the mere coercive powers of the General Gov-\\nernment and remain truly Republican. A majority in\\nall sections must feel that their interests prompt them to\\na cheerful obedience of them. Why then permit sec-\\ntional feeling to warp their judgment? There are mil-\\nlions of Democrats who would rally around the flag and\\nthe Constitution the moment any hostile hands were laid\\nupon either. They would lay down their lives in sup-\\nport of that government, the moment an attempt were\\nmade to inaugurate a rival government. It is not in the\\nnature of things that the majority of the people of this\\ncountry can be its enemies, because it is their govern-\\nment so long as it is administered in their interests. True", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 151\\npatriotism, and love of country, and every noble impulse\\nof our hearts, prompt every lover of his country to allay\\nand assuage sectional hatred and strife.\\nIt must cease sometime It cannot always last Dem-\\nocrats believe great wrong has been done alike to both\\nsections, by not long since burying all sectional ques-\\ntions and so believing, they are Democrats, because that\\nparty has never ceased to urge it, since the clash of arms\\nceased, as well as long before the strife commenced.\\nTHE CIVII, SERVICE.\\nThe Democracy favor a pure, faithful civil service.\\nIt is one of the cardinal principles of the party, and has\\nbeen frequently alluded to by Democratic Presidents and\\nstatesmen, and engrafted in their national platforms\\nfrom the days of Jefferson to the present time.\\nNo people can long maintain liberty, and support free\\ninstitutions, whose Government is honeycombed by cor-\\nrupt men and corrupt practices. This is the lesson which\\nhistory teaches corruption precedes dissolution in gov-\\nernments, as surely as day precedes night.\\nEarly in the history of our Federal Government Jef-\\nferson announced as his rule in appointing men to office,\\nto ask the question Is he honest, is he capable, and does\\nhe support the Constitution?\\nJackson alluded to the civil service upon several oc-\\ncasions in his messages. He pledged himself to the work\\nof reform in the administration, so that the patronage of\\nthe General Government, which had been brought into\\nconflict with the freedom of elections, and had dis-\\nturbed the rightful course of appointments by continuing\\nin power unfaithful and incompetent public servants.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "152 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nshould be no longer used for that purpose.\\nHe also declared his belief in the principle, that the in-\\ntegrity and zeal of public officers would advance the in-\\nterests of the public service, more than mere numbers.\\nJackson, also, as a means to purify and keep pure the\\nadministration of public affairs, advocated rotation in\\noffice. Corruption, he said, would spring up among those\\nin power and, therefore, he thought appointments should\\nnot be made for a longer period than four years. He\\nfurther said, that everybody had equal right to office, and\\nhe therefore advocated removals as a leading principle\\nwhich would give healthful action to the political system\\nbut he NEVER said to the victors belong the spoils.\\nSo also in the various platforms of the Democratic\\nparty, since the war closed, repeated mention has been\\nmade of the civil service, all in perfect accord with the\\nexpressions of the earlier Democratic Presidents. Thus\\nhave the Democracy both a principle and a policy marked\\nout to guide them in the civil administration.\\nThe Democracy believe that a pure civil service must\\nbe established in the administration of public affairs, and\\nthat removals from office is the only sure method to ac-\\ncomplish this desirable purpose.\\nThe history of the administration of public affairs since\\nthe war closed, has been one of such gigantic corruption,\\nas to bring disgrace upon the Republic and has fur-\\nnished the advocates of despotisms, the world over, with\\nnew arguments against a popular, free government.\\nA distinguished Democratic stateman Hon. Allen G.\\nThurman, of Ohio said in the United States Senate:\\nUnfortunately for the credit of the nation, the instances\\nof corruption are so notorious, that a bare reference to\\nthem brings forth a picture from which the mind turns", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 153\\nwith loathing and indignation. The Credit Mobilier,\\nthe Pacific Mail, the Belknap trial, the villainies of the\\nCustom House, the straw bids of the Post Office, the\\nIndian and Whiskey rings, and a long list of defaulters\\nin every department of the Government, have become\\nmatters of history.\\nSince these words were uttered by this eminent Demo-\\ncrat, we have had scandals arising from the Star Route\\ntrials, second to none under any government, in any\\nclime. Not only frauds before which all others sink into\\ninsignificance, in the administration of public affairs, but\\nfrauds in elections themselves, through which the people\\nhave been robbed of their dearest right that of the result\\nof their sovereign will through the elective franchise\\nat the head of which stands out in bold relief, the theft\\nof the Presidency itself, by means of forged certificates\\nof election, and the setting aside of the returns as made\\nby sovereign States of the Union, through the action of\\nall the departments of their government. Thus have the\\ngrossest frauds that ever disgraced a free people, mani-\\nfested themselves.\\nAnd. had it ceased here, and those who aided in per-\\npetrating them upon the people been punished, it might\\nhave satisfied the public mind but, instead of this being\\ndone, those who perpetrated them the aiders and abet-\\ntors of these usurpations and frauds, were rewarded by\\nplace and position.\\nWhen officers in the administration of public affairs\\nthus lose all sense of honor and integrity, what need the\\npeople expect, but that like masters, like men, will be\\nthe result.\\nThe Democracy believe in accordance with the repeat-\\ned declarations of representative Democrats, that to", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "154 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nmaintain a free government, there must be purity, hon-\\nesty, and faithfulness in the administration of public af-\\nfairs and that when once corruption and fraud have\\nfound lodgment in, or at the head of departments of gov-\\nernment, there is no other or better way to reclaim the\\ngovernment, than to remove from office the entire party\\nin all the departments, and place them in the hands of\\nnew men. No party thus affected can purify itself re-\\nmoval from and out of officers the only sure remedy.\\nCivil service reform as to mere clerical or mental qual-\\nifications, will not purify the government; nor will the\\nmere manner of making appointments correct the evil\\nnor will a tenure of office alone, because, the promotions\\nfrom lower to higher positions, will but embolden and\\nentrench dishonesty more securely, and create an office-\\nholding aristocracy while the people will in no wise be\\nbenefited thereby; but removals and rotation in office\\nwill excite a healthy competition, and will give the peo-\\nple that equal right to office and official position, which\\nthe theory and genius of our Democratic form of govern-\\nment contemplates.\\nThe Democracy therefore, advocate these methods to\\npurify the administration of public afifairs, and an eco-\\nnomical and simple execution of the powers of govern-\\nment, they believe, will materially reduce the temptations\\nto fraud and corruption in its administration and they\\ntherefore demand from its candidates, as well as its sup-\\nporters, the strongest pledges, that such will be their\\nconduct if permitted to exercise the powers of Govern-\\nment in behalf of the people.\\nThe Difference. It may be said, all this may be\\ntrue; but do not* all parties profess these principles more", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 155\\nor less? Why then are you a Democrat when so many\\nof these principles are held only in common with those\\nwho act with the opposing party.\\nYVe answer, there is an essential difference between\\nthe Democracy, and those who oppose that party. This\\nmay arise from various causes certainly it does exist. It\\nmay arise from early training, but doubtless more from\\na view of duty from a different standpoint. The opposi-\\ntion assumes superiority of intelligence and virtue,\\nwhich they claim as a reason why their peculiar notions\\nshould prevail. Were the majority ever so large against\\nthem, they would look upon these, nevertheless, as of a\\nlower order of inteligence vicious in their purposes de-\\nstructive in results, while they pay. little regard to the\\nprinciples these people, profess, or the policy they desire\\nadopted. Their opponents have ever assumed superior\\nintelligence, and have not refrained from expressing a\\ndisdain for a party which, they say, is largely made up of\\nthe laboring and ignorant classes of the country. They\\nseek to govern by different methods than do the Demo-\\ncrats. With them it has been the strength of govern-\\nment relied upon to preserve peace and good order\\nwith the Democracy, love and affection has been appealed\\nto, as the stronger incentive.\\nThe Democracy seek to elevate the citizen. The op-\\nposing idea is to magnify the government with the De-\\nmocracy it has been a favorite idea to grant the largest\\npossible liberty to the individual citizen, consistent with\\npublic order but the opposing idea is, that the least lib-\\nerty is safest to a naturally depraved nature. Expansion,\\nelevation, personal freedom in the one a strong govern-\\nment to subdue human nature has been the other.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "15G THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nThe Democratic idea is, do as you please so long as\\nyou do not trample on the rights of others the opposing\\nidea is, the State so wills and you must obey. Com-\\npulsion, force, fear, is the mainspring of peace and order\\nwith that class; love, reverence, respect, is the incentive\\nheld out in the other to secure obdience to law. It has\\nthus always assumed a moral and intellectual superior-\\nity, and by virtue of these qualities has claimed the\\nright to govern. The Democracy have not only denied\\nthis authority as well as the claim, but denounced the\\nprinciple as a vicious one and have relied for support\\nupon the plain people of the country.\\nThis doubtless is not the (disposition which actuates all\\nwho opposes the Democratic party, but there is a certain\\nspirit so to speak, which actuates every large mass of\\nmen, and this manifests itself in the general conduct of\\nthe bodv.\\nEvery association has its distinct features oft-times\\nconsisting of temperament, and various other peculiar-\\nities existing in mankind. Such as agree, more readily\\nassociate themselves together. They feel at home in\\neach other s society, and this general agreement gives\\nthem a character, which manifests its peculiarity by its\\ngeneral conduct and intercourse with men. It is to this\\npeculiarity we allude as existing both in a party com-\\nposed of Democrats, and those more or less opposed to\\nthem in these fundamental principles.\\nNo political party can be fairly judged by what a fezv\\nof its adherents may do or say. Or it may be that even\\nprofessed leaders like Benedict Arnold, may prove trait-\\nors to the cause they once espoused still the great heart,\\nand mind, and purpose of an army, the spirit of it, so to", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 157\\nspeak, is the criterion by which it is to be judged, and not\\nby the faults of its unfaithful friends.\\nSo with the Democratic party. It may have been led\\ninto entertaining false views sometimes; doubtless it has\\nbeen betrayed by trusted friends, as well as denounced\\nand misrepresented by open and avowed enemies still,\\nwhatever may be said of it, these principles announced\\nherein are the principles of the American Democracy, by\\nthe application of which they have sought to administer\\nthe affairs of government.\\nThe Democratic party has a distinct policy to announce\\nupon every great question, if it pays any regard to its\\nlandmarks. It has the people upon its side, if it remain\\ntrue to its principles, as it ought. It has the hope and\\npromise of final reward, by the complete establishment of\\nits principles, if it discharges its duty which it naturally\\nowes to the people.\\nThese pages are not designed as a history of the party.\\nTo enter into a critical examination of all its acts, and\\nthose of its agents, for one hundred years would fill vol-\\numes instead of a few pages still it would prove the as-\\nsertions here made to be true.\\nAs the number of States and inhabitants increase, and\\nthe borders of the country become enlarged, there is\\ngreater need than ever before, for the application of them,\\nin order to give peace and security to the whole country.\\nThis, then, is the faith and mission of the great Dem-\\nocratic party of the country. These are some of its prin-\\nciples, which it were well if every member of the party,\\nindeed, of all parties, would ponder well, and apply in di-\\nrecting the votes which thev have to cast.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nTHE) RATIONAL 01? DEMOCRACY.\\nDemocracy teaches that the Union of these States is\\nabsolutely necessary to preserve free government in\\nAmerica. To preserve tranquility at home, to insure\\nprosperity, to maintain liberty itself, the Union under our\\nConstitution must be preserved. Democrats muse never\\nbe found advocating doctrines in any part of the Union\\ncalculated to weaken the ties which bind every other sec-\\ntion to it must never listen to the promptings of sec-\\ntional self-interests such would lead them into a course\\nof policy that would injure the inhabitants of other sec-\\ntions, and cause them to lose their affection for the wel-\\nfare of the whole country. They must regard the Un-\\nion as the citadel of their hopes, entrenched within which\\nall assaults from without can be easily withstood nor\\nmust they tolerate within their own ranks, any doctrines\\nwhich would permit professed friends to overcome their\\nvigilance.\\nDemocrats believe that to cherish this feeling within\\ntheir organization will influence the opinions of those\\nwithout, and will cause them to share this anxiety; yet\\nwithin our party will always be found the largest num-\\nbers of our fellow-citizens holding truly national prin-\\nciples equally strong and popular in all sections of the\\nland. Democrats, like Washington said, should frown\\nupon all attempts from whatever source by whatever\\nmeans to alienate any portion of our countrymen from", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 159\\nthe remainder, thus enfeebling the sacred ties which\\nbind together the various parts.\\nA Democrat believes that all parts of this country,\\nNorth, South, East, and West have a common destiny,\\nand the interests of every section are as sacred to him as\\nhis own.\\nA Democrat is the inveterate and uncompromising\\nenemy of sectionalism. It is his duty to condemn it\\nwherever he rinds it. He gives no countenance to design-\\ning men, or parties who would seek to array any one\\nsection against another; or who, in order to gain a per-\\nsonal or party advantage, would seek to ride into power\\nby fomenting jealousies and distrust; or to indulge in\\nmisrepresentations calculated to alienate and distract\\nrather than unite and cement them in their loyalty to the\\nwhole.\\nDemocrats, like Washington, do not believe in foist-\\ning upon the people heavy public debts for posterity to\\npay. In just so far as they favor the opposite course,\\nto just that extent they wander from those fundamental\\ntruths taught by the Democratic Fathers of the Repub-\\nlic.\\nDemocrats are jealous and ever awake against the ma-\\nchinations of foreign powers, which are inimical to the\\nprosperity of free institutions. They denounce the prac-\\ntices of royalty whenever sought to be imitated in this\\ncountry. They oppose familiarizing freemen to the\\nmethods of monarchists, or anything which would lead\\nthem to think lightly of Democratic institutions.\\nDemocrats, like Washington are opposed to innova-\\ntions upon the principles of our Government, however\\nplausible they may appear. They believe in the right to", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "160 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nchange, but fear results but would rather amend than\\nviolate without. It is because of this Democrats have\\nopposed amendments to the Constitution, granting new\\nand additional powers to the general Government, which\\nhas served this country so well through the whole past\\ncentury. It is their jealousy in this regard, and fears\\nas Washington expressed them, that when once a breach\\nis made, evils will come in like a flood that compels them\\nto resist. It is because they refuse to be experimenters\\nupon this system, that they are called obstructionists, and\\ntaunted with a lack of progress, whereas, it is but their\\nanxiety for the perpetuity of our institutions, and regard\\nfor the Constitution loyalty to the faith of the Fathers\\nwhich induced them to withhold consent from the\\nproposition of every theorist who would mar its beauty,\\nharmony, and perpetuity, by engrafting upon it some\\nnew amendment. They are Democrats because fol-\\nlowers of that great apostle of freedom, Thomas Jeffer-\\nson. Like him, they look with alarm upon any encroach-\\nments upon the rights of man, or of States.\\nThey are opposed to all appliances of monarchists, like\\nalien and sedition laws. They believe that man, no mat-\\nter where born, what his religion, or what his station in\\nlife, he has equal rights as to religion, politics, person or\\nproperty.\\nIt is because they believe that the support and main-\\nlainance of the State Governments, in all their reserved\\nrights, is the best guardian of these rights, that they re-\\nsist any encroachments upon those rights, and refuse to\\nhave any of them exercised by the General Government\\nnot absolutely in accordance with the powers already ex-\\npressly granted to the General Government. These", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 161\\nrights, they believe, are as Jefferson expressed it, the\\nsurest bulwarks against the anti-Republican tendencies.\\nWhile they are thus determined to maintain these\\nrights of States, and to hand them down unimpaired to\\nfuture generations, they believe most emphatically in pre-\\nserving the General Government in all its granted\\npowers and to administer its affairs with all the vigor\\nnecessary, as the surest method of insuring peace among\\nthe States, and securing respect from abroad.\\nDemocrats believe to the fullest extent in the right of\\nelection by the people; believe that freemen are capable\\nof governing themselves, and have the honesty, patriot-\\nism, and ability to guard the polls of freemen them-\\nselves, without the aid of Federal bayonets, or ap-\\npointees, either to overawe the electors, or influence their\\nballots. They believe that the people need no guardians\\nat the polls, least of all, such as have arms in their hands,\\nsupported by the agents of Federal power.\\nBecause they so believe, they have been falsely charged\\nwith desiring to perpetrate frauds at elections, and falsely\\naccused, because of their fealty to the very foundation\\nprinciples of free government, as enunciated by freemen\\nin all ages.\\nDemocrats believe in appealing to the intelligence, vir-\\ntue, and discriminating justice of the people; and demand\\nthat when votes are cast, they shall be counted and that\\nwhen thus ascertained, the decision should stand, as the\\njudgment of the whole, until another appeal can be law-\\nfully made to the popular judgment.\\nThey are opposed to large standing armies, to be used\\nto overawe the people, and rob them of their liberties,\\nat the beck and nod of executive power. They believe\\n12", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "162 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthat in a republic, the intelligent, patriotic militia is all\\nthat is needed to enforce the lawful commands of exec-\\nutive authority.\\nThey believe in the supremacy of the civil over the\\nmilitary power of the State; and are jealous of any at-\\ntempt at military coercion, until all efforts to enforce\\nlawful demands by the civil authorities have failed.\\nDemocrats believe in economy of the public expendi-\\ntures, not only as Jefferson says, that labor may be\\nlightly burthened/ but because large expenditures breed\\ncorruption in the public service and induce unseemly\\nscrambling for public service.\\nThe man who would repudiate a public debt may call\\nhimself a Democrat, but is not in accord with the teach-\\nings of his party.\\nThe public faith and honor is a high trust, which can-\\nnot be violated without producing demoralization in\\nprivate life. Their efforts to prevent the public treasury\\nfrom being robbed by legalized plunderers, is no indica-\\ntion that, they are repudiationists of honest debts.\\nDemocrats believe in encouraging commerce and ag-\\nriculture as the surest method of elevating those engaged\\nm these pursuits so largely composing the yeomanry of\\nthe country.\\nNotwithstanding the charge that Democrats are ig-\\nnorant themselves, and desire to keep others so, they,\\nlike Jefferson, favor a general diffusion of information\\nof public and private education/ because confidence\\nin the people is based upon a correct judgment formed\\nby the people upon all public questions.\\nThe intelligent ballot, cast by intelligent men, is what\\nDemocracy relies upon to support its measures. What", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 163\\nit fears most, is the persuasive eloquence of a purchasing\\npoiver without integrity and intelligence to resist or di-\\nrect.\\nThe common laboring classes of the country\\nare more inclined to support the Democracy, than are the\\nrich, intelligent and aristocratic classes. This may be\\ntrue, and yet not prove that men who belong to this class\\nare not sufficiently intelligent to know what is best for\\ntheir own interest. Tt is but natural for men who* have\\nlived under political bondage, in the aristocracies of the\\nold world, when they came here to people a new one,\\ndevoted to liberty, to instill into the minds of their child-\\nren, the doctrines of true and genuine Democracy, to be\\nhanded down from generation to generation as such.\\nIt is because they know that wealth, power, and political\\ninfluence is oftimes the bitterest enemy of free govern-\\nment, and hence they array themselves under the banner\\nof Democracy, in order to guard and preserve what they\\nhave left of liberty.\\nThis is not asserting that ignorance is not to be found\\nin the ranks of Democracy; nor that vice never invades\\nits precincts; but asserts that the principles of Democ-\\nracy teach precisely the opposite doctrine, viz: that in-\\ntelligence in the masses is the safeguard of our institu-\\ntions.\\nDemocrats favor religious liberty freedom in relig-\\nious faith and worship to the fullest extent. No polit-\\nical rights can be taken from any, nor privileges added,\\nnot possessed equally by all. Hence in years gone by,\\nwhen a crusade was made against the Catholic religion,\\nDemocrats defended them against any persecution, or\\nproscription on that account. It was charged against", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "164 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthem that they favored the Catholic church as against\\nothers. The charge was unjust as it was unnecessary.\\nShould any denomination whether Catholic, or Protest-\\nant, asume to control public affairs by means of legisla-\\ntion, whether favorable to themselves, or derogatory to\\nothers, none would more readily condemn them than\\nDemocrats, educated in these fundamental principles of\\nfree government. Persecution or proscription for opin-\\nion s sake meets at all times, with the severest condem-\\nnation from the Democracy.\\nDemocrats believe in the freedom of the press. Xo\\nsedition law has ever received the sanction of an Am-\\nerican Democrat who understood the principles he pro-\\nfessed. When, therefore, the Democratic press crit-\\nicises the action of administrations and their presses are\\nsought to be stopped by mititary orders, Democrats de-\\nnounce such measures, because they violate two funda-\\nmental principles in their creed, and they could not per-\\nmit these violations to go unchallenged even in time of\\nwar, lest by silence they gave consent, that these rights\\nshould be lost, though guaranteed to them, in the Con-\\nstitution of their country. They believe emphatically\\nin the doctrine of Jefferson, that error of opinion may\\nreadily be tolerated, when reason is left free to combat\\nit. Hence it is, that because they insist that their\\nconstitutional rights shall not be invaded, that they are\\nwrongfully charged with sympathy with those in rebel-\\nlion, when in truth and in fact, it is their strong desire\\nto maintain free institutions, in war as well as in peace,\\nas the surest bulwark of their liberties.\\nDemocrats believe the person should at all times be\\nprotected by the great writ of heabeas corpus. That it", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 165\\nis the inalienable right of every person to have himself\\nbrought before any court, when the same is open and un-\\nobstructed by the insurrection or rebellion, to learn the\\nreason of his imprisonment. That no man not in the\\nmilitarv or naval service of his country, can be lawfully\\nthrust into prison without being charged with a crime,\\nmade so by the law, indicted and speedily tried by a jury\\nof his peers. They deny the right of any authority to\\nsuspend this writ of liberty, except where rebellion and\\ninsurrection makes it impossible to hold court, unawed by\\narmed forces. A Ien may have committed crimes or may\\nnot have done so. When thrust into prison, Democrats\\nbelieve that persons have a right to have their cases\\nspeedily adjudged. They believe this is a sacred right,\\nguaranteed to every Englishman since the days of Magna\\nCharta, and secured to Americans in every American\\nConstitution and hence they have at all times and under\\nall circumstances, resisted and denounced the exercise\\nof arbitrary power, no matter by whom attempted, or\\nunder what circumstances exercised, save within the lines\\nof military occupation. In the advocacy of these prin-\\nciples they have been fully sustained by the supreme\\ncourt in every case brought before it.\\nDemocrats believe in trials by juries impartially\\nselected. They deny the right of military commanders\\nto try by courts martial, civilians not in the military ser-\\nvice but insist that all such trials shall be by juries of\\ntheir peers, impartially selected, and upon indictments\\npresented by grand juries. In this, also, they have been\\nsustained by the courts, whenever a case has been pre-\\nsented. Thus it is that Democratic principles require\\nabsolute personal liberty to the citizen, as guaranteed by", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "166 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nevery State Constitution as well as that of the United\\nStates, which is the supreme law of the land. Democ-\\nracy is the true conservator of life, liberty, labor and\\nproperty.\\nPassing from the doctrines of Washington and Jeffer-\\nson, to those enunciated by Madison, we find the same\\nharmony between them all existing. They are all im-\\npliedly guaranteed, if not expressly so, in the spirit of\\nour Constitutions. It is a system that cannot be safely\\nadministered upon any other plan, than in accordance\\nwith these fundamental principles of Democracy. Mad-\\nison, the framer of our Constitution, the Father of it.\\nas he is called, understood well those principles, and\\nsought to have them engrafted thereon and when he\\ncame to administer the affiairs of government under it,\\nhe faithfully applied them. He but repeated substan-\\ntially what his compeers had anounced before him.\\nNothing could be more explicit in enunciating Demo-\\ncratic principles, than his declaration that the support\\nof the Consiitution is the cement of the Union, as well\\nin its limitations as in its authorities and to respect the\\nrights and authorities reserved to the States and the\\npeople, as equally incorporated therein, and essential to\\nthe success of the general system. Without maintain-\\ning these, success cannot be secured. Every violation\\nbrings with it trouble and confusion. So through all his\\n\u00e2\u0082\u00acornpend of principles, by which he would guide his of-\\nficial actions, we have the utterances of a thoroughly ed-\\nucated Democrat, in the principles of his party.\\nSo, also, when we come to the days of Jackson, through\\nthe whole series of his messages are found these same\\nleading principles of the Democratic party.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 167\\nExperience had only the more indelibly impressed\\nthem upon his mind, and by him upon the American\\npeople. His caution was,, that we do not confound the\\npowers reserved to the States, with those granted by\\nthem. Thus it was, that when nullification raised its\\nhead under his administration, he crushed it by the exer-\\ncise of just powers expressly granted, without in the\\nleast violating any of the reserved rights of the States.\\nHe announced the great advantage of economy in pub-\\nlic expenditures as resulting in purity to its administra-\\ntion absolutely necessary for the permanence of free\\ngovernment. Luxury and corruption have ever been\\nthe forerunners of the downfall of republics and why\\nnot be vigilant, lest they secure a foothold in this? Why\\nnot check and eradicate the evil, while freemen have\\npower\\nDemocrats believe this is their duty. If they wander\\naway from the practice of these principles, they are for-\\ngetting the most important part of their duty to their\\nparty and to their country.\\nDemocrats do not believe a public debt to be a public\\nblessing. Jackson declared its unnecessary duration\\nincompatible with real independence. It is a species\\nof slavery, which no true Democrat desires to see con-\\ntinued a day longer than necessary. It creates a bond\\naristocracy, who live upon the revenues extracted from\\nthe laboring class, hanging like an incubus upon the en-\\nterprise and business of the country, which no true lover\\nof his country will permit one moment longer than pos-\\nsible. It is a false theory, and false Democracy which\\nteaches that posterity shall pay the debts we contract.\\nThey will have enough to do to discharge their own ob-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "168 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nligations. Xo people are truly free, until they are en-\\ntirely free from debt. To bond communities, States, or\\nthe United States, unless absolutely necessary for the\\npreservation or security of their lives, liberty, or prop-\\nerty, is un-Democratic, and should not! be indulged in if\\npossible to avoid.\\nTne collection of revenue, either by internal taxes or\\nby tariffs, has always been a bone of contention between\\npolitical parties.\\nThe doctrine of the Democratic party has ever been,\\nthat the safest place for the people s money was in their\\npockets, until required hence, no more should be col-\\nlected by any means, than just enough to defray public\\nexpenditures, and pay the public debt. High protective\\ntariffs on specific articles has never been a favorite mode\\nof raising revenue, with that party. President Jackson\\nadvised that it should be levied in a spirit of equity, cau-\\ntion, and compromise, requiring that the great interests\\nof agriculture, manufactures, and commerce be equally\\nfavored. When possible to meet required expenditures,\\na low tariff has been a favorite motto of the Democratic\\nparty.\\nA high protective tariff is a species of class legisla-\\ntion, at variance with Democratic principles, which seeks\\nto protect the greatest number, granting special priv-\\nileges to none.\\nThe principles held by Jackson, that the people should\\nelect the President, without the interposition of Congress,\\nis in accordance with that other Democratic principle\\nannounced by Jefferson the sacred right of election by\\nthe people, and an absolute acquiescence in the will of\\nthe majority. The legal votes cast, Democracy demands,", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 169\\nshall be counted and that by no. trickery or fraud, or\\ntechnicality, shall the sovereign voter be defrauded out\\nof this sacred right of a freeman by interested agents.\\nRotation in office has always been a cardinal doctrine\\nof Democracy. That no privileged class born to office\\nshould be tolerated, but that public place and position\\nshould be open to all. That frequent changes of public\\noffice preserves purity in the administration of public\\naffairs, and therefore highly beneficial to the general\\nwelfare. President Jackson said, that corruption would\\nspring up among those long in power/ and therefore he\\nclaimed appointments should not exceed the period of\\nfour years; and he favored removals from office, as a\\nleading principle which would give healthful action to\\nthe political system. Undoubtedly exceptions may exist\\nas to skilled clerks but that is no objection to the general\\nrule.\\nIn cases of real doubt, it has ever been a favorite\\ndoctrine of the Democratic party, to submit such ques-\\ntions to a direct vote of the people, a practice which has\\nof later years become nearly general in some States of the\\nUnion.\\nJackson declared this to be a submission to the source\\nof all power the most sacred of all obligations; and the\\nmost wise and safe course to pursue.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nSUMMARY.\\nIt will be found by examination that the Republican\\nDemocratic party Having taken its rise under the ad-\\nministration of John Adams, was organized in 1800 un-\\nder Thomas Jefferson continued under Madison and\\nMonroe ,and was divided under the Administration of\\nJohn Quincy Adams, and dropping the former part of its\\nname under Andrew Jackson s administration, has con-\\ntinued its name of Democratic Party, ever since then.\\nIn opposition to the original sectional aspect of the\\npresent Republican organization, it has sometimes been\\ndesignated as the National Democratic party such is a\\nbrief summary of its history.\\nDemocratic doctrines, save that of on the coinage ques-\\ntion, have been the same for one hundred years, the\\nsame as when it came from the hands of its founder,\\nThomas Jefferson since then new questions have arisen,\\nit is true, but always settled upon the same fundamental\\nprinciples as first announced by Jefferson, and the plat-\\nform upon which he was elected.\\nThese may be summed up as insisting upon a strict\\nconstruction of the constitution opposed to centraliza-\\ntion in the general government; opposed to a high pro-\\ntective tariff; opposed to a Union of church and state;\\nopposed to regulating elections in the states by federal\\nauthority, no matter under what pretexts, so long as the\\npeople are willing to hold them under their own local", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 171\\nstate laws they strongly favor the education of the\\nmasses the basis of an intelligent ballot they favor\\nfostering and protecting by state action of common\\nschools home rule strict meintainiance of the\\npublic faith. Municipal, State and Federal; honest\\nmoney, consisting of gold and silver, and paper, based\\nthereon, convertible into coin on demand subordination\\nof the military to the civil authority a genuine civil\\nservice, by prohibiting by law the appointment of men to\\noffice guilty of frauds upon the government or the people,\\nin depriving them of the fruits of fair elections; they\\nfavor a free ballot, the right preservative of all rights,\\nand pledge themselves to sustain this right at all hazards\\nfree ,hips, and a living chance for American ships upon\\nthe seas they declared long since, as opposing discrim-\\ninations in favor of monopolies, corporations, and trans-\\nportation lines they favor using public money, and\\npublic credit for public purposes, solely; public lands for\\nactual settlers only they declared and pledged them-\\nselves as the friends of labor and the laboring man, and\\nto protect him alike against cormorants and the com-\\nmune. These, and many other incidental principles they\\nhave declared as those of the Democracy in National Con-\\nventions assembled, and the pronounced convictions of\\nthose who aided in framing and promulgating the Declar-\\nation of Independence, and the Constitution of the United\\nStates whose principles have been adopted by the Dem-\\nocratic party of the country.\\nIt may be said that the Democratic party has not al-\\nways adhered to them that may be so, and admitted with\\nshame, but that is no valid objection against the princi-\\nples thems? ves. They are correct and true, and as", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "172 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nvaluable as ever they were, indeed more so; and it is to\\ncall attention to them, that these pages have been written,\\nwith the ardent hope that they may fall under the obser-\\nvation of those who will never cease to urge them upon\\nthe attention of their countrymen, especially upon the\\nyoung and rising men of the country. But it is not\\nconceded, that as a party, they have departed from the\\npractice of those cardinal principles of the Democracy.\\nExceptional cases do not destroy general rules. An\\narmy is not to be judged by the deeds of a few foragers,\\nfor place or power or by deserters, who deny the faith,\\nand betray the confidence reposed in them. So no poli-\\ntical party can be fairly judged, by what a fezv of its ad-\\nherents may do or say but the great heart, mind and\\npurpose of an army, the spirit of it, so to speak, is the\\ncriterion ~by which it is to be judged, and not by the\\nfaults of its unfaithful friends. So with the Democratic\\nparty. It may have been led sometimes into entertain-\\ning false views; doubtless it has been betrayed by\\ntrusted friends as well as denounced and misrepre-\\nsented by open and avowed enemies still, whatever may\\nbe said of it, these principles announced are the principles\\nof the American Democracy, by the application of which\\nthey have sought to administer the affairs of government.\\nWhoever denounces them, should not claim to be a Dem-\\nocrat; whoever will not support and defend them is un-\\nworthy the name. They are, nevertheless, the princi-\\nples and the anounced policy of that great party, which\\nhas for so many years, and does nozv yet influence a full\\none-half of our population and if this is to remain a free\\ncountry, must naturally in the future be again called to\\nadminister its affairs at all events, these great princi-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 173\\npies must be applied to the administration of public\\naffairs, by whatsoever name the party may be called, if\\nits administration is to be a really successful one.\\nThe foundations of the government are laid upon\\nthese all its machinery is adjusted with reference to\\nthem; and the moment they are misapplied or omitted,\\nexperience has proved, confusion and irregularities begin\\nto manifest themselves. Thence it is reasonable, that the\\nparty and the officers who best understands them are\\nthe most devotedly attached to them, give to the great\\nmass of our people the best assurance of good govern-\\nment under their guidance. The great Democratic party\\nof America, has a distinct policy to announce upon every\\ngreat question, if it pays any regard to its teachings, for\\nmore than a hundred years. These principles have the\\nsympathy, and approval of more than a majority of the\\nAmerican people, and will continue so to have, if it re-\\nmain true to its record as it ought. It may well have the\\nhope and promise of final reward the greatest good\\nif it discharges its duty, which it naturally owes to the\\npeople\\nThis then is a brief summary of its views, a record of\\nits faith .and mission and it were well if every en-\\nthusiastic member of the party would ponder and treas-\\nure up its teachings and seek to carry them into complete\\nexecution.\\nLong live the American Democratic party, and may it\\nsee the end of many more one hundred years.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nCURRENCY AND COINAGE) GOLD AND SILVER.\\nAs already stated, the only two subjects upon which\\nthe Democracy of this great country differed within the\\npast century, were slavery, and that of the ratio of\\nmetals in coinage.\\nThe first was settled by the abolishment of slavery.\\nThe silver question we have still with us.\\nThe author offers a few suggestions upon that ques-\\ntion, with the hope, that the discusssion of the subject\\nmay be proceeded with, in a more deliberate manner.\\nWhen passion and prejudice become elements in a dis-\\ncussion, reason is not unfrequently entirely laid aside.\\nWe ought to be willing to coolly reason and deliberate,\\nrather than denunciate.\\nWe always supposed that the opinions and practices\\nof the earlier founders of our government, were held in\\ngreat reverence by everybody. They were far removed\\nfrom the passions and self interests engendered in these\\nour days in the pursuit of wealth and had no such temp-\\ntations to swerve correct and patriotic judgment to the\\nsame extent as the men of the present generation they\\nhad thoroughly read the history of ancient and modern\\nnations, besides they were men w T ho had experienced the\\nweight of monarchical institutions, and we venerate them\\naccordingly, as good children look for guidance upon\\ntheir ancestors, whom they are w r ell convinced have their\\nown very best interests at heart. Hence they are greatly\\ninfluenced by what the fathers said upon any subject un-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 175\\nder consideration. So also we are just as anxious to\\navoid their mistakes, when they have been demonstrated\\nto have been such which must be conceded have some-\\ntimes confronted us so too, should we consider the cir-\\ncumstances under which their words w r ere spoken and\\nadvice given, and then act for ourselves accordingly.\\nOn the subject of coinage, we perhaps can find no better\\ninstructors than such as Jefferson, Jackson and Benton\\nthree stalwart Democrats, who had something to do\\nwith settling the rjuestion of coinage in the earlier days\\nof our Republic.\\nJefferson and Hamilton were the two characters who\\nagreed upon the coinage law of 1792 there seems to\\nhave been no difference of opinion thereon between Dem-\\nocrat and Federalist then. In the performance of the\\nduty assigned to them by Congress, that of reporting on\\ncoinage, the subject of the ratio for coinage, agreed upon\\na proportion of 15^ gold to one of silver so far as value\\nwas to be considered.\\nThe dollar was to be the unit of value, and gold was\\nto be worth and coined as if worth fifteen and a half\\ntimes more than silver. Within the course of forty years\\nthere came a time when this proportion worked injury to\\nthe people, and President Jackson took up the matter to\\nseek to remedy it. Senator Tom Benton was his\\nspokesman in the Senate and we can find out exactly\\nwhat he said, because he has recorded his language with\\nhis own hand, in his Thirty Years View while in the\\nSenate.\\nIn remarks submitted to the Senate on the subject,\\nrecorded by himself at page 383, Vol. 1, we have his", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "176 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nviews, more at length than we can quote, limited as we\\nare for space.\\nHe said no nation had (in 1834) a better currency\\nthan the United States. There was no nation that had\\nguarded its currency w T ith more care. The framers of\\nthe Constitution, and those who had enacted the early\\nstatutes on the subject, were hard money men. They\\nhad felt and appreciated the evils of a paper medium of\\nexchange and they had seduously guarded the currency\\nof the United States from debasement. The legal cur-\\nrency of the United States was gold and silver coin.\\nThis w r as a subject in which congress had run into no\\nfolly. Gold and silver currency was the law r of the land\\nat home, and the law of the world abroad.\\nThere could, in the present (in 1834) condition of the\\nworld be no other currency. At page 436, he said The\\nword currency was not in the constitution nor any word\\nwhich could be made to cover a circulation of bank\\nnotes. Gold and silver was the only thing recognized for\\nmoney. It is the money and only money of the constitu-\\ntion; and every historic recollection, as well as every\\nphrase in the Constitution, and early statutes on the sub-\\nject confirmed that idea.\\nPeople were sick of paper money, at the time the\\nconstitution was framed. The congress of the. federation\\nin time of the Revolution had issued a currency of paper\\nmoney. It had run the full career of that class of money.\\nThe wreck of two hundred millions of dollars lay upon\\nthe land. The framers of the constitution worked in the\\nmidst of that wreck. They saw the havoc which paper\\nmoney had made upon the fortunes of individuals, and\\nthe morals of the public. They determined to have no\\nmore Federal paper money. They created a hard money\\ngovernment; they intended the new government to\\nrecognize nothing for money but gold and silver; and\\nevery word admitted into that Constitution upon the sub-\\nject of money, defines and establishes that sacred inten-\\ntion. Hence those who constantly quote the fact, that", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 177\\ngold and silver comprise the money of the Constitution,\\nhave the truth of that fact but that does not fix the\\nratio of its use? Not at all.\\nOn page 443 he gives other reasons for using gold and\\nsilver as money. He says\\n1. It has intrinsic value (qualities) which gave it\\ncurrency all over the world to the full amount of that\\nvalue, without regard to laws or circumstances.\\n2. It had uniformity of value which made it the\\nsafest standard of value of property, the wisdom of man\\nhad ever yet discovered.\\n3. Its portability (gold) which made it easy for the\\ntraveller to carry it about with him.\\n4. Its indestructibility: which made it the safest\\nmoney which people could keep in their houses.\\n5. Its inherent purity: which made it the hardest\\nmoney to be counterfeited, and the easiest to be de-\\ntected, if it was, and therefore again, the safest money for\\nthe people to handle.\\n6. Its superiority over all other money; which gave\\nto its possessor the choice and command of all other\\nmoney.\\n7. Its power over exchanges, gold being the currency,\\nwhich contributed most to the equalization of exchange,\\nand keeping down the rate of exchange to the lowest\\nand most uniform point.\\n8. The power over the paper money gold being the\\nnatural enemy of that system, and with fair play able\\nto hold it in check.\\n9. It is a constitutional currency, and the people\\nhave a right to demand it for their currency, as long as\\nthe present constitution is permited to exist.\\nAgain on page 443 of the same volume, he said, It\\nwas not the time to discuss the relative value of gold and\\nsilver, nor to urge the particular proportion which ought\\nto be established between them that would be the work\\n13", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "178 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nof a committee, yet it was sufficient for him to say, that\\nthe ratio was not one of commerce it was purely and\\nsimply a mercantile problem, as much so as any or-\\ndinary acquisition of mechandise from foreign countries\\ncould be. Gold goes where it finds its value, and that\\nvalue is what the great nations give it. In South America\\nand Mexico, (California then belonged to Mexico) the\\ncountries which produce it, and from which the United\\nStates must derive their chief supply, the value of gold\\nis 16 to I. In Cuba it is (in 1834) 17 to 1 in Spain and\\nPortugal 16 to 1 and in the West Indies, generally the\\nsame. It will not be supposed, he said, that gold will\\ncome here if the importer is to lose one dollar on sixteen\\nthat he brings or that our gold will remain with us, when\\nan exporter can gain one dollar upon every fifteen that\\nhe carries out. Again on page 445, he says, that we\\nhad seen already, that in the establishment of the mint,\\ngold was then largely undervalued and that undervalua-\\ntion had driven gold out of the country, and left a\\nvacuum for the circulation of United States Bank notes\\nand we were now to see, that the same mint was to give\\nfurther aid to the circulation of these notes, by excluding\\nboth gold and silver from circulation, thus enlarging the\\nvacuum which was to be filled by bank paper. On page\\n449 he says, that it was the coming power a power that\\nbelongs to the sovereign (the people) and when a paper\\ncurrency was tolerated, the coinage power was swallowed\\nup and superseded by the manufactory which emitted\\npaper.\\nOn page 451 he said it was a question to be studied as\\nthe philosopher studies the laws which govern the mater-\\nial world as he would study the laws of gravitation and\\nattraction, the movements of the planets, or draw the\\nwater from the mountains to the level of the ocean. The\\nmoney sytem had its laws of attraction and gravitation,\\nof repulsion, of adhesion, and no man could indulge the\\nhope of establishing a money system contrary to its own\\nlaws. On page 458 he said that the government which", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 179\\nsuffered its currency to fall into such a state,, that the\\nfarmer, the artisan, the market man, the day laborer, and\\nthe hired servant, could only be paid in small bank notes,\\nwas a government which abdicated one of its most\\nsacred duties, and became an accomplice on the part of\\nthe strong in oppressing the weak/\\nHe said much more we cannot quote on account of\\nspace, but he said he agreed with the executive (Jack-\\nson) and had heard from Monticello,* which had con-\\nfirmed him in his opinions. For two hundred years he\\nsaid, this same subject had been under discussion; it was\\na nice point to fix the ratio yvahies were constantly chang-\\ning, but he hoped sometime, somebody would invent a\\nplan, to keep the precious metals at a parity with each\\nother, but that plan had not yet been discovered; and so\\nhe went on to argue for a coinage of the metals that\\nwould keep both in this country, and furnish the people\\nwith a sound and safe constitutional currency. He was\\na stalwart Democrat, who had no faith in Hat paper\\nmoney, and for that matter no other Hat in money, but\\nits inherent market value the world over, and coined as\\nsuch, in such a manner as to attract, and not drive out the\\nprecious metals.\\nThe problem is, to so order its coinage as to meet\\npresent conditions. The United States could not help\\nthat the value of silver has fallen in proportion to that\\nof gold ours, the problem to stamp money into units\\nwhether of gold or silver, so that each will be its own\\nredeemer, when represented by money certificates, for\\nthe convenience of the people. It seems to the writer, that\\nto illustrate this idea, it could be accomplished, if say\\nt7velve grains of gold were put into our silver dollars,\\nEvidently by letters Jefferson was then dead.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "180 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nand a like weight of copper alloy taken out (if the com-\\nbination could thus be made) we would have a silver\\ndollar unit of equal value but of no greater size or\\nweight, titan now, to which the people are well accus-\\ntomed, and which would release the millions of gold now\\nheld in the treasury to keep all at a parity with each other.\\nIt would then be not only a constitutional dollar, a full\\nlegal tender without even a statute to make it so, but\\nwould bear coinage by all producers, who- desired to so\\nuse it. at its full value that none who accepted it, would\\nlose by doing so. It is only a suggestion, but it is worth\\nconsideration by those whose duty it is to provide a good\\nsound safe currency for all the people, in such quantities\\nas the trade and commerce of the people require.\\nCongress alone can do this, and we do not believe it\\ncan be settled specifically in party platforms. The Dem-\\nocratic platforms for nearly a century past, save only the\\nfew simple words in the platform of 1896, have always\\ndeclared this grand principle for coinage, the same\\ndollar for the bondholder as for the plowholder. The\\nauthor sanctions these views, but in the next chapter\\nwill state the views, briefly, of those who oppose it.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XI.\\nPAPER MONEY THEORY.\\nIt is but fair that the opponents of this hard money\\nsystem this metallic currency and its representative,\\nhave their views herein set forth. We quote from a\\nreport to United Senate by the Monetary Commission\\nmade August 15, 1876. Page 40.\\nThey claim that money is only a medium of exchange,\\nand the extremist of that view believes that no metallic\\ncurrency at all is necessary. That if the sovereign power\\nof a government will issue all currency, and make it re-\\nceivable at par for all public and private dues, make it a\\nlegal tender for all debts, no dear money will be needed\\nit will cost the people nothing, and therefore it is best\\nfor them.\\nAnother class of people believe, if government can\\nmake paper money a legal tender, so they can fix the ratio\\nbetween gold and silver at any rate they please, and that\\nit will be all the same to those who use it. Then again\\nsome believe that the amount of currency in circulation,\\ngoverns the price of all commodities and that it is the\\nprerogative of government to regulate the amount of that\\ncurrency, as well as its quality; that this should be, as\\nthey claim, always commensurate with the demands of\\nbusiness, and in proportion to the number and increase of\\npopulation. They can see no difference between volume\\nof currency, and the volume of currency in circulation.\\nSome believe that government should loan money; or\\nshould furnish it to be loaned, at so low a rate of interest", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "182 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nas to deprive the owner of money of great profits for in-\\nterest when he loans it to his neighbor for use.\\nSome believe that a debt, no matter when contracted,\\nshould be discharged by the payment of a sum at par\\nwith the amount of the debt, in the current money in\\ngeneral use at the time of payment.\\nThey claim that money is not in itself wealth, but\\nsimply counters for computing and exchanging\\nw r ealth. They claim, also, that money should be steady\\nin value, portable, divisible, distinguishable, and difficult\\nof imitation and that of all these qualities steadiness in\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0value is the one most essential and indispensable that\\nthe highest office of money, is that of measuring values,\\nand that to perform this office equitably its each unit\\nmust possess a practically unfluctuating, unvarying pur-\\nchasing power; and that these qualities can be secured\\nonly through a limitation and regulation of its quantity.\\nThey maintain that when the money function is con-\\nferred upon gold and silver, while the requirements of\\nportability, divisibility, distinguishability, and difficulty\\nof imitation are tolerably well met, the requirements of\\nconstant attainibility and inexpensiveness are not met at\\nall.\\nWith these leading principles of metallic money and\\npaper money, our readers will be satisfied, if they desire,\\nto enter upon a more extended investigation, than we\\ncould possibly give within the intended limits of this\\nwork, and at the same time will show some of the prin-\\ncipal points of difference between those taking opposite\\nviews on the coinage question.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\nNATIONAL BANK PAPER CURRENCY.\\nWhile the Democratic party has always opposed Nat-\\nional Bank Currency, they have for years protestingly\\nsubmitted to the system now in vogue, for the reason,\\nthat no other plan for issuing of paper money has been\\nadopted. That an absolutely sound paper medium is\\nnecessary, no one conversant with business affairs will\\ndeny and that metallic money values for exchange, alone\\nshould be used few will claim. By the issuing of gold\\nand silver certificates, redeemable by the government,\\nat a parity with each other, so that one dollar is as\\ngood as every other dollar requires the hoarding of a\\nsufficient reserve fund of gold in the treasury to meet\\nthat obligation by a law of its own, if one class of money\\nis not equal value with another, it requires a redeemer of\\nthe best, to keep it in circulation.\\nTh government therefore then becomes a sort of\\nbanking institution itself, to keep it circulating medium\\nat par.\\nIn the message of President Cleveland, December\\n7, A. D. 1896, we have the following on this subject of\\nBank and metallic currency:\\nThe entire case may be presented by the statement,\\nthat the day of sensible and sound financial method will\\nnot dawn upon us, until our government abandons the\\nbanking business, and the accumulation of funds, and\\nconfines i s monetary operations to the receipt of the\\nmoney contributed by the people for its support and to\\nthe expenditure of such money for the people s benefit.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "184 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nOur business interests and good citizens long for rest\\nfrom feverish agitation, and for the inauguration of a\\nreformed financial policy, which will encourage enter-\\nprise and make certain the rewards of labor and in-\\ndustry.\\nAnd all that need be added to this is, that banks ought\\nto go out of the governing business, and we should have\\nthe old system of an independent treasury, returned with\\nsuch slight modifications as present conditions may re-\\nquire.\\nWe think too much stress, and consequent denunciation\\nof methods, have been heaped upon measures attempted,\\nin order to bring about such results and upon the other\\nhand too much credit is sought to be claimed for meas-\\nures urged to be taken to produce, by the mere operation\\nof legislative enactments, relief from commercial depres-\\nsions.\\nFor instance, the recent depression was sought to be\\nattributed entirely to legal enactments. When during\\na former administration a deficency was foretold, in-\\ncreased apprehension and timidity in business circles was\\nsought to be created, while the fact was, that the de-\\npression was actually due to other well understood\\ncauses, entirely disconnected from the question of a\\ndeficiency.\\nThe reduction of revenue was absolutely due to other\\nnatural causes, which would have disappeared in due\\nseason, without any legislation whatever if not sought\\nto be remedied by laws, which when put into operation,\\nsoon were subject to the same objections, thus keeping\\nthe country in commercial commotion all the time.\\nWe think it should be better understood, that govern-\\nment can do no more than to coin money and that", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 18\\nextraneous circumstances has much more to do with\\nhard times at any period, than has currency, if it be\\nworth what it purports to be. Supply and demand,\\nwhether the same be applied to labor or property, regu-\\nlates the market price of things. Hence we have seen\\nthat whether under a double or single standard of gold\\nand silver, the prices of articles have constantly varied,\\nundoubtedly subject more to that great law than the mere\\namount of currency in the country at any given time.\\nIn fact the hardest times have been, when there was\\nthe most sound money held on deposit, and the most un-\\nreliable currency afloat.\\nWith our present system of checks, drafts, and bills\\nof exchange it requires so much less currency per capita,\\nthan in the years gone by, when it required actual cur-\\nrency to be transported. That the sum total of currency\\nin the country has no influence in governing prices, we\\ndo not assert, but we do claim that it has far less influ-\\nence, than in periods of excitement and alarm, has been\\nattributed to it.\\nThat money possess great power and influence no\\none will deny; but that the great Money Power is as\\npotent as some claim it to be, we do not believe. If\\nthrough periods of trade depression the precious metals\\nare hoarded, and kept from circulation, the money\\nlender makes less than when he can lend with a free hand.\\nHis interest, therefore, it would seem to be, was to keep\\nhis money at work and not to hoard it. But how can the\\npublic decrease the power of money? Everybody\\nseems to be engaged in getting as much of the power\\nas he can; and therefore it is, that the most numerous\\nportion of the people, by reason of votes, have the most", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "186 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\npower to wield. All this only to show, that things are\\nnot always what they seem to be/ when calmly and prop-\\nerly considered, which is not always done. Said a la-\\nboring man to the writer, I tell you, nobody ought to be\\npermitted to erect a hundred thousand dollar dwelling\\nhouse.\\nOur reply was, Is it not better for labor that he spend\\nit on a house, and thus give you laboring men a hundred\\nthousand dollar job, than to hoard it, and give nothing to\\nanyone We never heard him complain after that, but\\nupon the other hand, he became the strongest kind of an\\nadvocate of extravagant expenditures for private and\\npublis improvements. Tinkering upon Currency laws\\nis of little value, beyond what is required to keep it\\nsound and safe, in other words being what it represents\\nitself to be.\\nOur conclusion, therefore is, that it matters not so\\nmuch who issues the paper money, so that it be redeemed\\nat full metallic value. There is far more danger when\\none institution acting in concert with others can in-\\ncrease the currency far beyond a business necessity, and\\nthus inflate the circulation, and increase prices and then\\nat another time, to contract the circulation, reduce the\\nvalue of property, either of which will end in a general\\ndepression in business, and consequent hard times.\\nWhen based on metallic money, and its representative,\\nthis could not be so easily accomplished.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII.\\nNEW ISSUES.\\nThere are always new issues arising requiring solu-\\ntion. Thus we have the country confronted with the\\ndanger from great trusts, combines, expansion, and\\nwhat is called imperialism.\\nIt is not the province of the author to indicate what\\ndeclarations the Democracy should put forth rather his\\ntask to gather together what its policy has been.\\nOn the subject of trusts, combines, monopolies, and\\ngreat aggregations of capital, there need be no appre-\\nhensions. The party councils, and leaders have already\\nin platforms expressed themselves as opposed to them,\\nwhen operating so as to injure the masses, and will in\\nthe pending convention further declare themselves.\\nOn the simple subject of- expanding our free insti-\\ntutions to adjoining territory, the American Democracy\\nhave a record for years as favoring it. They have ac-\\nquired from Spain Florida from France the Louisana\\nPurchase; and from Mexico, California, New Mexico,\\nand the immense area ceded to the United States con-\\nsequent upon the conclusion of the treaty of peace with\\nMexico. They annexed Texas, all of which had been\\nvehemently opposed by the Federal and Whig Parties.\\nOn the subject of expansion the Democracy have\\na record of nearly one hundred years in favor of it, con-\\ncerning adjoining territory here upon the continent of\\nNorth America. In their platform of i860 they re-\\nsolved in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba,", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "188 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\non such terms as would be honorable to ourselves and\\njust to Spain. This was strenuously opposed by the\\nanti-slavery party, but going out of power was never\\nmentioned afterwards.\\nTherefore, to remain consistent upon some of these\\nso-called new questions, there need be no contention.\\nBut as to the question of acquiring new and exten-\\nsive territories in distant oceans, and governing them as\\nconquered provinces or in engaging in a policy of for-\\ncible commercial and territorial aggrandizement, for the\\nsimple purpose of extending American trade and com-\\nmerce into foreign lands, there will be great opposition,\\nno doubt, by the Democracy, and will doubtless be\\nsettled by the next National Convention. Thus stand\\nthese questions, till the policy of the party will be form-\\nallv declared.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV.\\n4\\nENCOURAGEMENT AND CONCLUSION.\\nBy way of encouragement it may be well to remind\\nour friends, that it is always better to remain united on\\nfundamental principles, than to dissolve their power on\\nsuch issues. It is a great mistake to believe that the\\nhosts of Democracy have little influence, simply because\\nnot being at the head of the National Administration.\\nUpon the contrary, it is always, and continually exert-\\ning its great influence, even in the actual legislation of the\\ncountry; as well as in the executive and judicial depart-\\nments of our dual form of government. Remember,\\nthat sometimes more than one-half the states, are wholly\\nunder its control. So in congressional districts, repre-\\nsentatives are chosen to uphold those principles and con-\\ntrol the House of Representatives. Again, m a large\\nnumber of cities, villages, counties, and townships, in\\nso-called Republican States, they are wholly or partially\\nin authority, and thus more or less under the control of\\nthose principles. So we should consider the aggregate\\nof votes cast for President for more than a quarter of a\\ncentury, at every election. Samuel J. Tilden, now gen-\\nerally conceded to have been elected, though deprived of\\nhis office, had received 250,935 more votes in 1876 than\\nhis opponent, who was accorded the position. Garfield\\nhad 7,018 votes more than General Hancock, the Demo-\\ncratic candidate, who was not elected in 1880. Cleve-\\nland in 1884 received 83,183 more votes than Blaine;\\nand in 1888 he received 98,017 more votes than Harri-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "190 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nson, who was elected.* And thus we might refer to over\\nsix million solid votes cast under the banner of the\\ngreat Democratic party, not to mention those which were\\nthrown away upon ephemeral parties, claiming more or\\nless to sympathize with them on National and general\\nissues but in thus doing became only aids to t)he oppo-\\nnents of the Democratic party. It is safe to claim, that\\nthe Democracy have for many years been in the majority,\\nbecause many Republicans are Democratic in sentiment,\\nand therefore not without influence to carry Democratic\\nmeasures but also, even when their Representatives\\nwere in the minority, their influence was most potent to\\nprevent the passage of measures conceived by the leaders\\nof their opponents, as was evidenced by the defeat of\\ntheir so-called Federal Force Bill only a few years ago.\\nWhy then should Democrats be discouraged, and sur-\\nrender faith in their principles, when such is the record\\nthey have made? Rather should they learn, and study\\nover again those principles proclaimed by true, earnest,\\nfaithful, sincere, and w T ise Democrats thus announcing\\n.them, and press them upon the attention of the young\\nand rising generation, that must soon take the burden\\nfrom their fathers, of governing this great country.\\nTo aid them in doing so this is one of the objects of\\nthe author. They can make the party just what they\\ndesire it to be, by remaining true to the principles and\\npolicies of former generations through a hundred\\nyears/ and acting well their part by being true to their\\ncountry and to themselves.\\nSee table, page 192.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "JAMES MONROE", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "ADDENDA.\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nTHE MONROE DOCTRINE.\\nPresident Monroe s information and consequent op-\\nposition to the occupation of the American soil by for-\\neign nations, has come to be considered as much a part\\nof the public policy of the nation as any unwritten law\\ncould well be, both great political parties having made\\nit a part of their platforms and yet it is only by a brief\\nreference to it, and not a full exposition that the people\\nget in that way. The writer thought it not a vain thing\\nto print it in full with a review of all the events which\\nlead up to its promulgation, that those who wish may be\\nfully informed on the subject. For this purpose he has\\nhad opportunities that many now living do not possess,\\nbecause he has made use of some correspondence with one\\nwho had, perhaps, more to do with it, than any one now\\nliving, having much of his information cfirectly from the\\nperson referred to. President James Buchanan held the\\nposition of a cabinet officer, and minister to England,\\nwhere the archives of the American Diplomatic office\\nwere for years in his charge, and therefore competent to\\nexplain many things not generally published. He was\\nsubsequently elected President of the United States and\\nwas enabled to put the finishing touches upon the arro-\\ngant claims of England both as to colonizing upon Amer-\\nican soil, as well as the right to search American vessels.\\n14", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "192 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nSecretary Root is recently said to have stated in a\\npublic address that the United States may, within a\\nfew years, be compelled to fight for the principles on\\nwhich the Monroe doctrine was founded. This state-\\nment has given the subject, recently, renewed interest.\\nThe fact that the United States has now acquired ter-\\nritory, in the Eastern hemisphere, and has become what\\nis called a World Power, and is still pushing its trade\\nrelations with eastern countries, is sufficient to arouse\\nthe jealousy of foreign powers and has given currency\\nto the opinions expressed in diplomatic circles both in\\nEurope and America, that so long as the United States\\nconfined their influence to the Western continent there\\nwas some ground for the claim, that those from the East\\nhad better comply with their demands in the West, but\\nnow that they were mixing up in the affairs of the East,\\nwhat answers will the United States make if the eastern\\ngovernments desire to acquire territory in the west?\\nEuropean potentates never would recognize the claims\\nput forth in the Monroe doctrine, but heretofore, fear-\\ning to run counter to the express declaration of the\\nAmerican people, it has assured us the peace contem-\\nplated by its early promulgation by President Monroe,\\nin his annual message of December 2, 1823. Here is\\nwhat he said, which is called\\n-THE MONROE DOCTRINE.\\nIn the wars of European powers in matters relating\\nto themselves, we have never taken any part, nor doe9\\nit comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our\\nrights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent\\ninjuries or make preparation for our defense. With the", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 193\\nmovements in this hemisphere we are of necessity mo r e\\nimmediately connected and by causes which must be\\nobvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The\\npolitical system of the allied powers is essentially dif-\\nferent in this respect from that of America. This dif-\\nference proceeds from that which exists in their respec-\\ntive governments and to the defense of our own, which\\nhas been achieved by the loss of so much blood and\\ntreasure and matured by the wisdom of their most en-\\nlightened citizens and under which we have enjoyed un-\\nexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe\\nit, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations\\nexisting between the United States and those powers\\nto declare that we should consider any attempt on their\\npart to extend their system to any portion of this hem-\\nisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With\\nthe existing colonies, or dependencies of any European\\npower, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere.\\nBut with the governments who have declared their inde-\\npendence and maintained it, and whose independence\\nwe have on great consideration, and on just principles\\nacknowledged, we could not view any interposition for\\nthe purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any\\nother manner their destiny by any European power, in\\nany other light than as a manifestation of an unfriendly\\ndisposition toward the United States. In the war be-\\ntween those new governments and Spain, we declared\\nour neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to\\nthis we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, pro-\\nvided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of\\ncompetent authorities of this government, shall make a\\ncorresponding change in the part of the United States\\nindispensable to their security.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "194 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nEvents show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this\\nimportant fact, no stronger proof can be adduced, than\\nthat the allied powers should have thought it proper, on\\nany principles satisfactory to themselves to have it inter-\\nposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To\\nwhat extent such interposition may be carried on the\\nsame principle, is a question in which all independent\\npowers, whose governments differ from theirs are inter-\\nested, even those most remote., and surely none more so\\nthan the United States. Our policy in regard to\\nEurope, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars\\nwhich have so long agitated that quarter of the Globe,\\nnevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere\\nin the internal concerns of any of its powers to consider\\nthe governments de facto as the legitimate government\\nfor us to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to pre-\\nserve those relations by a frank, firm and manly policy,\\nmeeting in all instances the just claims of every power,\\nsubmitting to injuries from none. But in regard to\\nthose continents circumstances are eminently and con-\\nspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied\\npowers should extend their political systems to any por-\\ntion of either continent without endangering our peace\\nand happiness nor can anyone believe that our Southern\\nbrethern, if left to themselves would adopt it of their\\nown accord. It is equally impossible therefore, that we\\nshould behold such interposition in any form with indif-\\nference. If we look to the comparative strength and re-\\nsources of Spain, and those new governments and their\\ndistance from each other, it must be obvious, that she\\nnever can subdue them. It is still the true policy of the\\nUnited States to leave the parties to themselves, in the\\nhope that other powers will pursue the same course.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 195\\nMonroe s jth Annual Message, Dec. 2, 1823. Such is\\nwhat is called the Monroe doctrine. How was it\\nbrought about, and what occasioned it, will be the sub-\\nject of the following.\\nThe principles upon which the Monroe doctrine rests,\\nhaving in the light of recent events come into promi-\\nnence again, it may not be amiss to recall some of the cir-\\ncumstances out of which it arose, in order to gain a clear\\nand distinct idea of what the policy of the United States\\nhas been on the subject for nearly a century past. The\\nfailure to apply it to the case of Mexico just previous\\nto and during the rebellion, and what political party was\\nresponsible for the failure to apply it at that time, may\\nalso make more clear what the duty of an American ad-\\nministration is under circumstances now existing.\\nDuring the administration of James Buchanan the re-\\npublic of Mexico was almost constantly in a state of rev-\\nolution. Great outrages had been committed by the sev-\\neral Mexican governments, and President Buchanan\\ncalled attention to these in his message to Congress in\\nDecember, 1859. (See Journal of House of Representa-\\ntives, Page 207.)\\nIn that message he said The wrongs which we\\nnave suffered from Mexico are before the world and\\nmust deeply impress every American citizen. A gov-\\nernment which is either unable or unwilling to redress\\nsuch wrongs is derelict to its highest duties. Mira-\\nmon s government was a usurpation. He was placed in\\npower by Zulaga, a partisan of the so-called church\\nparty, in the interest of monarchial influences from\\nabroad, as President Substitute, and Juarez, who suc-\\nceeded Comonfort, was the constitutional president, hav-\\ning been chief justice of Mexico, and by the constitution", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "196 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nbecoming the acting president, proceeded to* organize\\nresistance against the Miramon usurpation, finally es-\\ntablishing himself at Vera Cruz. The United States\\ngovernment ceased to hold intercourse with Miramon at\\nthe capitol and recognized the constitutional government\\nof Juarez. It was the policy of the administration to\\nsend a military expedition to the City of Mexico and de-\\nmand a redress of grievances, and bv doing this, by con-\\nsent of President Juarez, would have resulted in driving\\nthe usurper Miramon from power and re-establishing\\nthe rightful president of Mexico in the capitol of the\\nnation. This was deemed of great importance by Pres-\\nident Buchanan because it would remove from us the\\ndanger of a foreign war in support of the Monroe doc-\\ntrine against any European nation, which might be\\ntempted by the distracted condition of Mexico to inter-\\nfere forcibly in its internal affairs, under the pretext of\\nrestoring peace and order. The president could not do\\nthis without the aid of congress, consequenly he sent his\\nmessage to congress on the 19th of December, 1859.\\nAfter fully explaining the situation he concludes thus\\nFor these reasons I recommend to congress to pass a\\nlaw authorizing the president to employ a\\nsufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose\\nof obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the\\nfuture. He then argues the right and duty of the\\nUnited States government to do this, as not interfering\\nin the domestic affairs of a foreign nation, but for safety\\nourselves, and concludes As a good neighbor, shall\\nwe not extend a helping hand to save her? If we do\\nnot, it would not be surprising should some other nation\\nundertake the task, and thus force us to interfere at last", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 197\\nunder circumstances of increased difficulty for the main-\\ntenance of our established policy/\\nThese recommendations were wholly disregarded by\\ncongress during the session of 1859-60, were not even\\nnoticed in any of its proceedings, the house of represen-\\ntatives being too exclusively engaged in discussing the\\nslavery question and giving attention to the approaching\\npresidential election, to devote any attention to the vin-\\ndication of our honor, by applying the Monroe doctrine\\nin the support of free institutions in our neighbor re-\\npublic.\\nIn his message of December, 1860, he again called the\\nattention of congress to this matter, but with no better\\neffect. After rehearsing the facts, he deprecates the\\nomission of congress to give the required authority, and\\nshowing what might have been the result had it done\\nso. He closes by saying We should thus have been\\nrelieved from the obligation of resisting by force, should\\nthis be necessary, any attempt by these governments to\\ndeprive our neighboring republic of portions of her ter-\\nritory, a duty from which we could not shrink without\\nabandoning the traditional and established policy of the\\nAmerican people/\\nThis was the policy of President Buchanan concerning\\nthe Monroe doctrine. The failure of Congress to re-\\ngard his recommendation resulted in the French estab-\\nlishing a monarchy upon American soil, under his suc-\\ncessor s administration, when we were ourselves engaged\\nin a great civil war.\\nNow then, what is this Monroe doctrine, which is the\\nestablished and traditional policy of the American gov-\\nernment Here the writer must quote largely from\\nothers who have at great length given us the history of", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "198 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthe events which lead up to its establishment as a sort of\\nunwritten law of our country.\\nWhen the allied powers of Europe had conquered\\nXapoleon and placed the Bourbon Louis XVIII upon the\\nthrone of France, then but recently under free govern-\\nment, Russia, Austria and Prussia in 1815 formed the\\nso-called Holy Alliance/ and induced even France to\\naccede to it The object was the unholy purpose of\\nabolishing liberal governments on the continent of\\nEurope, and to maintain the divine right of sov-\\nereigns to rule according to their own discretion. In\\nother words, to rollr back the tide of progress towards\\nfree institutions instigated by the successful example of\\nthe United States of America, and to restore the old\\nforms of despotic governments existing before the\\nAmerican and French revolutions. Accordingly the\\nguns of France were turned against the Cortes of Spain,\\nand restored the bigoted Ferdinand VII to absolute\\npower.\\nIt must be remembered that one year before this the\\nUnited States government, in 1822, had acknowledged\\nthe independence of different South American Spanish\\ncolonies, and had appropriated one hundred thousand\\ndollars to defray the expenses of missions to these in-\\ndependent nations on the American continents.\\nNow mark the results While the French were suc-\\ncessfully crushing the Spanish liberals, their old enemy,\\nEngland, became satisfied that after their European cam-\\npaign had ended, the French intended to assist Ferd-\\ninand VII to re-subjugate what they termed his re-\\nbellous colonies on this side of the Atlantic\\nEngand having then, as she has ever since, cultivated\\nher extensive trade with these South American coun-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 199\\ntries, was most strenuously opposed to this, and resolved\\nto resist it, because, if successful, it would be a very se-\\nvere blow to her commerce in that quarter of the new\\nworld.\\nShrewd and sharp as British statesmen generally have\\nbeen, she sought to enlist the United States with her\\nin this great enterprise. They well knew that to enlist\\nAmerican patriotism with them would vastly strengthen\\nher cause in support of their trade. Benj. Rush, in\\n1823, was the American minister in London and the\\ngrea!: British statesman, Mr. Canning, was the British\\nminister of foreign affairs. The latter took Mr. Rush\\ninto his confidence and proposed that the two govern-\\nments should immediately publish a joint declaration\\nbefore Europe, manifesting a decided hostility to the\\npurpose of the so-called Holy Alliance so far as Amer-\\nica was concerned. Air. Canning proposed that this\\nmanifesto should declare the opinion that the recovery\\nof the Spanish colonies was a hopeless task. (England\\nhad had a little experience with North America some\\ntime before that and knew how it was herself.) Air.\\nCanning further proceeded to say that the recognition\\nof these states as free and independent nations was one\\nof time and circumstances and that the two uniting\\npowers were not disposed, however, to interpose ob-\\nstacles in the way to* any arrangements between the col-\\nonies and Spain but while they did not aim at acquiring\\nany portion of these colonies for themselves they would\\nnot see the transfer of any of them to a third power with\\nindifference.\\nWithout attempting a minute statement of all that was\\nproposed upon that occasion, it will suffice to say that\\nAir. Canning earnestly urged Air. Rush to become a", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "200 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nparty to this declaration immediately. Mr. Rush re-\\nplied that he had no instructions to warrant him in such\\nan act, yet he agreed to assume that responsibility upon\\none express condition only and that was that Great Brit-\\nain would first acknowledge the independence of these\\nnew American republics, as the United States had al-\\nready done. Mr. Canning, though still resolved to\\nfeat the Alliance in its project, declined to take that step,\\nperhaps with a secret hope some trade arrangements\\nmight be made between them as dependencies only of the\\nBritish crown.\\nBe that as it may, Mr. Rush, on September 19, 1823,\\ncommunicated these facts to John Quincy Adams, the\\nsecretary of state at Washington, in an elaborate dis-\\npatch, which has become a part of the American arch-\\nives. After President Monroe had himself considered\\nthese views, he sent them together with his own, as was\\nhis custom, to America s greatest statesman, Thomas\\nJefferson, asking his views as to what course ought to\\nbe pursued by our government to ward off the threaten-\\ning danger to our free institutions and those of our sis-\\nter republics.\\nThis great American Democrat considered the subject\\nuntil the 24th of October, 1823, when he replied in an\\nearnest, enthusiastic and eloquent letter, displaying in\\nhis old age the statesman-like sagacity and ardent pa-\\ntriotism of the author of the Declaration of Independ-\\nence if not indeed the author of that system of free\\ngovernment which this unholy alliance had been seek-\\ning to crush out in the world. The letter is found in\\nRandall s Life of Jefferson/ vol. 3, page 491. It needs\\nno apology to any American Democrat to give the letter\\nentire, because it might well teach the present genera-", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACV 201\\ntion how jealous they ought to be of our free institu-\\ntions, and how zealous, even clown to old age, in promul-\\ngating and sustaining them to bless mankind in future\\nages.\\nThe letter of Jefferson was as follows\\nThe question presented by the letters you have sent\\nme is the most momentous which has ever been offered\\nto my contemplation since that of Independence. That\\nmade us a nation this sets our compass and points the\\ncourse which we are to steer through the ocean of time\\nopening on us, and never could we embark on it under\\ncircumstances more auspicious. Our first and funda-\\nmental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in\\nthe toils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe\\nto intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, north\\nand south, has a set of interests distinct from those of\\nEurope and peculiarly her own. She should therefore,\\nhave a system of her own, separate and apart from that\\nof Europe. While the last is laboring to become the\\ndomicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be\\nto make our hemisphere that of freedom.\\nOne nation, most of all could disturb us in this pur-\\nsuit she now offers to lead, aid and accompany us in it.\\nBy acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the\\nband of despots, bringing her mighty weight into the\\nscale of free government, and emancipate a continent at\\none stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt\\nand difficulty. Great Britain is the nation that can do\\nus the most harm of any one or all on earth and with her\\non our side we need not fear the whole world. With her,\\nthen, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial friend-\\nship and nothing would tend more to knit our affections\\nthan to be fighting once more side by side, in the same\\ncause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the\\nprice of taking part in her wars. But the war in which\\nthe present proposition might engage us, should that be\\nits consequence, is not her war, but ours.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "202 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nIts object is to introduce and establish the American\\nsystem of keeping out of our land all foreign powers;\\nof never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with\\nthe affairs of our nation. It is to maintain our own prin-\\nciples, not to depart from it; and if, to facilitate this,\\nwe can effect a division in the body of the European\\npowers and draw over to our side its most powerful\\nmember, surely we should do- it. But I am clearly of\\nMr. Canning s opinion that it will prevent instead of pro-\\nvoke war. With Great Britain taken from their scale\\nand shifted into that of our two continents all Europe\\ncombined would not undertake such a w r ar. For how\\nwould they propose to get at either enemy without su-\\nperior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be slighted, which\\nthis proposition offers, of declaring our protest against\\nthe atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the\\ninterference of any one in the internal affairs of another,\\nso flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued\\nby the equally lawless alliance calling itself holy.\\nBut we have first to ask ourselves a question Do we\\nwish to acquire to our own confederacy any one or more\\nof the Spanish provinces? I candidly confess that I\\nhave ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting ad-\\ndition which could ever be made to our system of states.\\nThe control which, with Florida point, this Island would\\ngive us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and\\nisthmus bordering on it, as w r ell as all those whose waters\\nflow into it, would fill up the measures of our political\\nwell being. Yet. as I am sensible, that this can never be\\nobtained, even with her own consent, but by war and its\\nindependence, which is our second interests (and es-\\npecially its independence of England), can be secured\\nwithout it, I have no hesitation in abandoning my first\\nwish to future chances, and accepting its independence,\\nwith peace and the friendship of England, rather than its\\nassociation at the expense of war and her enmity.\\nI could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration\\nproposed, that we aim not at the acquisition of any of\\nthose possessions that we will not stand in the way of", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 203\\nany amicable arrangement between them and the mother\\ncountry but that we will oppose, with all our means, the\\nforcible interposition of any other power, as auxiliary,\\nstipendiary or under any other form or pretext, and most\\nespecially their transfer to any power by conquest,\\ncession or acquisition in any other way. I should think it\\ntherefore advisable that the executive should encourage\\nthe British government to a continuance in the disposi-\\ntions expressed in these letters, by an assurance of his\\nconcurrence with them, so far as his authority goes, and\\nthat, as it may lead to war, the declaration of which re-\\nquires an act of congress the case should be laid before\\nthem for consideration at their first meeting and under\\nthe reasonable aspect in which it is seen by himself.\\nI have been so long weaned from political subjects\\nand have so long ceased to take any interest in them that I\\nam sensible I am not qualified to offer opinions on them\\nworthy of any attention. But the question now proposed\\ninvolves consequences so lasting and effects so decisive\\nof our future destinies, as to rekindle all the interest I\\nhave heretofore felt on such occasions and to induce me\\nto the hazard of opinions which will prove only my wish\\nto contribute still my mite toward anything which may\\nbe useful to our country. And praying you to accept\\nit only for what it is worth, I add my assurance of my\\nconstant and affectionate friendship and respect.\\nThomas Jefferson.\\nOn December 2, 1823, President Monroe in his seventh\\nannual message announced what is now known as The\\nMonroe Doctrine.\\nIn its most compact form he sums up his conclusions\\nas follows As a principle in which the rights and in-\\nterests of the United States are involved, that the Amer-\\nican continents, by the free and independent condition\\nthey ha\\\\^ assumed and maintained, are henceforth not\\nto be considered as subjects for future colonization by", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "204 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nany European powers. The word henceforth was\\nevidently used because Great Britain, France and Por-\\ntugal, in the form of the Brazilian Empire, then possessed\\ncolonies on these continents and were held to be exempt\\nfrom its terms. This is evident because in the same\\nmessage the president also said, with the existing\\ncolonies or dependencies of any European power we have\\nnot interfered and will not interfere/\\nIt will be noticed that Jefferson went beyond the terms\\nof the joint declaration proposed by Mr. Canning the\\nlatter was confined to the Spanish-American colonies\\nbut the Monroe doctrine extends the protection of the\\nUnited States to every other portion of both continents.\\nIn his message the president discussed the project of\\nthis alliance against the southern republics and warned\\nthose European powers of the consequences they might\\nexpect.\\nPresident James Buchanan, who did more to enforce\\nit, whether while acting as a foreign minister, or a\\nmember of the cabinet or as executive than any other\\npresident since Monroe s time, thus sums up his under-\\nstanding of the doctrine It is in opposition to future\\nEuropean colonization on any part of the American con-\\ntinent it is opposition to any introduction of European\\ndespotic or monarchial institutions in any part of the\\nAmerican continent it is in opposition to any attempt of\\nEuropean sovereigns to subjugate the North American\\nrepublic of Mexico, or any of the South American re-\\npublics.\\nMr. Rush reported that when the Monroe message\\narrived in London it excited great attention. The press\\nwas full of it, and it was upon all tongues. The Spanish-\\nAmerican deputies were overjoyed their securities rose", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 205\\nin the stock market and the safety of the new states was\\nassured from all European coercion. The allies aban-\\ndoned their hostile purpose against them, and their in-\\ndependence was secured. It proved to be eminently\\nwise, that the oldest American republic on this continent\\nshould at the proper time, have interposed its shield to\\ndefend their weaker sisters against the assaults of the\\nunholy alliance of European despotism. It will be wise\\nat all times to repeat the same whenever thought nec-\\nessary.\\nBut how was it received by British statesmen? We\\nare told by the American minister that the portion re-\\ngarding the protection of the new republics, being in\\naccordance with the avowed policy of Great Britain, was\\nreceived with favor by their government but not so with\\nthat portion of it against future European colonization\\nAnd they are not vet satisfied with it.\\nThe Monroe doctrine soon became a canon of political\\nfaith for the American people. They placed it side by\\nside with their impressment of American seamen, and the\\nsearch of American vessels on the high seas.\\nPresident Buchanan, arguing in favor of supporting\\nthe Juarez government in Mexico and by demanding in-\\ndemnity of Aliramon, the infamous substitute presi-\\ndent, destroy this germ of despotism, declared govern-\\nments so radically opposed in principle could not in-\\ntermingle in adjoining territories without dangerous\\ndisputes and collisions. The contrast between them\\nwould be a perennial source of jealousy. Each would nec-\\nessarily endeavor to propagate its own principles among\\nthe neighboring people of the other. In the interest of\\npeace and friendship between European monarchies and\\nAmerican republics, a wise foresight forbids the former", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "206 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nfrom establishing colonies within the territories or in the\\nvicinity of the latter. Should the United States inter-\\npose forcibly to establish Republican institutions on any\\npart of the European continent, it is certain all their\\nsovereigns would continue to resist such an interference\\nas dangerous to their system. Shall we then, abandoning\\nthe Monroe doctrine, patiently suffer any of them to\\nextend their dominion, equally dangerous to our free\\nform of government, on this side of the Atlantic\\nSo now must every American Democrat denounce the\\nattempt to extend the borders of the present possessions\\nof several Europan powers on the Atlantic side of South\\nAmerica, by bullying comparatively weak states into a\\ncompulsory accession of territory claimed by virtue of\\nfranchise granted against the protests of the people the\\nsovereigns of those states.\\nIt may be true that British colonies are comparatively\\nfree compared with Russia and other absolute mon-\\narchies but as boards of health would destroy germs of\\ncontagious diseases, so should we, the greatest of all\\nAmerican republics, quarantine against the spread of\\nmonarchiaL germs along the banks of the Orinoco, in a\\nstrip of territory as large as Ohio taken from Venezuela.\\nThis is not jingoism, which would seek to prevent a\\nfriendly power from demanding a redress of actual in-\\nternational grievances from a sister republic, but an hon-\\nest protest against the despoilment of a sister republic of\\nterritory that is already pledged to free government, by\\nforcing a transfer of territory by no less dishonorable\\nmeans than the payment of a debt by the sale of virtue.\\nThe Monroe doctrine became the established policy of\\n.our government, placed side by side with our hostility to", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 207\\nthe impressment of American seamen and the search of\\nAmerican vessels on the high seas.\\nNotwithstanding treaties had been made between the\\nUnited States and Great Britain since the war of 1812,\\nstill the latter failed, in so many words, to absolutely\\nagree to either or all of the above propositions, in ac-\\ncordance with the position taken by the United States.\\nDuring the administration of President Polk it became\\nnecessary to re-affirm the Monroe doctrine, having\\nespecial reference to the attempt then made by England\\nto establish a protectorate, over what was called the\\nMusquito coast, within the bounds of the republics of\\nNicaragua and Honduras, which President Polk did in\\ndecided terms in his first message to congress December\\n2, 1845.\\nDuring the administrations of Taylor and Fillmore,\\nelected by the Whig party, Hon. James M. Clayton was\\nminister to England, and concluded the Clayton-Bulwer\\ntreaty which became very unsatisfactory because open\\nto two constructions upon these vital international ques-\\ntions.\\nPresident Pierce succeeded that administration, and\\nJames Buchanan was sent to England as Clayton s suc-\\ncessor. The true construction of the Clayton-Bulwer\\ntreaty became the subject of an extended correspondence\\nbetween him and the British government. It continued\\nduring nearly his whole term of office, without any\\nmaterial effect. He returned to the United States ap-\\nplauded by the whole American people, because of the\\npatriotism and ability displayed in handling these great\\nquestions, and was immediately nominated in 1856 as\\nthe Democratic candidate for president. The Democratic\\nplatform made at Cincinnati took a decided position in\\n*]5", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "208 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nfavor of the American construction of that treaty, declar-\\ning in substance, briefly stated, as follows\\nThat in view of the condition of popular institutions in\\nthe old world, and the dangerous tendency of sectional\\nagitation in the United States, it behooved the American\\nDemocracy to uphold and maintain the constitution,\\nwhich it declared was broad enough to uphold the union\\nas it was, is, and should be, in the full expression, energies\\nand capacity of this great and growing people that there\\nwere then questions pending connected with the foreign\\npolicy of this country inferior to no domestic question\\nthat the time had come for our people to declare them-\\nselves in favor of free seas, and progressive free trade\\nthroughout the world with especial reference to searches\\nand seizures of American vessels under our flag, which\\nwere to be free therefrom in all parts of the w r orld and\\nthat was the time by solemn manifestations to place our\\nmoral influence by the side of our successful example\\nthat our geographical and political position, no less than\\nour commercial interests and growing power, required\\nthat we should hold sacred the principles of the Monroe\\ndoctrine, which admitted of no misconstruction and\\nshould be applied with unbending rigidity. It further\\ndeclared that the great highways which nature as well\\nas the states immediately interested, by their assent,\\nmarke^d out for free communication between the Atlantic\\nand Pacific oceans, constituting the most important\\nachievement in modern times, (the Panama railroad and\\nNicaraguan canal), realized in the unconquerable energy\\nof our people, and which we had the right to- control,\\nand no power on earth should be suffered to impede or\\nclog its progress by any interference with any relations\\nit might suit our policy to adopt between our govern-\\nment and the government of the countries within whose\\ndominions they lay and that under no circumstances\\nmust we surrender our preponderance in the adjustment\\nof all questions arising out of it and that furthermore,\\nin view of these commanding interests, the people of the", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 209\\nUnited States deeply sympathized with the efforts then\\nbeing made by the people of Central America to regen-\\nerate that portion of the continent which covered the\\ninter-oceanic passages between, and they finally declared\\nthat they would expect the next administration to in-\\nsure our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico and to main-\\ntain permanent protection to the great outlets through\\nwhich were emptied into its waters the products raised\\nout of the soil and commodities created by the industry. of\\nthe people of our western valleys and plains, and those\\nof the union at large\\nThis was called the platform of the fierce Democracy,\\nbecause it was patriotic, progressive and brave.\\nUpon this platform James Buchanan, the last Demo-\\ncratic president before Cleveland, was triumphantly\\nelected; and so far as in his power he fulfilled that\\npledge.\\nUpon his induction into office he found our foreign\\naffairs with England, as he had left them in London\\nvery unsatisfactory. The two irritating and dangerous\\nquestions were still pending, which, in view 7 of the posi-\\ntion taken by the American Democracy, might at any\\nmoment have involved us in war.\\nThe first one was the protectorate over the Musquito\\ncoast, and England s establishment of a colonial govern-\\nment over the Bay Islands belonging to the feeble repub-\\nlics of Nicaragua and Honduras.\\nIt had been supposed that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty\\nhad settled these questions in our favor, but Great Britain\\nhad failed to withdraw from these territories and per-\\nsisted in holding them, contending that the treaty only\\nprohibited her from making future acquisitions in Central\\nAmerica. The second irritating question was the claimed", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "210 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nright to search American vessels under the plea that they\\nwished to ascertain whether any carried slaves.\\nEngland had maintained her right of search both be-\\nfore the war of 1812, and persistently claimed that right\\nuntil Buchanan s election. Her exercise of the right in\\n1858 nearly involved the two countries in war. They\\nwell knew that the American people were peculiarly\\nsensitive against any attempt by any power, anywhere\\nin the world, to invade the freedom of the seas. The\\ndoctrine was maintained that Old Glory made free\\nfrom search any vessel over which it floated, anywhere\\nthe same as the soil on which it was planted This ques-\\ntion was now brought home to the British government by\\nthe same person who had so ably but ineffectually argued\\nthe claim of American rights at the court of St. James\\nwhen in London, but now he demanded the concession of\\nthose rights as the commander-in-chief of the American\\narmy and navy, from the capital of his country, placed\\nthere by the suffrages of a brave and determined people.\\nJohn Bull played the bluff game for a little while and\\ndispatched small armed vessels, employed in the Crimean\\nwar. into the Gulf of Mexico and to the coast of Cuba, with\\ninstructions to search American merchantmen, under\\nsome pretext or another, as she always claimed. Uncle\\nSam thought he could police his own merchant marine;\\nthe free and uninterrupted use of these waters were\\npeculiarly essential to our coastwise trade, and thought\\nif the British bothered us we would fight to maintain our\\nrights.\\nThe British officers, however, were instructed and did\\nproceed to execute their orders by forcibly boarding and\\nsearching American vessels in those waters, oftentimes\\nin a rude and most offensive manner, as if England really", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 211\\nwas the mistress of the seas. Day after day these re-\\nports came to hand. The people became excited and\\nloudly demanded redress. The President emphatically\\nprotested against the same and remonstrated against\\nthese deliberate violations of treaty obligations.\\nCongress had adjourned and the writer happened to\\nvisit Washington in July, 1858, and yet well remembers-\\na call upon the venerable Secretary of State, General\\nCass, whom he found seated in his office between two\\nsecretaries, while preparing, as he remarked, important\\ndispatches concerning the recent British outrages in the\\nGulf of Mexico It had become necessary to resist\\nforce by force, and without calling back congress or\\nawaiting their action, the President immediately ordered\\nevery ship of war within reach to the Gulf of Mexico,\\nwith positive instructions to protect all United States\\nvessels on the high seas from search, seizure or detention\\nby vessels of war of any other nation. Those were words\\nthat meant business. Had a collision occurred between\\nvessels of war, each acting under instructions from their\\nown government, war would have instantly existed.\\nThis action of the President brought the British to\\nterms. No collision occurred. They quietly adandoned\\ntheir claim to the right of search recognized the validity\\nof the principles of international law as always claimed\\nby the United States and prepared to be enforced by the\\npresident. This secured from visitation and search of\\nall American vessels by British cruisers in time of peace,\\nunder any circumstances whatever. Since then the\\ndeck of an American vessel, under our flag, is as free as\\nAmerican soil. It is n^w the policy of this government\\nand it places all other nations in the position where they\\nmust fight or abandon the claim For aught we know", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "212 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nthe rejuvenated nation of Japan, in the exuberance of\\nher own importance, after her recent success like a\\nbantam in a barnyard, is the only nation that now claims\\nthat right. She threatened to enforce it upon one of our\\nvessels during the recent war with China. Our minister\\nDun plainly told them the result if their claims were not\\nabandoned. The armistice being declared at that par-\\nticular time saved an attempt and the subject is now\\nunder consideration by the two governments. The result\\nis not doubtful.\\nThe British government eventually withdrew from the\\nMusquito protectorate as well as from the colony of the\\nBay Islands and at the close of Buchanan s administra-\\ntion no European colony existed upon American soil,\\nexcept such as had been established before the Monroe\\ndoctrine was announced unless formed out of territory\\npreviously belonging to a European power.\\nLooking out upon the world before us, we see indica-\\ntions that the contest for offensive positions will be re-\\nnewed upon the American continent. South and Central,\\nwith a view to control our inter-oceanic communications\\nor the waters of strategic importance in neighboring re-\\npublics perhaps under the guise of contracts, but yet\\nfor purposes inimical to the peace and welfare of this part\\nof the world. It will be well to watch them closely.\\nThe American Democracy demanded of the first Demo-\\ncratic successor of that Democratic president who wrested\\nfrom the British government the relinquishment of those\\nancient claims, that it maintain the position of the Ameri-\\ncan people, as well as that of the Democratic party, and\\nto see that our right to the railroad across the Isthmus\\nof Darien and the unmolested right to the control of the\\nNicaraguan canal be preserved to the fullest extent in", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 213\\naccordance with the traditions and principles of that\\ngreat party; and that no territory shall be wrested from\\nany American republic, or colonized by any European\\npower that our vessels shall be free upon the high seas,\\nthat American citizens shall not be impressed into any\\nforeign army or navy against their will; to the end that\\nthis policy may be vindicated; that those principles shall\\nbe perpetuated and maintained as a part of the glorious\\nheritage, to the many achievements of which they may\\nwell point with pride as the work cf their fathers. Let the\\nactions of the sons be worthy of their sires and their\\nbanner shall never be permanently trailed in the dust.\\nThe Republican party, at their National Convention at\\nSt. Louis, Mo., June 17, 1896, adopted the following\\nplatform on the subject: We re-assert the Monroe\\ndoctrine in its full extent, and we re-affirm the right of the\\nUnited States to give the Doctrine effect by responding\\nto the appeals of any American state for friendly inter-\\nvention in case of European encroachment. We have not\\ninterfered and shall not interfere with the existing pos-\\nsessions of any European power in this hemisphere, but\\nthose possessions must not, on any pretext, be extended.\\nWe hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal\\nof the European powers from this hemisphere, and to the\\nultimate union of all English speaking parts of the con-\\ntinent by the free consent of its inhabitants.\\nThis has followed the message of President Cleveland\\nupon the Venezuela affair, which brought about the set-\\ntlement of that long-standing contention. Then followed\\nthe Spanish war, at the close of which it lost Cuba,\\nPuerto Rico and the Philippine Islands, and thus stands\\nthe situation at the present time.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "214\\nTHE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY\\nPRESIDENTIAL VOTE FROM 1789 TO 1896.\\nYear.\\nCandidate.\\nParty.\\nPopular Vote.\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\n1789\\n1792\\n17\\ni\\n1800 -j\\n1804 -j\\n1808 -j\\n1812 -j\\n1816 -j\\n1820\\nr\\n1824 j\\n1828 j\\nr\\n1832\\n1\\nI\\n1836 -i\\n1840\\n1844 -j\\n1848-^\\n1852 j\\nGeorge Washington.,\\nGeorge Washington..\\nJohn Ada ins.\\nThomas Jefferson.\\nThomas Jefferson..\\nAaron Burr\\nJohn Adams\\nThomas Jeffeiv on.,\\nC. C. Pinckney\\nJames Madison..\\nC C. Pinckney...\\nJames Madison..\\nDeWitt Clinton..\\nJames Monroe...\\nRufus King\\nJames Monroe\\n-John Q. Adams..\\nAndrew Jackson\\nW. H. Crawford\\nHenry Clay\\nAndrew Jackson\\nJohn Q. Adams\\nAndrew Jackson..\\nHenry Clay\\nJohn Floyd\\nWilliam Wirt\\nMartin Tan Buren\\nWm. H. Harrison\\net als\\nWm. H. Harrison\\nMartin Van Buren\\nJames K Polk..\\nHenry Clay\\nZachary Taylor\\nL.ewis Cass\\nMartin Van Buren.,\\nFranklin Pierce Dem*\\nWin field Scott et als Whig\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nI\\nElectors chos*n by.Unani-\\nStateLegislatures mous.\\ndo do do\\ndo\\ndo\\nDem. Elected by House\\nDem.\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nDem.\\nWhig\\nDem.\\nFederal\\nDem.\\nWhig\\nWhig\\nWhig\\nDem.\\nWhig\\nWhig\\nDem.\\nDem.\\nWhig\\nWhig\\nDem.\\nDem.\\n71\\n73\\nRep. on 35th ballot\\n73\\n65\\nElectors chos n by\\nStateLegislatures\\n148\\n28\\ndo do\\n122\\n47\\ndo do\\n128\\n89\\ndo do\\n183\\n34\\nBut one electoral\\nvote in opposition\\n105,321\\n155,872\\n44,282\\n46,587\\n84\\n99\\n41\\n37\\n647,231\\n509,097\\n178\\n83\\n987.502\\n530,189\\n219\\n49\\n11\\n7\\n761,549\\n736,656\\n170\\n121\\n1,275,011\\n1,135,761\\n234\\n60\\n1,337,243\\n1,361,362\\n170\\n105\\n1,360,099\\n1,220,554\\n291,263\\n163\\n127\\n1,601,474\\n1,542,403\\n254\\n42\\nElected by House of Representatives.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 215\\nPRESIDENTIAL VOTE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Concluded.\\nYear.\\nCandidate.\\nParty,\\nPopular vote.\\nElectoral\\nVote.\\n1856]\\nJames Buchanan\\nDem.\\nRepub.\\nRepub.\\nDem.\\nRepub\\nDem.\\nRepub.\\nDem.\\nRepub.\\nDem.\\nDem.\\nRepub.\\nG. B.\\nRepub.\\nDem.\\nG. B.\\nDem.\\nRepub.\\nPeo.\\nDem.\\nRepub.\\nDem.\\nRepub.\\nPeo.\\nRepub.\\nDem.\\nPop.\\nPeo.\\n1,838,166\\n2,215,768\\n1,866.352\\n2,810,501\\n2,216.067\\n1,808,725\\n3.015,071\\n2,709 613\\n3,597,070\\n2,834,079\\n4,284.885\\n4,033,950\\n81,740\\n4,449,053\\n4,442,035\\n307,306\\n4,911,017\\n4,848,334\\n285,634\\n5,538 233\\n5,440.216\\n402,311\\n5,556,918\\n5,176,108\\n1,041,028\\n265,297\\n7,104,779\\n6,502,925\\n314,398\\n174\\nJohn C. Fremont\\n114\\n1860J\\n1864]\\nAbraham Lincoln\\n180\\nStephen A. Douglas\\net als\\nAbraham Lincoln\\n123\\n213\\nGeo. B. McClellan\\n21\\n1868 -j\\nUlysses S. Grant\\n214\\nHoratio Seymour\\n80\\n1872 j\\nDlysses S. Grant\\n286\\nHorace Greeley\\nDec.\\n1876^\\nSamuel J. Tilden\\nR. B. Hayes\\n184\\n185\\n1\\nPeter Cooper\\nr\\nJames A Garfield\\n214\\n1880^\\nW. S. Hancock\\n1\\nJames B. Weaver..\\nr\\nGrover Cleveland\\n219\\n1884^\\nJames G. Blaine\\n182\\n1\\nB. F. Butler\\net als\\nGrover Cleveland\\n168\\n1888-\\nBenj. Harrison\\n233\\n1\\n1892-1\\nClinton B. Flsk\\net als\\nGrover Cleveland\\n277\\nBenj. Harrison\\n145\\nJames B. Weaver\\nr\\n1896\\ni\\nI\\net als\\nWil iam McKinley..\\nWilliam J. Bryan\\n271\\nOther candidates\\n176\\nWe are indebted to The World Almanac for the figures after 1872.", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nPAGE\\nAssociations Leagues 124\\nBanks\u00e2\u0080\u0094 National 47, 184\\nBanking, business governments 184\\nBonds Opposed to issuing certain 108\\nBuchanan, Jas. Message of... 120\\nBuchanan, Jas. Not derelict in duty 121\\nBuchanan Jas. Portrait of C 59\\nCorruption In office 152\\nCobden, Richard, on Revenue 147\\nCivil Rights 142\\nCommunications Free 130\\nCoercion of States 119,120, 150\\nChange of Administrations 87\\nChange People free to change form of government 57\\nChange Of Federal Constitution generally against 31\\nCurrency Favor sound 40, 46, 78\\nCleveland, Prest.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Views of 41, 183, 5\\nCleveland, Prest. Nominated 86\\nCleveland, Prest. Administrations 96, 97\\nCaucus First Congressional, 1800 48\\nCuba Acquisition of. 64\\nCuba Sympathy with 112\\nCivil Service 76, 82, 112, 151, 154\\nCommercial Policy 91\\nCommerce unfettered 148\\nConstitution Amendment of 160\\nCivil over Military Power.. 162", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "INDEX 21-\\nPAGE\\nCoinage\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gold and Silver 174, 175, 6, 7 179\\nCoinage\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Views of Tom Benton 175, 6, 7, 8, 9\\nCoinage Author s suggestion ...179, 180\\nCoinage Jefferson and Hamilton 175\\nDemocracy Allen s description of 10\\nDemocracy Hoadley s description of 11\\nDemocrats Duty of 14\\nDemocrats Not everything is so-called 15, 25\\nDemocrats Should be well understood 18\\nDemocrats -Principles where found 24\\nDemocrats Principles by Washington 27\\nDemocrats Favors Union 28\\nDemocratic Party Not derelict 121\\nDemocracy Summary of 170\\nDemocracy Has distinct policy 157\\nDemocracy Rationale of 158\\nDemocracy Favors Public Instruction 162\\nDebtors Discrimination of by Gov Ill\\nDebts Public, not a blessing 167\\nDomestic Industries 99\\nDifference in parties Different standpoints 155\\nEconomy in expenses 81, 99\\nEconomy By Jackson 37, 71\\nEconomy By Cleveland 46\\nEquality in Rights 52\\nEquality in Taxation 71, 76\\nElections\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Freedom of 73, 91, 101, 137, 8, 161, 168\\nExtravagance Republican 110\\nEmigration Freedon of 139\\nExpansion In adjoining territories favored 187\\nExpansion Beyond, condemned 188\\nEncouragement to Democrats 188", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "218 INDEX\\nPAGE\\nElectoral College\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Votes in 191, 192, 214, 216\\nFreedom of the Press 164\\nFreedom of Worship-. 130\\nFreedom of Religion 140, 163\\nFree speech 49, 164\\nForeign Influence 30, 35, 159\\nForeign Nations 93, 104\\nFrance Congratulated 57\\nForeign Paupers 105\\nFunds\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Public 135\\nGold and Silver Coinage 40, 91\\nHamilton Federalist 12\\nHonest Money Gold and silver 91\\nHabeas Corpus 126,131, 164\\nIndustries Domestic. 99\\nJury Trials... 165\\nJefferson Founder of party 12\\nJeffersonian Principles ;..32, 34\\nJefferson s Portrait 32\\nJacksonian Principles 36, 41\\nJackson, Andrew Portrait 36\\nJohnson, Andrew On Coercion 119\\nLabor\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Friends of 86, 88, 95, 98, 106, 110, 163\\nLands\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Public 96, 104, 109\\nLabor Chinese 97\\nLaw Supremacy of 125\\nLiberty Personal 130\\nLiberty of Conscience 140\\nMadisonian Principles 34,36, 166\\nMadison, James Portrait of. 35\\nMoney metals 41\\nMajority must rule 41, 78", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "INDEX 219\\nPAGE\\nMoney\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Deposited in banks, opposed 42\\nMonroe Doctrine favored 21, 62\\nMonroe Doctrine Full text 197\\nMonarchical tendencies opposed 84, 92, 1 60\\nMarine merchant favored 94\\nMississippi river Improvement favored 94\\nManufactures Equally favored 99\\nMeetings Public 124\\nMobs and mob-law opposed by 125\\nMartial law Seldom proclaimed only when 126\\nMilitary rule subservient to civil power 127, 128\\nMoney Safest in people s pockets 168\\nMoney \u00e2\u0080\u0094Paper money theories 181\\nMoney power Powerful 185\\nMicaraguan canal 45, 62, 63\\nNavy Increase of. 94\\nNation This is a Jackson 116\\nNational Democratic party is 159\\nOffice\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Public, a trust 104\\nOffice\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Tenure of\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ought to be fixed 112\\nOffice\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Rotation in\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Favored 38, 169\\nOffice Removals Jackson favored 39\\nPowers Constitutional reserved to states 167\\nPowers Granted to Federal Government 167\\nPublic faith\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Must be sacredly kept 135, 162, 171\\nPetition\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Right of 122 123\\nProtection Of American citizens 64, 93\\nPacific R. R.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Favored 64\\nPanama R. R\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Favored 62\\nParties\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Of few ideas\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Short lived 19\\nPublic debts\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Opposed 30\\nPolitical offenses Denounced Opposed 132", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "220 INDEX\\nPAGE\\nProperty Private Can not be taken without pay..\\n130, 134\\nPaupers Foreign 105\\nPolk, Prest Portrait of 53\\nPublic funds 135\\nPlatforms\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1800, 1836, 1840 48, 50, 51\\n1844, 1848, 1852 54, 55, 55\\n1856, 1860, 1864 59, 63, 66\\n1868, 1872, 1876 70, 75, 77\\n1880, 1884, 1888 83, 86, 95\\n1892, 1896, 1900 100, 106,\\nPierce Franklin Portrait of. 57\\nReciprocity Treaties not favored 103\\nRepudiation of public debts Not Democratic 135\\nRevenue No more than necessary 142-3, 40, 55\\nRepublicans Liberal Party platform 75\\nReaffirmed platforms All to date 107\\nRepublican Congress derelict- 120\\nReligious freedom 163, 140\\nRights\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Civil 142\\nRussia condemned 104\\nSecession democrats opposed as a party 117, 118\\nSectional parties and sectionalism depreciated, 29,\\n148-9, 159\\nState rights and Federal grants 40, 73, 160, 161\\nSlavery Concerning Resolutions 58, 60\\nSoldiers\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sympathy with 69, 74, 88, 111\\nSurplus revenue 89\\nSumptuary laws 92, 106, 141\\nSilver demonetized Opposed 107\\nStanding armies Large, unsafe opposed 161\\nTaxation Witnout representation, opposed 133", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "INDEX 221\\nM PAGE\\nTilden, Sam l J. 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V\\nV*\\nOn", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0U A\\nk\\nr V3\\nv*\\n?4", "height": "4567", "width": "2929", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4935", "width": "3049", "jp2-path": "onehundredyears00bloo_0258.jp2"}}