{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3638", "width": "2101", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "0*\\n.V- v^^ -.^HS?/", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "v\\nV\\nlO .LV\\nV\\nV^\\n^o\\nV\\n5^*- ^-^o^ ^S ^ov* :m^^. oV ^^^i^\\nV\u00c2\u00b0 V*^ \\\\0^ o\\nV^^ x^ V ^.^-.o* -^-^^fSf-A* ^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2.f.", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "The Philosophy\\nof\\nAmerican History\\nWILLIAM P. GEST\\nPhiladelphia\\n1900", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "The Philosophy\\nof\\nAmerican History\\nWILLIAM P. GEST\\nPhiladelphia\\n1900", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "1(^784\\nf[7^ry of C^^^\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abj\\nI Tv/0 CohES Received\\njUL 9 1900\\nCopyright entry\\nNo.W.*\\nSECOND COPY.\\n0\u00c2\u00abUvM\u00c2\u00abd to\\nORDER OWISION,\\nJUL 10J900_\\n64849\\nEntered according to the Act of Congress\\nin the year 1900 by\\nWILLIAM P. GEST\\nin the Office of the Librarian of Congress\\nat Washington", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "The Philosophy of American History\\nTo Hegel of all philosophers is generally conceded\\nthe honor of having- made the best attempt to draw the\\nphenomena of history into a philosophical theory. It\\nwas certainly his belief, and it became the boast of his\\ndisciples, that in his philosophy, all phenomena, history,\\nas well as metaphysics, had been reduced to unity. It\\nwas no doubt largely due to this universality of system,\\nas well as to his personal power as a teacher, that his\\nPhilosophy of History attained its unique reputation.\\nIn itself, as we have it in the notes of Gans, it is harsh,\\nunbalanced, difficult to comprehend and full of the ir-\\nregularities in which Hegel s own exuberant per-\\nsonality disregarded the necessities of his system.\\nBut it is the weakness perhaps the strength of his\\nphilosophy to bend to the idiosyncrasies of those who\\nprofess it. This is certainly to be expected of\\na system whose categories are interchangeable.\\nWhat agreement can be hoped for among those who\\nargue of Freedom and Necessity, when Freedom and\\nNecessity are Necessity and Freedom the same de-\\nluding spirit playing hide-and-seek with itself, each\\nother and the investigator So we need not wonder\\nthat, after the personal authority of the master was\\nremoved, division arose between his followers. The\\ndazzling stream of philosophy, which burst spon-\\ntaneously from his overpowering intellect, like a tor-\\nrent from a snow-capped mountain, separated into two", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "somewhat sluggish streams on which still sail many\\nlittle boats, with mariners all stoutly maintainino- that\\nthey at all events are on the main river and nearing\\nthe ocean of truth. Indeed they claim to distinguish\\nalready the\\nMurmurs and scents of the infinite sea.\\nIt is generally believed, however, that both branches,\\nlike Abana and Pharpar have lost themselves in the\\ndust of the desert which usually happens, I believe,\\nto streams that divide so near their source.\\nThe fundamental proposition of Hegel was that\\nall thought moves from thesis, through antithesis, to\\nsynthesis from the positive, through the negative, to\\nthe absolute. History, being the phenomenon of\\nSpirit revealing itself, is subject to the same law.\\nHistory in general is the development of Spirit in\\nTime, as Nature is the development of Spirit in\\nSpace.\\nThe History of the World is none other than the\\nprogress of the consciousness of Freedom which\\ndevelops according to the Necessity of its nature\\nSpirit is essentially the result of its own activity its\\nactivity is the transcending of its immediate simple\\nexistence, the negative of that existence and the\\nreturning into itself. The life of a people ripens a\\ncertain fruit its activity aims at the complete mani-\\nfestation of the principle which it embodies. But the\\nfruit does not fall back into the bosom of the people\\nthat produced and matured it oji the co7itrary it\\nbecomes a poison draught to it. That poison draught\\nit caniiot let alone, for it has an insatiable thirst for\\nHegel Pliilos. of History, trans. Sibree, 75.\\nId., p. ly.", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "the taste of the draught is its annihilation,\\nthough at the some time the rise of a new principle?\\nDeath is the issue of Life and Life also the issue\\nof Death. The Phcenix was a type of the law of\\nN ature. Spirit, on the other hand, does not merely\\npass into another envelope or rise rejuvenescent from\\nthe ashes of its previous form it comes forth exalted,\\nglorified, a purer Spirit. It certainly makes war on\\nitself; but in its very destruction exalts that existence\\nto a new grade, The life of the Spirit is thus a circle\\nof progressive embodiments, the goal of which is the\\ncomplete development of Spirit.^ The essence of Spirit\\nis Freedom, by which is meant Freedom both from\\noutward control and inward passion.^ A nation is\\nmoral, virtuous, vigorous, while it is engaged in realiz-\\ning its grand objects, and defends its work against\\nexternal violence during the process. The contra-\\ndiction between its potential, subjective being and its\\nactual being is removed the result having been\\nattained, the activity displayed by the Spirit of the\\npeople is no longer needed. Then a mere customary\\nlife without supreme interest brings on natural death\\nand though the nation may continue in being there-\\nafter, it is an existence without intellect or vitality,\\nhaving no need of its institutions because the need of\\nthem is satisfied, a political nullity and tedium. In\\norder that a truly universal interest may arise, the\\nSpirit of a people must advance to the adoption of\\nsome new purpose but whence can this new purpose\\noriginate It would be a higher, more comprehensive\\n3 IiL, p. 82.\\nId., p. 76.\\n5 /.,p82.\\nIntrod. p. xi, iS.", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "conception of itself, a transcending of its principle\\nbut this very act would involve a new National\\nSpirit.\\nThese ideas were not essentially original with\\nHegel. Re-action as a necessary element of history\\nhas been discussed since the time of Plato, and the\\nconception of the necessary antithesis in thought had\\nbeen made familiar by Fichte. The universality of\\nHegel s system, however, resulted in the transference\\nof the antithesis from the field of metaphysics to that of\\nhistory, and thereby the thought process necessarily\\nbecame a time-process. We need not discuss the\\nconsistency or inconsistency of this. Hegel s for-\\nmulae applied to the practical treatment of events\\nseem like the quantities of mathematics which become\\nimaginary when projected into a different plane.\\nThere may, however, be a useful analogy which can\\nbe applied practically without implying the identity of\\nthe processes. The imaginary quantities may work\\nout into tangible results.\\nVico also, in his theories of the merging of poetical\\nwisdom into occult wisdom, and of the progress of\\npositive law towards the natural law of reason and the\\nsentiment of Justice infused by God, was not far from\\nHegel s Progress of the Idea and the justification\\nof God in history. But no one up to Hegel s time\\nhad developed such theses so symmetrically or illus-\\ntrated them so brilliantly with the light of history.\\nHegel in his lectures paid little attention to\\nAmerica, and indeed we might infer that he had only\\nthe most general ideas of her significance in history.\\nHe dismisses America as the land of the future with\\np. 78. The above abstract is mainly in the words of Hegel or Sibree,\\nthe translator. See Philosophy of History in Bohn s Philos. Library.", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "a few somewhat contemptuous pages. What takes\\nplace in America, he says, is but an emanation from\\nEurope. The surplus population of Europe went to\\nAmerica in much the same way as many persons es-\\ncaped from the old Imperial Cities, where guilds were\\ndominant and trade stereotyped. The relation be-\\ntween North America and Europe was therefore not\\nunlike that of Altona to Hamburg.^ The funda-\\nmental character of the American community was the\\nendeavor of the individual after gain, the preponder-\\nance of private interest devoting itself to that of the\\ncommunity only for its own advantage. There were\\ncertainly legal relations, a formal code of laws but re-\\nspect for law existed apart from genuine probity, and\\nAmerican merchants commonly lay under the im-\\nputation of dishonest dealings under legal protection.\\nAs to religion, the splitting up into sects had reached\\nthe acme of absurdity, many sects having a form of\\nworship consisting in convulsive movements and some-\\ntimes in the most sensuous extravagances. This com-\\nplete freedom was developed to such a degree that the\\nvarious conereeations chose ministers and dismissed\\nthem according to their absolute pleasure. As to\\nthe political condition of North America, the general\\nobject of the existence of the State was not yet fixed\\nor determined, and the necessity for a firm combma-\\ntion did not exist for a real state arises only after a\\ndistinction of classes has arisen, when wealth and\\npoverty become extreme. But America was exempt\\nfrom this pressure and the chief source of discontent\\nbeing removed the continuation of the existing civil\\ncondition is guaranteed. North America will only be\\n8 Id., p. 86.", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "comparable with Europe after its immeasurable space\\nhas been occupied and the members of the political\\nbody shall have begun to be pressed back on each\\nother. America is the Land of the Future where, in\\nthe ages that lie before us, the burden of the world s\\nhistory shall reveal itself, perhaps in a contest between\\nNorth and South America. It is for America to aban-\\ndon the ground on which hitherto the History of the\\nWorld has developed itself.\\nSuch were the reflections with which He^el dis-\\no\\nmissed the new world and her dreams. As a land of\\nthe future it had no lessons for the student of history.\\nYet in our country itself there was from the beeinnino-\\na, consciousness that America was fulfilling and would\\nfulfill more widely and deeply than any other nation\\nthe destiny which Hegel claims as the aim of history.\\nNowhere had the spectacle of the Spirit of Freedom\\nstruggling to realize itself been so clearly displayed\\nbefore the world, and nowhere had political action\\nbeen so expressly laid on political philosophy. The\\nopening words of the Declaration are remarkable for\\nthis. They claim at once for the Revolution a neces-\\nsary place in the continuous progress of mankind\\nthey declare it to be an attempt to realize the laws of\\nNature and of Nature s God that is, in Hegelian lan-\\nguage, the reahzation of spirit in the development of\\nFreedom\\nWhen in the course of human events it becomes necessary\\nfor one people to dissolve the political bonds which have con-\\nnected them with another, and to assume among the powers of\\nthe earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of\\nNature and of Nature s God entitle them, a decent respect to\\nthe opinions of fnankind requires that they should declare the\\ncauses which impel them to the separation.\\n9 Id. p. 86-90.", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "And, aorain\\nWe hold that whenever any form of government\\nbecomes destructive of these ends it is the right of the people\\nto alter or abolish it and to institute new government, laying its\\nfoundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such\\nform as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and\\nhappiness.\\nThe author of the Declaration would, also, no\\ndoubt, have defined a dead state in somewhat the\\nsame terms as have been quoted from Hegel for this\\nis evidently what he meant by those much reviled\\nwords\\nGod forbid we should ever be twenty years without such\\na rebellion (as Shay s). What signify a few lives lost in a cen-\\ntury or two The tree of liberty must be refreshed with the\\nblood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure.\\nThis is as cruel a sentence as any Hegel wrote of\\nhis cunning spirit. But it is as if he would say,\\nprogress depends on revolution, for liberty necessi-\\ntates government the natural progress of things is\\nfor liberty to yield and government to gain ground.\\nThen tyranny incites revolution after revolution new\\nliberty begins the succession de novo. But for the\\nnation too inert to revolt there is no future but tyranny\\nor death.\\nThe names of Hegel and Jefferson seem to imply\\nnothing in common, and it may well be something of a\\nsurprise to find any similarity between the political\\ntheories of men who stood as far apart in the world of\\nthought as in the world of action. Jefferson was a\\nman of the new world, Hegel emphatically a man of\\nLeUer to Col. W. S. Smith, Nov. 13, 1787. Jeff. Wks., II, 31S.\\nHegel s Philos. of History, p. 34.\\nJefferson to Carrington, May 27, 17S8. Jeft Wks., II, i\\\\0^.", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "the old world. One was an active, ardent patriot, the\\nother was unstirred by the cannon of the invader one\\na revolutionist, the other an apologist for absolutism.\\nJefferson was a natural reformer, Hegel doubted if the\\nEnglish reforms of 1831 would leave the possibility of\\na government. The statesman would decentralize the\\nstate, the philosopher deified the state. What the\\nenthusiastic American deprecated with ardor the\\nphilosophic German describes with the sedateness of\\ngeneral terms. The particular, says Hegel, is\\nfor the most part of too trifling value as compared\\nwith the general individuals are sacrificed and\\nabandoned,\\nThe two expressions are as near alike as can be\\nexpected from two men, one of whom hated metaphy-\\nsics and loved the people, the other of whom loved\\nmetaphysics and hated the people. However, all that\\nis here insisted on is that the words of the philosophic\\nJefferson, speaking as the mouthpiece of the Free Spirit\\nof America, fairly infer a theory of the continuous devel-\\nopment of liberty by successive revolutions, and may\\nwell be c[uoted in support of more than one of Hegel s\\ntheories. Whatever may be thought of this, it will not\\nnow be seriously denied that the development of\\nfreedom in America had advanced too far in. Hegel s\\ntime and had followed too significant a method to be\\nignored by any student of history. This was pres-\\nently to be made evident to Europe by deTocqueville,\\nwho landed in America in the year that Hegel died\\n(1831).\\nHegel, consciously or not, had other reasons for\\nbelittling the progress of America. He had com-\\nHegel s I hilos. of History, p. 34.\\n10", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "pleted his system without her. For there is indeed in\\nHegel s appHcation of his theory to the facts of\\nhistory perhaps we should say his application of the\\nfacts of history to his theory a sort of implication\\nthat the cycle of history is ended. The East knew\\nand knows only that one is Free the Greek and\\nRoman world that some are Free the German world\\nknows that all are Free. Hegel s classification of\\nhistoric data left no room for the Land of the\\nFuture. But there was perhaps another reason.\\nHegel s philosophy, like all systems that deify neces-\\nsity, by whatever name they choose to call it, becomes\\nthe argument of despotism. Imperialism has always\\njustified itself by fatalistic philosophy. Napoleon\\nbelieved in himself as the child of Fate, and Hegel\\ndeified the conqueror of his country under the name\\nof the World Soul. It is a just criticism of the\\ntendencies of his system that, optimism, hero worship,\\nacquiescence in might as right and the necessity of\\nwar are suggested to be profound historical truths.\\nSo Napoleon III, taking his cue from his prede-\\ncessor, claimed that Providence raised up such saviors\\nof society as Caesar, Charlemagne and Napoleon.-^^\\nAmong democratic nations a similar justification of\\nimperialism is found in the fatalistic theory of the des-\\ntiny of the superior race. They are in a special sense\\nthe chosen of God of which the true criterion is the\\nordeal of battle. This is the modern judicial duel,\\nas clearly fatalistic as the ancient legal wager of battle\\nor the more modern fatalism of the divine right of\\nId., p. wo.\\nFranke, Social Forces in German Literature, p. 541.\\ni\u00c2\u00ab Flint, Philos. Hist. (1874), p. 52S.\\nId., p. 566.\\n11", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "kino-s. No doubt the tendency is as old as govern-\\nment, and there will never be wanting poets of\\nimperialism to echo the words of Euripides that\\ntyranny is god-like.\\nThese considerations suecest a number of reasons\\nwhy Hegel s prejudices would dissuade him from\\napplying his philosophy to a country, where seventy\\nyears ago, the State still meant the People, and Liberty\\nhad not become Necessity. Seeing little to admire in\\nAmerica, Hegel, as many lesser men have done when\\na fact will not suit their theory, belittled and derided\\nit. The antinomies of American history were not then\\nsufficiently developed to enable an observer to trace\\nthe action of the Hegelian law, and the detailed con-\\nsideration of America as a democracy would therefore\\nhave been as distracting to the rhythm of his dialectics,\\nas disturbing to the serenity of his politics.\\nBut if in Hegel s time the position and aim of\\nAmerica seemed new and vague, the eventsof the last\\nsixty or seventy years have given them a definiteness\\nand determination which may well offer many tests for\\nhis theory. To apply them in full to the complicated\\ncurrents of thought and action in America would task\\neven Hegel s ingenuity, but the possibilities of such\\nan attempt may be readily sketched. Let us then see\\nhow far the History of the United States supports the\\ntheorem that Liberty in creating its forms necessarily\\nturns upon itself and dies, thereby producing a new\\nLiberty of higher grade.\\nThis may be done without committing ourselves\\nto the belief that liberty is the sole aim of history.\\nOrder may be conceived of as being that aim equally\\n18 Plato Rep. VIII, 568.", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "with liberty and complementary to it. The objects\\nof the Constitution, as recited in the preamble, include\\nthe insuring of tranquility as well as the securing- of\\nthe blessings of liberty.\\nThe subject may be considered by looking at the\\nform or at the spirit that creates the form. The basis\\nof tree Government is the electorate, so that we may\\ntor convenience divide the subject into\\nA. I. The Electoral Forms.\\n2. The Governmental Forms.\\nB. I. The spirit of the People, as shown in their\\nattitude, towards certain political rights.\\n2. The progress of the free Spirit as shown\\nby America s Wars.\\nI. (a) The Electoral College was a remarkable\\nattempt to perpetuate a deliberate or rational Spirit of\\nFreedom in an elective body. It was elaborately con-\\nceived, carefully worked out, and was, in the words of\\nHamilton/^ almost the only part of the system which\\nescaped without severe censure, or which received the\\nslightest mark ot approbation from its opponents.\\nIt w^as thought to be pretty well guarded and\\nso it was from intrusion from abroad. But the Spirit\\nof Freedom must not only be preserved from outward\\nattack it must be preserved from itself. As an\\nendeavor to maintain a system of rational free choice\\nit was a failure almost from the beoinnino-. This is\\ntoo well known to need citation here, further than to\\nshow that one of the most careful and wisest endeavors\\nof the Constitution failed the earliest, and that this was\\nbecause it could not fortify itself against the will of the\\nchanging spirit that created it. It is amusing now to\\nread the hopeful words of Hamilton on the device\\nFed., LXVII.\\n13", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "Thus without corrupting the body of the people, the\\nimmediate agents in the election will at least enter upon the\\ntask free from any sinister bias (1) Their transient existence\\nand their detached situation afford a satisfactory prospect of\\ntheir continuing so at the conclusion of it. The business of\\ncorruption, when it is to embrace so considerable a number of\\nmen, requires time as well as means. Nor would it be found\\neasy suddenly to embark them, dispersed as they would be\\nover thirteen States, in any combinations founded upon\\nmotives, which, though they could not properly be denomi-\\nnated corrupt, might yet be of a nature to mislead them from\\ntheir duty.\\nThe formalization of the Electoral College has\\nbeen approved as a step towards democracy. But its\\ndecay went even further, and having failed in 1876\\neven to register the will of the people, it was succeeded\\nor supplied by the extra-constitutional Electoral Com-\\nmission. This was assuredly a step beyond democ-\\nracy. The form had failed, and had been turned\\nagainst the Liberty that created it.\\n(b) It must not be expected that all forms fail in\\nequal periods. We may expect any time to find them\\nin various stages of petrification. The Electoral Col-\\nlege is an example of one quite fossilized. The next\\nexample of electoral form furnished by the Constitu-\\ntion is election by State Legislatures. The hardening\\nprocess by which freedom is being destroyed here is\\nmore recent, and is even now progressing. The\\nreasons that led to the adoption of the method whereby\\nSenators were to be elected by legislatures were some-\\nwhat similar to those which produced the electoral\\ncollege.\\nThe principal objects aimed at in the qualifica-\\ntions of Senators and the method of their choice were\\nextent of mformation and stability of character in the\\n14", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "members, as well as a conservatism which should act\\nas a check on inconsiderate action by the House.\\nThe first of these objects could only be obtained\\nas long as the essentials of freedom remained in the\\nelecting body. But it is essential to freedom that the\\nchoice should be delihei atc, a really representative and\\nrational act of the Spirit of Freedom. It is notorious\\nthat for some years the system has not satisfactorily\\nfulfilled the praise of the Federalist as favoring a\\nselect appointment. Party spirit has overcome the\\nfreedom of the elector, and the legislative election is\\nseen to be following in the train of the Electoral Col-\\nleofe. It has even assumed in some cases the exact\\nformality, and candidates run for the Legislature on\\nthe platform of being pledged for such a Senator or\\nagainst such a Senator.\\nThe second of the objects of the Senate has been\\nlargely realized until recent years, but it has lately\\nbeen found that even this can no longer be relied on.\\nOccasions have not been wanting and are too well\\nknown to need citation, when the conservatism has\\nbeen rather in the House of Representatives than in\\nthe Senate. This necessarily follows the lowering of\\nthe standard of appointment. Conservatism depends\\nlargely on independence, responsibility and freedom\\nfrom party spirit. If both Senate and House are gov-\\nerned by the same spirit of party the basis of the\\ncheck is gone. It will be believed by many that so\\nmuch of a conservative check as may remain in\\nthe upper house is due rather to the length of\\ntenure of the Senators than to their character as\\nstatesmen. Speaking of the benefit of public stabil-\\nFederalist, LX[., page 429, etc.\\n15", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "ity, which the Senate was supposed to guard, Ham-\\nilton said\\nAnother effect of public instability is the unreasonable\\nadvantage it gives to the sagacious, the enterprising and the\\nmoneyed few over the industrious and uninformed man of the\\npeople. Every new regulation concerning commerce or reve-\\nnue, or in any manner affecting the value of the different species\\nof property, presents a new harvest to those who watch the\\nchange and can trace its consequences, a harvest not reared by\\nthemselves, but by the toils and cares of the great body of their\\nfellow-citizens. This is a state of things in which it may be\\nsaid, with some truth, that laws are made for the few, not for\\nthe many.\\nSo that we see the change in the Senate has\\nbrought into power the very ones to profit by the con-\\ndition it was constituted to prevent, and Hamil-\\nton s words may be read without a change as a denun-\\nciation of the Senate as it now stands in the public eye.\\nOther effects of the change in the spirit of legisla-\\ntive election upon the character of the Senate will be\\nmore logically considered presently under the forms\\nof crovernment.\\n(c) The popular electorate is the third and prin-\\ncipal form in which it was intended that the American\\npeople should preserve their liberty. It is unquestion-\\nable that the right of suffrage is not now looked upon\\nwith the complacency and confidence of former times\\nyet this could hardly be if its results have not failed.\\nMany never exercise it, many exercise it carelessly,\\nmany have a contempt for it, many more are ready to\\nsay it has failed.\\nThere is a great difference between being poten-\\ntially free and actually free. Actual civil liberty depends\\nFed., LXI, p. 435.\\n16", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "not only on free governmental or electoral forms, but\\nthe free exercise of free forms and of all those forms.\\nNo people can, therefore, be actually free unless they\\nparticipate in the ground forms of their freedom. The\\nindividual must not only vote, but he must determine\\nthe question on which he wishes to vote. The early\\ncolonists, who knew what the spirit of freedom was,\\nseem to have understood this. The first ground form\\nof colonial history was the primary assembly. As\\npopulation increased the primary assembly became\\nimpracticable, and the change to the representative\\nassembly was clearly a step in the direction of\\nrational freedom. The freeholders of Rhode Island\\nand Maryland, who still insisted on going to the\\nassembly themselves, make a picture quite refreshing\\nto a time when not a tenth of our citizens have ever\\nseen their State Legislatures in session.- If the vote\\nwas now the basis of our governmental forms, a free\\nparticipation in it would be a practical realization of\\nfreedom. But it is no longer that basis a system\\nof party machinery, of primary elections, and con-\\nventions has crystalized around the former system and\\nhas strangled it. Still, if all took part in those primary\\nforms the people would be in a fair way to exercise a\\nfree right of suffrage. But they have renounced the\\nri^ht of choosinor their candidates, their issues or their\\nplatforms. These are chosen for them by self-con-\\nstituted groups of men known as politicians. Indeed\\neven the primary election is not what in form it should\\nbe, for it is neither primary nor free. It is the under-\\nstanding, and under the party rules it is frequently the\\ncondition, of participation therein, that one who attends\\nWilson, The State, ss., 136.\\n17", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "the primary election is pledged in advance to support\\nits action. A free voter is therefore disfranchised from\\njoining in the fundamental elective form. In this\\nrespect the newly legalized primary election more\\ntruly represents the public mind than the older and\\nfreer form which it is helping to subvert. The\\nground form of our liberty, the fount of freedom, from\\nwhich our stream of liberty Hows the real primary\\nelection is now nothing else than the will of the lead-\\ning politicians. Not without reason are they called\\nleaders. There are national leaders and state\\nleaders and ward leaders. They control the neces-\\nsaries of life our water, our light, our highways.\\nThey are the real forces that make our laws, choose\\nour judges and tax our property. All depositaries of\\nirresponsible power show the same tendencies. Our\\nmodern politicians have become the exponents in the\\nnineteenth century of the royal and courtly character-\\nistics of the seventeenth, of which they display all of\\nthe harm and none of the charm. As a class they\\nhave become distinct from the people. They divert\\nthe public funds, they protect prostitution, they\\nobstruct the course of justice. Like the princes of\\nthe ancient regime, they have their favorites, their\\nflatterers, their loyal retainer^, for whom they\\nexploit the people. Their power, like that of their\\nearlier analoo^ues, has been a sfradual crrowth. These\\npoliticians are not without honor on the contrary,\\nlike the gentry that preceded them, they have a code\\nof their own. They are probably not without their\\nuse. They may some time be recognized to have\\nbeen in a way the organizers, as the capitalists are\\nin their way the conservators of wealth. For the cun-\\n18", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "ning spirit of progress closes her eyes to their method\\nin order that she may seize and scatter their accumu-\\nlations with generous hand among a future generation.\\nSo far have these methods prevailed that in our\\ncities, our states, our nation, we have politics, scarcely\\ngovernment. For government implies a gubernator,\\na helmsman, a course, skill, principle.\\nII. Rational free choice therefore has been retained\\nin none of the forms of the electorate in America.\\nWe may next consider this on the forms of govern-\\nernment itself.\\nHere we observe immediately a radical difference\\nbetween the development of the Executive and that of\\nthe Legislature and Judiciary and a gradual but con-\\nstant encroachment of the first upon the others. It\\nwill, therefore, best be considered after them.\\nI. The Senate.\\nThe failure of the Senate to fulfill the expectation\\nof a select appointment is due in large measure to its\\nfailure to fulfill one of its principal functions as a\\nbranch of the Government the equipoise between\\nequal federated States. For many of the States cre-\\nated out of the Western territories had no claim to\\nstatehood outside of the demand of party politics.\\nThey were not and could not be made properly\\nco-ordinate with the older States. This was largely\\nthe result of the Mexican War, and it was this danger\\nthat made the greatest constitutional lawyer of his day\\nan anti-expansionist. Webster clearly foresaw the\\ndegradation of the Senate from this cause. He regarded\\nthe question as vital, permanent, elementaryln the\\nfuture prosperity of the country and the maintenance\\nof the Constitution. He wished the people to be\\n19", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "allowed to vote on it so that the breaking down of the\\nConstitution should be their work. It is certainly\\nclear now that the extension of territory after the\\nMexican War involved, not only the contest over\\nslavery, but also the destruction of the relation\\nbetween the two branches of the legislative depart-\\nment.\\nTo the argument that Congress might be trusted not to\\nmake new States until they had suitable population, Mr. Web-\\nster replied that the purposes of party would govern the\\nwhole matter that what had been done in the case of Texas\\nwould be done again that when the new Senators were\\nwanted for any particular purpose they would be made, and\\nthat the year 1850 would witness what he then foretold.\\nI think^ I see, he said, a course adopted which is likely to\\nturn the Constitution of the land into a deformed monster,\\ninto a curse instead of a blessing, in fact, a frame of unequal\\ngovernment, not founded on popular representation, not\\nfounded on equality, but on the grossest inequality, and I think\\nthis process will go on, or that there is danger that it will go\\non, until this Union shall fall to pieces.\\nHow exactly part of this fear has been fulfilled-^\\nand how nearly it was all fulfilled are now matters of\\nhistory.\\nAn important function which it was intended the\\nSenate should exercise in a free and deliberate spirit\\nwas the confirmation of appointments. But it is\\nnotorious that senatorial scrutiny has not proved\\neffectual for securing the proper constitution of the\\npublic service. What is known as the courtesy of\\nthe Senate is not merely a neglect of duty but a\\nrenunciation of finictiou. It is in effect an alteration\\nof the constitutional scheme and a delegation to the\\nCurtis Life of Webster, II, 325.\\nCalifornia was admitted in 1S50.\\n2^ Woodrow Wilson, The State, s., 1330.\\n20", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "Senators of a single State of the prerogative of a delib-\\nerative body. In the words of Prof. Wilson, it has\\nfrequently threatened to add to the improper motives\\nof the Executive, the equally improper motives of the\\nSenate.2*5 The point here, however, is not that it\\nworks badly but that the freedom of consent has been\\nrenounced, that the right of consent is not fulfilled in\\nthe spirit of liberty, but that liberty has destroyed itself\\ninto a form.\\n2. Passing from the Senate to the House, we\\nobserve a more evident surrender of the free right of\\nlegislation. The immediate cause of this has been, as\\nin the case of the Senate, the increase of territory of\\nthe country and the consequent increase in member-\\nship of the House. At the outset of the Government\\nthe number of Representatives was 65. This was\\ncriticized as too small, and the writer of the Federal-\\nist, No. 54,- would have admitted the objection\\nto have great weight, except that the number would\\nbe augmented from time to time. However as to the\\nnecessity of a great number, he said\\nIn all very numerous assemblies, of whatever character\\ncomposed, passion never fails to wrest the scepter from reason.\\nHad every Athenian citizen been a Socrates, every Athenian\\nassembly would still have been a mob.\\nSince then the House has grown until it has 357\\nmembers not every one a Socrates.\\nIt is, of course, known to everyone that the House\\nitself gives little attention to business. Its sessions\\nare occupied with politics, manoeuvering for position,\\nthe endeavor to show that the other side is wrong,\\nPage 386, Variously accredited.\\n2 Johnson Am. Pol., p. 361, apportionment of 1S91.\\n21", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "speeches intended for constituents, etc. The real\\nbusiness is deleo-ated to committees, and the com-\\nmittees reports become the measures of the majority\\nand are put through under the party lash. The House\\nhas no time for rational consideration. This was fore-\\ntold long ago by Mr. Archer, of Virginia, during debate\\non the Wilmot proviso, in a remarkable prophesy which\\nIs worth citing here for more than one reason\\nBut there was another view that was just as absolutely\\nimperative on his mind as that at which he had only just\\nglanced. It was the introduction of the question, which would\\ncome after the acquisition of new territory. Had they, he\\nenquired, become absolutely insane with this rapid appetite\\nfor territorial acquisition What was the superficial extent of\\nthe United States Had gentlemen passed their minds over\\nit Did any man suppose that there would be no difficulty in\\ncarrying out this problem of a free government without further\\nacquisition, as our population increased The House of Rep-\\nresentatives, now (1848) with 228 members, found it necessary\\nto adopt the one hour rule in debate but when we became\\na population of one hundred millions, as it had been calcu-\\nlated we soon should, it would be necessary to adopt a minute\\nrule and then everything would be done out of doors,\\nnothing more than the mere forms of deliberation remaining\\nand we shall become the most corrupt government ever seen in\\nthe world. And did any man doubt, if they passed appro-\\npriation, that the struggle on the question of slavery would\\ncome? Let honorable Senators read the resolutions which\\nhave already been presented from eight or nine States of this\\nUnion, expressing their inflexible purpose to exclude slavery\\nfrom all territory that may hereafter be acquired. And he had\\ninformation that resolutions had passed one branch of the\\nLegislature of Virginia, and were expected to pass the other,\\nin which language was used which showed that the people of\\nhis State were prepared for resistance to the determination of\\nthe free States. It was evident, then, that the passage of this\\nQuoted from Curtis Life of Webster, II, 307.", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "bill would minister to the dissentions of the States, and if they\\nwere to subscribe a paper, declaring their purpose to be to\\nproduce such a calamity, it would be no more apparent than\\nby the passage of this bill. It was lamentable to think of the\\nconsequences to result, which would be either the overthrow\\nof this Union, or the infusion into the veins of the body politic\\nof a poison that would make it unworthy of preservation.\\nThe exact method by which everything would\\nbe done out of doors is not here foretold. It has now-\\nbeen formulated in the Committee on Rules and the\\npower of the Speaker. While the House remained a\\ndeliberate body the personnel of the committee could\\nnot absolutely determine legislation. But now that\\nthe House has renounced its right of debate, the\\nSpeaker has become the actual arbiter of legislation.\\nHe chooses those who make legislation, and as Chair-\\nman of the Committee on Rules and presiding officer\\nof the House, he has almost absolute control of the\\ncourse of business. Any one who opposes the course\\ndetermined will not be recognized. That is, the\\nright of a representative to represent his constituents\\nand to speak his or their sentiments to the House is\\nvirtually annulled. Legislation by representatives is\\nat an end, and has been succeeded by legislation ot\\ncommittees under the control of parties,\\n3. It is remarkable that our national deliberate\\nbodies show a progressive decadence according to their\\ncloseness to the people the nearer to the people, the\\nquicker and more complete the decay. The Electoral\\nCollege elected by direct vote for a single purpose has\\nbecome a mere machine the House of Representatives\\nelected for general duties and for a term of years\\nreaches the mechanical stage more slowly the Senate,\\n\u00c2\u00bbo Cf., Wilson, The State, 1293.\\n23", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "chosen by the legislatures and not by the people, for\\nlonger terms than our representatives and not all at\\nthe same time, still preserves a greater measure of\\nindependence. The Supreme Court until comparatively\\nrecent years has been thought above any consideration\\nbut a free exercise of its judicial functions. But the\\nreconstruction of that Court in order to reverse the\\nleofal tender decision demonstrated the ease with which\\nit also can be made to give up its freedom at the de-\\nmand of party or of the executive. Since then it has\\nbecome fully understood that the same method may be\\nused again to amend the Constitution extra-consti-\\ntutionally, so as to allow a progressive income tax or\\nother unconstitutional radical measures. At the\\nsame time the partisan voting of the judges upon the\\nElectoral Commission has convinced the people that\\neven without a reconstruction the members of that\\nCourt are not free from the bias of party.\\n4. When we turn to the Executive we find that as\\nthe other departments have renounced their rights of\\nfreedom, the President has increased his prerogative.\\nIt would here take too long to go over the history of\\nthis growth. It is in part recited in Prof. Simon E.\\nBaldwin s recent book on Modern Political Institu-\\ntions under the title of Absolute Power, an Ameri-\\ncan Institution. The additional or doubtful powers\\nof the President have been from time to time granted\\nor acceded to by Congress. The right of removal, the\\nrio-ht to recognize or to decline to recocjnize foreig-n\\nministers, the riofht to call out the militia, are all illus-\\ntrations of this. The present generation has seen\\narrests without process, and the habeas cor pits act sus-\\npended. The Supreme Court has subpoenaed a Presi-\\n24", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "dent, but has never enforced any process against him.\\nBut one President was ever impeached, and it is safe\\nto say none will ever be convicted, He has become\\nsuperior to Congress as to the Supreme Court. The\\nbalance of power being destroyed, he has thus become\\nsuperior to the Constitution. Jefferson s position that\\na strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one\\nof the high duties of the Executive, but not the high-\\nest^^ has been the uniform practice of the Executive.\\nJefferson himself followed it in the Louisiana Purchase,\\nand justified also on this ground the preparation for\\nwar after the Chesapeake affair.^ In war the Consti-\\ntution, it is frequently stated, is suspended, and there\\nis then no will but that of the Commander-in-Chief.\\nAnd the President practically can make war. In war\\nthe President may proclaim all slaves free or make a\\ncompact protecting slavery. These things are not\\nlaws, they are facts. The present Congress has wil-\\nlinoflv left the entire management of the war ao-ainst\\nthe Philippinos to the President, as in the Spanish war\\nit voted fifty millions of dollars at once to be expended\\nat his will. In the words of an able newspaper writer\\nCongress has abdicated.\\nThough the Executive cannot constitutionally\\ndeclare war in form, he can declare that war already\\nexists, and order the army forward. So President Polk\\nmoved troops into the disputed territory and started\\nthe Mexican War. So President McKinley, without\\nCongress, determined by his proclamation of Decem-\\nber, 1898, his policy toward the Philippines and started\\nthe Philippine War.\\nLetter to J. B. Culvin, 9/20/iSio.\\nId.\\n25", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "Two Presidents have risked war with France, and\\none very recently with England. The fact is that\\ndirectly or indirectly the President can carry forward\\nanything he wishes, from the suppression of a riot to a\\nwar of conquest.\\nSome of the above examples are given by Prof.\\nBaldwin, but all will not aoree with him that the abso-\\nlutism of the President has made him the great con-\\nservative force in our constitutional system. There\\nis but one force in that system which remains conser-\\nvative, and that is the Supreme Court. Can the Vene-\\nzuela message, for instance, be considered in any point\\nof view as the act of a conservative And if we are\\nto be reminded that the Presidents have been all\\ngood men, let us not forget that in the electoral col-\\nlege of 1801 Burr had an equal vote with Jefferson.\\nThe facts that the increasingly despotic nature of\\nour government has not yet produced any vast and\\ndirect usurpation of power, and that it does not tyran-\\nnize in the ways of ancient tyrants cannot hide the\\nreality of such absolute power. The prophecy of de\\nTocqueville on this point was remarkable in its descrip-\\ntion of the despotism that would most likely grow\\nfrom democracy.\\nI think, he said, that the species of oppression by\\nwhich- democratic nations are menaced is unlike anything that\\never before existed in the world. (Vol. II., p. 391.)\\nHe then goes on to describe it as a monarchy,\\ncentralized in its powers, paternal in its method, ener-\\nvating in its effects. The tutelary power would be\\nabsolute, minute, regular, provident, mild (p. 392).\\nAnd it would now seem that this is in process of reali-\\nzation. Although the Czar of Russia is the only auto-\\n26", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "crat to which the President of the United States is com-\\nparable, the despotism of America will not be like the\\nfierce and gloomy despotism of Russia. At least it\\nwill not be fierce at first. The ancient commonwealth\\nof the Frogs passed from a loose democracy to the\\nmild despotism of King Log. The bloody dynasty of\\nthe Stork was introduced later. The coup cTctat was\\nundertaken under the auspices of Jupiter, or manifest\\nDestiny e., to the Stork, Providence, to the Frogs,\\nFate.\\nBut for how long a period such a despotism will\\nconfine itself to mildness must remain doubtful until\\nthe event. There is a widespread opinion among\\nthose most competent to judge that human nature\\ndoes not change much from age to age, and that the\\nfuture will show it sdll subject to the temptations before\\nwhich it has fallen in the past. It may be interesting\\nto quote such an opinion from the second in this des-\\npotic line, him who had signed the most despotic of all\\nfederal laws up to that time.\\nThe fundamental article of my political creed (so wrote\\nJohn Adams in 1815) is that despotism or unlimited sover-\\neignty, or absolute power is the same in a majority of a\\npopular assembly, an aristocratical council, an oligarchical\\njunto and a single emperor, equally arbitrary, cruel, bloody\\nand in every respect diabolical.\\nIt adds a further interest to this opinion that long\\nbefore the event Adams had prophesied that the cost\\nof the French Revolution would be a million lives.\\nIII. We have now seen that Liberty has vanished\\nor is vanishing out of the electoraP and governmental\\nforms of the United States. But lest it should be said\\nAdams to Jefterson, Jefterson s Wks., VI., 500.\\n27", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "that it is the form that has failed and not the spirit\\nthat has changed, we will proceed to examine the atti-\\ntude of the people towards some of the more important\\ndoctrines in which their early love of liberty was mani-\\nfested. For if the theorem of Hegel contains the truth\\nof history it is the spirit that must fatally return upon\\nitself\\nI. At the inception of our government, expatria-\\ntion was considered one of the indefeasible rights of\\nman. By Jefferson it was stated to be a natural right\\nlike one s right to life, liberty and the pursuit of\\nhappiness. The evidence of it, he thought, was not\\nleft to the feebler and sophisticated investigations of\\nreason, but was impressed on the sense of every man.\\nThe part of the Virginia Code of 1876 recognizing the\\nright was drawn by him \u00e2\u0096\u00a0^K The right of expatriation\\nis involved in the privilege of naturalization, of which\\nthe Constitution empowered Congress to pass a uni-\\nform rule The right of choosing one s country and\\nallegiance became the settled doctrine of the United\\nStates. According to Mr. Lecky, the American Govern-\\nment in 1868, in a treaty with China asserted the\\ninherent and inalienable right of man to change his\\nalleo^iance.\\nThis is particularly interesting now that China is\\nthe only country whose citizens are excluded alto-\\ngether. The earlier view of freedom is well illustrated\\nin Lowell s description of America in the Com-\\nmemoration Ode\\nJefferson s Wks VII 73.\\nConstitution, Art. I., 98.\\nLecky Demociacy and Liberty, II., 460.\\n1865, Lowell s Wks. X., p. 30. Quoted also by Mr. Lecky.\\n28", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "She that lifts up the manhood of the poor.\\nShe of the open soul and open door;\\nWith room about her hearth for all mankind.\\nSince then laws have been passed largely in\\ndeference to the labor vote excluding laborers\\nbrought over on contract, those convicted of any\\nexcept political crimes, and other persons. America\\nhas no room about her hearth for Chinamen, immi-\\ngrants without money, cripples or any person who is\\nassisted to come (except by friends or relatives).\\nThese together with all skilled laborers broucrht over\\non contract, idiots and lunatics are now sent back at\\nthe expense of the steamship companies. If an\\nunfortunate immigrant becomes a pauper in twelve\\nmonths after landing he is to be sent back, too, (Sect. 1 1\\nAct. Mch. 3, 1 891). The growth of nationality, the\\nprotective system and the increase of population have\\nabsolutely shattered the fine theory of expatriation\\nand naturalization.\\n2. Another set of ideas redolent of liberty cluster\\nabout the phrase, liberty of the subject, or liberty\\nof person. Their spirit is exemplified in Art. VI\\nof the Bill of Rights. This included the right of\\none criminally accused to a speedy and public trial,\\nby an impartial jury, in a district ascertained by law,\\nand to be confronted by witnesses with assist-\\nance of counsel. It is notorious that a system has\\ngrown up in police-administration entirely at variance\\nwith this. The 5th degree and the sweat-box\\nare terms now well known to the public. They mean\\nthat prior to trial, without counsel, in a private room,\\nthe accused is put through a series of examinations\\nand threats to trap him into confession of guilt, or to\\n29", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "make evidence incriminating himself. This is not con-\\nducted by a judicial officer, and in this respect is worse\\nthan the preliminary hearing before a juge d instrtu-\\ntion in France to which, indeed, it bears considerable\\nresemblance. It proceeds on somewhat the same\\ntheory. It is the maxim of a free country that a man\\nis presumed to be innocent until proved guilty. It is\\nthe maxim, as it is the practice, of a despotic govern-\\nment, or of a police-administered country, that a man\\nis presumed to be guilty until he proves himself inno-\\ncent. Like the party system, which is destroying the\\nfreedom of our constitution, the practice grows up\\noutside of law, until it is more powerful. This has\\nnot yet made much disturbance in the public mind,\\nbecause the public mind does not care much for free-\\ndom in reality, and is busy about other things and,\\nalso, because the illegality is generally practiced\\nagainst criminals, the poor and the helpless. Similar\\nexamples of the autocratic methods of the police may\\nbe found in the raid, the arrest without warrant,\\nupon the order of a police official, of which our news-\\npapers give frequent examples. The formation of a\\ncriminal class and the increase of the practical power\\nof the police are affecting materially our idea of the\\nfreedom of the subject.\\n3. Another set of examples of the decay of the\\nidea of freedom is to be found in the manifold doc-\\ntrines of protectionism such as the protective tariff,\\nsubsidies, pensions, national improvements, and gener-\\nally all the paternal functions of government that are\\ninseparable from centralization. The doctrine of free\\ntrade that captivated the imagination of the last gen-\\neration is now discredited. Similar to these, too, is the\\n30", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "multitude of laws restricting the right of contract\\nlabor laws, mining laws, insurance departments, bank-\\ning supervision, licensing of professions, licensing\\nsaloons, the oleomargarine laws, the extension of\\nthe theory of national taxation, income taxation, with\\nprogressive and inquisitorial features interstate\\ncommerce regulation, municipal ordinances relating to\\nmeasurements of property, the assessment for improve-\\nments of manifold kinds, the assessment of benefits\\nfor opening streets, etc. the laws relating to eleva-\\ntors, fire-escapes and generally the growth of bureau-\\ncracy in cities.\\n4. The above mostly relate to property or con-\\ntract, but there is a similar growth of law restricting\\npersonal liberty. Such laws relate, for instance, to\\nmarriage licenses requiring minute statements of past\\nlife to commitments to Houses of Correction com-\\nmitment to insane asylums, particularly those which\\nrender the commitment easy, and transfer the judicial\\nfinding from a jury to a judge the forcible measure-\\nment and photography of criminal suspects or convicts\\ncompulsory education, often including compulsory\\nmedical examination compulsory vaccination and\\nmunicipal quarantine.\\n5, The same tendency may be illustrated in the\\nhistory of political parties. It was remarked by Brice\\n(Vol. II. 18) that no American party had ever pro-\\nfessed itself the champion of authority and order,\\nthat would be a damaging profession. This, how-\\never, has changed since the campaign of 1896 in which\\nthe Republican party went boldly before the people as\\nthe representative of authority, as it had been before\\nthe representative of centralization. So far from\\n31", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "damaQ;-ing the party, this position attracted much of\\nthe strenorth that elected its candidate.\\nThe old Liberty Party has become the Imperial\\nParty. It has undertaken to protect slavery abroad\\nwhile the Democratic Party is engaged in disfranchising\\nthe neo-ro at home.\\n6. No more conclusive proof of the decrease of\\nthe spirit of liberty need be asked than is found in the\\ncondition of such States as Pennsylvania which are\\nentirely subservient in their political organization to\\nthe wishes of a single man. No one who has not had\\nbusiness with state departments, political conventions\\nor semi-political conpanies or banks can have a suffi-\\ncient idea of the reality and scope of this subjection.\\nIt affects every political agency, it determines every\\nplatform, it nominates every candidate, it controls\\npublic funds, it names the governor and controls him\\nwhen elected, it determines the action of one party\\naltogether and of the other in large part. It has par-\\nalyzed legislative action, it has deprived the Comnion-\\nwealth of a seat in the Senate. The people know this,\\nbut do not care to chanee it.\\nt\\n7. The loss of liberty as well as of the desire for\\nit naturally appears most strongly in the condition of\\nthe workine classes. The consolidation of manufact-\\nuring and transportation interests has more and more\\ntended to bring the opportunity of work under the\\ncontrol of a few men. The liberty of the individual\\noperator has been sacrificed for the advantages of\\nconsolidation. On the other hand the workman in\\norder to counteract the current tendencies has surren-\\ndered his libertv to the trades unions, and is ordered", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "out and ordered back widiout regard to his individual\\npreference or advantage.\\nS. It is, of course, apparent that all these changes\\nare the effects of a vast tide setting from liberty to gov-\\nernment, from idealism to realism, from individualism\\nto collectivism. They are the indicia of a mechanical\\nand reactionary period and affect all our ideas of the\\nforms under which we live. Government is now not\\nso much the expression of the will of the people,\\nhavinor its orio-in and sanction in the consent of the\\ngoverned, but it is regarded from the positive point\\nof view historically as a great fact, scientifically as\\nan evolutionary result, politically as a necessary\\nmachine. Order is superior to right or, as might be\\nsaid, order is right. A sceptical analysis has examined\\nnatural rights and has disposed of them as the\\nimaginations of an unscientific aofe. So an honored\\nSenator of the United States lone aeo described the\\nfundamental law of the land as made up of glittering\\ngeneralities. It was the realist who spoke and\\nAmerica s great idealist replied Glittering general-\\nities Splendid ubiquities But it is the realist who\\neoverns and the crradual trend of o-overnmental tonns\\nis away from the idealism that gave them birth.\\nThis may be seen in the change in the adminis-\\ntration of law. Formerly cases were few, reports\\nwere few, lawyers were few. Practice was leisurely\\ntime was taken to study the law and lawyers really\\nformed a learned profession. Now cases have multi-\\nplied so that the question is not how they ought to be\\ndecided; but how to get them decided at all. The\\njudicial system is a method of getting the business\\nRufus Choate.\\n33", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "done, and the leading lawyer is no longer the leader\\nin thought or patriotic action, but the one who tries\\nthe most cases most successfully. The form has over-\\npowered the spirit. The necessary effect of this is the\\nlessening importance of precedent and the growing\\nimportance of the judge. Formerly the judge was\\nthe mouthpiece of the law now the tendency is for the\\njudge to decide the case on its own facts. The\\nseparation betwen bench and bar widens the judge\\nmagnifies his office.\\n9. A similar sweep is seen in religion. This\\ncannot be proved and will be denied, but the evidence\\nis manifold. It includes the growth of form in all\\nchurches, the tendency toward the Catholic Church\\nthat greatest of religious machines the trrowth of\\nritualism in Episcopal churches the hardening of\\ncreed in Presbyterian churches and the separation of\\nthe church from the working people. Sah^ation now\\ncometh by armies. The clatter of the vast machine\\ndrowns the still small voice. The modern psalmist\\ncarries no gentle harp to charm away the evil\\nspirit, but would exorcise him away with a big bass\\ndrum.\\n10. So in the character of the people, every-\\nthing is being swept more and more into one form. A\\ncentury and a half ago the various colonies had\\ndistinctive characters, or displayed in themselves a\\nwant of homogeneity. But time, the mingling of\\npopulation, ease of transport, the decay of the older\\nsects, the vast immigration and centralization have\\nmade the states more and more alike. Fifty years\\naofo a North and a South were left. The Civil War was\\nthe first step toward the obliteration of this distinction.\\n34", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "Still greater are the new forces introduced by the\\ntransition from afj^ricultural to industrial life. Here\\nunder the effects of machinery the monotony increases\\nstill faster. Vaste hordes pass daily from one end of\\nour cities to the other, differing only in the fact that\\nduring the day they have watched a different loom or\\nturned a different crank. The uniformity of American\\nlife has become commonplace among observers but\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0evidence now appears of the first preparation for the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2change from happy uniformity to unhappy and com-\\nplex intensity. But this has not come yet the ten-\\ndencies so far are clearly towards the suppression of\\nthe individual into an average man. This agrees with\\nthe other changes in that it is away from freedom and\\nidealism towards collectivism and realism.\\nFairest fairies leave your dances\\nYou distinguish man from man\\nAll of old made, now be mould-made\\nOn one dull mechanic plan.\\n1 1. We have observed the tendency of absolutism\\nto support itself by a fatalistic philosophy. We have\\nalso sketched the growth of absolutism in America and\\nhave seen its connection with the trend toward\\ndemocracy. We may expect therefore to find some\\nsimilar philosophic basis for the tyranny of the major-\\nity as we have found for the tyranny of the one.\\nFor, as is generally agreed, the constant assertion of\\nthe will of the majority and the general acquiescence\\ntherein naturally produce a tendency to believe that\\nthe majority must be right. Mr. Brice has an interest-\\ning chapter on what is aptly termed the fatalism of\\nBrice, 11, 662.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a60 H. A. Kennedy.\\nSee Brice 11, 327-329.\\n35", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "the multitude. For it is as truly fatalism as was the\\ndoctrine of non-resistance to the divine rio-ht of\\nKings.\\nThere have always been philosophers to justify\\nthe tyranny of one, as Hegel on the basis of an ideal-\\nistic fatalism deified Napoleon. So there will always\\nbe philosophers to justify the tyranny of the many.\\nPublic opinion and the will of the majority are deified\\nunder the names of manifest destiny or Providential\\nmission, or they are justified by maxims of fatalism,\\nVox Popiili Vox Dei, for the State; as formerly, Sccurns\\njitdicat orbis ferrarinn, for the Church. Such a crite-\\nrion obviously looks upon the world from the stand-\\npoint of socialism. It tends to destroy individuality.\\nIntuidon, faith, conscience, independence are destroyed\\nor supplied by education, decree, law, obedience.\\nObedience, remarks Brice, describing this aspect ot\\nAmerica, is to most sweeter than independence.\\nThe political philosophy underlying these changes\\nobviously tends away from idealism to materialism.\\nCarried to its lo^jical conclusion it is such in effect.\\nThe only finality is the weight of the mass. An\\nexample of this may be cited in the materialistic\\nphilosophy of Draper in his Intellectual Development\\nof Europe. The History of Man is to him a develop-\\nment of resistless law. Evolution brings forth truth\\nfrom intellectual collisions and from the melting down\\nof opinion, like metal out of a furnace. Whatever\\ncannot stand that ordeal must submit to its fate. Lies\\nand imposture, no matter how powerfully sustained,\\nmust prepare to depart. In that supreme tribunal\\n(the opinion of the race) man may place implicit con-\\nfidence. Even though philosophically it is far from\\n36", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "absolute, it is the hiorhest criterion vouchsafed to him\\nand from its decision he has no appeal.\\nHow strong- is our persuasion that we are in the right\\nAvhen public opinion is with us.\\nIV. It cannot certainly be determined from the\\nabove that the moribund tendency of liberty will finally\\nprove fatal. The Hegelian theorem declares that it\\nmust rise again, purified into a higher ciegree.\\nIndeed all Americans feel that if liberty is lost in\\nAmerica it is lost for all the world, It is thouQ^ht that\\nAmerica was settled at a Providential time and in a\\nProvidential way. There is no place left in the earth\\nfor another such experiment. Old world forces or the\\nfiercer forces of nature so predominate in all parts of\\nthe world as to preclude the possibility that civiliza-\\ntion, at least in this cycle, should ever see new pioneers\\nsettle a new land of liberty. Freedom has taken her\\nlast trek and the battle must presently begin.\\nThe circle of returning liberty, of which we have so\\nfar spoken, is yet of undetermined orbit since colonial\\ntimes its movement has been continuous, though not\\nconstant. But there are within it certain smaller oscil-\\nlations, in which the spirit of the people has moved\\naway from liberty towards conquest, or z ice versa.\\nThese appear in the various wars of America, and an\\nexamination of them develops a number of suggestions\\nabout the method of the general adv^ance of liberty.\\nAmerica has had say six wars The French-Indian\\nWar, the Revolution, the War of 1S12, the Mexican\\nWar, the Civil War and the Cuban-Philippine War.\\nThe War of 1S12, however, was waged practically for\\nfreedom on the sea, as that of 1776 for freedom on\\nInt. Dev. Europe, II 236. I 20, 22, 355.", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "land. Its aim makes it logically a continuation of the\\nWar of 1776, and we may say that America has had\\nfive wars. On examination of their causes we find that\\nthey fall into two classes, wars of conquest and wars of\\nliberty. All wars of national import may, no doubt, be\\nconsidered as beloneine to one or the other of these as\\nimperialistic or revolutionary, extensive or intensive,\\nof expansion or independence, of centralization or de-\\ncentralization. The wars of America show a strange\\nalternation in their ofeneric character. First, the Seven\\nYears War, a war of races for the control of North\\nAmerica, essentially imperialistic and dynastic then\\nthe War of Independence, revolutionary and dynamic\\nthen the INIexican War, a race war of expansion, dynas-\\ntic, extensive then the Civil War of Liberation, inten-\\nsive, dynamic then the Spanish War, again an impe-\\nrialistic race war of expansion. Is this mere chance,\\nor is there some deep reason in the nature of man or\\nthe constitution of society that swings a nation like a\\npendulum from centralization to decentralization Let\\nus examine the general relations of these wars.\\nFirst. There is a general connection between the\\nthree wars of expansion.\\nThe first of these, as a branch of the Seven Years\\nWar, connects America with the great contest for\\nsupremacy between France and England. Its colonial\\nname, the French-Indian War, commemorates the\\nracial character of that long struggle in the same way\\nas the names of the earlier colonial wars King Wil-\\nliam s War, Queen Anne s War and King George s\\nWar, which were episodes in the same great struggle\\ncommemorate its imperial character. It was the\\nexpansion of material forces, the victory of the stronger\\n38", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "race. When this had been once been made plain by\\nthe decisive victories of the Seven Years War the\\ndomination of the whole western continent by the\\nsame forces became sufficiently probable to define the\\ncourse of history for the ensuing period. It was easy,\\ntherefore, for de Tocqueville to prophecy a war with\\nMexico and the absorption of Texas. He had but to\\ncompare the contact already had between the Ameri-\\ncans and men of Latin race (I, 447, 448) and to observe\\nthe destructive influence of highly civilized nations on\\nothers less so. The only point of contact which the\\nUnion had upon a country of that kind was with the\\nEmpire of Mexico, and it is thence, he said, that\\nserious hostilities may be expected to arise. (I, 218.)\\nEven as against the French Canadians the English\\nwere masters of commerce and manufacture, and a\\nsimilar fact was noticeable in Louisiana. The case of\\nTexas was still more strikinor. In the course of the\\nlast few years, he writes (1835)\\nThe Anglo-Americans have penetrated this province,\\nwhich is still thinly peopled, they purchase land, they produce\\nthe commodities of the country and supplant the original pop-\\nulation. It may easily be foreseen that, if Mexico takes no\\nsteps to check this change, the province of Texas will very\\nshortly cease to belong to that government. {fd., 448.)\\nWhen the boundary of the United States had once\\nbeen extended so as to include the whole ot the\\npresent Pacific coast line, those who estimated the\\nexpansive power of race saw at once the approaching\\ncontest and the seizure by England s most formidable\\nrival of the gateways of Eastern commerce. Three\\nyears after the Mexican cession. Creasy, on whom the\\nsuggestions of de Tocqueville had not been lost,\\nwrote\\n39", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "The importance of the power of the United States\\nbeing then firmly planted along the Pacific, applies not only\\nto the New World but to the Old. Opposite to San Francisco,\\non the coast of that ocean, lie the wealthy but decrepit\\nempires of China and Japan. Numerous groups of islets stud\\nthe larger part of the intervening sea, and form convenient\\nstepping-stones for the progress of commerce or ambition.\\nThe intercourse of traffic between these ancient Asiatic mon-\\narchies, and the young Anglo-American Republic, must be\\nrapid and extensive. Any attempt of the Chinese or Japanese\\nrulers to check it will only accelerate an armed collision. The\\nAmerican will either buy or force his way. Between such\\npopulations as that of China and Japan on the one side, and\\nthat of the United States on the other, the former haughty,\\nformal and insolent, and the latter bold, intrusive and unscru-\\npulous, causes of quarrel must, sooner or later, arise. The\\nresults of such a quarrel cannot be doubted. America will\\nscarcely imitate the forbearance shown by England at the end\\nof our late war with the Celestial Empire and the conquest\\nof China and Japan by the fleets and armies of the United\\nStates are events which many now living are likely to witness.\\nSoon these prophecies began to be fulfilled and\\none year after thev were written Prof. Creasy added a\\nnote\\nAnd now. May, 1852, a powerful squadron of American\\nwarships has been sent to Japan for the ostensible purpose of\\nsecuring protection for the cre^vs of American vessels ship-\\nwrecked on the Japanese coast and also evidently for important\\nulterior purposes.\\nOa July 7, 1853, Commodore Perry steamed into\\nthe Bay of Yedo and forced the treaty which is rightly\\nregarded as the opening of the East.\\nIn the period imrjiediately following the Mexican\\nWar, began also the various filibustering expeditions\\nDecisive Battles of the World, 41st. EJ., 462.11.\\n40", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "agfainst Cuba^^ and the movement for the annexation\\nof Hawaii. Both of these islands have at last been\\ntaken after half a century of prophecy and disclaimer.\\nEnouorh has now been said to indicate that America s\\nthree imperial wars were the result of the same gen-\\neral cause, the expansion of the race and were the\\nexpression of material rather than moral forces.\\nSecond. We turn now to the wars which illus-\\ntrate the other class of forces, the Revolution and the\\nCivil War, and here we observe in like manner that\\nthe intensive wars are connected in their causes as\\nwere the extensive wars but that they are the result\\nof ideal or moral rather than of material forces.\\nIt would be easy to compare the English Revolu-\\ntion of 1688 with the American of 1776. The same\\nforces of liberty which produced the revolution against\\nthe absolutism of the Stuarts, produced in the next\\ncentury the revolution against the imperialism of the\\nGeorges. But the newer world and a newer century\\nbroadened and deepened the ideas on which the revo-\\nlution rested. The first asserted the political rights of\\nEnglishmen. The second the inherent rights of\\nman. The Declaration ot Rio-ht was constitutional,\\nthe Declaration of Independence was fundamental.\\nBroadly speaking, the Civil War in America was\\nthe result of the belief that all men are created free\\nand equal. The Declarations of the Revolution were\\nfrom the beginning plainly seen to be antagonistic to\\nslavery. But it was supposed that slavery might\\ngradually die out or be thereafter done away with.\\nThis is evident from such passages as the bitter irony\\n^^Lopez Expeditions and see President Tyler s Procl. Aug. ii, 1S49, Prest.\\nPierce s Proc. May 31, 1S54, Polk s ofiter in 1848 of $1,000,000 for the island.\\n41", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "against slavery in the original draft of the Declaration,\\nthe Ordinance of 1787 and the provision in the Con-\\nstitution that the importation of slaves should not be\\nprohibited by Congress before 1808. It is not neces-\\nsary to say much on this point, for almost a century\\nof our political history is principally made up of the\\ncontest between slavery and freedom. On looking\\nback, no reason can be found except the perversity of\\nhuman affairs that the contest should not have been\\nultimately decided within the forms of government.\\nBut the example is important and ominous as showing\\nthat our country failed to settle except by war its first\\ngreat contest between constitutional right and social\\nwrono\\nThird. Not only are the wars of the same class\\nconnected by having their roots in the same causes,\\nbut each war is by a sort of reaction induced by the\\npreceding war of the opposite class. Thus the Revo-\\nlution was induced by the Seven Years War. The\\nMexican War by the Revolution. The Rebellion by\\nthe Mexican War. The Spanish War by the Rebel-\\nlion. All of the wars were the outburst of long\\nsmouldering fires. The wars of freedom have waited\\nwhile imperial protection was needed the wars of\\nimperialism have been held back until the decision of\\ninternal questions of liberty should be reached. So\\nthat the attention and effort of the country, being\\nperiodically devoted to the overmastering questions of\\nthe time, have oscillated between the opposing tend-\\nencies.\\n(a) The Revolution was induced by the Seven\\nYears War. This is now universally understood and,\\n42", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "indeed, was so probable in the nature of things that in\\nthe words of Parkman\\nMore than one clear eye saw at the middle of the last\\ncentury that the subjection of Canada would lead to a revolt\\nof the British colonies. So long as an active and enterpris-\\ning enemy threatened their borders they could not break with\\nthe Mother country, because they needed her help.\\nWith the triumph of Wolf on the Heights of Abraham\\nbegan the History of the United States.\\nBut imperiaHsm, Hke Hberty, falls into the Hege-\\nlian antithesis of self-destruction and in the most\\nglorious and most triumphant of England s wars\\nwas involved the loss of her fairest colonies. The\\nprinciple of disintegration ripened rapidly. The war\\nwas its flower.\\nThe war, wrote John Adams, was not the Revolu-\\ntion. The Revolution was effected in the minds of the people\\nfrom 1760 to 1774, before a drop of blood was shed.^\\n(b) The Mexican War was rendered possible by\\nthe Revolution. For the Revolution created the\\nnation, and nations, not colonies or confederations,\\nmake wars of conquest. Such has been the general\\norder of history. First freedom, then conquest.\\nHerein also appears the contradictory nature of the\\nRevolution, which in its origin was the work of decen-\\ntralizingr agencies, but became in its effects a central-\\nizing power. It agrees with this, that the forces\\nwhich were most powerful in provoking the Mexican\\nWar were the latent material forces of imperialism\\nand not of liberty. These forces showed the class to\\nwhich they belonged by the grounds on which the\\nMontcalm Wolf Into. 5. See a number of these prophecies collected in\\nLecky s England in XVII I Century, III, p. 29I.\\nGreen. History of the Eng. People. IV, 193.\\nAdams to Jetferson. Jeff. Wks., VI, 492.\\n43", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "arguments for slavery were based. They were the usual\\nfatalistic arguments of imperialism politically, the\\nsupremacy of the sovereign power of the state over\\nmoral law religiously, the beneficent providence that\\nauthorizes evil for the good of the victim historically,\\nthe destiny of the superior race.\\n(c) The Civil War was induced by the Mexican\\nWar. This may be now regarded as generally agreed,\\nand the result was apprehended by many a half cen-\\ntury ago. In fact, from the Mexican War to the\\nCivil War, our political history is principally a contest\\nover the extension or restriction of slavery in the\\nnewly acquired territory. It intensified the divergence\\nof interests between the slave and free States, and out\\nof the contest emereed the forces that wagged the War\\nof the Rebellion. The foreign war made ready for\\nthe Civil War, as the earlier foreign war had made\\nready for the Revolution. Nor has it taken long for\\nthe forces of the Revolution to be marshalled. From\\nthe Treaty of Paris (1763) to the Declaration of Inde-\\npendence, was thirteen years from the Mexican\\nWar (1848) to the Rebellion was thirteen years. But\\nafter the country has been shattered by internal con-\\ntest, a longer period is necessary before it ventures\\nin a foreign war. From the Revolution (1776) to the\\nWar of 181 2 is thirty-six years. From the Civil War\\n(186 1) to the Spanish War (1898) is thirty-seven\\nyears.\\nThe Mexican War, which began as a war of exten-\\nsion, had become intensive in its result. The Civil\\nWar, however, bears a double and confusing aspect\\nfor centralization and freedom on one side were\\nopposed to independence and slavery on the other.\\n44\\nL.ofC.", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "(d) The Civil War prepared the way for the war\\nwith Spain. For some time after the Mexican War\\nthere was no effectual endeavor to increase by war the\\nterritory of the United States at the expense of the\\nLatin races. The attempt on Cuba was discounte-\\nnanced, and even at the close of the Civil War the\\nacquisition of San Domingo was not favored. Before\\nthe Rebellion the preliminary contests with slavery\\ndissuaded from conquest, and after the Civil War the\\ncountry had still to decide the questions of internal\\npolicy which that war had raised. Still the effect of\\nthat v/ar was the elimination of the dividing line of\\nslavery. It unified the country, and unification is a\\nprerequisite to conquest. But not only did the Civil\\nWar prepare for foreign conquest by settling the prin-\\ncipal internal question of American politics, but it pre-\\npared for it in a way peculiarly fitted to the end. For\\nall the questions of the war and those which succeeded\\nit, reconstruction, the Mexican invasion, the tariff, the\\ncontested election of 1876, were so decided as to favor\\nnational sovereignty and executive prerogative at the\\nexpense of State rights and individual freedom. At\\nthe same time, the effect of the war was the introduc-\\ntion into politics of an extreme form of commercialism\\nand the growth of a powerful plutocracy. All these\\nthings are elements in the formation of a democratic\\nimperialism. And thus it appears that the Civil War,\\nlike the earlier ones, has reacted against its spirit.\\nOut of a war for freedom there have developed ten-\\ndencies of the opposite character. In war, as in peace,\\nfreedom destroys itself.\\n(e) A similar step in the argument would carry us\\ninto the future. After the Spanish-Philippine War,\\n45", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "what If the analogies of past history hold, it should\\nbe followed within fifteen or twenty years by internal\\ndissensions. But the period, of course, cannot be\\ndetermined in advance. It is sufficient to enquire\\nwhether the conditions of the last war are so like those\\nof earlier years as to warrant a similar inference for\\nan indefinite future.\\nWe find, as in the Mexican War, a conquest\\nmade by the Executive against the will of a minority\\npolitically powerless, but morally influential. Now, as\\nthen, that minority is strongest in New England. It\\nis not to be forgotten that among the opponents of\\nthe Mexican War was born the Liberty Party which\\nbrought on the Civil War. Then, as now, the war was\\ndefended on the same high grounds of destiny and\\nChristianity and, as then, it was answered that the\\nreal motive was the entrenchment of the slaveholder,\\nso now it is answered that the war is for the benefit of\\nthe plutocrat. Now, as then, the war bids fair to\\nemphasize the divergence of interest and of classes.\\nLike the Mexican War it promises wealth, but threatens\\nlabor. The attitude of the workmen s and sino-le\\ntax^ papers is sufficient proof of this.\\nThe change of both the great parties shows the\\nlines being drawn for a new battle. The purchase of\\nthe Republican Party by plutocracy is coincident with\\nthe capture of the Democratic Party by socialism.\\nFrom the above theories it becomes possible to\\nprognosticate in general terms the probable course of\\nhistory in America in the immediate future.\\nTo prophecy certainly a definite course for the\\nfuture would not only be to arrogate to the science of\\nSuch as the Public, of Chicago, New Era, etc.\\n46", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "history a certitude that it can never attain, but it would\\nbe, also, to indulge in a fatalism morally as misleading\\nas that which has so often misconstrued the past. No\\nstudy of history can be adequate which overlooks\\neither the ideal or the material, or which reduces the\\naffairs of men either to blind fate or wandering\\nchance. The personal element that has so often\\naverted or effected revolution is a continual but unde-\\ntermined element. The Revolution of 1688, for in-\\nstance, was the achievement of statesmen, rather than\\na popular demonstration but it proved one of the\\nmost effectual of revolutions in fixing the rights of\\nBritish subjects.\\nBut tendencies are the necessary results of facts,\\nand may be absolutely predicated. It may, therefore,\\nbe said, without fear of contradiction, that imperialism\\nor some form of government which tends away from\\nliberty (for which the current name may stand as well\\nas any other) is a necessary tendency arising from the\\nattainment of liberty and that in some form and to\\nsome degree such tendency will be accepted by the\\nAmerican people as well as by other free countries that,\\nin Hegelian phrase, the taste of the new events will be\\nbitter, and that they will tend to destroy and actually\\nmay destroy the liberty that gave them being.\\nTo what extent this current will carry us, depends\\non the second and undetermined element in history.\\nWill the destinies of the country be committed at the\\ncritical period to men of liberal principles as well as\\nfirm conviction who will hold the ship of state into the\\nwind or to drifters and re-actionaries History is\\nfilled with the accounts of countries wrecked by gov-\\nernment. Of modern examples, the most glaring is\\n47", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "that of Imperial Spain. From present indications there\\nis, however, no adequate method of drawing any\\ncertain augury on this point, and in a fierce democ-\\nracy hke America the most probable inference\\nseems to be that the sweep of natural action and re-\\naction will be freer and less likely to be impeded by\\naccident or controlled by statesmanship than has been\\nthe case in the less democratic countries of Europe.\\nThe tendency is to elect the representatives of the\\ncurrent re-action and to regard all great oppositions\\nof interest as irrepressible conflicts.\\nActual opinion on this point will no doubt be\\ndetermined more by individual disposition than by\\nphilosophic standpoint. But both to the fatalist and\\nto the pessimist who look for the destruction of liberty\\nin this country, we may quote the optimistic prophecy\\nof the great American fatalist and idealist\\nStraight into double band\\nThe victors divide\\nHalf for freedom strike and stand\\nThe astonished Muse finds thousands at her side\\nEmerson, Ode to Channing.\\n48\\nWQT", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "^i:a^*\\nv^^\\n^^.\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^J^% V-\\ncA y.- oo*.^i..% y.\\n^5, J\\n**o", "height": "3400", "width": "2005", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "eooKWNOiNC B^\\nCrjntv.tle Pa\\n)\u00c2\u00bbl *UJVI5l 19\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb", "height": "3304", "width": "2040", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3617", "width": "2070", "jp2-path": "philosophyofamer00gest_0060.jp2"}}