{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3120", "width": "1955", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "f^.-\\n.0^\\nv-^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0is\\nx^^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^r\\n.v^-\\n40\\nv\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2vt\\ns\\nV y^\\nc\\no 0^\\nlV .r-\\nx^^\\n-y^\\no.\\n0\\nV_\\nN f\\nL*i\\nV\\n^r.\\n.0", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "r-\\n7\\n-T -T-\\\\a\\n-e\\nr\\nOo^\\n-^0\\n=5\\n^o\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^oo^\\nG^", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "HISTOEICAL SUEVEY\\nOF\\nPRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nBY\\nS. S. LAURIE, A.M., LL.D.\\nPROFESSOR OF THE INSTITUTES AND HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN THE UNIVERSITY\\nOF EDINBURGH; AUTHOR OF INSTITUTES OF EDUCATION, LANGUAGE\\nAND LINGUISTIC METHOD IN THE SCHOOL, LIFE AND EDUCA-\\nTIONAL WRITINGS OF COMENIUS, ETC.\\nSECOND EDITION, REVISED\\nLONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.\\n91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK\\nLONDON AND BOMBAY\\n1900", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "15B78\\nLibrary of Coni^ress\\nTwo Copies Received\\nJUL 7 1900\\nCop^fignt entry\\nFIRST COPY.\\n2nd Copy Delivered to\\nORDER DIVISION\\nJUL 9 1900\\nL/l ^i\\nL a^\\nCopy 2j\\nCopyright, 1900, by\\nLONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.\\nAll rights reserved.\\n2Entbcrsits ^vess:\\nJohn Wilson and Son, Cambridge, U.S.A.", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nThis book is a historical survey, not a history. At the same\\ntime I believe that nothing essential to the understanding of\\npre-Christian education has been omitted.\\nIn traversing so wide a field, I cannot expect to have\\nescaped errors I hope these are of a minor kind and that\\nthey will be pointed out. Certain opinions may be considered\\nerroneous by some of the experts in the various departments\\nof historical inquiry in which I have involved myself but\\nuntil experts are themselves at one, I may be allowed to\\nform my own judgment.\\nThe greatest difficulty that presented itself was the giving\\nexpression, within the limits of a few pages, to the religious\\nand ethical attitude of the various nations of antiquity to\\nlife and its duties. Brief statements on so all-important a\\nmatter cannot fail to be inadequate, and this all the more\\nbecause the gradual historical development of religious beliefs\\nhas, for our purposes, to be ignored.\\nMy aim has been to seize the leading religious and social\\ncharacteristics of pre-Christian societies as these were actually\\nfound operative in the life of the people of each nation taken\\nas a whole. For example, the purified and abstract religious", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "VI PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION.\\nconceptions of the Greek dramatists and philosophers are in\\nthe history of thought of surpassing value, but they had\\nlittle to do with the religious and moral forces which gov-\\nerned the actual life of the Hellenic races. The general cur-\\nrent of religious belief and emotion on which Greece was\\ncarried forward to the manifestation of a supreme activity\\nin arts and arms is what chiefly concerns the educational\\nhistorian. For it was on this broad current alone that the\\nlife, and consequently the education, of the people was borne\\nalong.\\nSo with the Hindus. The doctrines of Brahmanical\\nphilosophical sects are part of the history of thought, but it\\nis only the governing idea of Brahmanism and the moral sen-\\ntiments and convictions flowing from this, that are reflected\\nin the life, character, and education of the race. I hope that\\nthe reader will bear these things in mind and not expect\\nfrom me more than I profess to give.\\nFurther, in estimating the civilisation of a people, I have\\nhad to confine myself to that point of time at which they\\nwere approaching the highest expression of the national\\nidea.\\nAs regards Egypt, Babylon, and Assyria, I have formed\\nmy own judgment on the materials at present available.\\nEvery reader will understand that the history of these coun-\\ntries is now in the process of reconstruction. Professor\\nFlinders Petrie s History, now being published, when fol-\\nlowed by a history and estimate of Egyptian civilisation,\\nwill doubtless place Egyptology on a firmer basis.\\nS. S. LAURIE.", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "NOTE.\\nThe various chapters are based on the authorities enumer-\\nated, with references to many others not named (inekiding En-\\ncyclopaedias) In the final revision before printing, I kept\\nbefore me, and took occasional assistance from, Schmidt s\\nGeschichte der Pddagogik, 1870, and Schraid s G.esehichte der\\nErziehung^ c., 1885, chiefly in the chapters on Greek educa-\\ntion.\\nUniversity of Edinburgh, Aipril, 1895.\\nNOTE TO SECOND EDITION\\nIn this second edition I have made corrections these, how-\\never, verbal except in the chapter on the Jews.\\nS. S. L.\\nEdinburgh, 1900.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nIxTRODUCTiON. The place of the History of Education in Uni-\\nversal History 1-8\\nTHE HAMITIC RACES\\nEgypt. Political Constitution. Religion and Ethics. Literature\\nand Art. Social Condition. Women. Education in Egypt.\\nInstruction of the People. Method and Discipline 1 1-48\\nTHE SEMITIC RACES\\nArabs, Babylonians, Assyrians, Phoenicians, Hebrews\\n(1) The Arabs. (2) The Babylonians. Education. The\\nmasses of the people. Education of the upper classes. (3)\\nThe Assyrians. (4) The Hebrews or Jews. MosaismrThe\\nPriesthood, Prophets, and Scribes, as educational forces. Edu-\\ncation of the Young among the Jews generally. Epochs of\\nJewish Education. The First Period. The Second Period.\\nThe Third Period (Period of the Scribe and the Synagogue).\\nHigher Education. Popular Education. Fourth Period (Period\\nof the Rabbin and .the Elementary School). The Talmud and\\nEducation 51-100\\nTHE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES\\nChina. Chapter I. National Characteristics. Language.\\nGeneral Character of the Chinese. II. Religion and Phil-\\nosophy OF Life. Sacred Books. Philosophical attitude of\\nthe Chinese mind. Religion. III. The Dominant Ideas of", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "X PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nPAOK\\nChinese Life. IV. The Educational System. 1. Its\\nGeneral Character and Aim. 2. The External Organisation of\\nthe Examination System. 3. The Examinations. 4. Rewards\\nof Success in the Examinations. 5. Subjects of Examination.\\n6. Schools, Teachers, Course of Study and Method (o) Teach-\\ners and Schools. (V) The Course of Study, (c) Method of\\nInstruction. Earlier Stages, (rf) Higher Stages, (e) Con-\\nclusion 103-152\\nTHE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES\\nHindus, Medo-Persians, Hellenes, Italians (Romans\\n(A) India and the Hindus. Religion and Ethics. Educa-\\ntion among the Hindus. Aim. Organisation and Materials of\\nEducation. Women. Teachers. Method and Discipline 155-177\\n(B) The Medo-Persians. General Characteristics. Social\\nand Civil Relations. Persian Character. Religion and Ethics.\\nEducation of the Ancient Persians 178-195\\n(C) The Hellenic Race. Chapter I, General Charac-\\nteristics. Religion. Art. Manhood. II. The Greek\\nIdeal of Manhood and the Consequent Character-\\nistics OF Hellenic Education generally. IH. Edu-\\ncation AMONG THE DoRiAN Greeks. Cretan Education.\\nSimrtan Education. 1. Infancy. 2. Education of the Boys.\\n3. Education of the Young Men. 4. Education of the Women.\\nIV. Athenian and Ionic- Attic Education. 1. Infancy.\\n2. Childhood and Boyhood. 3. State Supervision and Schools.\\n4. Education of the School (o) Primary Instruction and\\nMethods. Literary Education. Reading, Arithmetic, Writing,\\nDrawing, Geometry, Geography. (h) Secondary Education.\\n(c) Music in the narrower sense of the ivord. (d) Gymnastic.\\n(e) Moral Education. Advanced Education, (g) School\\nand Home Discipline. (A) Education of the Women, (i) Method.", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION xi\\nPAGE\\nThe Schoolmaster. Schoolhouses. Holidays. (5) Contrast be-\\ntween Athenian and Spartan Education. V. The Higher\\nEducation in the Fifth Century b.c. and thereafter.\\nNote on Aristotle 1 6-300\\n(D) The Romans. Chapter I. The Roman People and\\nTHEIR General Characteristics. Religion. Social Life.\\nCivil Relations. Personal Character of the Romans. II. His-\\ntorical Development of Roman Education. First\\nNational Period, to 303 B.C. Second National Period, 303 b.c.\\nto 148 B.C. Third National Period, 148 b.c. onward. III.\\nCurriculum of Study. Schools, Methods, and Mas-\\nters. Primary Instruction. Secondary Instruction. The\\nHigher Instruction. Oratory. Discipline, Teachers, School-\\nhouses. IV. Details of Instruction and Method in\\nthe Grammatical and Rhetorical Schools: The School\\nof the Grammaticus. The School of the Rhetorician. V. The\\nSchool of Quintilian. Quintilian and his Educational\\nAim. First Book of the Institutions. Primary Instruction. Sec-\\nondary Instruction. Second Book. The Higher Instruction,\\netc. VI. Education in Imperial Times. The Classical\\nDecadence. Tacitus. Petronius Arbiter. Educational Activity\\nunder the Emperors. Plutarch. Musonius. Rise of Chris-\\ntianity. Conclusion 301-411", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SURVEY\\nOF\\nPRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nINTEODUCTION\\nTHE PLACE OF THE HISTORY OF EDUCATIOISr IN UNIVERSAL\\nHISTORY\\nThe history of education is involved in the general history\\nof the world. No adequate survey of it is possible which\\ndoes not presume a considerable acquaintance with the his-\\ntory of the leading races which have occupied and subdued\\nthe earth and formed themselves into civilised societies.\\nAt what successive periods did these races enter on a pro-\\ngressive civilisation what were i;he leading intellectual and\\nmoral characteristics of each under what circumstances of\\nclimate, soil, and contention with other nascent or dying\\nnations were these native characteristics developed and\\nmoulded and what was the issue of all to the wealth, the\\nlife, the thought, the art of humanity these are questions\\nwhich concern us intimately as students of the history of\\neducation. For the history of the education of a people is\\nnot the history of its schools, but the history of its civilisa-\\ntion and its civilisation finds its record mainly in its intel-\\nlectual, moral, and a?sthetic products, and only in a subordinate\\nway in its material successes, and its achievements in war.\\nTo treat of the education of the human race in this its\\nbroadest conception would be to attempt a philosophy of", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "2 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nhistory. We have accordingly to narrow our view, and this\\nwe can do only by jfirst narrowing the scope of the word\\neducation. The education of the ancient Egyptians, for\\nexample, is not precisely synonymous with the history of\\nthe civilisation of that race as a factor in the universal his-\\ntory of man. At the same time, it certainly embraces an\\nestimate of the civiUsing forces at work among that remark-\\nable people, and involves our forming a pretty clear concep-\\ntion of their social organisation and of the ideal of life and\\ncharacter to which they unconsciously attained, or after\\nwhich they consciously strove. For by education, even in\\nthe narrow sense in which the word must be employed here,\\nI understand the means which a nation, with more or less\\nconsciousness, takes for bringing up its citizens to maintain\\nthe tradition of national character, and for promoting the\\nwelfare of the whole as an organised ethical community. It\\nis essential, therefore, that we should understand the objects\\nwliich the nation, as such, desired to secure in brief, its\\nown more or less conscious ideal of national and civic hfe,\\nof personal character, and of ideal political justice. If we\\ncan ascertam this by the study of its highest products in\\nmen, deeds, thought and arts, we have made a great step\\ntowards interpreting the course of training to which it would\\nnaturally endeavour to subject its youth by means of its\\nlaws and institutions.\\nIn a historical survey we can afford to ignore the vast\\nvariety of tribes which are still in a savage state, and which,\\neither by innate incapacity for development, or by the force\\nof irresistible external circumstances, have risen little above\\nthe beasts that perish. The human possibilities of such\\ntribes may be, in germ, as high as those of many more fav-\\noured races but this is doubtful. They labour to acquire\\nskill in getting food by the exercise either of bodily vigour\\nor successful cunning, and they cherish the virtue of bravery\\nin warding off the attacks of others like themselves. As\\nthey have, however, no political or ethical ideal, they can", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION 3\\nhave no education in the sense in which we use the term in\\nthis book. They can teach us nothing. For, training to\\nexpertness in the use of the weapons of the chase or of\\nwar is not education, except in a narrow technical sense.\\nIt is only when the ideas of bodily vigour, of bravery, of\\nstrength, bodily beauty, or personal morality, become desired\\nfor themselves, or as the necessary conditions of pohtical\\nlife and national conservation, that education begins. The\\ntraining which the national idea gives has then an ideal aim\\nmore or less conscious. An education which contemplates\\nan ideal of life for each man, as distinct from the state\\norganism as a whole, is, necessarily, of later growth.\\nIt is only, then, with those nations which, by virtue of\\ntheir ordered civilisation, had an idea of individual or of\\nnational life, and which, by virtue of their having this idea,\\npossessed a civilisation, that we have to do. The races\\nwhich chiefly interest us are the Indo-European or Aryan,\\nto which we ourselves belong, and it might be sufficient to\\ntrace the history of education among the peoples who bear\\nthe Aryan character as that has developed itself west of the\\nCaucasus. But we should feel the survey of educational\\nhistory to be imperfect if we did so. It is desirable, there-\\nfore, to comprehend other races, such as the Hamitic, the\\nSemitic, and Uro-Altaic and not wholly to omit the Aryan\\nelement south-east of the Cq-ucasus. We are, of course, com-\\npelled to confine ourselves, in dealing with the education of\\nalmost all these races, to the highest and most generalised\\nexpression of their national life and this, frequently, for\\nwant of materials to do anything else.\\nAs the idei^l of life grows in a nation, its idea of educa-\\ntion grows and it begins to ask more and more in a self-\\nconscious way, How can we attain this ideal in the persons\\nof our children Thus arise systems of education in civ-\\nilised countries. Such systems or customs as may have\\nexisted prior to the asking of this question are not con-\\nsciously constructed with a view to a specific result. Nations\\nfeel their way, by slow degrees, to the highest expression of", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "4 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntheir corporate life and to the best machinery for sustaining\\nand promoting it, taught by the results of experience and\\ntheir ever-growing thought on the nature and destiny of man\\nand the conditions of national permanence. Thus it is that\\nthe education of a nation has always been determined mainly\\nby its moral and spiritual leaders. These, as the historians\\nof its experience and the conservators of its thought, right-\\nfully govern. They have in all ages, till recent times, been\\nmore or less identified with a church or priesthood in one\\nform or other and if there be no distinctive organised\\npriesthood as among the Chinese, Greeks, and Eomans, then\\nby that which takes its place a political aristocracy which\\nalways embodies in its scheme of civil life, moral and\\nreligious, if not also theological, conceptions. In such cases\\nthe State is the church.\\nThe educational aim, we shall find, is always practical in\\nthe large sense of that word for, even in its highest aspects,\\nit has always to do with life in some form or other, and\\nindeed presumes a certain philosophy of life. Even philos-\\nophy, religion and poetry have a practical aim the nobler\\nlife of a man as an individual and as a citizen and, when\\nthey forget this aim, they degenerate into verbal frivolities\\nor empty forms. This higher form of the practical aim is\\nliberal education.\\nBut not only in this larger sense is the educational aim\\nalways practical, but till the time of the Athenians it was\\nalways practical in the narrower sense of the word. Indeed,\\nin every form of national education, the practical in the\\nrestricted sense of the term, in other words, the professional\\nand technical, always occupied (and must always occupy)\\nthe greater part of the field, thwarting or promoting the\\nlarger general aim. It is this narrower aim, which statesmen\\nand politicians generally contemplate in their public acts\\nfor all civilised societies demand services of a specific kind,\\nwhich can fitly be discharged only by those who are trained\\nto discharge them. The division of occupations, aU of which", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION 5\\nare in their degree serviceable to the community, makes\\nspecific training necessary, if service is to be efficiently ren-\\ndered. Thus we have classes of the population trained and\\ndevoted to the various industrial arts to the fine arts to the\\nservice of man s body the medical art; to the service of\\nmutual rights the legal art to the service of man s spirit\\nthe priestly art, of which last the teaching art, in the highest\\nconception of it, is a branch to the military art and so forth.\\nThe education of a man as a member of a nation and for\\nmanhood simply, is what we mean by liberal education,\\nand this, I have said, is to be identified with the practical\\nin its highest sense, which may be summed up in the word\\nethical the training for specific services, again, is technical,\\nwhether we dignify some of these services by calling them\\nprofessions or not. The stress of competition among indi-\\nviduals and nations compels us, unhappily, more and more\\nto give a specific character to our training, and to ignore the\\nlarger national and human aims. It is clear, however, that\\nin so far as we lose sight of the latter in the interest of the\\nformer we err because it is the broad human and national\\nelement in education that gives character and power and\\nmakes itself felt in every department of work. If we fail in\\ngiving this, all specific activities of mind will be weakened\\nby the weakening of their foundation in the man as a man.\\nIn the systematisation of education accordingly, the real\\nproblem amounts in these days to this How shall we rear\\nspecific aptitudes on the basis of a common instruction and\\ndiscipline which shall contemplate the man and the citizen,\\nand only in the second place the worker This (ideal per-\\nfection of citizenship) is, says Plato, the only education\\nwhich in our view deserves the name that other sort of\\ntraining which aims at the acquisition of wealth or bodily\\nstrength or mere cleverness, apart from intelligence and jus-\\ntice, is mean and illiberal and not worthy to be called educa-\\ntion at all.\\n1 Laws, i. 465, as rendered by Jowett.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "6 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nThe modern educational problem may, perhaps, be put\\nthus: How shall we conserve the national type, tradition,\\nand ideal, and, while training for specific arts, educate all to\\nsuch manhood as their racial possibilities and historical\\ntradition admit of?\\nIn the historical evolution of the educational idea we may\\nnote at least three stages. First of all, we have the unpre-\\nmeditated education of national character and institutions,\\nand of instinctive ideals of personal and community life in\\ncontact with definite external conditions, and moulding or\\nbeing moulded by these. Secondly, we find that the educa-\\ntion of the citizen becomes a matter of public concern, and\\nmeans, often inadequate, are taken by individuals or societies\\nwithin the State for handing down the national tradition by\\nthe agency of the family and the school, and by public\\ninstitutions and ceremonials but there is no systematised\\npurpose. Thirdly: Education passes out of the hands of\\nirregular agencies, and, from being a merely public and vol-\\nuntary, becomes a political or State interest. We then have\\na more or less conscious ideal of national life, determin-\\ning the organisation of educational agencies and reducing\\nthese to an elaborate system designed to meet the wants\\nof the citizen at every age from infancy to manhood.\\nEducation, in the third stage of development, is to a large\\nextent taken out of the hands of the family. But at all\\nstages of educational history (and notwithstanding the action\\nof the State) the family is the chief agency in the education\\nof the young, and as such, it ought never to be superseded.\\nThe State is made up of families rather than of individuals\\nthe family is the true moral unit. We are what our fathers\\nhave made us, and future generations are what we are even\\nnow making our children. There is a continuity in the life\\nof a nation, and the individual, here and now, is a mere tran-\\nsition point from the past to the future. It is in truth the\\nfamily tradition, along with civil and religious institutions,\\nwhich chiefly educates. Whatever tradition there may be of", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTION 7\\nopinion and conduct, whatever may be the laws and institu-\\ntions by which the State protects itself as an organised body,\\nit must rely on the family to hand down and perpetuate\\nthese and to give them the support of the affections and sen-\\ntiments of our nature. And where, owing to the social\\nnecessities of a complex civilisation, it is found necessary to\\nset apart a class to help in the work which it is the primary\\nduty of parents to discharge, that class should regard itself\\nas, in every sense, in loco parentis that is to say, the aims,\\ninstruments, and methods of the school should always be\\nthose of a humane and enlightened parent. The moral and\\nreligious influence of the school ought to be, for example, as\\nfar as possible, a mere continuation and extension of the\\nfamily conception of education, and not an alien substitute\\nfor it. If this be understood and accepted, the deductions\\nfrom it will be found to be numerous and significant.\\nAs we survey the annals of education we see that it is the\\nnational tradition through the family that constitutes the\\nearliest form. The Komans had thus moulded themselves\\nand their State and were already marked for empire, before\\nthey had any schools. So the Persians were a brilliant and\\nimperial nation, though destitute of schools in any modern\\nsense of the word. Hellenic education, again, for probably\\ntwo centuries before Socrates, was an illustration of the\\nsecond period of national education in which State tradition\\nand institutions combined with schools (existing but as yet\\nundeveloped) to form the Greek mind and body. In post-\\nSocratic times the Greek became self-conscious in his educa-\\ntional aims he had a type of man whom he aimed at pro-\\nducing. The Eomans towards the end of the Eepublic\\nfollowed, with some differences, the leading of Greece but\\nit cannot be said that education was ever systematised by\\neither people.\\nThe only nations in pre-Christian times, who had attained\\nto the third stage of national education before the Christian\\nera, were the Chinese and the Doric Greeks as represented\\nby the Spartans. The former had, and have, a definite ideal", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "8 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nof human excellence, such as it is hut always with a view\\nto the service of a bureaucratic State. So with the Spartans,\\nwhere the whole organisation (but the Spartans were, after\\nall, a mere tribe) was educational, and where every freeborn\\ncitizen was deliberately formed to a certain ideal also (as\\nin China) in the interests of civic continuity.\\nThe Hellenic races, however, much as we owe them, had\\nno conception of education as a human need and a human\\nright they thought only of the free, pure Greeks who formed\\nan aristocracy among a body of servile inferiors. This char-\\nacteristic of the Greeks was specially emphasised in Sparta.\\nThe Eomans, also, thought chiefly of the upper half of soci-\\nety. In Egypt, Judffia, Persia, and China, on the other hand,\\nnothing stood, theoixtically at least, between the lowest mem-\\nber of the community and the best the State could offer in\\nthe way of education, except poverty. It was the Stoics in\\nthe earlier imperial times who first rose to the conception of\\nhumanity and of human, as distinct from local and national\\nrights and Christianity about the same time proclaimed\\nthese. The Stoic and Christian were the first humanitarians,\\nand consequently the first to believe in the inherent right of\\neach citizen to claim education for himself.\\nIn taking a survey of educational history we have to bear\\nin mind the distinctions I have made in these introductory\\nremarks (and which might with advantage be even further\\nelaborated) and carry them always with us. If we do not,\\nwe shall certainly fail to interpret facts aright and to learn\\nthe lessons which the past has to teach.", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "THE H AMI TIC RACES\\nUnder the designation Hamites are generally included\\nEgyptians, Ethiopians to the south of Egypt, Libyans to\\nthe west and north-west, the inhabitants of south-eastern\\nArabia, and the Hittites (extending from the Taurus range\\nto Canaan). In the Egyptians this race of mankind found\\nthe highest expression of its capacity for civihsed life, as did\\nthe Hebrews among the Semites, the Chinese among the\\nUro-Altaic (Turanian) and the Greeks among the Aryans.\\nAnd quite apart from their superiority to other nations of\\ntheir own blood, we find the Egyptians to be by far the\\nmost interesting of ancient peoples, in respect, at least, of\\nthe antiquity and detailed organisation of their complex\\ncivilisation.\\nEGYPT\\nIt is now generally believed that tlie original immigrants\\nwho formed the Egyptian nation did not come from\\nEthiopia or Libya, but from the interior of Asia,^\\nEgypt proper is a country made, and it may be almost\\nsaid annually re-made, by a single river the Nile, which,\\nrising in the equatorial regions, falls into the Mediterranean.\\nThe water and mud deposited by the river in its annual\\n1 Professor Petrie, in vol. i. of his History, says that the Egyptians came\\nfrom the land of Pun or Punt, which seems to have been on both sides of the\\nsouthern part of the Red Sea, having reached this region from the vicinity of\\nthe Persian Gulf, moving south and west. He connects them with the\\nPhcenicians, who would then have to be classed under the Hamitic, and not\\nthe Semitic, race. The history of Egypt is usually given under thirty dynas-\\nties, beginning, according to Marietta, with Mena, 4400 B.C., and ending with\\nAlexander the Great, B.C. 332. These do not include that of the foreign (and\\n(ioubtless Semitic) Hyksos, which lasted about 500 years prior to 2226 b.q.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "12 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ninundations have made Egypt probably the most fertile\\ntract of country in the world. When we consider that it\\nis enclosed on all sides by desert or mountains or seas, and\\nthus shut off from contact with other countries, we can\\nunderstand that it should early become the home of a\\nsettled people who would develop their life and civilisation\\nfrom within. It is this exclusion from external influences\\nthat gives to Egypt, a unique position in the history of civili-\\nsation.i The fertility of the soil, and we may add the easy\\nconditions of life caused by an almost uniform climate, en-\\nabled the Nile basm to support a large population. The\\ntradition is that there were 20,000 cities, but doubtless\\namong cities were included what we should call villages.\\nThe conquering race which occupied Egypt (already\\ninhabited by a primitive barbarian population) had three\\nleading characteristics a natural capacity for equity and\\ngovernment, a shrewd practical intelligence, and a deep\\nreligious sense in which the feehng of awe predominated.\\nTheir religious sentiment revolved round two points, (1) A\\nfeeling of wonder as they contemplated the forces of nature\\nand the regular and beneficent recurrence of natural events.\\nThis was forced on the Egyptians, above all other races, by\\nthe peculiarities of their physical conditions. (2) The fact\\nand mystery of death which always lay close to the Egyptian\\nmind. The Pyramids alone, were there no other records,\\nwould testify to all time the profound sense of the serious-\\nness of life and the majesty of death which characterised the\\nancient Egyptians.\\nPolitical constitution. At a very early period we find\\nthe country divided into forty-two nomes or districts, each\\nwith its own captain or governor. It would seem that the\\nchieftainship was originally hereditary, and that Egypt was\\na feudal monarchy but as the monarchy gained strength\\nthese heads of nomes were either appointed by the sovereign\\n1 The same remark applies to China. I do not mean to say tliat Egypt\\nand China l^ad no external relations, but merely that they were as nothing\\ncompared with those of other races.", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 13\\nor had to be confirmed in their authority by him. Egypt\\nwas a monarchy from very early times (probably 5000 years\\nB.C.), but the relation of the monarch to the nomes and their\\nchiefs fluctuated, and the heads of principalities frequently\\nquarrelled with each other and with the central government.\\nThe monarchy, when finally supreme, was despotic in its\\ncharacter, and supported by a strong and wealthy priesthood.\\nEanke points out that a despotic monarchy was a necessity\\nof the situation, not only because of the need of a central\\nauthority for civil and military purposes, but also because of\\nthe annual inundations which had to be regulated through-\\nout the length and breadth of Egypt and made local auton-\\nomy impossible. One river made Egypt, and there was\\nconsequent need for a central administration to watch and\\nregulate the waters and settle questions of ever-shifting\\nboundaries as the waters retired. The monarch was centre\\nof all government, and, as symbol of the unity of the life of\\nthe nation in a material as well as moral sense, he was\\nlikened to god, and called the son of god and not only\\nccdled the son, but believed to be the son of the god (Ra),\\nand treated as such during his lifetime. He was, in a real\\nand practical sense, regarded as god on earth and intermediary\\nwith the gods in heaven.\\nTlie administrators of justice, after a certain date, may\\nhave been men of legal training but speaking of Egypt\\ngenerally, we find that the decision of civil suits and the\\ntrial of criminal cases was a part of the general executive\\nfunctions of the chiefs of nomes and the governors of towns\\nor villages. For a certain number of days in the month\\nthey sat at the gate of the town or of the building which\\nserved as their residence, and all those possessed of any title,\\nposition, or property, the superior priesthood of the temples,\\nscribes who had advanced or grown old in office, those in\\ncommand of the militia or police, the heads of divisions\\nor corporations, might, if they thought fit, take their position\\nbeside them and help to decide ordinary lawsuits. The\\n1 Maspero s Dawn of Civilisation in the East, p. 336.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "14 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\npoor man, we may presume, had little chance of obtaming\\na just decision before a tribunal so constituted, if his claim\\nconflicted with that of his social superiors. The monarch\\nwas fountain of law and justice. The system, on the whole,\\nof law or usage seems to have been mild, and to have been\\nadministered with equity and clemency.\\nThe government really governed, and the consequence of\\nthis was infinite bureaucratic detail and an army of officials\\nof all kmds.\\nReligion and Ethics. It is exceedingly difl cult to\\ngive an account which shall be at once brief and intelligible,\\nand at the same time fairly accurate, of the religion of Egypt,\\nthe land of the thousand gods. Our desire to attain to a\\nunity of view and to discover some central-principle is al-\\nmost bafiled, and we can, at best, only partially succeed.\\nThere can be httle doubt that the earliest gods worshipped\\nby the Egyptians M^ere, as was natural, the Sun (Ea) and the\\nNile. But some confusion arises from the fact that the same\\ngods were worshipped under different names in the various\\ncities.\\nIt would appear, liowever, that a very simple idea lay at\\nthe root of the Egyptian rehgion. The elements were not\\nmerely objects of sense, they were living gods they had\\ntheir doubles. The sky, says M. Maspero,^ the earth, the\\nstars, the sun, the Nile, were so many breathing and think-\\ning beings whose lives were daily manifest in the life of the\\nuniverse. They were worshipped from one end of the valley\\nto the other, and the whole nation agreed in proclaiming\\ntheir sovereign power. But when they began to name them,\\nto define their powers and attributes, to particularise their\\nforms or the relationship which subsisted among them, this\\nunanimity was at an end. Each principality, each nome,\\neach city, almost every village, conceived and represented\\nthese differently.\\nAnimals and statues were not merely symbolic of the\\ngods but the gods dwelt in them. Other objects of nature\\n1 Maspero s Dawn of Civilisation in the East, p. 85.", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 15\\nwhich evoked surprise were worshipped, e. g. sycamore trees\\ngrowing where no tree should be. It is evident that on\\nthese lines of religious thought, there would be no end to\\nthe number of gods. Each family and almost every indi-\\nvidual possessed gods and fetishes which had been pointed\\nout for their worship by some fortuitous meeting with an\\nanimal or an object, or indicated by a dream or a sudden\\nintuition (p. 122).\\nThe worship was a worship by sacrifice and offerings and\\ninvocations, wholly with the purpose of securing the help of\\nthe god or gods in the affairs of life. I cannot find that it\\nhad any ethical or spiritual significance, save thus far, that\\nit was an expression of reverential awe and not of craven\\nfear. The ordinary Hebrew also looked for material bless-\\nings, but there was much more than this in his case his\\nworship was essentially the fulfilling of a contract or cove-\\nnant on his side the fulfilment of the moral law, and on\\nthe other side, the favour of God as God. The detail of sac-\\nrifice in the Egyptian temples was most minute, affecting the\\npurification and dress of the priest, and the qualifications and\\nslaughter of the animals. It was necessary also that the\\npriest should repeat the traditionary formulas and prayers\\nwith absolute exactness and with the authorised intonations\\nand rhythm otherwise they lost altogether their efficacy.\\nThe chief of the nome or principality acted as priest in the\\nearlier centuries the high priest of all was the Pharaoh. It\\nbeing vain, however, to expect ritualistic perfection in men\\noccupied with other affairs, the custom grew up of associating\\nofficials as priests with the civil authorities. Thus each tem-\\nple had its staff of priests and a high priest set over them,\\nand gradually there grew up a graded hierarchy. These\\ntemples received numerous gifts and legacies fi om worship-\\npers seeking favour in this life from the gods, or wishing to\\nbuy the prayers of the priests when they, the worshippers,\\nwere dead. The temples thus became wealthy corporations.\\nThe sacerdotal temple or college had each not only its own\\nhierarchy, but its own theology. The god of each nome", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "16 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntemple was addressed as the chief god among all the gods\\nand as the maker of the world. To Heliopolis, where there\\nwas a strong priestly college, is due the attempt to arrange\\nthe chief gods in a hierarchy with one supreme over all the\\nrest. The other temples of Egypt accepted this substan-\\ntially but they naturally reserved the supreme position for\\ntheir own local god. The idea, however, was the same a\\nsupreme god working through subordinate agencies in the\\ncreation of the world. It may be, as M. Maspero says, that\\nEgypt, as a whole, never accepted the idea of a one sole god\\nbut in the elevation of the various nomic gods to supremacy,\\nthe idea of a one supreme god was unquestionably operative.\\nThe belief in immortality was universal but the life be-\\nyond the grave suggests to us, m the earlier stages of doctrine,\\nnothing better than the Accadian underworld or the Homeric\\nHades. The soul kept the distinctive character and appear-\\nance which pertained to it upon the earth as it had been\\na double before death, so it remained a double after it,\\nable to perform all functions of man-life after its own\\nfashion. It moved, went, came, spoke, breathed, accepted\\npious homage, but without pleasure, and as it were mechani-\\ncally rather from an instinctive horror of annihilation than\\nfrom any rational desire for immortality. Unceasing regret\\nfor the bright world which it had left disturbed its mournful\\nand inert existence. my brother, are the words of a hymn,\\nwithhold not thyself from drinking and from eating, from\\ndrunkenness, from love, from all enjoyment, from following\\nthy desire by night and by day put not son ow within thy\\nheart, for what are the years of a man upon earth The\\nWest is a land of sleep and of heavy shadow, a place wherein\\nits inhabitants when once installed slumber on in their\\nmummy forms, never more waking to see their brethren\\nnever more to recognise their fathers or their mothers with\\nhearts forgetful of their wives and children. The living\\nwater which earth giveth to all who dwell upon it is for me\\n1 It does not follow from this that the more cultured few did not recognise\\na One Supreme Being.", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 17\\nbut stagnant and dead that water floweth to all who are on\\nearth, while for me it is but liquid putrefaction, this water\\nthat is mine. Since I came into this funereal valley I know\\nnot where nor what I am. Give me to drink of running\\nwater Let me be placed by the edge of the water with my\\nface to the North, that the breeze may caress me and my\\nheart be refreshed from its sorrow. This is a very ancient\\nhymn. The conception of the life beyond the grave, how-\\never, subsequently took a more elevated form, and to secure\\neternal felicity good works had to be done on earth.\\nThe Book of the Dead (more correctly translated, The\\nBook of the goings forth to Day the sacred Scripture of\\nthe Egyptians, is in truth a guide book for departed spirits in\\nthe underworld where they find their way through many\\ndifhculties, by the help of texts, prayers, and incantations, to\\nthe presence of OsiKis, god of the dead and of the underworld,\\nand his jury ,2 the forty-two judges who are Lords of Truth.\\nThe confession which the soul is represented as making be-\\nfore the god and jury is the most interesting of Egyptian\\ntheological remains, indicating a marked advance on earlier\\nideas. The soul which is acquitted of evil escapes the mis-\\nery of the underworld as described above, and it does so\\non moral grounds. Having found its way to the halls of\\nOsiris in Hades it makes an appeal to Osikis and the jury\\nof gods.^ This appeal is of the nature of a confession which,\\nhowever, is chiefly negative. The appellant spirit says\\nthat he has not been guilty of the oppression of the poor\\nand the slave, of assassination, treason, cheating by false\\nbalances, refusing temple offerings, disregard for temple\\nproperty, lying, stealing, fornication, adultery, blasphemy,\\nfalse witness, and generally that he has not committed any\\ncrime. The positive part of the confession says that he has\\nspread joy on all sides, given bread to the hungry, water\\nto the thirsty, clothing to the naked. We have here the\\nThe Dawn of Civilisation, p. 113.\\n2 The translations I have read are that of Birch in Bunsen, and that in\\nDr. Davis recent Book of the Dead. This is sulRcient for my purpose.\\n3 Chap. 125 in Davis edition.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "18 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nethical creed of the ancient Egyptian, a good working com-\\nmonplace creed, but nothing more. If we add the proverbs\\nand prudential precepts of Ptah-hetep (3600 B.C., the oldest\\nbook in the world), we probably exhaust the thought of\\nthe Egyptian on moral and social relations. His relation\\nto the gods was, and could be, nothing but abstract adora-\\ntion or service in the interests of his own material fehcity.\\nIt has further to be noted that the bliss which a favourable\\nsentence secured to the soul was, in the earlier stages of\\nreligious development, simply the enjoyment of life in its\\nold haunts, somewhat heightened and permanently secured.\\nA further advance was manifest when the highest bliss was\\nheld to be sharing the life of the sun-god, but with power\\nto leave the bark of the sun when the soul chose, and enjoy\\nearthly life once more. We may, if we choose, call this a\\nblessed immortality. It certainly was as high a conception\\nof the future as any pre-christian nation attained to.\\nThe question is, was there behind all this polytheistic con-\\nfusion any esoteric religious doctrine reserved for the inner\\ncircle of the priesthood If there had been, should we not\\nhave had some record of it One comes across suggestions\\nof a mystic esotericism, but in the books I have read I find\\nno evidence of it. This much, however, seems fully worthy\\nof acceptance, that the myth of Osiris, which embodied the\\nidea of the triumph of Light over Darkness, was interpreted\\nby the more thoughtful in an ethical sense. Further, that\\nthe more thoughtful believed in a One God the Source of\\nAll, Himself the Hidden One, Self -begetting and not to\\nbe represented by any symbol. The other gods, even when\\naddressed as supreme, were so only as operative gods. Many\\nof the hymns that survive place beyond all question the\\nexistence of a belief among the more cultured in a one\\nSupreme Being not to be represented by any symbol. I\\ngive in a footnote Professor Sayce s view,^ which seems to\\nme highly probable.\\n1 Professor Sayce says (Ancient Empires of the East, p. 60) The kernel\\nof tlie Egyptian state religion was solar. At the head of the hierarchies of\\ngods we have a form of the sun-god. The priesthood could have no diffi-", "height": "2938", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 19\\nThe popular religion was on a mucli lower plane of\\nthought than that which we have been endeavouring briefly\\nto describe. The worship of animals, on the assumption\\nthat they were, not merely the visible symbols of gods, but\\ntheir abode, was highly characteristic of the people. It was\\na genuine worship and encouraged by the priests. But this\\nanimal worship seems, as the nation advanced, to have been\\nregarded by all the more educated as merely symbolic. It\\nclearly mattered little to the priests of a religion which had\\nno special religious moral sanction derived from the essential\\nattributes of the Hidden God, what the masses worshipped,\\nso long as they were reverent and devotional and obedient.^\\nAnd this they certainly were. The belief in amulets, charms,\\nand incantations was universal.\\nAlong with the animal worship, and taking universal\\nprecedence of it, the visible objects of worship were always\\nthe Sun and the Nile. The following, which I quote from\\nthe Eecords of the Past, vol. iv. (including the notes), is as\\nl^lte as the 19th Dynasty (1400 B.C.). It will be noted that\\nthe names of gods are frequently interchangeable, and fur-\\nculty in accepting this physical symbol of the creative and life-giving source\\nof all. It was to Ptah, the personal creator, that the sacred bull was\\ndedicated, in which he was incarnate. Nor is the above central conception\\ninconsistent with the cosmogonic system, as given by Professor Sayce, which\\nseems to be prior to the Theban Dynasty. In the philosophic system of the\\npriesthood, he says, Nun, or Chaos, was the first cause from wluch all pro-\\nceed unshaped, eternal, and immutable matter. Kheper, the scarabaeus\\nwith the sun s disk, was the creative principle of life, which implanted in\\nmatter the seeds of life and light. Ptah, the opener, was the personal\\ncreator or demiurge, who, along with the seven knumu, or architects, gave\\nform to these seeds, and was at once the creator and opener of the pi im:eval\\negg of the universe (the ball of earth rolled along by Kheper), out of which\\ncame the sun and moon according to the older myth, the elements and forms\\nof heaven and earth, according to the later philosophy. Nut, the sky, with\\nthe star and boat of the sun on her back Sell, the earth, sjmibol of time and\\neternity, and Amenti, or Hades, now took their several shapes and places.\\nOver this threefold world, the gods and other divine beings presided.\\nAlmost all nations which have attained to civilisation have entered on\\nthe possession of lands already inhabited by inferior races. It is not improb-\\nable that animal worship was a continuation of the Totemism of the original\\noccupants of the Nile Valley.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "20 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nther, that the devotional writer frequently passes from the\\nparticular god to the Universal Source of Order and Life\\na natural transition common enough in all poetry, and con-\\nstantly to be met with in Egyptian writings.\\nHYMN TO THE NILE\\nSTROPHE I\\nAdoration of the Nile\\n1 Hail to thee, Nile\\n2 Thou showest thyself in this land,\\n3 Coming in peace, giving life to Egypt\\n4 AMMON, (thou) leadest night unto day,^\\n5 A leading that rejoices the heart\\n6 Overflowing the gardens created by ra.^\\n7 Giving hfe to all animals\\n8 Watering the land without ceasing\\n9 The way of heaven descending\\n10 Lover of food, bestower of corn,\\n11 Giving light to every home, ptah\\nn\\n1 Lord of fishes, when the inundation returns\\n2 No fowls fall on the cultures.*\\n3 Maker of spelt creator of wheat\\n4 Who maintaineth the temples\\n1 If this rendering is correct the meaning mnst be that the god of the Nile\\nis the secret sonrce of light see sec. iii. 1. 5, and sec. viii. 1. 1. The attributes\\nof Egyptian gods, who represent the unknown under various aspects, are\\ninterchangeable to a great extent here the Nile is Ammon, doing also the\\nwork of Ra. Dr. Birch suggests that the rendering may be hiding his course\\nnight and day.\\n2 Ra, the sun-god, who is represented as delighting in flowers, see Eitual\\nof the Dead, Ixxxvi. I am the pure lily which comes out of the fields of\\nRa.\\n3 The Nile-god traverses heaven his course there corresponds to that of\\nthe river on earth.\\nSee X. 6. This is obscure, but it may mean that the Nile-god protects\\nthe newly-sown fields from the birds.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 21\\n5 Idle hands lie loathes\\n6 For myriads, for all the wretched.\\n7 If the gods in heaven are grieved,^\\n8 Then sorrow cometh on men.\\nIll\\n1 He maketh the whole land open to the oxen,*\\n2 And the great and the small are rejoicing,\\n3 The response of men at his coming\\n4 His likeness is num\\n5 He shineth, and then the land exulteth\\n6 All bellies are in joy\\n7 Every creature receives nourishment\\n8 All teeth get food.\\nrv\\n1 Bringer of food Great Lord of provisions\\n2 Creator of all good things\\n3 Lord of terrors and of choicest joys\\n4 All are combined in him.\\n5 He produceth grass for the oxen\\n6 Providing victims for every god.\\n7 The choice incense is that which he supplies,\\n8 Lord in both regions,\\n9 He filleth the granaries, enricheth the storehouses,\\n10 He careth for the state of the poor.\\nV\\n1 He causes growth to fulfil all desires,\\n2 He never wearies of it.\\ne. he sets them at work. Thus, Ritual, xv. 20 Ea, the giver of food,\\ndestroys all place for idleness, cuts off all excuse.\\n2 As they are by idleness see Ritual, cxxv. p. 255, Birch.\\ne. he makes it ready for cultivation.\\nTheir joy and gratitude respond to his advance.\\nNum is the Nile-god regarded as giving life.\\n6 The Egyptian word corresponds to Apcracpris, which, according to Plutarch,\\nsignifies tJ) dpSp\u00e2\u0082\u00ac7ov, Isis et Osiris, c. 37. The Egyptians, like all ancient\\npeople, identify terror with strength or greatness.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "22 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\n3 He maketh his might a buckler.^\\n4 He is not graven in marble,^\\n5 As an image bearing the double crown.\\n6 He is not beheld\\n7 He bath neither ministrants nor offerings\\n8 He is not adored in sanctuaries\\n9 His abode is not known\\n10 JS o shrine is found with painted figures.*\\nVI\\n1 There is no building that can contain him\\n2 There is no councillor in thy heart\\n3 Thy youth delight in thee, thy children\\n4 Thou directest them as King,\\n5 Thy law is established in the whole land,\\n6 In the presence of thy servants of the North\\n7 Every eye is satisfied with him\\n8 He careth for the abundance of his blessings.\\nVII\\n1 The inundation comes (then), conieth rejoicing\\n2 Every heart exulteth\\n1 This scriptural phrase comes in abruptly. It is probably drawn from\\nsome older source.\\n2 The true deity \\\\_i.e. the supreme god of gods], is not represented by any\\nimage. This is a relic of primaeval monotheism, out of place as referring to\\nthe Nile, but pointing to a deeper and sounder faith. Compare the laws of\\nManu, i. 5-7.\\n2 See last line of sec. xiii. There are no shrines covered, as usual,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2with coloured hieroglyphics. The whole of this passage is of extreme im-\\nI^ortance, showing that, apart from all olijects of idolatrous worship, the old\\nEgyptian recognised the existence of a Supreme God, unknown and incon-\\nceivable, the true source of all power and goodness. Compare the oldest forms\\nof the 17th chapter of the funeral ritual in Lepsius, Aelteste Texte.\\n1 Kings viii. 27.\\nOr, thou givest them counsels, orderest all their goings.\\nI. e. all magistrates are the servants of the deity, and administer his law\\nfrom south to north.\\nMaspero, par lui est bue I eau (les pleurs) de tons les yeux, i. e. wipes\\naway tears from all eyes.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 23\\n3 The tooth of the crocodiles, the children of neith\\n4 (Even) the circle of the gods who are counted with thee.\\n5 Doth not its outburst water the fields,\\n6 Overcoming mortals (with joy)\\n7 Watering one to produce another\\n8 There is none who worketh with him\\n9 He produces food without the aid of neith.^\\n10 Mortals he causes to rejoice.\\nVIII\\n1 He giveth light on his coming from darkness\\n2 In the pastures of his cattle\\n3 His might produceth all\\n4 What was not, his moisture bringeth to life.\\n5 Men are clothed to fill his gardens\\n6 He careth for his labourers.\\n7 He maketh even and noontide,\\n8 He is the infinite ptah and kabes.\u00c2\u00ae\\n9 He createth all works therein,\\n10 All writings, all sacred words,\\n11 All his implements in the North.\u00c2\u00ae\\nIX\\n1 He enters with words the interior of his house,\\n2 When he willeth he goeth forth from his mystic fane.\\n3 Thy wrath is destruction of fishes.*\\nDr. Birch, to whom I am indebted for this rendering, observes that the\\ngoddess Neith is often represented with two crocodiles sucking her breasts.\\nI. e. The Nile fills all mortals with the languor of desire, and gives\\nfecundity.\\nI.e. without needing rain, the gift of the goddess of heaven. Such\\nseems to be the meaning of a very obscure passage.\\nSee note on section i.\\ns The meaning is evidently that he combines the attributes of Ptah, the\\nDemiurge, and Kabes, an unknown god.\\nAll things serviceable to man arms, implements, c.\\nThis seems to mean, he gives oracles at his shrine. Observe the incon-\\nsistency of this with section 5.\\nCausing scarcity of food in the land. See Exodus viii. 18, 21.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "24 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\n4 Then men implore thee for the waters of the season,*\\n5 That the Thebaid may be seen like the Delta,\\n6 That every man be seen bearing his tools,\\n7 No man left behind his comrade\\n8 Let the clothed be unclothed,\\n9 No adornments for the sons of nobles,\\n10 No circle of gods in the night\\n11 The response (of the god) is refreshing water,\\n12 Filling all men with fatness.\\nX\\n1 Establisher of justice men rejoice\\n2 With flattering words to worship thee,\\n3 Worshipped together with the mighty water\\n4 Men present offerings of corn,\\n5 Adoring all the gods\\n6 No fowls fall on the land.^\\n7 Thy hand is adorned with gold,*\\n8 As moulded of an ingot of gold,\\n9 Precious as pure lapis lazuli\\n10 Corn in its state of germination is not eaten.\\nXI\\n1 The hymn is addressed to thee with the harp\\n2 It is played with a (skilful) hand to thee\\n3 The youths rejoice at thee\\n4 Thy own children.\\n5 Thou hast rewarded their labour.\\n6 There is a great one adorning the land\\nIn a season of scarcity prayers are offered for supply of water. The\\nfollowing lines seem to describe great haste when the inundation comes on\\nnone wait for their clothing, even when valuable, and the nightly solemnities\\nare broken up. But the passage is obscure.\\n2 Literally answer, i. e. with thanks and prayers, when thou bringest the\\nwater in abundance.\\n3 See ii. 2.\\nThe gold represents the preciousness of the gift of food.\\n5 This is often mentioned in the inscriptions amongst the most precious\\nstones.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 25\\n7 An enlightener, a buckler in front of men,\\n8 Quickening the heart in depression,\\n9 Loving the increase of all his cattle.\\nXII\\n1 Thou shinest in the city of the King\\n2 Then the householders are satiated with good things,\\n3 The poor man laughs at the lotus.\\n4 All things are perfectly ordered,\\n5 Every kind of herb for thy children.\\n6 If food should fail,\\n7 All enjoyment is cast on the ground,\\n8 The land falls in weariness.\\nXIII\\n1 inundation of Nile, offerings are made to thee\\n2 Oxen are slain to thee\\n3 Great festivals are kept for thee\\n4 Fowls are sacrificed to thee\\n5 Beasts of the field are caught for thee\\n6 Pure flames are offered to thee\\n7 Offerings are made to every god,\\n8 As they are made unto Nile.\\n9 Incense ascends unto heaven,\\n10 Oxen, bulls, fowls are burnt\\n11 Nile makes for himself chasms in the Thebaid\\n12 Unknown is his name in heaven,\\n13 He doth not manifest his forms\\n14 Vain are all representations\\nXIV\\n1 Mortals extol (him), and the cycle of gods\\n2 Awe is felt by the terrible ones\\n3 His son is made Lord of all,\\n1 Which he ate when he could get nothing else.\\n2 An allusion to the legend that the Nile comes forth from two openings\\nin the south.\\n3 See V. last line. The Pharaoh.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "26 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\n4 To enlighten all Egypt.^\\n5 Shine forth, shine forth, Nile shine forth\\n6 Giving life to men by his oxen\\n7 Giving life to his oxen by the pastures\\n8 Shine forth in glory, Nile\\nBut while the Nile and the Sun were always the supreme\\nvisible gods to the Egyptian, from a very early date the\\nsymbol of supreme divine power, as manifested in nature,\\ndid not restrict itself to these deities, but extended to ani-\\nmals as symbolic of various gods and, in the course of time,\\nthere can be little doubt that with the masses nothing\\nremained but the symbol, with a vague sense of some divine\\npower behind it.^ This vague sense was, however, undoubtedly\\nthere, and its existence could alone justify Eanke s view that\\nthere was nothing secular to the ancient Egyptian properly\\nspeaking, there was nothing profane in the land. What\\nmost struck Herodotus, when, in the middle of the fifth\\ncentury before the Christian era, he visited the country, was\\nthe extreme religiosity of its inhabitants. The Egyptians,\\nhe says, are religious to excess, far beyond any other race\\nof men. They themselves speak of the thousand gods.\\nThe greater portion of the description of Egypt by the Greek\\nhistorian is occupied with an account of the priests, the\\ntemples, and the religious ceremonies. In the architectural\\nremains, we. see that the temple dominates the palace, and is\\n1 The two regions,\\n2 Who does not know, says Juvenal (xv. 1), what kinds of monsters\\ndemented Egypt worships\\n3 The animal worship reached its culmination at Memphis in the worship\\nof the sacred bull, known as Hapi, or Apis, an incarnation of the god phthah.\\nHe had a temple, priestly attendants, and a harem of cows. He was brought out\\non the occasion of great processions and was worshipped by the people. When\\nhe died he was embalmed and buried in a polished granite sarcophagus.* It\\nis a remarkable spectacle the mixture which Egypt presents of high spiritual\\nconceptions with debased animal worship (to borrow Professor Sayce s ex-\\npression). I cannot identify the high spiritual conceptions to which Pro-\\nfessor Sayce refers, at least as far as the commonalt} was concerned.\\nThe cost of his funeral is said to have been about 20,000?.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 27\\nitself dominated by the tomb, both the temple and the tomb\\nbeing the expression of religious ideas. Everywhere in\\nEgypt gigantic structures upreared themselves into the air,\\nenriched with all that Egyptian art could supply of painted\\nand sculptured decoration, dedicated to the honour, and bear-\\ning the sacred name, of some divinity. The great temple of\\neach city was the centre of its life. A perpetual ceremonial\\nof the richest kind went on within its walls along its shady\\ncorridors, or through its sunlit courts, long processions made\\ntheir way up or down its avenues of sphinxes. The calendar\\nwas crowded with festivals, and a week rarely passed with-\\nout the performance of some special religious ceremony\\npossessing its own peculiar attractions.^\\nThe sentiment of religious awe in the contemplation of the\\nfacts of life and death, did not interfere with practical activ-\\nity or the enjoyment of life. The mental attitude of the\\nEgyptian is, in part at least, well expressed in the festal song\\nwhich was so universally popular among them.\\nFESTAL DIRGE\\n1 Wanting\\n2 The song of the house of king antup, deceased, which is\\n(written) in front of\\n3 The player on the harp.^\\nAll hail to the good Prince,\\nthe worthy good (man)\\nThe body is fated (1) to pass away,\\nthe atoms\\n4 remain, ever since the time of the ancestors.\\nThe gods who were beforetime rest in their tombs,\\nthe mummies\\n5 of the saints likewise are enwrapped in their tombs.\\nThey who build houses, and they who have no houses, see\\n1 The above sentences seem to be a quotation from some one probably\\nRawlinson or Wilkinson, I forget which.\\nThe Song of the Harper in the tomb of Nefer-hotep bears a great resem-\\nblance to this composition see Dumichen, ffistorische Inschriftcn, ii. pi. 40.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "28 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\n6 what becomes of them.\\nI have heard the words of imhotep and hartatep.*\\nIt is said in their sayings,\\n7 After all, what is prosperity 1\\nTheir fenced walls are dilapidated.\\nTheir houses are as that which has never existed.\\n8 No man comes from thence\\nwho tells of their savings,\\nwho tells of their affairs,\\nwho encourages our hearts.\\nYe go\\n9 to the place whence they return not.^\\nStrengthen thy heart to forget how thou hast enjoyed thyself,\\nfulfil thy desire whilst thou livest.\\n10 Put oils upon thy head,\\nclothe thyself with fine linen adorned with precious metals,\\n11 with the gifts of God\\nmultiply thy good things,\\nyield to thy desire,\\nfulfil thy desire with thy good things\\n12 (whilst thou art) upon earth\\naccording to the dictation of thy heart.\\nThe day will come to thee,\\nwhen one hears not the voice\\nwhen the one who is at rest hears not\\n13 their voices.*\\nLamentations deliver not him who is in the tomb.\\n14 Feast in tranquillity,^\\nseeing that there is no one who carries away his goods with\\nhim.\\nYea, behold, none who goes thither comes back again.\\n1 Imhotep, the son of the primaeval deity Ptah, was the mythical author of\\nvarious arts and sciences. The Greeks spelt the name Imopth, but more fre-\\nquently substituted the name Asclepios.\\n2 Hartatef was the son of King Menkera (Mycerinus), to whom the discov-\\nery of part of the Ritual (cap. Ixiv.) is attributed, and who was the author of\\na mystical work.\\n3 Compare the Assyrian phrase The land men cannot return from.\\nDescent of Ishtar, Eecords of the Past, vol. i. p. 143; ii. p. 5.\\nI.e. of the mourners. Here follows a lacuna.\\nFrom Eecords of the Fast, iv. 117.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 29\\nThe beliefs and worship of the Egyptians, while giving\\nexpression to a sombre rehgious sentiment and a feeling of\\nprofound awe in contemplating Nature, the life of man and\\nabove all the stern fact of Death, exercised great influence\\nin teaching reverence generally, and consequently submis-\\nsiveness and obedience. But they had little moral signifi-\\ncance. The only potent ethical force in the system of\\nreligious thought was the belief in immortality. When this\\nhad fully emerged from its cruder form of ancestor worship,\\nit assumed a character which places it on a high level, and\\nfar above the conceptions of the Greeks and Romans. A\\ngreat and godlike future life was secured by a good life on\\nearth. The human spirit which had been weighed in the\\nbalances of the Hall of Osiris returned to the God of Light,\\nbut yet retained its individuality. There arose in connection\\nwith this an ideal of conduct. That this ideal was under-\\nstood or fully realised by the masses it is absurd to suppose.\\nIndeed, among all classes the morality seems to have been\\noften as low in practice as it was elevated in theory. But\\nwhat shall we say of Christianity itself after 1900 years of\\nexistence The following dirge well expresses the higher\\nthought on life and immortality and reveals the undercur-\\nrent of melancholy in the Egyptian mind.\\nTHE SO:t^G OF THE HARPER\\nChanted hy the singer to the harp who is in the chapel of the\\nOsirian, the Patriarch of Amen, the blessed Nefer-hotep.\\nHe says\\nThe great one is truly at rest,\\nthe good charge is fulfilled.\\nMen pass away since the time of ra,^\\nand the youths come in their stead.\\nLike as ra reappears every morning,\\nand TUM sets in the horizon,\\nmen are begetting,\\n1 The sun.\\nA form of the suu god of the west, the chief god of Heliopolis.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "30 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nand women are conceiving.\\nEvery nostril inhaletli once the breezes of dawn,\\nbut all born of women go down to their places.\\nMake a good day, holy father\\nLet odours and oils stand before thy nostril.\\nWreaths of lotus are on the arms and the bosom of thy sister,\\ndwelling in thy heart, sitting beside thee.\\nLet song and music be before thy face,\\nand leave behind thee all evil cares\\nMind thee of joy, till cometh the day of pilgrimage,\\nwhen we draw near the land which loveth silence.\\nNot peace of heart his loving son.\\nMake a good day, blessed nbperhotep,\\nthou Patriarch perfect and pure of hands\\nHe finished his existence (the common fate of men).\\nTheir abodes pass away,\\nand their place is not\\nthey are as they had never been born\\nsince the time of ra.\\n(They in the shades) are sitting on the bank of the river,\\nthy soul is among them, drinking its sacred water,\\nfollowing thy heart, at peace\\nGive bread to him whose field is barren,\\nthy name will be glorious in posterity for evermore\\nthey will look upon thee\\n(The Priest clad in tlie skin) of a panther will pour to the ground,\\nand bread will be given as offerings\\nthe singing women\\nTheir forms are standing before ra,\\ntheir persons are protected\\nBANNU will come at her hour,\\n1 Lacuna. Lacuna.\\n3 The panther s skin was the special characteristic of the dress of the priest\\nof Khem, the vivifier.\\nEannu, an Egyptian goddess who presided over the harvest.\\nSomeone, I think, has suggested that the esoteric doctrine of the priest-\\nhood was this The self-begetting Hidden One gives birth to Osiris the\\nanimating principle (Light of God and of life after death), and Isis as\\nNature the manifestation of this principle in conflict with Set darkness\\nand evil.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 31\\nand SHU will calculate his day,\\nthou shalt awake (woe to the bad one\\nHe shall sit miserable in the heat of infernal fires.\\nMake a good day, holy father,\\nNBFERHOTEP, pure of hands.\\nNo works of buildings in Egypt could avail,\\nhis resting place is all his wealth\\nLet me return to know what remaineth of him\\nNot the least moment could be added to his life,\\n(when he went to) the realm of eternity.\\nThose who have magazines full of bread to spend\\neven they shall encounter the hour of a last end.\\nThe moment of that day will diminish the valour of the\\nrich\\nMind thee of the day, when thou too shalt start for the land,\\nto which one goeth to return not thence.\\nGood for thee then will have been (an honest life),\\ntherefore be just and hate transgressions,\\nfor he who loveth justice (will be blessed),\\nThe coward and the bold, neither can fly, (the grave)\\nthe friendless and proud are alike\\nThen let thy bounty give abundantly as is fit,\\n(love) truth, and isis shall bless the good,\\n(and thou shalt attain a happy) old age.^\\nLiterature and Art. Intellectually, the Egyptians must\\ntake high rank, though they cannot for a moment compare\\nw^ith the great European races whose rise was later the\\nGreeks and Romans. Their minds possessed much subtlety\\nand acuteness they were fond of literary composition they\\nmade great advances in most of the arts and sciences and\\nwere in every department of life intelligent and ingenious.\\nIt is astonishing what an extensive literature they possessed\\nat a very early date books on religion, on morals, law,\\nrhetoric, arithmetic, mensuration, geometry, medicine, books\\nof travels, and, above all, novels There were many poems\\n1 From Records of the Past, vi. 129.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "32 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nalso, and some of the love-stories, it is said, are fairly good.^\\nAs early as the 6th Dynasty (3500 B.C.) an official bears the\\ntitle of Governor of the House of Books. But the literary\\nmerit of the Egyptian works is slight. The novels, we are\\ninformed by Egyptologists, are vapid and often licentious, the\\nmedical treatises interlarded with charms and exorcisms, the\\ntravels devoid of interest, the general style of all the books\\nforced and stilted. Egypt is said to have stimulated Greek\\nspeculation by some of its doctrines but otherwise it cannot\\nbe said that the world owes much of its purely intellectual\\nprogress to this people, about whose literary productions, it\\nis said by experts, there is always something that is weak, if\\nnot childish. The rhythmically constructed book of practical\\nprecepts by Ptah-hetep^ already referred to as the oldest\\nbook in the world is, however, valuable for its counsels, as\\nwell as its practical sagacity. Philosophic speculation seems\\nto have received no contribution from the higher doctrines of\\nthe priesthood.\\nIn Art, the power which the Egyptians exhibited was\\ngreater than in thought but the very highest qualities of art\\nwere wanting, although there was a period when it attained\\nto great excellence in bas-reliefs and colour. That it did not\\nmake greater progress is a matter for surprise to anyone who\\nwill look at the wooden head to which the date 3700 B.C. is\\nassigned and a drawing of which will be found in Brugsch s\\nHistory and Maspero s Egyptian Archseology. In one\\ndepartment, however, it was art of a very high order, for the\\narchitecture produces its effect not only by its mass, according\\nto Fergusson History of Architecture but also by its har-\\nmony of proportion. He says that the Hall in Karnak is\\nthe noblest effort of architectural magnificence ever produced\\nby the hand of man. The skill exhibited in overcoming diffi-\\nculties in construction is also marvellous. In building, sculp-\\n1 Professor Flinders Petrie has issued translations of stories from tbe\\npapyri.\\n2 Or Ptah-hotep, as in Records of the Past, in vol. iii. of which the Pre-\\ncepts are translated.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 33\\nture, and colour decoration generally, we find in Egypt the\\ndawn of artistic development for the whole human race.\\n(Eanke.)\\nSocial Condition. The classes were so separated one\\nfrom another that it was long believed that the caste system\\nprevailed, as among the Hindus. It was not so, however\\nthere was no rigid and compulsory system of division. In a\\ngeneral way, it would seem to be right to adopt the classifica-\\ntion of Strabo, and to say that the entire free population of\\nEgypt which did not belong to the sacerdotal or the military\\norder, formed a sort of third estate, which admitted of sub-\\ndivisions, but is properly to be regarded as politically a single\\nbody. The soldiers and the priests were privileged the rest\\nof the community was without privilege of any kind but\\nthe recognised usages and customs, as well as law, gave them\\nprotection.\\nOf all the classes, that of the priests was the most power-\\nful, and the most carefully organised. Priests often held\\nimportant political offices they served m the army also, and\\nreceived rich gifts for their services. Many of them accumu-\\nlated great wealth through these secular employments, and\\ntheir residences were of a luxurious kind. But they were\\nonly partially hereditary and grew up into an established\\nOrder slowly. They were divided into several classes and\\nnext to them came four orders of prophets, and below them\\nagain the divine fathers. Sacred scribes and servitors were\\nattached to the temples. In the precincts, monks occupied\\ncells. There were also priestesses, and prophetesses (among\\nwhom were to be found women of the highest rank), the\\nsinging women, and the sistrum players of the Hidden One.\\nThe priests and their families and subordinate ministers\\nwere maintained out of the revenues of the temple and\\nformed a corporation.\\nBesides agriculture and the trades and handicrafts in which\\nso many of the Egyptians found occupation for their time and\\ntalents, a considerable portion of the population pursued\\nemployments of a more elevated and intellectual character.\\n3", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "34 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nSculpture, painting, and music had their respective votaries,\\nand engaged the services of a large number of artists. If\\ndancing is to be viewed as a fine art, we may add to these\\nthe paid dancers, who were numerous, but were not held in\\nvery high estimation.\\nOf learned professions in Egypt outside the priesthood, the\\nmost important was that of the Scribe, which might be called\\nthe literary profession, though not in the sense of authorship.\\nThough writing (at least the cursive or demotic in later\\ntimes, about 900 B.C.) was an ordinary accomplishment of\\nthe industrial classes, and scribes were not, therefore, so\\nabsolutely necessary as in most Eastern countries for general\\ncorrespondence, yet there was still a large number of occupa-\\ntions for which professional penmanship was a pre-requisite,\\nand others that demanded legal knowledge, and skill in\\nforms of transfer and of business and in the due recording of\\nceremonials and contracts. Moreover, a scribe would often\\nprofess not only the demotic cursive script, but also the\\nideographic and hieratic, and then his prospects of promotion\\nwere considerable. The Egyptian religion necessitated the\\nmultiphcation of copies of the Eitual of the Dead, and the\\nemployment of numerous clerks in the registration of the\\nsacred treasures and the management of the sacred estates\\nalso librarians for the care and multiplication of MSS. The\\ncivil administration also depended largely upon a system of\\nregistration and of official reports which were perpetually\\nbeing made to the court by the superintendents in all depart-\\nments of the public service, which was a highly organised\\nbureaucracy. Most private persons of large means, also, kept\\nbailiffs or secretaries who made up their accounts, paid their\\nlabourers, and otherwise acted as managers of their property.\\nIn commerce of all kinds scribes were indispensable. There\\nwere thus numerous lucrative posts which could be properly\\nfilled only by persons who were ready with the pen, familiar\\nwith the different kinds of writing, and good at figures. The\\n1 The ideographic or hieroglyphic was picture-writing, but even in early\\ntimes the hieratic which represented the sounds of words was invented.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "TEE HAMITIC RACES 35\\noccupation of scribe was regarded as one befitting men from\\nthe middle ranks of society, who might otherwise have been\\nblacksmiths, carpenters, small farmers, or the like. If scribes\\nfailed to obtain government appointments, they might still\\nhope to have their services engaged by the rich corporations\\nwhich had the management of the Temples, or by private\\nindividuals of good means, or in business houses. Hence the\\nscribe readily persuaded himself that his occupation was the\\nfirst and best of all human employments. And assuming\\nthat Tiele and others are correct in saying that the priest-\\nhood was only partially hereditary, the scribes would natur-\\nally look to the priestly profession as a possible occupation\\nbringing both money and influence.\\nThe great number of persons who practised Medicine in\\nEgypt is mentioned by Herodotus, who further notices the\\nremarkable fact that, besides general practitioners, there were\\nmany who devoted themselves to special branches of medical\\nscience, some being oculists, some dentists, some skilled in\\ntreating diseases of the brain, some those of the intestines,\\nand so on. According to a modern authority, the physicians\\nconstituted a special subdivision of the sacerdotal order but\\nthis statement is open to question, though physicians may\\nhave belonged for the most part to the priest class.\\nThe profession of Architect in some respects took pre-\\ncedence over any other. The chief court architect was a\\nfunctionary of the highest importance, ranking among the\\nmost exalted officials. Considering the character of the\\nduties entrusted to him, this was only natural, since the kings\\ngenerally set more store upon their buildings than upon any\\nother matter. Religion and architecture were closely associ-\\nated. At the time when the construction of the pyramids\\nand other tombs, says Brugsch, demanded artists of the first\\norder, we find the place of architect entrusted to the highest\\ndignitaries of the court of the Pharaohs. The royal architects\\nrecruited their ranks not unfrequently from the class of\\nprinces and the inscriptions engraved upon the walls of\\ntheir tombs inform us that, almost without exception, they", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "36 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmarried either the daughters or the grand-daughters of the\\nreigning sovereigns, who did not refuse the architect this\\nhonour. Schools of architects had to be formed in order to\\nsecure a succession of competent persons, and the chief archi-\\ntect of the king was only the most successful out of many\\naspirants, who were educationally and socially upon a par.\\nPractical builders and the ordinary sculptors constituted a\\nlower class. It has been well said that the Egyptians might\\nbe classed apart as a nation of monumental builders. We\\ncan understand the importance assigned to the profession of\\narchitect.\\nFinally, Engineering must have been an important\\nprofession in a land of irrigation and embankments.\\nWomen. The relations of the sexes were decidedly on\\na better footing in Egypt than at Athens or in Greece gen-\\nerally, save perhaps in Sparta. Not only was polygamy rare\\namong the inhabitants of the Nile Valley (although per-\\nmitted by law), but woman even took her proper rank as\\nthe friend and companion of man. She was never secluded\\nin a harem, but constantly made her appearance alike in\\nprivate company and in the ceremonies of religion, possessed\\nequal rights with man in the eye of the law, shared equally\\nwith her brothers in her father s estate, was attached to\\ntemples in a quasi-sacerdotal character, and might ascend\\nthe throne and administer the government. Even among\\nthe poorest classes the rights of the women were respected.\\nShe shared equally with her brothers in any inheritance\\nthere might be, and was left free to manage and direct the\\nhousehold. Her occupations were water-carrying, grinding\\nthe grain, and making bread for the daily consumption. She\\nspan, wove, and made and mended the few clothes required\\nin the Egyptian climate. If she was the wife of an agri-\\nculturist, she went to market to sell poultry and eggs and\\nthe butter she had made, or the linen she had woven. A\\nlarge family was regarded as a blessing and it may be easily\\nunderstood, consequently, that the wife and mother had a\\nhard life and grew prematurely old. But she had freedom", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 37\\nto come and go as she pleased, with uncovered face, and talk\\nwith whom she pleased. Among the labouring classes, how-\\never, the woman who lived with a man was not always\\nmarried to him and among the well-to-do, concubinage was\\nnot uncommon.\\nMeanwhile the mass of the people the fellahin were\\nas poor, oppressed, and miserable as in modern times. They\\nlived from day to day and hand to mouth. Their chief\\nvirtue was obedience to their superiors, and they were well\\ninured to the stick. Forced labour was common. The\\ncraftsmen formed corporations and depended on their mas-\\nters or presidents for the recognition of their rights and for\\njustice. The monuments, it seems, bear witness to the fact\\nthat both peasants and artisans were, notwithstanding their\\npoverty and oppression, a cheerful race and fond of merri-\\nment. This is quite possible for we often find a happy-go-\\nlucky spirit and an enjoyment of the passing hour among\\npeople who are quite at the bottom of the social scale. They\\nhave been trained by circumstances to improvidence they\\ncannot fall lower, and to rise higher is almost impossible.\\nTo sum up Taken as a whole we may say that the\\nancient Egyptians, or, let us say, the average man among\\nthem was, intellectually, eminently practical. His religion\\nwas not a reasoned or philosophic religion even in its highest\\nforms. It was, in its highest form, the fruit of a dreamy med-\\nitation on the broad aspects of life and death rather than of\\nspeculative analysis in its vulgar form a mixture of animal\\nworship and debased superstitions. In ethics his morality\\nwas preceptive and dogmatic not a subject of philosophic\\ninvestigation. His artistic tastes were limited to the sym-\\nbolic and realistic and did not embrace ideal forms, save in\\narchitecture and even in architecture the grandeur is due\\nto its symbolic character. Personally, he was grave and\\nserious, industrious, orderly, kindly, peaceable, and submis-\\nsive. And, with all his gravity and seriousness he (as we\\nnow learn from Egyptologists) seems to have enjoyed life\\nand to have been fond of merriment.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "38 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nThe preceding synopsis of Egyptian life (as accurate as I\\ncan make it in so short a space) shows that in this Nile\\nValley a highly civilised people, among whom the art of\\ngovernment was organised down to the minutest bureaucratic\\ndetail, existed as a community under monarchs for more than\\n4,000 years before Christ. With the 4th Dynasty (4235\\nB.C.), says M. Mariette, Egypt emerges from the obscurity\\nwith which it is, till then, surrounded, and we are enabled to\\ndate facts by the help of the monuments. The 4th\\nDynasty marks a culminating point in the history of the\\nkingdom. By an extraordinary movement forward, Egypt\\nthrew off all trammels and emerged in the full glory of a\\nfully developed civilisation. Erom this moment class dis-\\ntinctions were recognised in Egyptian society, and art\\nattained a breadth and dignity that even in later and more\\nbrilliant days were hardly surpassed.\\nEven Chinese civilisation is a thing of yesterday as com-\\npared with the Egyptian. Here we see what a nation, prac-\\ntically excluded from alien influences, could accomplish for\\nits own indigenous growth in political life, in social justice,\\nin the arts and sciences, and in education. It was overrun,\\nrather than conquered, by the Hyksos, Assyrians, Persians,\\nGreeks, and Eomans. The country seems to have gone on\\nits way very little influenced by foreign interference with its\\nnative dynasties. It is this that makes Egypt so interesting\\na study in world-history. Its geographical position secured its\\noriginality. Doubtless it had to pay a price for its exclusive-\\nness, for it suffered from the absence of the stimulus which\\nalmost all civilised nations have received from imported\\nideas.\\nEDUCATION IN EGYPT\\nThe Education of a nation is to be found in the character-\\nistics of its civilisation. It has educated itself by every pro-\\ngressive step it takes in religion, politics, justice, arts, and\\n1 Maviette s Outlines, translated by Miss Brodrick.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 39\\nthought. The ever-accumulating tradition of the people is\\npassed on from parents to children and made permanent in\\ninstitutions. The present has been created by the past. In\\nthe above endeavour, then, to estimate the character, life, and\\ninstitutions of ancient Egypt, we have been virtually giving\\nan account of its national education.\\nThe education of the young Egyptian, in brief, was through\\nthe rehgion, morality, law, and social customs of his native\\nland. The general influences of the inherited civilisation\\nwould of course be felt in different ways according to the\\nsocial position and opportunities of the children. Compared\\nwith the youth of other nations the Egyptian of the lower\\nclasses grew up, we may think, too patient of toil and the\\nstick; but, spite of the oppressive conditions of life, there\\nseem to have been prevalent a mildness, kindness, and equity\\nof disposition and a simplicity of life and domestic relations\\nwhich an organised educational system might have failed to\\nsecure. I should say that they compared very favourably as\\nregards their moral trainmg and their sentiments of religious\\nreverence with the lowest stratum in Great Britain now.\\nAll, however, lacked the education which free political life\\ngives, and we find that, where this is the case, it operates to\\ndeprive men of initiative, reacting on the whole intellectual\\nlife, making it torpid and content with the status quo, what-\\never that may be. Doubtless, the political constitution was,\\nto begin with, itself an expression of a certain racial temper-\\nament, but it reacted on the popular mind so as to confirm\\nnatural predisposition. If we may make a distinction be-\\ntween individuality and that personality which comes into\\nlife along with the free exercise of self-conscious reason, we\\nshould say that there was in the ancient Egyptian a marked\\nindividuality exhibiting itself in a keen practical intelligence,\\nbut that personality as we find it in European nations was\\nabsent. Nor do we find this sense of personality, with\\nwhich is always associated the idea of self-direction and self-\\ngovernment, in any of the Oriental races, except the Persians\\n(and that empire was a short-lived phenomenon) and the", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "40 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nJews; and it is interesting to note that this strong sense\\nof personality existed, in both cases, side by side with an\\nintense monotheism. This fact suggests many thoughts\\nwhich would be here out of place.\\nThe practical intelligence of the Egyptian race had an\\nimmense field for its activity. They had to devise the\\nengineering works which enabled them to utihse the Nile\\nand every year they had a recurring struggle to maintaui\\ntheir supremacy over it. With comparatively little foreign\\ntrade they had themselves to produce the articles of necessity\\nand luxury which a growing nation requires. Thus all the\\nindustrial arts flourished, and, apart from the professions,\\nevery boy had an industrial or technical education from\\nhis own father. We are told in these days that manual\\nwork is educative, but how much more educative the pro-\\nlonged and careful training required for the acquisition of\\na skilled trade with all its traditions The Egyptian boy\\nhad this.\\nOn the spiritual side he was under powerful influences,\\nhe breathed an atmosphere of mystery and awe, and lived\\nin the constant presence of gods, and in expectation of im-\\nmortality. His crude conceptions of the unseen were, it is\\ntrue, associated with magic and sorcery but has modern\\nEurope no superstitions equally absurd We boast our-\\nselves of our rehgion, but it is difiicult for us with all our\\naffected superiority to realise the extent to which the con-\\nstant presence of unseen powers pressed on the daily life\\nof a race like the Egyptians. We look back with a feehng\\nakin to contempt on their faith in magic, sorcery and in-\\ncantations, forgetting that the more educated classes have\\nmerely to give the word and one half of Christendom would,\\neven now, be plunged to the neck in similar beliefs.\\nIn the bringing up of children there seems to have been\\n1 Mr. Flinders Petrie, in Ten Years Digging, says that the modern\\nfellahin are a prey to gross superstition and worshippers of innumerable\\nlocal saints, and full of faith in magic and charms. This was equally true\\nof their ancestors 6,000 years ago, under a totally different religious system.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIG RACES 41\\nmuch kindliness. They had their toys and games and\\nnursery stories like other children all the world over.\\nInstruction of the People. It is possible that the\\nfacilities for obtaining school instruction in ancient Egypt\\nhave been much exaggerated.^ But, theoretically at least,\\nall that was known or knowable was open to all except\\nsuch esoteric doctrines (if any) as the higher priesthood may\\nhave possessed. There is evidence that if there were not\\nnumerous elementary schools scattered over the country,\\nyet teachers might always be had, and that reading and writ-\\ning and the elements of arithmetic were accessible to those\\nwho desu ed instruction. There is no evidence, however, it\\nseems to me, that the labouring class received any benefit\\nfrom these schools save in exceptional cases but there was\\nnothing to prevent a clever boy, whose parents were well-\\ndisposed, receiving elementary instruction. On the whole,\\nI cannot see that on this point modern exploration has\\nadded much to the information given by Diodorus Siculus,\\ni. 81, who says, A little reading and writing are taught,\\nbut not to all; but to those engaged with the industrial\\narts. At the chief provincial cities (in connection with the\\nTemple which was the centre of the civic life) more ad-\\nvanced instruction was obtainable, including the writing\\nand reading of the hieratic and hieroglyphic character and\\nmathematics. These higher schools doubtless supplied the\\nprofessions.\\nThe Professions. I have been speaking of the masses\\ngenerally but outside and above the masses were the\\nprofessions. And the vital question connected with Egyp-\\ntian education is this. Were the professions open to all\\nIt is now generally held that they were open but the fact\\nthat for long the caste-organisation was believed to be the\\nchief characteristic of the Egyptian social system must\\nsatisfy us that, in all save exceptional cases, children fol-\\n1 The inferences drawn from incidental phrases by philo-Egyptians are\\noften more than questionable.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "42 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nlowed the occupation of their parents. Still I say the\\nway was open for clever boys, and this is the important\\npoint.\\nTlie higher and professional education had for its chief\\naim the Scribe. A young man who was a scribe would hold\\nin Egyptian society the position assigned to an university\\ngraduate now, or to a literate in Cliiua. A scribe was not\\nnecessarily also an architect or a physician or a priest,\\nalthough these professional men had of course the accom-\\nplishment of scribes. I would refer back to what I have\\nalready said as to the function of the scribe, and the numer-\\nous lucrative openings, conferring a certain social standing,\\nthat awaited him. An accomplished scribe would have\\nacquired the cursive or demotic script in which the ordinary\\naffairs of life were transacted and also the hieratic in which\\nthe records and traditions of all professions were written, and\\nfinally, the ideographic or hieroglyphic. He would also be\\nan arithmetician, as then understood, and have an adequate\\nknowledge of the law as affecting ordinary affairs and busi-\\nness contracts. What else he might study or acquire\\ndepended on his aims and ambitions. I would point out\\n(subject to the correction of Egyptologists) that there must\\nhave been two classes of scribes: first, there was a large\\nclass, which, after a certain amount of preliminary educa-\\ntion, entered as apprentices the service of those scribes who\\nconducted commercial and family affairs. A boy displaying\\nsome intelligence would be sent to the village scliool at six\\nor seven, where some old pedagogue would teach him the\\nrudiments of the three E s. If lie did not find his way next\\nto a provincial school, he would enter an office that he\\nmight become a learned scribe. Occupied there in copying\\nletters, circulars, and legal documents, his master supervis-\\ning his work and correcting it while the boy rewrites it, he\\ngradually acquires a competent acquaintance with writing\\nand with business and legal forms of all kinds. If he aims\\nat a knowledge of the hieratic script he will have to copy\\nfrom books which contain examples. Having gone through", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 43\\nthis apprenticeship, he applies for a better post.^ The com-\\nmercial or notarial scribe is described in the above passage\\nand we also see indicated the liigher class of scribe, who\\nstudied at the central temple schools and became an expert\\nin all kinds of script and a student of law and administra-\\ntion. The latter might attain to a very high social position.\\nNeither descent nor family, says Brugsch, hampered the\\nrising career of the clever. The higher scribe schools were\\nconnected with the royal court and also with the pro-\\nvincial courts, and were conducted by a high official. Eaw-\\nlinson says, Egypt provided an open career for talent such\\nas scarcely existed elsewhere in the old world, and such as\\nfew modern communities can be said even yet to furnish.\\nIt was always possible, under despotic governments, that\\nthe capricious favour of a sovereign sliould raise to a high, or\\neven to the highest position, the lowest person in the king-\\ndom. But in Egypt alone, of all ancient states, does a\\nsystem seem to have been established whereby persons of all\\nranks, even the lowest, were invited to compete for the\\nroyal favour, and, by distinguishing themselves in the public\\nschools, to establish a claim for employment in the pub-\\nlic service. That employment once obtained, their future\\ndepended on themselves. Merit secured promotion and it\\nwould seem that the efficient scribe had only to show him-\\nself superior to his fellows in order to rise to the highest\\nposition but one in the empire. This is too rose-coloured\\na view, but it has a considerable basis of fact. Maspero\\n(chapter i.) says, There is no sacrifice which the smaller\\nfolk deem too great if it enables them to give their sons the\\nacquirements which may raise them above the common\\npeople, or at least ensure a less miserable fate.\\nIn addition to the profession of scribe, there was the\\nprofession of architect, as distinct from builder. Here,\\nagain, I must refer to what I have already said a few pages\\nback. The education of the architect in the Temple schools\\nof architects doubtless embraced much sacred as well as\\n1 Maspero s Ancient Egypt and Assyria, p. 11,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "44 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nhistorical learning, a knowledge of writing and mathematics,\\nand that part of engineering which concerns itself with the\\nstrength of materials and practical dynamics. The archi-\\ntects were often priests, but not necessarily members of that\\norder.\\nThe profession of physician demanded all the usual\\nlearning of the upper class as well as special knowledge of a\\nvast tradition of curative agencies with their related magic\\ncharms and incantations. I do not suppose it can be\\ndoubted that this knowledge could be obtained only at\\ngreat Temple centres where the manuscripts could be\\nread but it is rash to conclude that there were medical\\nschools. It is much more probable that young men be-\\ncame physicians by apprenticeship to established prac-\\ntitioners. Those who desired to be fully accomplished\\nhad to master the original treatises ascribed to Thoth and\\nImhotpou with their subsequent interpretations and glosses.\\nThere were professional singers, as well as dancers,\\nmusicians, and jugglers, for all of whom a certain training\\nmust have been provided.\\nThe soldiers lived on the lands assigned to them and were\\ncalled out for regular training in military exercises and gym-\\nnastics. Generally speaking, the privileges of the army were\\nsuch that the lower classes were glad to belong to it. Music\\nalso is said to have been taught in connection with the army,\\nbut it does not follow that it was taught to all even of those\\nwho aimed at the position of officer. It is more probable\\nthat there was a regimental band. The music was of a\\nprimitive and stereotyped kind and had descended from re-\\nmote antiquity. Plato in his Laws (ii. 63, 7) praises the\\nEgyptian music because it was of a kind not to soften the\\nmanners, but grave and serious. It was largely composed of\\nsacred chants. At the best period, education of a general\\nkind was essential to promotion in the army. There were\\nscribes of the army. These educated officers were em-\\nployed in connection with the engineering works of the\\ncountry.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 45\\nThe priesthood was the highest order in the state, and\\nalong with the monarch governed Egypt the alliance of\\nstate and church seems to have been in the main harmoni-\\nous. All the learning of the Egyptians was to be found in\\nthe higher orders of the priesthood, and their education\\nembraced an elaborate study of ancient religious documents,\\na complicated ritual and ceremonial, the various kinds of\\nscript, ethics, mathematics, astronomy, and astrology. The\\nroyal family, and we may presume the children of court\\ndignitaries, shared to a certain extent in the education of the\\nyoung priests. The priesthood was not till comparatively\\nrecent times wholly hereditary, and learned scribes might\\nfind their way into it but it is said that the more profound\\ndoctrines (and therefore the highest education) were reserved\\nfor those who were hereditary priests.^ The chief priest col-\\nleges were situated at the great cities of Memphis, Thebes,\\nand Heliopolis. In these the highest instruction obtainable\\nin Egypt was given.^\\nWe have mentioned mathematics as entering into the\\nhigher education of the Egyptians but we are not to\\nimagine that mathematics was with the Egyptians a science\\nin the Greek sense. It was chiefly practical but for that\\nvery reason it must have been a study of a countless number\\nof practical rules and much more laborious than a study of\\nrational principles which carry practical rules with tliem as\\ndeductions.\\nWomen of the upper classes received a certain education\\nprobably from private tutors.\\nLet it be noted that there was no dehberate effort made\\nby state or church to raise the standard of intellectual life\\nand culture among the people generally. In so far as in-\\nstruction went beyond the acquisition of reading and writing,\\nit had always a technical or professional purpose except\\n1 Clement of Alexandria partially enumerates the books that had to be\\nstudied by the Egyptian priesthood in his time.\\n2 I avoid using the word University and generally I have exercised\\nmy judgment in moderating the tone of some philo-Egyptiaus.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "46 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nperhaps in the highest Temple-schools of the priests. What\\nwe call liberal education was not dreamt of even for the\\nfew. The idea of liberal education did not exist on the\\nother hand, the course of instruction for the higher priesthood\\ncomprehended the whole range of knowledge as then imder-\\nstood, and as this was pursued for its own sake, an 1 in the\\ninterests of learning, it may, perhaps, be called liberal\\neducation.\\nWith these facts before us, I think we must admit that it\\nwas not the want of education which restricted the continued\\nadvance of Egypt, for it had an educational system as wide-\\nspread and as effective, relatively to the then state of know-\\nledge, as Europe had up to the earlier decades of this present\\ncentury. Even the masses, spite of the poverty and monoto-\\nnous character of their lives, had the means of obtaining\\nfrom some scribe-pedagogue the elements of literature. They\\nwere, however, chiefly educated by the family and national\\ntradition, by their training to technical arts, by the laws, and\\nthe festivals and ceremonials of their religious system. It\\ncannot be said that they were educated by their political con-\\nstitution to anything but submission. Personal interest in\\ncivic and political life, and personal responsibility for the\\nwelfare of the state, were things alien to the Egyptian as to\\nthe Oriental mind generally. It was left to Greece and\\nKome, to modern Europe and America, to find, in a free com-\\nmunity of political interests and responsibilities, a potent\\nelement in the education of individual citizens better than\\nmany schools.\\nMethod and Discipline. The methods pursued we\\nknow little of. That dictation was largely resorted to we\\ncan rightly infer from the school copies in the British and\\nFrench museums, as well as from the necessity of devoting a\\nlarge portion of time to learning the Egyptian character.\\nThe copies were traced on wooden tablets or bits of stone,\\nand the pupil imitated them with a style on wooden tablets\\ncovered with a layer of red or white stucco. The more\\nadvanced were promoted to write extracts from good authors", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE HAMITIC RACES 4.1\\non papynis, both by transcription and from dictation. The\\nmaster corrected the exercises by putting the true forms on\\nthe margin wherever the pupil had made a mistake.\\nBy giving passages to the boys to copy, caligraphy and\\northography were taught, and at the same time the rudiments\\nof composition. These passages were sometimes tales, and\\nextracts from religious or magical books. More frequently\\nthe pupil had to copy an instruction. These instructions\\ncontained rules for wise conduct and good manners, ascribed\\nmostly to Ptah-hetep, the ancient writer of moral precepts.\\nThe instructions were often in the form of letters between\\ntutor and pupil, in which the former is supposed to impart\\nwisdom as well as to form an epistolary style. This accom-\\nplishment was of great importance to the scribe, as much of\\nthe work of public administration seems to have been done\\nin writing.\\nThe difficulties of teachino; must have been great, and, as\\nwe know, the discipline was severe. The hawk is taught to\\nfly and the pigeon to nest I shall teach you your letters,\\nyou idle villain is the utterance of an irate Egyptian\\nschoolmaster. There was also a pedagogic saymg, A young\\nfellow has a back he hears when we strike it. A scholar\\nwriting to his master, after having left school, says that his\\nbones had been broken like those of an ass.\\nEgypt was so long the land of wonder and mystery, that\\nthere were men who dreamed that its records might yield\\nsecrets of thought which might throw light on many of the\\nproblems of life and destiny. As a matter of fact, it seems\\nto me, the race was incapable of great exploits in the region\\nof philosophy and religion. Practical sagacity and a pro-\\nfound religious awe were curiously combined in thein but\\nthe analytic labour by which alone truth yields itself to the\\nearnest pursuit of man was alien to the Egyptian mind.\\nTheir religion, moreover, held no idealising principle their\\nmorality was preceptive, not reasoned. Even their history\\nis only bald registration. Authority and antiquity governed", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "48 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthe thought of each successive generation in every depart-\\nment of human inquiry. This gave stability and continuity\\nto the kingdom but the stability was gained at the cost of\\ntrue intellectual progress. Hence, so far from contemplating\\nwith astonishment the achievements of Egypt, we are rather\\nfilled with wonder that 5,000 years of opportunity produced\\nso little. It is precisely its surprising failures as well as its\\nastonishing successes, which make Egypt so interesting and\\ninstructive a chapter in the history of the human race.\\nAuthorities Herodotus Diodorus Siculus Ranke s History of the\\nWorld; Eawliiison s Five Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World Pro-\\nfessor Ebers appendices to novels Strabo Maspero s Ancient Egypt and\\nAssyria, also his Histoire Ancienne and L Archeologie Egyptienne Brugsch s\\nEgyi)t under the Fhatrcohs Hansen s Egypt s Place in History; Duncker s\\nHistory of Antiquity Dr. Birch s Egypt; Professor Saycc s Ancie7it Empires\\nof the East Le Page Renouf s Hibbert Lectures on Egyptian Religion; Wil-\\nkinson s Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians The Story of the\\nNations Eg3qit, by Rawlinson) Mariette s Outlines of the History of Egypt,\\nby Miss Brodiick Professor Tiele s Outlines of the History of Religions\\nRecords of the Past Erman s Life in Ancient Egypt, translated by Tirard\\nThe Dawn of Civilisation in the East, by Professor Maspero The Book of\\nthe Dead, by Dr. Davis; Professor Menzies History of Religion.\\nProfessor Flinders Petrie has issued a History of Egypt, and this will be\\nfollowed, I believe, by a book on its civilisation. These will doubtless be the\\nauthoritative books when they are completed. Meanwhile I have had to\\nform my own conclusions from the evidence before me, the witnesses being\\nby no means always in agreement with each other or themselves.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES\\nA. AEABS BABYLONIANS ASSYKIANS PHCENICIANS\\nThe Semitic races iuliabited that central region of the old\\nworld which extends from the Arabian and Persian Gulfs\\nand the Zagros Mountains to the Mediterranean and the\\nTaurus range. All the nations named at the head of this\\nchapter were Semitic but, as was the case with every\\nother race we encounter in historic times, they were mixed\\nwith prior populations or fresh immigrants. The greatest\\nof these races, from the point of view of general culture\\nand art, were the Babylonians, or, as they are sometimes\\ncalled, Chaldeeo-Babylonians the most warlike and ener-\\ngetic were the Assyrians among the Jews or Hebrews,\\nagain, the Oriental religious spirit found its highest and\\npurest expression. The Semitic races generally were like\\nthe Egyptians of a serious, prosaic, practical, matter of fact\\ncharacter. The Hebrews alone exhibit a certain loftiness\\nof genius, but this within a narrow field. It is this portion\\nof the Semitic race that has influenced the education of the\\nworld and is consequently of chief interest to us. But\\nbefore speaking of the Hebrews, we must advert for a\\nmoment to the Arabs, and give some attention to the older\\nSemitic communities which grew up in the Mesopotamian\\nplains and highlands.\\n(1) THE AKABS\\nOwing to their geographical position the Arabs preserved\\nthe Semitic character and blood in its purest form, and their\\nreligious beliefs may probably be regarded as the primitive\\nSemitic religion. This religion was fetichistic, and varied", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "52 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\namong different tribes. All worshipped the sun and moon\\nand certain constellations, but the god of each of the numer-\\nous clans was the chief object of devotion. He was the cap-\\ntain and master of the clan. Idolatry was of late introduction.\\nSacred stones and mountains were objects of adoration, es-\\npecially the Black Stone of the Kaaba which was at the\\nnational centre, Mecca. They were essentially a nomadic race,\\nbut there were settled kingdoms. The most recent explora-\\ntions speak of two kingdoms which probably in succession to\\neach other extended their power, or at least suzerainty over\\nthe most of Arabia, viz. Saba (Sheba) and Ma m. The\\nkingdom of Saba was flourishing before the time of Solomon\\nand there are inscriptions ascribed to that period showing\\nthat writing was known. But as we know nothing about the\\nconstitution of these kingdoms, no materials exist for a his-\\ntory of education. Among the Arabs generally, however,\\nthere existed from a very remote period a considerable body\\nof poetry of a lyric kind, chiefly warlike and elegiac. These\\nwere handed down by rhapsodists who recited them at\\ntribal meetings. Tradition gives the name of Lokm^n, a\\ncontemporary of King David, as that of a celebrated poet,\\nand round his name, says Duncker, is gathered a number\\nof proverbs, gnomes, and fables. The oral poetic literature\\nwas, however, floating and unorganised. Even of the Arabs\\nin the century preceding the rise of Mahomet, Ibn KhallikS,n\\n(who wrote his biographical dictionary in the thirteenth\\ncentury) says, the people consisted of Arabs wholly igno-\\nrant of the mode by which learning is taught, of the art of\\ncomposing works and of the means by which knowledge is\\nenregistered. (Introd. to vol. ii.) While this was so, we\\nmust still allow a certain educative effect to the floating\\nunwritten literature. In speaking of Oriental nations, we\\nmust always remember that their memories were facile and\\nretentive to an extent which to the modern European is\\nalmost incredible. When Mahomet arose, for example, the\\nKoran was learnt by heart and recited, and those who had\\nacquired this power were held in great respect as Eeaders.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 53\\nThere can be no doubt that writing (on pahn-leaves, leather,\\nand stone) was known long before the Christian era. The\\nwriting introduced into Mecca a.d. 560 was a reformed\\nscript.^\\nBut very few could write, and even these few seemed to\\nmake little use of it.\\n(2) THE BABYLONIANS\\nThe Babylonians were the primary centre of the Mesopo-\\ntamian culture and religion, they themselves, however, as we\\nshall see, resting on a still earlier civilisation. The true\\ngreatness of Babylon as a city began about the eighteenth\\ncentury B. C.\\nIt was from the southern Chaldteo-Babylonian district\\nthat the Assyrians of Nineveh in the north migrated. It\\nwas only in the thirteenth century b. c. (about the time of\\nthe death of Moses) that the Assyrians began to extend\\ntheir power over other races. In 1100 B.C. they were the\\nacknowledged masters north, south, and east of Nineveh.\\nThe empire rapidly grew in the ninth century b. c, extend-\\ning even to the Mediterranean. Nineveh was always more\\nwarlike than the great centre of culture, Babylon and\\nafter the middle of the thirteenth century b. c, the latter was\\nvirtually in subjection to the Assyrians. In the middle of\\nthe seventh century b. c, the loosely -join ted Assyrian empire\\nbegan suddenly to collapse, after it had extended itself to\\nMedia in the East and Egypt and Arabia on the South. It\\nwas an empire of violence but it concentrated in itself and\\nraised to a historical world-importance, as Eanke says, the\\nmartial vigour of the Semitic race. Nor were the Assyrians\\nonly warriors the ruins of Nineveh to this day testify to its\\n1 Sir W. Muir s Life of Mahomet, p. 8. Caussin de Perceval does not deny\\nthis, as Sir W. Muir seems to tliink.\\n2 The revival of letters and of the sciences and arts under the Moham-\\nmedan conquerors in the eighth and subsequent centuries A. d. belongs to the\\nmediaeval period. The eminent men during this period were probably not\\ngenuine Arabs at all.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "54 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ngreatness and challenge the public works of Babylon and\\nSusa. It fell before the Medes (towards the end of the\\nseventh century) assisted by the Babylonians, who thus\\navenged their own prior subjection. It had enjoyed an im-\\nperial existence of 250 years, and was the first conquering\\npower founding an empire which we meet with in the liistory\\nof the world.\\nBabylon was now the head of all the Western portion of\\nthe former Assyrian empire, but only for a brief period. It\\nfell before the Medo-Persians (also including Elamites) in\\n538 B.C.\\nBut though the Assyrian and Babylonian empires were\\nshortlived, Nmeveh, and above aU Babylon, had been for a\\nvery long period the centres of Mesopotamian civilisation.\\nThey had attained to political constitutions, religious sys-\\ntems, and laws, and to the highest degree of material wealth.\\nWe may date the importance of Nineveh as a civilised centre\\nand a rising military power from 1400 B. c. but Babylon\\nand the civilisation of the Babylonian and ChaldaBan country\\n(the southern portion of Mesopotamia) have a much more\\nancient record.^\\nThe Babylonian culture, in all its forms, rested on that of\\nthe early occupants of the alluvial plains between the two\\nrivers known as Accadians or Sumir-Accadians.^\\nThe Accadians had, it is commonly held, come from the\\nplains south of the Caspian Sea and entered the southern\\nMesopotamian valley probably through Elam east of the\\nTigris. After they had developed a certain civilisation here,\\nthe wandering Semites took possession and were amalgamated\\nwith the resident population entering probably about\\n2200 B. c. Tiele Die Assyriologie, eine Eede says that\\n1 As a help in taking a chronological and comparative view, it is of im-\\nportance to note that Solomon, who raised the power of the Israelites to its\\nhighest point, died in 975 B. c, and that the date of the foundation of Rome\\nwas 753 B. c.\\n2 The most recent information points to inhabitants of a Cushite type\\nprior to the Accadians.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 55\\nthe Semitic civilisation iu the Mesopotamian plains cannot\\nbe put further back than 2000 B. c, but we know that the\\nAccadian civilisation, including religion and science, was\\ndeveloped long before that date. It would not now, indeed,\\nbe considered an exaggeration to date the heginnings of\\nSumir-Accadian civilisation in the lower Mesopotamian\\nbasin from nearly 4000 b. c.^\\nThe Accadian religion was animistic and fetichistic.\\nThere was an organised priesthood and temples. They\\nbelieved in multitudinous demons, good and evil, between\\nwhom there was continual warfare. But this contest had\\nno ethical significance. Their priesthood, however (at least\\nafter a certain date), believed in a supreme God among\\nthe gods. The practice of magic and incantations, worked\\nout into the most elaborate detail, flourished. Evil spirits\\nhad to be conciliated, and these were everywhere. But this\\nrelation to unseen powers had among the Accadians no\\nmoral meanmg. As regards a future life, it was held that\\nthe spirits of the dead lived an unhappy and dreary exist-\\nence for ever in a gloomy Hades a world of shadows\\nthe underworld subsequently, it was taught that the gods\\nreceived into pleasant regions all who served them well\\nduring life. The ethical importance of this advance is\\nmanifest.\\nA Semitic race, which seems to have entered the northern\\nportions of the Mesopotamian basin, amalgamated with\\nthis primitive Accadian people, and the combined people\\nare thereafter known to history as Babylonians or Chal-\\ndseans. Gradually the religious conceptions to which we\\nhave referred above, reached a still higher development\\nunder the influence, one would be disposed to say, of the\\nspecifically Semitic spirit. The nature-beings became gods,\\ntruly governing the natural order and the study of astron-\\n1 I follow the leading authorities. Maspero is much less confident than\\nmany other writers, and would consider the above statement much too definite,\\nand in fact the most recent explorations show that the history prior to 2200\\nB. c. has to he reconstructed.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "56 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nomy and mathematics, by exalting men s minds, gave to\\nthe supreme deities a more relined and elevated character.\\nAbove all the numerous gods, one was now placed whose\\ncommands were absolute the Lord of Lords. Without\\nthrowing off the magic and augury and elaborate system of\\nincantations which they had adopted, they {i. e. the more ad-\\nvanced priesthood) exhibited in their worship a vivid sense\\nof sin, a deep feehng of man s dependence, even of his noth-\\ningness before God, in prayers and hymns hardly less fervent\\nthan those of the pious souls of Israel (Tiele). As evidence\\nof this we may here cite an extract from one of the peniten-\\ntial psalms, merely premising that at the time it was written\\nthere had grown up a belief that each individual soul had his\\ngod a belief which would easily be universalised and pass\\ninto that of a one God who was truly the god of all human\\nspirits alike. The sense of a personal relation between God\\nand the human soul, so characteristic of the Semitic race, here\\nmakes its appearance (but in a particular, not a universal\\nform), and suggests that the remains we now have of this\\npurer religion did not date prior to the amalgamation of\\nSemitic immigrants, or, indeed, prior to 2000 years B.C.\\nFrom a Penitential Psalm.\\nThe heart of my Lord was wrath, to his place may he return\\nFrom the man who sinned unknowingly, to his place may my\\nGod return\\nAnd so on, frequently repeated in slightly altered forms;\\nthen\\nThe transgression that I committed, my God knew it.\\nOh, my God, that knowest that I knew not, my transgressions\\nare great, my sins are many.\\nGod, who knew though I knew not, hath passed me.\\nT lay on the ground, and no one seized me by the hand.\\nI wept and my palms none took.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 57\\nAnd so forth. This is evidently part of a liturgy, as appears\\nfrom rubrical directions.^\\nTlie following Address to the Sun illustrates the stage of\\npoetical culture which the higher type of Chaldaeo-Baby Ionian\\nmind had reached\\nSun thou hast stepped forth from the background of\\nheaven, thou hast pushed back the bolts of the brilliant\\nheaven yea, the gate of heaven. Sun above the land\\nthou hast raised thy head Sun thou hast covered the\\nimmeasurable space of heaven and countries\\nThere are also many passages of poetic vigour in the Epic\\nof Izdhubar.\\nThe Chaldaian priesthood, which was partly hereditary,\\npartly selected, conserved and developed the religious system\\nwhich we may call Accadian-Semitic, and maintained the\\nceremonies of the temples. They handed down the tra-\\nditions of the race and had an oral as well as a written\\nliterature, which embodied their philosophy of life and\\npoetic conceptions.\\nEducation. All the arts of life that minister to com-\\nfort and luxury attained great perfection the Babylonian\\narchitecture was conceived and executed with a certain\\nvastness of imagination, and their canals and embankments\\nshowed great engineering skill. All this implies a highly\\ndeveloped technical instruction. Of education, however, in\\nany literary sense, or even of the ethical education of the\\nfamily, there can have been little or none. This must always\\nchiefly depend on the religious and ethical conceptions of a\\nnation as a whole, and not of a restricted order in a nation.\\nAt the same time the people as a whole can, especially under\\na despotic political system, be sustained at a certain level by\\nthe convictions of the few. But, where the religion in its\\npopular form was a crude polyd?emonism accompanied by\\nmagic and incantation and the worship of arbitrary spirits\\ngood and evil, the people could receive no education from a\\nspiritual ideal of life. Marriage was set about with great\\nFrom Records of the Past.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "58 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nformality and regarded as a social act of great importance\\nbut the husband was not restricted to one wife. Although\\nthe wife in the middle and lower orders had great liberty of\\naction allowed her, her life was not much better than that of\\na slave. It was impossible, accordingly, that domestic rela-\\ntions could furnish any moral basis for the family. Nor\\ncould citizens who had no political status receive education\\nfrom the working of political institutions. Doubtless, had\\nthe later religious conceptions, to which I have referred\\nabove, been the possession of the people and not merely\\nof a class, their educative influence might have moulded the\\nMesopotamian civilisation to a much higher form than it\\never attained but there is no evidence that this was so.\\nEducation of the upper classes. The education of\\nthe fcAV, on the other hand, was by no means despicable. As\\ntime advanced, the higher minds held monotheistic views,\\nthe numerous gods being regarded as merely aspects of the\\nsupreme divine Being. In the course of time, the gods were\\nresolved, under the influence of a speculative philosophy, into\\nelements and abstractions and a cosmogony arose like that\\ngiven in the first chapter of Genesis, with this important dif-\\nference, however, that the universe was regarded as a series,\\nof emanations from the Supreme Being. This speculative\\nview passed even into Ionic Greece and neo-Platonism.\\nCharms, amulets, sorcery, divination, incantations, all con-\\ntinued, however, to flourish side by side with these higher\\nideas, and the conception of man s life as haunted by devilish\\nspirits (a survival apparently of the older Accadian religion),\\nwho had to be driven off or appeased, had not been super-\\nseded even among the priesthood.\\nThe literature which constituted the material of education\\nfor the higher orders was extensive. Every great town had\\nits library on brick tablets, which were thrown open to the\\npublic (Sayce). A great astronomical work, compiled for\\nSargon s library at Agade, is said to be of the early date of\\n3800 B. c. There were historical and mythological writings,\\nreligious compositions, legal, geographical, astronomical, and", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 59\\nastrological treatises magical formulae and omen tablets\\npoems, fables, and proverbs grammatical and lexical dis-\\nquisitions, beside archives (Sayce, p. 170). There were\\nstate observatories in the chief towns and astronomers-royal\\nwere appointed who had to send fortnightly reports to the\\nking. The knowledge of arithmetic, mathematics, and me-\\nchanics also had made considerable progress, but only on\\nthe practical, not the scientific, side. We have to add\\nthe great Epic of Izdhubar, which belonged to the domain of\\nliterature.^\\nThe interest of the Chaldseans in astronomy was not\\nstrictly scientific. They made numerous observations and\\nhad constructed many astronomical tables, but this not so\\nmuch with a view to a knowledge of the heavens as to astro-\\nlogy. The position of the heavenly bodies indicated earthly\\ndestinies, and to foretell these was the function of the Chal-\\ndsean priest. Diodorus tells us (ii. 29) that the sons of the\\npriestly class were carefully instructed from boyhood up,\\nand this, indeed, was necessary to their acquisition of the\\ndetailed learning required of them. Astronomy and as-\\ntrology alone demanded persevering study. Medicine was\\nnot a subject of serious pursuit. As diseases were caused by\\nevil spirits, the medical art in Chaldsea confined itself to\\nIt was Shargena or Sargon I. who (coming from the north or north-east\\nhad conquered the Babylonian territories) flourished somewhere about 2200\\nB. c, to whom the institution or revival of libraries was due. A royal library\\nwas collected by him in the town of Ourouk, hence sometimes called the Town\\nof Books, and the library contained the traditionary lore of the Chaldseo-\\nBabyloniau priesthood, among which were histories, theology, elaborate trea-\\ntises on divination and magic, catalogues of beasts and minerals, medicine\\n(incantations chiefly, accompanied by a materia medica), astronomy, astrology,\\nand mathematics. Nor was this the only library there were several in the\\nBabylonian territory. Sargon was himself a modern, and the literature he\\ncollected was the accumulation of probably 2000 j ears. There was another\\nShargena I., 3800 B. c, who seems to be legendary About B. c. 628 Assur.\\nbani-pal, king of Assyria, had bilingual copies of the Babylonian library made\\nand placed them in Nineveh, and a considerable portion are now in the Brit-\\nish Museum. The authorities for the above quotations are numerous, but see\\nMaspero s Histoire Ancienne, pp. 157-9. But doubtless all that has been said\\nof the first Shargena or Sargon requires reconsideration.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "60 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthe invention of magical formulae which should exorcise\\nthe demons.\\nThe liigher education was not confined to the priestly\\nclass (which, however, was itself a large and powerful body),\\nbut extended to the body of scribes. These men were not\\nheld in such high social estimation as in Egypt. The work-\\ninCT of the local and central administration was, however,\\nlargely in their hands. We continually meet with them in\\nall grades of society, in the palace, in the temples, in the\\nstorehouses, in private dwellings. In fine, the scribe was\\nubiquitous at court, in the town, in the country, in the aimy,\\nmanaging affairs both small and great, and seeing that tiiey\\nwere carried on efficiently. His education differed but little\\nfrom that given to the Egyptian scribe he learned the rou-\\ntine of administrative and judicial affairs, the formularies of\\ncorrespondence either with nobles or with ordinary people,\\nthe art of writing, of calculating quickly and making out\\nbills correctly. They wrote on slabs of fine plastic clay\\nwith a stylus and then sent it to the potter to be baked or\\nput it into an oven of their own. Besides these clay tablets,\\nthey sometimes used hollow cyhnders on which they wrote\\npublic events of importance. Forms of judicial decisions\\nand business contracts c. are found written on these. The\\nwriting was originally ideographic as in Egypt. It is to the\\nindestructible character of these baked tablets and cylinders\\nthat we owe what knowledge we have of those remote times.\\nNor was the education confined even to priests and scribes.\\nMany of the upper classes shared in it to a certain extent,\\nwhile the public libraries afforded the means of study to all\\nwho had ambition to learn. That a portion of the upper\\nclasses received instruction there can be no doubt. Among\\nOriental races generally we find that young men, not of the\\npriestly order, were brought up in the royal court for the\\nservice of the country and there is no reason to doubt that\\nNebuchadnezzar s instructions as regards the Jewish children\\nwere only the continuation of an ancient Babylonian prac-\\n1 Maspero, Dawn of Civilisation, p. 726.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 61\\ntice. In the first chapter of Daniel the prophet, it is\\nnarrated\\nAnd the king spake unto Ashpenaz, the master of his\\neunuchs, that he should bring certain of the children of\\nIsrael, and of the king s seed, and of the princes children in\\nwhom was no blemish, but well favoured, and skilful in all\\nwisdom, and cunning in knowledge, and understanding science,\\nand such as had ability in them, to stand in the king s palace,\\nand whom they might teach the learning and the tongue of\\nthe Chaldeans. And the king appointed them a daily pro-\\nvision of the king s meat, and of the wine which he drank\\nso nourishing them three years, that at the end thereof they\\nmight stand before the king. Now among these were, of the\\nchildren of Judah, Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah.\\nIt is difficult, indeed, to see how the government of any\\ncivilised country could have been carried on without a lay\\nroyal school as well as priestly and scribe schools. The\\npalace school of Charlemagne in the eighth century was thus\\na much more ancient institution than he himself imagined.\\nWe may also conclude generally that, in a country which\\nerected monuments with inscriptions for all to read, not a\\nfew of the population could read and write, outside the\\npriesthood, the scribes, and the royal court.\\nOf the schools and teachers we know nothing. Tablets\\nhave been found in Babylon on which school-exercises are\\nwritten. Where learning and teaching existed there must,\\nof course, have been teachers, and we may conclude that\\npedagogues (priests and scribes) were numerous, who pro-\\nbably gave individual, not class, instruction. Priest and\\nscribe would, of course, be careful to instruct their own chil-\\ndren who were, after the Oriental fashion, to succeed them in\\ntheir public functions.\\n(3) THE ASSYRIANS\\nThe Chaldteo-Babylonian priesthood liad attained to the idea\\nof one supreme God. The Assyrians accepted the religion\\nof the race, but emphasised the personal character of the", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "62 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nsupreme God under the name of Asshur. As was natural\\nin a warlike people, they recognised the military leadership\\nand command of the God the God of battles, who was\\nalso king and father. The people as a whole were victims\\nof a debased superstition rehgious, however, in the sense in\\nwhich they understood religion.\\nBut for our purposes here there is nothing to be said\\nwhich has not already been said of the Babylonians, except\\nthat, as befitted men living in a more elevated country, the\\nAssyrians exhibited many of the virtues of a vigorous and\\nconquering people. Hunting was a favourite amusement;\\nthe chase of the lion, buffalo, gazelle, horse, and wild ass.\\nThe Babylonian love of magnificence in architecture, sculp-\\nture, and decoration was even exceeded in Nineveh, and the\\nAssyrians were famous for the art with which they adorned\\ntheir palaces and temples. Their technical and military\\neducation must have been highly developed but education\\nof the higher kind was restricted to the priesthood, the royal\\ncourt, and to the scribes. It was Chaldseo-Babylonian in its\\ncharacter.\\nThe priesthood seems to have inherited those conceptions\\nregarding the personal relation of the soul of man to a, or\\nthe, divine Being which we have found among the Baby-\\nlonians. I may cite, in illustration and evidence of this, the\\nhymn quoted in Eecords of the Past by Mr. Talbot.\\nOh, my Lord, my sins are many, my trespasses are great,\\nAnd the wrath of the gods has plagued me with disease\\nAnd with sickness and sorrow.\\nI fainted, but no one stretched forth his hand\\nI groaned, but no one drew nigh.\\nI cried aloud, but no one heard.\\nLord, do not abandon thy servant.\\nIn the waters of tlie great storm seize his hand,\\nThe sins which he has committed turn thou to righteousness.\\nThe Assyrians, however, paid a tribute to learning in\\nhaving, like the Egyptians, a god of letters. It was to", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 63\\nan Assyrian monarch also (Assur-bani-pal) (p. 59, footnote)\\nthat we owe the preservation of a great portion of Babylonian\\nliterature. He had copies of the Babylonian brick tablets\\nmade, both the Accadian text and a parallel Assyrian trans-\\nlation being given. These were placed in the great library at\\nNineveh. In that library also were preserved numerous gov-\\nernment despatches, letters, astronomical and astrological\\ntreatises, and tables giving an account of the law, of legal\\ndecisions, contracts of sale, records of tributes and taxes, c.\\nSo far as national religion, literature, and the arts were\\nconcerned, there is no apparent reason why education should\\nnot have been as accessible and widely diffused in Babylonia\\nand Assyria as in Egypt. But when we read of the constant\\nwars, we can see how it was that certain forms of civilisation\\nwhich could grow up and flourish in an isolated land like the\\nNile valley, did not take root in a country so disturbed as the\\nMesopotamian basin.\\n(4) THE PHCENICIANS\\nThe narrow coast-line between Lebanon and the Mediter-\\nranean (little more than 120 miles long and 15 broad), was\\noccupied by Semites famous in history for their commercial\\nenterprise. Tyre and Sidon were the two chief cities.\\nThe Phoenician government was a monarchy tempered by\\nan oligarchy of wealth, the king being apparently only first\\namong a body of ruling merchant princes. When the mon-\\narchy disappeared, the chief magistrate was called judge,\\nand he held office for shorter or longer periods.\\nWith the Phoenicians we find material aims and luxurious\\nliving similar to those which marked the Assyrians and\\nBabylonians, but in a grosser form. The former owed their\\nwealth to trade, the latter found the basis of their material\\ncivilisation in the fertile alluvial tracts of the Euphrates and\\nTigris and in the well irrigated northern parts of the Meso-\\npotamian basin. Phoenicia was the gate of communication\\nbetween Europe and the Orient. With Phoenicia is associated\\nthe invention of symbols for numbers and the elements of", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "64 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nsound in words; but these seem originally to have been\\ndrawn from Egypt where there was a large Phoenician set-\\ntlement. The necessities as well as the opportunities of com-\\nmerce would naturally lead to the adoption and development\\nof what was derived from Egypt, with a view to facilitate\\ncommunication with foreign nations. Their buildings, their\\nharbours and ships, and the works of art which they pro-\\nduced, all point to a high efficiency in their technical instruc-\\ntion. They were manufacturers, merchants, and colonisers.\\nBut commerce and money-making seem to have engrossed\\ntheir minds, and there is no evidence of any moral idea in\\ntheir civilisation.^\\nAnd yet Phoenicia, as intermediary between East and\\nWest, played an important part in the history of civilisation\\nbut only as intermediaries. Greek art owed its early Assyrian\\ncharacter to it, and to it also the Greeks were indebted for\\nthe alphabet and for many Oriental elements in their religion\\nand mythology. But it would have been better without\\nthem. On the Israelites their influence was even more\\nmarked. The Temple at Jerusalem was built by Phoenician\\nartists and workmen. They were also the founders of Car-\\nthage, which contested the sovereignty of the Mediterranean\\nwith the rising power of Eome. Both as artists and crafts-\\nmen they originally borrowed from others but they improved\\non their Egyptian and Assyrian masters.\\nTheir chief gods were the sun and moon. But they de-\\ngraded what they received of the spiritual element from the\\nMesopotamian priesthood, more than they improved on the\\narts which they received from them and the Egyptians.\\nThey were an impure and cruel people. They sought to\\nwin the favour of Heaven by lascivious practices on festal\\noccasions. Destitute of literature, if we except historical\\narchives, and destitute also of an initiating or progressive\\nspirit in art, they were lost in a sensual materialism.\\nIf it be true, as I think it is, that genuine progress in civ-\\n1 For a brilliant description of the wealth and occupations of the Phoeni-\\ncians, see Ezekiel xxvii. and xxviii.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 65\\nilisation is determined by the ethical and religious conceptions\\nof a nation, we can understand that Phcenicia has little to\\nteach us save by way of warning. Enterprising on the sea\\nand hio-hly intelligent they certainly were. But for all else\\nthey cannot arrest the attention of the historian.\\nB. THE HEBREWS OE JEWS\\nOf the Semitic races by far the most famous was the Hebrew\\nwhich emigrated from the west side of the Euphrates to\\nCanaan or Palestine about 2000 B.C. Their centre of origin\\nwas Ur of the Chaldees, where the Abrahamic religion is\\nunderstood to have arisen. Whether dissatisfaction with the\\nmixed character of the Chaldseo-Babylonian religion insti-\\ngated the migration or not it is impossible to say.^\\nThe history of this remarkable people, however, properly\\ndates from the emigration from Egypt under Moses about\\n1490 B. C.2 After a period of wandering and many petty\\nwars, in which they exhibited no small violence and cruelty,\\nthe land acquired on the east and west side of Jordan was\\ndivided among the twelve tribes. The tribe of Levi, how-\\never, which represented the sacerdotal class, was scattered\\nthroughout the country the object of this being, it may\\nbe presumed, the maintenance of religious life and historical\\ntradition among the people. For, Jewish history begins and\\nends with a great historical deliverance and an exalted\\nreligious idea.\\nIt was the aim of Moses, says Eanke, that the idea by\\nthe power of which he had led them out of Egypt should\\ncontinue to form the central point of their spiritual and\\npolitical life. Moses is the most exalted figure in all primi-\\ntive history. The thought of God as an intellectual Being\\nindependent of all material existence was seized by him\\nand, so to speak, incorporated in the nation which he led.\\nNot that the nation and the idea were simply co-extensive\\nthe idea of the most High God as He revealed Himself on\\n1 The name Jew is strictly applicable only to the Hebrews of Judaea.\\n2 The date assigned varies from the above to 1320.\\n5", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "66 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nHoreb is one for all times and all nations an idea of a\\npure and infinite Being, which admits of no limitation, but\\nwhich nevertheless inspii-es every decree of the legislator,\\nevery undertaking of the captain of the host.\\nThe religion of the Hebrews was Abrahamic and by\\nthis I mean that it was an outgrowth of certain Chaldsean\\nreligious conceptions brought from Ur by the nomadic tribe\\nof which Terah, the father of Abraham, was the chief. But\\nwhen we have granted this, we must recognise that a fresh de-\\nparture was made under Moses. It matters not to us what the\\ndate of the various books of the Pentateuch may have been\\nthere can be no reasonable doubt, it seems to me, that the\\nMosaic tradition was preserved by a priesthood, although\\nthis priesthood was not fully organised till the time of David.\\nThe tradition took its departure from the idea of God and\\nthe Law as delivered by the new founder of the nation\\nand amid all the narrowness and the aberrations of tribes\\nand parties, the tradition survived, and grew by logical de-\\nvelopment till it reached its full expression in the prophets\\nfrom Amos in the eighth century B.C. till after the Exile.\\nMoses was a remarkable man, and of a transcendent person-\\nality for, cognisant as he was of the religion of Egypt, he\\nwas yet able in his spiritual strength to set it aside, and to\\nbring a nation to the foot of Sinai. Neither Osiris, nor Isis,\\nnor Ptah, nor Ammon, was allowed to influence, much less\\nto dominate, his religious thought. God was One the sole\\ncreator of heaven and earth ultimate Being. The powers\\nof nature, and animals and men, were His work, and could\\nnot be deified. He was a Spirit, and had to be worshipped\\nas a spirit, and in spirit. But above all, He was a God\\nsupremely ethical, and demanded of men the service of\\nobedience to the moral law. It is impossible to exaggerate\\nthe importance of this thought in the history of mankind.\\nIt furnished a fresh point of departure for the whole human\\nrace. Moses was the greatest of schoolmasters. Strange to\\nsay, though familiar in Egypt with the idea of life after\\ndeath, he does not embody this idea in his teaching.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 67\\nWhere the ark of God was, there too was the centre of\\nJewish faith and ritual. It was a golden-plated chest which\\nwas said to contain (and why should it not contain the\\nMosaic tables of stone but there were necessarily, especially\\nin pre-Davidic times, many local altars and open-air sanctu-\\naries worship of the high places and under green trees\\n(by which is meant worship of stones or monoliths placed on\\neminences and symbolic of Baal and frequently also the trunk\\nof a tree as representing the female deity) where vows were\\nmade and sacrifices offered and these for the most part, of\\nan idolatrous kind. Eound the central sanctuary, however,\\nwhether at Shiloh or afterwards at Jerusalem, the best tradi-\\ntion gathered, and there seems to be no sufficient reason to\\ndoubt that it was orally handed down by the priesthood\\nbefore writing was common. The ark along with the Taber-\\nnacle (subsequently represented by the Holy of Holies in the\\nTemple at Jerusalem) was the centre of national unity, as\\nwell as of the national faith, in a much more real sense than\\nDelphi was the centre of Hellenic unity. That writing was\\nused much earlier than the higher criticism admits is so\\nhighly probable as to be almost certain. Why should we\\nimagine that the art of writing universal in Egypt and Baby-\\nlon was forgotten, especially when the Jews were in constant\\nintercourse with surrounding nations who all possessed the\\nart?\\nFor two or three centuries, the Hebrews held their own as\\nwhat might be called a loosely federated tribal republic (with\\nindustries which were chiefly pastoral) under the occasional\\nguidance of local chiefs or judges, some of whom received\\nnational, and not merely tribal, recognition, and the last and\\ngreatest of whom was the prophet Samuel. It became neces-\\nsary to organise themselves as a monarchy in order to defend\\ntheir country against their enemies. Saul, the Benjamite,\\nwas chosen 1095 B.C. and David succeeded him in 1055 B.C.\\nThe incessant attacks of the Philistines were doing much,\\nwhile making a monarchy essential, to weld the Jewish\\ntribes into the unity of a nation, and the national idea natu-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "68 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nrally led David to organise the Priesthood. Under the long\\nreifi[n of David s ina-rnificeut successor Solomon, the Hebrews\\nreached their highest eminence as a secular polity, and ex-\\ntended their dominions to the Euphrates and the Ked Sea.\\nAfter his death differences, partly political, partly religious,\\nbrought about a civil war, led on the one side by Eehoboam,\\nSolomon s son, and on the other by Jeroboam. The former\\nparty represented the interests of Judah and Benjamin in the\\nsouth, while the latter represented Ephraim in the north.\\nMany of the original tribes, it is necessary to note, had by\\nthis time become amalgamated with the more powerful ones,\\nand were largely mixed with Canaanitish elements. The\\nissue of this strife was two kingdoms the southern, that of\\nJudah (including Benjamin) with its capital Jerusalem, and\\nthe northern, Israel, with its capital Samaria.\\nThis internal dissension led ultimately to the overthrow of\\nboth kingdoms. First of all, the Israelites of the north, at-\\ntacked by the Assyrians, were subdued and carried ofi and\\nplanted in Media, Assyrian colonists taking their place (720\\nB.C.). The Israelites of the northern kingdom, thus crushed\\nby the Assyrian king, are spoken of as the lost ten tribes.\\nThose who remained (the larger number of the commonalty),\\nbecame mixed with immigrants, and in their religious life\\nseem to have differed little, for a time at least, from that of\\nother Semitic races round about, being especially influenced\\nby Canaanite conceptions. They ultimately organised a\\nMosaic religion of their own based on the Law, but they\\nseem to have ignored the prophets.\\nThe centre of Hebrew nationality was now Judah,\\nJerusalem, and the Temple the symbolic centre of the\\nHebrew faith there the true Mosaic tradition was pre-\\nserved. But Judah did not for long escape the misfor-\\ntunes of her northern brethren. The Babylonian king,\\nNebuchadnezzar, took Jerusalem, burned the Temple, and\\ncarried off the leading inhabitants to Babylon (588 B.C.).\\nCyrus gave the Jews permission to return (538), but only\\nthe lower section of the people and the priests and scribes", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 69\\ntook advantage of the permission. The Temple was rebuilt\\n516 B.C. and the priesthood began to reconstitute the doc-\\ntrine and practice of the law. But it was not till the second\\nmigration from Babylon under Ezra (458 B.C.), who was soon\\nfollowed by Nehemiah, that the Mosaic tradition became\\nfully formulated and an elaborate ritual constituted.\\nThe monarchy now gave way to the rule of the hereditary\\npriesthood. The real government of the Jews, accordingly,\\nwas now in the hands of a senate of priests, scribes, and\\nelders called the Great Synagogue,^ which as time went on\\ntook more and more definite shape, and developed into the\\nfamous Sanhedrin. The form of government was a natural\\ndevelopment of the governing idea of the Hebrew race, which\\nwas a strictly religious idea.\\nIt is a question whether any portion of the Pentateuchal\\nbooks was committed to writing before the time of Josiah\\n(640 B.C.), and certain critics maintain that the Law as a\\nwhole was written under the direction of Ezra and Nehe-\\nmiah. I think we may safely conclude that the Law could\\nnot have been invented and suddenly sprung upon the\\npeople. Its root ideas had been orally handed down from\\nMoses, and doubtless grew and expanded, partly as oral\\ntradition, partly as written documents, as generations suc-\\nceeded each other until the time of the Exile.\\nThe written as well as the oral law was now enforced,\\nand the beginning laid of an organised system of legal\\nformalism and of ecclesiastical ceremonial which in the\\ncourse of time became oppressive. All religious ideas\\nwhen reduced to a system by an official body have a ten-\\ndency to become formal and external. The formulation,\\nhowever, preserves the substance of the living doctrine and\\nso we find in the case of the Jews. The legal and cere-\\nmonial system was not only conservative of past history\\nand religious tradition, but it secured the unity of the Jewish\\nrace, and made that unity independent of a political nation-\\nality. The Jews long before the Christian era were an\\nProbably not formally organised under this name.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "70 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nemigrating people and were dispersed over the cities of the\\nEast and of the Mediterranean.^ The body of doctrine\\nand ritual sustained them in their existence amons the\\nnations as a peculiar people.\\nMosaism and the Priesthood, Prophets, and Scribes,\\nas educational forces. Whatever other gods might have\\nbeen worshipped by the Hebrews at local altars high\\nplaces and under green trees during the nomadic, and\\neven during the more settled agricultural period after Samuel\\n(and these gods were various, and increased in number under\\nthe influence of neighbouring and immigrant popvilations),\\nthey yet, as a nation, preserved a distinctive religious belief\\nand character which marked them off from other branches\\nof the Semites. From the time of Moses they had unques-\\ntionably a theology and a law. Deep in the traditional hfe of\\nthe people, though often doubtless confined in its outward\\nmanifestations to the conservative priestly order or the reform-\\ning prophets, was the idea of Jahveh Sole God. Not merely\\na God ahovc other gods within the nation (for within the\\nnation he was alone God and a jealous God), but above all\\ngods recognised among the superstitious and idolatrous\\ncotemporary peoples. This God was One and Sole Being\\nmiiversal and yet personal I am that I am and he was\\na God moreover of ethical attributes, comprehending in Him-\\nself the idea of moral law and proclaiming the duty of the\\nbeliever to the law. The Infinite God was thus in personal\\nrelation to man as a moral finite being and, accordingly,\\nwe may say with truth that it was among the Jews that God\\nfirst began to dwell with man. To Moses and the develop-\\nment of his teaching the world owes, not perhaps the idea\\nof God as One and Sole Supreme Spirit (for the Zoroastrians\\nindependently attained to this), but the more practical con-\\nception of God as a self-subsistent moral personality in\\n1 Alexander the Great and one of his generals who became king of Egypt\\ncari ied off many to peojile Alexandria Oyrene and these spread through\\nEgypt and along the northern coast of Africa.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 71\\ndirect relation with the finite spirit of the rational creature.\\nFor this and the sublime expression of exalted spirituaUty\\nwhich by natural development arose out of it, the world\\nowes a permanent debt to the Hebrews. They had Httle\\nart and no science. The energy of the race was concentrated\\non a great central thought and its logical issues and with\\nthis remarkable result, that the pure literature contained in\\nthe Old Testament is as true an expression of the relation\\nof the devout soul to God to-day as it was 2500 years ago:\\nand, as such, it can never be superseded. The Mosaic idea\\nwas a protest against idolatry and nature-worship on the\\none hand, and Pantheism on the other. To trace the grad-\\nual growth of the primary Mosaic conception is not our\\nbusiness. Enough, from the point of view of the education\\nof the human race and specially of the Jews themselves, that\\nat the date of the canon of Ezra we not only have the final\\nformulation of the priestly tradition of the Law, but, above\\nall, the completed spiritual interpretation of the prophets.\\nThe priesthood in the earher times discharged the pubUc\\nfunction of sacrificing (I say public because private offer-\\nings and sacrifices were common among the Israelites,\\nas among all nations, and did not require the official pres-\\nence of a priest). It is not to be alleged against them, as\\nin any way detracting from the sacredness of their office,\\nas intermediaries for the ascertainment of the will of\\nJahveh, that they shared the belief in magic and incanta-\\ntions common to all races of mankind, and that, by lending\\nthemselves to the interpretation of dreams and the prediction\\nof events, they often prostituted their true function. Perhaps\\nthe most important characteristic of the priesthood as educator\\nof the nation, was its relation to civil affairs. The priests gave\\nadvice to the people, they issued judicial decisions on questions\\nbrought before them, and gave shelter against oppression.\\nThe unwritten Law (Torah) was gradually built up by them.\\nI am here summarising their functions, while of course\\nrecognising to the full its irregular action and gradual devel-\\nopment. They shall teach Jacob thy judgments and Israel", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "72 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthy Law (Deut. xxxiii. 10) may have been written down,\\nfor all I know, on parchment for the first time in the days\\nof Josiah or Ezra, but it was an ex post facto writing. Mr.\\nMontefiore quotes from Professor Stade as follows No one\\nin old Israel was more capable of protecting the unfortunate\\nfrom oppression, of punishing the injustice of the mighty,\\nand tlius of strengthening tlie moral conscience, softening\\npublic manners, and educating society, than the priests.\\nTheir importance for the development of religion, justice,\\nand public morality cannot be too highly estimated. That\\ntheir full organisation did not take place till the time of\\nDavid does not affect the truth of this. Thus the close connec-\\ntion between religion, morality, and civil polity gave a posi-\\ntion of power to the priesthood much greater than that found\\namong other nations. At the same time it saved the priest-\\nhood from exclusive and esoteric beliefs, and from the proud\\nisolation of a class. Civil lav/ and social practices were mere\\ndeductions from the Divine law. The banal distinction be-\\ntween sacred and secular, from which modern Europe suffers,\\ndid not exist. The Levites were ministers to the Aaronic\\npriests, but could not themselves perform the highest functions.\\nIn the Mosaic idea of God we have the Semitic mind on\\nits highest plane of religious possibility however restricted\\nby national limits that God might be, it was still an ever-\\npotent educative force of a progressive kind. And we are\\nnot surprised to find that, ere long, the higher minds of the\\nnation began to recognise its full significance. The masses\\nof tlie people accepted Jahveh as a great self-subsistent\\nmoral being with whom they had a covenant of works very\\nmuch of the nature of a business contract. He was doubt-\\nless to the people, till post-exilic times, a mere God of the\\nHebrews whose seat was Sinai, and the worship of Him\\ndid not preclude the worship of other gods. But the more\\nthoughtful spirits evolved out of the whole a nobler and freer\\nspiritual life than any mere official priesthood could have\\nconceived. These men were called the prophets they began\\nto prophesy a purely spiritual faith as early as the eighth", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 73\\ncentury b. c, although we are justiiied m holding that from\\nSamuel downwards the larger conceptions were steadily-\\ngrowing, though probably confined to a restricted class.\\nThe prophets, until post-exilic times, represent in their\\nteaching the highest education an education which, in its\\nhighest as in its lowest form, was always religious. They\\nmaintained the idea of Jahveh in all its purity. They did\\nnot disdain the ritual and ceremonials of the Law, but they\\nrepresented the spirit and not the mere outward form of\\nHebraism, and were distinguished by profound thought, theo-\\nlogical and ethical. They thus exercised a powerful influence\\non the life and polity of the Jews, recalling princes and peo-\\nple ahke to the worship of the true God, and that in spirit\\nand in truth. They held, even more than the priestly order,\\nthe principles of the theocratic constitution of society, but in\\na broader and more liberal sense. The gradually increasing\\npsalter was meanwhile giving lyrical expression to intense re-\\nligious emotion, and supporting the high prophetic teaching.\\nDuring this prophetic period down to the Exile, the\\nclass of scribes {hoohnen is the translation of the Hebrew),\\nmostly, doubtless, belonging to the priestly, or at least Leviti-\\ncal, order, were growing in importance. Priests and scribes\\ndo not seem, however, to have been strictly differentiated\\ntill after the Exile. The chief function of the former was\\nthe Temple services, of the latter the preservation and\\nteaching of the Law. Temple and Law, it has been said,\\nimply priest and scribe. The scribe always comprised many\\nmembers of the priest class, but the function was one\\nwhich was during the prophetic period, no less than in the\\npost-exilic, open to laymen as in Egypt. Their precise func-\\ntion before the exile is not ascertained but we may infer\\nfrom the word itself and from the early traditional influence\\nof Egypt, that they were engaged in such transcriptions of\\nsacred and historical literature as were required.^ They also\\n1 I have read much, merely as a layman desirous to get at the truth as\\nregards the Israelites, and it appears to me that to the historian it matters\\nlittle whether the Hexateuch was formulated after the Captivity or not. In", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "74 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nacted as notaries among the people. After the exile, how-\\never, and the cessation of the Great Synagogue, those who\\nfollowed this function were the recognised Masters of the\\nlaw and the prophets and continuators of tradition. They\\nthus constituted a learned and progressive lay order of stu-\\ndents and teachers, apart from, but not necessarily in opposi-\\ntion to, the sacrificial priesthood. I write of these things in\\ngeneral terms because I cannot find that there is a consensus\\nof opinion as to the details of the organisation of priest and\\nscribe and their mutual relations after the Exile. The fact of\\nthe rise of the scribes to importance as an academic class is\\nenough for the purposes of a student of education.^\\nWe thus find among the Jews three classes of men, all of\\nwhom were engaged in the preservation and gradual develop-\\ncountries like Egypt, where the people had a mania for recording all contem-\\nporary events on stone or papyrus, oral tradition was superseded; but in the\\nrise of other civilisations we find that the handing down orally of sacred doc-\\ntrines with their ever-growing accretions, was common. Even in post-exilic\\ntimes we find this practice in Judaea when writing might have been alone\\nresorted to. It is only ignorance of the origins of the religious scriptures of\\nother nations which would make us doubt the possibility of the substantial\\ntruth of a Jewish pre-exilic tradition of the Law. Tlie formulation may have\\nbegun in the reign of Josiah, say about 630 B. c, and have been completed by\\nEzra but it was the formulation of what already existed and had been pre-\\nserved by tlie priesthood, partly at least in writing. No one, I suppose, asserts\\nthat all the details of the ceremonial law are Mosaic. It is enough that we\\nrecognise a growth out of a central idea and see the fruitful beginnings of the\\nLaw carried out by the priesthood, and illuminated by the prophets, and at a\\ncertain date (post-exilic) taking systematic written form. This is the com-\\nmon history of national religions and I do not see why we should be so\\nunhistorical, and thei efore so unscientific, as to treat the organised Jewish\\nsystem very much as if it were an invention of Ezra and Nehemiah. In the\\ncase of a tradition chiefly oral and only partly written and wholly edited\\nwith a purpose, one would expect composite books. Of course, I cannot speak\\nas an expert, but the intelligent layman has his rights. I would, in this\\nconnection, direct special attention to Professor Robertson s Early KelUjion oj\\nIsrael.\\n1 With scribes on one side of them in Egypt, and on the other in Babylon\\nand Assyria, it is surely quite in accordance with recognised historical prin-\\nciples to regard tlie scribe organisation after the Exile as merely a develop-\\nment of an order which had existed in sonae form or other from the time of\\nSamuel at least.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 75\\nment of the Mosaic monotheism, the Sinaitic moral law and\\nthe civil law based on it. The literature of the country,\\nlyrical, historical, and theological, all gathered round the one\\ncentral thought of Jahveh. The masses were continually\\nfalling into idolatry and forgetting the best tradition of their\\nfathers but under the influence of the classes, of whom we\\nhave been speaking, the great tradition was always living\\nand gradually developing (especially from 800 b. c. onwards)\\nfrom a tribal religion with its tribal god who, though supreme,\\nadmitted of the worship of other gods, into a religion of\\ngenuine monotheism and of universal characteristics. The\\nGod of the Jews, as conceived by the prophets and psalmists,\\na God of justice, truth, and compassion, might indeed have\\nbecome the recognised God of the whole earth but for the\\nover-elaboration of religious observances and legal technical-\\nities by the post-exihc scribes.\\nThe tribe of Semites out of whom came Genesis, the Book\\nof Job, the Psalms, the eloquent utterances of the Prophets,\\nthe Proverbs, and the post-exilic Book of Wisdom, stands\\napart from all other ancient races, and was manifestly des-\\ntined for a special mission to the world. When we bear in\\nmind too, the concentrated intensity of the Jewish personal\\ncharacter, and of their family life, we see in the very narrow-\\nness which accompanied that intensity, the possibility of\\ngoing far. The I am that I am of Moses, whether promul-\\ngated in these abstract terms by him or not, and, though to\\nthe masses for centuries little more than a tribal God, as\\nwas the case with the primitive gods of all nations, was yet a\\nspiritual God who brooked no equal. The idea had a power-\\nful formative influence and this all the more because it was\\npossible for the primary conception to be identified in the\\ncourse of time with an Universal Unseen self-conscious Spirit.\\nMoreover, tliis God Jahveh, as I have pointed out, was not\\n1 I am quite well aware that the Decalogue, as we have it, is ascribed to\\nthe reign of Josiali but I cannot but conclude that the elements of the Deca-\\nlogue were contained in the Law imposed by Moses. Much of it may be\\nfound in the Egyptian religion (Confession before Osiris).", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "76 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nonly a spiritual but an ethical Being, concerned in the moral\\norder and having personal relations to all His creatures. It\\nis true that the observances of thanksgiving and sacrifice and\\nof formal obedience to the law which this God demanded of\\nall had very much the air of a business contract, as I have\\nindicated above, in which each side was expected to fulfil his\\nrespective obligations but none the less was the idea moral-\\nising, and itself sufficient to educate a primitive race, while in\\nthe hands of the prophets it expanded into a pure spiritualism.\\nAnd are we not sane historians when we add that, whatever\\nmight be the defections of the Israelites, however gradual their\\nrehgious growth, what may be called the Mosaic idea of\\nJahveh must have contained the germ of such possibilities,\\nand, consequently, have been from the first a God unhke the\\nother gods of the Canaanites\\nEDUCATION OF THE YOUNG AMONG THE JEWS GENERALLY\\nIf we take a general, and at the same time, it is to be\\nadmitted, a somewhat ideal, view of the education of the\\nJewish race, we shall find its beginnings and its specific\\ncharacter expressed in the sixth chapter of Deuteronomy\\nHear, O Israel The Lord our God is one Lord And\\nthou shalt l(.ive the Lord thy God with all thine heart, and\\nwith all thy soul, and with all thy might. And these words,\\nwhich I command thee this day, shall be in thine heart: and\\nthou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children, and shalt\\ntalk of them when thou sittest in thine house, and when\\nthou walkest by the way, and when thou liest down, and\\nwhen thou risest up.\\nThe father and mother were thus the divinely appointed\\nteachers. As has been said, The dwellings of Abraham,\\nIsaac, and Jacob were at once house, school, state, and\\nchurch. The family life was intense, and the more so that\\nthe Law thus directly addressed parents and placed on them\\nthe responsibility for the moral and spiritual well-being of\\ntheir children. To the Jews more than to any other race we\\nmay apply the words of Shakespeare:", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 77\\nLet never day nor night unhallowed pass,\\nBut still remember what the Lord hath done.\\n2 Henry VI. ii.\\nAs might be expected, respect for parents and elders was\\nrigidly enforced.\\nTlaou shalt honour thy father and thy mother, c.\\nThou shalt rise up before the hoary head.\\nThe family bond, so potent among the Jews, embraced\\nGod Himself, demanding, as Father of the race, implicit\\nobedience from His children.\\nIf we may infer from the Proverbs of Solomon that max-\\nims and reflections such as are collected in that book were\\nin general currency, we may further conclude that the\\ndomestic education was powerfully reinforced by traditions\\nof practical wisdom. The Book of Euth also could have\\nemanated only from a people sensitive to the finer and more\\nspiritual significance of domestic relations, while the post-\\nexilic Book of Wisdom gives us a religious philosophy of\\nlife. Accordingly, we may say that a present God, whom to\\nfear was the beginning of wisdom, the honouring of par-\\nents and elders, a sacred family life, the memory of a great\\nhistory, the practical wisdom of proverbs, and a gradually\\ngrowing lyric psalmody, constituted the elements of the\\neducation of the masses down to the time of the Exile.\\nMy son, hear the instruction of thy father, and forsake not\\nthe law of thy mother (Prov. i. 7). No special puhlic\\nmeans, however, were taken by the Jews any more than by\\nother nations to give education to the people, so that the\\nfundamental conception of the equality of all before God, a\\nthoroughly Jewish idea, remained a barren conception so far\\nas organised action to raise all to a certain level of intelli-\\ngence and moral life was concerned. In post-exilic times it\\nwas otherwise.\\nSuch, speaking generally, were the life and education of\\nthe Jewish people but to understand them more fuUy we", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "78 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmust look at tliem in their historical development. The\\ndomestic tradition varied, and, as generation succeeded gen-\\neration, grew richer and fuller. It is true that among the\\nJews, as among all other nations in pre-christian times, the\\nculture of the period, whatever it miglit be, was confined to\\nthe upper classes of priest, scribe, prophet, and the lay aris-\\ntocracy. On the other hand, every nation, as a whole, lives\\nin a certain atmosphere of religion and morality, and all\\nparticipate, in part at least, in the life and thought of the\\nmore educated. All are borne along in the main current.\\nI think we may say that this was the case among the Jews\\nmore than in any other ancient nation. Their literature was\\nof a grave, thoughtful, and earnest type, and it might be\\nsaid that it was above the understanding of the mass but\\nnone the less was it the expression of the true life and char-\\nacter of the people, permanent and enduring amidst all their\\ndeviations from the path pointed out to them by Moses and\\nthe prophets.\\nIn truth, from Moses downwards even to this day, the\\ncentral religious conception of the Jewish mind was the\\ngreat educative force, both in its early rudimentary, and\\nlater universalised, form. But in the case of a people which\\nhad so long a history and encountered such varying fortunes,\\nit is necessary to look at their education as it existed at dif-\\nferent periods of their civilisation.\\nEPOCHS OF JEWISH EDUCATION\\nWe may distinguish four epochs of Jewish education.\\nThe First Period\\nThe first period extends from the emigration from Egypt\\ndown to Samuel and Saul. Samuel died 1043 B.C. During\\nthis period the Hebrews were still largely a pastoral and\\nwandering race, and were fighting for the conservation of\\nsuch permanent settlements as they had made. The differ-\\nent tribes were very loosely connected. The centre of the", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 79\\nMosaic teaching was to be found with the ark and the Tab-\\nernacle, which were in the keeping of the Aaronic priestly\\nfamily. Local altars were erected by the people in various\\nplaces and sacrifices offered, not always to Jahveh alone for\\nin very many cases the tribes had lapsed into idolatries.\\nAnd yet in the domestic teaching of the rising generation the\\nMosaic ideas of God and Lord could not have been any-\\nwhere wholly lost. The effect of this tradition in moulding\\nthe character of the Hebrews must have been great. The\\nexistence and recognition of leaders or tribal captains, under\\nthe name of judges, in whose hands lay the application to\\nthe ordinary affairs of life of the Mosaic teaching, concurred\\nwith the one central Tabernacle and its priesthood to main-\\ntain a certain unity of belief and life, spite of constant lapses\\ninto idolatries. The movement favoured by Samuel which\\nled to the anointing of a king is itself evidence that notwith-\\nstanding many backslidings, the national imity, as consti-\\ntuted by the idea of Jahveh, was profoundly felt. The\\neducation of the people by this idea was going on. National\\nsongs were handed down along with the national history and\\nreligious festivals. Writing in the form of inscriptions on\\nstone was known, and writing, it is said also, on parchment\\nor paper but this only as the accomplishment of a few.\\nEven the education of the priesthood must have been\\nentirely confined to preserving and extending the Mosaic\\ntradition. We must remember, however, that in the case of\\nthe Jews this tradition, as I have shown, meant a great deal.\\nFor the religious and civil polity were not dissociated.\\nMorality, civil law, and religion were one and these, too,\\nwere bound up with a great history. We find during this\\nperiod the existence of what survived even after the destruc-\\ntion of the Jewish nationality the interweaving of religious\\nfeeling with the moral law and the civil law. The distribu-\\ntion of the Levites among the tribes must have helped to\\nmaintain the tradition of the law among the whole body of\\nthe people. Some learned Jews who write on the education\\nof their race would claim a knowledge of mathematics, geog-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "80 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nrapliy, and liistory for the Levitic scribes during this early\\nperiod. But there is no evidence of this.\\nThe Second Period\\nThe second period extends from Samuel till 538 B.C. the\\nreturn from the Babylonian Captivity. The Hebrews had\\nnow become an agricultural, as well as pastoral, people, liv-\\ning for the most part in villages and cities, from which they\\nwent out to their daily work. They were consequently in\\ncloser communication with each other. But as regards the\\nmass of the people there is not yet evidence of any instruc-\\ntion save that which oral tradition afforded. Sacrifices at\\nlocal altars (though often taking the form of idolatrous ser-\\nvices) doubtless helped to maintain this. Boys accompanied\\ntheir fathers to their daily labour at the field or workshop,\\ngirls were trained at home in domestic arts, cooking, weav-\\ning, and the making of garments. Music, dancing, and song\\nwere practised, and there can be no reasonable doubt that\\nduring this period many of the psalms were composed, and\\ninfluenced, while expressing, the life of a considerable portion\\nat least among the population. The erection of the Temple,\\nto wliich all citizens were required to repair at certain periods,\\nhelped to give unity to religious belief, and intensify the\\nnational feeling.\\nEducation of the higher section of Society. The\\npriesthood, as the depositary of the growing historical and\\njudicial literature, was daily extending the moral and civil\\nlaw which was studied as part of its function, while scribes\\n(generally Levites, if not priests of the higher order) seem to\\nhave been employed to make transcriptions. The scribes\\nalso acquired a certain knowledge of the law and acted as\\nnotaries among the people and helpers in the adjusting of diffi-\\nculties. (For the early existence of scribes, vide Joshua\\nxviii. 9.)\\nBut the most interesting fact during this period was the\\nrise of the prophets, who are mentioned as early as Samuel.\\nThere can be little doubt, I think, that these bands of men", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 81\\nhad, to begin with, a very loose organisation, and might be\\nregarded as rehgious revivalists many of them wild, un-\\neducated, and fanatical. But from among them came the\\ngreatest Jewish intellects. From the eighth century to the\\nfifth century B.C. we have such of their writings as have sur-\\nvived, and they constitute a permanent part of world-litera-\\nture. The prophets were, as I have already said, quite\\noutside the ceremonial priesthood, and as a body they had\\nfor their aim the maintenance and purifying of the idea of\\nJahveh in its monotheistic and ethical sense. Their text\\nwas, I desire mercy and not sacrifice, and the knowledge of\\nGod more than burnt offerings. That there were fortune-\\ntellers and hypocrites among those who assumed the name is\\nnot to be doubted that most of them believed in divination\\nand magic, is only to say that they belonged to their own\\nperiod of world-history that many of them used their sup-\\nposed magical powers for their own pecuniary profit is only\\nto say that they were men. Take them as a whole, however,\\nthe formative principle which entered into this new organisa-\\ntion was a spiritual one. They generally lived in community,\\nand tradition says that they occupied rude huts of their own\\nerection, and wore a characteristic dress. Confraternities\\n(sometimes called schools) arose in connection with this move-\\nment we find them (though not as contemporary institu-\\ntions) at Gibea, Eama, Bethel, Jericho, and Gilgal.^ Let us\\nspecially note that the students in these schools were not nec-\\nessarily Levites. Prophets were essentially a lay order, and\\nit may almost be said that they stood to the religious and\\nsocial life of the time very much in the relation in which\\nsome of the monastic orders stood to European society in the\\neleventh and twelfth centuries. These prophets and sons of\\nthe prophets as (the aspirants were called) constituted (ac-\\ncording to Eabbinical tradition) colleges numbering from\\nfifty to four hundred which were somewhat of the nature of\\n1 I follow in all this the Jewish tradition. The higher criticism rejects\\nmuch of what I say. In the pages that precede there is nothing inconsistent\\nwith the best results of the higher criticism.\\n6", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "82 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntheological institutions, and were presided over by a senior\\nmember formally elected. Music and sacred poetry were\\nstudied as well as the profouuder aspects of theology. Out\\nof these schools, or at least out of this class, came the\\nnational poets and historians. As preachers, the prophets\\npromulgated the righteous government of the world they\\ninculcated morals and taught a spiritual life far transcending\\nthe religion of mere Temple services, protesting also against\\nthe idolatries and immorality often associated with worship\\nin the high places. The existence of this class is the most\\ninteresting fact in the higher education of the Jews. Whether\\nthe tradition as given above is to be accepted or not in all its\\ndetails, it is substantially true. The actual organisation of\\ncolleges may be more than questionable.\\nDuring this period, writing became customary, and priestly\\ndecisions on questions of law were thus preserved while co-\\ntemporary historical records were made, or added to. The\\naccumulation of legal decisions added to the learning and\\nimportance of the sacerdotal class, many of whom were also\\nscribes.\\nWhile it cannot be said that the education of the people,\\nas a whole, had altered its domestic and traditionary form,\\nthis is not true of the higher section of society from David\\nonwards. It is not to be supposed that the prophets spoke\\nto empty air they had an audience, and such of their lofty\\nspiritual conceptions as found expression in lyrics would\\neasily find their way even among the masses. We are, in-\\ndeed, quite justified in dating the fact and influence of the\\nprophets from Samuel onwards. For it is in direct contra-\\ndiction of all the principles applied to historical investigation\\nto imagine that men like Amos and Hosea had no prede-\\ncessors. The condition we find prevailing at the time of\\nthe first admitted literary compositions implies an antecedent\\nperiod of literary activity and religious education (Professor\\nEobertson, p. 70). And the words of Amos and Hosea\\nthemselves (see the passages quoted by Professor Eobertson)\\nfully justify our conclusions, if it be the truth we seek and not", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 83\\nthe cheap reputation of the man who is up to the fashion of\\nthe hour in criticism. The existence of the prophets, I have\\nsaid, imphes an audience and numerous sympathisers, while\\nthe existence of written prophecies presumes that there were\\npeople who can read them. That writing and reading were\\npretty widely spread during the latter half of the period of\\nwhich I am speaking there can be no reasonable doubt. It\\ndoes not follow that there were schools in our modern sense\\nof the word. Priests and scribes would, according to the uni-\\nversal Oriental custom, be taught at the Temple, or wherever\\nthere were priests and it is probable that the teaching was\\nindividual teaching.\\nWhile it is doubtless correct to say that reading of MS.\\nrolls and writing were confined to the upper section of\\nsociety, we are not to conclude that the teaching of the grow-\\ning literature of the nation did not reach the masses of the\\npeople, and influence, if not mould, their lives. Amos himself\\nwas one of the people. It is only the other day that the arts\\nof reading and writing were unknown to the masses in Eng-\\nland.\\nThe Tliird Period\\nPERIOD OF THE SCRIBE AND THE SYNAGOGUE\\n{Decree of Cyrus 537 b. c. Ezra 458 b. c.)\\nAfter the rebuilding of the Temple (the dedication was\\n516 B. G.) and the return of Ezra (458 B. c), we have a new\\ndevelopment. For a time, the Judaic organisation, never\\nfully expressed or stringently enforced owing to the constant\\nlapse of kings and people into Canaanitish and Phoenician\\nidolatries, had been broken in pieces. Semitic immigrants had\\nfound their way into the southern as they had formerly done\\ninto the northern kingdom, and the memory of the Mosaic\\ntradition and all that so signally differentiated the Hebrews\\nfrom other Semites had been imperilled. The most strenu-\\nous efforts were now made to restore what had been lost and\\nto formulate the whole Jewish conception of theocratic tradi-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "84 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntion. More than ever before, we now find a polity organised\\non the basis of a common religious idea and administered by-\\nreligious functionaries. The high priest was now the true\\nking, and the council or senate of which he was president,\\ncomposed of elders and scribes as well as priests, governed\\nall thiuffs both civil and ecclesiastical.\\nThe prophets now disappear, but they had left behind a\\nrich inheritance to the people. Their lofty utterances were\\nnow, as written documents, accessible to all who could read\\nor listen intelligently to reading, and must have been in the\\nhio-hest degree educative. For what had been their aim from\\nthe time of Amos and Hosea in the eighth century B. c. To\\nabolish all idolatry and to purify and exalt the popular con-\\nceptions of the national God, as the God of the human race,\\nwho cared less even for Israel than for righteousness. They\\ntaught that the right, the just, the good were the attributes\\nof Jehovah, and thus gave him an universal character. All\\nnations were to be brought to Him. He was no longer the\\nmere Hearer of Israel. Priestly sacrifices were as nothing\\nin the eyes of the universal God of heaven and earth, com-\\npared with integrity of heart and purity of conduct. In\\ntruth, religious faith and philosophic contemplation of the\\ngraver aspects of human life had reached in the writings of\\nthe prophets and in the psalter to the highest expression\\nwhich the world had ever seen or, probably, ever will see.\\nThese writings were now the possession of the nation, al-\\nthough for want of schools they could influence them only\\nthrough the priestly and higher classes. Their teaching,\\nhowever, would receive confirmation and an ever-fresh im-\\npulse from the prescribed periodical visits to the Temple.\\nHigher Education. Meanwhile there was arising a\\nclass of learned men side by side with the priesthood. The\\nscribes, who had been coming more into prominence even\\nbefore the Exile, had, before 300 B.C., become an important\\norder. As the name and function of scribe was open to all,\\nit is to be regarded as a lay order like the schools of the\\nprophets. A priest or Levite might be a scribe, but the pro-", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 85\\nfession was not confined to auy order. Men of various occu-\\npations were also scribes. Ezra, fifth century B.C., was both\\npriest and scribe. After the return from the Captivity the\\nscribe class gradually increased in number. They became\\nin fact the learned and legal class, and as such the more\\neminent of them were teachers expounders of the law.\\nThey also extended the law by their glosses and interpreta-\\ntions. The prophets were thus practically superseded by a\\nwritten law and an authoritative oral interpretation, out of\\nwhich came the Talmud.\\nThe legal tradition of the scribes, based on the law, was\\noral, and the amount of memory work demanded of those\\nwho would excel in this profession as teachers or advisers\\nwas very great. They taught chiefly in the porches of the\\nTemple (the headquarters being Jerusalem) and in syna-\\ngogues, and gradually the whole law and its application to\\nthe affairs of life fell into their hands. Unless they had pri-\\nvate means they did not always devote themselves exclusively\\nto study and teaching, but followed also some special indus-\\ntry. These schools of the scribes were also headquarters of\\ndisputation by which difficult points were settled. Their\\nteaching was for all, there being nothing esoteric in Judaism.\\nThey came to be known in the beginning of the Christian\\nera as the Eabbinical schools, and acquired gradually an in-\\nfluence with the people greater than that of the priests. The\\nheads of these schools were first technically called Eabbins\\n(Masters) about the time of Christ.\\nIt was a great fall, certainly, from the schools of the\\nprophets to the schools of the scribes from the spiritual\\nlife to the formal, legal, and external but unquestionably\\nthe gradual multiplication of legal dicta and prescriptions and\\nof ritual observances tended to preserve the Jewish nation in\\nits exclusiveness and in soundness of faith. The instruc-\\ntion of youth formed one of the chief functions of the order.\\nEvery eminent teacher of the law collected round him\\na larger or smaller number of young men, says Schiirer, who\\ndesired to be educated by him so as to become capable scribes.\\nWith this purpose in view there existed school-houses in", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "86 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwhich the law was methodically taught. In Jerusalem they\\nassembled in the outer porch of the Temple. Teachers and\\nscholars sat, the teacher being generally raised a little above\\nthe level of his pupils. The instruction was oral and dispu-\\ntatory. The teacher asked, how must it be done (or deter-\\nmined) in this or that case. And the scholars had to answer.\\nThey were also at liberty to put questions to the teacher.\\nThe great aim was to receive in the memory, and to reproduce,\\nwhat was taught; and this latter in identical terms. The\\npupil, as was the general Oriental practice, hung on the Hps\\nof his master. All this presumed a prior elementary instruc-\\ntion, but this must have been, largely at least, domestic, for\\nthere is no evidence of the existence of elementary schools.\\nDuring the centuries immediately preceding the birth of\\nChrist, the growing power of the scribe (or Eabbinical) schools\\nthrew the priesthood more and more into the shade, confin-\\ning them to functions of sacrifice, ceremonial, and govern-\\nment. After the destruction of the Temple by the Eomans,\\nA.D. 70, the teaching scribes called Kabbins finally superseded\\nthe priesthood. This development of a learned order is the\\nleading fact of this period of Jewish educational history.\\nBesides the interpretation of written statutes by common\\nsense, these teachers and expounders of the law believed that\\nthey alone were the vehicles of the development of the Mosaic\\nlaw outside the Torah or Pentateuch. This unwritten and\\never-growing tradition (Massorah and Kabbala) gave them\\ngreat power.\\nIn these schools of the scribes all learning was concen-\\ntrated, but the priesthood and the higher laity generally\\nshared in the educational advance. The learning of the\\ntime entered into the higher course of study not only\\nmathematics and astronomy, but, from the third century B. c,\\nHellenic literature and philosophy.\\nPopular Education, But while the higher classes of\\nthe community shared in the progressive movement which\\nwas in the hands of the scribes, an educational change had\\nbegun among the masses of the people of still greater sig-\\nnificance than tlie schools of the scribes. This was the", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 87\\ngradual institution, from the time of Ezra, of synagogues\\nthroughout the land, where the law might be weekly read and\\nexpounded to the people, and prayer and praise offered. We\\ncan easily see that the influence of these local schools of re-\\nligion must have been incalculable. Youn and old benefited\\nby them. It was, doubtless, to the Central Council at Jeru-\\nsalem constituted in the time of Ezra and Nehemiali that the\\nJews owed these institutions the prototype of the Christian\\nparochial system. Scribes read and taught in the synagogues\\nbut it was competent for the elders of the people to conduct\\nservice, so that here again as in the case of the prophets, we\\nhave cropping out the essentially lay and unsacerdotal char-\\nacter of the most theocratic of races. All the people might\\nnow be regarded as students of the law and the prophets.\\nIn the fourth century B. c. there were synagogues in all\\ntowns, and in the second century in villages also.\\nDean Milman says, speaking of this movement In ad-\\ndition to the central Temple and its ceremonial the Jew now\\nhad his synagogue where, in a smaller community, he as-\\nsembled, with a few of his neighbours, for divine worship,\\nfor prayer, and for instruction in the law. The latter more\\nimmediately, and gradually the former, fell entirely under\\nthe regulation of the regular interpreter of the law, who, we\\nmay say, united the professions of the clergy and the law\\nthe clergy considered as public instructors for the law-\\nschool and the synagogue were always closely connected, if\\nthey did not form parts of the same building. Thus there\\narose in the state the curious phenomenon of a spiritual\\nsupremacy distinct from the priesthood, for though many of\\nthese teachers were actually priests and Levites, they were\\nnot necessarily so a supremacy which exercised the most\\nunlimited dominion, not formally recognised by the consti-\\ntution, but not the less real and substantial, for it was\\ngrounded in the general belief, ruled by the willing obedi-\\nence of its subjects, and was rooted in the very minds and\\nhearts of the people, till at length the maxim was openly\\npromulgated, the voice of the Eabbi the voice of God.\\nThus, though the high priest was still the formal and ac-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "88 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nknowledged head of the state, the real influence passed away\\nto these recognised interpreters of the divine word. (Mil-\\nman, ii. 410). The attendant or beadle of the synagogue, it is\\nsaid, taught the children during the week, and thus the syna-\\ngogues gradually became schools for the young as well as\\nthe adult. But it is not to be inferred from this that even\\nso late as three centuries B.C., instruction in reading, writmg,\\nand arithmetic reached any, save a small proportion of the\\ngeneral population, except in so far as it was home teaching.\\nThis proportion, however, went on increasing, and, it would\\nappear, with considerable rapidity, after the Maccabean re-\\nvolt, 167 B.C. Still I thmk we may fairly conclude that for\\nabout four centuries before Christ, elementary instruction\\nwas generally accessible through individual public teaching\\nor parental teaching, and that clever and energetic boys\\ncould thus raise themselves above the humbler ranks of\\npoverty. Popular education was, however, education hy the\\nsynagogue, which brought home to every small community\\nof Jews the central idea of their faith and the system of\\nmorality, law, and ritual based on it. Speaking of the\\nsynagogue Wellhausen says (p. 159), The Bible became the\\nspelling-book, the community a school, rehgion an affair of\\nteaching and learning. Piety and education were inseparable.\\nWhoever could not read was no true Jew.\\nThe services of the synagogue were 1. The recital of\\nwhat was substantially a Creed. 2. Prayer. 3. Pteading\\nand expounding of Scripture. 4. The Blessing. And the\\nwhole was under the general control of a Board of Elders\\nwith a chief or president. Nor did the Eeader merely read\\nhe expounded, following the example of Ezra and his friends,\\nof whom Nehemiah (viii.) says, They read iij the book in\\nthe law of God, distinctly and they gave the sense, so that\\nthey understood the reading.\\nQuite apart, then, from the educational and formative\\ninfluence of the great stream of religious tradition supported\\nThere is no actual evidence of the existence of schools foi children before\\n200 B.C.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 89\\nby sacrificial acts and solemn festivals at Jerusalem/ we\\nmust fix attention on the pre-exilic schools of the prophets\\nand the post-exilic organisation of the scribes as truly repre-\\nsenting the higher education of the Jews. As to the former,\\nI have already said that many who attached themselves to\\nthe prophetic communities had a low enough moral standard\\nand looked to divination and soothsaying as the source of\\ntheir power over the people and of profit to themselves. But\\nin all religious and academic orders, we find men who fail to\\nrise to the idea which first constituted the order and con-\\ntinues to maintain it in existence. With all their defects\\nthey were all members of a voluntary religious community\\nout of which from time to time rose men of light and lead-\\ning many doubtless whose names have perished. The\\nprophetic studies apart from theology were (tradition says,\\nand as I have already mentioned) music and verse, mathe-\\nmatics and Chaldaean astronomy, as well as the law and\\nits spiritual interpretation. I do not mean to say that all\\nthis was thoroughly organised, but it was an operative\\nreality. Nor could these communities have existed without\\nfinding a response in the minds of (at least) the higher\\nclasses of the community, and influencing the tone of thought\\namong the common people. To enter into this field of reli-\\ngious and intellectual activity it was not, let me again point\\nout, necessary to be a priest or Levite, and this is an impor-\\ntaut fact to the historian of education. The prophets were\\na lay order, though not excluding Levites.\\nAfter the rebuilding of the Temple (516 B.C.) although\\nwe still have one or two prophets, the intellectual life of the\\nJews passed, as we have seen, into the keeping of the\\norganised scribes. (They were frequently organised into\\nGuilds.) This organisation furnished men to read and inter-\\npret the law and the prophets in every part of the kingdom\\nand also among the dispersed colonies while public worship\\n1 Doubtless this kind of education was common to all nations, but it is\\nthe l-i7id and qualitii of the tradition that is all-ipiportant as a formative\\npower. (Compare the Aztecs.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "90 PRE- CHRIS TIAN ED UCA TION\\nand sacrifice and the offering of incense were still centralised\\nat Jerusalem with a view to the preservation of their purity\\n(although the ark of the covenant was now lost). The\\nscribes were hterary men, learned in the law, and not only\\nteachers of the law but alive to all the educational influ-\\nences of their time. Hellenic speculation and literature\\ngradually found their way among them. It is not to be\\nsupposed that all of this order had wide intellectual interests\\nbut among them were many who studied the Greek language\\nand literature, mathematics, foreign tongues, geography, and\\nsuch science as was current, including astronomy. There also\\ngrew up among them a belief hi immortality and the resur-\\nrection of the body.* They were, moreover, as far as the law\\nwas concerned, progressive for they assumed the authority\\nof continuous oral tradition which enabled them, by interpre-\\ntations and glosses and artificial constructions, to adapt the\\nlaw to changing circumstances. A bad use unfortunately\\nwas made of this freedom to multiply forms and ceremonies,\\nand to confound the petty with the important in morality and\\nreligion. Prescription and proscription of certain outward\\nacts characterised these teachings acts which in themselves\\nhad no spiritual significance. The burden which they gradu-\\nally imposed on the people (as did the Brahmans in India)\\nwas greater than they could bear although the more zealous\\ndelighted in it. The point of interest for us, however, is\\nthat they were an educated and studious and learned body\\nof men. They had to translate the Hebrew scriptures into\\nthe Aramaic dialect, for the majority had by this time ceased\\nto understand the ancient Hebrew tongue. They also formed\\nthe literature of the people for out of their schools came\\nthe Talmud. The Talmud began in the production of the\\nMishnah, a paraphrase of the law. Then followed in future\\ngenerations commentaries, homilies, c., which, with a large\\nmass of oral tradition, constituted the Talmudic literature,\\n1 The liiilk of the nation were Phai isees accepting the doctrine of the\\nscribes. The small Essenic party were an offshoot of the Pharisees with\\nmystical and ascetic beliefs. The Sadducees were chiefly a political party.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 91\\nall centring round the law and its interpretation and practi-\\ncal application.\\nAs tradition accumulated, the schools of the scribes, as\\ndepositaries of all learning, bearing alike on the great and\\nsmall affairs of life, became a dominating force in the life of\\nthe nation. They made their power felt as guides in the\\nwhole business of life and as deciders of cases among the\\nwhole population, and exercised an intellectual despotism.\\nAfter the fall of Jerusalem, a.d. 70, they succeeded as Eab-\\nbins to the position and privileges of priesthood. So great\\nwas the mass of oral and written tradition that to be a worthy\\nEabbi demanded very great learning. [It was 190 a.d. be-\\nfore a critical edition of the Mishnah was issued, and 270 a.d.\\nbefore a critically edited authoritative commentary appeared.]\\nI have said that, in addition to the law and the prophets\\nand the mass of oral traditions and interpretations, the Greek\\nlanguage, (Ireek philosophy, and mathematics were prose-\\ncuted by many at least from the third century B.C. Greek\\nwas esteemed more highly than all other foreign tongues,\\nand next to Hebrew was considered the most beautiful of\\nall. The Torah (Law) may be translated only into Greek,\\nbecause only by this language can it be faithfully rendered.\\nIt is further said, the Greek language may in every respect\\nbe used. It is true that Greek philosopliy was suspected\\nand denounced by the Rabbinical doctors for manifest rea-\\nsons but not more earnestly than by the Christian church\\nafter the third century a.d. The sages say of the tongue of\\nHellas, that the words there is no blemish in her, may be\\napplied to it, for it distinguishes itself by a keen sense of\\nthat which is perfectly noble. There are four languages,\\nobserves Rabbi Nathan, which are distinguished by superior\\nand special qualities. The Greek sounds beautifully in poetry\\non account of its rhythm; the Roman in war, on account of\\nits sonorous masculine power the Syriac in mournful songs,\\non account of its numerous dull, hollow vowel-sounds the\\nHebrew for its clear and articulate utterance in speech.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "92 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nInstruction in Greek, indeed, became quite general before\\nthe birth of Christ, and a knowledge of the language formed\\nan essential part of a good higher education. But the na-\\ntional literature, i. e. the Scriptures, the Talmudic Mishnah,\\nGemara, c., continued to furnish the principal material for\\nteaching in the schools. The religious aim was always dom-\\ninant, if not exclusive.\\nFourth Period\\nPEKIOD OF THE KABBIN AND THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL\\n(From the Birth of Christ onwards)\\nNotwithstanding the great advance in general education\\nin the upper half of society, the majority of Jews, it is said,\\ncould neither read nor write in the generation preceding the\\nbirth of Christ but this fact is comparatively unimportant.\\nIt was true of England less than 100 years ago.\\nThe chief educational feature of the period after the\\nbirth of Christ is the further extension and consolidation of\\nthe Scribe schools now called Eabbinical schools and, along\\nwith this, the extension of the Eabbinical power. As the\\nbody of law increased in bulk, the people became more\\nand more dependent on Eabbinical experts for advice and\\ndirection in their social and business relations, as well as for\\ninstruction in the acts of religion. An order which was\\nat once preacher, teacher, and legal adviser could not fail to\\nexercise supreme power and, as I have aheady said, it\\nbecame, after the cessation of the Temple sacrifice (a.d. 70),\\nthe sole authority.\\nIt was not till a few years before the destruction of\\nJerusalem that primary schools became general, and tliese\\ndo not concern us so closely as the pre-christian education,\\nfor nothing later than the second century before Christ can\\n1 It is probable that schools of the Hellenic type existed at Jerusalem\\n200 years B.C.\\n2 The vessels of the Temple were marked with Greek letters.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 93\\nbe regarded as of purely Israelitish growth. Hellenic\\ninfluences had been long felt and acknowledged at the\\nheadquarters of Judaism. The settlements scattered round\\nthe Mediterranean coasts had, moreover, reacted powerfully-\\neven on the hierarchy at Jerusalem, as well as on the schools\\nof the scribes and had probably led to schools of the Hellenic\\ntype at Jerusalem nearly 200 years b. c.\\nIn A.D. 64 elementary schools were first made obligatory\\nby the high priest Josu^ ben Gamala. One teacher was\\nto be employed where there were 25 children, an assistant\\nwhen the number exceeded 25, and two teachers where the\\nnumber of pupils exceeded 40. These schools were now\\neverywhere diffused in the countries inhabited by Jews\\nindeed wherever there was a synagogue. The instruction\\nwas gratuitous. The introduction of alien races and religions\\namong the Jews, and the dispersion of the Jews themselves,\\nmade schools for children, as well as synagogues for adults,\\nessential to the protection and preservation of the true faith.\\nIt was this necessity, and the example of the Greeks, which\\nled to the general diffusion of instruction among the people.\\nWithout the synagogue and its school the national tradition\\nand law would have gradually disappeared under foreign\\ninfluences.\\nIt is interesting to note, however, that the Jews were the\\nfirst to insist on the education of the whole people. All were\\nequal before God the law was laid on each man and was\\nnot the secret of a class.\\nThe course of instruction was as follows. From the\\nsixth to the tenth year the law (Pentateuch) was the only\\nstudy, along with writing and arithmetic. From the tenth\\nto the fifteenth year, the pupil was instructed in that part\\nof the Talmud called Mishnah, substantially a paraphrastic\\ndevelopment of the law. After the fifteenth year the\\nGeniara was taught. Learning by rote was an inevitable\\nand leading characteristic of such teachings. We can\\neasily understand that instruction of this kind must have\\ninflicted a grievous burden on young minds and crushed", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "94 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nout all spontaneity of life. Doubtless this was quite under-\\nstood and intended by the authorities all were to be cast\\nin one mould. Up to the age of thirteen the boy was not\\nexpected to either know or fulfil the whole law. He tlien,\\nat the presumed age of puberty, entered on the rights and\\nduties of a full-grown Israelite.\\nThe pupils wrote on waxen tablets with a style, and\\nwhen advanced, on paper or parchment with a pen, like the\\nchildren of the Komano-Greek world generally.\\nIn the higher schools Greek, mathematics, and such\\nscience as was known were taught.\\nThe sole aim of female education was the making of the\\naccomplished housewife, of whom we have a description in\\nthe Book of Proverbs.\\nThat the discipline, domestic and other, was in pre-\\nchristian times severe might be inferred from the intolerable\\nnature of the instruction given and from the material re-\\nwards and punishments which were so prominent a charac-\\nteristic of the Jewish religion. It is in perfect consonance\\nwith the Judaic code that pain of a bodily kind should be\\nthe only correction which suggested itself to the early\\nJewish writers when they touched on education. He that\\nspareth his rod hateth his son, but he that loveth him,\\nchasteneth him betimes. Prov. xiii. 24. Chasten thy son,\\nseeing there is hope, and set not thy heart on his destruc-\\ntion. Prov. xix. 18. Foolishness is bound up in the heart\\nof the child but the rod of correction shall drive it far from\\nliim. Prov. xxii. 15. Withhold not correction from the\\nchild for if thou beat him with the rod, he shall not die.\\nThou shalt beat him with the rod and shalt deliver his soul\\nfrom Sheol Prov. xxiii. 13. In Deuteronomy xxi. 18, we\\nfind that if the rod fail, the son is to be stoned to death\\nat sight of the elders of the city. This conception of dis-\\ncipline seems to have prevailed till about the time of Christ.\\nIn so far as severity of discipline was modified after the\\nbirth of Christ, it was under the influence of the Talmudic\\nwritings, and not of the law in its purity.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 95\\nThe Talmud aoid Education\\nThe Talmudic writings contain so much that bears on\\neducation as understood by the Jew when brought under\\nhumane Hellenic (and doubtless also Christian) influences,\\nthat I shall add a few remarks on this stage of Jewish\\neducational history.^\\nThe School and the Schoolmaster. That the work of the\\nschool and the function of the teacher hold a high place in\\nthe Talmud could be shown by numerous quotations. But\\nit would be to confound chronology to regard the Talmudic\\nprecepts as indications of opinion among the ancient Israel-\\nites. They are to be met with only after the Jews had\\nbeen in contact with the Greek and Eoman civilisations,\\nwhile some of them belong to early mediseval history. It\\nis the breath of school children that sustains society, says\\nE. Jehuda Hanassi. He who studies and does not teach\\nothers is like a myrtle in the desert. The teachers had to\\nbe married men and not too young for instruction by\\nyoung teachers is like sour grapes and new wine instruc-\\ntion by older teachers, however, is like ripe grapes and old\\nwine. Your teacher and your father have need of your\\nassistance help your teacher before helping your father, for\\nthe latter has given you only the life of this world, while\\nthe former has secured for you the life of the world to come.\\nMethod. As regards method, the following text is wise\\nIf you attempt to grasp too much at once, you grasp\\nnothing at all.\\nThe teachers, after the Oriental fashion, generally relied\\non memory and slavish reproduction. First learn by heart\\nand then know was the governing formula. On the sub-\\nject of memory, it is well said Four dispositions are\\nfound among the disciples; he who comprehends quickly\\nand quickly forgets such an one loses more than he gains\\nhe who with difficulty comprehends, but does not readily\\n1 I base what I here say on Spiers, and on Gelder s Die Volksduile des Jud.\\nAlt., 1872, as verified by reference to other writers, including Dr. Samuel\\nMarcus.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "96 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nforget, gains more than he loses he who comprehends\\neasily, but does not easily forget, has a good portion he\\nwho slowly comprehends and forgets quickly has an evil\\nportion. One of the instructions for learning by heart\\ndeserves notice To speak out loudly the sentence which\\nis being learned strengthens the same in the memory.\\nOpen thy mouth in order that thou mayest retain the\\nsubject of thy study, and that it may remain alive within\\nthee. The wife of Eabbi Meir, on meeting a certain student\\nwho was learning his lessons in a low tone, rebuked him,\\nsaying that it was not the right way of learning. Eabbi\\nElieser had a pupil who studied without articulating the\\nwords of his lessons, and in consequence thereof he forgot\\neverything in three years.\\nWith regard to the system of repetition Eabbi Akiba says\\nThe teacher should strive to make the lesson agreeable to\\nthe pupils by clear reasons, as well as by frequent repeti-\\ntions, until they thoroughly understand the matter, and are\\nenabled to recite it with great fluency but this was a pious\\nopinion, not the school practice. A certain Eabbi, it is stated,\\nhad a disciple with whom he repeated the subject four hun-\\ndred times, until he became a thorough master of the same.\\nSpecial regard should be had to the child at the beginning\\nof his studies, it is said, because what is learned as a child\\nremains in his memory as ink written on new paper.\\nNevertheless, as the faculties of boys do not always expand\\nwith their advancing age, the Talmud advises in case the\\nboy does not make progress in his studies, to exercise for-\\nbearance towards him up to his twelfth year, but that hence-\\nforth he should be dealt with more severely. Experience\\nproves, it is said, that children do not begin to show much\\nmental capacity as a rule until their twelfth year.\\nFurther, it is recommended to the teacher to have pauses\\nand periods in each subject. The Almighty Himself, it is\\nsaid, did not impart the law to Moses all at once, but in\\ndifferent divisions and pauses, so as to make it more intelli-\\ngible. How much more then ought not this to be done by", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 97\\na human teacher Again He who studies hastily and\\ncrams too much at once, his knowledge shall diminish but\\nhe who studies by degrees or step by step, shall accumulate\\nmuch wisdom and learning.\\nBrevity in imparting was likewise held to be an indis-\\npensable qualification of the teacher. He should, as much as\\npossible, be concise and make use of few words. Far-fetched\\ndigressions are to be avoided, and that which could be told the\\npupil in one word should not be imparted in three. One\\nshould instruct the pupils in the shortest manner possible.\\nDiscipline. The discipline included in the Talmud, un-\\nlike that of the ancient Jews, is mild and was doubtless\\nlargely influenced by the teaching of Christ but corporal\\nchastisement is recognised. Although at first there should\\nbe shown indulgence to the child, yet further on, if it should\\nprove stubborn and inattentive, a slight corporal punish-\\nment and some restrictions may be adopted. The elder\\npupils, however, should not have to undergo corporal pun-\\nishment for two reasons first, lest it should wound their\\nsense of honour and secondly, lest it should arouse resist-\\nance. The Rabbins say, A man who strikes his grown-up\\nson should be earnestly reprimanded, because he transgresses\\nthe commandment, Thou shalt not put a stumbling block\\nbefore the blind, which is thus explained by Eashi\\nBecause being grown up he might rebel against his father,\\nwho would thus cause him to sin. Again, it is enjoined\\nthat if it should be found necessary to apply corporal pun-\\nishment, it must be inflicted very mildly and the master is\\nnot to use a cane, but a light strap, in order not to injure\\nthe pupils. In reference to this we read in the Talmud If\\nthou art compelled to punish a pupil, do it only with gentle-\\nness encourage those who make progress, and let him who\\ndoes not, still remain in the class with his schoolfellows, for\\nhe will ultimately become attentive and vie with them.\\nR. Samuel Edels, in his Commentary on the Agadoth, writes\\nOnly those pupils should be punished in whom the master\\nsees that there are good capacities for learning and who are\\n7", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "98 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ninattentive but if they are dull and cannot learn, they\\nshould not be punished. Just as punishment formed a part\\nof school discipline, so also did rewards. For we are told\\nin the Talmud that Eabba had in his school some dainties\\nof which he would occasionally make a present to his young\\npupils. Again, there is a saying, Children should be pun-\\nished with one hand and caressed with two.\\nThe school hours were long.\\nTo conclude the subjection of the human spirit to the\\nconception of absolute Law and the prominence given to ex-\\nternal observances in the conception of religion as a kind of\\ncontract between God and man, gave birth among the Jews\\nto a barren formalism. The spiritual ideas which doubtless\\nunderlay the whole and preserved the spirit of the ancient\\nprophets, were for the few.\\nThe Jews were par eminence a race of theological genius\\nas the Greeks were a race of aesthetic genius. In their\\nwritings, the personal relations of man to God as a god of\\nmoral law, found a language for themselves which had\\nnever been reached by any other nation. The universal\\nconception of God as Creator, and Preserver, and Father of\\nall His creatures, and as rejoicing in the work of His hands\\nwhich in its turn praised Him, transcended all other human\\ninterpretations of the divine. But at this point all true\\nprogress of the intellect and imagination ended. The scien-\\ntific and dramatic spirit were alike alien to the Jew. He\\nimbibed both from other races. The Judaic theory of life\\nrequired also that the past should be all in all. The\\nspiritual unity of the race was doubtless thereby secured,\\nbut at an enormous sacrifice.\\nChrist opens out a wider vista to the eye of man, and at\\nno point checks his onward advance. In Him we have a\\ntransition from the finite to the true infinite in the religious\\nconception. The moral ideal supersedes the prosaic morali-\\nties of the understanding, and, seen in God, it becomes the\\nspiritual life. With the genuine Jew the personality of God\\nwas too clearly defined, and His externality as a Law-giver", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "THE SEMITIC RACES 99\\ntoo strongly emphasised, to admit of infinite ideas. Again,\\nwhile the identification of religion and the moral law was in\\nprinciple sound, the stereotyping of the latter in external\\nobservances emanating from an unquestioned authority,\\nkilled both. A free personal outlook on nature and life was,\\nunder such conditions, impossible. We must trust human-\\nity as an ever-progressive reason, and take our chance of the\\nincidental evils which may attend tlie practice of the\\nhumanistic free Christian faith.\\nIndeed, we can scarcely say that among the Jews religion\\nand the moral law, as we now understand these, were one\\n(as they boast it was and is), but rather the Sinaitic voice\\nof God as despotic command and a corresponding legality\\na system in which external prescriptions tended to choke\\nthe purely moral, and still more the spiritual, element of the\\nlife of mind. The prophets live for all mankind to the\\nJew their spiritualism was lost in formalism. Externali-\\nties of technical obedience being rigidly attended to, the Jew\\nperformed his part of the covenant with God a mere busi-\\nness transaction. God thereupon was bound to perform\\nHis part, which in early times was the granting of benefits\\nin this life at a later period, in this life and the next.\\nThere can be no spiritual or religious life save that which\\nthe voice of God penetrates and sanctions, but, with the\\nordinary Jew, this voice of God was, I repeat, an external\\nvoice; and, practically, in the hands especially of post-exilic\\npriests and scribes, it became a detailed series of legal pre-\\nscriptions and observances. God stood apart, and, like a\\nschoolmaster, imposed rules, with rewards and penalties for\\nobservance and non-observance. This was the letter that\\nkilleth. Christ swept it away and preached the Spirit\\nthat givetli life, and thus transformed a national into an\\nuniversal religion. On the other hand, it has to be observed\\nthat in all national religions, ancient and modern, we find\\ntwo parties those who, endowed with a deep religious\\nsense, live in the spirit of the religion they profess, regard-\\ning all else as merely symbolic of the inner needs and\\n[Ai\\nti", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "100 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nhistory of the spiritual man, and those for whom the intel-\\nlectual dogma and the sensuous symbol and the religious rite\\nare all in all. In the case of the Jews, the former found a\\npure and noble expression of their inner life in the Psalms\\nand the Prophets, the latter were represented by the scribes\\nand Pharisees and the mass of the people.\\nIt seems strange that a system of life so encumbered with\\nceremonial and externalities should have attracted converts\\nin the heathen world. But, before and after the time of\\nChrist, Greek, Eoman, and Oriental had lost faith in their\\ngods and were looking for God, and for a moral system sanc-\\ntioned by Him. This the Jew could give and allow the\\nproselyte to accept as much or as little of the ceremonial as\\nhe pleased.\\nAuthorities. Many of the books mentioned under Egypt, especially\\nRecords of the Past. Also History of Babylonia, by George Smith Professor\\nTiele s Die Assyriologie, eine Rede Assyria, by George Smith Maspero s\\nDawn of Civilisation in the East Essai sur Thistoire des Arahes, par Caussin\\nde Perceval Sir W. Muir s Life of Mahomet.\\nScripture which ends 442 B. c. Ranke s History of the World Milman s\\nHistory of the Jews; The School System of the Talmud, by Spiers; L education\\net Vinstruction des enfants chez les anciens Juifs, par J. Simon Geschichtc der\\nErz. u. des Unt. lei den Israeliten, von B. Strassburger Van Gelder s Die\\nVolkschule des Jiid. Alt. 1872 Schiirer s Jeioish People in the Time of Christ\\nTiele s Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions Duncker s History of\\nAntiquity Die Pddagogik des Tsraelitischen Volkes, c., von Dr. S. Marcus,\\n1877 Wellhausen s Israel und Judah; Montefiore s Hibbert Lectures; Graetz s\\nHistory of the Jeivs Professor Robertson Smith s writings Professor Robert-\\nson (of Glasgow), Early Religion of Israel Lex Mosaica, recently published\\nProfessor Menzies History of Religion.\\n2^ote. lhare endeavoured, not without great difficulty, to steer my way\\namong conflicting accounts. It is impossible to accept the rose-coloured views\\nof Jews or those who seem to hold a brief for them, when alleged facts are not\\ndated and guaranteed. On the other hand, the facts which are available,\\ncombined with necessary and irresistible inferences from Jewish history make\\nit equally impossible to accept the views of those who would minimise the\\neducational work among the Jews themselves, and its significance in the edu-\\ncation of the whole race of mankind.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIO OR TURANIAN\\nRACES", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN\\nRACES\\nThe races of mankind not Hamitic, Semitic, and Indo-\\nEuropean have been classed as Turanian, or Uro- Altaic;\\nbut this classification is so inadequate that it will doubtless\\nbe moditied as ethnology progresses. In the meantime, for\\nthe Eastern Hemisphere it may be accepted. Omitting the\\nmerged Accadians of the Mesopotamian basin of whom we\\nhave already spoken, we have to go north and east to follow\\ntlie migrations of the Turanian races.\\nThe Turanian, or Uro-Altaic, races (so called from the\\nSiberian range of mountains of this name) comprise the\\nMongolians, Chinese, Manchus, Japanese, Turks, and Tartars,\\nthe European Finns, and the original stock of the Hunga-\\nrians. Longer than other races they retained nomadic habits,\\nand in some districts of the East still retain them. The\\ninhabitants who occupied Chaldsea before the arrival of the\\nSemites in that region were called Accadians and to these\\nwe have referred in speaking of the Babylonian Semites who\\nabsorbed them.^ The Turanians generally have a mono-\\nsyllabic and agglutinative language, and have never exhib-\\nited a capacity for progress either in literature, arts, or\\nscience beyond a certain fixed point, except under post-\\nchristian influences. Their highest development is to be\\nfound in China, where as a civilised power they have existed\\nfor, certainly, 5,000 years and what we have to say of the\\nTuranians must be confined to this the highest specimen of\\ntheir social organisation.\\nThe most recent ex])lorations would point to the conclusion that the\\nTuranian or Accadian civilisation itself also rested on a prior people. Dr.\\nde Lacouperie connects closely the Accadians and Chinese.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "104 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAs tlie education organised among this remarkable people\\naffords a curious contrast to that both of the Semitic races\\nand of the Asiatic Indo-Germans or Aryans, of whom we\\nshall afterwards speak, it is quite worth our while to en-\\ndeavour to enter into some detail. The Chinese educational\\ndevelopment is indeed highly instructive both to the educa-\\ntional politician and the schoolmaster.\\nEDUCATION IN CHINA\\nCHAP. I. NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS\\nChina had a consciously organised scheme of education long\\nbefore any other Asiatic or European people. Egyptian\\neducation existed from an earlier date, but it was never an\\norganised system. The Chinese system is instructive as\\nwell as interesting, because it suggests many considerations\\nas to the organisation of education by the State and also as\\nto authoritative modes of testing ability and learning which\\nbear very directly on European and American education at\\nthe present day.\\nThe Chinese empire embraces, besides China proper,\\nManchuria, Mongolia, Turkestan, and Tibet. It is China\\nproper and a portion of the Burmese peninsula, however,\\nwith which we have to do. The dependencies are in no\\nway so advanced in civilisation as China-proper. This por-\\ntion of the empire is itself 1,600 miles long and averages in\\nbreadth 1,100 miles. The population is variously estimated\\nat from 300 to 400 milhons. A remarkable evidence of its\\nearly civilisation is to be found in the Great Wall which\\nwas constructed in the third century before the Christian\\nera and extends up hill and down dale along the northern\\nboundary for 1,250 miles, is 20 feet high including the\\nparapet of 5 feet, 25 feet thick at the base, and strengthened\\nat intervals of 100 yards by square towers from 37 to 50\\nfeet high.\\nIn the north the land is elevated in the centre it is an\\nalluvial plain through which the great rivers Hoang-ho and", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 105\\nYanff-tse-kiancT flow. In the south the land is imclulating\\nand interspersed with valleys and mountains. The middle\\nregion is the centre of the rice, su;,ar, and silk culture; in\\nthe southern part of it the tea-shrub flourishes in the north\\nwe find the usual food grains.\\nThe accepted history of China dates from 2,500 years B.C.,\\nalthough it is far from trustworthy for long after this date.\\nAs early as 2205 B.C. we find the country organised as a\\nfeudal State, the system being somewhat similar to that\\nwhich prevailed in Europe in mediaeval times. In the eigh-\\nteenth century B.C. there were seventy-two feudal States. In\\n403 B.C. the feudal princedoms had been reduced to seven\\ngreat States, and in 220 B.C. the whole was organised into an\\nEmpire. There have been many changes of dynasties, but\\nthe imperial organisation has remained much the same for\\nmore than 2,000 years. The present dynasty is Manchu and\\ndates from 1643 a.d. The native Chinese, however, are fully\\nrecognised in the highest councils of the emperor as well as\\nin the whole administrative system. The imperial govern-\\nment in Peking supervises and controls the administration of\\nall the provinces and exercises the power of removing all\\nofficials.\\nLanguage. The speech of the Chinese is monosyllabic\\nout of the radical they form compounds. There are no in-\\nflections nay, the same root is retained to denote noun,\\nverb, preposition, adverb the grammatical class to which\\nit belongs being indicated by tone, accent, or position alone.\\nThe language is, in brief, inorganic, a mere aggregate of roots,\\nnot of letter-sounds. In all speech there must of course be\\norganism, but in the case of the Chinese, I suppose we may\\nsay that the organism is tmderstood it is in the thought of\\nthe speaker and hearer, and not embodied in the forms of the\\nlanguage as in Latin or Greek. The speech of the Chinese\\nhas been aptly compared to that of a child, which utters\\nwords one after another without forming them organically\\ninto a sentence. The letters, or shapes to denote words, were", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "106 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\noriginally hieroglyphic or ideographic, the symbols gradually\\nlosing their ideographic character; and this especially in\\ncompounds. When letters were invented, the Chinese say,\\nthe heavens, earth, and the gods were all agitated. The in-\\nhabitants of Hades wept at night, and the heavens, as an\\nexpression of joy, rained down ripe grain. (Preface to\\nMorrison s Dictionary.) There is evidence that writing\\nwas practised 1,740 years B.C., and it is believed that it existed\\nin some form 3,000 years B.C.\\nIt is important to note, as bearing on the question of\\nChinese education, that the literary language, the language\\nof books, is different from the spoken dialects, which are\\nnumerous and that it differs to such an extent as to make\\nits acquisition by a native almost as difficult as a foreign\\ntongue.\\nIf the unclassified elements of the language were indif-\\nferent to position the labour of arrangement would be\\nnothing and style impossible. But most of them appear to\\nbe endowed with a kind of mysterious polarity, which con-\\ntrols their collocation and renders them incapable of com-\\npanionship except with certain characters, the choice of\\nwhich would seem to be altogether arbitrary. The origin\\nof this peculiarity it is not difficult to discover. In this, as in\\nother things among the Chinese, usage has become law.\\nCombinations which were accidental or optional with the\\nmodel writers of antiquity, and even their errors, have, to\\ntheir imitative posterity, become the jus ct norma loquendi.\\nFree to move upon each other when the language was young\\nand in a fluid state, its elements have now become crystallised\\ninto invariable forms. To master this pre-established har-\\nmony without the aid of rules is the fruit of practice and the\\nlabour of years.\\nGeneral Character of the Chinese. The impression\\nmade on a stranger by the character of the Chinese people is,\\nthat it is as a whole child-like, gentle, kindly, and peaceful,\\nbut it is equally apparent that these qualities are in union\\nHan Lin Papers.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 107\\nwith much cunning, suspicion, trickery, and immorality.\\nTheir industry and contentment are marvellous, and their\\npersonal habits temperate. It does not appear tliat respect\\nfor self, and value for self as a personality, is a conception of\\nthe Chinese mind. The person is not of the same account\\nas among the Aryan races the family is the governing\\nconception. The personality of the individual is not only\\novershadowed by the family and the state-machinery,\\nbut is oppressed also by the spirits of the dead which are\\nworshipped.\\nThe Chinese have had their civil revolutions and modifica-\\ntions of belief like other people, but as a whole they have\\nmade little or no progress for more than 2,000 years but\\ngrind on as their fathers did before them. Their enormous\\nnational self-conceit helps to prevent advance. Philosophic\\nspeculation and physical science are absent. Literature is\\nin the ascendant, but it consists chiefly of a bald kind\\nof history, the literature of the sacred books and endless\\ncommentaries on them. Lyric poetry is cultivated very\\nextensively, and the power of writing elegant verses in\\ngood caligraphy is the highest proof of learning and culture.\\nArt, in the higher sense, does not exist, although there is\\nmuch skill and delicacy of execution, and considerable imi-\\ntative power.^ At one time the art of landscape painting\\nflourished.\\nThe broad fact for us Europeans to recognise is that in\\nthis portion of Asia we have a people of Mongolian ex-\\ntraction, including about a third of the population of the\\nworld, who, for at least 4,000 years, have had a settled\\nsystem of life and government, and with whom education\\nhas always been a matter of national importance for nearly\\n3,000 years.\\nThere are some men (who may be called Sinophils) who speak in lauda-\\ntory terms of the lyrical literature, just as they exaggerate the intellectual\\npower of the Chinese, but the specimens given, even allowing for the difficul-\\nties of translation, do not justify their admiration. They read like the Latin\\nverses of English schoolboys. See the collection of Romilly Allen.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "108 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nCHAP. II. RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE\\nSacred Books. To understand the Chinese attitude of\\nmind we should have to understand Confucius, the great\\nmoral and political philosopher and reformer, who was born\\n551 years B.C. But the national life did not start with him.\\nThe record of his life would itself show, even were there no\\nnative historical treatises, that China was at the time of his\\nbirth a civilised country and an organised government with\\nmany subordinate governors. Confucius himself is most\\ncareful to insist that he merely revives the customs and be-\\nliefs of his ancestors. He led a life of noble example him-\\nself at one time held high in honour, at another dishonoured\\nand persecuted, always suffering grief and disappointment at\\nthe failure of his great scheme of social reform. But he\\nprofessed no novelties he rested all liis teaching on the\\nsacred books which he edited with annotations. He did\\nnot, however, alter them or digest them into their present\\nform (Legge). His chief addition to the practical philosophy\\nof preceding ages was his Doctrine of the Mean. The first\\nsentence of this work is as follows What heaven has con-\\nferred is called the nature an accordance with this nature is\\ncalled the path of duty the regulation of this path is called\\ninstruction. (Legge, Keligions of China, p. 139.)\\nThe earliest of tlie sacred books was attributed in its\\noriginal form to the first introducer of letters and philosophy\\namong the Chinese, Fu-list, to whom the date of 3,323 years\\n(less or more) B.C. is assigned. (This, of course, is legendary.)\\nThe next continuator after Confucius of the philosophy of\\nthe sacred books was Mencius, who died 317 B.C. Printing\\nfrom blocks of wood was invented in the tenth century of\\nour era. The issue of the sacred books was, as a matter of\\ncourse, then multiplied, and much intellectual activity was\\nthe result, as was the case in Europe after the invention of\\nprinting. But all this activity was still controlled by super-\\nstitious reverence for the past and merely took the form of", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 109\\na further explication and evolution of accepted doctrines.\\nThe man who seems to have gathered into a focus all the\\nintellectual activity of this time was Chow-Tsze. This truly\\neminent philosopher exhibited great ability as an adminis-\\ntrator, thinker, and writer, and the books issued by him, for\\nthe most part as commentaries on, and introductions to, the\\nsacred books, numbered 23. On them, without derogating\\nfrom the primary authority of Confucius, the life of the peo-\\nple is modelled. He died 1200 A.D. His writings are held\\nto contain the true interpretation of Chinese philosophy, but\\nby no means on that account to supersede Confucius and the\\nsacred books themselves. We must therefore, if we would\\nunderstand the Chinese people and their education, form to\\nourselves some idea of the contents of these books. To\\nattempt an account here, in any detail, would be out of\\nplace but we may state, on the authority of Professors\\nLegge, Douglas, Tiele and others, all that is necessary to our\\npurpose as students of the educational system of China.^\\nThe sacred books or scriptures of China consist of Five\\nClassics and Four Books. The five classics are Encyc.\\nBrit. 1. The Book of Changes (Yi-King) seemingly an\\neffort at a kind of nature-system (obscure magic, says Tiele).\\nTo this book the date 1150 B.C. is assigned 2. The Book\\nof History (Shu-King) 3. The Book of Odes (Shih-King).\\nAt the time of Confucius there was an official collection of\\n3,000 odes, which he reduced to 311, preserving chieily those\\nwhich had a moral and domestic tendency and classifying\\nthem under four heads (a) National airs (h) The lesser\\neulogies (c) The greater eulogies (d) The song of homage\\nsung by or before the emperor when he sacrificed in the\\nname of the State as its high priest. 4. The Book of Ptites\\n5. Spring and Autumn Annals, by Confucius.\\nThe Four Books are of the nature of exposition and com-\\nmentaries. (1) The Great Learning (2) The doctrine of\\nthe Mean, these two being continuous treatises; (3) Con-\\n1 I follow Leggo where he differs from Tiele, and I have paid due attentioi]:\\nto Martin s account.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "110 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nfucian Analecta, or sayings of the master; (4) The works of\\nMencius, by a pupil of that philosoplier.\\nCommentaries on the classics and books are very numer-\\nous but all have the same characteristics as the originals,\\nthat is to say, they are servile, iterative, cold, formal\\nPhilosophical Attitude of the Chinese Mind. Like\\nmost moral reformers, Confucius was too intent on the reno-\\nvation of the national life around him to concern himself\\ndeeply with those metapliysical questions which form so\\nperennial an attraction for the Indo-European mind. It is\\na mistake, however, to say he was an atheist, unless we are to\\nclass as atheists men who, denying or doubting a personal\\nGod, yet believe in a great but mysterious power w^iich gov-\\nerns all. That Confucius believed in a personal God is not\\napparent, and it is certain that he purposely declined to go\\nfar into the discussion of such questions. Morality, social\\norder, and propriety of conduct alone interested him, and this\\nso profoundly as to exclude from his system of practical\\nethics all other subjects. There can be no doubt, however,\\nthat he believed in the Supreme One. It is worthy of re-\\nmark, and, indeed, full of interest, that, in the very sacred\\nbooks edited by him, there is the recognition of a Supreme\\nBeing called Supreme Euler, Heaven, and Supreme or\\nSovereign Heaven, and Professor Legge has made it, I think,\\nevident that the Chinese were in the earliest times that is\\nto say, the earliest historic times, Monotheists. Chow-tze\\ndid not profess to originate a philosophy, but to draw it from\\nthe ancient books by interpretation. But it cannot be said\\nthat even in his case the thought of a personal God ever\\noccurred. At the beginning of all things is what is called\\nthe ultimate principle, or grand extreme, which is imma-\\nterial, which is spirit, which, in brief, is mind. It operates\\nto produce the world of nature and man according to an in-\\nvariable process. Dr. Martin gives this exposition The\\nInfinite [Great Extreme] produced the Finite, and the Finite\\nproduced Light and Darkness. The ultimate principle, or\\ngreat extreme, is, however, frequently spoken of as if it were", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 111\\nan independent entity, and sometimes as punishing the evil\\nand rewarding the good. But these are evidently figurative\\nexpressions, and the idea of the Supreme to be found in\\nChinese philosophy is that of a causal principle existing from\\nall eternity along with the world or nature, also existing\\nfrom all eternity, the latter exhibiting the mode of operation\\nof the ultimate principle in accordance with fixed and un-\\nalterable laws.\\nChinese philosophy does not affirm the great fact of Will\\nas entering into the scheme of creation. Nor has the ulti-\\nmate principle ethical attributes.-^ Order is its chief char-\\nacteristic, and this exhibits itself in the nature of man as\\nwell as in other creations, and the holy man is he who has a\\nclear intuition of the ultimate principle and its ground-pro-\\ncesses. Seeing these clearly, he cannot err; knowledge is\\nvirtue. The nature of man is, to begin with, good in itself,\\nfor it is the true product of the heavenly order. Chow-tze\\nteaches that the bright principle of virtue man derives from\\nhis heavenly origin, and his pure spirit when undarkened\\ncomprehends all truth, and is adequate to every occasion.\\nBut it is obstructed by the physical constitution and be-\\nclouded by the animal desires so that it becomes obscure.\\nThe moral character, to begin with, is determined by the pre-\\nvailing influence (primordial harmony or gross matter), and\\nmankind are accordingly divided into three classes those\\nwho are good without teaching, those who may be made\\ngood by teaching, and those who will remain bad in spite of\\nteaching (Martin, p. 129).\\nAbsolute truth is simply the course or way of nature, and\\nhe who sees this has absolute truth. Virtue is the complete\\npossession of absolute truth by man and it is by knowledge\\nor study that man attains to truth, and so to virtue. Intel-\\nlect is thus the basis of virtue and morality. Private and\\npolitical morality are closely connected. The whole aim of\\nthe higher teaching of China is, in brief, morality the\\nconduct of life and the art of government. Though China\\n1 I do not suppose Professor Legge would admit this.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "112 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nhas produced men differing in opinion as to tlie foundation of\\nethics, they have no speculative philosophy in the Aryan\\nsense. A very interesting chart of Chinese ethics will be\\nfound in Dr. Martin s book on education in China. This\\nshows considerable power of orderly tabular arrangement in\\nthe classification of the virtues, but the Chinese mind is not,\\neven in tliis its own chosen sphere, analytic.\\nReligion. There are three religions in China: 1. The\\nofficial or state religion, already described in the previous\\nsection, viz. the ancient doctrine of China handed down from\\nremote antiquity, revised by Confucius and commented on\\nby him, by Mencius and by Chow-Tsze. It is essentially a\\nmoral and political system, resting ultimately, however, on a\\nrecognition of a Supreme God or Divine Order. It recognises\\nthis Being or Order as a fact simply, and there leaves it,\\nlying outside daily life and remote from men. Connected\\nwith this official religion, however, there is an annual cere-\\nmonial of worship. It is the State not the individual, the\\nemperor, not as priest but as representative of the nation,\\nwho then worships God. Provincial governors also perform\\nthe service in the name of the State. This ceremonial is in\\nhonour of the powers of nature and expresses the dependence\\nof man on the order of nature, the productivity of the soil\\nand the recurrence of the seasons. It is thus in perfect\\nharmony with Chinese religious philosophy, and recognises\\nthe Supreme Spirit in the sense which I have already\\nexplained. The remarkable prayers cited by Professor Legge\\nC-Religions of China, p. 43 et seq.), which were offered up at\\nthe solstitial services of 1538 a.d., testify to a pure and\\nexalted Deism in the mind of the then emperor, approximat-\\ning even to Theistic language. But with this solstitial cere-\\nmonial the Deism as a factor in the life of the Chinese ends.^\\n1 Professor Legge says, p. 114, that there are numerous passages in the\\nancient books speaking of Heaven as approving and disapproving the acts of\\nman. But neither in the literature generally nor in the schoolbooks is account\\ntaken of this. Even the verses quoted by Legge do not necessarily convey\\nanything save the general statement that Heaven is on the side of justice and", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 113\\nConfucian polity and the worship of ancestors constitute the\\ngenuine religion of the educated Chinaman.\\nThe official religion is acquiesced in by all but in addi-\\ntion, Taoism and Buddhism are professed by the masses of\\nthe people. Buddhism practically occupies the field. It is\\nan importation from India, and as it entered only in 76 a.d.,\\nit found the Chinese national character already formed.\\nTaoism, originally mystical and having affinities with primi-\\ntive Buddhism, has degenerated into a religion of spells and\\nincantations. The priests profess, like modern spiritualists,\\nto hold communication with the spirits of the dead. Bud-\\ndhism, again, seems to have degenerated into a system of\\nidol-worship. Indeed very early, Gautama Buddha, the\\nfounder, was himself worshipped as a god. The doctrine of\\ntransmigration which connects itself with the more popular\\nform of this religion would seem to exercise a powerful prac-\\ntical influence on the life of the Chinese. The doctrine of\\nimmortality is blank and undefined.\\nAlongside, then, of the intellectual and purely politico-\\nmoral and abstract deism of Confucius, we find the ceremonial\\nperiodical nature-worship by the emperor as representing the\\nnation; the survival of primitive beliefs in various spirits\\namong the people;^ along with ancestor worship (which\\nlast is also an integral part of Confucianism) a widespread,\\ndebased, and idolatrous Buddhism, and the magical practices\\nto which Taoism has degenerated. These religions, satisfy-\\ntruth. Von Strauss s description of Chinese Theism on p. xxvi of Allen s\\ntranslation of the Book of Chinese Poetry seems to me to be a devout\\nimagination.\\n1 These beliefs are probably a survival of the primitive and prehistoric\\nreligion of China, which, Tiele holds, was a purified and organised worship of\\nspirits, including the spirits of the dead. The spirits to be worshipped were\\nwithout number. They reside in visible objects, and also assume the form of\\nanimals. A popular religion of this sort might easily run parallel with the\\nhigher and better tradition represented by Confucianism, and, as a matter of\\nfact, it does so. The popular necessities have also found satisfaction in Bud-\\ndhism and Taoism, neither of which excludes the State religion. Even in tlie\\nState religion there is a curious mixture of pure Confucianism with nature-\\nworship and the worship of certain recognised gods.\\n8", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "114 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ning, as they do, by means of idols and communication with\\nthe unseen world, the need of man for an ever-present power\\ninterested and concerned in his destiny, are found to be\\ncompatible with a belief in the governing intellectual theory\\nof life and society.\\nIt is not to be supposed that the ordinary Chinaman is a\\nBuddhist in the monastic sense. This philosophy of religious\\necstatic atheism is reserved for a few in those sequestered\\nmonasteries and temples, where, in disdain of hfe, they\\nendeavour, by endless repetitions of liturgical pieces and a\\nstrenuous thinking of Nothing, to realise a condition which is\\nneither life nor death, in the hope of ultimately attaining the\\nnothingness of Nirvana. The common man worships in the\\nnumerous temples the goddess of mercy and many idols\\nbesides, including the idols of the past and the present, hop-\\ning through their aid and by works of merit to secure for\\nhimself happy transmigrations, if nothing more.\\nThe genuine Confucian Chinese believe that convulsions of\\nnature, epidemics, c., are indications of something wrong in\\nthe administration of government; but this not from any\\nbelief that providence interferes to punish but purely from\\nthe conviction that a disturbance of the natural order is\\nindicative of a disturbance in the social order.^\\nMan, they hold, stands in the midst between heaven and\\nearth to preserve the equipoise of the whole and to bear the\\nburden of the moral world-order. By keeping the middle or\\nmean himself, he can alone succeed in discharging his world\\nfunctions. This religion of the more educated classes has\\nformed the character of the people. To take care that this\\nright mean is observed is the grand duty of the emperor, the\\ngreat son of heaven, the god on earth who as father of his\\npeople, not as a despot, orders and governs all human institu-\\n1 Althougli it is true that there is no State priesthood, there are yet pro-\\nfessors of ceremonies appointed and paid by the State to regulate public\\nceremonial acts of worship, c. Many such men also are employed by the\\npeople on all important ceremonial occasions, that everything may be done in\\norder. They live by fees.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 115\\ntions by means of laws which bear on every department and\\nact of Hfe and he is aided by a graded and countless num-\\nber of subordinate administrators.\\nWe see in all races that the higher form of their religion\\nis quite compatible with a worship of gods, demons, and\\nspirits, also with what might be called subordinate religious\\nbeliefs which are considered not to conflict with the govern-\\ning system. These are, doubtless, survivals of more bar-\\nbarous times. This compatibility of the higher with the\\nlower is specially characteristic of the Chinese. But what-\\never may be the private superstitions of the people, this is\\ncertain, that it is Confucianism which is the State church,\\nand that the whole life of the Chinese is not only influenced\\nbut controlled by Confucian ideas. One result is that gods\\nand ancestors are worshipped with a view to material security\\nalone, and that there is no ideal of life possible higher than\\nprosaic prudential Confucianism.\\nLet us now endeavour to bring together the governing\\nconceptions which seem to constitute the motive-forces of\\nChinese life.\\nCHAP. III. THE DOMINANT IDEAS OF CHINESE LIFE\\n(1) The brief survey which we have given justifies us, I\\nthink, in concluding that the idea of Order as established\\nand maintained by a Supreme Principle or Mind, is the foun-\\ndation of all Chinese thought and life and if we realise to\\nourselves the influence which a conception so barren and\\ncold must exercise on political doctrines and social customs,\\nwe have made one step towards the understanding of this\\nremarkable people.\\n(2) The next idea animating these masses of men is that\\nof reverence for the past, which exhibits itself in two forms,\\na superstitious regard for all past thought, and a reverence\\nfor ancestors which takes the form of worship. Antiquity\\nis in fact the guarantee for truth constitutes in itself an\\ninfallible guide. Even the members of the Han-lin or Im-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "116 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nperial Academy, comprising the select men of the empire\\nand residing at Peking, do nothing to extend the bounda-\\nries of human knowledge, simply because they are not aware\\nthat after the achievements of Confucius and the ancient\\nsages any new world remains to be conquered. (Martin,\\np. 24.)\\n(3) In a nation in which the idea of the world-order\\nseems to have first found expression in the sanctity of the\\nfamily relationship, family life, as the centre of all social\\norder and civic union, is held in the highest veneration. The\\nfather has absolute power over his children, and the children\\nmust render unquestioning obedience. The family, indeed,\\nis the centre of the moral, as well as the social and political,\\nlife of the nation. Out of it, all virtues grow, and on it the\\nidea of the State is supposed to be modelled. The State is\\nonly a largely developed family. The emperor is the head\\nof this large family of officials and of citizens, and having,\\nlike a father, the power of life and death, commands and\\nreceives absolute obedience. Marriage, as might readily be\\nsupposed, is held to be a sacred institution, and a civil duty\\nimposed on every man. (Concubines are allowed, but their\\nchildren have not the same family privileges as those of the\\nlegitimate wife.) The relation of the wife to the husband\\nis that of practical slavery.^ The family idea is, of course,\\nsustained and intensified by the worship of ancestors. There\\nseems, however, to be an element of fear in this quite as\\nmuch as of respect or affection. The dead spirits may\\nexercise a hurtful influence on their descendants if they are\\nneglected. They are supposed to continue their interest in\\nthe affairs of their families, and may even be reborn into\\nthem. The Chinaman as a member of a family is thus in\\n1 Even at birth the inferiority of the woman to the man is signalised.\\nWhen a boy is born, a bow and arrow are hung before the door and he is\\nwrapt in the finest clothes that can be had when a girl is born, the spindle\\nand yarn are hung up, and any old rags are considered good enough for\\nher. If a father is asked how many children he has, he counts only his\\nsons.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 117\\nclose union with the past and future of his race, as well as\\nwith the present.^\\n(4) Prudential virtue usurps the place of the ideal and\\nspiritual in the Chinese mind. The family idea, as may be\\neasily understood, enters into and powerfully influences the\\nsystem of morality. For, defective as some of the family\\nrelations are, the family bond is intensely strong, and the\\nsentiment of the people gathers round the nearest and dearest\\nrelations of life, and does not much extend to spheres beyond.\\nThus it is said If a man will attain to the completed per-\\nfection of his nature, he must begin with the five relations\\nof human society 1-^ing and subject, father and son, elder\\nand younger brother, husband, wife, friends and practise\\nthe usual daily virtues. When the customary and easy\\nvirtues are neglected there is no possibility of attaining to\\nthe completed perfection of our nature.\\nNo exception can be taken to the moral teaching of the\\nauthoritative books. Heaven produces all men, and points\\nout for them their duties, for the fulfilment of which also it\\ngives them the means. Again He who renders obedience\\nto heaven will be sustained he, on the other hand, who\\nresists heaven will perish. Beasts have no spirit or mind\\nwe are also told man alone has spirit. All men, says\\nMencius, have a compassionate heart all men have a heart\\nwhich is ashamed of vice all men have a heart naturally\\n1 Tablets, almost always pieces of wood, four to seven by two to three\\ninches, are fixed into niches in tlie wall of a room. The name of the father\\nis carved or painted on them, and to this the assembled family offer incense,\\nand on great occasions sacrifice food of various kinds. Other tablets of more\\nremote ancestors are similarly preserved and worshipped. Wealthy families,\\nwho have large connections, erect ancestral halls, in which ancestral tablets\\nare placed, and to which at stated times worship and sacrifice are offered.\\nThis illustrates well the intensity of the family idea. The worship of ances-\\ntors can only lie conducted by the males (females may marry into other\\nfamilies and cannot be depended on). Hence, partly, the superiority of boys\\nto girls. A man who has no boy adopts one rather than run the risk of hav-\\ning himself and his ancestors neglected a fate which seems to involve\\nabsolute death or annihilation, and which is escaped as long as they are\\nworshipped.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "118 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ndisposed to pay respect and reverence aU men have a heart\\nwhich can distinguish between right and wrong: these\\nvirtues do not come from without, they are an essential part\\nof our constitution. If a man uses his understanding he\\nwin find the right way if a man does not use liis under-\\nstanding he will not find it. Let no one be afflicted because\\nof his want of strength the fault lies in failure to practise.\\nThese moral propositions and many others are not allowed\\nto rest in the sacred books and the commentaries on them,\\nand be read when and where the people choose they are\\nthoroughly mastered and, to a great extent, learnt by heart\\nin all schools, and by aU candidates for the public service.\\nThey constitute the national creed and the national con-\\nscience. They have been the means of creating, and sustain-\\ning for probably 4,000 years, a fairly efficient social system.\\n(5) A love of formalism is strong in the Chinese mind.\\nThis is very prominent in the mass of ritual ceremonies in\\nwhich the moral and social life of the Chinese is enveloped.\\nThe Book of Eites is one of the sacred books, and contains\\ndirections for the acts of daily life in the family and in the\\nState, and is also a manual of etiquette. All this is carefully\\nmastered by those who affect to be educated. There can be\\nlittle doubt that forms and ceremonies tend to give perma-\\nnence to institutions, while they at the same time tend to\\ndeprive them of true vitality. Hence, partly, the stereotyped\\ncivilisation of China practical virtue becomes almost iden-\\ntical with propriety and convention.\\nAs an explanation of the remarkable permanence of\\nChinese life and polity we may point to the conservative\\ncharacter of the dominant ideas and to the influence of an\\nideographic language in restricting the free play of mind.\\nIt may also be held that the longer the period during which\\nthe same set of mind, the same habit of thought and\\naction, continues in a nation, the more certain becomes the\\ntendency to repetition, unless some very powerful force\\nintervene. This doctrine of heredity in nations must never\\nbe lost sight of. Again, it may be said that a nation so", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 119\\nlarge, if it once becomes the victim of a system, tends to\\nperpetuate itself in the future as it has been in the past,\\nbecause the dead weight of the whole is so great as to repress\\nthe parts. This specially happens where the political form\\nof life is a highly centralised form and a large empire is\\nnecessarily centralised where it is not a mere federation.\\nFurther, it is to be noted that the Chinese have been so\\nplaced geographically as to be cut off from intercommunica-\\ntion with the rest of the world. The wonderful variety of\\ntheir climate and productions, moreover, has not made such\\ncommunication necessary. In so far as they have had inter-\\ncourse, it has been of a kind to drive them back on their own\\nnational life, to hug (so to speak) their own form of civilisa-\\ntion. It is on the west and north that they had in old times\\nintercourse with others this intercourse was of a very\\nunpleasant kind, and led, in fact, to their building the Great\\nWall.\\nAll these elements furnish, it seems to me, subsidiary\\nexplanations of the prosaic continuity of the Chinese life.\\nHowever it may be, there can be no doubt that the supreme\\nrule of life among the Chinese is Walk in the trodden\\npaths, that their philosophy of religion necessarily points\\nto a first principle of world-order, and presumes a Deity to\\nbe invoked and thanked, but not propitiated and influenced\\na cosmic machine remote from and indifferent to man\\nthat their morality is a shrewd dogmatism, traditionary and\\npreceptive, not reasoned and that their complicated ceremo-\\nnial is the outer garment of a fixed and imperious social\\nand political system. Everything thus tends to fixedness\\nand order, to a statical rather than a dynamical social and\\ncivil life.\\nI am perfectly well aware that, if we take a period of 4,000\\nyears, China has passed through many changes and has not\\nbeen unprogressive in politics or the arts. It is also true\\nthat in ethics one or two sages have reached a higher level\\nthan the traditionary creed. But one swallow does not\\nmake a summer and, taking China from the time of Con-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "120 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nfucius onwards, I fail to see any signs of progress in the\\nessential thought and life-standard of the nation. The grad-\\nual development of the educational machinery will be\\nadverted to below. It appears to me, surveying the history\\nof nations, that there is a vital connection between constitu-\\ntional freedom and movement: whether that movement be\\nprogressive or retrogressive is another question.\\nIt is quite conceivable, however, that, spite of the potent\\nideas which underlie and sustain the vast network of admin-\\nistration and its centralisation in an emperor, the unwieldy\\nsocial system might break up under a heavy strain and per-\\nhaps revert to anarchy, were it not for two things first, the\\nuniversal self-centredness and self-government of the family\\nand the consequent restricted view of life and its possibili-\\nties and, secondly, the educational system which carefully\\ntrains the people in the way they should go, and which pro-\\nvides a governing aristocracy of intellect that commands the\\nrespect of the masses, while opening out a career to all who\\nhave the capacity to enter on it.\\nCHAP. IV. THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM\\nEmploy the able and promote the worthy. Old Chinese Maxim\\n1. Its general cJiarader and aim\\nLet us now summarise the chief governing principles of\\nChinese life. (1) The idea of order and static equilibrium.\\n(2) The idea of the family as sacred and inviolable, and\\nin connection with this of social duties as constituting the\\nsum of morality a system preceptive, prosaic, and desti-\\ntute of all idealism. (3) The worship of ancestors, and,\\nas inherent in this, a profound reverence for the past system\\nof things. (4) An elaborate ceremonial (a kind of ritual of\\nsocial life) as tending to confirm and perpetuate the first\\nand second, and, in fact, essential to that end. The word\\npropriety seems to sum up the externalities of the moral\\nrelation and, in fact, to be almost synonymous with moral-", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 121\\nity itself. All these governing principles, it is evident, are\\nintensely conservative in their character and effect.\\nNow, the object of the Chinese government in construct-\\ning its educational macliinery was, doubtless, to preserve all\\nthese characteristics but they had also in view the welding\\ntogether of the vast and varied mass of population in one\\ncommon interest, thereby satisfying the democratic instinct\\nunder an absolute imperial system. While the chief object\\nof all learning in China is, as I have said, the art of govern-\\nment and the art of life, it has to be admitted that a sub-\\nordinate object with many of the emperors has also been\\nthe cultivation of literary attainment for its own sake.\\nTo accomphsh their educational purposes the Chinese\\ndid not institute schools. A State system of schools and\\ncolleges diffused among 400,000,000 of people would\\nhave been a mighty administrative task. The governing\\nauthorities thought that enough was done if they encour-\\naged education by confining the whole civil service of the\\ncountry, and indeed all positions of honour, to those highly\\neducated. The old feudalism had given place to the practical\\nequality of each citizen under the emperor, and government\\nhenceforth was to be through literate, not hereditary, chiefs.\\nThe state contented itself, accordingly, with instituting\\na board of examiners, the controllers of which were the\\nHan-lin or Academicians of Peking an order of distinc-\\ntion and power, into which only the most learned could\\nhope for admission. The board organised periodical exam-\\ninations of all who chose to present themselves and only\\nthe sons of barbers and players, and one or two other classes,\\nwere to be excluded from competition.\\nThe present system was fully organised only a.d. 700\\n(Morrison) but from the time of Confucius education was\\ngeneral throughout China. Nay, long before his time there\\nwere schools, and education held a high place in the esteem\\nof all the thoughtful and governing men. (Plath, Ueber\\nSchulunterricht und Erziehung bei den alteu Chinesen, 1868.)\\nBiot gives an historical account of the fluctuations of the", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "122 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\neducational system of China. From this account we learn\\nthat the Chinese from the earliest times, certainly from nearly\\n2,000 years B.C., attached the highest value to school educa-\\ntion. Colleges and schools were the care of the governing\\npowers and to these (Professor Legge says) the sons of the\\nfeudal lords were sent. It was at a period of degeneracy that\\nConfucius wrote. His aim, and that of his followers, was to\\nsubstitute personal merit for hereditary claims to office, and\\nto throw open all administrative positions to those who could\\nwin them in open intellectual competition. This was a\\ndemocratic movement. The competitive system may be said\\nto date from the second century B.C. (p. 127, Biot), but it had\\nvarying fortunes before it was finally organised 800 years\\nthereafter. It appears from old laws that the ruling dynasty\\nof Manchu was not at first favourable to the literary hierarchy.\\nSo recently as 1726, indeed, the emperor stopped the ex-\\naminations, because he said two of the literati had slandered\\nhim and in an edict passed on that occasion, he pointed out\\nthat the object of government in supporting the literati was,\\nnot to elicit skill in letters, but to teach the people to\\nrecognise and obey their princes and fathers.\\nThe following brief survey of the history of examinations\\nin China is, I believe, substantially correct So early as at\\nthe commencement of the Chow dynasty, B.C. 1115, the gov-\\nernment was accustomed to examine candidates for offices\\nand this time we are not left in doubt as to tlie nature of the\\nexamination. The Chinese had become a cultivated people,\\nand we are informed that all candidates for office were re-\\nquired to give proof of their acquaintance with the fine arts,\\nviz. music, archery, horsemanship, writing and arithmetic,\\nand to be thoroughly versed in the rites and ceremonies of\\npublic and social life, an accomplishment that ranked as a\\nsixth art. These six arts, expressed in the concise formula,\\nli, yo, shay, yu, shu, su, comprehended the sum total of a\\nliberal education at the period, and remind us of the trivium\\nand quadrivium of mediaeval schools.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 123\\nUnder the dynasty of Han, after the lapse of another\\nthousand (900 years, we find the range of subjects for the\\ncivil service examinations largely extended. The Confucian\\nethics had become current, and a moral standard was regarded\\nin the selection of the competitors, the district magistrate\\nbeing required to send up to the capital such men as had\\nacquired a reputation for hiao and lien filial piety and\\nintegrity the Chinese rightly considering that the faithful\\nperformance of domestic and social duties is the best guaran-\\ntee for fidehty in public life. These Mao-lien, these filial\\nsons and honest subjects, whose moral characters had been\\nsufficiently attested, were now subjected to trial in respect to\\ntheir intellectual qualifications. The trial was twofold, first\\nas to their skill in the six arts already mentioned, and\\nsecondly as to their familiarity with one or more of the\\nfollowing subjects, the civil law, military affairs, agriculture,\\nthe administration of the revenue, and the geography of the\\nempire, with special reference to the state of the water com-\\nmunications. This was an immense advance on the meagre\\nrequirements of the more ancient dynasties.\\nPassing over another thousand (900 years, we come to\\nthe era of the Tangs and the Sungs, about 700 a.d., when we\\nfind the standard of literary attainment greatly elevated, the\\ngraduates arranged in three classes and officials in nine, a\\nclassification which is still retained.\\nArriving at the close of the fourth millennium, under the\\nsway of the Mings and Tsings of the present day, we find\\nthe simple trials instituted by Shun expanded into a colossal\\nsystem which may well claim to be the growth of four thou-\\nsand years. It still exhibits the features that were prominent\\nin its earlier stages, the six arts, the five studies and the\\nthree degrees remaining as records of its progressive\\ndevelopment.\\nScholarship is a very different thing now from what it\\nwas in those ruder ages when books were few, and the harp,\\nthe bow, and the saddle divided the student s time with the", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "124 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\noral instructions of some famous master. Each century has\\nadded to the weight of his burden, and to the heir of all the\\nages each passing generation has bequeathed a legacy of\\ntoil. Doomed to live among the deposits of a buried world,\\nand contending with miUions of competitors, the intending\\ncandidate can hardly hope for success without devoting him-\\nself to a life of unremitting study. True, he is not called\\nupon to extend his researches beyond the limits of his\\nnational literature, but that is all but infinite. It costs him,\\nat the outset, years of labour to get possession of the key\\nthat unlocks it, for the learned language is totally distinct\\nfrom his vernacular dialect, and justly regarded as the most\\ndifficult of the languages of man. Then he must commit to\\nmemory the whole circle of the recognised classics and make\\nhimself familiar with the best writers of every age of a coun-\\ntry which is no less prolific in books than in men. No\\ndoubt, his course of study is too purely literary and too\\nexclusively Chinese, but it is not superficial. In a popular\\nStudent s Guide we lately met with a course of reading\\ndrawn up for thirty years\\nThe competition is so close that it is impossible for those\\nunder preparation to study any subject except that which the\\nState prescribes.\\nWhile it is generally correct to say that all State offices\\nare reserved for those who go through the complete Chinese\\ncurriculum and pass the examinations, it has to be noted\\nthat there is at Peking a State-supported college for the\\nspecial instruction of the sons of high officials and of the\\nManchu governing and military class, and that the pupils of\\nthis mstitution are afterwards employed in the public ser-\\nvice. Dr. Momson says that the examination of members of\\nthe imperial dynasty is a mockery.\\nIt sometimes happens also that for eminent social position\\nor public services, a high degree and corresponding rank may\\nFrom Han Lin Papers or, Essays on the Intellectual Life of the Chinese,\\npp. 56-9, by W. A. P. Martin, D.D., LL.D., President of the Sungwen\\nCollege, Peking.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 125\\nbe conferred, although the recipient is not a literate. Pro-\\nfessor Douglas says that there is a large number of mandarins\\nof different grades who have received their titles for public\\nservices.\\nMr. Wells WUliams maintains that the examinations are\\nnot always purely conducted, and that bribes are frequently\\nconveyed by wealthy candidates to the examiners. The\\nlowest degree, especially, is frequently obtained by influence.\\nThere can be no doubt of this. Even the second degree is\\nsometimes obtained by bribery, and the smuggling of essays\\ninto the examination halls connived at. Indeed, there is a\\nregular scale of charges for successful fraudulent assistance\\nor personation.2\\nFor the examinations which are graded, and which I shall\\nimmediately describe, the people prepare themselves. It\\nwould appear, however, that government public schools ex-\\nisted nearly 4,000 years ago, for in the Book of Eites it is\\nsaid that for the purposes of education among the ancients,\\nvillages had their schools, districts their academies, depart-\\nments their colleges, and principalities their universities.\\nSchools are set up by adventure teachers in every part of\\nChina proper, many families, however, preferring to employ\\nprivate tutors. M. Simon, in a recent book, tells us that col-\\nleges under the direction of the central academy still exist,\\nbut the people do not seem to take advantage of them. The\\nChinese young man prefers coaching establishments to edu-\\ncational institutions and, where a master has gained a\\nreputation for skill in teaching, many pupils gather round\\nhim to prepare for examination. Such private colleges are\\nnumerous. Nor are the public colleges so deserted as M.\\nSimon represents, if we are to believe others. The teachers\\nof these are paid by the State, and admission to training is\\nby competitive examination. Thus men and boys who are\\ntoo poor to pay for their education have a chance afforded\\nthem (Doolittle).\\n1 The Middle Kingdom. 2 Doolittle.\\n3 Quoted by Mr. Williams, i. 421.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "126 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nEducation in any form whatsoever cannot be said to reach\\nthe lowest stratum of the population. But, on the other\\nhand, it is certain that all have the opportunity (if they\\nhave the pecuniary means) of acquiring the knowledge\\nrequisite for the State examinations.\\nGiven the stimulus in the shape of the wealth and rank\\nof official station, the practical results in China appear to be,\\nthat the people find they can educate themselves better than\\nthe government can educate them. Mr. Meadows holds\\nthat the institution of public service examinations (which\\nhave been always strictly competitive) is the cause of the\\ncontinued duration of the Chinese nation it is that which\\npreserves the other causes and gives efficacy to their opera-\\ntion. By it all parents throughout the country who can\\ncompass the means of imparting to their sons a knowledge\\nof their country s literature do so. A most important result\\nis this, that the poorest man in China is constrained to say,\\nif his lot in life be lowly, that it is so by the will of\\nheaven, and not through any unjust barriers or disqualifi-\\ncations erected by his fellow-men.\\n2. Tlie external organisation of the examination-system\\nThe so-called districts of China are about the size of an\\naverage English county. These are presided over by a civil\\nmandarin. He is assisted by subordinate mandarins, among\\nwhom are two educational mandarins.\\nSeveral districts together are grouped as departments (the\\naverage being six districts to a department), at the head of\\nwhich is the departmental judge or prefect, and his resi-\\ndence is known as the departmental city. These depart-\\nments again are grouped usually three of them into\\ncircuits, at the head of which is a high officer called inten-\\ndant (Taou-tae) the lowest official who has power over\\nthe action of the military.\\nThe officials above-named are all distributed through the\\nprovinces, and at the head of each province is a viceroy.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 127\\nThe viceroy is not only at the head of the civil adminis-\\ntration of the province, but also controls the miUtary, and\\nhas a general supervision. In fact, the provinces are vir-\\ntually self-governing, but subject to the supreme imperial\\nauthority.^ The viceroy is empowered to communicate\\nwith the emperor and the cabinet council direct, and he\\nhas the power of suspending all the mandarins in the cir-\\ncuits, departments, and districts of his province. Under\\nthis powerful viceroy there are three high officials the\\nfinance superintendent, the judicial head or chief justice,\\nand the provincial educational examiner. There are thus\\n(1), districts (2), departments (3), circuits (4), pro-\\nvinces all under the emperor and his cabinet council.\\nThe system of examination runs parallel, to a large extent,\\nwith the civil divisions of the country and at the head of\\nthe whole educational administration is the Academy of\\nHan-lin at Peking, to which I have already adverted. It\\nnumbers, says M. Simon, 232 members recruited by them-\\nselves from among the literati. The State guarantees to\\neach of them the use of a house and garden, with a small\\nmoney allowance. There are also ancient endowments.\\nJt is entirely independent of the government, in spite of\\nthe assistance rendered, which cannot be withdrawn. Not\\nonly does this Academy control the educational examina-\\ntions of the country, but it is virtually a kind of privy\\ncouncil advising the emperor. Forty of their number con-\\nstitute a court of censors and supervise (Simon) both the\\npublic and private life of the emperor. Fifty-six censors\\nalso are distributed through the country, says Douglas.\\nThey are understood to expose all cases of maladministra-\\ntion. Members of the court are also sent on special mis-\\nsions to inquire into grievances, c. Others have the charge\\nof the public records.\\n1 The provincial cities may have a population of from 500,000 to 3,000,000\\npeople.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "128 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\n3. The examinations\\n(1) Preliminary examinations are conducted in tlie dis-\\ntricts or counties by the educational mandarins. These\\npreliminaries are two in number (Plath).\\n(2) Those who pass the preliminary examinations then go\\nforward to an examination held twice every three years iu\\nthe departmental city. This departmental examination is\\nconducted by the provi7icial examiner, who goes to the\\ndepartmental city for that purpose and is aided by the\\ndepartmental prefect. The candidates make their appear-\\nance twice or oftener for examination, and those who stand\\na fair chance of the degree are then required to appear and\\nwrite out from memory the whole of the Sacred Edict, a\\ntreatise prepared by one of the emperors for the instruction\\nof his subjects in their moral duties (Doolittle). Failure in\\nthis is fatal to a candidate s chance, however high he may\\nstand in the other exercises. This departmental examina-\\ntion is the last of the primary examinations and confers on\\nthose who pass it the designation of Sew-tzai,^ flowering\\ntalent, which Europeans have translated as the degree of\\nBachelor.^ The successful Bachelor can wear a button on\\nhis cap and is raised above the common citizen. In fact he\\nis now subject, even in the case of criminal offences, to the\\nliterary chief of the graduates of his district (Doolittle).\\nThis might be regarded as being admitted to the benefit of\\nclergy. He now belongs to the lowest grade of Chinese\\nai istocracy. But only a fixed number receive the degree at\\neach examination, and consequently youths often go back to\\ntheir homes without public recognition of their attainments,\\nalthough in reality standing high. It is thus in the strictest\\n1 I have carefully read at least seven or eight accounts of the exarniuatious,\\nand all differ iu their details somewhat. I give the result of a careful\\ncollation.\\n2 Spelt sometimes siu-ts-ai.\\n3 According to Doolittle, there are also certain intermediate or supple-\\nmentary examinations of Bachelors, to weed out those who are not fit to go\\nforward to the second degree.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "THE URO- ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 129\\nsense a competition. Those who pass the examination are\\nreceived with great rejoicings by their friends. I have\\nalready said that this B.A. is sometimes purchased, and\\noften obtained by bribery. Of this there can be no doubt.\\nAccording to Doolittle, it can be bought from the Imperial\\nauthority itself. The purchaser can then compete for the\\nnext higher degree. In any case, he has received a distinc-\\ntion of great social value.\\n(3) Every three years the Bachelors of each province have\\nan opportunity of being examined at the provincial city at a\\ngreat gathering presided over by two examiners sent from\\nPeking, who are assisted by a large local staff. These ex-\\naminations extend over three sittings. Although the average\\nnumber allowed to pass in each province is only seventy\\n(Martin gives one in a hundred), the competitions are fre-\\nquently attended by from 7,000 to 8,000 Bachelors. There\\nmay be in a provincial hall as many as 10,000 examination\\ncells small and uncomfortable recesses. The candidates\\ntake in their own provisions (the State allowance being\\nbad), and there are servants appointed to cook for them.\\nTwo days and nights seems to be the minimum amount of\\ntime spent in the examination hall. Martin gives three ses-\\nsions of nearly three days each. Compositions in prose and\\nverse are prescribed, and themes to test the extent and depth\\nof scholarship. Those who pass are designated promoted\\nmen, Chii-jin, which in Europe has been translated Licen-\\ntiates, or Masters. They can now adorn their caps with a\\ngilt button of a higher grade.\\n(4) The Licentiates or Masters are now entitled to com-\\npete for the metropolitan title of entered scholars, or (as\\nwe have translated the degree) Doctor (Chin-tze) which is\\nconferred after a severe examination at Peking, the capital,\\nheld triennially and conducted by the metropolitan Acade-\\nmicians, members of the Han-liu. It lasts thirteen days\\n(Plath) but the percentage of elected men is now larger\\nthan in the lower examinations.\\nThe mere details of working so huge an examination\\n9", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "130 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmachine are enough to overwhelm the ordinary European\\nmind officers to marshal the students before entering the\\nexamination hall officers to paste down the corners of the\\nthemes on which is the number corresponding to the candi-\\ndate s name servitors to wait on the candidates examiners\\nand their numerous assistants.\\nThe Bachelor s examination occupies only one day, the\\ncandidates assembling before dawn, and being provided with\\nslate and paper. Though searched before entering they not\\nunfrequently, it is said, find means of eluding their searchers,\\nand instead of having the Four Books at their fingers ends\\nhave them, in the form of diamond editions, concealed up\\ntheir flowing sleeves. As soon as it is light enough, two\\nthemes for prose essays and one for a poem are carried round\\non long poles and are copied down by all.^ Then ensues\\na struggle as to who shall finish first, a certain proportion of\\nmarks being allowed for speed in composition, and by\\ndegrees all the papers are handed in and the candidates dis-\\nperse. Some few days afterwards the list is issued.\\nDr. Morrison summarises thus, in speaking of the Licen-\\ntiate s examination. First day three themes from the Four\\nBooks, one for a verse composition. Second day one theme\\nfrom each of the Five Classics one of these, according\\nto most writers, being a verse composition. Third day five\\nquestions on the history and economics of China. The\\ntheme-paper is printed with perpendicular and horizontal\\nlines, dividing it into squares, one. square for each character.\\nCharacters blotted out or altered must be numbered and\\nnoted down by the student according to a prescribed form.\\nThe number of characters for each essay is prescribed. It\\nwill not be accepted if there are any heterodox opinions.\\nIn a great centre like Canton there will be found as many\\nas 10,000 persons within the enclosure of the examination\\nbuilding, and the public interest is intense.\\nFor the military service a very small knowledge of liter-\\n1 Bishop Gray gives several days to this examination.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 131\\nature is needed. The special examination consists of\\nphysical exercises the lifting of heavy weights, drawing\\nthe long bow, and drill with the sword.\\n4. Rewards of success in the examinations\\nIt is a joyful moment for those who find themselves\\nin possession of the first literary degree a degree which\\nlaunches its owner fairly in a recognised career, entitles him\\nto wear official dress with a gilt button of the lowest grade,\\nand exempts him, as a prisoner or as a witness, from the\\nindignity of the bamboo at any rate, until his case shall\\nhave been reported to the higher authorities and his diploma\\ncancelled. From this moment he is nominally an officer\\nof the State, though doomed to remain for some time, and\\npossibly for ever, in the position of an unemployed and\\nunpaid attach^. He is, however, whatever may happen, a\\nmember of the Chinese aristocracy. His own energy and\\nabilities must determine the rest. He may now either\\nobtain by purchase (not from the State but from the man-\\ndarin in whose office the particular patronage is vested) or\\nby influence, subordinate employment as secretary, clerk, c.\\nin some department of the provincial administration, and\\ntrust to chance to work his way in the world or he may\\nbecome a scribe or a teacher.\\nWliile Bachelors have no right to expect office, the\\nLicentiate may expect a post after waiting for one or two\\nyears but much depends on personal influence at this stage.\\nThe Doctor has, however, claim to a district magistracy at\\nonce, and the career of civilian in all its grades is opened up\\nto him. Mr. Williams says (ed. 1857) that in his time,\\npartly in consequence of the extensive sale of offices, 5,000\\nDoctors and 27,000 Licentiates were waiting for employment.\\nIn any other country save China tliese men would be a\\nserious element of danger to the State.\\nHard and successful study, says Mr. Meadows, alone\\nenables a Chinese to set foot on the lowest step of the", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "132 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nojB cial ladder, and a long and unusually successful career is\\nnecessary to enable him to reach the higher rounds\\nand we may add, in the words of this same author, that the\\nadministrative system into which learning thus secures an\\naccess is the most gigantic and the most minutely organised\\nwhich the world has ever seen.\\nIt has to be noted that the specialised liberal professions as\\nwe understand them, do not exist in China, and a youth in\\ndetermining his calling in life has to choose between becoming\\na scholar and a possible mandarin or teacher, and taking to\\ntrade. This narrowing of future possibilities induces almost\\nevery lad who possesses any talent whatever to throw in his\\nlot with the students. And this point being decided, he\\ndevotes himself with all the industry of his race to preparing\\nfor the public examinations by perfecting his knowledge of\\nthe classics and by practising the art of writing essays and\\npenning verses. (Douglas, p. 165.)\\nThe few more distinguished Doctors may go forward to\\nstill another and final examination which makes them mem-\\nbers of the Imperial Academy attached to the court at\\nPeking, which is entrusted with the function of poets and\\nhistorians of the empire, and the supervision of the State\\nexaminations. At each triennial examination the emperor\\ndesignates the one consummate flower of the triennium, the\\nSenior Wrangler (as they would say at Cambridge) of the\\nempire, and the city which has produced him becomes noted\\nin the eyes of all China.\\nTo what end all this Not to promote philosophical\\nspeculation, scientific investigation, or even literary excel-\\nlence, but merely with a view to ascertain fitness for the\\npublic service by testing the acquisitive, retentive, and\\nreproductive powers of the candidates. Any originality\\nwould be fatal to the aspirant. We cannot shut our eyes\\nto the barren result of all this hard study and excessive\\nexamination. The exclusiveness with which the Chinese\\nminds are fed on the facts and bald precepts of history, on", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 133\\nthe poetical literature (mostly lyric and artificial) of the\\npast, and the demand made on them for an exact reproduc-\\ntion of the words of their sacred books and the classical\\nwriters and commentators on them, has a tendency to con-\\nfirm and perpetuate the Chinese peculiarities of mind, and\\nto repress all true progressive intellectual life.\\nAt the same time such a system manifestly has high politi-\\ncal significance. The intellect of the whole empire is, so to\\nspeak, captured and enslaved not merely to the learning of\\nthe past but to the existing constitution of things. A system\\nwhich gives every man, who can attain even to the lowest\\ndegree, a social status and the prospect of professional work\\nof some kind, can be upset only by some extraordinary social\\nupheaval. An aristocracy of intellect is in its essence a\\ndemocratic institution, and from the point of view of the\\nemperor and his cabinet, a very safe one. The system, more-\\nover, while producing men attached to the institutions by\\nwhich they have risen, acts as a check on the arbitrariness\\nof despotism. The emperor must so conduct himself as to\\nsatisfy the conceptions of moral conduct and political justice\\nwhich the highest intellect of the country has formed and\\nformulated.\\nGreat are the privileges, we see, belonging to those who\\nhave an opportunity of obtaining education, but it is impossi-\\nble that education in any sense can reach the masses of the\\npeople. Time and money are needed to take advantage of\\nthe education offered. Nor, indeed, would it seem possible to\\ngive what we in the West call popular education save through\\nthe local dialects, in which there is little or no native litera-\\nture. The literary language is as far removed from these dia-\\nlects as Latin is from broad Scots.\\n5. Subjects of examination\\nTo these I have already adverted. They are clearly defined,\\nand it is impossible for any one who means to succeed, to\\nallow his attention to be for a moment directed from the pre-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "134 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nscribed path. And yet, from the Chinese point of view the\\ncourse of study is comprehensive. Biot correctly says that the\\ncompetitive examinations are on principle founded on the\\nreading and explanation of a limited number of ancient texts,\\nand so far it is rightly called literary. But it has also an\\nintellectual character resulting from the fact that these texts\\ncontain all the essential documents of morahty, philosophy,\\npolitics and history the ensemble of rights and duties. The\\nFive Classics and Four Books do not amount in bulk to more\\nthan our Old and New Testaments together.\\nBut commentators have also to be studied, and these have\\nproduced works of inordinate dimensions. Century after\\ncentury, says Professor Douglas,^ has produced scholars who\\nhave devoted their lives to the production of exegetical trea-\\ntises which since, as every grain of wheat has been long well\\nthreshed out of the texts, have degenerated into trivial and\\nverbal technicalities.\\n6. Teachers Schools Course of Shidy Methods\\n(a) Teachers and Schools. The schoolmaster has\\nnot to pass an examination and requires no permit from the\\nauthorities, but I believe that the educational inspectors are\\nempowered, if they see fit, to close bad schools. Parents\\nchoose for their children the teacher in whom they have con-\\nfidence and they exercise the greatest care in doing so. The\\nteachers are mostly Bachelors in arts who have not proceeded\\nto a higher degree, frequently men who have failed in the\\ncompetition for their bachelorship. But in the higher grades\\nof teaching, even Doctors will be often found to prefer school-\\nwork to the public service. All instructors are much re-\\nspected no function is more highly esteemed, save that of\\nan administrator. They are engaged by the year. Their\\nremuneration varies. In private schools they receive from\\nS5l. to SOL per annum in country schools they are paid by\\nthe fees of the scholars, usually from 2s. to 4s. per month,\\nbesides presents and provisions.\\n1 Society in China, p. 164.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 135\\nThe children of the towns and villages meet in some de-\\npendence of a pagoda or temple or of some large commercial\\nestablishment. Frequently mere sheds are used. It is rarely\\nthat a building specially designed for a schoolhouse is to be\\nseen.^ The rooms are generally hired by the teacher some-\\ntimes he may have himself a house suitable for a school and\\nreceive the children there. Private schools got up by a few-\\nwell-to-do families for their own children, are kept in the\\nhalls dedicated to ancestors and are better provided than the\\npublic schools. It is private interest, not zeal for the eleva-\\ntion of the people, that leads to the institution of schools\\nbut here and there schools have been set on foot by the per-\\nsonal benefactions of some rich man who looks for his reward\\nin some literary title.\\nIn village schools, the number of pupils under one teacher\\nmay be from 20 to 40. The school hours are usually from\\nsunrise to 10 o clock, when the children go home to dinner,\\nand then from 11 to 5. The arrangements of the school are\\nvery simple. The teacher has a table and arm-chair for\\nhimself, and every scholar has to bring with him a writing-\\ntable and chair. Every one has to provide himself, also,\\nwith books, paper, Indian-ink and pencil.\\nThe boy enters school about the age of seven. The first\\ngoing to school is a great occasion in the family. Admission\\ninto the school is accompanied by a formal ceremony under\\nthe name of Koi-hok, i.e., opening of studies. On first going\\nto school the scliolar pays his devotions (which consist in\\nburning of incense and genuflexions) before the altar of Con-\\nfucius. If there is no altar, a bit of paper with Confucius s\\nname on it will suffice (Doolittle). He next salutes his\\nteacher with great reverence. The boy is now a disciple of\\nConfucius and remains so till the day on which he takes his\\nfinal degree. Every day, when the pupils come to school,\\nthey bow and offer incense to the picture of a god of knowl-\\nedge,^ then bow to the teacher and take their places. Educa-\\n1 Wells Williams s Middle Kingdom.\\n2 One of these I possess, and it is a hideous object.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "136 PRE-CHRtSTIAN EDUCATION\\ntion as well as instruction is understood to be comprised in\\nthe teacher s duties. Accordingly, he is required to train\\nthe pupils in good behaviour and convey to them the rules\\nof decency and politeness, and, all through the school period,\\nmoral instruction and becoming conduct according to the\\nrules of etiquette which regulate the relations of persons to\\neach other in China are understood to be kept in view. In\\nsuch matters nothing seems to be too minute for the Chinese\\nmind.\\n(6) The Course of Study. The course of study is\\nrigid and the same for all nothing in the whole of the long\\ncurriculum is optional.\\nSpeaking generally, there are three grades of instruction\\nsometimes all within the same school. The primary, in\\nwhich mere memory work is done, and script acquired the\\nmiddle, in which a translation is given of the canonical\\nbooks and the higher, in which composition and commen-\\ntaries are the leading studies.\\nThe first schoolbook is described as the Pass to the regions\\nof classical and historical literature, but this is not its name.\\nIt is sometimes called the three-character classic also\\nthe trimetrical classic It begins with the necessity of\\neducation. Then the importance of their duties to children\\nand brothers is impressed upon the pupils by precept and\\nexample. Then follows a survey of the various branches of\\nknowledge in an ascending series the three great powers\\n(heaven, earth, and man) the four seasons and quarters of\\nheaven the five elements (metals, wood, fire, earth) the\\nfive cardinal virtues (love, justice, propriety, wisdom, truth\\nfaithfulness) the six species of grain (rice, barley, wheat,\\nbeans, millet, and another kind of grain) the six domestic\\nanimals (horse, ox, sheep, fowl, dog, swine) the seven pas-\\nsions (love, hatred, joy, sadness, pleasure, anger, and fear)\\n1 Quoting from the Abbe Hiac, the Dictmmaire Pidagogique gives San-tze-\\nkiiig as the Chinese title of this book. A copy before me, printed in Hong\\nKong, reads Sam- tsz- King.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE URO- ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 137\\nthe eight notes of music the nine degrees of relationship\\nthe social duties as between ruler and subject, father and\\nson, husband and wife, elder and younger brother, and\\nfriends. After this survey come rules for a course of aca-\\ndemic studies with a list of the books to be used, and a\\ngeneral summary of the History of China with an enumera-\\ntion of the successive dynasties of the empire.^ The material\\nis too compressed and too generalised for the youthful mind\\nto assimilate; but at this age no regard is paid to the\\ndevelopment of the thinking powers. The pupils are to\\nreceive quite mechanically a store of valuable information,\\ntill the time comes when their intelligence will be awakened\\nby the explanations of the teacher, and this happens only in\\nthe case of those who propose to go forward to the public\\ndegree examinations. The Primer the contents of which\\nI have just summarised begins thus (Eitel s translation)\\nMan s commencement of life is such that his nature is radically good.\\nBut as to nature, men are mutually near each other\\nWhilst in practice they are mutually far apart.\\nSuppose, however, that no education were given to a man,\\nHis nature would then be diverted.\\nEducation s rationale is such in its tendency\\nThat the highest value is set on application.\\nThe next five lines are from Bridgman s translation\\nTo educate without rigour shows a teacher s indolence.\\nThat boys should not learn is an improper thing\\nFor if they do not learn in youth, Avhat will they do when old 1\\nGems unwrought can form nothing useful\\nSo men untaught can never know the proprieties.\\nAnother extract, having reference to the books to be\\nstudied, may be given\\nNow in all cases when instruction is given to the ignorant,\\nAlthough it is well to explain characters orally and exhaustively,\\nVet detailed moral instruction in the sayings of the ancients\\nI See Eitel s translation, published at Hong Kong, 1892.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "138 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nIs just as necessary as precision regarding syntactic punctuation.\\nBut as to [successful] practice of study, or rather that Avhich con-\\nstitutes it,\\nIt is indispensable to have a rational basis to begin with.\\nStarting therefore from a study of the filial piety classic.\\nWe proceed to the study of the so-called Four Books.\\nAnd so on.\\nThe concluding words of the book are these\\nWhilst men leave behind them their sons,\\nAnd with gold fill their coffers,\\nI, Wong Poh-hen give an education to my sons,\\nLeaving behind nought but this one little book.\\nBut diligence in the use of it will have its sure merits,\\nWhilst play is of no benefit at all.\\nBeware of that, do\\nIt is of imperative importance for you to exert all your strength.\\nObserve the generalised and abstract character of the in-\\nstruction given to mere infants. When we note further that\\neach notion is represented either by a distinct symbol, or a\\nsymbol with more than one interpretation, we shall be able\\nto conceive the vast memory task which the Chinese chdd\\nhas to face on the very threshold of learning. M. Genahr (a\\nmissionary) affirms that a great many even of the teachers\\ndo not understand the meaning of what they teach children\\nto read.\\nThe boy now knows the shapes and sounds of upwards of\\n400 separate characters, representing upwards of 1,000 words,\\nand is considered sufficiently advanced to take the second\\nstep upon the road to knowledge and to proceed to commit\\nto memory in like manner the Thousand Character Book\\nTs in-Tsz-man. This singular piece of composition is said\\nto have been the production of a man who was supplied in\\nprison with 1,000 different characters jumbled together and\\nto have been ordered to make out of them a poem.^ He\\naccomplished the feat in a single night, but his hair turned\\n1 Giles Historic China.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 139\\nwhite with the effort. This is legendary, of course. The\\npoem consists of 250 columns of four characters to each.\\nThe subjects are varied, and rather inconsequent, as witness\\nthe following specimen which I take from the beginning of\\nthe book, as being the best part from a literary point of view\\nand also the most consecutive:\\nThere is [father] Heaven above me and [mother] Earth below\\nhow dusky the former, how tawny the latter\\nAnd so there is the universe all around, with its aeons all along\\nhow vast the former, how limitless the latter\\nThen there is sun and moon even as the latter goes ou to fulness,\\nthe former declines.\\nAnd so there are the other planets, with all the stars how scat-\\ntered they are, and yet how orderly the display\\n[Hence it is that nature makes] the cold to come on, even as the\\nheat begins to depart,\\nAnd as autumn gathers things up [into maturity], so winter again\\nhides them all away,\\n[And hence also] men forming into intercalary months the surplus\\n[of their reckoning of days] have perfected [their calcula-\\ntions] of the year.\\nAnd likewise in music, having discovered the sharps and flats, they\\nhave reproduced [in melodies] in harmonies of nature s e:3c-\\npanding [and reverting] breath.\\nThe book then goes on to treat of the beauty of natural\\nobjects, the origin and progress of Chinese civilisation, in-\\nherited physical and mental constitution, moral self-culture,\\nmoral reputation, filial piety, political loyalty, value of literary\\nstudies, deportment, founders of Chinese polity, topography,\\nvalue of agriculture, advice and warning, natural gifts and\\norganised study, the flight of time, and concludes with a\\nwarning against isolation.\\nHere again the chief object is to store the pupil s memory\\nwith the shapes and sounds of a large number of written\\nsymbols and by the time that the Thousand Character\\nEssay (or poem) has been mastered, it follows that 1,000\\nUnless the same characters frequently recur, which is probable.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "140 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nnew characters will have been added to the boy s stock-in-\\ntrade besides which he ought to have acquired a knowledge\\nof a very useful cardinal series of numbers from 1 to 1,000.\\nBut besides this, as the work is methodically constructed (a\\nfact which puts out of court the legend of the prisoner), the\\nchildren ought to have acquired a large amount of informa-\\ntion on history, geography, morality, and the domestic virtues.\\nI say ought to have acquired advisedly but they acquire\\nnothing save the utterance of the literary words by rote, and\\nthe formation of the literary characters. No attempt is\\nmade to bring the intelligence to bear on the w^ork done.\\nThe object is simply to give the children a rote-knowledge of\\nthe words and forms of the literary language. Still a certain\\nintellectual result must follow.\\nIf any one doubts the effect of school education on the\\ncharacter and life of a nation, let him consider with himself\\nthe respective influence of these Chinese classical primers so\\nacquired, and the Shorter Catechism used as a school text-\\nbook and as constituting the rule of faith and life in\\nScotland.\\nOne writer says, with manifest truth, that the Chinese\\nchild is in a position similar to that in which an English\\nchild would be who had to learn by heart Latin Grammar\\nand several Latin books without understanding a single\\nword. Eote-work, and this in what is practically a foreign\\ntongue, governs all.^\\nThe next step is an important one, analogous to the old\\nGrammar-school transition in learning Latin, viz. from the\\nDelectus to Caesar and Virgil from the elementary to\\nthe more advanced. The budding student now opens the\\nfirst page of the Four Books, which are of vital importance\\nin the great competitive tests to which he will hereafter be\\nsubjected. These Four Books, to which are added the Five\\nClassics, are now committed, one by one, to memory, in pre-\\ncisely the same way as the two foregoing schoolbooks,\\nanything like explanation or consultation of the author-\\n1 I have also seen a short book of poetry sometimes used in schools.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 141\\nised commentaries being postponed until some progress\\nhas been made in the arduous task of learning by heart.\\n(Giles.) The master, it is true, now translates and the\\nboys imitate him but there is no independent effort to\\nget at the meaning.\\nThen come the commentaries, as I have before explained.\\nThe memory work is prodigious, and is abnormally devel-\\noped at the expense of all the higher mental faculties.\\n(Douglas, p. 165.) It is always easier to remember than to\\nthink, and according to the current Chinese system, it is also\\nmore profitable.\\n(c) Method of Instruction. Earlier stages. There\\nare several highly esteemed books on the subject of education\\nin China, and they contain admirable maxims, but there has\\nbeen no attempt to discover a method of training. The most\\ncelebrated perhaps is one called Complete Collection of\\nFamily Jewels, in which there are also rules for school man-\\nagement (Morrison). There is no class system. It _^is all\\nindividual teaching.\\nThe method of learning to read is the following. The\\nbook is opened and the teacher begins to read. The pupils,\\neach of whom has his book, repeat the words after the master,\\nwith their eyes fixed on the page, and following the words\\nwith their fore-finger. Only one line is read, and this is\\nrepeated by the pupils simultaneously in a loud voice till the\\npupils have acquired the pronunciation of every symbol and\\ncan read the line without the master. Then they go to their\\nseats and learn the line by heart this they also do with a\\nloud voice, each one shouting out his task (the noise proceed-\\ning from a Chinese school is frightful), till he has imprinted\\nit on his memory. When he is ready he goes to the master,\\nputs his book on the table before him, turns his back and so\\nrepeats the lesson. Hence the phrase to back the book is\\nequivalent to saying by heart. Then the teacher proceeds\\nto the next line, and goes on in the same way till the whole\\nbook is committed to memory. The book is rhythmically\\nconstructed, so that three symbols always form one sentence,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "142 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nand hence the name Sam-tz-King, or the trimetrical or\\nthree-character classic We have here developed to its\\nfullest extent the universal Oriental custom of learning by\\nheart a survival from the time when oral tradition was\\nthe only possible way of learning and teaching. Before books\\nor rolls existed the teacher recited what the pupils were to\\nlearn, and they repeated it after him till they knew it. The\\nunderstanding of what was acquired was not thought of, nor\\nindeed was the instruction graduated so as to fit the intelli-\\ngence of the young. The understanding of what was learned\\nwas allowed to take care of itself. China, although it has\\nthe printed page, is no exception to the crude Oriental con-\\nception of instructing the young.\\nBesides the reading of the symbols, the only other subject\\ntaught in the elementary school is writing. The scholars\\nreceive a copy from the master, which contains in the first\\ninstance the simplest symbols, and they gradually learn to\\nwrite those of more complex form. These copies are laid\\nunder the paper on which the pupil is to write, and are traced\\nby him with the pencil. When he has obtained some facihty\\nin tracing he begins to copy.\\nMany boys who go to school never learn more than to\\nread and write, and do not attain to an understanding of the\\ncharacters so that even if one of them were capable of\\nreading and saying by heart a whole book fluently, he would\\nnot be therefore able to give any account of what he had\\nread. Although regular instruction in arithmetic, geography,\\nhistory, natural history, or foreign languages is never thought\\nof, and no religious instruction is given, it has to be remarked\\nthat the first and second books contain a great deal of geo-\\ngraphical, historical, and naturalistic information of an ele-\\nmentary and crude kind. These things are set down, however,\\nin a highly abstract preceptive way, and are not understood.\\nBut how long is it since in England Mangnall s Questions\\nand Pinnock s Catechisms were almost universal, and how\\nlong since maps were considered essential to the teaching of\\ngeography", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 143\\nMethod of Instruction. Higher stages. For the\\nmass, even of the educated, three or four years is the extent\\nof the school period. Those who wish to devote tliemselves\\npermanently to studies begin only after this to understand\\nwhat they read, and receive in the course of time a thorough\\nexplanation of the classical authors. They are also exercised\\nin making verses according to prescribed rules, and in writing\\nthemes in imitation of models. This higher training is con-\\nducted by masters who have passed an examination, and\\nhave graduated.\\nIn the public and private colleges lectures are delivered\\non the Four Books and the Five Classics. Four times in\\nthe month compositions are written and verses made on\\nthemes which have been previously discussed under the\\nguidance of the master. The first step in composition is\\nthe yoking together of double characters. The second is\\nthe reduplication of these binary compounds, and the con-\\nstruction of parallels an idea which runs so completely\\nthrough the whole of Chinese literature, that the mind of\\nthe student has to be imbued with it at the very outset.\\nThis is the way he begins the teacher writes, wind\\nblows, the pupil adds, rain falls the teacher writes,\\nrivers are long, the pupil adds, seas are deep or moun-\\ntains are high, c. To acquire fluency and elegance in\\ncomposition, the Chinese students learn by heart a consider-\\nable number of essays which have been written by distin-\\nguished scholars in a masterly style and these collections in\\nconsiderable numbers are sold in the shops.\\nIt is on his literary proficiency, reproductive powers, and\\nattention to unalterable rules that the student s ultimate\\nsuccess wholly depends. A candidate receiving a given\\ntheme, is not at liberty to sit down and write an essay in\\nthe terms or sequence which unassisted fancy may dictate.\\nThere must be no originality of either thought or style. He\\nmust abide by fixed rules, introducing the subject in so many\\nbalanced sentences, developing it in so many more, sum-\\n1 Education in China, p. 89. Martii).", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "144 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nniing up his arguments, and finally reaching the conclusion\\naccording to received principles of composition. The very-\\nnumber of sentences is prescribed, frequently the number of\\nwords. And so also with poems. These are invariably on\\nthe same model a stated number of characters to each line,\\narbitrary rules of rhyme, trite similes and forced allusions to\\nthe past. The book-shops of Chinese cities are flooded with\\ncollections of essays and poems by famous authors of all ages,\\nand these are carefully studied by intending competitors in\\nthe hope of borrowing therefrom something of their vigour\\nand refinement (Giles).\\nThe most highly esteemed book on composition is called\\nThe Learner s Bright Mirror. The steps of an essay as\\nprescribed in this book are\\n1. The breaking open of the theme.\\n2. Eeceiving the theme.\\n3. Beginning to discuss the theme.\\n4. Eaising a branch or division.\\n5. The passing vein (passing from one idea to another).\\n6. The middle division (amplification, c.).\\n7. The closing division (containing further elucidation).\\n8. The winding-up division (Morrison).\\nAs regards school-discipline need I say that, with such aims\\nand such methods, the rod is freely and unsparingly used\\nIt is, of course, impossible that there can be in China any\\nprinciples and methods of instruction and education in the\\nsense in which Europe uses these words, because there is no\\nscientific spirit and no psychology. But as I have said,\\nthey are not without their books on the art of education\\nwhich contain very sagacious remarks and sound judgments.\\nOf these the most important is a Treatise on the Education\\nof Young Children, written in the twelfth century by a\\nphilosopher named Tchow-hi or Chow-tsze I suppose the\\n1 Professor Douglas, in Society in Cliina, expresses the rules differently,\\nbut they are substantially the same.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 145\\neminent thinker referred to before Diet. Pdd. In this\\ntreatise we find such maxims as these In teaching, a mas-\\nter should not go too quickly from one subject to another,\\nand never explain several things at a time. If he observe\\nthis rule, ideas will arrange themselves and combine of\\nthemselves in the mind of the pupil. He ought to incite,\\nanimate, and urge his pupils, but never press them, still less\\nforce them. If a-master teaches clearly he will make him-\\nself understood without dealing in vain and long discoursing.\\nHe also says that the grand art of teaching is to get the\\npupil to ask questions, and that he ought to correct the fault\\nof a pupil without letting him suspect it. Another collection\\nof educational precepts goes into great detail as to the duties of\\nteacher and scholar. But in China, as elsewhere, what is\\naxiomatic with the educationalist for the most part remains\\nwith him, and is not part of the practice of the teacher,\\nbecause there is no school of didactics, and therefore no\\nrational tradition.^\\nWomen remain uneducated except among the wealthy.\\nAmong these, an educated woman is highly respected for\\nher attainments. Her instruction has, of course, been private.\\nConclusion. I have spoken in a previous part of this\\nlecture of the barren results intellectually of the elaborate\\neducational curriculum of the Chinese, and this, indeed, is\\none of the causes of the stereotyped continuity of life. The\\npoverty of results is due partly to the narrow range of the\\nstudies, but much more to the purpose, character, and method\\nof them.\\nThe highest intellectual employment of Chinese men of\\nculture, apart from the work of administration, is the repeat-\\ning of passages from the Books, and exercising themselves\\nin the making of verses, in which perfect exactness in metre\\nand conformity to classical usage are all-important, but not\\n1 Bishop Gray says (p. 174, vol. i.) that hachaors become members of\\nuniversities, of which there is one in every walled city He must refer to\\nthe Provincial State Colleges, if, indeeil, he is not altogether wrong.\\n10", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "146 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmore so than beauty of caligraphy. The celebrated novel\\ncalled Yu-Kiao-li, or The Two Cousins, admits us to the\\ninner life of the Chinese, and gives us some idea of the\\nintellectual condition of its cultured men, and their most\\nelevated occupations. Intellectually there is great ability\\nand great acuteness, but no originality nay, a distrust of\\nall originating power. The study of poetry, which is so\\nlargely encouraged, might be expected to exalt the imagina-\\ntion and stimulate thought among the Chinese, but even\\nwhere it is not highly artificial and hampered by ridiculous\\nrules, it is prosaic and preceptive. The following extracts\\nillustrate what I mean\\nThe cricket is in the hall.\\nAnd the year is drawing to a close.\\nIf we do not enjoy ourselves now\\nThe days and months will have fled.\\nBut let us not go to excess\\nLet us think of the duties of our position\\nLet lis not go beyond bounds in our love of pleasure.\\nThe virtuous man is ever on his guard. (Legge.)\\nAs a favourable specimen of the domestic odes I may cite\\nthe following\\nGet up, husband, here s the day.\\nNot yet, wife, the dawn s still grey.\\nGet up, sir, and on the night\\nSee the morning star shines bright.\\nShake ofif slumber, and prepare\\nDucks and geese to shoot and snare.\\nAll your darts and line may kill\\nI will dress for you with skill.\\nThus a blithesome hour we 11 pass,\\nBrightened by a cheerful glass\\nWhile your lute its aid imparts\\nTo gratify and soothe our hearts.\\nOn all whom you may wish to know\\nI ll girdle ornaments bestow.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "THE URO- ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 147\\nAnd girdle ornaments I 11 send\\nTo anyone who calls you friend\\nWith him whose love for you s abiding\\nMy girdle ornaments dividing.\\nAgain, as a specimen of another class of poetic imagery, the\\nfollowing may be taken\\nA Solitary Carouse on a Day in Sprinrj\\nThe east wind fans a gentle breeze,\\nThe streams and trees glory in the brightness of ihe spring,\\nThe bright sun illuminates the green shrubs\\nAnd the falling flowers are scattered and fly away.\\nThe solitary cloud retreats to the hollow hill,\\nThe birds return to their leafy haunts.\\nEvery being has a refuge whither he may turn,\\nI alone have nothing to which to cling,\\nSo, seated opposite the moon shining o er the cliflF,\\nI drink and sing to the fragrant blossoms.\\nThere is not much of the poet s eye in a fine frenzy\\nrolling in all this.^\\nAs of poetry, so of literature generally in our European\\nsense we may say confidently that it does not flourish this\\npartly because it is taught, not for its own sake, but for\\nulterior ends, and subject throughout to strict examination\\ntests, and to antiquarian fixed forms. The tendency of\\ncompetitive examinations, even among ourselves, is to crush\\nout originality and real interest in the very subjects in\\nwhich a student distinguishes himself. The Chinese drama\\nis reahstic and photographic, and wanting in all the higher\\nqualities.\\nIn the department of encyclopedias and topographical\\nwork the Chinese are strong. Their characteristic qualities\\nof mind have full scope in productions which demand chiefly\\nindustry, detailed accuracy, and discriminating judgment.\\n1 I have read the whole of Romilly Allen s Book of Chinese Poetry, and\\nthe above (taken from the Encyc. Brit.) are very favourable specimens indeed.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "148 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAs to moral results, these unquestionably are very far\\nindeed from being so high as might be expected from a\\nnation whose whole energies are presumed to be set in the\\ndirection of moral and political training and the supreme\\nvirtue of propriety, while allowing the people to follow\\ntheir own fancies in religion. After all, is it reasonable to\\nexpect a high moral result where instruction takes the\\nplace of training and discipline The supreme product\\nin China, if we found it, would be a supreme moral pedant,\\njust as the supreme product in the sphere of intellect is\\nan intellectual pedant. The surrounding of religion with\\nrites and ceremonies I have already remarked, while it\\ntends to give it permanence, tends also to deprive it of\\nvitality. This, indeed, is a trite saying. It is interesting\\nto note, however, that the same remark may be made with\\nequal truth when an attempt is made by means of an\\nelaborate and complicated social ritual to regulate the\\nmoral and civil relations of men, and dogmatically to pre-\\nscribe rules of conduct. The result is a vast appearance\\nof ceremonious politeness, which, as it is enjoined and yet\\ncannot possibly be always felt, is necessarily accompanied\\nwith a consciousness of its own hoUowness. Hence the\\ndisappearance of those very virtues which the Chinese\\nsages desired to cultivate simplicity and truthfulness.\\nHence also trickery and wiliness. Honesty is not a con-\\nspicuous virtue in China, and what Europeans call honour\\ndoes not, it seems to me, exist. The whole social fabric\\nwould seem to depend for its easy working and for the\\nabsence of violence between individuals, on the mainten-\\nance of a false and elaborate show of mutual respect. Pro-\\nfessor Douglas, in the preface to Society in China, says\\nThere is no country in the world where practice and pro-\\nfession are more widely separated than in China. The\\nempire is pre-eminently one of make-believe. From the\\nemperor to the meanest of his subjects, a system of high-\\n1 Tlieognis, the old Greek, said this: bt.B6.(TKuv oiiiroTe iroci^ixeis tov KOLKbv\\ndv8p dya06v.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 149\\nsounding pretensions to lofty principles of morality holds\\nsway, while the life of the nation is in direct contradiction\\nto these assumptions. No imperial edict is complete, and\\nno official proclamation finds currency, without protesta-\\ntions in favour of aU the virtues. And yet few courts are\\nmore devoid of truth and uprightness, and no magistracies\\nare more corrupt than those of the celestial empire.\\nWe must admit, however, that the political aim of the\\neducational system is, to a large extent, attained and also\\nthe social aim, for the Chinaman is, generally speaking, a\\ngood son, and a good subject, an industrious labourer, a man\\nof gentle manners, contented and peaceable. On the other\\nhand, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that morally, as\\nwell as intellectually, as measured by Aryan standards, the\\neducation given leads, at best, to mediocrity. By crushing\\nout all initiative it prevents the growth of a free personal-\\nity. Where this is wanting, we may expect to find, not\\nonly the absence of all independent inquiry into new fields\\nof thought, but also the absence of the more manly virtues.\\nPerhaps we may say that the secret of failure lies in the\\nwant of an ideal human aim, as opposed to a narrow political\\nor social aim. Man has to be trained ever in the light of a\\ntype of manhood. All practical aims ought to be subordi-\\nnated to this. It cannot be said that the course of education\\nin China is illiberal or anti-humanistic but restriction of\\naim and intense personal competition can deprive even liberal\\nstudies of their liberalising influence. The human ideal\\nwhich we desiderate as educational end is not possible except\\nwhere the spirit of man of the individual man is nur-\\ntured in freedom. God has in all history affirmed this, that\\nthe highest is conceivable and attainable only through free-\\ndom. Many errors, many calamities even, may flow from\\nthe untrammelled play of human reason but these too are\\nof God. Changes, and the freedom of mind which is their\\ncause, are always hateful to the organising mind, which is a\\ntyrannous and levelling mind, whether it clothe itself in the\\ngarb of a hard cold system like that of the Chinese, or of a", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "150 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nCatholic Church, a secular imperial bureaucracy, or a com-\\nmunistic police. No such organisation can rest content until\\nit has achieved the enslavement of personality, whose essence\\nis always freedom.\\nThere are among us who are enamoured of state-systems\\nwhich regulate education down to its minutest detail, and\\nleave no room for the free play of mind in China we have\\nthis indirectly accomplished and see it in all its necessary\\nrigidity, uniformity, and pedantry. There are who advocate\\na secular system of education in China we see this in full\\noperation. There are who think that all success in the\\neducation of mind should be measured by external competi-\\ntive tests in China we have this elaborated into an iron\\nsystem. There are who cling by the dogmatic and precep-\\ntive, and regard with suspicion the habituating of the mind\\nof schoolboys to ideals aesthetic and spiritual, including even\\nthe simple elements of humanity in China they will find\\nwhat they desire to see. There are who hold that teachers\\nand school-inspectors are heaven-born, and are above the\\nstudy of educational principles and methods (as the Emperor\\nSigismund was supra Grammaticam so China thinks.\\nI am not going to elaborate didactic parallels and compari-\\nsons, tempting as the field may be but this I may say by\\nway of retrospect. I think we may find a similarity between\\nthe ancient Egyptian and the Chinese mind. Both are\\nessentially creatures of the practical understanding, and of\\nmerely preceptive morality ,unfit or indisposed (unlike the\\nAryan) to find the reason in things, and, consequently, essen-\\ntially unspeculative and unscientific. And yet how different\\nin some respects The Egyptian had a profound sense of\\nthe mystery of life, and of infinite possibilities hereafter. The\\nChinese are essentially prosaic, and of the earth earthy.\\nThe Egyptian was saved by having, like the Semite, a\\ndivine standard and sanction, such as it was, and a corre-\\nsponding responsibility to the Unseen. The Chinese seem to\\nhave no standard save the fit and the prudential and the\\nproper, and cannot, therefore, I venture to say, be deterred", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE URO-ALTAIC OR TURANIAN RACES 151\\nfrom unworthy action towards either their fellow-citizens or\\nothers by a sense of responsibility to ideal aims which con-\\nnect them with the gods or with God.\\nIt is the intelligence with which we permeate all school\\nstudies that is to say, the free movement of mind which we\\nevoke in the young that alone truly instructs it is the\\nlife of personality and personal responsibility which we infuse\\ninto ethical training and discipline, and the infinite relations\\nwith which we sanctify it, that can alone rear a people who\\nare to be vigorous, virile, and progressive. Mere memory\\nwork in the sphere of intelligence, mere preceptive and dog-\\nmatic teaching in the ethical sphere, can produce at best the\\nmere semblance of a true man or woman the sterile con-\\nvention of outer obedience.\\nWe pass now from the highest and most organised expres-\\nsion of Turanian or Uro-Altaic civilisation to the Aryan\\nraces, to which we ourselves belong.\\niVote on Early Forms of Religion\\nPrimitive religion (if it can be called religion) is known as Ani-\\nmism, that is to say belief in the existence of numerous souls or\\nspirits. Those spirits on which man imagines himself dependent\\nfor material felicity and personal security naturally become objects\\nof worship as divine beings. But the worship is the offspring of\\nslavish fear, and takes all sorts of forms with a view to appease the\\nreluctant spirits. Magic and various incantations are also resorted\\nto, with a view to control them. There may be also good spirits,\\nand among these the spirits of ancestors to these offerings are also\\nmade. When spirits enter into an object of nature as a permanent\\nresidence, and these objects are worshipped, we have fetichism.\\nThe first priests are those who have or pretend to have the power\\nof ingratiating men with spirits or demons by means of magical\\nincantations and spells and sacrifices. In the animistic religions,\\nsays Tiele, fear is more powerful than any other feeling the evil\\nspirits receive more homage than the good, the lower more than\\nthe higher, the local more than the more remote, the special more\\nthan the general. There is nothing moral in the relations between", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "152 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmen and such beings, since their favour or disfavour depends en-\\ntirely on the gifts offered or withheld. The doctrine of immortality\\nis, at this early stage, simply the doctrine of continuance, compen-\\nsation for good or evil deeds being a late development and probably\\nconcurrent with a belief in a Supreme Spirit above all other spirits.\\nWhere this idea of compensation enters, we have the beginnings of\\nthe worship of a Being who takes note of moral conduct, though\\nnot necessarily himself moral according to man s notions. The\\nnext step is a God who is Himself an ethical Being with human\\nrelations.\\nWe are not to depreciate the religion of a nation because we find\\nanimistic and fetichistic practices existing side by side with a\\nhigher doctrine, for we have to remember that a conquering race\\nmay occupy a country with a religion higher than that of its first\\ninhabitants, while yet the lower form of religion continues to oper-\\nate nay even may infect the conquerors.\\nAuthorities: Encyclopaedias (especially jFwcyc. Brit.), English, French, and\\nGerman; Dr. Morrison s Dictionary; Doolittle s Social Life of the Chinese,\\n1866; Giles s Historic China Meadows s China; Bishop Gray s China;\\nLegge s Religions of China Williams s Middle Kingdom Martin s China,\\nPolitical, Commercial, and Social, 1847 Ueber Schule-Unterricht und\\nErziehung bei den alten Chinesen, von Dr. J. H. Plath, 1868 Essai sur\\nVhistoire de Vinstruction publique en Chine, dc, par E. Biot, 1847 China, by\\nG. Eug. Simon, 1887 Tiele s Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions\\nDr. W. A. P. Martin s Han Lin Papers, London and New York, 1880;\\nSociety in China, by Professor Douglas, 1894. Book of Chinese Poetry (the\\nShi-King) translated by Mr. Romilly Allen, 1891. Chinese School-books.\\nMany other books have been consulted.\\nThose who wish to read the Chinese sacred literature must, of course,\\nbetake themselves to Legge s monumental work entitled The Chinese Classics,\\nin seven volumes, 1861.\\nNote. There are the remains of an old university at Peking, founded in\\nthe fourteenth century, but now practically deserted. This institution sells\\nthe lowest degree, thus giving a qualification to compete for the higher. Mr.\\nMartin says that there is a formal examination for the degree, and that\\nprior to the holding of the examination numerous students fill the old halls.\\nIt is a great abuse.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN\\nRACES", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN\\nRACES\\nHINDUS: MEDO-PEKSIANS HELLENES: ITALIANS (ROMANS^\\nIt was not only, says Duncker (vol. iv.), in the lower\\nvalley of the Nile, on the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris,\\nand along the coast and on the heights of Syria, that inde-\\npendent forms of intellectual and civic life grew up in the\\nancient world. By the side of the early civilisations of\\nEgypt, the Semitic races, and the Chinese, we find forms of\\nculture developed among races very different in their nature\\nand temperament. The Medo-Persian civilisation is much\\nlater, it is true, than the Egyptian or the Semitic, but the\\nbranch of the Aryan race which crossed into India may\\nclaim an antiquity for civilised forms of life second only to\\nthat of Egypt and Babylonia.\\nThe common characteristic of the Egyptian and Semitic\\nand Chinese religions, in so far as they touched the people,\\nwas their externalism. In some of the highest utterances of\\nEgypt, it is true, we find ethical conceptions characterised\\nby sanity and humanity, but these did not emanate from\\nthe acknowledged relation of man to God, but rather arose,\\nI think, out of the doctrine of immortality. The external-\\nism of the Jewish religion was far in advance of that of\\nother nations, because it was an externalism of moral acts,\\nand not merely of ceremonies. The Semitic family gener-\\nally have, it is true, through prophets and hymn-writers,\\nadmitted all who choose to follow them to great theologico-\\nethical ideas. But the popular religion of all these races\\nwas an external system and, in the case of all save the\\nIsraelites, it was a superstition. The spirituality of religion", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "156 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwas lost in ceremonial, and the practical ethics which the\\nreligions might have yielded were choked by external observ-\\nances. All externalism tends to superstition, it matters not\\nwhat form the externalism takes. Even in its very highest\\nChristian form, it tends towards what is little better than\\nan elevated and aesthetic fetichism. With superstition is\\nalways associated fear, and that awe of arbitrary unseen\\npowers which produces slavish minds. In their political\\nrelations, Egyptian and Semite and Mongolian were all ahke\\nslaves rather than subjects. Further development was\\nimpossible save by the introduction of a new principle\\nthe personal and free relation of the human spirit to an\\nethical God. This, wherever it exists, moulds political\\nforms and social relations. It is in truth, the living unity,\\nor rather identity, of the religious idea with moral ideas\\nwhich alone can permanently lift rehgiou out of the category\\nof superstitions. God must dwell with men and in each\\nman as a self-conscious person. Thus it is that Christ alone\\nmakes nations free by making each man a son of God.\\nWhen we pass from the Egyptian and Semitic territories\\nto the home of the Aryan races, we feel like travellers\\nascending from monotonous and oppressive plains to a cool\\nand invigorating table-land. The region east of the Caspian,\\nwhich is still, spite of recent scepticism, regarded as the\\noriginal seat of the Aryan or Indo-European race, sent its\\nPersian and Hindu emigrants to the south-east, and succes-\\nsive waves of Kelt, Sclave, Teuton, and Hellene (including\\nItalian) to the north and west.\\nIt is a striking fact, however, that the fresh and virile\\nspirit of this vigorous race could not sustain itself on the\\nplains of India. The Hindus succumbed to the influences\\nof nature, which were too great and overwhelming to admit\\nof the free growth of the self-conscious personality so con-\\nspicuous in their brethren. These influences, and the habits\\nof thought and life of the pre-Aryan races who formed a\\nlarge proportion of the population, developed characteristics", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 157\\nin the Hindus somewhat akin to much that we find in the\\nEgyptian and Semite and for this reason, as well as because\\nof their greater antiquity, we shall speak of them before we\\nascend to the clearer atmosphere of the Medo-Persian hills,\\nwhere the true Aryan spirit which we inherit first clearly\\ndeclared itself.\\n(A) INDIA AND THE HINDUS\\nIt is apparent enough from the preceding chapters on educa-\\ntional history, that it is quite impossible to give anything\\napproaching to a correct view of what constitutes the educa-\\ntion of a people, without first putting before the reader an\\noutline of that people s civilisation. And civilisation re-\\nsolves itself, for educational purposes at least, into the\\nreligious and moral conceptions of a nation and its con-\\nsequent political (or at least social) organisation. At the\\nsame time, as I have already said, to treat of the character-\\nistics of a nation s life and civilisation in detail is to forget\\nthe precise object of the educational historian, and even to\\nobscure it. Such a brief account of a people and their special\\ncharacteristics as is essential to the understanding of the\\neducation which tradition and environment unconsciously\\ngave to all the members of it, is sufficient. This must always\\nbe followed by a statement of the means which the State,\\nmore or less consciously, took to bring up its children with a\\nview to maintain and perpetuate the national life, if any\\nrecord of this remain.-^\\nWhen we approach the education of a country like ancient\\nIndia, or rather that portion of it which was Hindu, we are\\nat once met by the great and all-influencing social fact of\\ncaste. Of this we may be certain, that wherever in ancient\\n1 I may be allowed here to repeat the words of the Preface, that any attempt\\nto generalise in short compass the characteristics of a civilisation, must always\\nbe inadequate and though not necessarily erroneous it must want balance\\nbecause of the absence of historical development and of many qualifying\\nconsiderations.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "158 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntimes there was a distinct sacerdotal hereditary caste, the\\nhigher education of the country was practically the educa-\\ntion of that caste. Even in Europe this was the case up to\\nthe twelfth century, although the priestly order was open to\\nall. With the rise of the universities rose the differentiation\\nof the professions as lay spheres of intellectual activity and\\nit was only in so far as it destroyed sacerdotalism as an ex-\\nclusive representative of the Divine, that Protestantism in\\nthe sixteenth century gained the kingdom of knowledge and\\nculture for the people as a whole. All are priests, all are\\nequal in the sight of God, is of the essence of Keformed\\nChristianity this was the new, or rather the revived, doc-\\ntrine. In Egypt largely, and in Mesopotamia and India\\nwholly, the priestly order included what in modern times we\\ncall the faculties of law and medicine, nay even sometimes\\nalso the departments of architecture and music. It thus\\ncomprehended all the learning of the time. In so far as\\ninstruction outside this circle may be met with in a caste\\nsociety, it must inevitably be, so far as the great mass of the\\npeople is concerned, of a very slight and perfunctory charac-\\nter, and aim chiefly at putting in the hands of a limited por-\\ntion of the people the necessary mercantile arts of reading,\\nwriting, and elementary arithmetic. All else is the education\\nof apprenticeship to arts: a training in itself, however, of\\nno mean character, although not aiming at the education of\\nmind as mind.\\nThe earliest civilisation of India may be embraced within\\n2000 to 1400 B.C. the period of plastic traditions and of\\nprimitive Aryan survivals.\\nThe books which embody the intellectual and moral faith\\nof the Hindus are the Veda, the six systems of philosophy,\\nthe laws of Manu, and Buddhism. The Veda consists of\\nthree parts, (1) prayer and praise, (2) ritualistic precept with\\nprose illustrations, (3) Upanishad or mystical and secret doc-\\ntrine, written in prose, with occasional verse. The Code of\\nManu is a collection of traditionary usages and customs of a", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 159\\nsocial and domestic kind, of practices of government and\\nlegal procedure, penitential exercises and consequences of\\nacts. It abounds in excellent moral precepts. The other\\ntreatises mentioned above are religious, theological, and meta-\\nphysical, but even the code itself contemplated a religious\\nend the transmigration of the individual soul and final\\nbeatitude. All these books spring from ancient oral tradi-\\ntion, gradually accumulating and receiving as time went on\\nadditions and critical expansion. The Vedic hymns of praise\\nand thanksgiving and adoration of gods we may place as\\nearly as 1200 B.C. The recension of the law-book of Manu\\ndates only about 500 B.C., but, like all literature in Oriental\\ncountries, it existed, in its essential parts at least, long before\\nas a tradition.\\nI do not propose to enter into the question of Hindu faith\\nand practice generally, but merely to bring into relief the\\ngoverning idea of the fundamental faith of the nation, what-\\never subordinate polytheistic forms the doctrine may have\\ntaken. I accept this governing idea as moulding the true\\nlife of the people, and also as itself primarily an expression\\nof their way of looking at life.\\nThe Brahmanical caste-system gradually grew up between\\n1200 B.C. and 1000 B.C. The Buddhistic reformation began\\nabout 500 B.C., but it was only from about 242 B.C. that\\nBuddhism formulated itself as a rival of Brahmanism.\\nBrahmanical religion had again gained ascendency in 500\\nA.D., and Buddhism was exiled to Ceylon, some portions of\\nthe north of India, Burmah, Thibet, China and Japan.\\nThe caste system, I have said, determined the area, as well\\nas the character, of the education. By caste we mean that kind\\nof social organisation by which the natural divisions of the\\npeople are authoritatively fixed and made hereditary. These\\ndivisions were into priests, including scholars and legislators\\nwarriors, including executive administrators merchants,\\nincluding all industrial members of the community who\\nemployed labour and labourers. One of the Hindu legends\\n(invented by the priests) is that the supreme caste of Brah-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "160 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmans proceeded out of the mouth of Brahma the creator;\\nthe warrior (mihtary executive caste) Kshatriyas, out of the\\narms the industrial and mercantile Vaisyas, from the thigh\\nand the servile class or Sudras, from the foot. Besides these,\\nthere is a still lower class, standing outside the pale of the\\nBrahmanical social organisation, called Pariah in Southern\\nIndia, and Chandalas in other districts. The Sudras and the\\nother lowest caste are understood to have been the aboriginal\\ninhabitants of India prior to the Aryan Hindu invasion and\\nconquest.\\nMixture of castes was not absolutely forbidden, except as\\nregards the marriage of men with women of a higher caste\\nbut it entailed (and still entails) disadvantages, especially on\\nthe children. Indeed, it would appear that the caste organi-\\nsation was never quite so iron as has been sometimes\\nrepresented, although the Brahmans naturally did all they\\ncould to perpetuate it. In the post-Buddhistic reformed\\nBrahmanism a more liberal doctrine was recognised for it\\nis held that the humblest member of the lowest caste might\\nattain to union with Brahma, the supreme all-embracing\\nSpirit, and this fact must have largely influenced the way\\nin which the castes gradually came to regard each other.\\nThe following verses from the great Sanskrit epic, the\\nMahabharata, are in this relation interesting.\\nTHE PATH OF SALVATION\\nA spirit (Ydkshd) asks\\nWhat is it makes a Brahman Birth,\\nDeep study, sacred lore, or worth\\nKi7ig Yudhishthira ansivers\\nNor study, sacred lore, nor birth\\nThe Brahman makes t is only worth.\\nAll men a Brahman most of all\\nShould virtue guard with care and pains.\\nWho virtue rescues, all retains\\nBut all is gone with virtue s fall.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "TEE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 161\\nThe men in books Avho take delight,\\nFrequenters all of learning s schools,\\nAre nothing more than zealous fools\\nThe learn d are those who act aright.\\nMore vile than one of Sudra race\\nTliat Brahman deem whose learned store\\nEmbraces all the Vedic lore,\\nIf evil deeds his life disgrace.\\nThat man deserves the Brahman s name,\\nWho offerings throws on Agui s flame\\nAnd knows his senses how to tame.^\\nIn the earlier Vedic thought we find characteristics which\\nconnect the primitive religion of the Hindus with the Medo-\\nPersian, which found finally its highest expression in Zoroas-\\ntrianism. The worship of Mithra the Sun and of fire was\\nuniversal among the Aryans, and the recognition of three\\npowerful gods along with an innumerable number of good\\nand evil spirits. The climatic influence of India, however, so\\ndifferent from that of Medo-Persia, told on the primitive\\ngenius of the people, and as Brahmanism developed (1200\\nB.C. onwards), we find in it elements wholly antagonistic to\\nthe Zoroastrian individualism and the continual personal\\ncontest between light and darkness, good and evil, which that\\nreligion teaches. The old Vedic gods were retained by the\\nHindus, and sacrificial services to them, both domestic and\\npublic, were numerous. In all the Vedic hymns there is a\\npure worship of several gods worship of nature and the spirit\\nof nature. They are also highly ethical and personal. In\\nthe course of time this simple religion, influenced doubtless\\nby the aboriginal tribes, who were by no means savages, de-\\ngenerated into idolatry, and a religion of rites and ceremonies\\ndivorced from ethics. At the same time there gradually\\nemerged among the more intelligent, the idea of the supreme\\ngod Brahma, who was universal, not merely national. In\\n1 Translated by the late Dr. Muir.\\n11", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "162 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nconnection with this theological conception arose a mystic\\nphilosophy but philosophy and religion had in India their\\nhistory and development as well as elsewhere, which here we\\ncannot attempt to follow.\\nAfter a certain date, however, we find that through the\\nwhole system of thought there runs one general governing\\nidea as the reflection of the mind of the race. Except in so\\nfar as it is atheistic, that idea is pantheistic forms of\\nbelief which tend to the same ethical results. The practical\\neffects of the pantheistic temperament are conspicuous for\\nthe highest moral aim of the Hindu is not self-sacrifice in the\\nsense of the sacrifice of all desires to the duties of this life,\\nwhich is the true Christian idea, but it is rather the abnega-\\ntion of life itself with a view to the absorption of the indi-\\nvidual into the All The dominating idea in the conception\\nof God is that of Absolute Being; inmost essence of all\\nthings. Being is quiescent it is the negation of activity.\\nThe personal immortality of some of the Vedic hymns ceased\\nunder the influence of this mystic theology to be an operative\\nfaith. Transmigration was only a step in the process of\\nabsorption. It is manifest that the idea of perfect repose, a\\nrepose amounting to the death of personality, could not but\\nlargely influence daily conduct. Before the All-One, the\\nparticular and the individual are in truth of no moment,\\nmere passing shows, and all that fills the senses is essentially\\nillusory (Maya). What a contrast to the Hebrews Such\\nan idea, if rooted in the nature of a people, is an effective\\ncheck to all self-reliant activity, weakens all sense of indi-\\nvidual responsibility, and destroys what may be called the\\nambition of excellence. Even the daily duties of life are not\\ndone as the act of a free individual, seeking thereby the good\\nof others and the growth of himself in virtue; and moral\\nconduct, though it may be in itself unexceptionable, finds it-\\nself placed on the same level as sacerdotal prescriptions and\\nsacrificial acts. Withdrawal from life and an ascetic contem-\\nplation become the supreme virtues. The idea of fatalism,\\nalso, though it may not find formal expression, inevitably", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 163\\nunderlies the lives of men whose abstract conceptions of the\\nend of life are such as we have indicated. Wuttke very well\\nsays that people of a strong personality pray, Thy kingdom\\ncome the Chinese pray, May thy kingdom remain the\\nHindus, May that which thou has created perish that is\\nto say, May all existence be swallowed up in Being.\\nIt may be said that the above is, strictly speaking, the\\nBuddhistic conception but in truth the highest form of\\nBrahmanism which contemplates ultimate absorption in\\nBrahma has the same essential characteristics as Buddhism,\\nThe latter was in antagonism to the former, inasmuch as it\\npreached salvation through the efforts of the individual soul\\nafter perfection in Nirvana, the futility of prayers and sac-\\nrifices and ceremonials, and ignored the divisions of caste.\\nBut it was itself a Brahmanical development ethical and\\nuniversal instead of national, doctrinal, and ceremonial. The\\nBuddhistic return of the imperfect soul to other visible forms\\nwas similar to the Brahmanical transmigration, though not\\nidentical with it. The goal of Brahmanism again was a\\nunion with Absolute Being not to be distinguished from\\nabsorption, while the goal of Buddhism was the extinction of\\nthe empirical self or individual,^ and a state of Nirvana from\\nwhich non-existence is not to be distinguished, because indi-\\nviduality is gone. Nothing, in fact, is left but an atom of\\nsoul-stuff at best, the continuity of the evolution of Truth\\ntowards which as a cosmic process the soul which has\\nattained Nirvana may be said in some way to contribute.\\nAt the same time the increasing mass of followers could not\\ndo without a god and Buddha became exalted to that posi-\\ntion and the usual degradation of religion followed.\\nThe educational significance of the mystic doctrine of the\\nhighest state of the man-spirit on this earth and its ultimate\\ngoal hereafter, lies not so much in the effect such a system\\nof thought would have on the Hindus, but in the fact that it\\nI say empirical self because Gautama seems to me never to have\\nproperly distinguished between the empirical self of individuality and the\\nself-conscious ego of personality.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "164 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwas a natural and full expression of the genuine Hindu\\nmind which was at once religious, dreamy, and metaphysical.\\nNot only the Brahman and Gautama-Buddha, but the ration-\\nalist philosopher Kapila, were all equally impressed with the\\nnothingness of the world of sense and the misery of human\\nlife and all alike contemplated escape from the conditions\\nof earthly existence. With the two latter there was no\\nGod; and this gave the Brahman his advantage when\\nBuddhism had to be fought and crushed. At the same time\\nthe epics show that the Hindu mind was not insensible to\\nthe charm of nature and life but this in a passive way.\\nNatural forms filled them with wonder and yielded a mass\\nof legendary fable. And yet, as Duncker says, nature was\\nessentially a magical illusion. The general sentiment of\\nthe thoughtful Hindu, irrespective of sect and party, may\\nperhaps be fairly summed up in the following verses\\nTHE PRIEST OE BEAHMA TO HIS DYING\\nDISCIPLE\\nBoy to fear death which only means\\nThat body and soul, twin life in bonds,\\nPart and go forth tlieir several ways\\nBut I no longer am my individual self dissolved.*\\nThat may be so and yet, if so it be,\\nWhat then 1 Thy soul goes gladly forth\\nTo mix with God, sole Being, and live in Him,\\nYielding its tribute to Universal Mind\\nA spirit atom in the Eternal One\\nServing the more (high destiny to swell\\nThe bliss of Being, which alone can be.\\nThis pleasing body to the grave so grim\\nNot so. Say rather to the arms, the kindly arms\\nOf gracious mother earth from whence it sprang,\\nWho turns it quick into her vital sap\\nThat it may pass into a million forms", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 165\\nOf unreality that mock the sense,\\nYet constitute the beauty of this world\\nNo longer but a part, as now but interfused,\\nAnd dwelling in the life of grass and trees,\\nMade glorious in the budding flowers of spring,\\nMelting into the green of tidal caves,\\nEolling in thunder and the ocean storm,\\nGracious and tender in the light of eve,\\nAnd splendid in the rise and set of suns.\\nFor soul and body such the rapturous end.\\nIt is worthy of note that the Hindu religion was not in\\nits essence and Vedic origin a religion of externalism. It\\nwas the inner Life of the soul that was of moment, and when\\nthis was lost sight of, Buddhism arose as a Brahmanical sect.\\nIt was because sacrifice, ceremonial, and penance began at\\na certain period to supersede the intellectual and ethical\\nelements of Brahmanism that reform was inevitable.\\nInto the popular form of Brahmanism, both prior and\\nsubsequently to Buddhism, all sorts of corruptions entered.\\nSuperstitions and idolatries always abounded, and numerous\\nsects arose. The uneducated mind must always have gods\\nthat are accessible, and pantheism can yield thousands of\\nthese. New gods, moreover, were authoritatively recognised\\nfrom time to time to meet the wants of the peoj)le. The\\npost-Buddhistic doctrine of a Trinity of gods (as it is\\nincorrectly called) who were emanations of Absolute Being\\nhad no national and popular influence in pre-christian times.\\nConcurrently with this popular degradation of religion\\nthe abstract and metaphysical development went on in\\nthe hands of the intellectual few. And, in addition to a\\nmetaphysical religion, with its hymns and prayers, active\\nphilosophical schools, and a school of singularly acute\\ngrammarians, we also find a literature in the modern sense.\\nThe tales of heroes, which were traditional, reach a literary\\nconsummation in the great epics tlie Eamayana, which\\npresents in a continuous story a high type of human life", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "166 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nand the Mahabharata, which has been called an encyclo-\\npaedia of tradition, and is of great length.^ These epics are\\nthe highest literary expression of the Hindu mind and have\\nexercised a great influence on the life of the people. They\\nhave reference to an early state of society but they took\\ntheir present form only about 200 B.C. These epics (probably\\nto meet the Buddhistic heresy) teach transitory incarnations\\nof the Divine Being.\\nThe ethical virtues of a race whose deepest convictions\\nwere pantheistic and whose highest hope was personal\\nabsorption in the Universal, were, as we might expect, tem-\\nperance, peaceableness, patience, docility, gentleness, and\\nresignation. These virtues are naturally accompanied by\\npoliteness, respect for parents and elders, and obedience to\\nthe civil and ecclesiastical powers. But duty in our com-\\nmanding sense of the word, and the virtues flowing from a\\nstrong personality that controls circumstances and shapes\\nthe life of each man, were not to be expected. Contrast the\\nHindu conception and its effects on national character with\\nthe Medo-Persian the former stands as far above the latter\\nin metaphysical profundity as the latter over the former in\\nits ethical simplicity and truth and in its virile acceptance of\\nlife and its duties as a privilege. And yet both alike are de-\\nvelopments of the same Aryan primitive religious conceptions.\\nEDUCATION AMONG THE HINDUS\\nAim, organisation and materials of education.\\nThe end of the higher education is thus expressed in Manu s\\nBook of Laws To learn and to understand the Vedas, to\\npractise pious mortifications, to acquire divine knowledge of\\nthe law and of philosophy, to treat with veneration his natural\\nand his spiritual father [i.e. the priest] these are the chief\\nduties by means of which endless felicity is attained. And\\nendless felicity is absorption.\\nThe brief summary we have given of the Hindu philosophy\\n1 Seven times the length of the combined Iliad and Odyssey. See Monier\\nWilliams s Indian Wisdom for an account of these poems.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 167\\nof life would have led us to expect such words as these.\\nWe may with advantage here contrast the Chinese and Hindu\\neducational end. The Chinese, says Wuttke, educate for\\npractical life, the Indians for the ideal those for earth, these\\nfor heaven [individual blessedness or absorption] those\\neducate their sons for entering the world, these for gohig out\\nof it. Those educate for citizenship, these for the priesthood\\n[i.e. as the ideal of life] Those for industrial activity, these\\nfor knowledge. Those teach their sons the laws of the state,\\nthese teach them the essence of the godhead. Those lead\\ntheir sons into the world, these lead them out of the world\\ninto themselves. Those teach their children to earn and to\\nenjoy, these to beg and to renimciate. This may be a strong\\nway of stating the case, but it has in it a large element of\\ntruth. The writer has, however, omitted to note the promi-\\nnence given to certain kinds of virtue, and to social obUga-\\ntions generally, in the ancient tradition of the Hindus and\\nthe code of Manu. The ethical teaching of the Vedic hymns\\nwas as pure, though by no means so exalted, as that of the\\nJewish prophets. Although not enforced by a like definite\\ndivine sanction, yet, on the other hand, there was perhaps\\ngreater inner moral freedom in the Vedic system in its purity\\ntlian in the Jewish, and less of mere externalism, until the\\ndevelopment into Brahmanism. It taught a doctrine of\\npersonal immortahty. Morality and religion were closely\\nconnected, and the doctrine of transmigration had not yet\\nbeen thought of. In this respect, as in his more profound\\nphilosophy, the Hindu vindicated his Aryan ancestry. This\\nis substantially true, spite of the multitude of ceremonial acts\\nwhich the Brahman ultimately imposed on the people, the\\nreaction against which so powerfully aided the new teaching\\nof Buddha in the fifth century B.C.\\nOnly the other day we found in a philosophical treatise an\\n1 I use the past tense in speaking of India until it was modified by the\\nBritish power, native education seemed to remain essentially unchanged in\\nits main characteristics till this century. It has to be noted that the Moham-\\nmedans who preceded the British in India have their own schools and colleges.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "168 PRE-CURISTIAN EDUCATION\\ninteresting evidence of the persistent continuity of the Hindu\\npoint of view,^ spite of European influences. The knowledge\\nof the supreme soul is the ultimate aim of science. The\\nsupreme soul is one Infinite Lord of All, and is the dispenser\\nof reward and retribution, The ethical conception finds\\nexpression thus Eight knowledge is calculated to give an\\ninsight into the motives of human conduct, teach the exer-\\ncise of sound discretion in all matters, and lead to the attain-\\nment of final beatitude.\\nIf we may trust Dutt s Civilisation in Ancient India,\\nthere early arose (probably 1,000 years B.C.) Brahmanic\\nsettlements called Parishads, which approximated closely to\\nwhat we should call collegiate institutions of learning.\\nThese Parishads were in later times understood to consist of\\ntwenty-one Brahmans well-versed in philosophy, theology,\\nand law but, in their beginnings, three able Brahmans in a\\nvillage, learned in the Vedas and competent to maintain the\\nsacrificial fire, constituted a Parishad. (Dutt, i. 249.) To\\nthese centres men who wished to devote their lives to learn-\\ning and who belonged to the caste might go and receive\\ninstruction in the Vedas, and in such traditionary law and\\nastronomy and philosophy as was current. Private schools\\nalso existed, conducted by scholarly men at their own venture,\\nand to these many boys were sent for training, giving per-\\nsonal and menial service in return for instruction. These\\nboys did not necessarily belong to the Brahmanical caste.\\nPrior to the above rudimentary form of educational organ-\\nisation it would appear that at the period of transition from\\nthe Vedic to the Brahmanic stage of religious development\\n(say about 1200 B.C.), the courts of the kings were the centres\\nof such culture as existed. Priests, of course, were attached\\nto these courts, and in connection with them there grew up\\nwhat may be called schools for the study and handing down\\nof the sacred hymns and sacrificial practices.\\n1 Kalyana 3fajusha, or the Casket of Blessings, an exposition of the prin-\\nciples of Hindu logic, by B. Swami (Calcutta, 1893).", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 169\\nMegasthenes, the Greek, who lived in North India three\\ncenturies before the Christian era, and indeed all the Greeks,\\nspoke of the Brahmanical priests as the caste of philoso-\\nphers; and with truth, for metaphysics played as large a\\npart in the forming of the Hindu religion as the Vedic\\nhymns did. We are not, consequently, to look on the\\nBrahmaus as if they were, in the narrow sense, a priestly\\norder. They were a caste, and men of Brahmanical descent\\nconstituted the aristocracy of India an aristocracy with\\nwhich learning and character were closely associated. The\\nChinese aristocracy, after the abolition of feudalism, was,\\nas we found, not only associated with, but founded on,\\nintellect, and renewed itself in every successive generation.\\nThis large Brahmanical body was, on the contrary, heredi-\\ntary, but the members of it always received the highest\\neducation which India could afford. Among them were\\nthe recognised chiefs of all learning as well as of religion,\\nand they discharged many important functions in the State.\\nIn every Brahmanic family it still is, we are told, the\\ncustom to study and learn by heart a particular Veda.\\nThose who desired to prosecute the higher studies were\\nattached to particular Brahmans who devoted themselves\\nto the work of instruction. A thoroughly equipped Brah-\\nman was understood to acquire by heart all the sacred\\nbooks mentioned a few pages back. And when we consider\\nthat the Brahmanic colleges taught all the astronomy and\\nmathematics known, and frequently carried their pupils into\\nthe elaborate linguistic treatise of Panini, we must recog-\\nnise in the substance of the highest Hindu education a fully\\nadequate course of liberal study, embracing as it did theology,\\nphilosophy, language, and science, while including the whole\\nof the national literature as that gradually took shape.^\\nI think it desirable to emphasise the fact that while the\\nmemorial acquisition of the sacred writings, and this with\\nscrupulous fidelity, was the chief object of Brahmanical\\n1 The Brahmanical schools existing from the earliest times developed into\\nimportant colleges, such as that at Benares.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "170 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ninstruction, tlie minds of the young Brahmans were brought\\ninto contact with philosophical systems and the general\\nliterature of the country. In such a course of study there\\nwas both discipline and culture. A similar system of in-\\nstruction we found in China, but with this difference, that\\nthe young Chinese had the printed book to help them. The\\ndistinction between the education of the Chinese and the\\nHindus lies in the matter of their sacred works, their philo-\\nsophical and literary tradition, and the prescribed goal of\\ntheir studies.\\nWe are told that there was a scheme of life laid down\\nfor the higher castes which involved continuous study, and\\nwas divided into four stages, viz. studentship, married life,\\nretirement, and forest life. But it is impossible that the\\nscheme could be carried out by any save the very devoted\\nBrahman. It is chiefly to the concluding period that the\\nwords in the Manu Code apply, Let him not desire to die\\nLet him not desire to live let him wait for his time, as a\\nservant for the payment of his wages.\\nAs to the rest of the nation, it would seem certain that the\\nteaching and schools of the Brahmans were not only open to\\nthe caste of warriors and the industrial caste, but that they\\nwere expected to take advantage of them. There was no\\nesoteric doctrine. The only exclusive privilege of the Brah-\\nmans was, not doctrine but, the functions of priest and\\nteacher. Advantage was taken by many in the two castes\\nnext in order of this freedom to learn. The warriors, more-\\nover, had a course of discipline in martial exercises.\\nOf the industrial caste, while some of these studied por-\\ntions of the ancient books, we do not find that as a class they\\nhad any special instruction in reading, writing, and arith-\\nmetic. Boys followed the occupations of their parents, and\\nreceived domestic training in these. Megasthenes, the Greek,\\nspeaks about 300 B.C. of the absence of the art of writing\\namong the Indians. The art of writing certainly existed\\nlong before the time of Alexander s raid into India, but the\\nI Max Miiller, Lectures on tlie Origin of Religion, p. 343.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 171\\nhabit of relying on oral teaching and memory was inveterate,\\nand the writing down of traditionary literature was even\\nlooked upon with some suspicion.^ In the transactions of\\nordinary life, as well as in learning, there can be no doubt\\nthat great reliance was placed on the memory. The remark\\nof Megasthenes, however, puts it beyond doubt that among\\nthe population generally, writing was little known.\\nI can find no evidence of arithmetic being taught to the\\nindustrial class, but we have to remember that the very ele-\\nmentary arithmetic required in each occupation would be\\nacquired under his master as part of the apprentice work of\\nevery boy.\\nThe lowest caste did the menial work of the nation, and\\nlearned nothing.\\nSpeaking generally, then, we may say that for 1,000 years\\nB.C. the Brahmauical education was extensive and thorough,\\nand that it was shared in to a certain extent by a consider-\\nable number in the second and third castes. It was, how-\\never, entirely oral in the earlier centuries but later, it em-\\nbraced reading and writing, and an introduction to the epic\\nliterature as well as to the sacred books probably also to\\nmathematics.^\\nApart from such literary and religious education as the\\nmore ambitious might gain for themselves by the help of the\\nBrahmanic teachers, the members of the second and third\\ncastes received their education from the laws, tradition, and\\ncustoms of their country as handed down through the family.\\nIt seems to me, however, that it was to the village commune,\\nso universal a feature of Indian social organisation, that the\\nyoung chiefly owed the education which is elsewhere chiefly\\n1 Virgil {^^n. vi. 74) expresses well this objection to the written word\\ncommon to all the Oriental races\\nFoliis tantum ne carmina manda,\\nNe turbata volent rapidis ludibria ventis\\nIpsa canas, oro.\\n2 I think that to say more than this is to infer more than the actual facts\\njustify.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "172 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ngiven by family tradition. These communes have always\\nexercised a potent influence: and I am the more disposed\\nto substitute the commune for the family as the vehicle and\\norgan of the education of tradition, because of the position of\\nwoman among the Hindus, of which I shall shortly speak.\\nBut what was the nature of this traditionary oral village\\nteaching Apart from rehgious and ceremonial acts and the\\nsettlement of questions moral and legal arising among them-\\nselves, we may safely say that the teaching was of a kind\\nthat naturally would find acceptance among a religious, con-\\ntemplative, and ethically disposed people the teaching of\\nfables, allegories, and parables. These fireside tales seem to\\nhave been numerous. And that this must have been so we\\nfind from two works published in post-christian times which\\ncontain popular stories embodying the moral faith of the\\npeople. Their oldest collection of fables and proverbs is\\ncalled the Pantschatantra it dates from the fifth century\\nafter Christ, and was translated in the sixth century into\\nPersian under the name of The Friend of Knowledge then\\nfrom Persian into the Arabic, from the Arabic into the\\nGreek, Turkish, Syrian, Hebrew, Spanish, Italian, English,\\nFrench, and German. In that book we find such utterances\\nas the following and when we consider that the book is full\\nof fable and allegory, and consider further its poetic feeling,\\nwe become alive to the spirit that animates Hindu life and\\neducation among the masses of the people.\\nAs the tree sliades the man who is ahont to cut it down, and as\\nthe moon shines in the hut even of the lowhest Chandahi, so must\\na man love those who hate him.\\nBe humble, for the tender grass bows itself unhurt before the\\nstorm, while mighty trees are sliattered to pieces by it.\\nVirtue, after which man ought to strive, needs a mighty effort,\\nfor a cocoanut falls not through the shaking of a crow.\\nA knowledge of arms and of learning are both equally very\\nfamous, but the first is in an old man folly, the second is worthy\\nof honour at every period of life.\\nA ipaij without knowledge, though he possess youth and", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 173\\nbeauty and high birth, does not excel, like the odourless Kinchuka\\nflower.\\nEducation is higher than beauty and concealed treasures. It\\naccompanies us on our journey through strange places and gives us\\ninexhaustible strength.\\nThe wise man must strive to gain knowledge and wealth as if\\nhe were not subject to death, but the duties of religion he must\\nfulfil as if death were hovering already on his lips.\\nLike as figures on a new vase are not easily washed out, so is it\\nwith wisdom of youth, through the charm of fable.\\nSuch are some of the sentiments on which the Indian\\nyouth was reared all conveyed through a mass of fable and\\nallegory. The Hitopadega is a subsequent collection (see\\nFritze s German translation) of a similar kind. What a con-\\ntrast they present to the popular literary inheritance of the\\nEgyptians and Chinese\\nWoman\\nThe position of the woman among the Hindus was always\\nthat of subordination and subjection to the man. The esti-\\nmate of female character and possibilities was low. A female\\nchild, a young girl, a wife, shall never do anything according\\nto their own will, not even in their own house. While a\\nchild she shall depend on her father during her youth on\\nher husband and, when a widow, on her sons. (Manu, v.\\n147.) Women were regarded as essentially inferior to man,\\nand having for the sole purpose of their existence the bear-\\ning of children and the tending of the husband. As might\\nbe expected from this view of the place of woman, she was\\nexcluded from all instruction. So strong, indeed, was the\\nprejudice against the education of women, that the power to\\nread and write was regarded as a reproach to them. The\\nonly exception was in the case of the dancing girls these\\nbeing daughters of various castes devoted, when yet children,\\n1 I see just advertised (1895) a series of translations of Hindu tales which\\nformed part, and probably a large part, of the educational material of the\\npeople.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "174 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nto the services of the temple. As servants of the temple and\\nmaidens of the god, the dancing girls had to cultivate their\\nintelligence; mothers of households, on the contrary, their\\nheart only, lest they should be drawn away by intellectual\\ncultivation from domestic duties. The female servants of the\\ntemple were instructed in reading, writing, music, dancing,\\nand singing. Their duties were to sing the praises of the\\ngod they served, and to dance on festive occasions. They\\nwere divided into two classes the better class bemg con-\\nfined within the temple, and restricted to temple services\\nthe second and lower class being allowed greater freedom,\\nand permission to perform at marriage festivities and the\\nbanquets of the nobility.\\nIt is because of the position occupied by women that I\\nhave assigned more influence to the commune than to the\\nfamily in the education of the young Hindu. It has to be\\nnoted, however, that in early Vedic times, the authorship of\\nhymns and songs was ascribed to women, as in the case of\\nthe Israelites.\\nMethod and Discipline. Teachers. We are told\\nthat the teacher must himself have passed through the\\nrecognised curriculum, and have fulfilled all the duties of a\\nBrahmanical student (brahmdJcarin) before he is allowed to\\nbecome a teacher, and he must teach such students only as\\nsubmit to all requirements imposed by usage. The method\\nof instruction was, as I have said, oral tradition, and the\\nmemory was consequently called upon to bear a burden\\nwhich to a European would be intolerable. The rote char-\\nacter of the teaching began from the beginning for the boy\\nlearned the alphabet by heart and some ten or twenty pages\\nof Sanskrit before he could understand a word. Thereafter,\\nexplanation came (more or less) but the main object was to\\nlearn the sacred books accurately by heart, not from a printed\\npage but from the mouth of a teacher. The following is\\nfrom Max Miiller s Lectures on the Origin of Religion, p.\\n1^9, and are the 4irections given in an authoritative Sanscrit", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 175\\nbook. The teacher, we are told, should settle down iii a\\nproper place. If he has only one pupil or two, they should\\nsit on his right side if more, they must sit as there is room\\nfor them. At the begmning of each lecture the pupils em-\\nbrace the feet of their teacher and say Eead, sir. The\\nteacher answers Om (yes), and then pronounces two\\nwords, or, if it is a compound, one. When the teacher has\\npronounced one word or two, the first pupil repeats the first\\nword, but if there is anything that requires explanation the\\npupil says Sir and after it has been explained to him\\nOm (yes), sir.\\nIn this manner they go on till they have finished a\\njprasna (question), which consists of three verses, or, if they\\nare verses of more than forty to forty-two syllables, of two\\nverses. If they are pankti-verses of forty to forty-two sylla-\\nbles each, a prasna may comprise either two or three and\\nif a hymn consists of one verse only, that is supposed to form\\na ]}rasna. After the prasna is finished they have all to\\nrepeat it once more and then to go on learning it by heart,\\npronouncing every syllable with the high accent. After the\\nteacher has first told a prasna to his pupil on the right, the\\nothers go round him to the right and this goes on till the\\nwhole lecture is finished; a lecture consisting generally of\\nsixty prasnas. At the end of the last half verse the\\nteacher says Sir, and the pupil replies Om (yes), sir,\\nrepeating also the verses required at the end of a lecture.\\nThe pupils then embrace the feet of their teacher and are\\ndismissed.\\nOnly those, it is said, whose heart and speech are ever\\npure and attentive, can enjoy the full fruit of the study of\\nthe Vedas and it was considered a great offence to study\\nthem without an authorised instructor. We thus see that\\nbefore the introduction of writing, and for centuries after, the\\npupil learned by rote from the recitation of the master, a\\nlaborious and prolonged process. And when they had MSS.\\nthey were read aloud until they were known by heart, with-\\nout being necessarily understood. Thus, the receiving of", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "176 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntradition from the lips of a master was necessarily the form\\nof all teaching, and the attitude of the learner was servile\\nacceptance. This notion of instruction both as regards\\nmethod and the relation of pupil to teacher was, as I have\\nfrequently said, characteristic of the Oriental generally, and\\nstill is so, spite of printing and books.\\nThe disciphne among tlie Hindus generally seems to have\\nbeen gentle, and only in the extremest cases was there any\\nseverity. Manu says Good instruction must be given to\\npupils without unpleasant sensations, and the teacher who\\nreverences virtue must use sweet and gentle words. If a\\nscholar is guilty of a fault, his instructor may punish him\\nwith severe words, and threaten that on the next offence he\\nwiU give him blows and, if the fault is committed in cold\\nweather, the teacher may dowse him with cold water.\\nThe elementary schools (adventure schools) of post-chris-\\ntian times, were, like many in ancient Greece and Italy, held\\nin the open air, the pupils sitting round the teacher under\\ntrees in front of a house and when the weather was bad, in\\na covered shed. In arithmetic, only the merest elements\\nwere taught. Writing, with which instruction in reading\\nwas closely connected, was first practised in the sand, then\\nwith an iron style on palm leaves and finally on plane-tree\\nleaves with a kind of ink. But all this elementary education\\n(as far as I can ascertain) belongs to the period after the\\nbirth of Christ. In the school, it was a common practice for\\na more advanced pupil to point out the letters to a beginner.\\nThey also heard each other their lessons. It was thus largely\\na system of mutual instruction. Dr. Bell took his monitorial\\nsystem from what he saw at Madras.\\nN oTB. The education of India b) Great Britain can of course\\nteach us little which is not better taught by the system of instruc-\\ntion in our own country. It is simply an attempt to plant British\\neducation in a foreign soil. It is an exotic. The native dialects\\np,re taught and natives largely employed. This British system is", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 177\\nbased on a despatch of Sir Charles Wood, dated July 19, 1854.\\nThe main principle of the despatch was that European knowledge\\nsliould be diffused through the languages understood by the great\\nmass of the people, but that the teaching of English should always\\nbe combined with careful attention to the study of the vernacular\\nlanguages. With regard to the wealthier classes, it was declared\\nthat the time had arrived for the establishment of universities in\\nIndia, conferring degrees, and based on the model of the University\\nof London. They were not to be places of education, but to test\\nthe value of education obtained elsewhere, and to confer degrees in\\narts, law, medicine, and civil engineering. Such universities have\\naccordingly been established in Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay\\nand since 1859 Government schools have been opened for the\\ninstruction of all classes of the Indian people. In each Presidency\\nthere is now a director of public instruction, assisted by school\\ninspectors, one of whom has under his care one circle or subdivision\\nof the province. There are also colleges (both government and\\nmissionary) which prepare for the university examinations. Normal\\nschools for the training of teachers have also been established, and\\nattempts are being made to spread female education.\\nIt is stated in Chambers Cyclopaedia (1892) that there are\\nnow in all 134,000 educational institutions of one kind or another\\nin India.\\nAuthoriiics In addition to encyclopaedias and references to various authors,\\nI have relied largely on Dutt s History of Civilisation in Ancient India\\nHegel s Philosophy of History; Dmiekev s History of Antiquity Monier Wil-\\nliams s Indian Wisdom Max Miiller, On the Origin of Religion, and refer-\\nences to his other writings Tiele s Outlines of Ancient Religions The Gospel\\nof Buddha, by Paul Carus References to the writings of Rhys Davids.\\n12", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "(B) THE MEDO-PEESIANS\\nIn dealing with ancient Persia, we have to include as part of\\nthe same nationality Media to the north-west and Bactria\\nto the north-east of Persia proper or Iran, both of which\\nafter a period of independence formed part of the Persian\\nempire. As the word Iran denotes, the race was Aryan\\nand indeed it is this fact which gives the Medo-Per-\\nsians special interest to us.^ They are called Eranians to dis-\\ntinguish them from the Hindu branch of the primitive\\nAryans.\\nSpeaking without minute regard to geographical limits,\\nthis branch of the Aryan race occupied the country lying\\nbetween the Caspian Sea on the north and the Persian Gulf\\non the south, and they were bounded on the east and south-\\neast by modern Afghanistan and Beloochistan, while on the\\nwest the mountain range of Zagros separated them from\\nthe Mesopotaraian valley within which the Babylonian\\nand Assyrian empires had their seats. The country is\\na table-land intersected with beautiful and rich valleys.\\nWhere it descends to the sea on the south it is desert on\\nthe north, where it descends towards the Caspian, it is moist\\nand warm and abounding in vegetation. Rich and various\\nas are the products of much of Medo-Persia, a great part of\\nit is barren. Its rivers are rapid and many of them pour\\ndown a great volume of water, but scarcely one can be said\\nto be navigable. Physically, then, we find here a home for\\na race in which there are necessarily owing to the exist-\\nence of a high table-land and numerous deep valleys and\\nthe decline towards seas on the north and south much\\nvariety of climate, production, and scenery, and at the same\\n1 Media was the leading power up to 558 B.C., when it was conquered by\\nPersia, of which it long remained the most important province.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 179\\ntime not of so large an area as to exclude any portion of the\\ninhabitants from the various influences of the whole and\\nfrom that sense of unity which is essential to all successful\\npolities.\\nIf the physical characteristics of a home can influence t]ie\\ncharacter of a people we may safely say that irregularity of\\nsurface and climatic variation will have a potent effect. In\\na country, too, much of which called on man for a struggle\\nwith nature a struggle, however, by no means hopeless\\nthe seeds of an originally vigorous and vivacious character\\nwould be nurtured. Nature was not so large and oppressive\\nas in India where man lived in a moist, torrid, and relaxing\\nclimate, and was overpowered by the mass and prodigality\\nof natural forms. Although the physical circumstances\\nof a nation are powerless to make it, they must largely\\nmodify its natural racial predisposition, while they profoundly\\ninfluence the character of its industrial activities and much\\nof its political history.\\nBut it is the breed of men which occupies any portion of\\nthe earth s surface that determines the historical drama which\\nis to be there enacted far more, probably, than any other\\nfact. The Medo-Persians belonged to our own blood that\\nis to say, they were Aryans, and gave this name to what are\\notherwise called the Indo-European races. On the north-\\nwest the Medes, and on the north-east their fellow- Aryans of\\nBactria constituted, with the Persai of the table-land and the\\nrich valleys, the Persian people ethnologically these three\\nmust be regarded as racially one but all were mixed with\\nprior Turanian or Uro- Altaic tribes.^\\nThe first great wave of Aryan emigration, says Professor\\nSayce,^ which had resulted in the establishment of the\\nEuropean nations, had been followed by another wave which\\nfirst carried the Hindus into the Punjab, and then the\\n1 I use the word Persian to include all these.\\n2 To what extent the Aryan element had overpowered the Uro- Altaic ele-\\nment in Media is as yet uncertain.\\nAncient Empires of the East.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "180 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nIranian populations into the vast districts of Bactria and\\nAriana. Mountains and deserts checked for a time their\\nfurther progress, but at length a number of tribes, each under\\nits own chiefs, crept along the southern shores of the Caspian\\nto the northern coast of the Persian Gulf, and these tribes\\nwere known in later history as the Aryan Medes and\\nPersians.\\nThe Persai spoke an Aryan tongue called Zend, philo-\\nlogically connected with the tongues of Europe. The sacred\\nwritings were in tliis tongue and are known as the Zend-\\nAvesta. What remains of these is only part of a large body\\nof sacred literature. When the Persian empire, as distinct\\nfrom the kingdom of Persia, rose into power, on the ruins of\\nthe Assyrian empire in the sixth century B.C., the pure\\noriginal language was already greatly modified.^\\nThe accounts of the rise of the Persian empire are very\\ndifficult to understand, especially since the discovery of the\\ninscription by Cyrus, the founder. It would appear, how-\\never, that Persia had been gradually consolidating itself while\\nyet under the suzerainty of Media, and that a portion of\\nElam on the west, called Anshan, had been incorporated with\\nPersia. When Cyrus arose, and as king of Elam, but him-\\nself of Persian descent, conquered Media, he with singular\\nrapidity reduced not only Media but Bactria, and also the\\nancient seats of the Assyrian and Babylonian empires. He\\nthen carried his conquests to the west of Asia Minor, and\\neven to the Scythian country of the Oxus where, it is said,\\nhe met his death.^\\n1 A further stage of degeneration dated from the conquest of Alexander\\ntlie Great in 331 B.C. onwards and now we have modern Persian so power-\\nfully influenced by the Mohammedan conquest in 651 A.D. as to consist largely\\nto the extent, it is said, of nearly one-half of Arabic vocables. We have\\nto do only with ancient Persia.\\n2 The rapid rise of the Medo-Persian empire is one of the most remarkable\\nfacts in Orieutal history. But it can be partially understood if we bear in\\nmind that the Medes had been long growing into a commanding position as\\na military power. They had united with the Babylonians to overthrow\\nNineveh and break the Assyrian power for ever. Meanwhile they had been", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 181\\nDuring the absence of Cambyses confirming his father s\\nconquests, the non-Aryan element in Media rebelled. After\\nthe suicide of the king in Egypt, Darius Hystaspes and\\nthe leading Aryan nobles extinguished the revolt, re-estab-\\nlished the reformed Aryan religion Mazdeism or Zoroas-\\ntrianism, B.C. 521, and rebuilt the temples of Ormazd. After\\nputting down numerous revolts of the people that had been\\nconquered by Cyrus, Darius was able to establish the head-\\nquarters of his empire at Susa and to organise it. Mean-\\nwhile the extension of the empire went on rapidly till it\\ntouched the Punjab on the east and Macedonia on the west.\\nAt the latter point and on the shores of Asia Minor, the\\nPersian and Greek met in conflict with ultimate results\\nknown to all. The empire, however, sustained itself in full\\nvigour till its subjugation by Alexander in 331 B.C. It was\\na despotism governed by means of satraps but local autonomy\\nwas everywhere conceded the satraps merely representing\\nthe Great King, and having a military colleague and a\\ncouncil with an army. Centralisation of government was\\nan almost unmixed blessing in those times, because it was\\nonly under one supreme sovereign that nations could live in\\npeace and civilisation advance. So regarded, the Medo-\\nPersian empire was a boon to the nations from the Mediter-\\nranean to Afghanistan, and from the Oxus to the Persian\\nGulf, and an important factor in the general history of the\\nworld. It was an immense advance as a humane and mor-\\nalising agency on the barbarous empire of the Assyrians.\\nOne of the most suggestive indications of the Persian\\nnatural disposition was to be found in that characteristic of\\ntheir imperial administration to which I have adverted\\nabove the recognition of local autonomy. They did not\\nextending their own influence to the west, and were virtually masters of the\\ncountry as far as Asia Minor. Then Nebuchadnezzar had revived the ancient\\nBabylonian greatness, and had subdued the south and west as far as Egypt\\nand the Mediterranean. Accordingly, when Cyrus, at the head of the\\nElamites and Persians, came on the field, the subduing of Media and Babylon\\ncarried with it, as a consequence, a large empire already reduced to\\nsubjection.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "182 PRE-CamSTiAN educatioi^\\nimpose themselves unduly on subject nations. They organ-\\nised a fixed tribute, and forbore to make arbitrary exactions.\\nThey had great toleration of foreign customs and of other\\nreligious systems than their own. This characteristic of the\\nPersian imperial sway is worthy of notice as contributing to\\na true estimate of the character of the governing race. In\\nrepressing rebellions they were severe, but not so in other\\ncircumstances.\\nAmong themselves there were seven tribal princes under\\nthe king, and next to them seven supreme judges and a large\\nstaff of officials. The government was essentially bureaucra-\\ntic, and all were subject to the despotic authority of the\\nGreat King.^\\nSocial and Civil Relations. Passing from the politi-\\ncal to the social system, note first that here in Persia caste,\\nif we except the hereditary Magian priesthood, was not\\nrecognised as it was among the fellow- Aryans of India. All\\nmay move freely, and, subject always to the absolute author-\\nity of the Great King, work out their own lives. The policy\\nof the king was, it is said, to gather the great nobles round\\nhis court and to reward generously all who did service to the\\nState. Every one, even the meanest, was kept conscious of\\nthe national unity and felt himself to have a share in the\\nnational activity. This community of feeling was strong;\\nfor example, in their prayers when offering sacrifices the\\nPersian asked blessings on the Persian people generally, and\\non himself only as included in the nation. The Persians were,\\nas compared with other Oriental races, virtually a free people,\\nthough under a despotic form of government.^\\n1 I rely (not wholly, but largely) on the Greek writers, because there are\\nno other sources. Have not some contemporary Orientalists occasionally\\nshown a want of discriminating judgment in discrediting the Greeks\\n2 Doubtless Herodotus is not always to be trusted, but his description of\\nthe Persians seems to me, with all due respect to Professor Sayce, to ring true.\\nWe may discredit his history of Persia without doubting the impression the\\npeople and their customs made on him, even although he never reached as far\\nas the Persian capital.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 183\\nPersian Character. The disposition of the Persian was\\ntowards equity, mercifuhiess of administration, and mildness\\nof character. The king, says Herodotus, shall not put\\nanyone to death for a single fault and none of the Persians\\nshall visit a single fault in a slave with any extreme penalty\\nbut in every case the services of the offender shall be set\\nagainst his misdoings, and if the latter be found to outweigh\\nthe former, the aggrieved party shall then proceed to punish-\\nment. They were also a kindly and domestic people. Chil-\\ndren had to yield absolute obedience to their parents, just as\\ncitizens had to their rulers, it is true but so convinced were\\nthey of the sacredness of the family tie as founded in love\\nand reverence that they maintained that never yet did any-\\none kill his father or his mother, but in all such cases they\\nare quite sure that, if matters were sifted to the bottom, it\\nwould be found that the child was either a changeling or\\nelse the fruit of adultery, for it is not likely, they say,\\nthat the real father should perish by the hands of the child.\\n(Herod.) We see here a strong family feeling resting on\\nhumane conceptions.\\nFurther, when we contemplate the Persian at his best (in-\\ncluding, as we here may, under that designation, the Medes\\nand Bactrians), we cannot but be impressed with a certain\\nfreshness and nobility of mind among them. A high spirit\\nand a pleasant and aff able temper are conspicuous in these\\nrespects they form a marked contrast to the Egyptian, Semi-\\ntic, and Chinese races, and even to their cognates the Hindus.\\nWe seem suddenly, at a point not more than a few hundred\\nmiles west from the basin of the Indus, and as we reach the\\nbracing table-land, to encounter a new phase of humanity\\naltogether surpassingly interesting to us because we recog-\\nnise in it a distinctive European type. The air we breathe is\\nno longer stagnant as in China, no longer heavy with mois-\\nture and warmth as in India, nor so dry, stimulating, and\\nexciting as among the Semitic races, but breezy and health-\\nful. We already feel half way to Greece for along with\\ntheir greater freshness of mind, nobility of nature, and equity", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "184 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nof disposition, we find in the Persian a friendliness and a\\nHellenic grace of courtesy which charm us, and of which\\nHerodotus thus speaks When they meet each other in the\\nstreets, you may know if the persons meeting are of equal\\nrank by the following token. If they are of equal rank, then,\\ninstead of speaking, they kiss each other on the lips. In the\\ncase where one is inferior to the other, the kiss is given on\\nthe cheek where the difference of rank is great, the inferior\\nprostrates himself on the ground. A mark of their openness\\nof mind is to be found in the readiness with which they\\naccepted foreign customs. There is no nation which so\\nreadily adopts foreign customs. Thus they have taken the\\ndress of the Medes, considering it superior to their own, and\\nin war they wear the Egyptian breastplate. As soon as they\\nhear of any luxury they immediately make it their own.\\nOf the family of mankind, says a historian,^ which claimed,\\nnot unjustly, the distinctive name of noble (Arya),^ the\\nPersians formed one of the finest types. When we first meet\\nwith them in history they are a race of hardy mountaineers,\\nbrave in war, rude in manners, simple in their habits, abstain-\\ning from wine, and despising all the luxuries of food and\\ndress. Though uncultivated in art and science, they, at a\\nmore advanced period of their national life, were distinguished\\nfor an intellectual ability, a lively wit, a generous, passionate,\\nand poetical temperament qualities, however, which easily\\ndegenerated into vanity and want of perseverance. Their\\nmilitary spirit was kept in full vigour by their hardy moun-\\ntain life, their simple and temperate habits, and the strict\\ndiscipline in which they were trained from their youth up.\\nIn the reign of Cyrus, says Plato Laws, iii. 694) the\\nPersians were freemen and also lords of many others the\\nrulers gave a share of freedom to the subjects, and being\\ntreated as equals, the scldiers were on better terms with their\\ngenerals, and showed themselves more ready in the hour of\\n1 Philip Smith in his History of the Ancient JForld.\\nDerived from the ancient name of the territory Ariana. 1 am not aware\\nthat nobility has anything to do with it.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 185\\ndanger. And if there was any wise counsellor among them,\\nhe imparted his wisdom to the public, for the kmg was not\\njealous, but allowed him full liberty of speech, and gave\\nhonour to those who were able to be his counsellors in any-\\nthing, and allowed all men equally to participate in wisdom.\\nAnd the nation waxed in all respects because there was free-\\ndom, and friendship, and communion of soul among them.\\n(Jowett s trans.)\\nReligion and Ethics. The religion of the Persians\\nwhen they first appear in history in connection with the\\nconquests of Cyrus probably differed little from the Vedic\\nform of Hinduism. The elements were worshipped as\\nspirits. The specific North Aryan development which is\\ncalled Mazdeism or Zoroastrianism came from Media, accord-\\ning to Darmesteter (more probably Bactria, according to\\nTiele) and was in the hands of a sacerdotal tribe called the\\nMagi. The conquest of Media led to the adoption of Maz-\\ndeism by the ruling family or families in Persia. It may\\nbe said with truth that the mass of the people never rose\\nto a conception of the principles of Mazdeism at least\\nduring the period which concerns us here. On the other\\nhand, it was practically the belief of the leading families, and\\nthrough these it influenced the people and determined the\\ngeneral current of religious faith among them. In auto-\\ncratic societies the belief of the few dominates the mass\\nmuch more than in countries possessing what we call a\\nfree constitution. We are entitled accordingly to speak of\\nMazdeism as a powerful educative force among the Medo-\\nPersians long before 521 B.C. down to the fall of the Persian\\nempire in 333 B.C., and as exhibiting the mental tendency\\nof the Persian race.\\nThe fundamental idea of the national and State religion\\nof Medo-Persia was that a pure One Spirit was creator and\\nsustainer of all. We see in this a resemblance to the\\nhigher and later form of Judaism. Ahura-Mazda or Lord\\nall-knowing (Ormazd), was the name of the Supreme God.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "186 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nBut even after he was recognised as supreme, mucli of tlie\\nAryan belief in spirits of the elements, and in other spirits\\ngood and evil, remained active among the people. The good\\nspirits were now, however, regarded as subordinate agencies\\nof the Supreme God the evil spirits were the offspring of\\nAhriman, the evil one. Ahriman, the source of evil, was not\\nself-originated, but arose out of the conflict of forces when\\nOrmazd created the material world out of nothing. Ormazd\\nis all-wise, creator of the spiritual as well as the earthly life,\\nthe lord of the whole universe who will ultimately van-\\nquish the evil that is incidental to creation. He is know-\\nledge, and the One that knows, he is Weal and the\\nOne that is beneficent. This lofty religious conception was\\nattributed to a religious reformer, Zarathustra or Zoroaster,^\\nand handed down by the hereditary priesthood or tribe called\\nthe Magi, already referred to. Among the good spirits were\\nthe gods of light and fire, and the latter appeared in all Maz-\\ndean worship both in its priestly and popular form. The\\nsacred writings are known as the Zend-Avesta.\\nThe Persian religion, says Hegel,^ is the religion of\\nlight. The source of light is not identified with nature as\\none with it, but is rather regarded as that which creates\\nand vitalises. In its human mental relations this light is\\nwisdom, goodness, virtue, purity, truth in its physical\\nrelations it is that which ntalises and makes beautiful\\n1 It cannot be said that the ancient hymns which survive show that\\nZoroaster taught the doctrine of Ahriman as a Being, but this was the natural\\noutcome of his cosmic view.\\n2 Avesta means the law; Zend, commentary or explanation. We\\nought, strictly speaking, not to talk of the Zend language, but of the Avesta\\nlanguage. The Zend-Avesta- the collection of fragments which we now\\nhave consists of the Vendidad, a compilntion of religious laws and mythical\\ntales the Visperad, a collection of litanies for the sacrifice and the Yasna,\\nalso composed of litanies and of five hymns or Ga (written in a special\\ndialect older than the general language of the Avesta). As a whole, the\\nZend-Avesta bears more likeness to a prayer-book tlian a Bible. It is\\nonly fragments that remain to us of the old original text and of what was\\nadded from time to time by the Magian priesthood. (From Darmesteter in\\nMax Miiller s series.)\\nIn his Philosophy of History,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 187\\nphysical light the light of the sun, which is still wor-\\nshipped by the Parsees the modern representatives of the\\nZend religion as the symbol of intellectual, and the source\\nof physical, light. Ormazd, the lord of life and light, him-\\nself emerges as pure spirit from the unlimited all, and with\\nhim there is also Ahriman, the spirit (or principle) of dark-\\nness, decay, and death, spirit of evil, source of all wrong as a\\nnecessary incident of the act of creation. Ahriman is not\\nthe equal of Ormazd only for a time does he maintain a\\nseemingly equal warfare, to be finally subdued. Men as\\nindividuals are engaged in this warfare, and have to fight\\nfor light against darkness, good against evil, truth against\\nfalsehood, purity against impurity; but not hopelessly.\\nOrmazd was above all. We see in this religion an expres-\\nsion of the highest type of Persian thought which could\\nnot fail to react on the individual life powerfully.\\nThe doctrine of personal immortality was taught. After\\ndeath the wicked fall into the underworld, there to be tor-\\nmented by evil spirits, the good are received into the Abode\\nof Song, the dwelling place of Ormazd and the saints. But\\na day of renovation even for the wicked will come, when,\\nby the discipline of fire, all creatures will be refined.\\nIt is easy to understand that even a religion as pure as this\\nin conception might degenerate into a worship of the ele-\\nments, or rather retain an ancient element worship and spirit\\nworship as a parallel and popular system. The Magi a\\npowerful hereditary class, represented, as priests in those\\nancient nationalities necessarily did, the philosophy, science,\\nand wisdom of their nation. Among them, as interpreters of\\nthe ancient writings, there seem to have been schools of\\nthought some inclining to the concrete and elemental\\nprimitive religion, as opposed to the pure and Eranian spirit-\\ndoctrine. But even among the former was an absence of all\\nthat savoured of idolatry. Herodotus, who saw and under-\\nstood only the popular side of the Persian religion which\\ncontained some old Aryan elements, says The customs\\nwhich I know the Persians to observe are the following.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "188 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nThey have no image of the gods, nor temples, nor altars, and\\nconsider the use of them a sign of folly. This comes, I\\nthink, from their not believing the gods to have the same\\nnature with men, as the Greeks imagine. Their wont, how-\\never, is to ascend the summits of the loftiest mountains, and\\nthere offer sacrifice to Jupiter, which is the name they give\\nto the whole circuit of the firmament. To these gods the\\nPersians offer sacrifice in the following manner. They raise\\nno altar, light no fire, pour no libations there is no sound\\nof the flute, no putting on of chaplets, no consecrated barley-\\ncake but the man who wishes to sacrifice brings his victim\\nto a spot of ground which is pure from pollution and there\\ncalls upon the name of the god to whom he intends to offer.^\\nIt is usual to have the turban encircled with a wreath, most\\ncommonly of myrtle. The sacrificer is not allowed to pray\\nfor blessings on himself alone, but he prays for the welfare\\nof the king and of the whole Persian people, among whom\\nhe is of necessity included. He cuts the victim in pieces,\\nand having boiled the flesh, he lays it out upon the tenderest\\nherbage he can find, trefoil especially. When all is ready\\none of the Magi comes forward and chants a hymn, which,\\nthey say, recounts the origin of the gods. It is not lawful to\\noffer sacrifice unless there is a Magus present. After wait-\\ning a short time, the sacrificer carries the flesh of the victim\\naway with him, and makes whatever use of it he pleases.\\n1 There was a fire, but the victims were not burned in it but before it, and\\nafterwards eaten.\\n2 At what date Zoroastriauism reached its full development is uncertain.\\nThe gradually-growing writings and traditions were formulated, though still\\nin a rudimentary form doubtless, probably about 521 B.C. Some would\\nassign a more modern date on the other hand, inscriptions have come to\\nlight only two or three months ago (1895) which bear the name of Ormazd\\nand Ahriman and must have been cut out on stone about 480 B.C. The Zoroas-\\ntrian reformation of the old Aryanism must have begun about 900 B.C. (some\\nexperts say 1400 B.C.) the sacred writings gradually growing in bulk till for-\\nmulated at the date just given. The Zend-Avesta, as we notv have it, dates\\nfrom about the 4th century A.D. The Medes at the time of their conquest by\\nCyrus seem to have followed the primitive Aryan religion, mixed with Semitic\\nand Turanian elements, the worshippers of Ormazd being only a party in the\\nnation.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 189\\nWhat chiefly concerns us, as students of the education of\\na people, especially where we have no specific educational\\ninstitutions, is to bring into view the religious idea as the\\nultimate expression of the national life. That a religious\\nsystem such as we have briefly described affords a marked\\ncontrast to that of other nations is evident. It was supremely\\nethical and also free from idolatry. It gave a distinct value\\nto the individual personality, and this, though it might be\\nbut imperfectly apprehended by the masses. Absorption or\\nannihilation of his personality in Brahma is the last idea of\\nperfected bliss which would have occurred to a genuine Per-\\nsian Nor would the idea of stern divine law and a rigid\\nmoral contract with God oppress him as it did the Jew, who\\nrealised in God an infinite personality meeting his own finite\\npersonality on certain definite legal terms. On the contrary,\\nthe Persian seems to have been a happy, easy-going mortal\\nhis birthdays were days of festivity. His life was to be a\\nstruggle to extend the kingdom of Light, but withal, a cheerful\\nand a hopeful struggle.\\nThe supreme virtues were as we might expect where\\nthe personality was strong and the religion was a religion of\\nlight and truth as opposed to darkness and error truth-\\nspeaking, and courage. Not only were they required to\\npractise these virtues, but they were enjoined to guard their\\ntongues. In the words of Herodotus They hold it unlaw-\\nful to talk of anything that it is unlawful to do. The most\\ndisgraceful thing in the world, they think, is to tell a lie\\nthe next worst to owe a debt, because, among other reasons,\\nthe debtor is obliged to tell lies. Personal purity and the\\npreservation of the purity of water were also incumbent on\\nthe Persian. They never defile a river, nor even wash their\\nhands in one nor will they allow others to do so, as they\\nhave a great reverence for rivers.\\nWe know so little of the educational methods of the Per-\\nsians that it would be unjustifiable in me to dwell so long\\non their national characteristics were it not that in the edu-\\ncation of the human race generally, and as marking a step", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "190 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nin its progress, the Persians are to be regarded as a potent\\nfactor, and were it not also that the current beliefs, rehgious\\nand ethical, constituted their education.\\nEDUCATION OF THE ANCIENT PERSIANS\\nThere was no educational system in Persia but after what\\nI have said above, we can easily conceive the national result\\nat which the education of family life and public institutions\\naimed. This it is easy to infer from the sketch I have given\\nof the manners, life, and ethical religion of the people.\\nPerhaps the following view of the life of the boy may be\\naccepted as substantially correct.^\\nThe education of a Persian was considered to begin at\\nhis fifth (some say his seventh) year and continue till his\\ntwenty-fourth. To the seventh year the child was left\\nentirely in the hands of the women of the household. Up\\nto the fifth year, Herodotus tells us, they are not allowed\\nto come into the sight of their father, but pass their lives\\nwith the women. This is done that if the child die young,\\nthe father may not be afflicted with the loss. Of good and\\nbad the child was not supposed to be capable of knowing\\nanything. Obedience was his sole duty. It was considered\\nwrong to beat a child before his seventh year. The family\\nupbringing seems to have been genial and kindly.\\nFrom the fifth year, Herodotus says, the public instruction\\nof the boys began. There is no evidence that any class, save\\nwhat would correspond to our upper or wealthier classes, had\\nany education beyond that which national customs, institu-\\ntions, and religious beliefs and rites would necessarily give\\nto all citizens. We are not to accept what Xenophon tells\\nus in his romance. We know, however, from Strabo and\\nSome write with fluency and confidence on the ancient Persian educa-\\ntion, having apparently in their eye Xenophon s Cyropcedia (especially i. 9),\\nforgetting that it is a romance, to be accepted perhaps in its spirit but cer-\\ntainly not in any other respect. Much might be extracted from the Avesta\\nas to the regulation of domestic life, but it is difficult to date what has sur-\\nvived, and we are concerned only with the pre-christian.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 191\\nthe general evidence of antiquity that the boys of the higher\\nclasses were brought up together under men of gravity and\\nreputation at the court of the great king, and also at the\\nlesser courts of the great nobles and provincial governors.\\nIn these central and departmental court-schools they were\\ntrained in shooting with the bow, riding, the use of the jave-\\nlin, and other military exercises, and in the course of this\\ninstruction great attention was paid to their education in\\ntruthfulness and self-control. The story of noble deeds was\\nconveyed through the national traditions. The young men\\nwere rendered hardy by the severity of their physical exer-\\ncise. We may perhaps see in such schools an anticipation\\nof the mediaeval schools of chivalry. In the first book of the\\nAnabasis (which is not to be rejected because the Cyro-\\npaidia is a romance) Xenophon says of Cyrus the Younger,\\nthat when he was receiving his education with his brother\\nand the other youths, he was considered to surpass them all\\nin everything. All the sons of the Persian nobles, he\\nadds, are educated at the Eoyal palace, where they have an\\nopportunity of learning many a lesson of virtuous conduct,\\nbut can see or hear nothing disgraceful. Here the boys see\\nsome honoured by the king and others degraded, so that in\\ntheir very childhood they learn to govern and to obey. Here\\nCyrus first of all showed himself most remarkable for mod-\\nesty among those of his own age, and for paying more ready\\nobedience to his elders than even those who were inferior to\\nhim in station, and next he was noted for his fondness for\\nhorses and for managing them in a superior manner. They\\nfound him, too, very desirous of learning and most assiduous\\nin practising the warlike exercises of archery and hurling\\nthe javelin. When it suited his age he grew exceedingly\\nfond of the chase and of braving dangers in encounters with\\nwild beasts. Plato, again, in his Alcibiades, speaks of the\\ninstruction of the sons of the kings in the wisdom of Zoro-\\naster as well as in justice, temperance, and courage.\\nPrayer and the holy doctrines of the priests were learned\\n(doubtless from oral and personal teaching, not from writ-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "192 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nings) and somewhere about fifteen years of age the boys\\nwere invested with the holy girdle (made out of seventy-two\\nthreads of camel hair or wool, and never laid aside day or\\nnight, as a protection against the Devas or evil spirits) with\\nmany ceremonies. On this occasion the young Persian, after\\nreciting portions of the Avesta which he had been care-\\nfully taught, took upon himself a vow to follow the law of\\nZoroaster. It was at the fifteenth year that the boy was\\nheld to enter youth, that the family bands were relaxed, and\\nthat he became a servant of the State. In his twenty -fifth\\nyear the youth was looked upon as a man and citizen, and\\nwas subject to all duties in peace and war, till his fiftieth.\\nThe highest education was for the hereditary Magian\\npriesthood alone, but it does not seem to have embraced much\\nmore (so far as we know) than the traditionary religious\\nwritings which were numerous. The Persians were not an\\nintellectual people Hke the Egyptians, Chaldees, Hindus, and\\nChinese. Life, with all its activities, was dear to them. But\\nit might be held that it was precisely this want of abstract\\nintellectual interest that helped to make their imperial power\\nso short-lived.\\nThe Semitic and Hamitic races were religious and devout.\\nTheir religions were their political and social bonds. But\\nthey all were characterised by a subjection of the spirit\\nof man to divine powers powers, too, not always of very\\nhumane attributes. Being superstitious, these races were\\nslaves to the unseen; and they were all, save the Jews,\\nidolaters. It was otherwise with the Persian. Morality\\nand virility were the governing ideas. Personality and the\\nresponsibility of each individual for the diffusion of good\\nmight not be national characteristics, but they underlay the\\nnational character. Their religion taught them reverence\\na reverence extended to the great king who was governor\\nunder Auramazda but this reverence, while unquestionably\\nit was subjection, was not slavishness. The individual had\\nto fight with and for Auramazda and the kingdom of Light.\\nTruthfulness, justice, and courage were accordingly, as I have", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 193\\nsaid, the cardinal virtues, and by these characteristics the\\nPersians were, if we may believe history and tradition, gen-\\nerally distinguished in these they educated their children.\\nThe distinctive characteristic of the Persian education is its\\ndevotion to physical and ethical training. Education in our\\nmodern sense did not exist, either as instruction or discipline,\\noutside the physical and ethical elements. It does not appear\\nthat the women had any save domestic training, but it is\\nimportant to note that they held a higher position in the\\nfamily Hfe than was usual in the East.\\nAs to method. Where there is no instruction in litera-\\nture, c., there is no room for method as applied to intellec-\\ntual acquisition and discipline. The method of moral training\\nwas the mingling of the young with their seniors, on which\\nCrete and Sparta and early Eome also mainly relied.\\nThis is all that can be said, with even an approximation to\\naccuracy, about the educational machinery of the Persians.\\nIt was manifestly only the well-to-do who participated fully\\nin the national training possibly only the leading tribe of\\nthe Pasargadse. All others would be dependent on domestic\\nlife and the current of rehgious and ethical belief and\\ntradition.\\nThe significance of Persian life and education lies in the\\ncombination of a free personality witli an intense national\\nfeeling. I am not at all disposed to accept the sweeping\\nestimate of their character which approves itself to Professor\\nSayce, in face of the universal tradition regarding them, sup-\\nported as that is by the doctrines of their religion and the\\nstatements of the Greeks. In the mere fact of personality\\nwe have the beginning of an ideal aim for the personal life.\\nIndividual courage, truthfulness, and purity were constituents\\nof this ideal and the ideal of man was based on the attri-\\nbutes of God. Man becomes, under the Persian conception,\\na personal factor in the world-order. Caste, with its depress-\\ning and restrictive influences and superstitions and their\\naccompaniment of slavish fears, is not compatible with these\\n13", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "194 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nconceptions. Accordingly, I am disposed to regard the Per-\\nsian as the true starting-point of the specifically Aryan char-\\nacter, and as marking the transition from the Semitic-Oriental\\nto the Hellenic type of life. With a sense of personality\\nthere comes into existence freedom and many consequent\\nvirtues. The Persian thus seems to bridge the gulf between\\nthe Oriental and the European. And yet he was an\\nOriental.\\nIt is not our business to trace the brief history of the\\nMedo-Persian empire. When one considers, however, the\\nhigh military and healthy ethical characteristics of the Per-\\nsian when he was an all-conquering force, it is permitted to\\nus to wonder at his rapid degradation and fall. With so\\nexcellent an ethical basis of national life, how came it that\\nthe court, in less than one hundred years from the death of\\nCyrus, had developed all the vices which are popularly asso-\\nciated with Oriental despotisms The imperial organisation\\nwas perhaps too lax to be permanent, but the degradation of\\nthe Persian character wants explanation. Personal vanity\\nand love of luxury do not seem to explain everything. May\\nwe not believe that had there been an organised education of\\na considerable section of the people on the basis of Mazdeism,\\nthe empire, if reduced to manageable limits, might have held\\nits own even against Alexander, who gave it its final blow\\nOr was it that the religion itself had become debased, and\\nthat the degeneracy was due to a light-hearted unbelief,\\ngenerated by luxury, which prepared the way for political\\ndissolution\\nTo conclude The nation which was most nearly allied\\nto the Persian in its religious conceptions was the Jewish,\\nand it is not impossible that the tribes deported to Media in\\nthe first exile may have influenced Zoroastrianism. But\\nspite of a certain community of belief, there was all the con-\\ntrast which the Aryan and Semitic race-characters would\\nlead us to expect. On the one hand we see slavery to a tech-\\nnical legalism, a sacred covenant on the other personal free-\\ndom and a freely discharged responsibility. We may even say", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "TBE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 195\\nthat the Persian idea of God and his relation to the world\\nand the life of man was purer, more universal, and more\\npleasing than the Jewish. God attracts and does not coerce\\nwith threatenings. On the other hand we have in the edu-\\ncated Jew a far more intense conception of the moral element\\nin God and of the absoluteness of Duty to Law. With the\\nPersian the actual personality of God is lost in a principle,\\nand the moral relation of God to the world and man is more\\ngeneralised and less definite, and yet quite capable of being\\nappropriated by an intelligent community. In the Persian\\nidea there was a possibility of progress, and it is difficult to\\nunderstand why the nation did not advance.\\nThe reader who has accompanied us thus far will see that\\nnew elements of life enter the world with the Aryan race.\\nThe two branches of that race of which we have been speak-\\ning exhibit the two leading characteristics of their European\\nbrethren in the one we find a certain simplicity of faith\\nand morals accompanied with freedom of spirit, freshness,\\nand go in the other, profound philosophic contemplation\\nand literary excellence. Both these characteristics we find\\nunited in the race which now compels our attention, and\\nwhich must arrest it much longer than any other for in it\\nwe find the genesis of all subsequent human activity in phil-\\nosophy, literature, and the arts that adorn and elevate the life\\nof man.\\nAuthorities Anabasis and Cyropccdia of Xenophon Herodotus Plato\\nStrabo Sir H. Rawlinson s appendices and discussions in his translation of\\nHerodotus Ranke s History of the World; Rawlinson s Five Eastern Mon-\\narchies Schmidt s History of Education; Hegel s Philosophy of History\\nSayce s Ancient Empires of the East Vaux s Persia Tiele s Outlines of\\nReligions Duucker s History of Antiquity with references to many other\\nsources, such as Darmesteter especially his introduction to the translation\\nof the Zend-Avesta.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "a THE HELLENIC EACE i\\nCHAPTEE I\\nGENERAL HELLENIC CHARACTEEISTICS\\nAssuming that the reader has already a fair acquaintance\\nwith Hellenic history, I here restrict myself to the exhibition\\nof those great and leading characteristics of life, religion, and\\nart, to which it is absolutely necessary to refer if we would\\nunderstand the education of the Greeks.\\nI have in view the highest type of the Hellenic spirit\\nthe Athenian.\\nLook first at the map of the Eastern Mediterranean. The\\nphysical characteristics of the home of the Hellenic races\\nthe variety of scenery which was to be found in a land\\nbroken up, as theirs was, by mountain, stream, and sea, and\\nthe pure and hilarious influences of the atmosphere, were all\\nof a kind to promote the development of a cheerful, bright,\\nlife-loving people. The early separation of the common\\nstock into tribes speaking different dialects (Doric, ^olic,\\nIonic, and Attic), and the establishment on the shores of the\\nMediterranean of numerous autonomous little kingdoms\\ntended to establish a difference, and in many cases a mutual\\nantagonism, of interests. Hence, in consequence of the\\n1 Important Dates in the History of Greece. Trojan War, 1183 B.C.\\nHomer about 950 and Hesiod about 850 B.C. Spartan power dominant in the\\nPeloponnesus, 650 B.C. Athens Legislation of Solon, 590 B.C. Persian in-\\nvasion and Battle of Marathon, 490 B.C. Invasion by Xerxes, burning of\\nAthens, and battle of Salamis, 480 B.C. battle of Platsea, 479 B.C. Suprem-\\nacy of Athens. Peloponnesian war, 431 to 404 B.C. Defeat of Athens and\\nsupremacy of Sparta, 404 B.C. Spartan wars with Persia and Darius divi-\\nsions of Greece: ascendency of Philip of Macedon over Greece, 338 B.C.;\\nAlexander the Great. Greece made a Roman province, 146 B.C.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 197\\nnumerous centres of civic life, that rapid growth of independ-\\nence and of the spirit of freedom which characterised the\\nGreek, and which was, in fact, the beginning of the idea of\\nhberty for the whole human race. This tendency to civic\\nand personal self-assertion was strengthened by the island\\ncharacter of many of the settlements and the activity and\\nenergy called forth by contest with the sea. It is true that\\nfreedom and the spirit of independence were innate in the\\nHellenic character but they were undoubtedly fostered into\\nan almost feverish activity by social, geographical, and\\npolitical conditions. What a contrast do they present to the\\nEgyptian, Chinese, and Semitic national communities, and to\\nthe dreamy and abstract Hindus, their cousins by race\\nHere among the Greeks you have all the grace and human-\\nity which are noted in their fellow- Aryans the Persians, their\\ncourage and manliness, their enjoyment of life and of moral\\nfreedom but all these issuing from a deeper nature, instinct\\nwith a broader human sympathy and, above all, animated by\\nan intense intellectuality. In Homer the first and great-\\nest hterary representative of the Hellenic spirit you have\\nall these characteristics so early as about 1000 years B.C. for\\nHomer seems to have sung somewhere about 180 years after\\nthe Trojan War, to which the date of 1183 B.C. is usually\\nassigned. These poems (which, as has been truly said, form\\nthe end not the beginning of a poetical period), so rich in\\ntheir humanity, so full of character, of simple and naive, yet\\npenetrating, reflection, so abounding in romance, so magnifi-\\ncent in their conceptions of the virility of man, so touching\\nin their pathos and so overflowing with fulness of life and\\nenergy, give the key to the Hellenic character. They formed\\nthe basis of all Greek literature nay, we may say of all\\nEuropean literature. They were committed to memory by\\nthe Hellenic boys and studied by the Hellenic youth, who\\n1 It does not matter to us, of course, -whether one man wrote the Iliad and\\nOdyftsey or not. But, I suppose no one now doubts that these poems were the\\nproduct of many singers, and, if so, their interest and value as the expression\\nof the life of a race are increased.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "198 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nsaw in Achilles a type of free and warlike Greece, learned\\nto revere age and experience in Nestor, to recognise, in tlie\\nportraiture of tlie great Agamemnon, the necessity of leader-\\nship even for free men and democrats, and to appreciate the\\noratory and the astute policy of Ulysses a foreshadowing of\\na potent factor in the life of the interplotting Hellenic States.\\nA people with such a start in national life could not but be\\ngreat in arts, literature, and arms, if their racial genius was\\ntruly represented by their great epos. The teaching fell, as\\nwe know, on fruitful soil and the poems were received and\\ncherished as divine, inspired utterances.\\nWe take the Homeric epos then, as we took the Confucian\\nbooks in the case of China, the Rig- Veda and Code of Manu\\nin the case of the Hindu, and the Zend-Avesta in the case of\\nthe Persian, to be the starting-point of the inner life of the\\nGreeks. A natural humanity broad and various, instead of\\nreligious conceptions, lies at the heart of Greek genius.\\nHomer was the first expositor of this humanity, and through\\nall Greek and even Eoman education, the Iliad and Odyssey\\nformed the minds of the young. Boys, says Professor\\nJebb,i learned Homer by heart at school, priests quoted him\\ntouching the gods, moralists went to him for maxims, states-\\nmen for arguments, cities for claims to territory or alliance,\\nnoble houses for the title deeds of their fame. Even so late\\nas Quintilian, in the first century of the Christian era, we\\nfind the use of Homer and Vergil in the elementary schools\\nrecommended by the most competent of all educational\\nauthorities. It has accordingly been an excellent custom,\\nhe says (i. 8), that reading should commence with Homer\\nand Vergil, although to understand their merits there is need\\nof a maturer judgment but for the acquisition of judgment\\nthere is abundance of time, for they will not be read once\\nonly. In the meantime let the mind of the pupil be exalted\\nwith the sublimity of the heroic verse, conceive ardour from\\nthe magnitude of the subjects, and be imbued with the\\nnoblest sentiments.\\nPrimer of Greek Literature.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 199\\nIt is in the Homeric epos also that we find the earliest\\nindications of Hellenic education. In the 9th Book of the\\nIliad, Phoenix, when supplicating Achilles to lay aside his\\nwrath, recalls that his father, Peleus, when he sent him to\\nthe war, committed him to his care.\\nI, -whom thy royal father sent as orderer of thy force\\nWhen to Atrides from his court he left thee for this course,\\nYet young, and when in skill of arms thou didst not so abound,\\nNor hadst the habit of discourse that makes men so renowned.\\nIn all which I was set by him t instruct thee as my son,\\nThat thou mightst speak when speech was fit, and do when deeds\\nwere done\\nNot sit as dumb for want of words idle, for skill to move.\\nIliad, ix. 443, Chapman s translation.\\nIf we would understand Greece, then, we must start from\\nHomer. If we do not read, and, while reading, are not\\nquick to feel the charm of the great epics, we shall never\\nknow anything ahout the great Hellenic race, or the vital\\nelement in their lives whether in school or at home.\\nThe most remarkable outcome of Greek genius in political\\nand social institutions as well as in art and literature was\\nto be found in Athens the eye of Greece. It is of\\nAthens and the Athenians that Thucydides thus speaks\\nthrough the mouth of Pericles, giving us a picture of an\\nideal civic community, which it is not difficult to connect\\nwith the Homeric conceptions of life\\nIt is true that we are called a democracy, for the admin-\\nistration is in the hands of the many and not of the few.\\nBut while the law secures equal justice to all alike in their\\nprivate disputes, the claim of excellence is also recognised\\nand when a citizen is in any way distinguished, he is pre-\\nferred to the public service, not as a matter of privilege,\\nbut as the reward of merit. Neither is poverty a bar, but\\na man may benefit his country whatever be the obscurity\\nof his condition. There is no exclusiveness in our public", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "200 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nlife, and in our private intercourse we are not suspicious of\\none another, nor angry with our neighbour if he does what\\nhe likes we do not put on sour looks at him which, though\\nharmless, are not pleasant. While we are thus unconstrained\\nin our private intercourse, a spirit of reverence pervades\\nour public acts we are prevented from doing wrong by\\nrespect for authority and for the laws, having an especial\\nregard to those which are ordained for the protection of\\nthe injured, as well as to those unwritten laws which bring\\nupon the transgressor of them the reprobation of the general\\nsentiment.\\nAnd we have not forgotten to provide for our weary\\nspirits many relaxations from toil we have regular games\\nand sacrifices throughout the year; at home the style of\\nour life is refined; and the delight which we daily feel\\nin all these things helps to banish melancholy.\\nBecause of the greatness of our city the fruits of the\\nwhole earth flow in upon us, so that we enjoy the goods\\nof other countries as freely as of our own.\\nThen, again, our military training is in many respects\\nsuperior to that of our adversaries. Our city is thrown\\nopen to the world, and we never expel a foreigner or pre-\\nvent him from seeing or learning anything of which the\\nsecret, if revealed to an enemy, might profit him. We\\nrely not upon management or trickery, but upon our own\\nhearts and hands. And in the matter of education, whereas\\nthey (the Spartans) from early youth are always undergoing\\nlaborious exercises which are to make them brave, we live at\\nease, and yet are equally ready to face the perils which they\\nface.\\nThen, we are lovers of the beautiful, yet simple in our\\ntastes, and we cultivate the mind without loss of manliness.\\nWealth we employ, not for talk and ostentation, but when\\nthere is a real use for it. To avoid poverty with us is no\\ndisgrace the true disgrace is in doing nothing to avoid it.\\nAn Athenian citizen does not neglect the State because he\\ntakes care of his own household and even those of us who", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 201\\nare engaged in business have a very fair idea of politics.\\nWe alone regard a man who takes no interest in public\\naffairs not as a harmless but as a u eless character and if\\nfew of us are originators, we are all sound judges, of a policy.\\nThe great impediment to action is, in our opinion, not dis-\\ncussion, but the want of that knowledge which is gained by\\ndiscussion preparatory to action. For we have a peculiar\\npower of thinking before we act and of acting too, whereas\\nother men are courageous from ignorance but hesitate upon\\nreflection. And they are reaUy to be esteemed the bravest\\nspirits who, having the clearest sense, both of the pains\\nand pleasures of life, do not on that account shrink from\\ndanger.\\nI say that Athens is the school of Hellas, and that the\\nindividual Athenian in his own person seems to have the\\npower of adapting himself to the most varied forms of action\\nwith the utmost versatility and grace. This is no passing\\nand idle word, but truth and fact and the assertion is veri-\\nfied by the position to which these quahties have raised the\\nState. For in the hour of trial Athens alone among her con-\\ntemporaries is greater than her fame. (Jowett s translation.)\\nContrast for a moment this picture of a State with that of\\nthe nations we have been passing under review These\\nwords of Thucydides portray an almost ideal political com-\\nmunity, towards which, indeed, we hope that our modern\\nlife is tending. Strange it may seem that a civic constitu-\\ntion even though falling short of this ideal, as Athens most\\ncertainly did, could not sustain itself for ever. The decline\\nand fall of Greece, manifest as were the causes, yields\\nprobably as profound political lessons as the Decline and\\nFall of Eome even in the hands of the stately and all-\\ncomprehending Gibbon.\\nIn connection with the Greek polity, however, let us never\\nforget that when we talk of the Greeks, we talk not of the\\nwhole of the inhabitants of Hellas who spoke Greek, but of the\\naristocracy of free citizens. These rested on a large body of\\nslaves who performed all manual and menial work captives", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "202 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nin war, or persons purchased at slave markets or the descen-\\ndants of slaves. Though well treated, they had no civic\\nrights to speak of.\\nReligion. The earliest Greeks brought with them the\\nAryan religion and there is nothing in the Vedic hymns\\nwhich they would not have accepted. But how different was\\nthe evolution of the religious sentiment from that which we\\nhave seen in the Persian and Hindu The sacerdotal\\nelement was in abeyance, and religion partook of the\\nhumanity of their civil life. There was here no Semitic\\nfear, no Egyptian awe, no abasement of human personality\\nbefore an unseen power of possibly sinister intentions. It\\nwas a worship of the beautiful of Art, i.e. the ideal in\\nnature and human life. Their gods did not symbolise the\\nmere powers of nature, and the worship was not an element\\nworship, though doubtless it rested on a primaeval adoration\\nof the forces and forms of nature earth, sun, moon, dawn,\\nspring, and so forth. The gods as we find them in their\\nspecific Hellenic development were the perfect expressions\\nof huinan thought regarding the powers that worked in nature\\nand in man. They were ideals and in these ideals they\\ntruly worshipped the divine element in man; and so they\\nmay be, in a sense, said to have worshipped a glorified and\\nsuperhuman, but not supernatural, humanity.\\nOn this subject Hegel says in his Philosophy of History\\nIt must be observed that the Greek gods are to be regarded\\nas individualities, not abstractions, like Knowledge, Unity,\\nTime, Heaven, Necessity. Such abstractions do not form\\nthe substance of these divinities they are no allegories, no\\nabstract beings to which various attributes are attached like\\nthe Horatian [e.g. dira et sceva necessitas As little are\\nthe divinities symbols, for a symbol is only a sign, an adum-\\nbration of something else. The Greek gods express of them-\\nselves wliat they are. The eternal repose and clear intelli-\\ngence that dignify the head of Apollo is not a symbol, but\\nthe expression in which spirit manifests itself and shows", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 203\\nitself present. The gods are personalities, concrete individu-\\nalities an allegorical being has no qualities, but is itself one\\nquality and no more. The gods are moreover special char-\\nacters, since in each of them one peculiarity predominates as\\nthe characteristic one; but it would be vain to try to bring\\nthis circle of characters into a system. Zeus perhaps may\\nbe regarded as ruling the other gods, but not with substantial\\npower so that they are left free to their own idiosyncrasies.\\nSince the whole range of spiritual and moral qualities was\\nappropriated by the gods, the Unity which stood above them\\nall necessarily remained abstract it was therefore formless\\nand unmeaning Fate (the absolute constitution of things)\\nNecessity, whose oppressive character arises from the absence\\nof the spiritual in it whereas the gods hold a friendly rela-\\ntion to men, for they are spiritual natures. That higher\\nthought the knowledge of unity as God the One Spirit\\nlay beyond that grade of thought to which the Greeks\\nhad attained. (Hegel, The Greek World, page 256.) The\\nonly exception that can be taken to this statement is as to\\nthe substantial power of Zeus. See Iliad, viii. 1-27, c.,\\nc. Moreover, the tendency of the intellect of Greece was\\never more and more to assign supremacy to Zeus.\\nMr. J. Brown Patterson also well says The distinguish-\\ning characteristic of the religion thus created by the free\\noperation of the human faculties was naturally the freedom\\nand the fulness of the display which it contained of human\\nnature. It sought the causes of all being and all change in\\nmoving principles similar to those which operate in human\\nbreasts, and in doing so it seems to have had no principle\\nof selection either metaphysical or moral. Whatever was\\npalpable in man it made ideal in the divinity. Accordingly\\nwe find the fulness and richness of human nature in the\\ngods the Hellenic worship was in truth the worship of\\nhumanity. To the Hellenic conception everything beautiful\\nwas holy everything pleasant to man was acceptable to the\\ngods.\\n1 Essay on the Clmracter of the Athenians.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "204 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nThe pervading spirit of the Hellenic religion has been best\\nexpressed in Schiller s famous poem entitled The Gods of\\nGreece, of which I may quote a few verses\\nWlien o er the form of naked Truth\\nThe Muse had spread her magic veil,\\nCreation throbbed with life and youth.\\nAnd feeling warmed the insensible.\\nThen Nature, formed for love s embrace,\\nThe earth in brighter glory trod\\nAll was enchanted ground, each trace\\nThe footstep of a god.\\nBut Nature now, undeified.\\nUnwitting of the joys she gives,\\nUnconscious of her former pride\\nAnd of the soul that in her lives,\\nRegardless of her Maker s praise\\nAnd dead to human sympathy,\\nLike a dull pendulum obeys\\nThe law of gravity.\\nYour gay religions knew no sadness\\nThey banished each austere emotion\\nWhat bosom could but throb with gladness,\\nWhen gladness was the best devotion 1\\nWhate er was sacred tlien was fair\\nNo pleasure feared the eye of God\\nWhere roamed the blushing Muses, where\\nThe Graces still abode.\\nYour temples smiled like palace-halls\\nAnd there ye held your dazzling court\\nOn many-wreathed festivals,\\nMidst thundering cars and hero-sport\\nAnd oft the soft soul-breathing sound\\nOf dance begirt your altars fair,\\nEach brow with bright love-garlands bound,\\nDeep-Avreathed in dewy hair.-^\\n1 Translated by John Brown Patterson,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 205\\nThat there was a deeper vein of religious thought in the\\nHellenic mind is, however, true. The Eleusinian mysteries,^\\nthe lyrical poets, and the tragic drama, give sufficient evi-\\ndence of this but it does not seem to have touched the\\npopular heart deeply. Their instinctive apprehension of\\nideal forms seemed to satisfy their religious needs. The\\ntrue and all-pervading God of the average Greek was, in\\ntruth, neither Zeus nor Athena, but Apollo, whose chief\\nshrine was at Delphi, the centre of Hellenic religious unity.\\nHe truly expressed their art-loving and ideal tendencies in\\nall forms of mental activity, and through his oracles con-\\nnected them with the superhuman world. The recently-\\ndiscovered Delphian hymn to Apollo may be here quoted.\\nFragment T. Thee, son of great Zeus, famous in minstrelsy,\\nI will celebrate, since by the side of this snow-capped hill\\nthou dost show forth divine oracles to all mortals, after thou\\ndidst seize the prophetic tripod which the hateful dragon\\nguarded, when thou didst pierce with thy darts the sheeny\\ntwisted shape.\\nFragment II. Ye fair- armed daughters of loud- thunder-\\ning Zeus, who have had deep-wooded Helicon assigned to\\nyou for an abode, come hither, that you may chant in song\\nthe praises of your kinsman, golden-haired Phoebus, who, on\\nhis twin-peaked abode of the Parnassian rock, along with the\\n1 Doctrines of a mystico-religious kind, believed to have been introduced\\nfrom Egypt and preserved by a priestly family or families at Eleusis. The\\nchief temple was afterwards in Athens, but Eleusis never lost the distinction\\nwhich associated the mysteries specially with it. Any Greek might be\\ninitiated who was prepared to go through all the necessary ceremonies. The\\nprecise nature of the doctrine revealed is not known. I am not aware that\\nmodern research has gone beyond Thirlwall s conclusion They were the\\nremains of a worship which preceded the rise of the Hellenic mythology and\\nits attendant rites, grounded on a view of Nature less fanciful, more earnest,\\nand better fitted to awaken both philosophical thought and religious feeling.\\n{History of Greece, ii. 140.) Some more recent inquirers seem to think that\\nthere was little in the so-called mysteries. On the other hand, it is not im-\\nossible that they had Semitic or Hamitic relations, and Thirlwall s judgment\\non the matter is probably still the soundest. The Greeks seemed to be, in some\\ncases, becoming alive to the sense of sin and the consequent need of personal\\nsalvation. To this the mysteries as well as the Orphic rites would appeal.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "206 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nfamous Delphic maids, visits the rills of the gushing Castalian\\nspring, presiding over the oracular hill upon the Delphian\\nheadland. Come with thy prayers, O famous Attic race,\\nblest with mighty cities, dwelling on the inviolate soil of\\npanoplied Tritonis on holy altars, fire wraps in a blaze the\\nthigh-bones of young bulls, and therewith Arabian vapours\\nspread through it upwards to the sky the flute with thrill-\\ning notes pipes its lay in varied melodies the golden, sweetly-\\nsounding lyre wakes music for triumphal songs, and the\\nwhole swarm of spectators to whom the Attic land has been\\nassigned as a dwelling-place.\\nThe growing idealism and the essentially aesthetic and joy-\\nous character of the Hellenic rehgion is already visible little\\nmore than half way from Homer to Pindar and ^schylus,\\nin the hymn to Apollo, referring to the Ionian festival there,\\nand in existence as early, probably, as 730 B.C.\\nThere, in thy honour, Apollo, the long-robed lonians\\nassemble with their children and their gracious dames. So\\noften as they hold thy festival, they celebrate thee, for thy\\njoy, with boxing and dancing and song. A man would say\\nthat they were strangers to death and old age evermore who\\nshould come on the lonians thus gathered for he would see\\nthe goodliness of all the people, and would rejoice in his soul,\\nbeholding the men and the fairly-cinctured women, and their\\nswift ships and their great wealth, and, besides, that wonder\\nof which the fame shall not perish, the maidens of Delos,\\nhandmaidens of Apollo the Far-darter. First they hymn\\nApollo, then Leto and Artemis delighting in arrows and\\nthen they sing the praise of heroes of yore and of women,\\nand throw their spell over the tribes of men. (Jebb s\\ntranslation.)\\nTo quote again from Hegel, The essence of the Greek\\nreligion is the spiritual itself, and the natural is only the\\npoint of departure. But, on the other hand, it must be\\nobserved that the divinity of the Greeks is not yet the abso-\\nlute free spirit, but spirit in a particular mode fettered by the\\nFragment translated by Dr. Dunn, H.M.I.S., Scotland.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 207\\nlimitations of humanity still dependent as a determinate\\nindividuality on external conditions. Individualities objec-\\ntively beautiful are the gods of the Greeks. The Aryan\\nnature-worshiiD had here evidently fallen into the hands of\\nan aesthetic and idealising race, and spite of the traditional\\ntales of the gods, against which philosophy protested, the\\nrecognition of the gods reacted on the moral life of the\\nGreeks by virtue of the mere fact of idealisation.\\nThe earliest formulated conception of the Hellenic religion\\nafter the race had emerged from a primitive element-wor-\\nship, is to be extracted from the Homeric poems supple-\\nmented by Hesiod s Theogony. It was in the human\\nattributes of their gods, and the rich legendary tales about\\nthem and the heroes, that the Hellenic race first separated\\nitself from the reHgious and intellectual life of other races.\\nAs time went on, these primitive conceptions became more\\nand more idealised and more and more ethical, till we find\\nthat even the profound mind of an ^schylus and a Sophocles\\nhas room for the more important of the subordinate gods\\nalongside their unquestionable monotheism.\\nIt is to the philosophers and dramatists of Greece that we\\nowe those deeper thoughts as to the origin of things, the\\nnature of man, and the moral order of the world, which else-\\nwhere were a derivation from sacred books and the monopoly\\nof a priestly order. In Greece the lay spirit always dominated\\nthe sacerdotal was almost non-existent. But even from\\nthe time of Homer, as I have already indicated, the Greek\\nrecognised a supreme God among the gods Zeus, the father\\nof gods and men the all-powerful. In his supreme hands\\nlay the order of the world and absolute justice. Homer rep-\\nresents Zeus as executing vengeance by making the trans-\\ngressions of men fall heavily on themselves or their children,\\n^^schylus, rising to a lofty conception, calls him all-causing,\\nall-sufficing, all-seeing, all-accomplishing, Lord of lords, most\\nHoly of holies and Sophocles gives utterance to similar\\nthoughts. Certainly from the time of Homer monotheism,\\nor at least henotheism, lay at the basis of the Greek religion", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "208 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthis, however, among all races has been found compatible\\nwith a belief in gods. Blue-eyed Athena was a great god-\\ndess, but she was only the idealised expression of Jove s\\nwisdom, and to her consequently he yields She only of\\ngods may know that chamber s keys where sleeps the sealed\\nthunder of her sire. Bright-haired Apollo, again, was the\\nexpression of the oracular decrees of the father of gods and\\nmen Apollo, who was the god of light, saviour, purifier,\\nand redeemer, and whose cultus, says Tiele, exercised on\\nthe religious, moral, and social life of the Greeks so profound\\nand salutary an influence.\\nThe fact of death inevitable and of human suffering, so\\noften to all appearance unjust, was a deep problem for the\\nGreeks, as it has been for the thoughtful of all races.\\nBehind the awful throne of Jove himself the Greek recog-\\nnised the dark and fateful form of destiny, working out, for\\ngods as well as for men, their lives and fortunes answer-\\nable to no other power, caring for none.^ A thread of mys-\\ntery and awe accordingly ran through the web of Greek life\\nthe pathos of human existence was in their hearts (Iliad,\\nxxiv. passim), but their joyous and active nature, their con-\\nstant struggles in politics, war, literature, art, and philosophy,\\naccompanied by an all-prevailing gymnastic, enabled them\\npractically to ignore the thought of the essential evil in life\\nand to treat all ultimate questions, chiefly through the imagi-\\nnation, and not as supreme and urgent realities in the prob-\\nlem of existence. Forasmuch as men must die, says Pindar,\\nwherefore should one sit vainly in the dark through a dull\\nand nameless age, and without lot in noble deeds What\\na contrast to the Brahman and the Buddhist\\nSacerdotalism, I have said, was alien to the Hellenic cast\\n1 J5sch. Earn, translated by E. Myers.\\n2 Ne er spake I yet, from my oracular throne, of man, of woman, or of\\ncommonwealth, answer unbidden of the Olympian sire. Eum. 616.\\n3 And yet it sometimes appeared that Zeus was powerful enough to be him-\\nself a factor in fate.\\nOlymp. i. 82, quoted by Professor Butcher, p. 105 of Aspects of the\\nGreek Genius.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OF INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 209\\nof thought and life. The temples were simply the house of\\nthe god to whom they were dedicated, and the priest (except\\nin the case of some famihes that had hereditary rights) was\\nelected and might be changed from time to time, returning,\\nafter he had served his period, to the civil life from which\\nhe had been taken. The priest s duty seems to have been,\\nin fact, chiefly that of a caretaker and of a regulator of the\\nmanner of offering sacrifices on special occasions he assisted\\nalso in the offerings and sacrifices which others came to\\nmake. The oracular utterances at certain temples like\\nDodona and Delphi (for centuries the centre of Greek relig-\\nious thought and guide of its political life), revealing the will\\nof the god or future events, and the magical cures in some\\n^sculapian temples would seem to be the only character-\\nistics of religion which connect the Greeks with the magical\\nin religion. The most recent inquiries, it is true, point to\\nboth a Semitic and Hamitic element in the religion of the\\nGreeks, but these elements were themselves Hellenised.\\nBut although there was no priesthood or church in the\\nmodern sense, to the Greek, nature was full of deity holy\\nwere the haunted forest boughs, holy the air, the water, and\\nthe fire but whereas other races accepted the belief of an\\nanimated nature in a prosaic, and generally suspicious, spirit,\\nwith the Greeks the belief was characterised by amity and\\njoyousness. There was also a full recognition of the gods\\nin the great incidents of domestic life birth, marriao;e,\\nand death and, even at banquets, the libations always con-\\nnected the banqueters with present gods. All these cere-\\nmonies, however, seem to have had an artistic quite as much\\nas a religious character, in the sense which other nations\\nunderstood religion. The relation of the Greek to his gods\\nwas an easy, pleasant, and friendly one. Natures so bright,\\njoyous, and high-spirited were not likely to dwell on the\\nmysterious and awful in religion. Truth and self-control,\\nsays Tiele (p. 218), without self-mortification or renuncia-\\ntion of nature, a steady equilibrium between the sensible\\nand the spiritual, moral earnestness combined with an open\\n14", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "210 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\neye for the happiness and beauty of life, such are the charac-\\nteristic features of the Delphic Apollo worship in which the\\nGreek religion almost reached the climax of its development.\\nAs regards a future state, Tiele points out that it was a\\nmark of the etliical character of the Delphic religion that it\\nspoke of a future state of retribution but this was never a\\ndefinite popular belief, though taught by the poets. That it\\nwas an article of faith among the more thoughtful is estab-\\nlished by many passages in Greek literature, although few\\nmay have shared the conviction of Antigone when she says\\nWhen I come there into the other world, such is the hope\\nI cherish, I shall find love with my father, love with my\\nmother, and love with thee my brother (Soph. Antig.\\n897).\\nArt. The religion of the beautiful, joyous, and ideal\\nreceived fit expression in the sacred houses, the remains of\\nwhich are still a wonder and joy to mankind because of their\\nsevere charm and refined simplicity. It is easy to see that\\nGreek art and Greek religion were necessarily one both\\nwere the expression of the same ideal conceptions\\nHow grand and chaste is the Greek temple says\\nHettner, so simple in its beauty, so solemn in its repose,\\nso divine in its serenity It is not like our churches a\\nplace of assembly for the devout congregation it contains\\nonly the statue of the god to whom it is consecrated, and his\\nsacred treasures and votive offerings. It stands, therefore,\\nquite apart from every profane environment. An encircling\\nwall guards a wide, sacred precinct and in the midst of this\\nrises, with far-seen splendour of marble and of gold, the\\nhouse of the god. Nor may it stand on the common earth,\\ntrod by the feet of mortal man. Broad and mighty it is true,\\nthe fair structure stretches along the ground as the natural\\nbasis of existence but three mighty strata of steps lift it\\nabove the level of everyday reality, and bear it, like a great\\nvotive gift, towards heaven. The god who dwells within the\\ncella is no dark forbidding deity he is a god of joy and", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 211\\nperpetual serenity a god of light. To embrace the light\\nand air, the portico throws itself wide and all round runs a\\ncolonnade, connecting the narrow dwelling of the god with\\nthe happy outer world. Joyous in their living, elastic\\nstrength, rise these pillars. The counterpressure of the\\nsuperstructure which it is their purpose to support, receives\\nand checks them as they ascend. Above them rest the\\nsuperincumbent beams of the ceihng and over these spreads\\nthe lofty roof drooping on both sides its broad overshadow-\\ning wings as if to warn and compel the soaring and aspiring\\npillars to remain contented with the solid sufficient earth,\\nthe fair divine Now, and seek no beyond. It is this solution\\nof opposing forces, this aspiration which with glad and will-\\ning self-control returns within its natural limits, this living,\\nsatisfied, and harmonious repose which reflects on the mind\\nof the beholder such a grateful calm. The enjoyment we\\nhave in the intelligent contemplation of a Greek temple is a\\nhomage to and a celebration of the divine, eternal Sophrosyne.\\nA speaker representing Egypt in one of Professor Ebers novels,\\nsays There is such a great difference between the Greek\\nand Egyptian works of art. When I went into our own\\ngigantic temples to pray I always felt as if I must prostrate\\nmyself in the dust before the greatness of the gods, and en-\\ntreat them not to crush so insignificant a worm but in the\\ntemple of Hera at Samos I could only raise my hands to\\nheaven in joyful thanksgiving that the gods had made the\\nearth so beautiful. In Egypt I always believed as I had\\nbeen taught Life is a sleep we shall not awake to our\\ntrue existence in the kmgdom of Osiris till the hour of\\ndeath but in Greece I thought I am born to live and to\\nenjoy this cheerful, bright, and blooming world.\\nIn statuary also the religious idea found expression.\\nPheidias, the greatest of Greek artists, wrought statues\\ndesigned to give a moral, lofty idea of deity. In the\\nAthena of the Parthenon, says Tiele,^ and the Zeus of\\nOlympia and the ancient tragedy, the religion of the Hellenes\\n1 Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions, p. 224.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "212 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nreached the climax of its development. The ideal humani-\\nsation of deity for wMch the way was prepared by the cultus\\nof the Delphic ApoUo was perfected at Athens by ^schylus,\\nSophocles, and Pheidias. The great Pericles was led, says\\nKanke,^ in promoting art to strengthen religion.\\nSuch, concisely summed up, was the Greek religion as\\nreahsed in architecture and the plastic arts the natural\\nand necessary expression of their religious sentiment.\\nArt in literature distinguished the Hellenic race no less\\nthan their work in marble and stone. They created a\\nlanguage subtle, far-reaching, and flexible, and fit to give\\nexpression to every form of literature. These forms, lyrical,\\nepic, dramatic, historical, philosophical, they indeed created\\nand they still are the teachers of mankind. Their attitude\\nto all knowledge was open and receptive. Nothing was\\ncommon or unclean. What a contrast to the nations we\\nhave spoken of in past chapters The Greeks, says Pro-\\nfessor Butcher of Edinburgh,^ before any other people of\\nantiquity, possessed the love of knowledge for its own sake.\\nTo see things as they really are, to discern their meanings\\nand adjust their relations, was with them an instinct and a\\npassion. Their methods in science and philosophy might be\\nvery faulty, and their conclusions often absurd, but they had\\nthat fearlessness of intellect which is the first condition of\\nseeing truly. Poets and philosophers alike looked with un-\\nflinching eye on all that met them, on man and the world,\\non life and death. They interrogated Nature, and sought to\\nwrest her secrets from her, without misgiving and without\\nafterthought. They took no count of the consequences.\\nLet us follow the argument whithersoever it leads, may\\nbe taken not only as the motto of the Platonic philosophy,\\nbut as expressing one side of the Greek genius. Ranke,\\nagain, says History of the World, viii. 7) There is\\nsomething almost miraculous in this simultaneous or nearly\\n1 History of the World, p. 229.\\n2 Some Aspects of the Oreek Genius.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 213\\nsimultaneous appearance of such different types of genius\\naccomplishing in poetry, philosophy, and history the greatest\\nfeats which the human mmd has ever performed. Each is\\noriginal and strikes out his own line, but all work in har-\\nmony. By one or the other of these masters are set forth all\\nthe greatest problems concerning things divine and human.\\nAthens rejoiced in the possession of a theatre the like of\\nwhich, for sport or earnest, has never been seen in any other\\ncity. The people lived in the constant enjoyment of the\\nnoblest dramatic productions. Sophocles was not dispos-\\nsessed by Euripides their works appeared at the same time\\non the stage. The history of Herodotus was read aloud in\\npublic meetings. Thucydides was reserved for more private\\nstudy, but his works had a wide circulation in writing.\\nManhood. Observe, next, how Hellenic idealism en-\\ntered into their conception of man himself. If gods were\\nhuman, men might be divine. A perfect body, the easy and\\nunencumbered vehicle of a free and happy spirit, was the\\nobject of their admiration. The Olympic dust was the richest\\ntreasure which a young Greek could gather. Speaking of the\\nharmonious athletic of the Greeks, Hettner says, Let us\\nfollow all Greece to the great centre of national unity, the\\nplain of Olympia. Here the victor was raised to the eleva-\\ntion of the gods themselves. Poets like Simonides and\\nPindar sang immortal songs of victory in his praise the best\\ncities were anxious that he should be enrolled among their\\ncitizens and when he reached his home, the gate and part of\\nthe city wall were pulled down in token that a city which\\nproduced such men needed not the protection of walls. The\\nconqueror entered in festive procession drawn by four white\\nhorses, proudly clad in purple and wearing on his head the\\nolive wreath he had won. Putting these wonderful facts\\nin array before our minds, we cannot fail to feel deeply how\\nwide is the difference between the moral basis on which\\nGreek antiquity rests and our modes of life and thought in\\nmodern times. We men of to-day can hardly even see how", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "^14 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthe Greeks, the most intellectual nation the world has seen,\\ncould make their highest national festival a gymnastic one,\\nfar less can we sympathise with or imagine ourselves actually\\ntaking part in this truly Bacchic enthusiasm for the Olympic\\nvictor.\\nAnd for what did they contend Not for money rewards,\\nbut for glory alone their success being signalised by a\\nreward in itself worthless at the Olympic games, an ohve-\\ncrown or garland at the Isthmian, one of pine at the\\nNemean, one of parsley at the Pythian, apples from the\\ntrees sacred to Apollo and at the Panathenffia, ohves from\\nthe tree of Minerva. (Lucian, Anach. If we look at the\\ninner nature of these sports, says Hegel, we shall first\\nobserve how sport itself is opposed to serious business, to\\ndependence and need. This wrestling, running, contending,\\nwas no serious affair bespoke no obligation of defence, no\\nnecessity of combat. Serious occupation is labour that has\\nreference to some want. I or nature must succumb if the\\none is to continue, the other must fall. In contrast with this\\nkind of seriousness, however, sport presents the higher seri-\\nousness for in it nature is wrought into spirit, and although\\nin these contests the subject has not advanced to the highest\\ngrade of serious thought, yet, in this exercise of his physical\\npow^ s, man shows his freedom, viz. that he has transformed\\nhis body to an organ of spirit. Nor do these pertinent\\nremarks exhaust the significance of the great games for\\nthey were always accompanied with Temple services and\\nwere pleasing to the gods. They thus stood out as the great\\nevents of the year, which symbolised the religious as well as\\npolitical unity of the Hellenic races.\\nThe statues of the gods were themselves Greek men. It\\nis a grave blunder to look on them as idols. Idols are mere\\nsymbols, and often hideous symbols, of the human fears and\\nhopes of those races who believe that they live in a hostile\\nworld. The Greek gods on the contrary were the idealised\\nand artistic expression of the Greek himself. Apollo and\\nHermes as well as the demigod heroes Achilles and Theseus", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 215\\nare simply glorified Greeks. The benign and simple lines\\nof the countenance, the large eyes, the short forehead, the\\nstraight nose, the refined mouth, belonged to the race and\\nwere their natural characteristics their harmony of propor-\\ntion was a marked feature of the Greek physique. The\\nphysical, however, was itself only an expression of the\\nspiritual. The innate love of freedom and independence, and\\nthe living consciousness of human dignity shone forth in the\\nerect bearing which distinguished the Greek from the bar-\\nbarian. (Curtius, Griech. Gesch. i. 25.)\\nThe Greek exaltation of courage, their love of country,\\ntheir intense personality, their freedom of political life, pre-\\npared them for a great world-task which it fell to them to\\nperform in the interests of civilisation and human progress.\\nEven in the time of the great Cyrus they endeavoured to\\nthrow their shield over their brothers on the Asiatic coast.\\nThey subsequently drove back the whole Oriental power led\\nagainst them by Xerxes in person, and by so doing laid the\\nwhole future of humanity under eternal obligations. Mara-\\nthon, Thermopylae, and Salamis are imperishable names.\\nThus was Greece freed, says Hegel, from the pressure\\nwhich threatened to overwhelm it. Greater battles unques-\\ntionably have been fought, but these live immortal, not in\\nthe historical records of nations only, but also of science and\\nart of the noble and the moral generally. For these are\\nworld-historical victories they were the salvation of culture\\nand spiritual vigour, and they rendered the Asiatic principle\\npowerless. How often, on other occasions, have not men\\nsacrificed everything for one grand object How often have\\nnot warriors fallen for duty and country But here we are\\ncalled on to admire, not only valour, genius, and spirit, but\\nthe purport of the contest the effect, the result, which are\\nunique in their kind. In other battles a particular interest\\nis predominant but the immortal fame of the Greeks is\\nnone other than their due, in consideration of the noble\\ncause for which deliverance was achieved. In the history of", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "216 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthe world it is not the valour that has been displayed, nor\\nthe so-called merit of the combatants, but the importance of\\nthe cause itself, that must decide the fame of the achieve-\\nment. In the case before us, the interest of the world s his-\\ntory hung trembling in the balance.^ Oriental despotism\\na world united under one lord and sovereign on the one\\nside, and separate states insignificant in extent and re-\\nsources, but animated by free individuality on the other\\nside, stood front to front in array of battle. Never in history\\nhas the superiority of spiritual power over material bulk\\nand that of no contemptible amount been made so glori-\\nously manifest. This war and the subsequent development\\nof the states which took the lead in it, is the most brilliant\\nperiod of Greece. Everything which the Greek principle in-\\nvolved then reached its perfect bloom and came into the\\nlight of day. (Hegel, The Greek World, p. 268.) It may\\nbe added that the contest was also one between the spirit of\\ncentralisation and that of decentralisation.\\nWhen we first come in contact with the Hellenic race in\\nhistory, we at once recognise the loftiest, and deepest, and\\nrichest expression of the genuine Aryan spirit. A strong\\nand joyous personality, and its free and beautiful develop-\\nment, meet us. We are not surprised to read Aristotle s\\nwords in which, speaking for all Greece, he tells us that\\nthe aim of life is living happily and beautifully. Pol.\\niii. 9. 14.) They believed in the essential beneficence of\\nNature and thought life well worth living. Adamantius,\\nthe physician, says, they were the most beautiful eyed of\\nall races, and we can well believe it. Above all other\\nraces before or since they seem to have lived. It was their\\nintense sense of life and the joy in life that lay at the\\nbottom of their zeal for activity, as the German historian\\nCurtius well says. Humanity, in short, in all its breadth\\nand variety, was represented in this wonderful race, free\\nfrom the overshadowing idea of God as eternal law and\\n1 So with the battle of Chalous, when Aetius drove back the Huns in\\n455 A.D.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 217\\nstern judge, as a being of exacting claims if not of hostile\\nintent.\\nBut, let us now for a moment try to get rid of the\\nHellenic glamour and contemplate the other side of the\\npicture.\\nI think we must admit that the Greeks, and above all\\nthe Athenian Greeks, were light-minded and frivolous, easily\\nswayed hither and thither, vain, of a shallow, because merely\\nsesthetic, morality; talkative, untruthful, scheming, and\\npleasure-loving, with a strong tendency to licentiousness.\\nBrilliant comrades, I should say they were doubtful friends.\\nAgain, if we set aside the philosophers and dramatists\\nwho represented the highest religious thought of the Greeks,\\nit can scarcely be said that the Greeks as a race were, in\\nany sense in which we now use the term, a religious people.\\nThe tales of the gods which Plato would have banished\\nfrom education were unquestionably an expression of the\\nriotous and imaginative spirit of the Greeks, and could not\\npossibly have influenced their lives to virtue. That religion\\nconsisted in a personal ethical relation to God and gods was\\ncertainly recognised by them but did not very profoundly\\ninfluence them, although all were so far restrained by the\\nfact that Zeus punished iniquity. The gods generally had\\nto be honoured and offerings made to them but that was\\nsubstantially all. Wanting in a deep religious sense and\\nnot distinguished by any high conception of abstract duty,\\nthey were consequently deficient in reverence. Nor were\\nthey capable of that feeling of obligation to supreme law\\nwhich marked the Eoman. Their true religion was Art:\\nthe becoming, the fit, and the beautiful were truly their\\ngods. The Greek conception in truth fell far short of tlie\\nJudaic and Zoroastrian and Hindu conceptions of a Supreme\\nBeing and man s relations to him. The moral force w-hich\\nsustained the inner life of the Greek was his idealising\\ntendency which found expression in art. This was quite\\ncompatible with their acceptance of the popular stories about\\nthose whom they idealised.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "218 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nFurther, the position of Athenian women was far from\\nbeing what we should have expected to grow out of the well-\\nknown scene between Hector and Andromache, and many\\ndomestic incidents in the Iliad and the Odyssey. It fell\\nshort of the Doric conception, and seems utterly incompatible\\nwith the women of the great dramatists. The women spent\\ntheir time in looking after their domestic concerns and sat in\\na room set apart for them the gynseceum which was half\\nboudoir, half a day-nursery. They sewed, wove, and em-\\nbroidered. There is something Oriental in the conception of\\nthe wife s position among the Ionic Greeks. The chief glory\\nof an Athenian woman was that she should not be talked\\nabout. The husbands regarded their wives as quite inferior\\ncreatures, fit only to look after the house and bear children.\\nThey themselves spent their time in the streets, gymnasia,\\nand places of public resort, or in banquetings at each other s\\nhouses, or visiting purchasable women (wlio seem to have\\nbeen numerous in aU Greek towns except Sparta), and some\\nof whom, like Aspasia, were women of high accomplishments\\nand held salons, frequented by all the literary, artistic, and\\npolitical men who could secure invitations.^ The position of\\nwomen in Sparta was much higher, and it is interesting to\\nnote that the Greek poetesses were for the most part of the\\nDoric stem.\\nFinally, democratic equality, notwithstanding the over-\\nshadowing influence of the Areopagus (powerful as a restrain-\\ning influence even after the democratic reforms of that council\\nby Pericles), and the presence of powerful hereditary families\\nwho endeavoured to lead the mass, led to quarrelsomeness\\nand jobbery within their own cities and constant little wars\\nwith their fellow Greeks. They could not sacrifice their\\nnarrow civic interests even to the idea of Hellenic nationality,\\nexcept for brief and uncertain periods. Delphi and the\\nOlympic games were their only living points of unity the\\nformer religious, the latter gymnastic. Their town and tribal\\nThey were always foreigners or freed women, never daughters of citizens,\\nit is said.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 219\\nconfederacies were loose associations held together by the\\nworship of a common tutelary deity, Demeter, Apollo, or\\nPoseidon.\\nIt would ahnost seem as if Lycurgus saw the kind of\\ncreatures he had to deal with, and resolved to discipline tliem\\ntightly and to subject them at Sparta to a civic system wliich\\nwas at once school and camp, and thus to mould, out of the\\nfacile Greek nature, the stern and upright Spartan. And for\\na time he succeeded, but it was a moulding from without,\\nnot from within.\\nLet us not forget, however, that it was these very Hellenic\\ncharacteristics, and above all the personal freedom in which\\nthey had their roots, which made it possible for the Greeks\\nto be artists, historians, and bold, speculative inquirers into\\nall things human and divine. It was probably only char-\\nacter of the versatile Greek type, and under Greek conditions,\\nthat was compatible with the work they did for humanity.\\nThey had all the faults of the artistic temperament, but then\\nthey had the latter with its virtues and vitality in all its fnl-\\nness. They had to pay the price of their defects that they\\nmight gain Art and Philosophy for themselves and mankind.\\nThey were gifted with a genius for perception and expression,\\nand this in every kind of human emotion and every depart-\\nment of intellectual activity, and whatever they attempted\\nthey succeeded in doing in the best possible form. To them\\nwe owe our logic and philosophy, the beginnings of science,\\nthe advancement of mathematics, and the finest forms of\\nhistory, poetry, and the drama, as well as the arts of sculpture,\\narchitecture, and painting. It is when contemplating the\\nvast and various contributions which the Hellenes made to\\nthe life of humanity that Shelley beautifully says\\nWithin the circuit of this pendant orb\\nThere lies an antique region, on which fell\\nThe dews of thought, in the world s golden dawn,\\nEarliest and most benign and from it sprung\\nTemples and cities and immortal forms,\\nAnd harmonies of wisdom and of sons:", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "220 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAnd thoughts, and deeds worthy of thoughts so fair\\nAnd when the sun of its dominion failed,\\nAnd when the winter of its glory came,\\nThe winds that stript it bare blew on and swept\\nThat dew into the utmost wildernesses,\\nIn wandering clouds of sunny rain that thawed\\nThe unmaternal bosom of the North.\\nFrom the Prologue to Hellas.\\nCHAPTEE II\\nTHE GREEK IDEAL OF MANHOOD AND THE CONSEQUENT\\nCHARACTERISTICS OF HELLENIC EDUCATION GENERALLY\\nAs a necessary introduction to the understanding of the\\nHellenic ideal let me point out what is little more than a\\nlogical deduction from what we have already said. The\\ngenuine Greek did not make any real distinction between a\\nvirtuous life and a beautiful and happy one. Virtue doubt-\\nless was the condition of happiness but virtue itself meant\\na nature in harmony with itself and its external relations.\\nIt was essentially aesthetic. Thus we may truly say that\\nit was not the abstract good of Plato which governed the\\nethical conceptions of the Greeks, but the beautiful as\\nanother expression for harmony. Hence the compound\\nword kalokagathia. But inasmuch as the Greek mind was\\nessentially concrete, it included in the idea, of human\\nexcellence the outer aspect and bearing of the individual\\nman.\\nThe oldest form of Greek life was the Dorian. (We may\\nhere omit the ^olic.) The chief representatives of the Doric\\ntribes were the Cretans and Spartans, and consequently we\\nare justified in looking among them for the primitive laws,\\ncustoms, and beliefs of the Hellenic race. If the Dorians\\nwere the first to form civic communities, we can easily\\nunderstand that whatever their national temperament and\\nunconscious life-aims might be, these would be subordinated", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 221\\nto the necessity of maintaining the existence of their rising\\ncommunities in the midst of hostile races. Hence the pure\\nHellenic spirit would be subordinated in them to military\\nrequirements.\\nIn the education of the Dorians it is Sparta with which\\nwe have chiefly to do. Unlovely as at first sight the Spartan\\ncharacter and constitution seem, we must never forget that\\nthe Spartans were yet Hellenes, and that the Greek spirit,\\nwhich reached its finest expression in Athens, animated them\\nalso only subdued in their case by a sterner sense of duty,\\nby an arbitrary state-supremacy over the individual citizen,\\nand a conservative attachment to the older and simpler con-\\nceptions of the Hellenic race. They were of the past, and\\nin their political system it is doubtful if they possessed the\\npossibility of progressive development. Among them we\\nfind supreme attachment to the state, as the central motive\\nforce in the individual hfe, much more strongly expressed\\nthan among the Athenians but it is still held by them in\\nunion with a deep sense of personal freedom achieved\\nthrough the state and (so to speak) contra mundum. For\\nthe fundamental characteristics of the Hellenic mind were\\nnot here wanting. In the genuine Doric form of govern-\\nment, says Miiller Dorians, ii. p. 6), there were certain\\npredominant ideas, which were peculiar to that race, and\\nwere also expressed in the worship of Apollo, viz. those of\\nbecomingness or graceful expression {euhosmia) of self-\\ncontrol and moderation (sophrosyne) and of manly virtue\\n(arete). Accordingly, the constitution was formed for the\\neducation as well of the old as of the young and in a Doric\\nstate, education was, upon the whole, a subject of greater\\nimportance than government. And for this reason all\\nattempts to explain the legislation of Lycurgus from partial\\nviews and considerations have necessarily failed. That\\nexternal happiness and enjoyment were not the aim of these\\ninstitutions was soon perceived. Again he says (ii. 3. 1)\\nWe may say that the Doric state was a body of men,\\nacknowledging one strict principle of order and one unalter-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "222 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nable rule of manners and so subjecting themselves to this\\nsystem that scarcely anything was unfettered by it; but\\nevery action was influenced and regulated by the recognised\\nprinciples. But in carrying out his scheme of discipline\\nLycurgus was not, Plutarch says, himself unduly austere\\nit was he who dedicated, says Sosibius, the little statue of\\nLaughter or Mirth, which was introduced occasionally at\\ntheir suppers and places of common entertainment, to serve\\nas a sort of sweetmeat to accompany their strict and hard\\nlife. The ultimate aim of the state-regulations, however,\\nwas such as we have quoted from Miiller, and had a con-\\nscious ideal of personal as well as civic manhood in view.\\nMiiller maintains that up to the time of the Persian Wars\\n(let us say even up to 450 B.C.) all mental excellence flour-\\nished at Sparta, and it has to be remembered that it was to\\nthe Dorian branch of the Hellenic race that we owe some of\\nthe lyrical poets.\\nWe must recognise the Cretan and Spartan education as\\nthe oldest to take shape among the Hellenic races, and we\\nwould, accordingly, fain find among them the ideas which lay\\nat the root of all Hellenic life. I think we do find them as\\nsummed up in the three expressions I have already quoted\\nfrom Miiller, arete, sophrosyne, and eukosmia. Indeed, I seem\\nto see in these the basis of all Greek life whatsoever, even in\\nits finest forms and, as the basis of their life, they must\\nalso have been, more or less consciously, the aim of their\\neducation. The Athenian to Kokov Kayadov simply summed\\nup these characteristics in different words. This was the\\nGreek ideal of conduct. But all was subservient to the state,\\nand the Hellenic ideal of man, both as body and mind, was\\nthus inseparable from his state-ideal.\\nThe Greek child, speaking generally, was brought up for\\nthe service of the state. The individual existed for the state.\\nThe civic idea was dominant, just as in China the family idea\\nwas and is dominant, and in India the caste idea, in Egypt\\n1 Life of Lyacrgus.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 223\\nthe class idea, among the Jews the theological idea, and\\namong the Persians the virile military idea. But we must re-\\nmember that, whatever might be the local form of government\\nthe numerous separate states of Greece were free and that\\nif there was, among the Dorians, an apparently arbitrary\\nmoulding of the mind of youth, what was done was done\\nby the citizens themselves, in a free Greek spirit. In Sparta,\\nsuch was the instinctive capacity of the race for the\\nideal, that the conditions of qualification for citizenship\\nwere necessarily good, inasmuch as they were determined\\nby the ideal. Even the importance of bodily training\\nwas recognised with a view to a true manly product apart\\nfrom the relation of gymnastics to the national defence,\\nalthough this latter object was necessarily more pronounced\\namong the Dorian than among the Ionic races. But even\\namong the Dorians we must not concentrate our attention\\nso exclusively on the gymnastic side of their training as to\\nlose sight of its moral element. The aim of the severe dis-\\ncipline under which they were brought up was to produce\\nobedience, self-sacrifice, courage, promptitude, self-reliance,\\nand a single-eyed concentration on the immediate purpose of\\nall action.^ Thus was produced a self-controlled and vic-\\ntorious man. Accordingly, I conclude that while the de-\\nfensive requirements of the state among the Doric races\\ndominated and controlled the processes of education yet\\nthe requirements of the state, inasmuch as they could only\\nbe satisfied by the rearing of citizens who were virtuous, self-\\ncontrolled, and possessed of the graces of manner and physi-\\ncally well-grown, were also the highest possible even in the\\ninterests of each man. Thus, free development of the indi-\\nvidual and the service of the state were within certain limits\\nharmonised.\\nAmong the Athenians also, and, in truth, in all Hellenic\\ncommunities, the citizens lived for the state which was\\nsupreme but it is necessary here to emphasise a distinc-\\ntion between the races,\\n1 This reads like a quotation.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "224 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAmong the Doric races, and notably in Sparta, the state\\nexisted as a great educational institution, and citizens were\\ndeliberately formed after a certain pattern. Among the\\nIonic races, and especially the Attic branch, on the other\\nhand, the education was not state-education in any proper\\nsense there was no state-system, and the idea and aims of\\nthe state consequently did not rigidly control the education\\ngiven. The individual was educated in the first instance for\\nhimself with a view to his own full and free development\\nand only secondarily for the state. The best possible\\nproduct in manhood is better than a second-rate manufac-\\ntured citizen, even from the point of view of public policy.\\nIn short, a development of body and mind, so that the one\\nshould serve the other, and both work in subjection to the\\nideas of self-control, moral excellence, and the becoming,\\nand thus give to the state a harmonious man, was the Attic\\nidea of education. The Dorian thought, on the contrary,\\nfirst of the state in its integrity, and only in the second\\nplace of the man. But, as I have pointed out, his require-\\nments for the man were conceived in a true Hellenic spirit.\\nIt would appear, then, that it is among the Hellenic\\nraces, above all in Attica, that we find arising, for the first\\ntime in the history of the world, a wholly new conception\\nof human life, and, consequently, a new conception of the\\nend of education. The Chinese was trained in obedience to\\nprecepts and customs with a view to civic order and the\\nmore common social and prudential virtues the Persian\\nwas trained to be truthful, generous, and brave for himself\\nas well as for the state, and with these virtues there was\\na spirit of free individualism, but it was boyish and un-\\nthoughtful: other races of antiquity were held down by\\ndespotic tradition and overawed by the dogmatism of a\\n(presumably) divine teaching the Ionian Greek, however,\\nformed a conception of the ideal for each man, which\\nideal was to be freely sought an ideal much higher than\\nany that had preceded it, because it aimed at manly dignity\\nand harmony of the whole nature mind and body. All", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 225\\nauthority of the state proceeded from the individual citizen\\nin his free development and activity. The very laws were\\na counterpart of the life.\\nAnother distinction between the Dorian and Attic is\\nworthy of mention. The laws of Lycurgus imposed the\\neducation of the free citizen as a duty on the state, just as\\nthe laws of Solon at Athens imposed it as a duty on each\\nfather of a family. The difference is significant.\\nThe Hellenic races generally, both Dorian and Ionian,\\nendeavoured to realise their ideal by means of two educa-\\ntional instruments music and gymnastic. Under the\\nhead of music was included literature as well as music in\\nits narrower sense and I would further point out that\\nmusic, even in its narrower sense, embraced (among the\\nDorians especially) religious training, because of its con-\\nnection with choral singing and the worship of the gods.\\nSuch being the general character and aim of Greek life\\nand Greek education, let us now consider in detail the\\nmeans that were taken to train the youth of the country,\\nbeginning with the oldest Greek system the Doric, as\\nexemplified in Crete and Sparta a system towards which\\nboth Xenophon and Plato, weary of licentious democracies,\\nwere disposed to look back with some longing. And yet,\\nspite of Plato and Xenophon, it is in the Ionic-Attic life\\nand education that the modern world must ever recognise\\nthe true Hellenic spirit.\\nBut before going further, it is necessary for us to bear in\\nmind that national education did not mean in any part of\\nHellas what it means in Europe now. Those who were free\\ncitizens or burgesses were alone regarded as forming integral\\nparts of the state, the larger number of the inhabitants\\ncomposed of foreign residents and slaves being excluded.\\nIn Sparta, for example, at its best period, the subject resi-\\ndents, including the Helots, were three times as numerous as\\nthe true citizens. In Attica, again, the total population was\\nabout 500,000, and of these only 100,000 were citizens. It\\n15", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "226 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nhas also to be premised that the education which was given,\\nboth at Sparta and Athens, was the iustiuctive product of the\\nlife of the people, not the deliberate result of educational\\ndiscussion and theory.\\nTo fix the date of the first schools in Greece is difficult,\\nbut we do not go too far back when we fix it at 600 b.c. in\\nAthens. This was a period of intense Hellenic activity.\\nAccording to Plutarch, almost every free citizen received at\\nleast elementary instruction so early as the time of Aristides,\\nwho died 467 B.C. The Spartan education, if organised along\\nwith the Spartan state, must have dated from about 850 b.c.\\nI would, however, here emphasise what I have already\\nfrequently indicated that we must not measure the educa-\\ntion of a nation by its schools. These arise only where there\\nis a written literature. But long before their existence, oral\\nliterature, religious and heroic, not to speak of customs and\\nlaws, were educating the people. And again, I would point\\nout that we are not to conclude from the non-existence of\\nschools that children were not, in a considerable number of\\ncases at least, taught to read and write in their own homes\\nin so far as these arts were necessary for the conduct of the\\nordinary business of life.\\nCHAPTER III\\nEDUCATION AMONG THE DOKIAN GREEKS\\nI. CRETAN EDUCATION\\nThe manly vigour of the Dorian, his simplicity and natural-\\nness, were reproduced in the education to which he subjected\\nthe young. The Hellenic idea of the supremacy of the state\\nwas recognised more fully than among the lonians, who (as\\npre-eminently in Athens) allowed more individual freedom,\\nand were characterised by more variety, flexibility, and\\nsubtlety of nature elements necessary to bring to fruition\\nthe artistic genius of the Hellenic mind. With the Dorians", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "TBE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 227\\nthe state was the schoolmaster the state itself was, in truth,\\nan organised educational polity.\\nIn Crete the boys were retained in the family till their\\neighteenth year. At this age they were required to enter\\nthemselves (some say these associations were voluntary)\\nas members of bands or troops to be trained in a severe\\ncourse of gymnastic including archery, hunting, and mili-\\ntary exercises. At this age also they were admitted to the\\npublic meals and allowed to listen to the conversation of the\\ngrown men.\\nThese bands, each with its own head, were under the\\ngeneral superintendence of an overseer appointed by the\\nstate. There was no gymnastic specialist employed as\\nteacher at least in the earlier times. Their literary\\neducation, so far as reading, writing, c., were concerned\\nreceived little or no attention. But in connection with the\\nDoric music, which all learnt, they became thoroughly\\nversed in the laws. These they chanted. They also sang\\nhymns to the gods, and recited tales of heroes, and narra-\\ntives of the great achievements of their ancestors. Their\\nliterary education thus really comprised music, religion, civic\\neconomy, history, and poetry in their rudimentary forms.\\nAs to the J^olic stem of the Hellenic race, I may say in\\npassing that it was more nearly allied in its educational\\npractices to the Doric than to the Ionic-Attic. Thebes in\\nBceotia was the representative town of this Hellenic branch.\\nIn music, both the lyre and the flute were taught at Thebes,\\nand the influence of Athens was so far felt that literary\\nschools existed there before the time of Socrates. The\\nslaughtering of the children of the school of Mycalessus by a\\nband of Thracians is narrated by Thucydides (vii. 49).\\nPlutarch also tells us that Epaminondas, the great Theban,\\noccupied himself with philosophic studies, and it is well-\\nknown that rhetoricians and philosophers taught at Thebes\\nwhen Philip of Macedon was a boy.^\\n1 The various colonies of the different Hellenic races in Asia Minor and\\nthroughout the Mediterranean followed each the customs of their mother city.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "228 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nSPARTAN EDUCATION\\nThe Cretan principles of education received their full de-\\nvelopment in Sparta. This is one point, says Aristotle, in\\nwhich the Lacedsenionians deserve praise: they devote a\\ngreat deal of attention to the educational needs of their chil-\\ndren, and their attention takes the form of action on the part\\nof the state. Polit. v. 1.)\\nThe position of Sparta in the centre of a hostile population\\ncompelled its statesmen to give prominence to the gymnastic\\nand military side of education. The state had to hold its\\nown, and it could only do so through the vigour and prowess\\nof its individual citizens. Sparta, accordingly, was little\\nmore than an organised camp.^ We are not to suppose that\\nLycurgus invented the Spartan civic system. He gave form\\nand definite purpose to those traditionary Doric customs and\\ntendencies which we find partially operative in Crete. Nor,\\naccording to Plutarch (i. 125), was it his intention to rear a\\nconquering race. He thought rather that the happiness of\\na state, as of a private citizen, consisted chiefly in the exer-\\ncise of virtue and in the concord of the inhabitants. His aim\\nin all his arrangements was to make and keep the people\\nfree-minded, self-dependent, and temperate. The state rested\\nThe Dorians effected a settlement in the Peloponnesus in the eleventh\\ncentury B.C. Sparta was, before the time of Lycurgus, a double monarchy.\\nLycurgus about 850 B.C. still further weakened the monarchical authority, so\\nthat the two kings became little more than presidents of the senate. The\\nsenate consisted of thirty members, including the kings. The free inhabitants\\nof Sparta alone had political rights. With few exceptions, they were owners\\nof the soil and lived on their rents. The Perioeci inhabitants of the sur-\\nrounding country and towns were free, but had no political rights. They\\nwere engaged in actual farming and in various industries and commerce. The\\nHelots, again, were in the position of slaves or rather serfs, and were com-\\nposed of captives taken in war, or rebels who had submitted. They did\\nmenial work in Sparta and cultivated the lands of the free citizens, paying a\\nfixed rent of one-half the produce. Sparta was regarded as a leading power in\\nGreece from 555 B.C. In b.c. 510 it began to interfere north of the Pelopon-\\nnese and as the supporter of the oligarchy to incur the hatred of Attica. The\\nPeloponnesian War was waged, b.c. 431-404, resulting in the triumph of\\nSparta and of oligarchic versus democratic principles. Macedonian domina-\\ntion of Greece dates from 335 b.c.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 229\\non the idea that each citizen must be prepared to sacrifice\\nhimself to the whole.\\n1. Infancy\\nThe governing conception in education was the production\\nof a hardy spirit in a hardy body. To ensure this, the dis-\\ncipline began from the day of birth. The babe was bathed\\nin water mixed with wine, because (it is said) the Spartans\\nbelieved that only strong and healthy children could endure\\nsuch a bath, and that the sickly must die of it. After this,\\nthe council of the elders of the tribe (jgerousia) decided in\\nthe public place of meeting as to whether the child should\\ndie or live. The healthy and strong boy was preserved, but\\nthe sickly and weak one was put away. It used to be held\\nthat it was thrown down a precipice on Mount Taygetus\\nbut the custom seems rather to have been to expose it in a\\ndefile of Taygetus or some outlying district round Sparta and\\nallow it to grow up, if any one among the subject population\\nchose to save it. All rights of citizenship were for ever\\ndenied to it. Healthy children alone could be of service to\\nthe state.\\nUp to the seventh year the child belonged to the mother,\\nby whom it was brought up, the health of the body being\\nher chief care. In early times the Spartan mother nursed\\nher child herself. After the Persian wars, however (b.c. 479),\\nin the houses of rank, we hear of wet-nurses and nursery\\nmaids (hired women of the class of the Periceci), who were\\nnoted in Sparta for special carefulness and ability. They\\nwere on that account much prized by the citizens of other\\nGreek states. The child was not wrapped in swaddling-bands\\n(spargana). The Spartans held that its limbs should be free,\\nso that the natural growth might be unimpeded. It was\\nmade hardy by fasting, and trained (it is said) to overcome\\nfear by being left alone in the dark. Screaming was pre-\\nvented as much as possible, for the Spartan, as a rule, was\\nnot allowed to cry out. The discipline of self-control thus\\nbegan very early.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "230 PRE-CURISTIAN EDUCATION\\n2. The Education of the Boys\\n(a) Gymnastic. In their seventh year the legitimate sons\\nof citizens were entrusted by the ephors to a state official,\\nwho was responsible for their upbringing. He was called\\nthe Pcedonomus. The cost of education for aU free citizens\\nwas defrayed from the revenues of the pubUc lands and from\\nthe taxes of the Perioeci. The object of this public educa-\\ntion was to promote a feehng of equality among citizens of\\nall ranks, and to implant in the youth of the state the feeling\\nof a common interest. The Spartan youth, accordingly, were\\nbrought up in school-rooms, dormitories, gymnasia, and\\nmusic-rooms, shared by all. The heirs-apparent of the kings\\nwere alone exempted. No Spartan was allowed to be edu-\\ncated in a foreign state. The pcedonomus was assisted by\\nofficers called hidicei.\\nWlien received into the public boarding schools, the boys\\nwere formed into small companies (agelai or ilai) and these\\nformed portions of larger companies, called louai. The\\nolder and abler boys were set over the younger and weaker\\nones as superintendents and leaders in their gymnastic exer-\\ncises, as captains of the ilai and houai (ilarchai and houagores).\\nThe governor, says Plutarch, set over each of the bands,\\nfor their captains, the most temperate and boldest of those\\nthey called l7 ens (youths) who were usually twenty years\\nold two years out of the boys (i 107). These monitors\\nand captains were responsible to the ymdonomus alone.\\nThe pcedonomus (under whom were the hidicei), who was\\nsupreme, punished the boys on the spot for any offence, superin-\\ntended their moral training and their gymnastic exercises. He\\nalso regulated the stories which the children were allowed to\\nhear. Lycurgus, says Plutarch, would not have masters\\nbought out of the market for his young Spartans, nor such\\nas should sell their pains nor was it lawful for the father\\nhimself to breed up the children after his own fancy but as\\nsoon as they were seven years old they were to be enrolled\\nin certain companies and classes, where they all lived under", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 231\\nthe same order and discipline, doing their exercises and taking\\ntheir play together. Of these, he who showed the most con-\\nduct and courage was made captain the others had their eyes\\nalways upon him obeyed his orders, and underwent patiently\\nwhatsoever punishment he inflicted so that the whole course\\nof their education was one continued exercise of a ready and\\nperfect obedience. (i, 106.)\\nThe age of the boys regulated the classification into differ-\\nent groups and classes. Up to the period of youth there\\nwere three classes to be gone through, from the seventh to\\nthe twelfth year, from the twelfth to the fifteenth, from the\\nfifteenth to the eighteenth and there were probably as many\\nmore from the period of youth to that of full manhood in\\nthe thirtieth year.\\nImmediately on his entrance the boy s hair was cut short.\\nThe beds consisted of hay and straw, without blankets from\\nthe fifteenth year of rushes, which the boys were required to\\ncollect for themselves, without a knife, on the banks of the\\nEurotas. In summer and in winter they went without shoes\\nand but slightly clad: till their twelfth year in petticoats\\n(scanty woollen ones) after that age they had only one gar-\\nment, a kind of plaid. This plaid was a square piece of cloth,\\nwhich was laid upon the left shoulder, passed round the back,\\ndrawn under the right arm, and then again thrown back over\\nthe left shoulder.\\nTo accustom them to endure hunger in war, food was sup-\\nplied to them but sparingly, and that they might be trained\\nto overreach the enemy and provide their own food when\\ncampaigning, they had permission to steal provisions, but\\nwith the reservation that they did not allow themselves to be\\ncaught in the act. Whoever caught a boy stealing was re-\\nquired to punish him or to inform the pcedonomus, who then\\nordered punishment to be inflicted by the whip-bearers\\n(lyiastigopliori) who always accompanied him. The disgrace\\nof the boy lay essentially in the fact that he had shown so\\nMttle cunning and foresight. The ignominy of being dis-\\n1 1 quote always from Clough s Plutarch,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "232 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ncovered was greater than that of the blows, for blows were\\nlooked on as a means of hardening the young for the bearing\\nof pain. Indeed, the boys had on certain great occasions to\\npass what might be called whipping-examinations. On the\\nannual festival of Artemis-Orthia youths were whipped to\\nthe drawing of blood. Nor must one be offended, says\\nSolon to Anacharsis in Lucian, when you see their young\\nmen whipped at the altar and streaming with blood, whilst\\ntheir fathers and mothers stand by entreating .them to suffer\\nit courageously and even proceed to threats if they do not\\nbear it with patience and resolution. Many have died under\\nthis discipline rather than acknowledge themselves unequal\\nto it before their friends and relations. Statues of them have\\nfrequently been erected at the public expense. The custom\\nis referred to by Pausanias, and Plutarch in his Life of\\nLycurgus says I myself have seen several of the youths\\nendure whipping to death at the foot of the altar of Diana\\nsurnamed Orthia (i. 109).\\nLed by the ilarchai and houagores the boys went through\\nthe gymnastic curriculum under the direction of the pcedono-\\nmus and his subordinate hidicei. Gymnastic exercises, indeed,\\nformed the chief instrument of education in Sparta. The\\nDorians had cherished them from time immemorial, and\\nLycurgus, who is said to have been one of the founders of\\nthe Olympic games, had regulated them by law. It was an\\norganised and graduated gymnastic system. The exercises\\nwere meant neither to form athletes, nor to promote acrobatic\\ndexterity, or beauty of form, but solely to develop qualities\\nserviceable in war. They were performed in the gymnasia\\n(probably in the morning before breakfast and in the after-\\nnoon before the evening meal), and generally naked. The\\nexercises consisted principally in running, leaping, fighting,\\nriding, swimming, throwing the discus, and (as the boys\\ngrew older) hunting.\\nThe little boys began with running and leaping. At the\\nsame time they practised playing at ball to strengthen the\\narms. In the advanced classes the principal exercises were", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 233\\nmilitary evolutions also wrestling, throwing the quoit, and\\nhurling the spear. Some say that the pancratmm a personal\\ncontest in which any means might 1 e taken of defeating an\\nopponent was discouraged, because it might disfigure the\\nface and cause such serious injuries of other kinds as to unfit\\nfor war. But there can, I think, be no doubt that it existed\\nand was encouraged. Not to speak of other authorities, we\\nfind it referred to in Plato s Laws, and even so late as\\nCicero it might be seen. In the Tusc. Disp. v. 27, he says\\nAdolescentium greges Lacedoemone vidimus ipsi incredi-\\nbili contentione certantes pugnis, calcibus, unguibus, morsu\\ndenique, quum exanimarentur priusquam victos se fateren-\\ntur. Pausanias also speaks of the personal contests which\\nwere carried on in the island of Platanistas. He tells of the\\neyes being torn from their sockets in these encounters.\\nWith the gymnastic exercises were conjoined exercises in\\ndancing. The chief kinds of dance in use in Sparta were\\nwar-dances. When the boys had learned to march to the\\ntime of the cithara and wind instruments, instruction in the\\nrudiments of the war-dance soon followed. This Pyrrhic\\ndance (which Thaletas had brought from Crete to Sparta),\\naccording to Plato, represented the cautious movements\\nnecessary for avoiding blows and assaults of an enemy, as\\nwell as all movements suited to attack, e.g. springing to the\\nside, drawing back, bending down to the earth, and springing\\nup again. The Pyrrhic was also danced in armour, and in\\ncompanies, in which case the movements of attack and de-\\nfence were gone through in whole masses to the rhythm of\\nthe music. In addition to war-dances there were also the\\nchoral dances, which formed part of divine worship, repre-\\nsenting mythical events and giving expression to religious\\nfeelings. The Caryatic dance was danced annually by the\\nmaidens in honour of Diana, and the Bihasis by boys and girls\\ntogether. In this dance they sprang into the air and struck\\nthemselves behind with the feet.\\nWe must never forget, however, that even the Spartan\\nGreek looked with contempt on athletic training for its own", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "234 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nsake. He did not, as has been already remarked, aim at\\nmaking athletes. Men trained simply to run, and others\\ntrained only to box, could give only a disproportionate\\ndevelopment to the human frame. The Spartans, it is said,\\nhad no separate institutions called gymnasia but in truth\\ntheir whole system was gymnastic, and they pursued every\\nkind of physical exercise which could give activity to the\\nbody and power of endurance.\\nThere can be no doubt that the tendency of the excessive\\ngymnastic training of the young Spartans, while hardening,\\nmust have been at the same time brutalising, unless power-\\nfully counteracted by intellectual and moral influences, which,\\nas we shall see, it was not. The Spartan was, indeed, always\\nhard and cruel. Aristotle sums up this whole question in\\nhis Politics At the present day the states which enjoy\\nthe highest repute for care in the education of children\\ngenerally produce in them an athletic condition whereby\\nthey mar their bodily presence and development while the\\nLacedasmonians, although they avoided this mistake, render\\nthem brutal by the exertions required of them in the belief\\nthat this is the best means to produce a valorous disposition.\\nYet, as we have several times remarked, valour is neither the\\nonly virtue nor the virtue principally to be kept in view in\\nthe superintendence of children and even if it were, the\\nLacedaemonians are not successful in devising the means to\\nattain it. For neither in the animal world generally nor\\namonR uncivilised nations do we find valour associated with\\nthe most savage characters, but rather with such as are\\ngentle, like the lions. There are many uncivilised nations\\nwho think very little of slaying and eating their fellow-\\ncreatures, e.g. the Achfeans and Heniochans on the shores of\\nthe Black Sea, and other nations of the mainland in those\\nparts, some of whom are as savage as these, and others more\\nso yet, although their existence is one of piracy, they are\\nabsolutely destitute oi valour. Nay, if we look at the case\\nof the Lacedaemonians themselves, it is well known that,\\nalthough they maintained their superiority to all other", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 235\\npeoples so long as they alone were assiduous in the careful\\nendurance of laborious exercises, they are now surpassed by\\nothers in the contests both of the wrestling-school and of\\nactual war. The fact is that their pre-eminence was due, not\\nto their disciplining their youth in this severe manner, but\\nsolely to their giving them a course of training, while\\nother nations with wliom they had to contend did not. Now\\nit is right that we should base our judgment not upon their\\nachievements in the past but at the present day for at\\npresent they have competitors in their educational system,\\nwhereas in past times they had none. We may conclude,\\nthen, that it is not the brutal element in men but the ele-\\nment of nobleness which should hold the first place for\\nthe power of encountering noble perils must belong, not to a\\nwolf nor to any other brute, but only to a brave man and\\nthat to give up our children overmuch to bodily exercises\\nand leave them uninstructed in the true essentials, i.e. in the\\nrudiments of education, is in effect to degrade them to the\\nlevel of mechanics by rendering them useless in a states-\\nman s hands for any purpose except one, and, as our argu-\\nment shows, not so useful as other people even for this.\\nThe Politics of Aristotle, Book V. page 229.)\\n(b) Intellectual and Moral Education. Intellectual,\\nmoral, and aesthetic education were all included by the\\nGreeks under the general designation music. Gymnastic\\nfor the body, music for the mind, says Plato. This term,\\nhowever, was frequently used (I think, always by Aristotle)\\nin the narrower sense in whicli it is now employed. Gram-\\nmata and mousike (in its narrower acceptation) together\\nconstituted Mousike in its larger sense. Now the training\\nof the mind was in Sparta, as we might expect, essentially\\nand almost exclusively represented by the instruction in\\nmusic in the narrower acceptation of the word. Music was\\npractised in order by its means to rouse the mind to bravery\\nand patriotism. But it was always married to words\\npoems celebrating the glory of the gods, and also the deeds\\n1 In (juoting from Aristotle I take Welldon s translation.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "236 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nof heroes. It is generally said that the boys and youths\\nlearned to play the cithara, but I cannot reconcile this with\\nArist. Polit. v. 5, where it is said that the Spartans took\\npleasure in music and could judge it, but did not themselves\\nlearn it. They certainly sang. The songs were chiefly\\nchoric and were national, rather than personal, in their sen-\\ntiment. It was the custom, according to Plutarch, to call on\\nthe boys to sing after supper. The chants that were\\napproved by the ephors, sung in the manly and grave Doric\\nstyle, were meant to instil into the hearts of the young\\ncitizens the moral elements of the Spartan life, viz. courage\\nand discipline, a noble pride, contempt of cowardly and\\nservile ways, the seriousness of existence, and the worthiness\\nof effort. The laws of Lycurgus also, which Thaletas had\\nset to music, were committed to memory and chanted, just\\nas the Cretan laws were chanted in Crete. But the music\\nhad ever to remain grave and measured. Plutarch says:\\nTheir songs had a life and spirit in them that inflamed and\\npossessed men s minds with an enthusiasm and ardour for\\naction the style of them was plain and without affectation\\nthe subject always serious and moral most usually it was in\\npraise of such men as had died in defence of the country, or\\nin derision of those that had been cowards the former they\\ndeclared happy and glorified the life of the latter they\\ndescribed as most miserable and abject. Indeed, if w^e will\\ntake the pains to consider their compositions, some of which\\nwere still extant in our days, and the airs on the flute to\\nwhich they marched when going to battle, we shall find that\\nTerpander and Pindar had reason to say that music and\\nvalour were allied. The former says of Lacedsemon\\nThe spear and song in her do meet\\nAnd Justice walks about her street\\nand Pindar\\nCouncils of wise elders here,\\nAnd the young men s conquering spear,\\nAnd dance, and song, and joy appear", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 237\\nboth describing the Spartans as no less musical than war-\\nlike in the words of one of their own poets\\nWith the iron stern and sharp\\nComes the playing of the harp.\\nFor, indeed, before they engaged in battle, the king first\\nsacrificed to the Muses, in all likelihood to put them in mind\\nof the manner of their education and of the judgment that\\nwould be passed upon their actions, and thereby to animate\\nthem to the performance of exploits that should deserve a\\nrecord. (112 and 113.) We must not forget, too, that\\nsome of the most celebrated lyric poets were Spartans or at\\nleast Dorians.\\nThe music of the Spartans was, however, very limited in\\nits range. It is said that when the musician Phrynis came\\nfrom Lesbos to Sparta with a new-stringed cithara, the ephor\\nthen in power cut off two of the strings. And in the same\\nway, the eleven-stringed cithara is said to have been taken\\nby the ephors in Sparta from the pupil of Phrynis, Timotheus\\nof Miletus, and hung up in the music-hall in the market\\nplace. They remained as constant to the seven-stringed\\ncithara of Terpander as to the Doric style of melody. All\\nthis contradicts Aristotle s opinion.\\nThe power of music in forming the character was recog-\\nnised by the ancient Egyptians, and still more by the Greeks,\\nto an extent which to us moderns is almost unintelligible.\\nOf this Grote (ii. 190) says The Doric mode created a\\nsettled and dehberate resolution exempt alike from the\\ndesponding and impetuous sentiments. The marked\\nethical effects produced by these modes in ancient times are\\nfacts perfectly well attested, however difficult they may be to\\nexplain on any general theory of music The tradition\\nregarding Pythagoras is that he had organised melodies and\\nharmonies so as to suit different affections and passions of\\nthe soul. Milton s well-known lines in the first book of\\nParadise Lost naturally occur to us here", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "238 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAnon they move\\nIn phalanx perfect to the Dorian mood\\nOf flutes and soft recorders such as raised\\nTo height of noblest temper heroes old\\nArming to battle, and instead of rage\\nDeliberate valour breathed, firm and unmoved\\nWith dread of death, to flight or foul retreat.\\nHeading and writing formed, as may be supposed, no\\nnecessary part of the Spartan system of education, although\\nno one was forbidden to acquire skill in them, and there were\\nadventure schoolmasters in Sparta for boys. Plutarch says\\nEeading and writing they gave them just enough to serve\\ntheir turn their chief care was to make them good subjects\\nand to teach them to endure pain and to conquer in battle.\\n(i. 106.) But the boys had to learn by heart the laws and\\npieces of poetry, which they sang and also Homer. The\\nmajority of boys, we cannot doubt, learned to read and write\\nafter manuscripts came into use, but freemen could find a\\ntruly worthy occupation only in gymnastic, war, and hunting.\\nProfessor Ussing (p. 78), resting on a passage in Isocrates\\nPanathen. 209), says that many could neither read nor\\nwrite even in the fourth century B.C. In truth, we find that\\nall states, while engaged in moulding their civic life and\\nholding their own against enemies, necessarily look on\\nliterary pursuits with a certain contempt. The medieval\\nBaron was proud to be able to say that his sons could not\\nwrite\\nThanks to St. Bothan, son of mine\\nSave Gawain ne er could pen a line.\\nAlarmion, vi. 15.\\nThe only literature acceptable in the earliest stages of\\nsocial life is, first, war-songs and ballads descriptive of\\npersonal prowess, and, secondly, hymns to the gods, and,\\nthirdly, songs of lamentation and joy. These, and Homer\\nto boot, the Spartan boy knew although he could not read.\\nWe are apt in these days to forget that we may have a", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN- OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 239\\nhighly civilised people without schools of instruction, and,\\non the other hand that schools may cover a country and\\nthe people yet remain uncivilised.\\nForeign systems of trainmg and the sciences, were, as\\nmight be expected, not admitted, with the exception of\\nmental arithmetic for practical purposes. And, although\\nafter the Peloponnesian War (B.C. 431-404) grammarians\\nand rhetoricians are found, yet the statement (whether it\\nbe fact or fable) is characteristic, namely, that Cephisophos\\nwas banished from the town because he declared that he\\ncould speak the whole day long on any given subject.\\nEhetoric had no home in Sparta. Tragedies and comedies\\nwere also forbidden. All purely scientific and learned occu-\\npations were held in low esteem.\\nIn brief, the idea of discipline, bodily and mental, gov-\\nerned the education of the Spartans but a certain religious\\nand civic training was obtained through their songs and\\ntales and their rhythmical laws.\\n3. The Education of the Young Men\\nOn entering their eighteenth year, the youths left the\\npublic school-houses for boys. It was the practice for\\ngrown men to choose boys or youths as favourites, and to\\nbe responsible for their training. They were expected to\\nset an example of all manly excellence to their pupils. For\\ntheir acts, it is said, the man was even punishable. From\\nthe eighteenth till their twentieth year they were called\\nmelleirencs (budding youths), and were allowed to let their\\nhair and beard grow. They were now principally exercised\\nin arms, and occupied with drill and in skirmishing. From\\nthe twentieth to the thirtieth year their name was eirenes,\\nyouths they lived in separate barracks and were compelled,\\nunder superintendence of the hidiwi to apply themselves to\\nthe prescribed bodily exercises. The more specific military\\ntraining was now begun. The most distinguished youths\\nwere admitted into the troop of 300 knights, who, in peace,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "240 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwere at disposal of the ephors, and in war accompanied each\\nking into the field, by a hundred at a time.\\nAn inscription found in Crete shows that the Cretan\\nand Spartan youth took a public oath to serve the state\\n(probably similar to that which we shall quote in the\\nchapter on Athenian education). At what age they took\\nthe oath is not stated doubtless when they were twenty\\nyears of age and were called Ircns.\\nThe discipline of the boys, says Plutarch, continued\\nstill after they were full-grown men. No one was allowed\\nto live after his own fancy, but the city was a sort of\\ncamp in which every man had his share of provisions and\\nbusiness set out, and looked upon himself as not born to\\nserve his own ends but the interest of his country. There-\\nfore, if they were commanded nothing else, they went to\\nsee the boys perform their exercises, to teach them some-\\nthing useful, or to learn it themselves of those who knew\\nbetter. And, indeed, one of the greatest and highest bless-\\nings Lycurgus procured his people was the abundance of\\nleisure, which proceeded from his forbidding to them the\\nexercise of any mean or mechanical trade. All their\\ntime, except when they were in the field, was taken up by\\nchoral dances and festivals, in hunting and in attendance\\non the exercise grounds and places of public conversation.\\nThe Spartan youth was not considered a full-grown man\\nand a member of the public assembly till his thirtieth year.\\nAt certain festivals there were public exhibitions of the\\nexercises which the youth had practised in the gymnasium,\\nand of their attainments in music. On the Platanistas (to\\nwhich I have already referred, an island formed by two\\nsmall rivulets, and shaded by plane trees) the melleirenes\\nannually fought a battle. At the Karneia, the chief festival\\nin honour of Apollo, which the Spartans celebrated in\\nAugust, the youth in a body had to make a display of the\\nentire round of their musical, orchestric, and gymnastic ac-\\ncomplishments. On a special spot in the market-place they\\nyear by year danced the choral dances in honour of Apollo", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 241\\nhere were heard the chants of Thaletas and Alcmaeon here\\ngymnastic games were celebrated in presence of the kings\\nand all the authorities. On such festal days the chorus of\\nold men sang We once were men full of vigour and the\\nchorus of the men answered, But we are so now if you\\ncare, try it. Whereupon the chorus of the boys repeated,\\nWe shall one day be still more vigorous. This fragment,\\nattributed to Tyrtseus, is preserved in Plutarch Lye 21).\\nThe social customs of the free citizens were part of the\\neducation of youth from the first, and for a long period the\\nmen dined at common tables. On this point Plutarch says,\\nThey met by companies of fifteen, more or less, and each of\\nthem stood bound to bring in monthly a bushel of meal,\\neight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two and a half\\npounds of figs, and some very small sum of money to buy\\nflesh or fish with. Besides this, when any of them made\\nsacrifice to the gods, they always sent a dole to the common\\nhall and likewise, when any of them had been hunting, he\\nsent thither a part of the venison he had killed for these\\ntwo occasions were the only excuses allowed for supping at\\nhome. The custom of eating together was observed strictly\\nfor a great while afterwards, insomuch that King Agis him-\\nself, after having vanquished the Athenians, sending for his\\ncommons at his return home because he desired to eat pri-\\nvately with his queen, was refused them by the polemarchs,\\nand this refusal he resented so much as to omit next day the\\nsacrifice due for a war happily ended they then made him\\npay a fine. They used to send their children to these tables\\nas to a school of temperance here they were instructed in\\nstate affairs by listening to experienced statesmen here they\\nlearnt to converse with pleasantry, to make jests without\\nscurrility, and take them without ill-humour. (i. 97, 98.)\\nHe also says After drinking moderately, every man went\\nto his home without lights, for the use of them was, on all\\noccasions, forbid, to the end that they might accustom them-\\nselves to march boldly in the dark. Such was the common\\nfashion of their meals.\\n16", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "242 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nOn the subject of good manners Plutarch says Nor\\nwas their instruction in music and verse less carefully\\nattended to than their habits of grace and good-breeding in\\nconversation.\\nAs regards conversational training, an interesting state-\\nment is made by Plutarch (p. 108)\\nThe iren, or under-master, used to stay a little with them\\nafter supper, and one of them he bade to sing a song, to an-\\nother he put a question which required an advised and delib-\\nerate answer: fur example, who was the best man in the\\ncity what he thought of such an action of such a man.\\nThey used them thus early to pass a right judgment upon\\npersons and things, and to inform themselves of the abilities\\nor defects of their countrymen. If they had not an answer\\nready to the question who was a good, or who an ill-reputed\\ncitizen, they were looked upon as of a dull and careless dis-\\nposition, and to have little or no sense of virtue and honour;\\nbesides this, they were to give a good reason for what they\\nsaid, and in as few words and as comprehensive as might\\nbe he that failed of this or answered not to the purpose,\\nhad his thumb bit by his master. Sometimes the iren did\\nthis in the presence of the old men and magistrates, that\\nthey might see whether he punished them justly and in\\ndue measure or not and when he did amiss, they would\\nnot reprove him before the boys, but, when they were gone,\\nhe was called to account, and underwent correction, if he\\nhad run far into either of the extremes of indulgence or\\nseverity.\\nThe brief pointed question and the concise but incisive\\nanswer is still known among us as laconic and specimens\\nare preserved by Plutarch in his Apophthegmata. To give\\na practical training to the understanding, to have the art of\\npointed and concise (hence laconic) expression, to grasp the\\nkernel of every affair quickly, to move towards an object\\nwith directness this was the ideal of the intellectual\\neducation of the Spartans, and in this the men were expected\\nto train the youths and boys, while they showed them by", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 243\\ntheir conversation how they ought to think of affairs and to\\ntreat them.\\nEducation in Sparta, as we see, was a public education,\\nfrom childhood up to full manhood. Each citizen was con-\\ncerned in the proper upbringing of his fellow citizens.\\nEvery man was a teacher of the boy every youth had in\\nevery man, and in every old man, to give heed to his teacher.\\nEvery man, and especially every old man, was authorised\\nand enjoined to chastise the erring boy and youth, not with\\nwords only, but with the rod, wherever he found him, in the\\nstreet or in the exercise grounds. The boy or youth who\\nresisted the warnmgs of an old man was visited with dis-\\ngrace and double punishment. Age, indeed, enjoyed in\\nSparta a respect which is unique in history. The young\\nman stood to the old man in the moral relation of obedience,\\nemulation, and reverence. The younger were required to\\ngive way to the old in the streets and to stand up in their\\npresence. Only in Sparta is it pleasant to grow old, could\\non this account a foreigner once exclaim, when he witnessed\\nthis veneration of the youth toward old age. The other\\nGreeks know what is becoming the Spartans alone practise\\nit, said an old man, who, at Olympia and Athens, was\\nattended to by no one, was mocked by many, and before\\nwhose grey head the Spartans reverentially rose up. (Cic.\\ndeSen. 18.)\\nTo conclude an iron sceptre ruled over the Spartan from\\nhis seventh to his thirtieth year. Flogging was the universal\\npunishment and every boy as well as every youth had to\\ndread the stick of every Spartan, besides the official chastise-\\nments of the pcedonomus, who, as provost-marshal, went\\nwith his whip-bearers through the streets and the exercising\\ngrounds. Moreover, the ephors went on circuit every tenth\\nday to inspect the youth, to see whether their clothing,\\ndormitories, and beds were according to the regulations\\nwhether the appearance and growth of the boys was com-\\nformable to the required development and they would even,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "244 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nit is said, whip any one who had grown broader and stouter\\nthan he ought to be according to the standard applied. For\\nevery offence, for every negligence of the boys, strokes with\\na cane or lashes with a whip were inflicted for the Spartans\\nthoroughly believed that the strictest discipline produced the\\nbest men.\\nThe Spartan education was public in the ordinary sense\\nof the word. It was public also in the sense that it was\\nopen equally to all free-born children. There are, says\\nAristotle, many people who endeavour to describe the\\nLacedsenionian polity as a democracy because of the many\\ndemocratical elements in its constitution. We may instance,\\nfirst, the education of children. The children of the rich are\\nbrought up in the same way as those of the poor, and receive\\nan education which would not be beyond the children of\\npoor parents. And the same is true of the years succeeding\\nchildhood; and again afterwards, when they reach man s\\nestate, there is no distinction between rich and poor. So,\\ntoo, they all fare alike in the common meals, and the rich\\nwear a dress which any poor man would be able to procure.\\n(Arist. Pol. vi. 9.)\\n4. The Education of the Women\\nThe education of the Spartan women was, like that of the\\nmen, a public one. To make the young women as fit as pos-\\nsible to be vigorous mothers of robust children, which was\\nconsidered the most important function of free-born women,\\na gymnastic course was on the part of the state prescribed\\nfor the girls. In separate gymnasia, divided into different\\nclasses according to their different ages, they exercised them-\\nselves in hopping, dancing the Spartan fling, in running,\\nwrestling, leaping, throwing the quoit and hurling the spear.\\nLike the boys, they also wore the woollen under-garment,\\nalthough a little longer, yet in their exercises slit up on one,\\nif not both, thighs.^ They were practised, besides, in melodies\\n1 On which account the poet Ibycus calls them the thigh displayers.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 245\\nof many kinds. On particular festivals the young men and\\nmaidens danced their choral dances and sang their chants in\\ncompany. Lycurgus ordered, says Plutarch, the maidens\\nto exercise themselves with wrestling, running, throwing the\\nquoit and casting the dart, to the end that the fruit they con-\\nceived might, in strong and healthy bodies, take firmer root\\nand find better growth; and withal that they, with this\\ngreater vigour, might be tlie more able to undergo the pains\\nof child-bearing. And to the end he might take away theii:\\nover-great tenderness and fear of exposure to the air and\\nall acquired womanishness, he ordered that they should go\\nnaked in the processions, c. They thus grew up, through\\nvigorous exercise of their muscles, exposed to the sun and\\nthe free air, so sturdy and strong, that an Athenian woman\\nm Aristophanes was forced to exclaim in regard to one of\\nSparta How lovely thou art, how blooming thy skin, how\\nrounded thy flesh what a chest thou mightest strangle a\\nbull In spite of this masculine upbringing, the Spartan\\nwomen were attached wives and good housekeepers, and\\nthere is no evidence, in the opinion of most writers, of a lack\\nof propriety and modesty among the young. On the other\\nhand, Plato in his Laws and Aristotle in his Politics (ii.\\n9) point very distinctly to a different conclusion.\\nIt is true the Spartan women did not know how to spin\\nand weave well, but they knew how to rule the house well,\\nand at the same time, as members of the state, having a just\\nview of their own position, to speak with freedom in presence\\nof the men. Their dress was simple and unadorned. After\\ntheir marriage they were veiled when they went from home.\\nThey seem to have been thoroughly alive to what the state\\nrequired from all those who belonged to it, and they exer-\\ncised upon son and husband a deep and lasting influence.\\nTheir opinion was respected, their censure dreaded, their\\ncommendation sought. On the great festal days to which\\nwe have already referred, the young women used to stand\\n1 I imagine naked meant destitute of any outer garment, but not posi-\\ntively nude.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "246 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nround, criticising and encouraging the youth. Those who\\nwere commended/ says Plutarch, went away proud, elated,\\nand gratified with their honour among the maidens and\\nthose who were rallied were as sensibly touched by it as if\\nthey had been reprimanded and so much the more because\\nthe kings and the elders, as well as the rest of the city, saw\\nand heard all that passed. And in later years the husband\\nby the thought of his wife, the son by the remembrance of\\nhis mother, were spurred on to all that was esteemed worthy\\nof honour. All have heard of the heroic women of Sparta\\nwho offered thanks to the gods in the temples when their\\nhusbands and sons had fallen gloriously in battle for their\\ncountry (as at Leuctra, B.C. 371). One such mother slew\\nher son with her own hand, because he had turned back like\\na coward from the battle and another Gorgo the wife\\nof Leonidas, delivered to her son his shield with the words,\\nEither with this or upon it. If the root is good, says\\nPlutarch, the plant also grows the better, and puts the ques-\\ntion, Wliy should we not in the case of men have as much\\nregard for a good breed as in that of dogs and horses\\nWe find two poems in the Greek Anthology illustrative\\nof this feature of the Spartan female character:\\nEight sons DcT.menata at Sparta s call\\nSent forth to fight one tomb received theni all.\\nNo tears she shed, but shouted Victory\\nSparta, I bore them but to die for thee.\\nAgain\\nA Spartan, his companion slain,\\nAlone from battle fled\\nHis mother, kindling with disdain\\nThat she had borne him, struck him dead\\nFor courage and not birth alone\\nIn Sparta testifies a son.\\nOf the women, then, as of the men, we are entitled to say\\nthat the Spartan system demanded the unconditional subjec-\\ntion of the individual will to the will of the community as", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 247\\ndetermined by law. The freedom of the individual had no\\nexistence as opposed to the freedom of the whole, or rather\\nin the freedom of the whole the individual had to find his\\nfreedom.\\nNow, what was the result of all this exclusiveness of\\nnational life and severity of discipline Precisely those\\nresults which we see flowing from an over-severe system of\\neducation in families and schools in these days. So long as\\nthe Spartan remained at home, he was all that Lycurgus\\ncould have desired him to be grave, severe, brave, self-\\ncontrolled, self-sacrificing, long-enduring, full of respect for\\nhis elders, full of devotedness to the state. But take the\\nSpartan away from the arbitrary system under which he\\nlived, and we are told that he was lax and licentious, and a\\nprey (curiously enough) to that very vice of avarice against\\nwhich so many precautions had been taken. How was this\\nBecause his morality was a state-morality, not a personal\\nand individual free growth from within. There was no per-\\nsonal and inner idea of morality up to which he was to live.\\nInstead of this there was a civic, in truth httle more than\\na tribal morality and a tribal virtue, imposed by external\\nauthority and maintained by severity. The Hellenic spirit\\nwas unquestionably there, but it had forged fetters for itself.\\nWhen Sparta got the better of Athens and had to lead\\nGreece, it could not do it. (Spartan Supremacy, B.C. 405-\\n371.) Nay, it was disloyal to the Hellenic idea. It wanted\\nthat breadth and elasticity of mind, that humanity of spirit,\\nwhich could alone enable it to understand, and, by under-\\nstanding, to control, others. How else than by a sympa-\\nthetic understanding of the rights and feelings of others can\\njustice ever be done among men And when justice is not\\ndone, a state is doomed.\\nIn view of certain modern opinions, it is interesting to\\nnote that we have in Sparta as near an approach to state-\\nsocialism as the history of mankind has yet exhibited\\nsocialism, moreover, in the most favourable circumstances,\\nbecause it was the socialism of an aristocracy supported by", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "248 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\na slave system. The state regulated the individual life, and,\\nby so doing, crushed out individuality, personal initiation,\\nliterary and scientific activity, and ethical freedom. Sparta,\\nas an interesting educational experiment, is a valuable con-\\ntribution to the history of education, but it is no less in-\\nstructive to the political philosopher.\\nCHAPTER IV\\nATHENIAN AND IONIC-ATTIC EDUCATION\\nWe turn now to the chief representative of the Greek\\nspirit the Athenian, All that we have said of the Hel-\\nlenic mind and of the Hellenic life-ideals, in introducing\\nthe subject of Hellenic education, found its finest and fullest\\nexpression in Attica. As in the case of Sparta, we find\\nthat with the Athenian, as with all true Greeks, the state or\\ncity was the object round which gathered all their interests\\nand all their moral sentiment. Nay, we may even say\\nthat the city was the object of their worship, for their\\nvery gods were gods to them as protectors and lovers of\\nthe beautiful abode which their artistic hands had reared.\\nBut the Athenian state, in the narrow sense of the governing\\nbody or executive, did not unduly predominate over the lives\\nof the citizen. Their democratic constitution and popular\\nassemblies brought the governing body into perpetual con-\\ntact with public opinion variable and fickle, doubtless, but\\nyet full of ever-fresh suggestion. The despotic socialism of\\nSparta had no place. The state did not impose its abstract\\nconception of life on the citizen, it was rather the citizen in\\nhis free activity who voluntarily gave his life to the state.\\nThe individual had, it is true, no ultimate rights as against\\nthe state organism but it was felt that the state itself gained\\nmost by the free development of the individual. (See Peri-\\ncles speech already quoted.) Accordingly, while up to the\\nfifth century B.C. we might say that even in Athens the\\nmorality of the individual was a civic or political mo-", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 249\\nrality, the elements of personality and of a free ethics ex-\\nisted even before Socrates, and were powerfully expressed\\nin literature\\nThe Athenian education was in this, as in other respects,\\na reflex of the Athenian life. It is evident, says Professor\\nWilkins, that a national system of education in the strictest\\nsense of the term would have been wholly foreign to the\\ngenius of the Athenian state. To force every citizen from\\nchildhood into the same rigid mould, to crush the play of the\\nnatural emotions and impulses, and to sacrifice the beauty\\nand joy of the life of the agora or the country home to the\\nclaims of military drill, were aims which were happily ren-\\ndered needless by the position of Attica, as well as dis-\\ntasteful to the Athenian temperament. At the same time\\nthe state, while leaving the education of the citizen by the\\nparents free, prescribed certain general rules. All had to\\nbe instructed in gymnastic and music. The Court of the\\nAreopagus, moreover, as censor morum and guardian of\\nthe ancient constitution, exercised supervision and enforced\\ncertain laws, as we may learn from Plato among others.\\nBut the main controlling force seems to have been public\\nopinion.\\n1. INFANCY\\nGentle and kindly as the Athenian care of infants was,\\nyet there is no doubt that they were often taken from un-\\nwilling mothers to be exposed the father not the state, as\\nin Sparta determined this. But we must note that Sparta\\nexposed none but the physically incapable the Athenians\\nwere more heartless. These exposed infants were sometimes\\npicked up by dwellers outside the walls and brought up or\\nsold as slaves. Socrates refers to the grief of a mother\\ndeprived of her infant for the first time, and Plato, as we all\\nknow, recommends exposure in his ideal state. Aristotle, in\\nhis Politics, iv. 16, considers it unnecessary to expose chil-\\ndren with a view to keep down the numbers of the popula-\\ntion, because other means, such as abortion, c., can be", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "250 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nresorted to, but he maintains there should be a law against\\nrearing any cripple.\\nOn the tenth day after birth, all the friends of the family\\nassembled and brought presents. The child was named by\\nthe father. There had been a previous ceremony of sacrifice\\nand of purification on the seventh day. The infant was\\ncarried several times round the burning hearth by the nurse,\\nfollowed by the mother, and hence the ceremony was called\\nAmphidronia or running round. There was much eating\\nand drinking and congratulation, enlivened by music and\\ndancing. On the fortieth day the mother paid the customary\\ndevotions at the temple. The child was then formally regis-\\ntered by the father as a member of the city ward.\\nThe first care of the infant fell to the mother and the wet-\\nnurse (iitthe}, and thereafter the ordinary nurse (tithene).\\nIn the best period of Athens the mother always nursed her\\nown child. Later, wet-nurses were general. As a rule\\npeasant women or female slaves were chosen for this service,\\nas it was long esteemed dishonouring for free women to\\nengage in such occupations but the slaves when engaged\\nwere treated as free, and as members of the family. But\\nfree women from the country, and even free Athenian citi-\\nzens, sometimes undertook the duty especially after the\\nPeloponnesian War, when, owing to the death of their\\nhusbands, they were reduced to great poverty. The noble\\nand the rich Athenians usually preferred to get their wet-\\nnurses from Laconia, that their children might have healthy\\nand vigorous foster-mothers. The cradles consisted of simple\\ntrays, or wicker cots, hung like hammocks, but these are now\\nconsidered to have been of late introduction.^ When the\\nwork of the wet-nurse it lasted from a year to a year and\\na half was ended, she was followed by the ordinary nurse,\\nusually an elderly woman. She gave the child its food,\\nwhich consisted largely, along with milk, of a kind of broth\\nsweetened with honey. She carried the child out to get the\\n1 See references in Becker s Gharicles, p. 24, English edition, 1886.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 251\\nair, and with it accompanied the mother on her visits, and\\neven to feasts.^\\nTo put the child to sleep, cradle-songs and lullabies were\\nsung. Theocritus has preserved or rather given his own idea\\nof one of these, as sung to the twins Herakles and Iphicles\\nTender she touched their little heads and sang\\nSleep, baby boys, a sweet and healthful sleep\\nSleep on, my darlings, safely through the night.\\nSleep, happy in your baby dreams, and wake\\nWith joy to greet the morning s dawning light.^\\nTheoc. Id. 24, 6.\\nTo pacify and amuse the children, they used a rattle\\ninvented by the Pythagorean Archytas, a vessel of metal\\nor wood with small stones in it. Aristotle condescends to\\nrefer to the rattle Polit. viii. 6, 2) It is also very neces-\\nsary that children should have some amusing employment\\nfor which purpose the rattle of Archytas seems well-contrived\\nwhich they give children to play with to prevent their break-\\ning those things which are about the house, for, owing to\\ntheir youthfulness, they cannot sit still.\\nThe nurses had the bad habit of many modern nurses and\\nmothers of frightening children by threatening them with\\nbogies. The tales which the children heard from the lips of\\nthese uneducated women constituted their earliest education.\\nPlato, Aristotle, and Chrysippus urged that care should be\\nexercised that the tales of the nurses and pedagogues were\\nsuch as ought to be told to the young.\\nThe ball was a universal plaything. As the children grew\\nolder there came the hobby-horse, the game with dice (made\\nof the knuckle-bones of animals cut into square pieces) and\\nspinning-tops both in the house and in the open air. Toys\\nand go-carts and mud-pies engaged the interest of Athe-\\n1 The child was not allowed to be exposed to the mfluence of the moon\\nand from the day of its public acknowledgment by the father, it was provided\\nwith amulets hung round the neck that it might be protected against magical\\narts and the evil eye.\\n2 Hallard s translation, slightly altered.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "252 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nnian children as of the children of all European nations.\\nThen followed, at a somewhat more advanced age, a game\\nwhich consisted in throwing slantingly into^the water small\\nsmooth stones and counting how many leaps they made before\\nsinking (which we call skimming or ducks and drakes\\nblind man s buff, trundling hoops, and all kinds of games\\nwith the ball, walking on stilts, leap-frog, kite-flying, see-saw-\\ning on logs and swmging, c., c. Girls had dolls made of\\nwax or clay, and painted. Blind man s buff was played thus.\\nThe boy with his eyes bandaged moved about calling out I\\nwill catch a brazen fly. The others answered, You will\\nhunt but you won t catch it all the while striking him\\nwith whips till he managed to catch one of them.\\nAt an early age the children wore shoes. Great attention\\nwas paid to their personal appearance generally. Their hair\\nwas twisted into artistic curls and drawn together over the\\nforehead with a splendid comb, according to the fancy of\\nmother and nurse. In the case of the girls a slender make\\nwas aimed at by the use of stays, c.\\nFrom all this we see that the early childhood of the\\nAthenian boy and girl was easy and pleasant. The amuse-\\nments seem to have been substantially the same as those\\nwhich prevail among civilised races at this day. The\\nmother s influence practically ceased from the day the boy\\nwent to school. Indeed, the want of education among the\\nAthenian women precluded their exercising much influence\\nover the boys. But during the first seven years the mother\\nand the nurse really laid the foundation of the child s educa-\\ntion. Nursery rhymes, stories in which animals played a\\npart, thereafter the rich legendary, heroic, and mythical lore\\nof the Hellenic races were imparted to the child.^ A poetic\\nand dramatic cast of mind was thus given, to be nourished\\nin future years by the school teaching and by the pubhc\\ndrama and civic festivals.\\n1 Quintilian says (i. 1. 16) Chrysippus thinks that no part of a child s life\\nshould be exempt from tuition, and that even the three years which he allows\\nto the nurses might be turned to good use. There is no evidence that the\\nSpartan chiki had nursery stories told to it.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 253\\n2. CHILDHOOD AND BOYHOOD\\nThe play-time ended with the seventh year. Ussing says,\\nhowever, that the age at which the boy was handed over\\nto the slave-pedagogue was determined by the age at which\\nhe was able to receive instruction, and consequently might\\nbe long before seven. The place of the female attendant was\\nnow taken by the pedagogue, who did not impart instruction,\\nbut had only a moral oversight of his young charge both in\\nand out of the house, and whose business it was to accom-\\npany him to the schoolmaster (grammatist) and gymnastic\\nmaster (psedotribe). For this service they generally em-\\nployed a slave whom they considered specially adapted for\\nsuch work, but still oftener one whom on account of age and\\nweakness, or some other defect, they could not profitably\\nemploy otherwise. Pericles is reported to have said, when he\\nsaw a slave fall from a tree and break his leg, Lo, he is now\\na pedagogue The necessary consequence of this pernicious\\ncustom was that the free-born boy had but small respect for\\nhis pedagogue, and often grew unruly. The pedagogue had\\ncharge of the boy at all times. His business was to train\\nhim in morality and good manners, and he was granted the\\npower of beating him, if necessary. The rules as to the\\nexternal bearing of boys in the street and at table were\\nextremely strict in Athens no less than in Sparta. Doubt-\\nless the view the pedagogue took of his duties would not\\nalways be very lofty. There were, of course, many excep-\\ntions. The answer of one pedagogue who had a high con-\\nception of his function and was asked what his work\\nprecisely was, is worth recording My duty is to make the\\ngood pleasant to boys.\\n3. STATE SUPERVISION AND SCHOOLS\\nIn what branches of knowledge the father should cause\\nhis child to be instructed, stood at his own discretion. By\\nlaw he was bound only to instruction in gymnastic and\\nmusic. This is laid down in the laws ascribed to Solon.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "254 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nThe first of these laws, as quoted by Grasberger (i. 2. 215)\\nis Every citizen shall see to it that his son is instructed\\nin gymnastic and music with grammar {i.e. literature).\\nParents who disobey this law are culpable. Only those\\nparents shall be supported (in their old age) by their\\ngrown-up sons, who have given them due education.\\nThe instruction was not provided by the state: the\\nschools were private undertakings. But they were sub-\\njected not only to a certain moral control, but also, as I\\nhave already stated, to the general superintendence of the\\npublic authorities. Although, in obedience to the general\\norder of the state, all Athenian free citizens sent their\\nchildren to the day-schools, the length of their stay there\\nmust have been determined, as it is among all nations, by\\nthe social position of the parents. We do not need elabo-\\nrate archaeological inquiries to convince us of this. For\\nthe poorer class a little reading, writing, and arithmetic\\nwould suffice. But there can be no doubt that whoever\\nwished to be accounted as a truly worthy citizen of Athens\\nmust have passed through a certain gymnastic course under\\nthe psedotribe (gymnastic master) in the palsestra, the\\nmusic course in its narrower sense under the citharist\\n(teacher of music), and the literary course under the gram-\\nmatist. But most of the time seems to have been spent\\nin gymnastic and play.\\nNor did the state provide school-buildings any more than\\nit prescribed the details of instruction. But, notwithstand-\\ning this, schools {didaskaleia) were spread over the various\\nwards of the city and were to be found in all Greek\\ntowns. It was not unusual to teach even in the open air\\nin some recess of a street or temple. It is probable that\\nthese open air schools were frequented by the poorer classes\\nchiefly or solely. Of the younger Dionysius in Corinth,\\nJustin, xxi. 5, says novissime ludi magistrum professus\\n1 Monsieur Girard thinks this applied only to instruction in some trade.\\nBut if Grasberger s quotation is correct the reference was to education\\ngenerally.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RAGES 255\\npucros in trivia doccbat. Almost universally, however, there\\nwere buildings devoted to school purposes. The misfortune\\nthat befel the school in the little Boeotian town of Myca-\\nlessus related by Thucydides is well known (vii. 29). The\\nThracians fell upon a boys school, which was a large one,\\nand slaughtered all the children. In 500 B.C. the school at\\nChios fell in, as Herodotus tells us, and killed 119 out of 120\\nchildren. Pausanias also tells a story of a Greek who went\\nmad after losing a prize at Olympia, and, returning to his\\nnative place, entered a school, and pushing the pillars that\\nsustained the roof, brought it down on the heads of 60 chil-\\ndren, burying them under the ruins. But even such schools as\\nwere held in buildings did not receive any state-support, and\\nwere, strictly speaking, adventure schools supported by fees.\\nThe precise extent of the state supervision of schools, to\\nwhich I have referred above, is in doubt. The Court of the\\nAreopagus existing before Solon s time but reconstructed by\\nhim on a more popular basis, exercised great powers over all\\nquestions of morals and conduct and this power there can\\nbe no doubt they exercised, when necessary, in the ordinary\\nschools as they did in the gymnasia of the ephebi or youths.\\nThe mere fact that there was no organised school-system\\nwould make them all the more ready to exercise their large\\nand undefined powers as occasion presented itself. They\\nwere superintendents of good order and decency, and under\\ncover of this it would be hard to say what they might not\\ndo. They were a check on the licence of the democracy,\\nand the extent of their power would depend on the prudence\\nwith which they exercised it. This Areopagitic Council was\\nshorn of much of its political power in the time of Pericles\\nbut we may presume that there would be little objection to\\nits continued supervision of morals and conduct. Among\\nmuch that is uncertain we may safely conclude generally\\nthat, through the agency of either the Sophronists or Strategi\\nthe authorities in Athens kept a watchful eye on schools\\nespecially the gymnastic schools, but without vexatious\\ninterference.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "256 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nInstruction began in the early morning, and by law the\\nschools had to be closed before sunset. The schools of\\nthe better class were generally ornamented with statues of\\nthe gods, busts of heroes, and pictorial illustrations of inci-\\ndents in Homer. There is a fragment of such a pictorial\\ntable in the Capitoline Museum at Rome the Tabula Iliaca\\nof Theodorus. On entering, the boy saluted the master and\\nhis schoolfellows. The master sat on a high seat from which\\nhe taught the pupils on benches but whether the teaching\\nwas individual or collective (in classes) does not seem quite\\nclear, probably both.\\n4. EDUCATION OF THE SCHOOL\\nPrimary instruction and methods literary\\neducation\\nThe Music curriculum was divided into two parts, one\\nspecially literary, and one specially musical.\\nIn the literary course, under the grammatist, the first ele-\\nments of reading, writing, and arithmetic were learned.\\nReading. In learning to read, children learned synthet-\\nically, i.e. they learned the individual letters first by heart,^\\nthen their sounds, then as combined into meaningless sylla-\\nbles, and then into words. The analytic method of taking\\nwords first and analysing the various sounds in them, and\\nteaching these on phonic principles, is held by some to have\\nbeen practised, but of this there is no sufficient evidence.\\nWe, says Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who died about the\\nbeginning of the Christian era, learn first the names of the\\nelements of speech, what are called grammata then their\\nshape and functions, then the syllables and their affections\\nlastly, the parts of speech, and the particular mutations con-\\nnected with each, as inflexion, number, contraction, accents,\\nposition in the sentence then we begin to read and to write,\\nat first in syllables and slowly, but when we have attained\\n1 Athenseus gives a metrical alphabet, and probably it was chanted\\n(Becker s Charicles, p. 232).", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 257\\nthe necessary certainty, easily and quickly.^ De Compos.\\nVerb. c. 25.\\nPlaques of baked earth on which the alphabet was written\\nor painted were frequently used.\\nThe chief difficulties to be encountered by the child when\\nhe began to read were the learning of the proper accents, as\\nthese were not indicated by signs, and the separating of one\\nword from another, as words were written continuously with-\\nout a break.2 There was moreover no punctuation. It is\\npossible that, inasmuch as good, nay merely intelligible,\\nreading, was in these circumstances, possible only when the\\nsense was fully grasped, the want of separation of words and\\nof punctuation may have contributed largely to mental dis-\\ncipline as well as to good elocution. The manuscripts were\\neither folded or rolled. If the interpretation of Dionysius is\\ncorrect, parts of speech, c. were taught orally before begin-\\nning to read.^\\nAfter the pupil was able to read, beautiful reading was\\npractised special attention being paid to the length and\\nshortness of syllables and to the accentuation. Purity of\\narticulation and accent were specially regarded. The pupils\\nwere taught the raising and lowering of the voice, and to\\nbring out the melody and rhythm of the sentences, and all\\nthis with distinct enunciation and expression. Homer\\nserved as the usual reading-book then Hesiod, Theognis,\\nPhocylides, and Solon, as well as the fables of ^sop, and\\ngenerally poems in which, as Protagoras says in Plato,\\nwere contained many admonitions and illustrations of con-\\nduct, also praise and eulogy of distinguished men, that the\\nboys might admiringly imitate them, and strive themselves\\nalso to become distinguished. At an early period collections\\nof the most choice specimens of the poetic art (anthologies)\\n1 This translation is after comparison of the original with the parallel pas-\\nsage in De Admir. Vi Die. in Demosth. c. 52.\\n2 If MSS. were always written as inscriptions were written,\\n3 rd Trepi ravra irddT]. This mnst mean either the changes which may\\nbe rung on syllables, as when we say cat, pat, rat, or the noun-inflexion\\nendings.\\n17", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "258 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwere used. These poems, especially Homer, Hesiod, and\\nTlieognis, served at the same tmie for drill in language and\\nfor recitation, whereby on the one hand the memory was\\ndeveloped and the imagination strengthened, on the other\\nthe heroic forms of antiquity and healthy primitive utter-\\nances regarding morality, and full of homely common sense,\\nwere deeply engraved on the young mind. The poems were\\nexplained to the pupils and questions were asked. Homer\\nwas regarded not merely as a poet, but as an inspired moral\\nteacher, and great portions of his poems were learned by\\nheart. The Diad and the Odyssey were in truth the Bible of\\nthe Greeks. There was also much practice of dictation and\\nlearning by heart of what the pupils wrote down from the\\nmaster s dictation a practice which continued in all schools\\nand universities till after the invention of printing. In the\\nGreek schools the master recited and the scholar repeated\\nafter him until he could say the passage by himself. The\\nscarcity of books had its advantages, as it must have com-\\npelled the masters to resort, more than they would otherwise\\nhave done, to oral teaching in which mind meets mind with-\\nout the interposition of the printed page.^\\nArithmetic. In arithmetic only so much was taught\\n(owing, doubtless, to the cumbrous system of notation) as\\nwas necessary for the reckonings of the market-place. The\\nGreeks attained great proficiency within these limits. An\\nabacus or calculating-board was in use (but not the same\\nas our modern frame), the balls having different values\\nassigned to them as in the East generally, and to this\\nday in China. The fingers were freely used to assist in\\ncalculation.\\nWriting. For writing they used in earlier times tablets\\ncovered with wax and a stylus or graver, one end of the style\\nbeing flattened for rubbing out what was written. These\\ntablets were often diptychs and triptychs. For the children\\nwho could not yet write, lines were drawn and a copy set\\nwith the stylus they imitated the copy writing on their\\nSee an interesting passage in Plato s Phccdrus. Jowett s Plato, p. 614.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 259\\nknees, there being no desks. Some say they began by trac-\\ning letters which had been first lightly written by the master\\n(the master guiding the hand) and this is highly probable.\\nSometimes they carried the stylus over letters cut in wooden\\ntablets. They drew straight lines with a ruler to keep the\\nwriting regular. Plato thought very little of writing and\\nconsidered that not too much time should be given to it. It\\n;5vas enough in his opinion, I presume, to be able to write\\nlegibly. When older, the pupils wrote with pen (calamus)\\nand ink on papyrus or parchment. Owing to the cost of\\nparchment they practised on the back of leaves already\\nwritten on on one side.\\nDrawing. Drawing was much insisted on by Aristotle\\nPolit. viii. 3). It was not till his time that it began to be\\ntaught in the ordinary schools. But in the course of the\\nfourth century B.C. it entered largely, if not always, into the\\ngeneral education, according to Grasberger and others. It\\nwas first introduced from Sicyon. The drawing was on\\nsmooth boxwood surfaces white on a black ground, or red\\nand black on a white ground. The instrument used was a\\npencil.\\nGeometry. Highly as both Aristotle and Plato es-\\nteemed geometry as a school subject, it would appear that\\nit was not till the later period of Athenian education (end\\nof the fifth century B.C.) that it was introduced into the\\nschools.\\nGeography was sometimes taught, and maps began to come\\ninto use about the time of Plato.\\n(b) Secondary education\\nThe grammatist was the name of the elementary teacher.\\n(The word didaskalus was used in a generic sense.) Those\\nboys who could afford to continue their education went in\\nRomano-Hellenic times, but not (so far as I can find) during\\nthe purely Hellenic period, to a grammaticus but it must\\nbe understood that the line of demarcation between these\\nteachers was by no means, till later times, clear. The sec-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "260 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\noudary instruction, such as it was, was doubtless given by\\ngrammatists of more than usual learning, until the two func-\\ntions were differentiated. In Scotland we have had a similar\\nexperience.\\nIn what did the secondary education of the young\\nAthenian consist before secondary schools taught by gram-\\nmatici took definite form this probably not till about 350\\nB.C. It is difficult to say. It was not till he was about\\nthirteen years of age that a boy began to learn to play a\\nmusical instrument, and this, with the lyric poetry with\\nwhich music was always associated and the continued read-\\ning and recitation of poetry, seems to me to have constituted\\nsecondary instruction at least till about 350 B.C. After\\nthat date we know that drawing and geometry, and (a little\\nlater) grammar as a philological study, began to enter into\\nthe curriculum of those who continued at school after the\\nprimary period. It would be at this time that the differen-\\ntiation between primary and secondary schools would natu-\\nrally arise. We shall see the distinction clearly marked,\\nnay emphasised, in Rome (which followed Greece in all\\neducational matters) certainly not later than 150 B.C. In\\nthe secondary school of the grammaticus when it was finally\\nrecognised, grammar and literary criticism were leading\\nstudies, and the foundations were thus laid for subsequent\\ninstruction in rhetoric and oratory, into which studies, in-\\ndeed, the grammaticus frequently carried his pupils.\\nThe youths after obtaining such secondary instruction as\\nwas available went (from about 400 B.C.) to the sophists in\\norder to study rhetoric, c. These were the highest instruc-\\ntors. I shall speak of them in the sequel.\\nIt is not to be supposed that the system of education\\nabove sketched was in any way formally organised. It\\nwas a voluntary and natural growth, and doubtless under-\\nwent all the fluctuations that are inherent in voluntary\\ninstitutions.\\nIsocrates assumes a certain amount of what we call secondary instruction\\nin the case of his pupils.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN Oil INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 261\\n(c) Music in the narrower sense of the word\\nMusic, that is to say the chanting and singing of songs,\\nwas, I am disposed to think, the primary basis of all Greek\\nliterary education. It was common to the Doric and Ionic\\nraces. The music was always subservient to the words. It\\nis not improbable that it was the musician, as being the\\ntraditionary channel for ballad and lyrical literature, who\\nfirst (in the earliest times) added reading and writing to his\\nordinary instructions. For a considerable time, and until\\nMSS. were accessible, the instruction must have been oral.\\nThe functions of the music teacher and the grammatist were\\nafterwards separated. For a considerable period, however, if\\nnot always, the music instruction seems to have been given\\nin the same buildings as the literary instruction.\\nIn the special music course, which did not begin, it would\\nappear, till the thirteenth year, the Athenian youth were taught\\nby the citharist to play on musical instruments, especially\\nthe lyre, a seven-stringed instrument (originally four strings).\\nFor a time, after the Persian wars, instruction was also given\\non the flute, which became very fashionable, the name being\\ngiven to any instrument played with the mouth, such for ex-\\nample as our flageolet. It was this instrument which was\\npopular in Boeotia. Plutarch relates that Alcibiades refused\\nto play on the flute, partly on account of the contortions of\\nthe face to which it gave rise, partly because he who played\\nit could neither speak nor sing while so doing, and that he\\nalso begat in others a most decided aversion to the instru-\\nment, which on this account fell at last into contempt. The\\ntrue cause, however, of its falling into disuse was probably\\nthe exciting character of the music it produced and the im-\\npossibility of accompanying the music with the voice. The\\nGreek flute had not the soft sentimental tones of the modern\\nflute. The object of the musical instruction was educational,\\n1 The cithara was more of a professional instrument, ami is discoun-\\ntenanced by Aristotle. It had a sounding-board and was played with a\\nplektron. The most recent authority on Greek music is Dr. Munro, of\\nOxford, in his book entitled Modes of Greek Music.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "262 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nbut also to enable all to take part in religious services and\\nin friendly social entertainments. Music, says Aristotle,\\nBook v., was introduced by our forefathers for the rational\\nenjoyment of leisure.\\nThe boys were instructed in rhythm and melody, and\\ntheir ear trained to a feeling of the measure. This would\\nbe necessary to good elocution. The Greeks believed that\\nby music the spirit of the young was elevated, and that they\\nbecame rhythmical and harmonious in mind and manners.\\nAt the same time table-songs were learned by heart with a\\nview to increasing the pleasure of social meetings. These\\nsongs pithily and wittily enforced homely sentiments and\\nthe principles of morality, patriotism, and worldly wisdom.\\nThe Doric strain (a minor scale) was that usually adopted\\nfor such purposes, and they gave it the preference because it\\nwas characterised by a dignified repose, and more than any\\nother seemed to give expression to high spirit and to manli-\\nness. The soft and voluptuous Lydian measure (a major\\nscale) was denounced as immoral in its tendency, while the\\nPhrygian (also a minor scale) was passionate.^ In the earli-\\nest stage of instruction, the citharist dictated to the children\\nsimple songs, which they were required to learn by heart.\\nThen they had to learn the sustained and chant-like airs to\\nwhich they were set. One of the first poems which they\\nlearned, is said to have been\\nPallas, dread destroyer of cities,\\nThou war-din-raising goddess,\\nHoly, enemy-averting daughter of Jove,\\nI call on thee,\\nHorse-taming, noblest virgin.\\nThe boys were not meant to attain professional skill in\\nsinging and playing their musical ability was only to be\\nso far developed as to enable them, when grown up, to take\\npart in choruses and sing table-songs, c. This was the\\ndirect practical aim of the instruction under the citharist\\n1 T]ie Ionian and ^oliau had also their speciEc characters.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 263\\nbut the main purpose of teaching music was unquestionably\\nto produce harmony and balance of soul, while at the same\\ntime introducing the boy to the lyrical literature of his\\ncountry. The music teaching was never dissociated from\\nverses lyric poems or hymns. The poetry and music\\ntogether formed a single work of art. In the Protagoras\\nPlato says They make rhythm and harmony familiar to\\nthe souls of boys, that they may grow more gentle and\\ngraceful and harmonious, and so be of service both in words\\nand deeds for the whole life of man stands in need of grace\\nand harmony. And Aristotle and Plutarch utter similar\\nsentiments and to these we may add Polybius. That the\\naim of music teaching was ethical is further shown by the\\nstress which both Aristotle and Plato lay on the importance\\nof the state controlling school-music in order to secure sound\\nmoral results. In short, the boy was taught music, not that\\nhe might be a musician, but that he might be musical.\\nIt was always, indeed, the education of mind and body as\\na unity which the Athenian kept constantly in view not\\ntechnical facility in any art whatsoever. To be always in\\nquest of what is useful, says Aristotle, is not becoming to\\nhigh-minded men and freemen. Even as regards gymnastic\\nand music the professional was not highly esteemed.\\nPlutarch says that when Alexander played and sang on one\\noccasion with particular skill, his father Philip said, Are\\nyou not ashamed to play so well?\\nTaking the literary and musical education together, we\\nmust conclude that the mental culture was but plain and\\nsimple, yet it took hold of the entire man and this all the\\nmore deeply and thoroughly because the youthful mind was\\nnot distracted by a multiplicity of subjects and could there-\\nfore more closely devote itself to the mental food and to the\\nmaterials of culture offered to it. (Curtius, History, ii. 416.)\\nThe young Greek had a rich literature to draw on. The\\nintellectual and sesthetic education of the children of a nation\\nis necessarily governed by its literature. The Egyptians and", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "264 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nBabylonians, even if they had had an organised system of\\nschools, could have made little of them. The Hterary mate-\\nrials of Greek national education were on the other hand ex-\\ntraordinarily various and abundant. To Homer is generally\\nassigned the date of about 1,000 years before Christ, and he\\nis closely followed by Hesiod, while the number of unnamed\\nrhapsodists and banders down of national traditions of reli-\\ngion and conduct and of heroism must have been great. In\\nthe seventh century before Christ we have in the elegiac and\\nlyrical poets a natural development of the heroic rhapsodist\\nand religious hymn-writer. (Callinus, Archilochus, Tyrtaeus,\\nAlcman, and Sappho.) The sixth century again is especially\\nthe period of gnomic or ethical poetry Solon, Theognis,\\nPhocylides, and the sayings of the Wise men. At the end\\nof this century and the beginning of the fifth we have again\\nthe lyrical poets Anacreon and Pindar and about the same\\nperiod, tragedy a combination and evolution of the gnomic,\\nthe heroic, and choral lyric was firmly established by\\n^schylus. In education, as indeed in public life, the poets,\\nlet us remember, were regarded by the Greeks as teachers of\\nwisdom and as moral guides. The end of the seventh and\\nthe beginning of the sixth century also saw the rise of specu-\\nlative philosophy, which reached its highest point in the\\nfifth and the fourth centuries B.C. Oratory also reached its\\nhighest and finest development in the fourth. I mention\\nthese things because it is impossible for us to understand the\\nliterary side of Greek education without realising the immense\\nmass of literary material by means of which the education\\ncould be conducted literary material existing more or less\\n(but always growing from generation to generation in quan-\\ntity and excellence) for 500 if not 600 years before the birth\\nof Plato in 430 B.C.\\n{d) Gymnastic\\nAbout the eighth year, physical education was begun with\\ngymnastic exercises under the pffidotribe (boys gymnastic\\nmaster) after preparation had already been made for it by", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 265\\nmeans of easy games in the paternal home. After the\\nage of fourteen or fifteen, gymnastic took precedence of\\nliterary instruction. It is doubtful whether the gymnastic\\ninstruction of children began at the same time as the literary\\ninstruction or after some progress had been made in learning\\nto read and write. The gymnastic exercises had for their\\nobject in Athens the discipHne of the body with a view to\\ngiving it a healthy development and a noble carriage.\\nThe psedotribe, as I have said, was not appointed by the\\nstate. Like the teacher of the day-school, he opened a palees-\\ntra or wresthng school but he was in all cases under state\\nsupervision, and subject to certain state-regulations which\\nhad in view mainly the moral demeanour of the boys. The\\npa?dotribe himself gave the gymnastic instruction, but there\\nwere present also in the arena the moral superintendent or\\ncensor who had the oversight of morals, and the anointers\\nwho arranged and superintended the dietetic regimen and\\nanointed or saw to the anointment of the body with oil,\\nwhich after exercise had to be scraped off.\\nThe palaestra was reserved for boys and the gymnasium\\nfor the ephebi (youths of eighteen years) and full-grown\\nmen. Plato, and the Athenians generally, looked with most\\nfavour on games which gave room for the exhibition of the\\nmoral quahties of spirit (or as we should say, pluck) and in-\\ntelligence mere animal force being regarded as of compara-\\ntively small account.\\nThe exercises were graduated from the easier to the more\\ndifficult, and aimed at forming the body in all its stages of\\ndevelopment. During the exercises the boys were arranged\\nin two or three divisions. These were united at festivals,\\nespecially at the Hermaea. Lively games, especially games\\nwith the ball, appear to have been first taken up. Swim-\\nming was practised very early.^ Among the first exercises\\n1 On this point Professor Mahaffy, I notice, throws doubt. Why he does\\nso I cannot understand, as swimming is especially mentioned in the earliest\\nlaws. There was also a common phrase applied to an uneducated man, he\\ncan neither swim nor say his alphabet. (See also Krause, p. 100, for an apt\\nauthority.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "266 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwere: standing on tip-toe, while performing certain active\\nmovements of the arms jumping hanging and climbing on\\nthe rope holding a weight with extended arms the simple\\nrace boxing, wrestling, c. After sufficient training, more\\nadvanced exercises were undertaken. There was a contest\\ncalled the pentathlon, in which five exercises performed in suc-\\ncession by the same person were included, viz. leaping, run-\\nning, throwing the discus, throwing the spear, and wrestling.\\nThis had a place even at the Olympic games. The pancra-\\ntium, in which wrestling and boxing together, and the use of\\nfeet as well as hands was allowed, seems to have been toler-\\nated, but was reserved for the elder boys; and, always at\\nAthens, under certain regulations which distinguished it\\nfrom the pancratium of the professional athlete. In the\\npalaestra, attention was paid to the deportment of the boys,\\nand the rod was as Uttle spared here as under the citharist.^\\nAt one time music was associated with gymnastic exercises.\\nOur recently introduced musical drill is consequently only a\\nrevival.\\nDancing formed part of the physical training but by\\ndancing was not meant the rhythmical movement of the feet\\nalone but of the whole body and this to music. But this\\nexercise, admirable as it is, did not form part of the regular\\ntraining of the young Athenian. Thorough training in danc-\\ning was confined to the trained choral bands who performed\\nat festivals and in the temple and theatre. The dances culti-\\nvated that grace and delicacy of movement to which the\\nAthenian had already in himself a natural bent. Indeed, it\\nwas of common knowledge in the ancient world that even a\\npoor Athenian citizen distinguished himself among all other\\nmen by his easy carriage and graceful bearing. The dances\\nwere of various kinds, religious, warlike, and Corybantean.\\nPopular dances were also handed down in which all took\\nThe proportion of time given to the palffistra and the day-school is not\\nknown, nor is it quite certain at what hours of the day the palaestra was\\nchiefly frequented. It is understood, however, that it was visited twice a day\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in the morning before breakfast, and again before sunset.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 267\\npart, but (as I have said above) the training in dancing was\\nnot a part of the regular education,^ though what we now\\ncall musical drill was practised.\\nThe ephebi youths of eighteen years (now of age and\\ncapable of bearing arms) no longer attended the palestra\\nbut the gymnasium, and received there instruction from the\\ngymnast (trainer of professional athletes) and other teachers.^\\nFull-grown men also were expected to continue the exercises\\nwhich as boys and youths they had practised. And on\\noccasion of sacrifices at the Panathenoexi special wrestling\\nmatches were arranged for them.\\n(e) Moral education\\nAn ideal aim and a moral purpose ran through the whole\\nof Athenian education. Lucian thus sums up the teaching\\nwhich the young Athenian received We commit our\\nchildren first to the care of mothers, nurses, and school-\\nmasters, to instruct them properly in their early years but\\nas soon as they begin to understand what is right and good,\\nwhen fear, shame, and emulation spring up in their minds,\\nwe then employ them in studies of a different kind, and inure\\ntheir bodies to labour by exercises that will increase their\\nstrength and vigour. We do not rest content with that\\npower of mind and body which nature has endowed them\\nwith, but endeavour to improve it by education, which\\nrenders the good qualities that are born with us more con-\\nspicuous, and changes the bad into better following the\\nexample of the husbandman who shelters and hedges round\\nthe plant whilst it is low and tender, but when it has gained\\nstrength and thickness takes away the unnecessary support,\\nand by leaving it open to the wind and weather, increases its\\n1 Ussing, however, seems to think it was.\\n2 The precise distinction between the palfestra and the gymnasium is matter\\nof debate, but I have given the general conclusion. It would appear that in\\nthe latter period of Greek history the distinction was not observed as in the\\nearlier. As to the age of the ephebus, some say eighteen and some seventeen,\\nIt probably varied.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "268 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ngrowth and fertility. We teach them, therefore, first, music\\nand arithmetic, to write letters, and to read aloud clearly and\\ndistinctly as they grow older, we give the maxims, sayings,\\nand opinions of the wise men, and the work of the ancients,\\ngenerally in verse, as easier for the memory. When they\\nread of the great and noble actions thus recorded, they are\\nstruck with admiration, and a desire of imitating them,\\nambitious of being themselves distinguished, admired, and\\ncelebrated by the poets of future ages as their predecessors\\nwere by Homer and Hesiod. C Anacharsis.\\nAgain, in Plato s Protagoras we find a better account of\\nthe training of the young Athenian than any that could be\\nconstructed by the collation of many passages from Greek\\nauthors; and from it we shall see that in his view the aim\\nthroughout was a moral one an aim to be attained through\\nliterature, music, and gymnastic. Education, he says, and\\nadmonition commence in the very first years of childhood, and\\nlast to the very end of life. Mother and nurse and father\\nand tutor are quarrelling about the improvement of the\\nchild as soon as ever he is able to understand them he\\ncannot say or do anything without their setting forth to him\\nthat this is just and that is unjust that this is honourable,\\nthis is dishonourable this is holy, that is unholy do this\\nand abstain from that. And if he obeys, well and good, if\\nnot, he is straightened by threats and blows, like a piece of\\nwarped wood. At a later stage they send him to teachers\\nand enjoin them to see to his manners even more than to his\\nreading and music and the teachers do as they are desired.\\nAnd when the boy has learned his letters and is beginning to\\nunderstand what is written, as before he understood only\\nwhat was spoken, they put into his hands the works of\\ngreat poets, which he reads at school in these are contained\\nmany admonitions and many tales, and praises and encomia\\nof ancient and famous men, which he is required to learn by\\nheart, in order that he may imitate and emulate them and\\ndesire to become like them. Then, again, the teachers of\\nthe lyre take similar care that their young disciple is steady", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 269\\nand gets into no mischief and when they have taught him\\nthe use of the lyre, they introduce him to the works of other\\nexcellent poets, who are the lyric poets and these they set\\nto music, and make their harmonies and rhythms quite\\nfamiliar to the children, in order that they may learn to be\\nmore gentle and harmonious and rhythmical, and so more\\nfitted for speech and action for the life of man in every\\npart has need of harmony and rhythm. Then they send\\nthem to the master of gymnastics, in order that their bodies\\nmay better minister to the virtuous mind and that the weak-\\nness of their bodies may not force them to play the coward\\nin war or on any other occasion. This is what is done by\\nthose who have the means, and those who have the means\\nare the rich. Their children begin education soonest and\\nleave off latest. When they have done with masters, the state\\nagain compels them to learn the laws, and live after the\\npattern which they furnish, and not after their own fancies\\nand just as in learning to write, the writing-master first draws\\nlines with a stylus for the use of the young beginner, and\\ngives him the tablet and makes him follow the lines, so the\\ncity draws the laws which were the invention of good law-\\ngivers which were of old time these are given to the young\\nman in order to guide him in his conduct whether as ruler\\nor ruled and he that transgresses them is to be corrected or\\ncalled to account, which is a term used not only in your\\ncountry, but in many others.\\nAccording to Plato and Lucian, then, the moral training of\\nthe young Athenian was never lost sight of. The learning\\nby heart of noble passages from the poets and the whole of\\nthe music-instruction (in its narrower sense) had the ethical\\nfor its aim in the large sense of that term, including esthetic.\\nHomer, and the poets generally, were (as I have already\\nsaid) looked upon as text-books of morality and wisdom.\\nTo manners also, which are the cutward expression of\\ngood feeling, there was much attention paid both in the\\nfamily, in the street, and in the school. Grace and becom-\\nl Translation taken from MahafFy on Greek education, p, 37.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "270 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ningness of manner was called eukosmia, and throughout the\\nwhole Hellenic world stood side by side with the other two\\naims of education sophrosyne and arete this threefold\\naim being pursued by means of a training in music and\\ngymnastic. But in the boy the Greeks did not expect to find\\nthis harmonious, self-balanced life he had to be educated to\\nit. The chief virtue of the boy was reverence for his elders,\\nmodesty of demeanour, and a keen susceptibility to praise\\nand blame.\\nAs a result of all this, we find that not only a penetrating\\nand active intelligence, but also grace of manner and refine-\\nment of speech specially distinguished the Athenian Greek.\\nCicero De Orat. iii. 11) refers to it, and particularly men-\\ntions the sound of the voice and the sweetness of speaking\\nin a genuine Athenian. Even down to the time of Lucian\\nwe have evidence of the existence of the same characteristics.\\nWe naturally ask what provision was made for religious\\neducation. The answer is that by the worship of the family\\ngods, by the civic recognition of the gods in religious festivals,\\nwhich were numerous and stately, and by learning and sing-\\ning religious hymns and choruses religion was inculcated.\\nIn truth, it entered in a pleasant and cheerful way into the\\nwhole life of the boy and man as part of the aesthetic educa-\\ntion on its more serious side.\\n(f) Advanced education\\nTlie ephehi. The higher education of the Greeks centres\\nin the gymnasium. The gymnasia were state-supported\\ninstitutions and, in addition to a managing president, there\\nwas a moral overseer or sophronist and many subordinate\\nofficers. The ephebi continued to frequent them regularly\\nand go through more difficult gymnastic than in their earlier\\nyears.\\nBoth the moral and gymnastic training may be said to\\nhave received their completion in the service in the militia\\n(or state-police) (beginning about the age of eighteen), when", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 271\\namong other duties (especially the practice of gymnastic\\nexercises), the youths had to camp out, occupy fortresses and\\npatrol the frontier for two years. There were certain head-\\nquarters for the ephebic companies, viz. Eleusis, Sunium,\\nPhyle, c., besides forts. It was a military service and was\\nat first compulsory. The youths were liable to foreign ser-\\nvice only after its completion. It certainly, for manifest\\nsocial reasons, must have been a great burden on many\\nclasses of citizens, and in the later days those of the\\nMacedonian rule (340 B.C.), it became voluntary, and con.se-\\nquently aristocratic. Hunting also formed part of the occu-\\npation of the ephebi.\\nWhen they entered on this ephebic training (also as we\\nhave seen practised among the Spartans) the Athenian\\nyouths, now eighteen years of age, were formally admitted to\\ncitizenship before the assembled citizens, and presented with\\na shield and spear. They took the following oath in the\\ntemple of Athene (Grasberger, iii. 61): I will not bring dis-\\nhonour to these holy weapons, and will not desert the com-\\nrade who stands side by side with me, whoever he may be.\\nFor the holy places and for the laws I will fight singly and\\nwith others. I will leave my country not in a worse but in\\na better condition by sea and land than I have received it.\\nI will willingly and at all times submit to the judges and to\\nthe established ordinances, also not allow that anyone should\\ninfringe thereon or not give due obedience. I will reverence\\nthe ancestral worship. Let the gods be witnesses of this\\nTheir names were now entered on tlie citizen-roll of the\\nphratria or ward to which they belonged, and they now in the\\nfullest sense belonged to the state.\\nThe higher education of the Athenian Greek did not end\\nhere. All his life long he was instructed by the public\\n1 There are slight variations both of tlie words and translation of this oath.\\nI give what seems best. Some put the taking of this oath after and not before\\nthe ephebic training. There can be little doubt, I think, that it was taken at\\nabout the age of eighteen, even before the word ephebus as a specific ancj\\ntechnical term was in use,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "272 PRE-CIJRJSTIAN EDUCATION\\ndrama, by the contentions and rivalries of civic life, by the\\ngreat festivals, which were frequent and stimulating, in which\\nthe young men took part as members of the choral bands, by\\nthe superabounding development of native art, and by the\\npubHc literary contests which began at an early date in their\\nhistory and stirred the ambition of youths while moulding\\nthe life of maturer men. The civic life, above all, which\\noften stirred questions in which the whole of the Hellenic\\nstates were involved, gave a daily education to all citizens.\\nA pohty is an education, says Plato.\\nWhatever might be disregarded, gymnastic was never for-\\ngotten. It was indeed in connection with the gymnasia that\\nsophistical and philosophic teaching began, in the later half\\nof the fifth century B.C., as we shall shortly see. As places\\nof common resort they were analogous to the modern club,\\nbut they combined with this the freedom of the market-place\\nand the attractions of a public park, adorned with statues of\\nthe gods. Studici sapientice, says Quintilian, speaking of the\\nearly imperial times in Eome, xii. ii. 8, in porticits et gym-\\nnasia primum, mox in conventus scholarum recesserunt. The\\nAthenian gymnasia of the Academy and the Lyceum gave\\nnames to the two great schools of Plato and Aristotle. And,\\nlater, the philosophic schools were themselves sometimes\\ncalled gymnasia.^ In the next chapter we shaU speak further\\nof the higher intellectual education.\\nI have in previous chapters brought into view the mean-\\ning of the gymnastic training of boys; as regards young\\nmen, the purpose was substantially identical. I may quote\\nwith advantage the words of Lucian We teach them like-\\nwise to run races, which makes them swift of foot and pre-\\nvents their being out of breath the course, moreover, is not\\non solid ground, but in a deep sand, where the foot can\\nnever be firm, but slips away from beneath them we ex-\\nercise them likewise in leaping over ditches with leaden\\nweights in their hands, and teach them to throw darts at\\n1 Hence in modern times in German}- (and occasionally in mediaeval times)\\na gymnasium is the designation of a higlier school.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 212,\\na great distance. You must have seen also in the gym-\\nnasium a brass thing like a small shield, round and without\\na handle or strings; you took one up, I remember, and\\nthought it very heavy, and so smooth that you could not\\nhold it: this they throw up into the air, or straight for-\\nwards, contending who shall cast it farthest this strengthens\\nthe shoulders and gives the limbs their full power and\\nagility. As to the dust and dirt, which seemed to you so\\nridiculous, I will tell you why we have so much of it in\\nthe first place, we do it that the combatants may not hurt\\nthemselves on the ground, but fall soft and without danger\\nand secondly, because, when they grow wet in the mud and\\nlook hke so many eels, as you called them, it lubricates\\nthe limbs. It is therefore neither useless nor ridiculous,\\nbut promotes strength and agihty by obliging them to hold\\none another with all their might, to prevent their slipping\\naway add to this, that to lift up a man who is anointed\\nwith oil and rolled in the mud is not easy. Thus do we\\nexercise our youth, hoping by these means to render them\\nthe guardians of our city and supporters of the commonweal,\\nthat they will defend our liberties, conquer our enemies, and\\nmake us feared and respected by all around us in peace\\nthey become better subjects, are above anything that is\\nbase, and do not run into vice and debauchery from idle-\\nness, but spend their leisure in these useful employments.\\nOur young men are thus prepared for peace and war. And\\nagain elsewhere Out of the gymnastic struggles another\\nmore noble contention springs amongst all the members of\\nthe community, and a crown is bestowed, not of pine, of\\nolive, or of parsley, but one with which is wreathed public\\nhappiness and private liberty, the ancient rites and cere-\\nmonies, the wealth, honour, and glory of our country, the\\nsafety of every man s property, with every good and noble\\ngift we wish from the gods. With that crown these are\\nall inwoven, and to this all our toils and labours lead. We\\nhave hitherto been speaking of the period up to about the\\nmiddle of the fifth century B.C. Up to that date there is\\n18", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "274 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nno evidence that the higher education involved abstract\\nstudy of any kind except for a few of a philosophic turn\\nof mind. The higher education was gymnastic, in so far\\nas it was compulsory.\\nA retrospect will satisfy us that neither in school nor\\nduring the ephebic period had the Athenian a hard time.\\nIn the school up to the date given above there was not\\neven geometry, geography, or drawing. Music, literature,\\nand gymnastic summed up his education. The life both\\nof the boy and the youth was easy, and by the help of the\\nslave-system which relieved citizens from sordid material\\nclaims on their energies, the young were able to live a\\nmore unencumbered life than was, perhaps, altogether good\\nfor them. It was, however, always life and owing to the\\npeculiar genius of the people, a life full of interest and\\nfreshness, and of intellectual as well as bodily activity.\\n{g) School and liome-cliscijpliTie\\nThe school discipline was severe. The rod was freely\\nused both in the literary, music, and gymnastic training. It\\nis not till the times of Seneca and Quintilian, so far as I\\nknow, that we find any protest against corporal chastisement,\\nunless we take the remark of Plato, Eep. vii. 536, as such a\\nprotest In the case of the mind, no study pursued under\\ncompulsion remains rooted in the memory. Hence you must\\ntrain children to their studies in a playful manner and with-\\nout any air of constraint. It is not to be supposed that\\neven after Seneca and Quintilian the severity of punishment\\nwas lessened. The Greeks and Romans, and after them\\nChristian teachers throughout the middle ages and down to\\nvery recent times, associated teaching with flogging as a\\nkind of inevitable necessity.\\nBut I commend this to general attention, that school-\\nmasters were held of small account. Nor do I beheve it\\npossible that, while this class of the community is fitly repre-\\n1 Locke uses words almost identical.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 275\\nsented as holding a book in one hand and a cane in the other,\\nit can ever stand high in social estimation. It is only when\\nwe find in teachers of youth a high conception of their social\\nfunction as essentially a spiritual function, that the rod will\\nbe regarded as degrading (to the teacher, not to the boy) and\\nthe community begin to accord to schoolmasters that respect\\nwhich then, but only then, will rightfully belong to them.\\nAnd why Because then, and only then, will they work for\\nthe intellect through the intellect, for the moral nature\\nthrough the moral nature. A resort to physical force is to\\nbe regarded as a sign of weakness in the educator, save in\\nvery extreme cases and after much deliberation.\\nThe domestic disciphne was more severe than we should\\nhave expected from the general character of the Athenians\\nbut it is an additional confirmation of the importance they\\nattached to moral training. Sandals or slippers were used for\\npersonal castigation. Strict attention was paid to the little\\nacts of life, such as the manner of sitting at table and of eat-\\ning. The manner of taking salt and bread was regulated.\\nEven when the boys had reached their eighteenth year they\\nwere held under strict subordination to their parents, and\\ntheir demeanour in the streets was prescribed. Modesty of\\ndemeanour, respect to older men, and a general becomingness\\nof conduct was strictly imposed, not only on boys but young\\nmen. Both at home and at school and in the palaestra, the\\nrod was freely used. A verse of Menander is to the effect\\nthat a youth who has not been flogged has not been\\neducated.\\n(/i) Education of the women\\nThe women had no school education. It was wholly\\ndomestic. The room in which they and their children lived\\nwas generally on the upper floor, to which they were mostly\\nconfined, except on great festival occasions. There would of\\ncourse be necessarily more freedom of life among the poorer\\nclasses but less education. At popular festivals the maidens", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "276 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwalked in procession and danced choral dances.^ On other\\noccasions the girls were confined to the house, and therefore\\nthe Athenian women were for the most part slender and\\npale. The mother gave them instruction in all feminine\\noccupations, in spinning, sewing, weaving, knitting, c.\\nThey sometimes learned a little reading and writing from\\ntheir mothers, and also singing and playing on the lyre.\\nSpecial emphasis, says Schmidt, was in the case of the\\ngirl laid on moral training propriety of conduct, chastity and\\npurity, were the most beautiful womanly virtues, and domes-\\ntic thrift, as well as judicious management of the household,\\nthe finest womanly qualities. Woman accordingly had not\\nthat social and political influence in Athens which she had\\nin Sparta. Her position was little better than that of an\\nOriental wife. Marriages were contracts arranged by parents.\\nThe wife had no part even in social entertainments. When\\nher husband had guests she was not allowed to be present at\\nthe dinner which she had herself prepared.\\n(z) Method. The schoolmaster. Holidays. School-houses\\nMethod. Modes of procedure have been occasionally\\nadverted to above in their proper place. As regards method\\ngenerally, there was none consciously thought out. The\\nteacher pointed to a letter and named it and the boy named\\nit after him. He recited pieces of poetry line by line to the\\nboy, and they were repeated until they had been acquired\\nlater, pieces were written down by the teacher and copied by\\nthe pupil. The whole process was essentially a telling on\\none side and learning by heart on the other but explana-\\ntions were always given and asked. When manuscripts\\nbecame more common the master s work would of course be\\nlightened and the boy s independent activity stimulated.\\n1 At the so-called bear-festival, says Schmidt (Brauronia) girls between\\nfive and ten years of age were every five years consecrated to Artemis,\\nwhile sacrifices were ofi ered and a passage from the Iliad read a con-\\nsecration which was meant to be the symbolic commemoration of a pure\\nvirginity.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 277\\nThere were no home lessons. Everythuig was done in school.\\nAny fairly educated Greek could teach on these terms who\\nhad the necessary patience. I have already said that, so far\\nas we can learn, the pupils came up in turn to say their les-\\nson to the master. Questions of classification and school\\norganisation had not arisen. It is impossible to doubt, how-\\never, that pieces of poetry were learned collectively, as were\\nthe alphabet and the multiplication table, to a kind of\\nmonotonous chant.\\nOn a vase (about the date of the Peloponnesian War and\\nnow in the Berlin Museum) we have an interior view of a\\nschoolroom and a young man is correcting the written\\nexercise of a boy, another instructs the boys in flute-playing,\\na third gives instruction in the cithara, while a boy recites\\npoetry to his teacher.\\nThe Schoolmaster. The day-school master did not\\ntake a high position. Demosthenes taunts his great rival\\nwith having had to help his father to clean out the school\\nwhen he was a boy, and evidently regards the work of a\\nprimary teacher as a very humble one indeed. As a boy/\\nhe says De Corona, 258), you were reared in abject pov-\\nerty, waiting with your father on the school, grinding the\\nink, sponging the benches, sweeping the room, doing the\\nduty of a menial rather than of a freeman s son. There was\\nno public qualification for the office of schoolmaster, and\\nhence, chiefly, the low social status. It was the refuge of the\\ndistressed. There was a proverbial saying applied to a man\\nwho had disappeared he is either dead or become a primary\\nschoolmaster. Lucian, long after the palmy days of Athe-\\nnian education, condemns tyrants sent to the nether world\\nto be beggars or primary schoolmasters. Dionysius the\\ntyrant taught an elementary school at Corinth, and this is\\nmentioned as an illustration of how low a man might fall.\\nAccordingly, it is absurd to suppose that the aim which the\\nAthenian mind had more or less consciously before it in the\\neducation of the young was effectually carried out in the\\nschools. The aim and general method we know the re-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "278 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nsuits were doubtless often disappointing. The family and\\nthe state were after all the chief educators.\\nFees were paid for instruction, and hence partly the low\\nestimation in which the teacher was held, for the Greek mind\\nlooked on paid intellectual work as casting discredit on the\\nrecipient at least till after the time of the sophists.\\nIt is only when the state takes up education as a national\\nconcern that teachers receive proper remuneration, and only\\nwhen they are professionally trained that they have any\\nstatus whatsoever. It appears from an inscription that at Teos\\nthere was an endowment for a staff of teachers in the third\\ncentury b.c.^ This endowment provided for girls as well as\\nboys. Only the children of those who fell in battle were\\neducated at the expense of the state.\\nHolidays. School holidays and festivals are frequently\\nreferred to by the ancients. And when we add to these the\\npublic festivals, to which the Athenians were much addicted,\\nwe may conclude that the Athenian boy had an easy time of it.\\nSchool Houses. The school-buildings were not of state\\norigin. The literary, musical, and gymnastic teaching of\\nboys was all given in the houses or rooms provided by the\\nadventure teachers. The gymnasia for the ephebi and grown\\nmen were, however, provided at the public expense. These\\nwere large enclosures planted with trees and adorned with\\ngardens and shrubberies, monuments, temples, fountains, c.\\nAll Greek towns were provided with them. In the fifth cen-\\ntury B.C. there were three, the Academy, the Cynosarges, and\\nthe Lyceum. They served, as I have already said, the pur-\\nposes of modern clubs as well as exercising grounds, and also\\nin the course of time they were the centres of schools of\\nphilosophy and rhetoric.\\n5. CONTRAST BETWEEN ATHENIAN AND SPARTAN EDUCATION\\nThe education of the Hellene generally was an education,\\nas we have seen, in gymnastic and music music compre-\\n1 See Girard, V Education Athenienve, with references.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 279\\nbending literary and moral training as well as music in its\\nnarrower sense. In gymnastic, including the training to\\nphysical endurance generally, the Spartan was much more\\nexacting than the Athenian. The Athenian aimed at the\\nperfect development of the body and the maintenance of\\nhealth the Spartan at making the body serviceable for the\\nhardest tasks that could be imposed on it. Both, however,\\nhad m view the moral control to which good gymnastic\\ntraining contributes.^ Neither the Spartan nor Athenian\\ngymnastic, however, is to be compared with our modern\\nBritish training by means of organised play. In our games\\nboth physical and moral ends are gained in a way which\\nwas, I believe, quite beyond the reach of the Greek system,\\nand which almost fulfils Plato s conception of gymnastic as\\nan education.\\nIn music, again, the Spartan, as we have seen, was edu-\\ncated, but only in the narrow and modern sense of the word\\nmusic. Eeligious and national chants, metrical laws, choral\\nsongs, and heroic ballads were, however, taught, and indeed\\nlargely practised. The Athenian did aU this, but, over and\\nabove, he acquired skill on a musical instrument, and he\\ncarried out musical education in its larger and literary sense\\nof reading, writing, and arithmetic. The study of the national\\nliterature and the cultivation of literary taste by school reci-\\ntations and by the public drama, were all attended to. The\\nchief instrument in the education of mind among the Athe-\\nnians, was in brief, literature and this chiefly in the form\\nof poetry. The Athenian education was (to use a modern\\nexpression) wholly humanistic, and yet it had a very direct\\nconnection with the intellectual life of the boy when he be-\\ncame a fully-grown man. The Spartan education was ethical\\n(in a very narrow sense) and conservative, resting on law\\nand custom as sacred, and admitting of no development.\\nThe Spartan had a restricted definite and civic aim the\\nAthenian s aim, though never losing sight of the state, was\\n1 The Boeotians, again, carried gymnastic into athletics to such an extent\\nas to be hurtful to the bodily growth.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "280 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nbroad as humanity itself. Reading and writing, in so far\\nas they existed at Sparta, were esteemed only in so far as\\nthey were useful. The Athenian view, on the other hand,\\nis well expressed in the already cited remark of Aristotle\\nTo be always in search of the useful by no means befits\\nmen who are magnanimous and who are freemen. Give\\nthe fellow half a drachma, and let him be gone, called out\\nEuclid to his slave, when a pupil asked what advantage he\\nwould gain by mathematical study. To pursue even music\\nwith a view to being an expert and turning it to use, and not\\nin the interests of a liberal education, was baaausian. The\\nSpartan trained the citizen the Athenian trained the man.\\nHence in all the arts which adorn human life the Athenians\\nwere great. They are still the masters of the modern world.\\nAfter the school period was over, the education of the citizen\\nwent on, for it was a mere continuation of the work of the\\nschool. The drama, sculpture, architecture, painting, sur-\\nrounded daily life with the noblest ideals. We carry them,\\nsays Lucian in his Anacharsis, to comedies and tragedies at\\nour theatres, that whilst they behold the virtues and vices of\\npast times, they may themselves be attached to the one and\\navoid the other permittiag our comic writers to expose and\\nridicule the citizens and this we do, as well for their sakes\\nwho may grow better by seeing themselves laughed at, as\\nfor that of the spectators in general who may thus escape\\nbeing ridiculed for the like absurdities. Thus was Athens\\nthroughout the life of each man a perpetual school in the\\nbest sense of that word, and not in the Spartan one. In the\\nspeech of Pericles, part of which we quoted in the first chap-\\nter, he is constantly contrasting Athens and Sparta, and the\\ncontrast in their lives we see repeated in their processes of\\neducation.\\nNote further, that the Athenian system was a free and\\nvoluntary system, the state merely supervising and laying\\ndown general rules, while carefully guarding the morals of\\nthe palrestra and gymnasium. In the laws ascribed to Solon\\nare found injunctions to all parents to educate their children,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 281\\nand also certain rules for the schools, but these are all of a\\nmerely regulative character. In Sparta, on the other hand,\\nthe system was a state system compulsory and gratuitous.\\nHerein lies, partially, the explanation of its being so liardfast\\nand inelastic. All were cast in one mould. So must it\\nalways be with over-centralised administration. This has\\nalways to be resisted by a country which prizes freedom and\\nvariety of culture.\\nSparta, quite consistently with its theory of life and edu-\\ncation, took possession of the young citizen at the age of\\nseven Athens only at the ephebic age of eighteen.\\nAgain, in Athens we have professional schoolmasters\\nwhereas in Sparta worthy citizens supervise the education\\nof youth.\\nWhen we reflect on the past historical survey, we cannot\\nbut be deeply impressed by the contrast of East and West.\\nAmong the Hellenic races we first find ourselves in the cur-\\nrent of a life with higher aims, both national and individual,\\nthan any we had previously encountered. Here, first, we\\nfind a people living under political conditions which favoured\\nindividual culture, intellectual activity, and personal ambi-\\ntion. We breathe the atmosphere of liberty an atmo-\\nsphere essential to the life of mind. We also find a religion\\nwhich, spite of the traditionary popular tales about the gods,\\nwas an aesthetic idealism and intensely human. But it is a\\nsuperficial conclusion that favourable conditions made the\\nGreeks the political and social conditions were themselves\\npart of the expression of the Hellenic spirit. Let me add that,\\nfor the maintenance of this spirit, they relied on the proper\\nupbringing of youth. In nothing were Greek writers more at\\none than on the necessity of the education of the young with\\na view to a life worth living and to the security of the state.\\nI have endeavoured to place before the reader the dis-\\ntinctive characteristics of the education of the two great\\nNay, earlier, for it was the elders who determined whether a babe was to\\nlive, not the father.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "282 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nHellenic types. It has only now to be noted that, after\\nthe death of Alexander the Great, Hellenic education all\\nround the Mediterranean had more characteristics in com-\\nmon than in earlier times. The Ionic-Attic idea governed,\\nalthough at Sparta many of the old customs survived for\\nlong after, and into Christian times.\\nI have been exhibiting the general aim and current of\\nHellenic education. It is scarcely necessary to guard the\\nreader against concluding that, always and everywhere in\\nthe Hellenic cities, this aim was consciously pursued, or that,\\neven in the most favourable circumstances, it was fully\\nrealised. Even in the golden age of Socrates, we have com-\\nplaints of a degeneracy from a level of education which was\\nprobably never reached. The well-known locus classicus in\\nthe Clouds of Aristophanes gives expression to these\\ncomplaints, but we ought never to attach too much histori-\\ncal importance to the criticisms of professed satirists or\\nhumourists.\\nI prepare, he says, myself to speak\\nOf manners primitive and that good time\\nWhich I have seen, when discipline prevailed,\\nAnd modesty was sanctioned by the laws.\\nNo babbling then was suffered in the school;\\nThe scholar s text was silence. The whole group\\nIn orderly procession sallied forth\\nRight onwards, without straggling, to attend\\nTheir teacher in harmonics though the snow\\nFell on them thick as meal, the hardy brood\\nBreasted the storm uncloaked. Their harps were strung\\nNot to ignoble strains, for they were taught\\nA loftier key, whether to chant the name\\nOf Pallas terrible amidst the blaze\\nOf cities overthrown or wide and far to spread,\\nAs custom was, the echoing peal.\\nI shall now speak briefly of the higher education of the\\nfew in the fifth century B.C. and thereafter.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 283\\nCHAPTER V\\nTHE HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE FIFTH CENTURY B.C.\\nAND THEREAFTER\\nWe have seen that the Athenian youth and boy had, so far\\nas school instruction, primary, secondary, or higher was con-\\ncerned, an easy time of it up to the middle of the fifth cen-\\ntury B.C. And, as historians of education, we have to note\\nthe fact that Greece was within sight of the highest pinnacle\\nof its fame in arts and arms before school instruction took a\\nmore serious form. In Epic, Elegiac, Lyric, and Tragic\\nDramatic poetry, all the greatest work had been done before\\n450 B.C., and in the subsequent sixty years philosophy, his-\\ntory, and even oratory and comedy, had given many, if not\\nmost, of their greatest examples to the world.\\nFrom, let us say, 460 B.C., we can detect the beginnings of\\nwhat we call the higher education, and this has of course\\nto be connected with the life of the ephebi. But first we\\nhave to consider the historical situation.\\nAs Athens and the other active Hellenic centres pro-\\ngressed in material civilisation and in democratic forms of\\ngovernment, the number of young men of the leisured\\nclasses who desired an outlet for their activity in political\\nlife and were ready to interest themselves in all sorts of\\nquestions, largely increased. Improved facilities of com-\\nmunication among Greek states and the multiplication of\\npolitical and colonial relations contributed also to the\\nenhancement of public life, especially after the Persian\\nwars, which ended 479 B.C. We had now the beginnings\\nof what is called the Athenian empire. It seemed to have\\nbeen instinctively felt that the chances of success in public\\nlife, now so much enlarged and so much more exacting,\\ndemanded more intellectual preparation than heretofore.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "284 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nThe schools of abstract philosophy had as yet engaged the\\nattention of only a select few, and, moreover, did not meet\\nthe practical wants of the time.\\nWhen we consider the cosmopolitan view of life and\\npolitics forced on the Greeks by their warlike encounters\\nwith both East and West and the wide ramification of\\ntheir commercial relations, the rise of a spirit of inquiry\\nand of criticism of existing institutions and their basis in\\nreason was not surprising. The new intellectual movement\\nsought for satisfaction. And this, quite apart from the\\ngrowing conviction that, with the increased importance of\\nthe democracy came a demand on those who would succeed\\nin political life to study both politics and oratory.^\\nCotemporaneously with the rise of this new intellectual\\nand political movement, there arose in the Hellenic states\\nteachers who professed to give all the instruction needed\\nfor guidance in public hfe. These men (called sophists,\\nthe chief of whom were Protagoras, Gorgias, and Prodicus),\\ntaking up their quarters first in one town and then in\\nanother, offered their intellectual wares for sale, and thus\\nincurred the contempt of the pure philosophers who held\\nthat wisdom was to be neither bought nor sold. They\\nwere, however, a necessity of the time. They met the politi-\\ncal and educational demands of the age.\\nThe sophists also represented, and to some extent satis-\\nfied, the critical needs of the time. As in the case of all\\nother ancient nations, it is difficult to show how the beliefs,\\nreligious, ethical, and political, by which the Hellenic com-\\nmunities were held together, grew up. They passed down\\nthrough the state (sometimes aided by a separate priesthood\\nwho consecrated and developed tradition) and the family,\\nnot as the product of deliberate scientific investigation, but\\n1 As long as MSS. were scarce, speaking before public assemblies was the\\nonly mode of communication with the people. Rolls were for sale in shops\\nbefore the time of Plato. There was, however, no public library in Athens\\ntill the Emperor Hadrian founded one. The Alexandrian library M as\\nfounded in 323 B.C. by Ptolemy Soter an example afterwards imitated by\\nthe kings of Pergamus.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 285\\nas the authoritative voice of a remote antiquity. Nations\\nheld fast by their fathers and their gods who were the\\ngods of their fathers and clung to these with an unques-\\ntioning tenacity as if they alone protected their political\\nlife from dissolution. The day of scepticism and reason\\nultimately arrives for all such authoritative teaching, with\\nwhat final result to the faith of man and the interpretation\\nof human life, individual and social, we do not even yet\\nknow. The Hellenic races, brilHant as they were, formed\\nno exception to this general law of life and progress. The\\nsophistical movement was a revolt against authority and\\nconvention, but as a revolt it served its purpose by pro-\\nclaiming the rights of reason.\\nThe leading sophists had unquestionably studied the\\nsystems of philosophy which had come down to them, and\\nwere men of culture but the abstract speculative interest\\nseemed to them to yield little that told on the immediate\\nhuman interest. They accordingly offered to their eager\\npupils a kind of philosophy of practical life, superficial\\nit might be, but still having intelligible relations to the\\nworld of political activity on which they were entering\\nwith all the ardent ambition of youth. Along with this,\\nthey also frequently gave scientific instruction in all the\\nknowledge of the time. The more aspiring young men of\\nthe upper classes eagerly sought for these instructors be-\\ncause they professed to give, and did, as a matter of fact,\\ngive, a rational though doubtless superficial, view of life in\\nall its relations which could be turned to immediate use.\\nThey obtained all the general knowledge they wanted from\\nthe grammatical, physical, and moral discussions of the\\nperipatetic lecturers but they prized above all their defi-\\nnite political instruction and their art of rhetoric. Ehetoric\\nhad now become a theory as well as an art, and in the\\ncourse of time unfolded itself as a system so detailed and\\nso encumbered with technical details as to be, to the modern\\nmind, intolerable. Still, with all its superficiality and de-\\nfects and formalism, the teaching of the sophists supplied", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "286 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\na want and gave the only higher education which then\\nexisted, or was, perhaps, then practicable.\\nThat the name sophist did not, as time went on and as\\nrhetorical theory was dignified by the more earnest treatment\\nof Isocrates, call forth contempt, is evident from the fact\\nthat the designation was almost universally appHed to the\\nhigher teachers, whether they included philosophy in their\\ncourse or confined themselves, as was the general rule, to\\nsuperficial science and a practical oratory.\\nIt was inevitable, under a system of free learning and free\\nteaching such as existed in Athens and the Greek world\\ngenerally, that evils should arise. Numbers of pretenders\\noffered to give young men a rapid preparation for oratory and\\nconsequent success in life. These men gave their pupils the\\nready-made results of knowledge, and not training. Dia-\\nlogues and speeches were learned by heart, and youths\\ntaught to believe that a superficial acquaintance with the\\ncommonplaces of science political and other a certain\\ncommand of the technique of oratory and the attainment of\\na certain verbal fluency, constituted education. But we\\nknow that there were many sophists who took a more\\nserious view of their profession. Thus were brought within\\nthe sphere of the higher education all the leisured youth of\\nthe country, who aimed at public life in some form or other\\nand for whom abstract philosophy had no attractions. And\\nlet us remember that public life under ancient conditions\\ncomprised many possible occupations an advocate in the\\ncourts, a political speaker, including in this the whole func-\\ntion of the modern journalist and pamphleteer, and all legis-\\nlative and administrative employments. Apart, however,\\nfrom these special practical aims, the higher education under\\nsophists of good reputation had a liberalising character.\\nSpeaking 500 years after the death of Isocrates, Lucian in\\nhis Anacharsis says, We commit our youth to certain\\ngood and approved masters, who are called sophists or philos-\\nophers (the designation sophist was frequently used in-\\nstead of philosopher in Lucian s time, 2nd century a.d.), by", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 287\\nwhom they are taught both to say and to do what is right\\nand just, to attend to and assist the commonweal, to live\\nhonestly, never to seek after what is base and unworthy, or\\nto commit violence on any man. The advanced instruction\\nwas indeed ethical and political, in so far as it was not\\npurely rhetorical.\\nMeanwhile, the philosophical schools which in the fourth\\ncentury held the tradition of earnest scientific inquiry for the\\nsake of truth alone, gave a profounder discipline but the\\nyouth of the country, down even to the close of classical an-\\ntiquity, unquestionably regarded rhetoric and oratory as the\\nmain end of all their studies, to which philosophy was only\\ncontributory. The outcome of the whole was, that in the\\nfourth century the higher or university education com-\\nprised, for those v;ho desired it, philosophy, which took a\\nwide range, politics, and rhetoric. For the few so disposed,\\ntliere were teachers of mathematics and astronomy. The\\nhigher education continued to maintain this character (speak-\\ning generally) in all the towns of the Mediterranean till\\nabout 300 A.D.\\nI have said above that the higher education connected\\nitself closely with the ephebi and their rules of life. They\\nwere not always on military duty, and as their athletics\\nwere carried on in the gymnasia where philosophers and\\nsophists were in the habit of lecturing and teaching, it\\ngradually became the custom for many of the young men to\\nattend their prelections and to engage in dialogue with them.\\nAnd indeed, in the preceding generation it had already be-\\ncome a recognised custom for young men, in the intervals of\\ntheir ephebic training and after it was concluded, to attend\\none or more teachers of philosophy or politics or rhetoric.\\nThe military duties of the ephebi were reduced to one year\\nabout the time of Philip of Macedon, as I have previously\\nsaid, and, ere long, ephebic service became altogether volun-\\ntary and it would appear that the youths were now officially\\nexpected, though not required, to attend the schools. Thus\\nthe ephebic period became virtually a kind of university", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "288 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nlife in germ at least. Even then, however, all intellectual\\npursuits gathered round gymnastic. So that we have this\\ninteresting result, that the military and gymnastic training\\nof men above eighteen absorbed into itself what we should\\nin these days call university education at least in so far as\\nopportunity went just as the gymnasia themselves became\\nthe university headquarters.\\nIt was in the school of Isocrates (393-338 B.C.) that we\\nfind the best results of the higher educational activity of the\\nfourth century. His popularity and fame all the world\\nrecognises. As Cicero says in Brutus, 32: Isocrates cujus\\ndomus cunctse Grsecite quasi ludus quidam patuit atque offi-\\ncina dicendi. Plato, in the Phsedrus, puts him above all\\nthe other teachers of oratory, because he has philosophy in\\nhim. Isocrates, however, was not a philosopher in the\\nPlatonic or Aristotelian sense but rather a man of large\\ngeneral culture and keen political interests who, recognising\\nrhetoric as the greatest of studies, because by means of it\\none might persuade men to wise political action and to a\\nnoble personal life, organised the teaching of this great art.\\nHis aim was to make a thoughtful man and a capable citi-\\nzen but a capable citizen was one who could vjrite and speak,\\nand so influence his fellow-citizens to wise courses. The\\neducational question which Isocrates tried to solve was, By\\nwhat intellectual preparation can this be best attained\\nHe always kept in view the ethical and large political rela-\\ntions of rhetoric. He professed to train for public life and\\ncitizenship, not for abstract investigation. The Athenians\\nwere by nature an eloquent people and, altogether apart\\nfrom practical considerations, it was to be expected that they\\nwould study eloquence, and that it should occupy a supreme\\nplace in the higher education. Isocrates at once represented\\nand satisfied the national need. Moreover, he honestly\\nattached supreme importance to style as the servant of jus-\\ntice and virtue being apparently persuaded that true elo-\\nquence must always be the reflection of a virtuous and wise", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 289\\nmind. Eloquence, he held, has for its aim the development\\nof great truths and is the chief agent in civihsatiou. And\\nalthough he saw all round him, to his deep regret, this same\\neloquence used to tickle the ears of the populace or to ad-\\nvance personal interests or unworthy causes, it did not seem\\nto occur to him that a higher education founded on rhetoric\\nalone must be ultimately doomed to failure. In his view the\\nbest form and the best thought were indissolubly allied.\\nArt in speech was the greatest of arts. In training to this,\\nall the faculties, intellectual and moral, were trained. Assum-\\ning a good preliminary secondary education in grammar and\\nhterature, and recognising mathematics and astronomy as a\\nvaluable preparatory discipline, he rested the whole higher\\neducation, thereafter, on language as an mstrument of thought.\\nHis pupils spent two or three years (sometimes even four)\\nunder his tuition. We must therefore, I think, look upon\\nthis organised school of Isocrates as the mother-university of\\nEurope.\\nAs educationalists the only quarrel we have with Isocrates\\narises out of his attitude to philosophy in the sense of the\\npursuit of absolute truth Science. But having said this,\\nwe then become his followers. The fit use of language as\\nthe expression of reason in man, and the power of using it\\neloquently, not for personal aggrandisement, but in the\\npublic interest, was unquestionably in those days the mark\\nof the highest culture. Is it not so even now? Given\\nadequate preparation such as Isocrates demanded, and still\\nmore such as Quintilian insists upon, there is much to be\\nsaid for the ancient view, even in these days.\\nThe higher education, said Isocrates, must be (1) Practical\\navoiding barren subtleties. (2) Eational, i.e. resting on\\nthe development of the whole intelligence, not on technicali-\\nties. (3) Comprehensive, i.e. not limited to the routine of\\nany single profession. He felt that he could carry young\\nmen through a curriculum of this kind, which would not, it\\nis true, make them orators if they had no natural genius for\\neloquence, but would at least make cultured men equipped\\n19", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "290 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nfor the service of the state. If these objects were to be\\nattained, the higher or university education ought to be a\\nschool of rhetoric and the sole subject of study should be\\nphilosophy. But of philosophy he took a wholly practical\\nview. Denying the possibility of attaining to absolute truth,\\nhe regarded philosophy as the apphcation of principles to\\nthe actual work and occasions of civic and political life.\\nThe philosophy of Isocrates, says Professor Jebb (ii. 41),\\nis the art of speakuig and writing on large political subjects\\nconsidered as a preparation for advising or acting in pohtical\\naffairs. Philosophy, so regarded, could scarcely fail to\\nmould the character as well as the opinions of youth, while\\ngiving them the practical power of using their knowledge for\\nthe benefit of society. And this was Isocrates aim sub-\\nstantially an ethical one. He defends the better class of\\nsophists in these words Some of their pupils become power-\\nful debaters others become competent teachers all become\\nmore accomphshed members of society. Instead of the\\nhasty preparation for future life which gave rise to the just\\ncriticisms of Aristotle and others on the pretentious character\\nof the vulgar sophists, Isocrates carried the pupils through a\\ncarefully organised course. I always teach my pupils, he\\nsays, that in composing a speech the first thing needful is\\nto define clearly the object which they wish the speech to\\neffect: the next thing is to adapt the means to that end\\n(Jebb, ii. p. 243) and the real essence of his method con-\\nsisted in developing the learner s own faculty through the\\nlearner s own efforts (Jebb, p. 46). This method was\\nentirely opposed to that of the vulgar sophists, who made\\ntheir pupils learn by heart speeches and dialogues and then\\ntrust to their natural powers of imitation and their own\\nundisciplined use of language as if, says Aristotle, you\\ncould teach a man to be a shoemaker by showing him several\\npairs of shoes. On the other hand, it must be granted that\\nAristotle s Ehetoric, while the most philosophical exposition\\nof the subject, could never have made an orator a long\\n1 On the Antidosis, Jebb s translation (ii. 144, of Attic Orators).", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 291\\ncourse of practical study was indispensable and the pupils\\nof Isocrates were always carried through a series of exercises\\nin composition and rhetoric which were carefully prepared\\nand revised and corrected by the master.\\nThe death of Isocrates did not affect the position of\\nAthens as the world-centre of all intellectual activity. The\\nambitious, well-to-do youth of the Mediterranean flocked to\\nAthens to receive their final preparation for life. And this\\nnot in the schools of rhetoric alone for side by side with\\nthe rhetorical schools arose the great schools of philosophy,\\nPlatonic, Peripatetic, Stoic, and Epicurean, as organised\\nsystems, each with its teachers and devotees and in these\\nthe more thoughtful found satisfaction for their philosophical\\naspirations.\\nThe sophistic and philosophical movements combined told,\\nas might have been expected, on the lower schools. Gram-\\nmar, drawing, and geometry had been gradually introduced\\nand thus a formal element was added to the purely literary\\nand musical in the education of the young especially of\\nthose who frequented schools longer than others. Geogra-\\nphy, too, found a place in the school curriculum almost a\\nnecessity among a maritime race like the Greeks. Thus the\\nsecondary -school curriculum was completed but for cen-\\nturies, down, indeed, to the overthrow of the Eoman empire,\\nit was only a good secondary school which could boast of\\nembracing a complete course. The result of Hellenic thought\\non the education of the man was ultimately summed up on the\\nlines of Plato s conceptions, supplemented by Aristotle. And\\nit was this in the secondary school grammar, literature, music,\\ndrawing, geography, arithmetic, and geometry in the higher\\nschools, music, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy (all\\nscientifically treated), these leading to the supreme study,\\nDialectic in the sense of philosophy.\\nIn the centuries after the birth of Christ, rhetoric and\\ndialectic were regarded as constituting, with grammar, a\\npropaedeutic to the higher physical studies. But meanwhile\\nthey had altered their character, and were taught only in", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "292 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntheir formal and barren elements. Together they constituted\\nthe trivium, the higher studies constituting the quadrivium.\\nThese names, however, were not in use till the fifth century.\\nAll through the middle ages the seven studies taken together\\nconstituted the liberal arts. But dialectic as philosophy in\\nthe Platonic and Aristotelian sense had vanished from view,\\nand the preparatory arts became restricted in their scope\\nand sterile in their results.\\nIt was to the philosophic schools to which I have above\\nreferred that Athens continued to owe its true fame and in-\\nfluence more than to the schools of the rhetoricians. The\\nphilosophers pursued truth for its own sake. They repre-\\nsented the scientific spirit. Plato, Aristotle, Epicurus, Zeno,\\nall had their successors.^ But, while it is true that it was to\\nthe philosophic teaching that Athens owed its greatness, it is\\nalso true that as a consequence of the great importance as-\\nsigned to oratory and to style generally, the higher education\\nwas always tending to degenerate into the study of rhetoric\\nalone. A short road to oratory was the desire of young men,\\nThe connection of these philosophical schools with certain localities in\\nAthens lias been briefly stated by Professor Mahaffy, as follows\\nHe says There were two gymnasia (in the Greek sense) provided for the\\nyouth who had finished their schooling that in the groves of the suburb\\ncalled after the hero Academus, and that called the Kynosarges, near Mount\\nLycabettus. The latter was specially open to the sons of citizens by foreign\\nwives. Thirdly, in Pericles day was established the Lykeion, near the river\\nIlissos. They were all provided with water, shady walks, and gardens, and\\nwere once among the main beauties of Athens and its neighbourhood. The\\nAcademy became so identified with Plato s teaching, that his pupils Antis-\\nthenes (the Cynic) and Aristotle settled beside, or in, the Kynosarges and\\nLykeion respectively and were known by their locality, till the pupils of\\nAntisthenes removed to the frescoed portico (stoa) in Athens and were thence\\ncalled Stoics. Epicurus taught in his own garden in Athens. All these\\nsettlements were copied from Plato s idea. He apparently taught both in the\\npublic gymnasium and in a private possession close beside it and in his will,\\npreserved by Diogenes Laertius, he bequeaths his two pieces of land to Speu-\\nsippus, thus designating him as his formal successor. His practice being fol-\\nlowed, the title scholarch soon grew up for the head of the school and the\\nowner of a life interest in the locality devoted to the purpose. Each master\\nwas called the successor (diadockuft) of his pr-edecessor, and the succession of\\nthese heads of schools has been traced with more or less success through all\\nthe Hellenistic period. Old Greek Education, p. 136.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 293\\nand they more and more tended to gather chiefly round the\\nrhetoricians. The next stage of degeneracy was inevitable.\\nFrom the moment linguistic art and mere style and oratori-\\ncal effect became the professed object of study, education was\\ndivorced from reality. A man like Isocrates could maintain\\na living connection between reason, ethical purpose, and\\nspeech but we cannot imperil education on the expectation\\nof an apostolic succession of men of genius. With the\\nordinary teacher degeneracy is certain, if we do not hold\\nhigh the scientific aim of knowledge for the sake of knowl-\\nedge, living for the sake of life. Form tends to become all\\nin all. Not what is said, but liow it is said, becomes the\\nstandard of culture. Education becomes artificial. Art for\\nart s sake passes into artifice. The mind wastes its power\\nover words and niceties of phrase and composition. Origi-\\nnality gives place to imitation. Severe discipline in lan-\\nguage, grammar, and logic is lost sight of, and technical\\nforms are got up as if one could be eloquent by rule. Thus\\nrhetoric itself misses its aim eloquence. Literature and\\nstyle interest all men, the forms of literature and the tech-\\nnicalities of style are for the arid expert alone. Under the\\ninfluence of rhetorical rules, the severe, manly, simple, and\\nlogical development of a theme in the interests of truth gives\\nplace to a weak and insipid but fluent loquacity, not intended\\nto enforce truth or to guide to sound judgment, but merely\\nto tickle the popular ear and to gratify the vanity, or gain\\nthe temporary ends, of the speaker. Living oratory disap-\\npears. Brilliant language, rhythmical sound, sharp antitheses,\\nmetaphors, images, and playing on words had become, even\\nbefore the Christian era, objects of unfeigned admiration to\\nthe youth of the Eastern Mediterranean.\\nIt is usual to speak with a certain sentimental regret of\\nthe early decadence of the Athenian higher schools. I can\\nfind no ground for holding that they suffered from actual\\ndecay till, perhaps, 200 or 250 years after the birth of Christ.\\nTheir weakness lay in the commercial rivalry of the teachers\\nand the growing devotion to mere rhetoric. Assuredly, from", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "294 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\n430 B.C. to about 300 a.d., Athens, spite of the rise of many\\nrivals, remained the chief intellectual centre of the civilised\\nworld. Thus for 700 years at least, spite of its great Alex-\\nandrian rival, it governed the higher education. Nor was\\nthis education always of so degenerate a kind as satirists\\nwould make us believe. A young man repairing to Athens\\nhad still the best opportunities that had ever existed of dis-\\ncussing the profound questions of philosophy and science,\\nand of prosecuting an extensive literary and grammatical\\ncourse under some approved rhetorician, while entering into\\nfriendly student relations with youths from all parts of the\\nEoman empire. What better university education can we\\noffer now, if the education of young men means the stimula-\\ntion of intellectual activity in the search for truth, or in the\\nattainment of professional excellence It is true that many\\nwho flocked to Athens and the other university centres of\\nEhodes, Pergamon, c., often idled their time, and that not a\\nfew were content with a very superficial culture, fitted for\\nmere oratorical display. But may we not, vnutatis mutandis,\\nmake the same remark now of every university in Europe\\nAfter all is said that can be said on Hellenic education, I\\nam disposed to return to my original proposition, viz. that\\nthe Hellenic educational idea, more or less conscious, always\\nwas Sophrosyne (self-control, balance, limitation). Arete, or\\nexcellence, and UuJcosmia, or grace and becomingness of\\nbearing and expression. To say that the Greeks did not\\nwholly succeed in attaining to this harmonious result is only\\nanother way of saying that they were human beings. None\\nthe less was the tendency always in the direction summed\\nup by these three words. They always had a more or less\\nconscious ideal of man, and to this each man was to be edu-\\ncated. The whole of life, it is true, was governed too much\\nby the idea of the beautiful the artistic conception of\\nhuman life. Hence its charm, its freedom, its want of rever-\\nence, and its saucy independence hence, too, its failure to\\nattain, in the case of the gTeat mass even of educated men,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 295\\nto a profound sense of moral law waiting on all the acts\\nand aims of mortals and relegating all else to a subordinate\\nplace. Personal truthfulness, personal purity, and a sense of\\noverawing duty were not to be found in the average citizen,\\nexcept where an attempt had been made, as in Sparta, to\\nenforce them as part of the state-system of life an artificial\\nattempt at best. We have in the Greek, I think, a pure\\nexhibition of the finite and aBsthetic side of human nature in\\nits most charming and seductive forms. It could not endure\\nit is not to be imitated, save and in so far as it represents\\none side of human endeavour. Only where law and duty\\nare supreme, where truth and reality take precedence of form,\\nand these three. Law, Duty, and Truth are recognised as the\\ndivine order and the inexorable command, can man attain to\\nthe fulness of his own personality, and mould an ideal state\\ncomposed of citizens harmoniously educated. In the Eoman\\nwe find some glimpses of this fresh aspect of the problem of\\nnational life, and to him we shall now turn.\\nNOTE ON ARISTOTLE\\nThe history of education is one thing and the theoretical views\\nof philosophers another. And, accordingly, were it not that Aris-\\ntotle in what he says really speaks in a Greek national sense, and\\nis not merely a theoriser but a representative spokesman, I should\\nnot think it necessary to append the following extracts.\\nAristotle (pupil of Plato, died 322 b.c.)\\nGENERAL\\nWhat we have to aim at is the happiness of each citizen, and\\nhappiness consists in a complete activity and practice of virtue,\\nPolitics, iv. 13.\\nAristotle refers his reader to the Ethics for this conclusion, and\\ntlius shows that with him education as a subject of study had a\\nscientific basis in ethical philosophy.\\n1 I am speaking of the Hellenic race, not of individual dramatists or\\nphilosophers.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "296 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nIt is right that the citizens should possess a capacity for affairs\\nand for war, but still more for the enjoyment of peace or leisure.\\nRight that they should be capable of such actions as are indispen-\\nsable and salutary, but still more of such as are moral per se. It is\\nwith a view to these objects, then, that they should be educated\\nwhile they are still children, and at all other ages, till they pass\\nbeyond the need of education (iv. 14).\\nThe soul consists of two parts reason in itself, and the lower\\nnature which is capable of receiving the rule of reason. This we\\nfind in the De Auima but it is assumed in the educational dis-\\ncussion. In educating we have to train the habits so as to secure\\nthe supremacy of reason.\\nUp to the age of five it is not desirable to make children apply\\nthemselves to study of any kind or to compulsory bodily exercises,\\nfor fear of injuring their growth. They should be allowed only so\\nmuch movement as not to fall into a sluggish habit of body.\\nTheir amusements should not be of too laborious a sort, nor yet\\neffeminate.\\nGreat care should be taken as to the associates of children, and\\nthat all coarseness and foul language be far removed from them,\\nsince light talking about foul things is closely followed by doing\\nthem.\\nEducation, in the strict sense, begins at seven and may be\\ndivided into two periods seven to fourteen, and fourteen to\\ntwenty-one.\\n(Book V. c. 1.) Education should be regulated by the state for\\nthe ends of the state, and each citizen should understand that he is\\nnot his own master, but a part of the state.\\nAlso, in the same place, he says As the end proposed to the\\nstate as a whole is one, it is clear that the education of all the\\ncitizens must be one and the same, and the superintendence of it a\\npublic affair rather than in private hands.\\nSUBJECTS OP STUDY\\nNote. We must bear in mind that Aristotle, like other\\nGreeks, relegated all mechanical occupations to slaves, who were\\nnot citizens.\\n(Book V. 2 of Politics. That such useful studies as are abso-\\nlutely indispensable ought to be taught, is plain enough not all", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 297\\nuseful studies, however, for in face of the distinction which exists\\nbetween liberal and illiberal occupations, it is evident that our\\nyouth should not be allowed to engage in any but such as, being\\npractically useful, will, at the same time, not reduce one who\\nengages in them to the level of a mere mechanic. It may be\\nobserved that any occupation, or art, or study, deserves to be\\nregarded as mechanical if it renders the body, or soul, or intellect\\nof free persons unfit for the exercise or practice of virtue.\\nIt is the object of any action or study which is all-important.\\nThere may be nothing illiberal in them if undertaken for one s\\nown sake or the sake of one s friends, or the attainment of virtue\\nwhereas, the very same action, if done to satisfy others, would in\\nmany cases bear a menial or slavish aspect.\\nThe studies established at the present day are, as has been\\nalready remarked, of an ambiguous character. We may say that\\nthere are four usual subjects of education, viz. reading, writing,\\ngymnastic, music, and further although this is not universally\\nadmitted the art of design. Eeading and writing and the art of\\ndesign are taught for their serviceableness in the purposes of life\\nand their various utility, gymnastic as tending to tlie promotion of\\nvalour, but the purpose of music is involved in great uncertainty\\n(Book V. 2).\\nMUSIC THE RELATION OF MUSIC TO LEISURE ITS LIMITS AS\\nA SUBJECT OF EDUCATION\\nLeisure and the noble employment of leisure is the end we must\\nhave in view, according to Aristotle.\\nThere is no consensus of opinion as to the definition of this\\npleasure [leisure], each individual is guided by his own personality\\nand habit of mind, and he is the perfect man whose pleasure is\\nperfect and derived from the noblest sources.\\nIt is evident, then, from our consideration of business and\\nleisure, that there are certain things in which instruction and edu-\\ncation are necessary with a view to leisure, and that these branches\\nof education and study are ends in themselves, while such as have\\nbusiness for their object are pursued only as being indispensable\\nand as leading to some ulterior object. Accordingly music was\\nintroduced into the educational system by our forefathers, not as\\nindispensable it had no such characteristic nor as practically", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "298 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nuseful, in the sense in which reading and writing are useful for\\npecuniary transactions, domestic economy, scientific study, and a\\nvariety of political actions, or as the art of design is, in the general\\nopinion, useful as a means of forming a better judgment of works\\nof art, nor, again, as useful, like gymnastic, in promoting health\\nand vigour. Neither of these two results do we find to be pro-\\nduced by music. It remains, therefore, that music is useful for the\\nrational enjoyment of leisure, and this is evidently the purpose to\\nwhich it was in fact applied by our forefathers, as it is ranked by\\nthem as an element of the rational enjoyment which is considered\\nto be appropriate to free persons (Book V. 3).\\nMusic, like drawing, is to be followed as a liberal and not as a\\nprofessional study. Enough should be learned to enable all to\\nenjoy what others do, and for this a certain amount of practical\\nacquaintance with both music and drawing is necessary.\\nGYMNASTIC AND ITS LIMITS\\n*As it is evident that the education of the habits must precede\\nthat of the reason, and the education of the body must precede that\\nof the intellect, it clearly follows that we must surrender our chil-\\ndren in the first instance to gymnastic and the art of the trainer,\\nas the latter imparts a certain character to their physical condition,\\nand the former to the feats they can perform.\\nThe duty, then, of employing gymnastic and the method of\\nits employment are admitted. Up to the age of puberty gymnastic\\nexercises of a comparatively light kind should be applied, with a\\nprohibition of hard diet and compulsory exercises, so that there\\nmay be no impediment to the growth. The fact tliat these may\\nhave the effect of hindering growth may be clearly inferred from\\nthe circumstance that in the list of Olympian victors it would not\\nbe possible to find more than two or three Avho have been success-\\nful in manhood as well as in boyhood for the effect of their train-\\ning in youth is that they lose their physical vigour in consequence\\nof the forced gymnastic exercises they perform. When our youth\\nhave devoted three years from the age of puberty to other studies,\\nit is then proper that the succeeding period of life should be occu-\\npied with hard exercises and severities of diet. For the intellect\\nand the body should not be subject to severe exertion simultane-\\nously, aa the two kinds of exertion naturally produce contrary", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 299\\neffects, that of the body being an impediment to the intellect, and\\nthat of the intellect to the body (Book V. 4).\\nAristotle then proceeds to discuss the moral effect of different\\nkinds of music, and then seems to get tired of his subject. The\\nwhole discussion, though full of good sense, is as a whole inade-\\nquate and disappointing.\\nBut gymnastic, though indispensable, is only, like reading and\\nwriting, a preliminary the true aim of education is the training\\nto do what is virtuous for its own sake and with no ulterior pur-\\npose. In this way alone the capable citizen can be produced, and\\none who will, further, be capable of enjoyment of the noblest\\nkind. This being so, we should read the Ethics as well as the\\nPolitics if we are to form a true conception of Aristotle s educa-\\ntional ideal. The process of education is, in brief, instruction and\\ndiscipline in virtue. From this point of view the Ethics is\\ntruly Aristotle s prime educational treatise. What are in the\\nPolitics called the subjects of education are in truth only the\\nindispensable subsidiaries or instruments of the true education,\\nwhich is ethical in its aim.\\nAristotle does not, unfortunately, show us how we are to pro-\\nceed, nor how best to form the noble character whose employment\\nof leisure is noble.\\nPlato s aim iji education is a harmonious man in a harmonious\\nstate. This harmonious man is the realisation of the good in\\nthe individual, which again is identical with the just. The\\nindividual, however, is only a part of a higher harmony, the\\nharmony which is realised in a just state. The individual is\\nthus necessarily subject to the interests of the whole, and must find\\nhis particular harmony in and through the larger harmony of\\nwhich he is merely a part. This Platonic conception is in truth\\na philosophic rendering and an idealisation of the Doric educa-\\ntional idea.\\nWhen we compare the Platonic with the Aristotelian educa-\\ntional aim, we are struck by the more modern spirit of Aristotle.\\nHe does not aim at theoretic completeness in his view of man and\\nthe state. He takes things as he finds them and keeps his eye\\nfixed on the possible and practicable. The cultured and har-\\nmonious man is not an object of concern with him, but only the\\ncapable and virtuous citizen. Virtue, in brief, is Aristotle s edu-", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "800 PRE-CURISTIAN EDUCATION\\ncatioiKil ciiil, the virtue of the individual without regard tu an\\nideal harmony of nature or perfect culture. Let each man bo\\nsound in body and virtuous, and Aristotle is content. Ho\\ndemands, however, that he be capable also of enjoyment and that\\nhe shall enjoy. He is not to be in such deadly earnest about\\nvirtue that lie has no vital energy left for enjoyment enjoyment\\nof a liberal and elevating kind. Where there are such men, the\\nstate as such may be left out of account we may almost say,\\nuH,h()ugh tills is to strain Aristotle. Now this 1 consider to be\\na practical formulation of the Attic spirit as opposed to the\\nDoric. It is in tlic spirit of Pericles address to the Athenians\\nin which he insists on the claims of the individual, whom Plato,\\non the other hand, would subject entirely, as did the Spartans,\\nto the claims of the state. Aristotle s doctrine is the doctrine\\nof freedom Plato s the doctrine of despotism.\\nNote. The translations are taken from Welldon s Politics.\\nAuthorities. The more important liistories, viz. Raiikc, Curtius, Thirl-\\nwall I vucyclopicdias Loci classici, especially from Plato, Aristotle, Xeuo-\\nphon, rhitarcli, Lucian Krause s Gcschichle dcr Erziehung, etc., hei den\\nOricchen, Etruskern u. liomcrn. Especially, and for details, Grasberger s\\nErziehung und UiUcrricht im classischen AUhcrthum; Miillcr s Dorians;\\nIJcckcr s Chariclcs; Professor Wilkiiis s National Education in Greece;\\nSchmidt s Gcschichtc dcr Fadagogik MahalTy s Old Greek Education\\nCapos; Ussing s Erziehung und Jtigcndunlcrricht hei den GriecJien und\\nEomern Paid Girard s L Educatioii Athcniennc Professor Jebb s Attic\\nOrators; Professor Butdicr s y/.yjcr^s of Greek Life; Tide s Outlines of the\\nHistory of Religions. Also references to Cramer, and many others.\\n1 Sentences, I think, will occasionally be found translated from Schmidt s uni-\\nversal history, especially in the details of Spartan education, but only on subjects\\nand points which are commonplaces.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "D. THE KOMANS\\nAt ilia laus est inagno in genere et in divitiis maximis\\nLiboros hominem cducai C, generi monumentum, ct sibi.\\nI LAUT. Mil. iii. 108.\\nCHAPTEK I\\nTHE ROMAN PEOPLE AND THEIR GENERAL\\nCHARACTERISTICS\\nIn passing from the Hellenic races to the lionian people we\\nenter a new phase of life, and yet one which, wliilc different,\\nis, in its deeper relations to the progress of huniaiuty, of\\nequal importance. The human spirit which under the limita-\\ntions imposed by the Hellenic genius self-control, virtue,\\nand grace of expression moves freely in every direction,\\nmobile, subtle, living, joyous, now presents itself to us in a\\nless captivating form but the personality of man, his self-\\nconscious worth as an individual, his supremacy over the\\nconditions of his own life, are in this new field of educational\\nstudy, conspicuously exhibited. This ])ersonality does not now\\nfind a channel for its self-assertion in the creative faculty\\nand the exercise of the imagination. On this side the lioman\\n1 Chief dates in Roman History. Rome founded 7.53 B.C.; expulsion of\\nkings and beginning of republic under consuls, .509 v.j:. victory of the\\nplebeians in the constitution, 366 v..c. Pyrrhus defeated and Rome supreme\\nin Italy, 275 B.C. end of the second Punic war and establishment of Roman\\nsupremacy in Spain, 202 B.C. Macedonia a Roman province, 148 n.c. H]M m\\nmade into Roman provinces, 123 B.C. Rome at this date sufjreme over the\\nMediterranean countries. The Gracchi and their attempted reforms, 13.3-121\\nB.C. Civil war (Marius and Sulla), 88-82 n.c. Oaius Julius Ctesarputs him-\\nself at the head of the government, 48 B.(;. C.t;sar assa.ssinated, 44 B.C.\\nAugustus CiB.sar emperor, 30 B.C. to 14 a.d. the Claudian emperors, then the\\nFlavian emperors, 70-96 a.d. Constantine the Great, 306-337 A.I;,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "302 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmind was essentially imitative. It conquered other nations\\nin arms, and, while doing so, it made conquests also of\\nforeign arts, and it was as acquisitions, not as native pro-\\nducts, that it was adorned by them. Much of Eoman litera-\\nture, indeed, suggests vigour of mind and the force of\\nmechanical adaptation of means to ends, rather than the\\nspontaneous outburst of genius. The Eoman certainly ac-\\nquired Greek culture, but it was as a graft on a very homely\\nEoman stock. Their universal masterfulness was even here\\nprominent. Literature was a conquest rather than the in-\\nevitable expression of the popular life and hence it always\\nremained the possession of the cultivated class alone, and was\\nnot, as among the Athenians, the atmosphere which all free\\ncitizens breathed.\\nA clear and direct perception of his relation to the outer\\nworld, not as a dwelling-place for the gods, but as a world to\\nsubdue and reduce to order, was the characteristic of the\\nEoman. His bent of mind was, consequently, essentially\\npractical, and, as practical, prosaic. If the Greek ideal was a\\nbeautiful soul in a beautiful body, the Eoman ideal was a sound\\nmind in a sound body. Manliness, energy, governing power,\\nintense personality, and that keen perception of the relative\\nrights of men in the matter of property a perception which\\nis the natural product of an intense personality formed the\\nbasis of the Eoman character. It is the Spartan and not the\\nAthenian Greek with whom the Eoman has, from the first,\\ncertain points of contact but, in the former case, we have a\\nsociety in which the individual was largely lost in the com-\\nmunity in the latter, we have a strong and abiding individu-\\nalism, which yet spontaneously identifies itself with the\\ngeneral good. As can easily be understood in the case of a\\nnation whose genius was so essentially practical, whose life\\nwas so wholly a civil life, the chief legacy of thought which\\nthey bequeathed to humanity was their moral energy and\\ntheir jurisprudence. The latter we still study as the basis of\\nall modern law and this it was which, during a long and\\npritical period, combined with the influence of the Church to", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 303\\nhold the civihsation of Europe together, and finally to re-\\ncreate it. Eoman law, indeed, is itself a civilisation.\\nThe origin of this great people as narrated by Livy is now\\ndiscarded, and many of Hegel s strictures are accordingly\\nnow irrelevant. Certain tribes of the Latin race established\\nthemselves on the Tiberine hills as elsewhere on the plains\\nof Latium. These Latin tribes developed on the hills which\\nthey occupied all the elements of the civic life characteristic\\nof the Latin communities generally, and they did so quickly\\nunder the necessities of their position as the advanced guard\\nof Latium, and as masters of the river. They formed a union,\\nand gradually acquired the hegemony of all the Latin race,\\nfurther extending their dominion to the Volsci on the south,\\nthe Sabellian races on the east, and the Etruscans on the\\nnorth. This, though doubtless the true explanation of the\\nrise of the Roman state, has one defect (if one may venture\\nan opinion against great authorities) it pushes the theory of\\nLatin unity of race too far, even almost to the ignoring of the\\nmixed elements in the primitive community.^ All the ele-\\nments of the Etruscan, the Latin, and the Sabellian were un-\\nquestionably mixed in the Roman of history. They did not\\nlie side by side as heterogeneous, but very early constituted\\na unity.\\nThe transference of power from the kings to the consuls\\nand senate was not only a transference from a monarchical\\nto an aristocratic and oligarchic government, but necessarily\\ngave fresh strength and compactness to the aheady existing\\naristocracy. The senators now felt, each in his own person,\\nthat he was a king of Rome, and with this accession of\\ndignity there was also an increase of the sense of responsi-\\nbility which must have told on the gravity and seriousness\\nof individual character and bearing. Hence the senate was\\ntruly described as an assemblage of kings. Such a transfer-\\nence of the sovereignty, too, must have made them feel the\\n1 While we may set aside the Livian predatory origin of Rome, we must yet,\\nI think, regard its mixed elements combined with its position as determining\\nlargely its character and its destiny.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "304 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nnecessity of preserving as much as possible the purity and\\nexchisiveness of their order in the interests of the safety of\\nthe state, which might have been quickly overwhelmed by\\nthe intrusion of the democracy. There can be little doubt\\nthat, had the democracy attained to that supremacy which\\ncharacterised the Athenian Demos, Rome would never have\\ndeveloped into the Eoman Empire. A great and noteworthy\\ncivic community it would doubtless have been, but little\\nmore than this. The Latin communities would have held\\ntheir own outside the Servian wall, the Samnites and Sabines\\nwould have continued to lead an uncontrolled existence, and\\nthe already established Etruscan power would probably have\\npermanently overawed the rising state. To create and mam-\\ntain an empire there must be a continuity of purpose and\\npolicy which is alien to a pure democracy. Whether we\\napprove of a hereditary aristocracy or not, there can be no\\ndoubt that it conserves a tradition of individual and family\\nlife as well as of national policy, and thus contributes power-\\nfully to the stability and permanence of a state in its domes-\\ntic, and especially in its foreign, relations. At the same time\\nit has its dangers, for it rests the healthy life of the state on\\none class, and the corruption of this is the corruption of the\\nwhole.\\nThe elements of weakness in the Eepublic which finally\\nmade the imperial form of government inevitable it would be\\nirrelevant here to trace. It is not difficult now, after the\\nevent, to see that the growth of a city into that unwieldiness\\nof bulk to which Eome attained when it became the centre\\nof the commerce and life of the world, would have made\\nit impossible for even a pure Senate after the mind of Cato\\nhimself to hold firmly the reins of power. But with the\\ngrowth of the Roman Empire the senatorial purity and self-\\ndenying patriotism had, as a matter of fact, vanished. The\\npersonal aggrandisement for which the tributary wealth of\\nthe world gave such opportunities, with the corruptions\\ncaused by slavery, the divorce of the Italians from the land\\nas free cultivators, the subversion of religious faith, and the", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 305\\nintroduction of those larger ideas of personal development\\nand culture which Greece taught, all combined to put an end\\nfor ever to the assemblage of kings. The proscriptions of\\nMarius and the reprisals of Sulla had also weeded out the\\nancient families, and wealthy plebeians, advanced to senato-\\nrial rank, had by the time of Augustus almost wholly super-\\nseded the ancient nobihty. You find now no longer the\\naustere old Roman Senate, but, as an eminent historian has\\nremarked, your eye is arrested by a succession of great in-\\ndividuals who dominated the state. This prominence of in-\\ndividuals, and the impossibility of a city ruhng an empire, led\\nto the final organisation of the Imperial Government which,\\nwhile preserving ancient Eepublican forms, preserved them\\nas a mere phantom of the past, the lifeless form of a freedom\\nthat had been. Assuredly one cause of the corruption of\\nsociety was the superseding of the traditionary education by\\nunconsidered and unregulated novelties. The old austere\\ndomestic system had disappeared, and what had taken its\\nplace was not due to any deliberate state-policy, but only to\\nthe caprice of individuals at least till after the empire had\\nbeen for some time established.\\nOur chief business, however, is with the Roman people in\\nall their moral greatness and strength as factors in the world-\\nhistory, taking first of all the period which ends with the\\nfall of Carthage. We find in them great moral qualities\\nqualities, indeed, which the history of the past shows us to\\nbe necessary to the rise of a stable social organisation. The\\npopular idea of the Roman is that of manly vigour, and the\\npopular idea is correct. To this it is added by Hegel that\\nhe was a creature of the abstract understanding prosaic,\\nutilitarian, practical. This, also, is true, and hence we may\\nfind a key to the Roman character, even in the ideal sphere\\nof his religion.\\nReligion. In religion the Roman was unquestionably\\nserious and devout. The community between gods and men\\nwas not, however, understood as among the Hellenes. There\\nwas no rich mythology to bridge over the space that sepa-\\n20", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "306 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nrated gods and men. The Eoman gods were not separate\\nidealised personalities as among the Greeks, who recognised\\nno god to whom they did not give a concrete form. There\\nwas, however, with the Eoman a deep spiritual side to every-\\nthing, and that the Koman abstracted, assigning to it the\\nname and power of deity. The gods differed in importance\\nonly in so far as the abstract thought was more or less\\ngeneralised. For example, if Jupiter and Juno are the\\nabstractions of manhood and womanhood and Dea-Dia or\\nCeres the creative power, their position in the Pantheon\\nwould necessarily be higher than Fides (fidelity to engage-\\nments), Terminus the boundary god, Silvanus the god of the\\nforest, or Vertumnus the god of the circling year. So intense\\nwas this spiritual perception and so disposed to fit itself\\nto abstract and yet definite forms, that in the prayer for\\nhusbandmen, as Mommsen says, there were invoked the\\nspirits of fallowing, of ploughing, of furrowing, sowing, cover-\\ning in, harrowing, and so forth. In like manner marriage,\\nbirth, and death, and every other natural event, were endowed\\nwith a sacred life. This is not to be confounded with\\nelement-worship it was the worship, or at least the abstract\\nand reverential recognition, of the Unseen Power that resided\\nin all things. The feeling of awe with which the Eoman\\nregarded the gods, as compared with the joyous friendliness\\nof the Greeks, is well indicated by the fact that the latter\\nwhen he sacrificed raised his eyes to heaven, the former\\nveiled his head. The gravitas of the Eoman character was\\nlargely due to the seriousness, approaching even sadness,\\nwhich characterised his religion. The awe with which the\\nEoman contemplated the Unseen is also indicated in the\\nword religio, whether we connect it with binding or\\nreflection (Conscience) (I eMgare or relegere). This relig-\\nion the early religion of Eome may be called an organ-\\nised Animism, but it is very seriously held.\\nThe supreme Eoman god was Jupiter Optimus Maximus,\\nnot merely as representative of abstract man, but as the\\nreflection of the life of Eome as a civil life, and as the", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 307\\nguardian of the state. Doubtless, the position of this god\\nwas largely due to Greek influence. Jupiter, as supreme god,\\nwas regarded also as father of men and source of all blessings,\\nand preeminently the god of good faith and purity. There\\nwas thus a distinct ethical element in the Eoman conception\\nfor Jupiter was the god of life and light and purity no less\\nthan the divine personification of the Eoman State. Next to\\nJupiter was Mars, as reflecting the military spirit. A deep\\nreligious feeling was exhibited not only in the earlier periods\\nof Roman society, but all through its history, spite of Hellenic\\ninfluences and the introduction among the people of numer-\\nous gods. The great Scipio Africanus went daily into the\\ntemple of Jupiter to pray, and ascribed all his triumphs to\\nthe protecting care of the god of Eome. Even Velleius\\nPaterculus, writing so late as the time of Tiberius, concludes\\nhis history with a prayer, part of which only has been pre-\\nserved, but which begins thus 0 Jupiter (Capitolinus)\\nJupiter Stator Mars Gradivus, author of the Eoman\\nname Vesta, guardian of the eternal fire O all ye\\ndeities who have exalted the present magnitude of the Eoman\\nEmpire, raising it to a position of supremacy over the world\\nGuard, preserve, and protect, I beseech you, in the name of\\nthe Commonwealth, our present State, c. Even if this be\\nregarded as a merely conventional conclusion to a history,\\nthe fact that it was so would not affect our argument. After\\nall that can be said, however, it is true that just as the cult\\nof Apollo was the true religion of the Greeks, so Eome, as\\nidentified with Jupiter, or Jupiter as identified with Eome,\\nwas the religion of Eomans.\\nThe Hellenic gods, with their accompanying mythical\\nlegends, began to enter into the Eoman religious system even\\nso early as the time of the kings but even they, so to speak,\\nbecame Eomans. For, religious as the Eomans were, there\\nwas little of either the vaguely infinite or the artistic ideal in\\ntheir objects of worship. The gods all had a practical char-\\nacter, having to do with the civic economy or with social\\nrelations or moralities, and religious rites were used to", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "308 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nstrengthen some of the best habits of the people. Such a\\nsystem, while promoting the stability of the Commonwealth,\\ncould not possibly afford elements for the imagination and\\nfor art to work upon. Even G-reek sculpture when it entered\\nEome took the practical form of portraiture and ministered\\nto the pride of family. The finite aims and prosaic char-\\nacter of the Eoman were thoroughly interwoven with his\\nreligious system, even when the primaeval form of it had\\ngiven way to the worship of Hellenicised deities. Church\\nand State were truly one. In fact religion, as Ihne says\\n(iv. p. 3), was with the Eomans not a matter of feeling\\nor speculation, but of law but, as such, it was a great\\nreality.\\nIn the earlier period of Eoman history, the king acted as\\nchief intercessor with the gods, and appointed the priest and\\npriestesses a power which afterwards passed into the hands\\nof the College of Priests, who nominated a Pontifex Maximus.\\nThey were an aristocratic body and constantly abused their\\noffice to promote the power of the Senate. Subsequently the\\ntribes elected citizens to the office of president, but during\\nthe time of Sulla this privilege was restored to the colleges,\\nand in 63 B.C. it returned to the tribes. The Eoman state\\nwas thus free from the evils of a hereditary priesthood. The\\npriest never lost his character of being a civil functionary,\\njust as originally the king, as head of the civil power, had\\nbeen chief priest.\\nIn the last century of the republic, the monotheism which\\nhad attached itself to the name of Jupiter Optimus Maxi-\\nmus became more prominent among the cultured few, and\\nin early imperial times we find among the Stoics and\\nPlatonists a behef in one overruling God and a devotion\\nto ethical philosophy, which do much to atone for the reck-\\nless irreligion or practical idolatry of the many. But when\\nwe consider the extinction of ancient tradition and belief\\nand all that constituted the distinctive Eoman conscience,\\nwe are surprised that society still held together as it did\\nfor so many centuries. The Eoman seemed still to draw", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 309\\nstrength from his past history, and an inherited patriotism\\nand concentration of purpose may be said to have survived,\\nin their practical influence, their own death. This Eoman\\nrehgion of patriotism finds expression in the De Officiis\\nof Cicero, i. 17: Cari sunt parentes, cari Hberi, propinqui\\nfamiliares sed omnes omnium caritates patria una com-\\nplexa est pro qua quis bonus dubitet mortem oppetere ei\\nsi sit profuturus We shall see the firm basis of this\\nintense feeling in the family and the civic and civil consti-\\ntution, of which we shall now speak.\\nSocial Life. The Roman family was the unit of the\\nEoman state. This could not be said either of Athens or\\nSparta. In the family we find, in its most pronounced\\nform, the absolute authority of the father. If any one\\nthing, says Becker in his G alius, more strikingly exhibits\\nthe austerity of the Eoman character and its propensity to\\ndomination, it is the arbitrary power which the father pos-\\nsesses over his children. By the laws of Nature immediate\\nauthority over thq children belongs to the father only for\\nthe time during which they require his providing care, pro-\\ntection, and guidance. The humanity and right feeling of\\nthe Grecian legislators led them to look at the matter from\\nthis point of view, and they allowed the authority of the\\nfather to last only till the son was of a certain age, or till he\\nwas married, or was entered on the list of citizens, and they\\nso restricted this power that the utmost a father could do\\nwas to eject his son from his house and disinherit him.\\nNot so m Eome. There the child was born the property\\nof his father, who could dispose of it as he thought fit.\\nThis power might last, under certain limitations, even till\\nthe death of the father. The power we have over our\\nchildren, says the jurist Gains, is a right peculiar to the\\nEomans. In truth we must regard the father of the family\\nas both priest and magistrate. A patria ^potestas so abso-\\nlute gave unity to the family.\\nThe practice of monogamy was not peculiar to the\\n1 Excursus ii. to scene 1, p. 179.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "310 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nEomans, but the honour paid to the wife as head of the\\nhousehold seems to have been first fully recognised by\\nthem. The Spartan mother had a high place assigned to\\nher; but, owing to the public system of education, she\\nexercised less personal influence than the Eoman. Within\\nthe house, woman was not servant but mistress. She\\nexercised a power almost equal to that of her husband.\\nExempted, says Mommsen, from the tasks of corn-grind-\\ning and cooking, which, according to the Eoman ideas,\\nbelonged to menials, the Eoman housewife devoted herself\\nin the main to the superintendence of her maid-servants\\nand to the accompanying labours of the distaff. She was\\nnot relegated to private life in the ffynccceum like the\\nAthenian wife. She occupied the atrium surrounded by\\nher servants and children. The woman being held in such\\nhigh honour, and her permanent position as wife being\\nprotected by law, she felt that on her largely depended the\\nhonour of the family. The high moral character of the\\nEoman matron thus became famous for all time and her\\ninfluence on the character and education of her sons was\\nunquestionably great. Do not kiss me, said the mother\\nof the victorious Coriolanus, till I know whether you are\\nan enemy or a son, and when liis wife fell on her knees\\nweeping in support of the mother, the haughty conqueror\\nyielded and said, Mother, this is a happy victory for you\\nand for Eome, but it is ruin and shame to your son; and\\nshedding tears, fell back from the city which he had pre-\\nviously doomed. We may, then, confidently accept the\\nremark of Mommsen, that the Eoman family from the first\\ncontained within it the conditions of a high culture in the\\nmere moral adjustment of the mutual relations of its mem-\\nbers. As the strictly organised family, says Ihne (iv. 250),\\nforms the basis for the national life of the Eoman people\\nand the starting point for the development of the state;\\nso also Eoman morality and private economy were deter-\\nmined by the influence which the same family organisa-\\ntion exercised upon every meiliber of society. Labour,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 311\\nfrugality, self-sacrifice for the good of the house and state\\nwere the active virtues of the old Eoman peasant.\\nThe unity of the family found its centre in the worship\\nof the household gods, the Penates and Lares. The penates\\nwere the gods of the hearth, the lares were the lords of the\\nfamily the departed spirits of ancestors, who were regarded\\nas still concerned with the well-being of their descendants.\\nThe image of the chief lar, clad in a toga, usually stood\\nbetween two penates in the atrium of the house beside the\\nhousehold hearth. This shrine the ancient Eoman saluted\\ndaily with a morning prayer and an offering from the table,\\nwhile three times every month and on all festivities such\\nas birth-days, assumption of the toga virilis, marriage, or the\\nreturn of a member of the family after long absence sacri-\\nfices were offered. The father was priest. Though evil\\nspirits among the departed were recognised by the Eomans\\n(as among all nations in some form or other) this did not affect\\ntheir religious trust in the good. The gens or clan again was\\nmerely an enlarged familia, and as each father and mother\\nwere priest and priestess in their own house, so the gentcs\\nhad common altars and sacrifices. The state was thus made\\nup of many little states, bound together by mutual interests\\nand religious ceremonies. The authority of the head of each\\nfamily was the basis of the authority of the central power,\\nand the obedience and military subjection of the members of\\nthe famihes and clan was the basis of that capacity for obedi-\\nence and discipline which always distinguished the Eoman.\\nIt was the abstract beliefs in the spirits of things and the\\ndomestic worship which constituted the true and effective\\nEoman religion, before the influence of Greece was felt.\\nThe religion of the Eoman state, it has been said, was\\nsimply the religion of the domestic hearth writ large, for the\\nstate, too, had its common hearth where the Vestal Virgins\\nguarded for ever the eternal fire which symbohsed at once\\nthe sacredness and the purity of the Eoman home. But\\nwhile the goddess of the hearth, Vesta, held her central\\nplace of honour in the vaulted temple [supposed to have been", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "312 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nbuilt after the manner of the atrium of a house] between the\\nCapitoline and Palatine hills, she was worshipped not merely\\nas a public goddess, as among the Greeks, but at every pri-\\nvate hearth. The common meals of the family were taken\\nrovmd the hearth, and were a daily bond of family imion and\\na daily act of worship. The penates protected the going out\\nand coming in of the members of the family, and to them at\\nevery meal libations were offered.\\nThe depth of family feeling among the Komans and the\\nconservatism of their character are well illustrated by the\\npractice of carrying masks of their progenitors to funerals, so\\nthat the head of a family might be said to be followed by\\nhis own ancestors to the last funeral rites.\\nSo closely was the Eoman life bound up with religion that\\nwe have found it impossible to speak of the one without\\nthe other. The Eoman state ultimately rests on Jupiter as\\nlaw and order and object of supreme reverence, on Mars as\\nthe arm strong for defence and offence, and on Vesta as sym-\\nbolising the sacredness and purity of the home.\\nCivil Relations. What now was the Eoman in his\\ncivil relations, as distinguished from the religious and the\\nsocial\\nIn the original constitution of Eome the burgesses, or free-\\nmen, constituted the state. The elders of the three hundred\\nclans forming the community were the senate, and co-ordi-\\nnate with the king. The various members of the family,\\nhowever distantly related, constituted the gens or clan. The\\nsenators who represented the clans to the number of three\\nhundred were the king s council, but the ultimate appeal\\nwas to the whole body of burgesses or patricii. We see from\\nthis that, from the first, the Eoman led a public and pohtical\\nlife. The expulsion of the kings and the transference of\\npower to the consuls and senate (509 B.C.) gave to the\\n1 The practical disruption of the Roman religion under Hellenic influences\\nbefore the end of the Republic, I do not enter into. Spite of all the changes and\\nthe influx of many gods, the old Roman idea seems to me to have survived far\\ninto imperial times.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 313\\nworld the most powerful aristocratic republic the world has\\never seen. The burgesses alone had originally the duty of\\nbearing arms, which thus was a privilege. These were the\\npatrcs, and they and their families were called patricians in\\nopposition to the plcbs those inhabitants of Eome who had\\ngathered there after the original settlement. It would be\\nout of place here to dwell on the history of Eoman civil life,\\nor to speak of the struggles between patricians and plebeians.\\nEven in these struggles a common patriotism was never for-\\ngotten. Enough is done for our purposes here if I point out\\nthe leading characteristics of life of the Eoman generally.\\nIt is thus that we get a key to his conceptions of education.\\nOne great event in the development of Eoman civil life\\nmust, however, be named the appointment of decemviri to\\ndraw up a code of law. This code (the Twelve Tables), ap-\\nproved by the senate and sanctioned by the assemblies of the\\npeople, was doubtless largely based on the customary law\\nwhich had arisen in the preceding centuries. It was more in\\nthe interests of the masses of the people than of the aristo-\\ncratic senate that there should be a code to which all might\\nappeal. The object was the equalising of liberty, for Law,\\nas opposed to the arbitrary decisions of individuals however\\nwise, is liberty. These laws fountain of public and j^rivate\\nlaw, as Livy says) constituted the basis of the great Eoman\\njurisprudence, and in respect of language were concise, lucid,\\nsimple, and in all respects admirable. They were cut on\\nbronze tablets and put up in a public place. The date of\\ntheir publication was 450 B.C., and we may regard tliis as the\\nsecond founding of the Eoman state. The idea of law and\\nthe supremacy of law did not then for the first time enter\\nthe Eoman mind, but its existence was signalised and con-\\nfirmed by a public act which was not only the guarantee of\\nEoman liberty but an important factor in the history of\\nEuropean civilisation.\\nLet us now sum up this brief survey. What have we\\nfound A people with deep religious instincts which lead", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "314 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nUS to expect that religious instruction and sentiment will\\nfind a prominent place in the education of children; an\\nalmost sacred family life, with an autocratic father, but\\nhappily also with a true house-mother at its head a free\\nand intensely political public life a life in the forum at\\nonce cause and effect of a strong sense of that community of\\nthe social organism which is at the root of all true patriotism\\nan unquestioned recognition of the supremacy of law, and in\\nconnection with all this a military life reserved as an hon-\\nourable function for the true citizen. In Rome the executive\\nauthority of the magistrate, whether king, consul, dictator, or\\nemperor, was never questioned, any more than the authority\\nof the council of elders. To the interests of the state as a\\nwhole every individual was prepared to sacrifice himself.\\nThis did not weaken the family idea. On the contrary, it\\nwas the chief glory of the leadmg families to have served the\\nstate nobly. Life in the case of the Roman, says Mommsen\\n(ii. 4, 8), was spent under conditions of austere restraint,\\nand the nobler he was the less was he a free man. All-pow-\\nerful custom restricted him to a narrow range of thought and\\naction and to have led a serious and strict life, or, to use a\\nLatin expression, a grave and severe life, was his glory.\\nNothing more or less was expected of him tlian that he\\nshould keep his household in good order, and unflinchingly\\nbear his part of counsel and action in public affairs. But\\nwhile the individual had neither the wish nor the power to\\nbe aught else than a member of the community, the glory\\nand the might of that community were felt by every indi-\\nvidual burgess as a personal possession to be transmitted\\nalong with his name and his homestead to posterity; and\\nthus, as one generation after another was laid in the tomb\\nand each in succession added its fresh contribution tn the\\nstock of ancient honours, the collective sense of dignity in\\nthe noble families of Rome swelled into that mighty pride\\nof Roman citizenship to which the earth has never, perhaps,\\nwitnessed a parallel, and the traces of which strange as\\nthey are grand seem to us whenever we meet them to", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 315\\nbelong, as it were, to another world. It was one of the char-\\nacteristic peculiarities of this mighty pride of citizenship\\nthat, while not suppressed, it was yet compelled by the rigid\\nsimplicity and equality that prevailed among the citizens to\\nremain locked up within the breast during life, and was only\\nallowed to find expression after death but it was displayed\\nin the funeral of the man of distinction so intensely and con-\\nspicuously that this ceremonial is better fitted than any other\\nphenomenon of Eoman life to give us who live in other times\\na glimpse of the wonderful spirit of the Eomans.\\nBut the civic and civil life of the Eomans dould not have\\nsustained itself, even with the help of that respect for ances-\\ntry which included a veneration for the forms as well as the\\nlife of the past, and for Jupiter as Head of the State, had it\\nnot been for the instinctive recognition of law as the basis of\\ntrue liberty which made Eome an ever-extending and long-\\nenduring power. The Eomans were distinguished, says\\nIhne (iv. 7), from all other nations not only by the extreme\\nearnestness and precision with which they conceived their\\nlaw and worked out the consequences of its fundamental\\nprinciples, but by the good sense which made them submit\\nto the law, once established, as an absolute necessity of\\npolitical health and strength. It was this severity in\\nthinking and acting which, more than any other causes, made\\nEome great and powerful. The divine law, the elder\\nsister of the civil law, was the pattern on which the latter\\nwas moulded. Both were characterised by the same severity,\\nsystematic order, deference to fixed formulas, and fear of\\nchange.\\nThe Personal Character of the Roman. The char-\\nacter of the Eoman is sufficiently indicated in what we have\\nalready said but a few more words seem necessary, inas-\\nmuch as the tradition of character, no less than that of\\ncivic life and duty, was the main source of the education\\nof successive generations for the first 350 years of the city s\\nHfe.\\nIn the Eoman a personaKty more intense than the Hellertic", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "316 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nis visible. He exists, doubtless, for the state; but in this\\nsense, that the state exists in and through him. From the\\nfirst a certain self-sufficing Stoic dignity characterises him.\\nRoman personality asserts itself as always subordmate to the\\nstate, yet governed by the thought that the state exists\\nthrough and by virtue of the individual and of the family\\nwhich the father represents. The state needs the mdividual,\\nand each citizen proudly bears the burden of the civil hfe.\\nThe feehngs of personality, of a regulative will, and of obli-\\ngation to law and duty, are closely interwoven in theix roots\\nin human nature and where they exist we should expect to\\nfind those complex virtues flourish into which personality,\\nwill, and a sense of law most largely enter. These virtues\\nare integrity, courage, resolution, persistence, fidehty, and\\njustice, in the sense of law and the very naming of these\\nethical characteristics recalls to our minds the ancient\\nEoman of tradition, the founder of an empire. With such a\\npeople you expect to find great administrative ability. They\\nare born to govern, and to conquer that they may govern.\\nTheir persistency, nay, pertinacity, explains itself. Mark the\\nsaying of the proud and overbearing Eoman: Eome must\\nnever conclude a peace, save as victor an issue of war only\\nattainable by inflexible hardness, and more, alas, of the exter-\\nnal show than the reality of justice to enemies and rebels.\\nWith such a people you expect to find a power of subduing\\nnature as well as men to their imperious and imperial will.\\nTheir roads, their bridges, their aqueducts, their public build-\\nings, all testify to this.\\nAs the people, par eminence, of practical reason, the rela-\\ntions of men as holders of property, which represents to the\\neye of sense our personalities, are always vividly present to\\nthem, and we are not surprised to find a keen perception of\\nrelative rights, of practical justice as between members of the\\nsame state at least, and subsequently as between nations, and\\nthe consequent creation of a sound jurisprudence which, with\\nthe extension of the empire, becomes vast and imposing, and\\nfrom being civic and national becomes imperial and cosmo-", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 317\\npolitan. To the remark that Greece conquered took Eome\\ncaptive by its arts, may be aptly opposed this, that Eome\\nfallen took its victors captive by its law, and still, indeed,\\nholds them bound.\\nThe beautiful, however art and the softer and gentler\\nemotions are as incompatible with the Eoman nature as a\\njoyous delight in life for mere life s sake, and in nature for\\nnature s sake. These things are to be met with, but they are\\nnot indigenous even these Eome must conquer and lay its\\nwarlike hands upon and affect to enjoy. In the moral sphere\\nthe Eoman virtus has to be contrasted with the KoXoKo. yaOla\\nof the Greek.\\nWith all their great qualities, and in perfect consistency\\nwith them, it is yet true, as Ihne says (i. 120), they were a\\ncold, calculating, selfish people, without enthusiasm or the\\npower of awakening enthusiasm, distinguished by self-control\\nand an iron will rather than by the graces of character. They\\nwere proud, overbearing, cruel, and rapacious.\\nI may fitly conclude the preceding survey of Eoman\\ncharacteristics in the well-known lines of Vergil ^neid,\\nvi. 847)\\nOthers, I ween, with happier grace\\nFrom bronze or stone shall call the face,\\nPlead doubtful causes, map the skies,\\nAnd tell when planets set or rise.\\nBut ye, my Romans, still control\\nThe nations far and wide\\nBe this your genius to impose\\nThe rule of Heaven on vanquished foes,\\nShow pity to the humbled soul,\\nAnd crush the sons of pride.\\nConington^s translation.\\nExcTident alii spiranti a mollius ?era,\\nCredo equidem, vivos ducent de marmore vultus,\\nOrabunt caussas melius, caeliqiie meatus\\nDescribent radio et surgentia sidera dicent\\nTu regere imperio populos, Eomane, memento\\nHfe tibi erunt artes pacisque impoiiere morem\\nParcere subjectis et debellare superbos.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "318 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nWealth and the lust and luxury of power ultimately de-\\nstroyed the distinctively Koman character, although round it\\nthere still hovered an imperial magnificence. No nation has\\nyet been found which has been able to resist the insidious\\ninroads of abounding wealth especially when that is con-\\ncentrated (as seems to be inevitable), in the hands of a small\\nminority of the citizens. There arises a rivalry in self-\\nindulgence and ostentation among the few and a deep-seated\\ndiscontent among the many. The latter are indifferent to\\nthe maintenance of the commonwealth the former are pre-\\noccupied with personal aims and ambitions. In presence of\\nthe appetite for self -aggrandisement, civic virtues and public\\nspirit gradually disappear, and the nation is doomed, for it\\nhas lost the moral energy that made it. Where each seeks\\nhis own things and not also those of another, the community\\nof feeling which constitutes a commonwealth is gone. There\\nexists a veiled internecine war which must make the State\\nan easy prey to external foes, unless it be saved by an inter-\\nnal revolution. We may, in the passing fashion of the hour,\\ntalk of a state being an organism, but, after all, it is a mass\\nof individuals and it is only by the education of these in-\\ndividuals and the maintenance of the sanctity of the individ-\\nual family that we can hope permanently to sustain public\\nvirtue and uphold an empire. Take care of individuals\\nand the family, and the (so-called) organism will take care\\nof itself.\\nCHAPTEK II\\nHISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF EOMAN EDUCATION\\nWhat means now did the Eoman take for maintaining his\\ngreatness by educating those who were to bear the burden of\\nthe state after their fathers had passed away\\nI shall first answer the question very generally in the\\nwords of Cicero, who says Among the Greeks some devote\\nthemselves with their whole soul to the poets, others to", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 319\\ngeometers, others to musicians, others again, like the Dialec-\\nticians, open up to themselves a new sphere of activity and\\ndevote their whole time and life to the arts which mould the\\nmind of youth to humanity and virtue. The children of the\\nEomans, on the other hand, are brought up that they may\\none day be able to be of service to the fatherland, and one\\nmust accordingly instruct them in the customs of the state\\nand in the institutions of their ancestors. The fatherland\\nhas produced and brought us up that we may devote to its\\nuse the finest capacities of our mind, talent, and understand-\\ning. Therefore we must learn those arts whereby we may\\nbe of greatest service to the state, for that I hold to be the\\nhighest wisdom and virtue. The humanities and learning,\\nart and the beautiful, these were not the motive forces of\\nEoman education as they had been among the Greeks, but\\nrather those arts which might be of political service. Har-\\nmonious development, culture either of mind or body\\nfor its own sake was an idea alien to the Eoman mind. It\\nwas only when the seeds of decay had been already sown\\nthat Hellenic aims and Hellenic culture found a place and\\nthen only partially. The practical Eoman life was essentially\\nopposed to the Greek iPsthetic life.\\nIt is necessary to speak of the education of Eome in suc-\\ncessive periods.\\nFirst National Period to 303 B.C.\\nIn his home, in the forum, and in military exercises, the\\nEoman boy for the first four or five centuries of the Eepublic\\nfound his education, and any account of this must necessarily\\nbe a mere repetition of what has been already written on the\\nreligious, social, and civil life of Eome. Such reading and\\nwriting as were necessary for affairs were in some instances\\nacquired from adventure teachers during this period, but it\\nwould appear that they were chiefly acquired in the home.\\nThe education of the Eoman boy was simply the education\\nwhich home-life, citizenship, and the observance of ancestral\\ntraditioi4 gave him. As the fathers and mothers, so the", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "320 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nSOUS and daughters. Gravitas, lioncstas, fortitudo, prudentia,\\njustitia these were the words which summed up the vir\\nhonus and to these the young Eoman was trained.\\nIn the Home. The laws of the Twelve Tables (confirm-\\ning previous usage) required that a misformed infant should\\nbe killed, but the father could decide this question only with\\nthe help of a council of his nearest male relatives. There\\nwas, however, no law against the exposure of infants, and\\nthis was practised under the general rights which the father\\nhad; but it would not appear to have been so much the\\nusage as among the Greeks. In later times, infants whom it\\nwas desired to get rid of were often placed before the Temple\\nof Pietas which thus might be regarded as a kind of creche\\nfor foundlings. In 374 a.d. exposure was prohibited by law\\n(Cod. Justin, viii. 52, 2) but the law was ineffectual.\\nUssing points out that Hierocles in the fifth century com-\\nplains of the continuance of the practice.\\nMothers suckled their own children until about the time\\nthat Greek customs began to penetrate Eoman society. Wet-\\nnurses (almost always slaves, often Greeks) were then\\nemployed. On the ninth day after his birth the boy, and on\\nthe eighth the girl (Krause, p. 236), received their names\\n{dies lustricus) this was also the naming day (dies nomi-\\nnum and there was a family feast and dancing. The\\nreligious ceremonial, the naming, and the festival, were all\\nat the same time. The child was thereafter registered. A\\nbox or ball, with an amulet enclosed, was hung round the\\nchild s neck to preserve it from magical arts and the evil eye.\\nThis huUa was of gold in the case of children of the higher\\nranks.\\nThe children had their games, to a large extent of the\\nsame kind as those common among the Greeks. The amuse-\\nments of the boys, however, seem to have been chiefly games\\nof various kinds with the ball.\\nHis mother, and afterwards his father, trained the Roman\\nboy and not a slave-pedagogue, and, even when a pedagogue\\nwas employed, the maternal supervision was not intermitted,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OF INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 321\\nduring all the earlier centuries at least and, in the best\\nhouses, not till towards the end of the Eepublic.\\nThe child, let us remember, was under the influence of a\\nmother who was assigned her true place at the head of the\\nhousehold. The severe discipline and magisterial authority\\nof the father were supplemented by the milder moral influ-\\nence of the mother, while the reverence shown to the house-\\nhold gods in the various ordinary acts of daily life tended to\\nevoke that feeling of veneration and religiosity which was\\ncharacteristic of the Eoman.\\nThe boy exchanged the toga prcetexta for the toga virilis\\nabout the sixteenth year, when his name was formally con-\\nfirmed. He entered thus early on the responsibilities of man-\\nhood. This change was made with great ceremony, both\\ndomestic and public, and accompanied (like other Eoman\\nacts) by domestic religious rites, temple sacrifices, and a\\nfamily festival. The youth s name was now enrolled among\\nthe citizens. The education thenceforth was the education\\nof public life, including military exercises but the home\\neducation and influence never ceased.\\nOn festival and religious occasions, and in solemn banquets,\\nthe youth was accustomed in the earlier centuries to assist\\nin chanting the national songs, and may be said thereby to\\nhave acquired the elements of poetry and music but they\\nwere the barest elements. Later in the history of the Eepub-\\nlic, the singing and chanting seem to have been performed\\nby a specially hired class. Music was not, as among the\\nGreeks, a domestic institution and an alleviator of daily life.\\nNor was the purely practical direction of the Eoman training\\ncounteracted by their religion as it might have been for\\nthis too, as we have seen, was narrow, always closely con-\\nnected with the hourly needs of the individual, the family,\\nand the state. Being the growth of the abstract understand-\\ning, it did not yield materials for the poetic imagination and\\nthe free growth of ideal aims. Youths, after assuming the\\ntoga virilis, were a great deal in the company of their fathers\\nin the street and forum, and learned in this way the duties\\n21", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "322 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nof a man and a citizen virtutis enim, says Cicero De Off.*\\ni. 6), laus omnis in actione consistit.\\nThe chief education, in brief, which the Eoman boy\\nreceived was the moral and rehgious training of home, and\\nfree intercourse with his father and mother. The rehgion of\\nthe hearth, as I have said, was the centre-point of the rehgion\\nof the Eoman, and the education was the education of the\\nhearth. In religion a high standard of observance was main-\\ntained. Pietas, the ethical basis of the family, extended to\\nthe gens, and thus a reflected influence on home training was\\nfelt. We see here in operation that family education which\\nPlutarch,! writing 100 years after the birth of Christ,\\nstrongly advocates for all, up to the age at which they are fit\\nto attend the higher schools. What Sj)arta aimed at giving\\nthrough its public system, and compulsorily, the Eoman\\naimed at giving through the parents, and freely that is to\\nsay, he was content with this, because we cannot say that\\nthere was any conscious aim. The result was that the\\nEoman had a more genuine and personal rnoraUty than\\nthe Spartan.\\nThus during the first centuries of Eoman life down to\\nabout 303 B.C. the education was domestic, civic, and military.\\nIn its domestic relations it was profoundly religious. The\\nsense of duty to moral law, to paternal authority, and to\\nthe state, was ever present to the child and the boy. There\\nwas no element of joy or love in the moral, any more than in\\nthe religious, life. There was, however, a deep sense of\\nspiritual powers external to man which might be pleased or\\ndispleased by right or wrong conduct in every act of daily\\nlife, and this constituted that conscience of which the old\\nEoman religion was a formal and habitual recognition.^\\nThe literary education of the boys must have been wholly\\nconfined, during the period of which we are speaking, to\\nreligious hymns and national songs those early lays of\\nwhich Cicero mourns the loss, and to which I have adverted\\n1 Authorship of the essay in Plutarch s works doubtful.\\nPater s Marms the Epicurean.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 323\\nabove. Schools are indeed mentioned in which the simple\\narts of reading and writing were acquired. The daughter of\\nVirginius is represented as frequenting one of these, 305 B.C.\\n(Livy, iii. 44}, Virgini venienti in forum ihi namquc in\\ntahernis liUrarum ludi erant minister decemviri libidinis\\nmanum injecit. Tabemcv were a kind of booths open to the\\nstreet. Nor is there any reason to doubt that many such\\nschools existed. In the time of Camillus we find mention of\\na teacher of boys at Falerii (for the liberi princiimm, Livy, v.\\n27) and this confirms our conclusion that there was a con-\\nsiderable number of adventure elementary schools {ludi) prior\\nto 303 B.C. at Eome, as well as among Sabiues and Etruscans.\\nThey were generally taught by slaves or freedmen.\\nBut, as we might expect from the domestic character of\\nEoman training, it is probable that when reading and writing\\nwere taught, they were taught in the family and by the\\nfather. This is the only explanation of the wide diffusion of\\nthese elementary arts. In any case, whether by domestic\\nteaching or otherwise, reading and writing, so far as required\\nfor purposes of utility, were, at least from the fourth century\\nB.C., widely known among certain classes of Eoman citizens\\nprobably as widely known as they were in civilised Europe\\nin the beginning of the eighteenth century. Livy says that\\nEoman boys used to be instructed in Etruscan literature just\\nas in his time they were instructed in Greek\\nThe young men practised gymnastic exercises, but solely\\nwith a view to military fitness, in the Campus Martins. Sing-\\ning, music, and dancing were all alien to the Eoman and,\\nindeed, despised by him.\\nSecond National Period. 303 B.C. to 148 B.C. (Death\\nof Cato).\\nTill about 250 B.C. Eoman education remained sul-\\nstantially the same as in the preceding centuries. But\\nduring the preceding fifty years a certain development had\\n1 Schola does not occur in the sense of a school till the later imperial times.\\nThe word for a school was Indus or ludus literarius.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "324 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntaken place. Two historical facts we must take as our guide.\\nFirst of all, in 260 B.C., Plutarch tells us that Spurius Car-\\nvilius, a freedman who had been domestic tutor to the Consul\\nCarvilius, opened a school and was the first to take fixed fees\\nfor his instruction. This school Plutarch calls a ypafj-fiaro-\\nSchaaKaXelov. Was he a primary teacher a grammatist\\n{liter ator), or was he a secondary teacher a grammaticus\\nWithout entering into the discussion of this question, I\\nwould simply point to the second important historical fact.\\nPrior to the date of Carvilius s school there could be no\\nliterary instruction, because there was no literature. It is\\nabout this date that we have a sudden development of a\\nnational literature, by the help of Italo-Greeks chiefly. Cn.\\nIsT^evius of Campania was born 273 B.C., and wrote a histori-\\ncal poem on the first Punic War (probably about 240 B.C.),\\ntwenty years after Carvilius opened his school. He also\\nwrote dramas and epigrams based on Greek literature. Then\\nLivius Andronicus (a freedman from Tarentum), who died\\n203 B.C., wrote a translation into Latin of the Odyssey let\\nus say also about 240 B.C. Quintus Ennius, et sapiens, et\\nfortis} born 240 B.C. (also like Nffivius from Campania), laid\\nthe foundation of Eoman epic in his Annals, let us say\\nabout 200 B.C.; Pacuvius (born 220 B.C.), a nephew of En-\\nnius, wrote dramas full of Eoman national feeling, and he\\nwas followed by the great comedian Plautus. Are we to\\nsuppose that Neevius and Andronicus, without any literary\\nprecursors, all at once gave literary form to the Latin tongue\\nabout 240 B.C. Is it not more probable that when Carvilius\\nopened his school in 260 B.C. and taught a reformed alphabet\\nand spelling, Latin had taken shape, and that not only tra-\\nditionary fables were instruments of education but also con-\\ntemporary Latinity in the form of public records, not to speak\\nof the Twelve Tables, which were in good literary form\\n1 Horace, Ej). ii. 1, where see a list of early writers more or less characterised.\\n2 Horace helps us here\\nfcedera regum\\nVel Gabiis vel cum rigidis aequata Sabinis,\\nPontificum libros, anuosa volumina vatum, c. Ep. ii. i. 24.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 325\\nCarvilius would thus carry his pupils, doubtless a select few,\\nfurther in the study of Latin than was possible for the ordi-\\nnary primary schoolmaster. Accordingly, he was a gram-\\nmaticus. Indeed, if this had not been the case, not only in\\nthe school of Carvilius but in other schools, for whom did\\njSTffivius and Andronicus write They must have had an\\naudience. We know, also, that the rude Atellan Fables had\\nbefore this given place to the higher dramatic form of the\\nSatura.\\nIt appears to me that we must conclude that in 260 B.C.\\nand onwards there was gradually growing up in the ordinary\\nludi a higher linguistic education than had yet been known.\\nAcquaintance with Greek had been common, though not\\ngeneral, before this date, for we know that Postumius, am-\\nbassador to Tarentum so early as 282 B.C., addressed an\\nassembly there in the Greek tongue. The frivolous audience\\nlaughed at his blunders it is true, but it was no common feat\\nto address a formal oration to Greeks in their own tongue.\\nThe increasing intercourse with Magna Grsecia and Sicily,\\nand with the Greek colonies of the Mediterranean generally,\\nhad, in fact, made Greek familiar as the language both of\\ncommerce and diplomacy, and given it an early footing in\\nEome. Greek slaves and freedmen were employed to teach\\nthe language conversationally to the children of the wealthier\\ncitizens, and to act as secretaries. Along with conversational\\nGreek, the Eoman youth now also had the laws of the Twelve\\nTables for a text-book, and these as a chant (^carmen neces-\\nsariuiri) had to be learnt by heart. So the Spartan and\\nCretan boys, it will be remembered, said or chanted their\\nlaws. Eeading and writing were more widely diffused than\\nin previous generations, and ludi had increased in number.\\nTraditionary songs in praise of heroes also were learnt by\\nheart and chanted, declamation and modulation of tone\\nalways receiving great attention.\\nEducation in the true sense, however, was not in the\\nhands of the school-teacher, but was mainly domestic as\\nin the previous centuries. It depended on the character", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "326 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nof the father and mother, and the spirit that animated\\npublic life. Conservative tradition governed it. It has\\nbeen weU remarked that the less imagination a people\\nhas the more is it governed by tradition and tradition\\ngoverned the unimaginative Roman. The boys were\\nbrought up in the disciplina vetus, the manners and cus-\\ntoms of ancestors being held in reverence. Moribus anti-\\nquis stat res Bomana virisque (Ennius in Cic. De Rep. 5).\\nThere was no suggestion of a state system as in Sparta\\nwhereby to mould the youth into citizens of a certain type,\\nand yet severity and dignity of life were maintained; but\\nthis wholly through the family and by the power of trans-\\nmitted custom. This would not have been possible with-\\nout the existence of a hereditary aristocracy protecting itself\\nby marriage laws from admixture with plebeians. A native\\nliterature did not exist, except in the form of heroic songs\\nand pubhc records, rude fables, and satires cast in a rough\\ndramatic form.\\nIt was now that the Italo-Greek Livius Andronicus, above\\nreferred to, endeavoured to supply the want of a literature\\nby translating the Odyssey into Latin. He also repro-\\nduced Greek dramas in the Latin tongue. The Odyssey\\nthereupon became a text-book and was studied, and large\\nportions of it learnt by heart, by the Roman youth. This\\nchange, which was m point of fact the beginning of true\\nliterary education among the Romans, began about 233 B.C.\\nLivius Andronicus died before 213 B.C. The school of\\nCarvilius, already referred to, dates from about 260 B.C.\\nMommsen says (iii. 463), The place of the Twelve Tables\\nwas taken by the Latin Odyssey (not for some time after\\nthis, according to Cicero), as a sort of improved primer, and\\nthe Roman boy was trained to the knowledge and\\ndelivery of his mother-tongue by means of this translation,\\nas the Greek by means of the original noted teachers of\\nthe Greek language and literature, Andronicus and others,\\nwho already probably taught, not children properly so called,\\nbut boys growing up to maturity and young men, did not", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 327\\ndisdain to give instruction in the mother-tongue along with\\nthe Greek. These were the first steps towards a higher\\nLatin instruction, but they did not yet, properly speaking,\\nconstitute such an instruction in any large sense. Instruc-\\ntion in a language cannot manifestly go beyond the elemen-\\ntary stage so long as the language wants a literature. Up\\ntill that time (233 B.C.), says Suetonius De Gramm. i.)\\nliterature, far from being held in honour, was not even\\nknown in fact, the city, rude and absorbed in war, did\\nnot yet give much attention to the liberal arts.\\nThe Latin Odyssey was not only the beginning of Eoman\\nliterary education but continued to be taught into post-\\nrepublican times. Horace learned it in the school of\\nOrbilius, and Quintilian favours it.\\nLiterature in education, and with it Hellenism, made\\nsteady progress during the whole of the next century, and\\nits dominance in the schools may be fixed at the date of\\nthe death of Cato the elder, who had laboured to stem its\\nprogress (148 B.C.). At this date, too, Macedonia became\\na Eoman province, and the Second Punic War and the\\nsupremacy of the Eomans in Spain were already past\\nhistory.\\nThat the literary education of the young Eomans had\\nmade remarkable progress during the century that followed\\nthe opening of Carvilius s school, is apparent (apart from\\nother ample evidence from the reception of the Athenian\\nambassadors, Carneades the Academic and Diogenes the\\nStoic, by the Eoman youth who flocked to hear them dis-\\ncourse in 155 B.C. Already, as Plutarch tells us in his Life\\nof Cato, oratory was much studied in Eome,^ and the ambi-\\ntious among the young men were prepared to hear with open\\nears the philosophic teachings of the Greeks. Polybius,\\nabout 167 B.C., refers to the number of capable teachers who\\nresided in Eome. In this year also (167 B.C.) Crates of\\n1 For example, Scipio and other leading statesmen preferred to write in\\nGreek.\\n2 For a sketch of Roman oratory the student will read Cicero s Brutus.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "328 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nMallos in Cilicia, a Stoic philosopher and a man of great\\nlearning, came to Eome as ambassador of King Attains. He\\nfell into an open sewer and broke his leg (Suet, ii.), and was\\nconsequently compelled to remain in Eome for some time.\\nDuring the whole period of his embassy and convalescence,\\nsays Suetonius, he gave frequent lectures, taking great pains\\nto instruct his hearers, and he has left us an example worthy\\nof imitation.\\nThe date of the death of Cato (148 B.C.) completes the\\nsecond period of Eoman life and education and a book\\nwhich he wrote, De Liberis educandis, seems to have illus-\\ntrated the genuine practical character of Eoman educational\\nconceptions in their strictest sense. It doubtless was in-\\ntended as a protest against Hellenic innovations. The Hel-\\nlenic idea of culture had not yet indeed taken root, and the\\nwords in Cicero De Eepublica, i. 20) were still applicable\\nQuid esse igitur censes discendum nobis To which\\nthe answer is Eas artes quae efficiant ut usui civitati\\nsimus. The book by Cato was intended to show what a vir\\nbonus ought to be as orator, physician, husbandman, warrior,\\nand jurist. So much science only was to be acquired as was\\nnecessary for practical purposes. Latin grammar was not\\nincluded, and this shows that the learned had not yet done\\nmuch for the grammatical study of the native tongue.\\nMusic and the mathematical and physical sciences were\\nexcluded. Cato used to say that Greek literature should be\\nlooked into, but not thoroughly studied. There seems after\\nthis to have been a succession of books of a similar kind\\nbut in all these, knowledge as such and for its own sake\\nwas not advocated. Cato is spoken of by Quintilian as\\nthe first Eoman writer on pedagogy.\\nDuring this second period, as in that which preceded it, it\\ncannot be said that the masses of the people (and only a por-\\ntion of them) received any instruction save the rudiments of\\nreading and writing. Those intended for mercantile life\\ncontinued to acquire these accomplishments, and they were\\nmuch more widely diffused (as appeared from Cato s book)", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 329\\neven among the slaves, than we can now well explain unless\\nit be that these, for the most part, were Greeks or Syro-\\nGreeks. Schools were still what we call adventure schools,\\nand there is no evidence that the differentiation into grammar\\nor secondary schools had yet taken place, although teachers\\nhere and there gave advanced or secondary instruction.\\nOn the whole we may say that advanced instruction was\\nchiefly domestic and tutorial, and consequently restricted to\\nthe upper classes. Spite, however, of Hellenic influence, the\\nmores, consuetudines et instituta majorum, which constituted\\nthe vetus disciplina, still animated education. The Eoman\\nwas essentially conservative. The word educare when\\ncontrasted with the Greek TratBeveLv is itself instructive. It\\nmeans to train up a child in the way he should go the\\nway, viz., of his fathers whereas, the Greek word has in\\nview all that concerns both the bodily and mental growth of\\nthe boy. Education, in this Greek sense, can hardly be said\\nto have existed at the time of Gate s death. Polybius, in-\\ndeed, writing about this time, remarks on the neglect of\\neducation among the Romans, as compared with the attention\\npaid to it among the Greeks.\\nTo sum up. We are justified in saying that literary educa-\\ntion cannot be regarded as beginning in Eome till about 233\\nB.C. After this date, there seems to have been rapid progress,\\nowing to Greek influence. Note also that the Second Punic\\nWar ended in 202 B.C., and Eome had now breathing time.\\nHer power was finally established, and she was on her way\\nto empire. Macedon was conquered 168 B.C. The first\\nlibrary was erected at Eome in 167 B.C. Let us put all these\\nfacts together and we shall accept readily Mommsen s con-\\nclusion that even in the time of Pictor and Cato Greek cul-\\nture was widely diffused at Eome, and there was also a native\\nculture.\\nThe rapid progress which education made in Eome is\\npartly to be explained by the fact that a recognised scheme\\nof culture already existed in the Hellenic schools of Italy and\\nthe Mediterranean cities generally.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "330 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nThird National Period. 148 B.C. onwards (Corinth\\ndestroyed 146 B.C.).\\nWe now come to the third period of Eoman intellectual\\nlife and education. After 148 B.C. it could no longer be said\\nto be specifically Eoman at all.^ It was Greek education as\\ninfluenced and coloured by the Eoman character and aims.\\nIt embraced not only the Latin and Greek languages and\\nliterature, but music and geometry. After the conquest of\\nMacedonia, twenty years before (167 B.C.), the intellectual\\ntraffic between Greece and Eome, already considerable, was\\ngreatly augmented, and, from this time forward, Greek lan-\\nguage and literature were regarded as indispensable elements\\nin the higher education. Less than fifty years after the\\ndeath of the great conservative Eoman, Hellenism, already\\ndominant in 148 B.C., was now triumphant. Cicero (born\\n106 B.C.) tells us that at the beginning of his life the ancient\\neducation had been wholly overthrown.\\nThe extent to which the cycle of general culture had\\nchanged in the Eoman world during the course of a century,\\nis shown by a comparison of the Encyclopaedia of Cato with\\nthe similar treatise of Varro, concerning school sciences.\\nAs constituent elements of professional culture there appeared\\nin Cato the art of oratory, the sciences of agriculture, of law,\\no f war, and of medicine in Varro, the most learned of the\\nEomans (born 116 B.C.), there appeared grammar, logic or\\ndialectics, rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, music,\\nmedicine, and architecture. This scheme of knowledge rests\\non a wholly Hellenic conception.\\nAnd yet we cannot say that secondary schools taught by\\ngrammatici existed earlier than 148 years B.C. Before that\\ndate, some of the ordinary ludi may have carried boys be-\\nyond the limits of a primary education. In all countries we\\nfind this transition period. But we are not entitled to go\\nbehind the authority of Suetonius, who tells us that Crates\\nintroduced the study of grammar at Eome. I speak only of\\n1 Lucilias, the satirist, was born in 1 47 B.C.\\n2 So far as the contents of these books are now known.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 331\\nschools that advanced instruction was given by Greek\\ntutors in families we know. Progress was now, however, very\\nrapid. About 140 B.C. there were, according to Suetonius\\nDe Gram. iii.), more than twenty celebrated grammatici at\\nRome, all, it is presumed, teaching.\\nThe higher education also, wiiich was summed up by the\\none word Oratory, seems to have begun to flourish about the\\nsame time, taught by Greeks in Greek to those who could\\nfollow them. It was towards the middle of the seventh\\ncentury (100 B.C.), that the eminent orators Marcus Antonius\\nand Lucius Crassus flourished, and twenty or thirty years\\nbefore them the Gracchi. These men must have begun their\\neducation as boys about the beginning of the third period.\\nThey could speak Greek and hold discussions in it. A\\ndecree of the senate (161 B.C.) directed against the rhetori-\\ncians and philosophers had failed to arrest the higher educa-\\ntion in its beginnings and the censorial edict against the f\\nhigher schools so late as 112 B.C. was a InUum fulmen. It \\\\y\\nwas, however, the philosophy of the Greeks, and not their\\nliterature, that the more conservative among the Eomans\\nmost dreaded. There was also not a little distrust of the\\nGreek character, and that not without reason. Greek art\\nand artists followed close on the heels of Greek rhetoric. It\\nwas about this time also that the women of the higher classes\\nbegan to participate in the Hellenistic education.\\nWhat Cato foresaw had now come. It had been hastened\\ndoubtless by the number of Greek scholars who found their\\nway to Rome after the fall of Corinth (146 B.C.) among\\nthese there were philosophical and rhetorical teachers of\\nconsiderable pretensions. The decree of the senate and the\\nedict of the censor above referred to, are so interesting in the\\nhistory of education generally, that I shall quote fully what\\nSuetonius De Rhet. i.) says\\nRhetoric also, as well as grammar, was not introduced\\namongst us till a late period, and with still more difficulty,\\ninasmuch as we find that, at times, the practice of it was\\neven prohibited. In order to leave no doubt of this I will", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "332 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nsubjoin an ancient decree of the senate as well as an edict of\\nthe censors In the consulship of Caius Fannius Strabo and\\nMarcus Valerius Messala/ the praetor Marcus Pomponius\\nmoved the senate that an act be passed respecting philoso-\\nphers and rhetoricians. In this matter they have decreed as\\nfollows It shall be lawful for M. Pomponius, the praitor, to\\ntake such measures and make such provisions as the good of\\nthe republic and the duty of his office require, that no philoso-\\nphers or rhetoricians be suffered in Rome. After some\\ninterval, the censor Cnseus Domitius iEnobarbus and Lucius\\nLicinius Crassus issued the following edict upon the same\\nsubject. It is reported to us that certain persons have insti-\\ntuted a new kind of discipline that our youth resort to their\\nschools that they have assumed the title of Latin rhetori-\\ncians and that young men waste their time there, whole days\\ntogether. Our ancestors have ordained what instruction it\\nis fitting their children should receive, and what schools they\\nshould attend. These novelties, contrary to the customs and\\ninstructions of our ancestors, we neither approve nor do they\\nappear to us good. Wherefore it appears to be our duty that\\nwe should notify our judgment both to those who keep such\\nschools and those who are in the practice of frequenting\\nthem, that they meet our disapprobation. However, by slow\\ndegrees, rhetoric manifested itself to be a useful and honour-\\nable study, and many persons devoted themselves to it both\\nas a means of defence and of acquiring reputation.\\nMany native Romans also now began to cultivate the\\nscholastic field, and it became the fashion to study Naevius,\\nEnnius, and Lucilius in the schools, and to comment on these\\nauthors critically. The education which had humanitas, or\\nculture, in the Eoman sense, for its aim was thus finally\\nestablished, let us say about 625 a.u.c. at latest, i. e. 128 B.C.\\nThe first formal instruction in Latin rhetoric and oratory hy\\na Roman was given (but not for pay) about 128 B.C., the\\nyear we have named. His name was Lucius ^lius Pra-con-\\ninus of Lanuvium, commonly called The Penman (Stilo), a\\n1 This scnatus constdticmwas made 161 B.C.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 333\\ndistinguished Roman knight. But it is only as a purely\\nLatin rhetor that we can call him i\\\\\\\\Q first, for Greek rhetori-\\ncians taught long hefore this.^\\nPersonal superintendence of the boys of the wealthier\\nclasses had been to a large extent and for some time before\\nthis handed over to pgedagogi in imitation of the Greek\\ncustom. These were also called custodes and comites.\\nThey, however, did not instruct the boys but simply acted\\nas guardians and attendants. They were generally Greek\\nor Syro-Greek slaves and freedmen, and were, for the most\\npart, selected with great care. The object the parents had\\nin view was not only a moral one, but conversational fluency\\nin the Greek tongue.\\nThe line which the Hellenistic studies took in Home was\\ngrammatical and philological rather than aesthetic, and in\\nthe higher schools it was rhetorical. The more ambitious\\nminds occupied themselves with philosophical questions,\\nespecially on the lines of the Academic and Stoic philos-\\nophies but even the study of philosophy always had in\\nview the practical equipment of the orator, except in so far\\nas it afforded material for intellectual fence. The young\\nRoman had at all periods of history to prepare himself for\\nspeech in the forum or the senate. Oratory was not only\\na mark of culture, but also a weapon of offence and defence\\nregina rerum oratio, says Pacuvius). Accordingly, even\\nnow when both Latin and Greek literature had become\\nfairly established as part of the ordinary instruction, both\\nin the grammatical and rhetorical schools, the acquisition of\\noratory still governed those studies which were primarily\\nintended to cultivate the humanity of the pupil more\\nGrcccorum. Thus true to its own instincts did Rome\\nremain even when the narrow ancient life was beginning\\nto disappear. It is true that the laws of the. Twelve Tables\\n1 Qiiiutilian tell. u.s (ii. 4. 42) on the authority of Cicero, that the first\\neminent Latin rhetor who taught by the method of fictitious pleadings in the\\nschool was Plotius, towards the end of the life of Licinius Crassus and about\\nthe same time as the first school of Roman literature was opened by Nicanor\\nPostumus (93 B.C.).", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "334 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwere no longer used as a text-book, that the old domestic\\neducation was maintaining itself with difficulty, and that\\nLatin and Greek literature now formed the basis of all edu-\\ncation but the chief aim of the literary education was\\nalways oratory, not pure literature. The study of rhetoric,\\nas constituting the highest education of youth, was regarded\\nas not merely essential to the formation of a man, ingenuus\\net liberaliter educatus, but above all as the road to influence,\\npower, and public employment.\\nWe now see virtually established in the last period of\\nthe Republic, i.e. from 148 B.C., a regular course of instruc-\\ntion having culture or humanitas for its object, but always\\nin subservience to oratory for the uses of public life. The\\ncurriculum might be said to consist of three stages the\\nprimary, in which reading and writing of Latin and Greek\\nwere taught then the grammatical and literary instruction\\nof a higher and philological kind finally the technical and\\nelaborate study of rhetoric and the art of forensic orations,\\nalong with such dialectic and philosophy as might be\\navailable.\\nIt was to the Hellenic victory over the old Eoman edu-\\ncation that we owe Cicero, Vergil, Lucretius, and all that\\nbrilliant crowd of literary men who adorned the last century\\nof the Republic and the beginnings of the empire. Cicero\\nwas born 106 B.C. Lucretius 98 B.C. Vergil 70 B.C. It was\\nonly now that Latin finally took its place side by side with\\nGreek, if not as an equal, yet as an honourable rival.\\nCsesar, and after him Augustus, encouraged and protected\\nthe professors of every art, and many now took to literature\\nand philosophy as the occupation of men to whom, under an\\nimperial system, the highest political activity was no longer\\nopen. While, therefore, we may regret with Cato, and at\\na later date Tacitus, the decay of the old Roman training,\\nwe must recognise the necessity of the Hellenic invasion if\\na larger conception of the ends of education and of life was\\never to animate the Roman mind. The importance of this\\nin the future history of the world is beyond our power of", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 335\\nestimating, for it was under Eoman protection and under\\nImperial power that all the nobler arts of life were assured\\nof recognition and encouragement in every corner of the\\ncivilised world.\\nAnd yet it was impossible to turn a Eoman into a Greek.\\nHe remained to the last prosaic and practical. The Helleni-\\ncised few to whom culture pure and simple was an aim,\\nformed a kind of intellectual aristocracy. Even in the time\\nof Augustus we find Horace fully recognising the difference\\nbetween the Roman and the Greek mind, just as we find the\\nsame recognition in the passage we quoted from Cicero, In\\nthe Ep. ad Pisones, line 325, Horace contrasts the Greek\\ngenius with that of the practical Roman\\nTo the Greeks the Muse has given genius, to the Greeks,\\nambitious of notliing but praise, the power to speak with elo-\\nquence. The boys of Rome learn by long calculations to divide a\\npound into a hundred parts. Let Albinus son tell me vfhat\\nremains if from five ounces one is taken. If you have been able\\nto answer the third of a pound, well done you will be able to\\nlook after your own estate. Add an ounce, what is the sum?\\nHalf a pound. When we have thus imbued their minds with\\nthe canker and care of gain, do we hope that they will compose\\npoems worthy of preservation, worthy of being preserved in cases\\nof cypress\\nGraiis ingenium, Graiis dedit ore rotundo\\nMnsa loqiii, prfeter laudem nuUius avaris.\\nRomani pueri longis rationibus assem\\nDiscunt in partes centum diducere. Dicat\\nFilius Albini si de quincunce remota est\\nUncia, quid superat Poteras dixisse, Triens. Eu\\nRem poteris servare tuam. Redit uncia, quid fit\\nSemis. At haec aninios aerugo et cura peculi\\nQuum semel imbuerit, speramus carmina fingi\\nPosse linenda cedro et levi servanda cupresso", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "336 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nCHAPTER III\\nCURRICULUM OF STUDY SCHOOLS, METHODS, AND\\nMASTERS\\nI SHALL now sum up briefly the course of instruction\\nthrough which the Eoman youth were carried during the\\nthird or Romano-Hellenic period, as accurately as it can\\nbe ascertained.\\nPrimary Instruction\\nUp to the sixth or seventh year the child remained at\\nhome under his mother and nurse, and under the protection\\nof a, pcedagogtis. His elementary instruction then began either\\nat home or in a hidus puhlictcs under a ludimagister (gram-\\nmatist, liter ator), where he learnt to read and write. Ludus\\nwas the word confined to primary schools schola, from the\\nGreek, was applied to higher schools.^ Horace, in his first\\nbook of Satires, i. vi. 72, gives a picture of Italian boys going\\nto school. His father, he says, was unwilling to send me\\nto the ludus of Flavins, whither boys the offspring of great\\ncenturions were wont to go with their satchels (capsce calcu-\\nlorum, says Orelli, i.e. bags for holding pebbles to count with)\\nand tablets, carrying their fee every Ides, but had the spirit\\nto bring his boy to Rome to be taught.\\nIn learning their letters, the children first acquired their\\nnames and their sequence by heart without regard to their\\n1 Ludus was a place for exercise of any kind, e.g. Indus militaris,\\nwhere soldiers were exercised. It thus was naturall) used for the place to\\nwhich children resorted for school exercises. ^xoX^ (leisure Avhich gave\\nthe Latin schola, was originally used by the Greeks to designate a place for\\nthe occupation of leisure, and so gradually was applied to a place for\\nphilosophical discussions.\\n2 Noluit in Flavi ludum me mittere magni\\nQuo pueri magnis e centurionibus orti,\\nLfevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto,\\nIbant octonis referentes Idibus aera\\nSed puerum est ausus Eomam portare docendum, c.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 337\\nform and function, a practice of which Quintilian complains.\\nWriting was begun at the same time with reading, either by\\ncopying models or by tracing letters inscribed on waxen\\ntablets or graven in wood the teacher at first guiding the\\nhand.\\nThe details of the work done in a Konian primary school\\nare not, so far as I can learn, accurately known. Simple\\nreading and writing and very elementary calculation were\\ntaught, the last with the free help of the fingers and little\\nstones and thereafter on waxen tablets. I think we can also\\nsay for certain that (as in the Greek schools) attention was\\npaid to accentuation and elocution, and that the substance of\\nwhat was read was always explained. Gnomic verses con-\\ntaining maxims and precepts were taken down and com-\\nmitted to memory. The reading-book was generally the\\nLatin version of the Odyssey. Up to about 80 B.C., the\\nlaws of the Twelve Tables were learnt by lieart.^\\nSecondary Instruction\\nAbout the age of twelve the boy passed into the school of\\nthe grammaticus to whom the epithets doctus and\\neruditus were usually applied.\\nThere were two classes of grammatical schools the Greek\\nand the Latin. It was the general custom to go to the\\nformer first. This custom was approved of by Quintilian.\\nThe pupil, when he entered, usually took with him a certain\\nconversational knowledge of Greek. He was instructed in\\ngrammar in the narrower sense, learned portions of Homer\\nand other poets by heart, and was introduced to the critical\\nstudy of literature and to composition. The fables of iEsop\\nwere popular in the earlier stages of instruction. To reading\\n1 After all that has been written on Roman education, the precise details\\nof work in the primary schools are by no means certain. Doubtless it varied\\nas it has done in our own country and depended on the qualifications of the\\nteacher at least before the grammatical or secondary schools were fully\\ndifferentiated.\\n22", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "338 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwith purity of diction and good expression much importance\\nwas now attached.\\nDictation was largely practised with a view to correct\\nspelling, and also because, by means of dictation, select poems\\ncould be written down and learnt by heart when the com-\\nplete works of the poets could not be had. Even when rolls\\nbecame cheap, this practice of dictation was kept up. The\\nrhetorician even dictated his system of rhetoric.\\nThe Twelve Tables ceased to be learned by heart in the\\nlifetime of Cicero.^ Music was taught with a view chiefly\\nto rhythm for music as an art was not cultivated at Rome.\\nThe employments of leisure were not esteemed there the\\nEoman was too serious and practical for this. The musi-\\ncians employed at religious festivals were paid servants.\\nAs to writing, it seems to me doubtful whether in the pri-\\nmary school the pupil advanced beyond writing with the\\nsharp-pointed stylus on waxen tablets but in the secondary\\nschools they also learned to write on parchment or papyrus\\nwith pen {calamus) and ink (a tr amentum). In these schools,\\nhowever, and even in the schools of the rhetoricians, the\\nwaxen tablet was constantly in use. With the flat head of\\nthe style words could be deleted and corrections made.\\nGrammatical instruction meant in Eome ordinary gram-\\nmar as we now understand it, to which all the philology of\\nthe time was made contributory also literature with the ex-\\nplanation of the poets, and criticism. The full explanation\\nof the poets was also the recognised medium for giving gen-\\neral information. Thus, outside the literary text-books, the\\ninstruction which the Roman boy received was orally com-\\nmunicated. He was dependent on his master.\\nThe Greek and Latin grammar schools were distinct. As\\na rule, I have said, the boy went first to the Greek school.\\nGreek was, in fact, the leading study of the secondary\\nschools, and was acquired as if it were a native tongue.\\nThe advanced pupils spoke and wrote Greek. But from\\n1 Cic. De Leg. ii. 23: Discebamus enim piieri XII. ut carmen neces-\\nsarium, quas jam nemo discit.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 339\\nabout 90 B.C., if not sooner, Latin rhetoric, i.e. the adapta-\\ntion of Greek rhetoric to the Latin language and oratory,\\nbegan also to be taught. By that time there was a Latin\\nliterature and not a few orators, and the language liad been\\nmoulded into the concise, vigorous, and effective organ of\\nspeech which has come down to modern Europe. At the\\nsame time it was not unusual for the advanced pupils to\\ndeclaim in Greek as well as in Latin. If they had not\\ndone so, they could not have benefited by the criticism\\nof their Greek teachers who, for the most part, despised\\nLatin.\\nGeography was taught, as appears from a line of Pro-\\npertius (iv. iii. 36), Cogor et e tabula pictos cognoscere\\nniundos.\\nTo the course of instruction in the grammar schools we\\nhave to add music, with a view to the understanding of\\nmetre not the playing on an instrument, as in Greece. The\\nsimple singing or chanting which had been associated with\\nEoman religion and celebration of heroes, was learned from\\nspecial teachers by a few, but only with a view to proper in-\\ntonation and rhythm in oratory. By the Eoman the horn\\nand the trumpet were preferred to the lyre and cithara which\\ncharmed the Greek.\\nArithmetic was taught but neither in the secondary or\\nhigher education was it the theoretical arithmetic of Plato,\\nbut mere calculation.\\nGeometry was taught by a specialist, but chiefly in its\\npractical relations to mensuration. As a liberal study it had\\nfor the Ptomans no attraction. So with astronomy.\\nDancing was taught, but only privately in the homes of\\nthe pupils. It partook very much of the nature of instruc-\\ntion in calisthenics and deportment, and was wholly unlike\\nour modern dancing. The possibility of young men and\\nwomen waltzing together at a public assembly would have\\nbeen to the Eoman shocking, had it not been inconceivable.\\nIndeed, Cicero says in one of his orations, that no one would\\ndance unless he were either drunk or mad.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "340 PRE-CBRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nGymnastic had a purely hygienic and military aim, and\\nonly those who had assumed the toga virilis frequented the\\nCampus Martins. It was with dithculty the Eoman ever\\nunderstood it in the Hellenic sense of a free discipline. The\\ngymnastic of the Romans had, it is true, towards the end of\\nthe Republic, borrowed a good deal from the Greeks but the\\nCampus Martins was never a Greek gymnasium, but essen-\\ntially a military exercising ground.\\nThe literati or grammatici in the later years of the school\\ncurriculum frequently encroached on the work which\\nproperly belonged to the rhetoricians, and gave exercises in\\ndeclamation and disputation, great attention being paid at\\nthis stage, and, indeed, at all stages of school-teaching, to\\npleasing elocution.\\nIn the Roman school of the grammaticus we see only a\\nrepetition of the Hellenic school after it was fully developed\\n(let us say in the third century B.C.). The differentiation\\ninto primary and secondary schools had now taken place\\neverywhere. It is this developed Hellenic school that is\\nknown as the Romano-Hellenic, and it was to be found in all\\nthe important towns of the Roman Empire down to the fifth\\ncentury a.d. But in all things even in the study of\\nGreek there was a Roman practical aim, while in all sub-\\njects, save literature and what bore directly on the full\\nunderstanding of the poets, the Roman was superficial\\nand utilitarian. Might we not say, superficial because\\nutilitarian\\nThe further education of the youth after he had assumed\\nthe toga virilis (generally at sixteen years of age) depended\\non his future occupation. Those intended for a farmer s life\\nwent to live at some farm station those intended for the\\narmy passed very young into the service those again who\\nwere intended for public life or for pleaders and jurists, went\\nto the rhetorical schools and thereafter attended the forum,\\nthe comitia, and the senate, attaching themselves to some\\napproved orator or jurist.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 341\\nTlie Higher Instruction Oratory\\nIn the rhetorical schools the young men studied rhetoric\\nand all the arts which co ild make an effective orator. Cicero\\nDe Orat. iv.) tells us that in the last centui*y of the\\nEepubhc no studies were ever pursued with more earnest-\\nness than those tending to the acquisition of elotfience.\\nThese studies, as being lii guistic and literary in the y/idest\\nsense, gave a large and Lberal cultivation, notwithstanding\\nthe practical aim. It was held that to be a true orator a\\nman must study philosophy, mathematics, and, in fact,\\nfamiharise himself with the whole encyclopaedia. In the\\nschools the youths wrote declamations on prescribed themes\\n(theses or loci communes and delivered them with proper\\naccent and articulation. They conducted also fictitious cases,\\ntaking sides in the dispute. The analysis of language with\\na view to mastering all its forms was studied (see Cicero De\\nOratore and Quintilian). Mathematics, philosophy (at least\\ntowards the end of the Eepublic) and law, as well as litera-\\nture, entered more or less into this higher curriculum but\\nthe three former seem to have been studied under specialist\\nteachers, and did not form an essential part of the higher\\ninstruction with the majority of students. It was only in\\nthe closing period of the Eepublic that native history began\\nto receive attention. In short, we may say that in the higher\\neducation of youths who aimed at some form of public life\\nas all the ambitious among the well-to-do did -the two\\nwords law and oratory practically summed up their\\nstudies. Philosophy and geometry, which, along with astron-\\nomy, included in those days the whole of physical science,\\nwere merely touched, save by a few of the more ardent,\\na political constitution in which a senate or a popular a\\nence had to be convinced, oratory was the great instrur\\nof the rising politician while at the bar it was of sup\\nimportance. Even when the Eoman began to philoso}\\nseriously, it was always practical ethical studies that attr\\nhim. Some substitute had to be found for national tradi", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "342 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nand for lost gods. But in its larger scientific aspects, philo-\\nsophical study was alien to the Eoinan mind, and took the\\nform, as we see in Cicero, of literary and academic exercita-\\ntions. About oratory, however, they were very much in\\nearnest.\\nYout^ s of high intellectual amlition did not rest satisfied\\nwith jde instruction obtainable at Rome, but (at least after\\n80 B.*;;.) resorted to Athens and other philosophical and rhe-\\ntorical centres. In the last decades of the Eepublic there\\nwere many famous schools of this higher class. In addition to\\nAthens, the mother city, we have the great university schools\\nof Rhodes, Apollonia, Mitylene, Alexandria, Tarsus, Perga-\\nmus, and afterwards, in imperial times, Smyrna and Ephesus.\\nIn the time of Cicero Marseilles also was already a widely\\nknown school.\\nWomen shared in the literary culture of Rome but only\\nto a restricted extent. That girls occasionally attended day-\\nschools, at least towards the end of the Republic, is certain\\nbut speakmg generally, their education was domestic and\\nconducted by private tutors. But many possessed high\\nculture. Referring to tlie Gracchi Cicero says, non tarn in\\ngremio educatos quam sermone matris. Much later, similar\\ntestimony is borne to the mother of Agricola by Tacitus.\\nBut although the Roman always remained Roman in the\\nmidst of Hellenic influences, he had lost, long before the\\ntime of Augustus, the old primitive simplicity of life.\\nProbably Cato the elder was tlie last genuine representative of\\nthis, and there is a suspicion of affectation in his intellectual\\nnarrowness, frugality, and hardiness. The severe and even\\nf^n Roman family life penetrated by a moral and religious\\nit had, to a large extent, disappeared owing to contact\\nother nations and the new liberal education. Wealth,\\nry, and Greek scepticism, had begun to weaken the\\nvn fibre. There were always some, of course, who repre-\\n,d the ancient spirit and who, in the words of Cicero,\\n1 Hellenic culture ad doviesticum majorumqiie morem\\nthe mass of the upper classes, having lost the Roman", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 343\\nfaith, began to find tlieir life-aim in personal ambition and\\naggrandisement, save when they adopted a cosmopolitan\\nphilosophy and lived apart.\\nDiscipline. Teachers. School-liouses\\nDiscipline. The school discipline was severe. Plautus\\nBacch. iii. 3. 27), says\\nCum librum legeres si unam peccavisses syllabam\\nFieret coriiim tain maculosum quam est nutricis pallium.\\nThe rod and strap were freely used both in the elementary\\nand secondary school. All are famihar with Horace s\\nOrbilius plagosus Ep. ii. 1. 70), who transferred to the\\nschool the discipline he had learned to suffer and enforce as\\na soldier. Juvenal refers to school punishments (i. 15),\\nwhere it would appear that to withdraw the hand from the\\nrod was a phrase for leaving school. Ausonius speaks of\\nthe school resounding with many a stroke {multo verhere).\\nMartial refers to the melancholy rods, sceptres of peda-\\ngogues, Ferulneque tristes sceptra psedagogorum (x. 62).\\nHe also speaks of the teacher as clamosus, and it is both\\nto ludimagistri and grammatici that the epithets ssevus,\\nacerbus, plagosus, were justly applied by liim. Notwith-\\nstanding that Martial in the epigram just quoted appeals to\\nthe schoolmaster to be kind to his pupils, if he would have\\nthem love learning that the stern Cato in his lost book De\\nLiberis educandis, denounced those who strike women and\\nchildren that Quintilian protested against the practice\\nthat one distinguished teacher was opposed to flogging in\\nthe generation preceding Quintilian that Verrius Flaccus\\nfollowed a milder way; that Seneca advocated lenity, and\\nthat Cicero said that virtue was to be instilled, not by\\nmenaces, force, and terror, but by instruction and persuasion\\nnotwithstanding all this, the severe disciphne continued.\\n1 Hor. Silt. I. 319, refers to sc\u00c2\u00ab/!tca as a whip more severe than the flagellum,\\nand both were more severe than the ferula, but I am not aware that the two\\nformer were used in schools.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "344 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAugustine as a boy had to endure severe castigations (370-\\n80 A.D.).\\nThe school hours were long, often beginning before day-\\nlight and going on till the evening with an interval for din-\\nner. There appear, however, to have been no home lessons.^\\nThe pupils seem to have spoken aloud when learning, and\\nthe masters out-shouted them. Martial (ix. 69) says\\nDespiteful pedant, why dost me pursue,\\nThou head detested by the younger crew 1\\nBefore the cock proclaims the day is near\\nThy direful threats and lashes stun my ear, c.\\nThere were a considerable number of short holidays\\nthroughout the year, in addition to every eighth day. But\\nthe four months holiday beginning in the middle of June is\\nnow understood to have been confined to rural and elementary\\nschools.\\nWe do not hear of rewards for merit till the time of\\nAugustus. It was Verrius Flaccus who first introduced the\\ncustom of giving book prizes but both in Augustan times\\nand thereafter they were rare.\\nPosition of the Teacher. The pedagogue who had\\ncharge of the boy night and day, and held a paternal rela-\\ntion to him, accompanied his charge to school, sat there with\\nhim, and brought him home again. He had considerable\\npowers granted to him with a view to secure obedience,\\nalthough he was almost always only a slave. The Eomans,\\nhowever, seem to have taken more pains in selecting their\\npedagogues than the Greeks did. Their reward, when their\\ntask was completed, was usually the gift of their freedom.\\nIn the time of the Empire, as well as of the Eepublic, the\\nposition of the elementary teacher was very humble and\\nbefore tlie Empire even the graramaticus, though more es-\\nteemed, did not stand high. It was Julius Caesar who first\\ngave Roman citizenship to the grammatici. Indeed, the oc-\\ncupation of elementary teacher it could not be called a\\n1 Ussing says that time was given also for gymnastic.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 345\\nprofession was looked upon with contempt. Held of low\\nestimation in the best Attic time, it fell still lower in the\\nKoman. I have already quoted from Lucian in the chapters\\non Greek education, and other references might be given\\nhere to Latin writers. Justin, among others, when he refers\\n(xxi. 5) to the story of Dionysius the tyrant of Syracuse\\nhaving become a primary teacher after his expulsion, uses\\nthe following words humillima quseque tutissima existi-\\nmans, in sordidissimum vitse genus descendit. Among\\nGreek fragments there is one which says of a man who had\\ndisappeared, he is either dead or become a primary teacher.\\nThe teachers were always slaves or freedmen, and had to\\nmaintain a daily contest with their unruly pupils. All\\nreferences to the circumstances of teachers before the time\\nof Cicero represent them as in poverty. The payments to\\nthem were for a long period in the form of honoraria\\nrather than fees. They had to take what they could get.\\nThe grammatici, as I have already indicated, held a higher\\nposition and were spoken of with some respect but it was\\nonly of the rhetoricians (who corresponded to our modern\\nprofessors), that respectful and laudatory remarks are made\\nby Eoman writers.\\nIt was in the first century of our era that the word pro-\\nfessor began to be used as applied to experts in some of the\\nliberal arts. Quintilian (xii. 2) says Si geometrse et mus-\\nici et grammatici ceterarumque artium profcssores omnem\\nsuam vitam, quamhbet longa fuerit, in singulis artibus con-\\nsumpserunt, c. In the time of the Emperor Hadrian the\\ntitle was given to the public, established and paid lecturers\\nin the Athenseum at Eome. The designation professores\\nmedici seems first to have made its appearance in the time\\nof Severus (193 a.b.)}\\nSeneca was probably tlie first to use the designation Professor. He\\nspeaks {Ep. 89) of professores eloquentiae. It will probably be found that\\nit was only to rhetorical teachers, and not to philosophers, that the word was\\napplied in the first instance, and then to other specialists. The title pro-\\nfessor was in the course of time extended to the grammatici and to the\\ninstructors in mathematics and medicine.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "346 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nBoth grammatici and rhetoricians often made large\\nfortunes. As to the social status of all of them we must\\nremember a fact which influenced the ancient mind to an\\nextent which we fail fully to comprehend, viz. that they\\ntaught for money. It has also to be noted that they were\\nnot held to educate, but only to teach certain subjects, and\\nto take their payment hke dealers in other articles.\\nSchool-houses, c. Neither among the Greeks nor\\nEomans were these universal or even common in our\\nmodern sense nor were they built for educational pur-\\nposes. Adventure teachers (and all were adventure\\nteachers) naturally provided their own schoolrooms. For\\na long period any room was good enough for giving ele-\\nmentary instruction. Sometimes schools were held in the\\nopen air, in some quiet corner of a street or market place.\\nHorace Bp. i. xx. 17) says:\\nUt pueros elementa docentem\\nOccupet extremis in vicis balba senectus.-^\\nIn the earlier times we read of tahernm sheds or booths\\nand these taherncB in later times were like shops or leanto s\\nopening on the street, and attached to even fashionable\\nhouses. The children for the most part sat on the floor,\\nor, if in the street, on the stones. But the schools of the\\ngrammatici seem to have been generally the covered spaces\\nattached to larger buildings, giving on the street and pro-\\nvided with benches for the children, the master occupying\\na high seat or cathedra? Sometimes they were very much\\nlike the verandah of a house. The schoolrooms {pcrgulm\\nmagistrates) were also frequently adorned with works of\\nart both in sculpture (marble or plaster) and in painting.\\nThey were open and accessible to all. Parents and other\\n1 That this passage is relevant might be doubtful were it not for other\\nconfirmatory knowledge. Dion. Chrys. Or. 29, is aptly quoted by Orellius.\\n2 The assistant (adjutor, or sub-doctor) sat on a stool. The benches had\\nno backs, nor were there desks. The pupils wrote on their knees.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 347\\nmembers of the public frequently dropt in to see the boys\\nat their work, and there were great speech-days.\\nThe books were rolls of MS. {vohtmina) which the chil-\\ndren carried to school in cylindrical wooden boxes.\\nThe state took no charge of either schools or school-\\nmasters all was left to the parent.\\nThe wealthier families of Eome were not, however, (as I\\nhave so often pointed out) dependent solely, or even chiefly,\\non schools. Both grammatici and rhetoricians were em-\\nployed in private houses to transcribe MSS. and to educate\\nthe children. It is to this form of private education that\\nQuintilian objected.\\nIn early imperial times the number of schools, primary\\nand secondary, began to increase rapidly, and in some cases\\nthe teachers were engaged by the municipalities and were\\npaid a fixed salary. We see the beginning of this custom\\nshadowed forth in a letter from Pliny to Tacitus which we\\nshall quote in the sequel.\\nCHAPTEK IV\\nDETAILS OF INSTEUCTION AND METHOD IN THE GRAMMATI-\\nCAL AND RHETORICAL SCHOOLS\\nWe have been speaking generally of the course of instruc-\\ntion in Rome. Let us now endeavour to penetrate into the\\ninside of the Roman grammar and rhetorical schools and\\nsee the mode of j)rocedure in more detail, if possible.\\nThe School of the Grammaticus. The exercises of\\nthe grammatical school-boy were (1) Reading, to which,\\nas I have said, great attention was paid. It was a fine\\nart. (2) Reproducing short tales or fables orally, and\\nthen writing them as exercises in composition. (3) Para-\\nphrasing. This was graded. The younger pupils were\\nrestricted to the employment of the poet s own words when\\n1 FollowiiiL to a considerable extent the guidance of Professor Jullien.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "348 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nturning his lines into prose order. The more advanced did\\nnot mangle the poet (as we moderns do), but were re-\\nquired to expand his lines into prose rhetorical form and\\nmight take all sorts of liberties so long as they did not\\ngo beyond the meaning of the poet. This was in truth a\\nrhetorical imitation of the poet and doubtless a valuable\\nexercise. (4) Short sentences (sententiix) were given on\\nwhich they rang changes of number, case, and syntactical\\nconstruction; just as, in our best schools, boys are required\\nto convert direct into indirect in Latin, and vice versa.\\n(5) Pithy sentences were also given and the pupil re-\\nquired to explain them, and also to paraphrase them as\\nwe have above explained paraphrasing. (6) Prosody and\\nthe practice of verse-writing were taught.\\nTranslation from Greek into Latin was not practised in\\nthe advanced rhetorical schools until after the time of Augus-\\ntus. In modern schools we have found this exercise so valu-\\nable for boys that we cannot but be surprised that it was not\\npractised from the very first by the practical Eomans.\\nCicero speaks of the great benefit he had obtained from it\\nbut translation, as practised by him, may rather be called\\nimitation.\\nThe above exercises combined with a close critical study\\nof the language and the literary qualities of poems, and the\\nfree and elocutionary delivery from memory of numerous\\npassages, constitvited the principal work of the grammar\\nschool.\\nBut there was a tendency in these schools towards the end\\nof the Eepublic to retain boys longer than formerly, and to\\nintroduce them to exercises in declamation on moral ques-\\ntions of a general kind and in giving descriptions of things\\nand events (the higher forms of oratory the judiciary and\\nthe deliberative being specially reserved for the advanced\\nschools of the rhetoricians). Quintilian complains of this in-\\ntrusion of the grammaticus on the rhetor. It was the Latin\\ngrammaticus who was chiefly guilty of thus stepping beyond\\nhis own sphere, his school being, in the majority of cases,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 349\\nattended after the school of the Greek grainmaticus. It is\\nmanifest that the practice was of doubtful educational value,\\ninasmuch as it led to premature and showy exhibitions of\\noratory and thus interfered with the more thorough prepara-\\ntory linguistic discipline. Especially would this evil be\\naccentuated by the competition among masters for pupils and\\nthe gullibility of the Koman parent, who was doubtless as\\neasily imposed on as the British father.\\nIt is not to be supposed that the Roman boy had thrown\\non him the impossible task of producing the exercises above\\nreferred to without help and guidance. The Greek rhetori-\\ncians had reduced thesis-writing and declamation to an art,\\nand the logicians had helped them. Topics (tottoi, places,\\nand in Latin, loci) had for theu object the fixed development\\nof a subject in a certain form and the art of finding argu-\\nments. Without entering into details (which, however, are\\ninteresting educationally), I shall borrow from Professor\\nJullien a statement of the topical hints for an exercise on a\\nchria, i.e. dictum, or pregnant sentence, ascribed to some dis-\\ntinguished man e.g. Plato says that the Muses dwell in the\\nsoul of the cultured man.\\n1. A laudation of the writer to whom the utterance or\\ndeed was ascribed.\\n2. The paraphrase, in which the thought was expanded.\\n3. The motif or underlying principle which explained and\\njustified the truth of the thought.\\n4. Comparison, i.e. the comparing of the thought with\\nother thoughts like or unlike, just as Plutarch compares\\ncharacters in his Lives.\\n5. The example which was furnished by some distin-\\nguished man.\\n6. Witnesses to confirm the dictum, i.e. quotations from\\nauthorities who had said the same, or a similar, thing.\\n7. Conclusion which often took the form of a practical\\nexhortation.\\nSo guided, and with models of similar exercises before\\nhim, often written by his master, the boy could scarcely fail", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "350 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nto produce a fairly good essay or declamation, especially as\\nthe learning by heart of the poets had stored his mind with\\nwords and felicitous expressions. It was held to be a merit\\nto borrow from distinguished writers, and not a fault. In-\\ndeed, even in mature authors we find in ancient times and\\nduring the latter half of the middle ages a very free use of\\nthe productions of their predecessors. It seems to me that\\nplagiarism may be said to have become a moral offence only\\nin modern times.\\nLoci communes (common places) were declamations against\\nparticular vices and in support of virtues in the abstract.\\nThey were thus general in their treatment. But in these, as\\nin all other exercises both of the grammatical and rhetorical\\nschools, there was a recognised development of the theme.\\nThe treatises on rhetoric were intended to help invention, to\\npractice in the use of correct language, in the nature and use\\nof tropes and figures of speech and in all the devices whereby\\na speaker could influence his fellow men.\\nThe Oratory to which youths were trained, after going\\nthrough such preparatory instruction as I have outlined in the\\nschool of the grammaticus, was deliberative and judiciary\\nthat is to say, eloquence suited to a public assembly or senate,\\nor to the bar. As Professor Jullien says, it was professional\\ninstruction as opposed to the liberal instruction of the gram-\\nmatici. The line of demarcation, however, between the\\ngrammaticus and the rhetorician was never clearly defined.\\nMuch depended on the teacher, as it always does where all\\nare struggling, each for himself.\\nThat tlie work of the student of oratory was not narrow,\\nilliberal, and purely technical may be learned from Cicero,\\nand from Quintilian passim. As regards the strictly tech-\\nnical training I may with advantage quote from the De\\nOratore, i. 31, a passage which admirably sums up the whole\\nprocess.\\nIn the first place T will not deny that, as becomes a man\\nwell born and liberally educated, I learned those trite and", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 351\\ncommon precepts of teachers in general first, that it is the\\nbusiness of an orator to speak in a manner adapted to per-\\nsuade next, that every speech is either upon a question con-\\ncerning a matter in general, without specification of persons\\nor times, or concerning a matter referring to certain persons\\nand times but that, in either case, whatever falls under\\ncontroversy, the question with regard to it is usually,\\nwhether such a thing has been done, or, if it has been done,\\nof what nature it is, or by what name it should be\\ncalled or, as some add, whether it seems to have been done\\nrightly or not. That controversies arise also on the interpre-\\ntation of writing, in which anything has been expressed\\nambiguously, or contradictorily, or so that what is written is\\nat variance with the writer s evident intention and that\\nthere are certain lines of argument adapted to all these cases.\\nBut that of such subjects as are distinct from general ques-\\ntions, part come under the head of judicial proceedings, part\\nunder that of deliberations and that there is a third kind\\nwhich is employed in praising or censuring particular per-\\nsons. That there are also certain common-places on which\\nwe may insist in judicial proceedings, in which equity is\\nthe object others, which we may adopt in deliberations, all\\nwhich are to be directed to the advantage of those to whom\\nwe give counsel others in panegyric, in which all must be\\nreferred to the dignity of the persons commended. That\\nsince all the business and art of an orator is divided into\\nfive parts, he ought first to find out what he should say\\nnext, to dispose and arrange his matter, not only in a certain\\norder, but with a sort of power and judgment then to clothe\\nand deck his thoughts with language then to secure them\\nin his memory and lastly, to deliver them with dignity and\\ngrace. I liad learned and understood also, that before we\\nenter upon the main subject, the minds of the audience\\nshould be conciliated by an exordium next, that the case\\nshould be clearly stated then, that the point in controversy\\nshould be established then, that what we maintain should\\nbe supported by proof, and that whatever was said on the", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "352 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nother side should be refuted and that, in the conclusion of\\nour speech, whatever was in our favour should be amplified\\nand enforced, and whatever made for our adversaries should\\nbe weakened and invalidated.\\nI had heard also what is taught about the costume of a\\nspeech in regard to which it is first directed that we should\\nspeak correctly and in pure Latin next, intelligibly and with\\nperspicuity then gracefully then suitably to the dignity of\\nthe subject, and as it were becomingly and I had made\\nmyself acquainted with the rules relating to every particular.\\nMoreover, I had seen art applied to those things which are\\nproperly endowments of nature for I had gone over some\\nprecepts concerning action, and some concerning artificial\\nmemory, which were short, indeed, but requiring much exer-\\ncise matters on which almost all the learning of those\\nartificial orators is employed and if I should say that it is\\nof no assistance, I should say what is not true for it conveys\\nsome hints to admonish the orator, as it were, to what he\\nshould refer each part of his speech, and to what points he\\nmay direct his view, so as not to wander from the object\\nwhich he has proposed to himself. But I consider that with\\nregard to all precepts the case is this, not that orators by ad-\\nhering to them have obtained distinction in eloquence, but\\nthat certain persons have noticed what men of eloquence\\npractised of their own accord, and formed rules accordingly\\nso that eloquence has not sprung from art, but art from elo-\\nquence not that, as I said before, I entirely reject art, for it\\nis, though not essentially necessary to oratory, yet proper for\\na man of liberal education to learn. And by you, my young\\nfriends, some preliminary exercise must be undergone\\nthough, indeed, you are already on the course but those who\\nare to enter upon a race, and those who are preparing for\\nwhat is to be done in the forum, as their field of battle, may\\nalike previously learn, and try their powers, by practising in\\nsport.\\nSo far as we know the course of training thus generally\\nsketched by Cicero, it may be concisely summed up thus", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 353\\nWhen the Ehetor began from the beginning he carried the\\nyouth through the exercises which I have abeady described\\nas the higher work of the grammaticus, and then gave more\\nadvanced work on the same hues while he dehvered or\\ndictated lectures on the theory of eloquence. Subsequent\\nexercises consisted of speeches prepared by the pupils, of\\na demonstrative, deliberative, or judiciary character. The\\ndemonstrative consisted very much of the laudation or un-\\nfavourable criticism of certain historical, or it might be\\nimaginary, acts and characters the deliberative was an\\nargument addressing itself to the question whether any act\\nshould have been done or not the judiciary was in the form\\nof a pleading before a judge attack and defence. These\\npleadings were often regarding fictitious cases, sometimes\\nregarding cases that had actually been in the courts. The\\ngeneral course of instruction applicable to all forms of oratory\\nembraced Invention, i.e. the finding of arguments Disposi-\\ntion or arrangement Style or elocution Memory and its\\ncultivation and Action or delivery. Disputations were con-\\nducted by the students, under the guidance of the rhetor.\\nAll sorts of subjects were propounded, but chiefly those hav-\\ning a political or ethical significance. In imperial times, and\\nprobably earlier, the rhetors themselves would have public\\nbouts, and people would flock to hear them and encourage\\nthem with their plaudits. Divorced, however, as the exercises\\nwere from all direct bearing on political action, they tended\\nmore and more to become mere declamation.\\nWe now see that the education which took shape to itself\\nunder the Eoman sway, and which was summed up in the\\nword humanitas, was almost wholly a literary education,\\nbased, however, on a thorough grammatical study. It is\\nimportant to note this, and the relative place assigned to\\nother studies, because of its bearing on the history of educa-\\ntion even down to our own times.\\nIt is, I think, sufficiently clear that, notwithstanding the\\nliterary character of the education, private and public utility\\ngoverned the Eoman practice. Eoman education was Greek,\\n23", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "354 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nbut it was Greek translated into Latin. The liberal arts were\\nall cultivated at Rome, but not by Romans. They were to\\nbe enjoyed, not pursued. Greek aliens very often slaves\\nor freedmen represented all the arts, and were hired. Play-\\nacting, though regarded as a degrading employment, was yet\\nof use to the orator by teaching him gesture sculpture\\nwas of use for public monuments and portraiture, and so\\nforth.\\nLiterature, it is true, was in esteem both as a study, an\\neducational instrument, and as a recreation but, above all,\\nas necessary to form the orator. Literature for the sake of\\nliterature, art for the sake of art, were to the Greek familiar\\nconceptions and in his schools it was the real of literature,\\nthe enriching of the mind with noble utterances and noble\\nforms, which was always prominent. In the case of the\\nRoman we find the discipline of grammar take precedence of\\nthe living spirit of literature, without, however, by any means\\nextinguishing it.\\nOf course there were many individual exceptions to the\\nRoman view of art and the arts among the Romans them-\\nselves but the general utilitarian tendency of the Roman\\nmind was always in evidence. The Hellenic ideal of a\\ncultured man cultured for the sake of culture was never\\naccepted by the Roman, save in a half-hearted way. Indeed,\\nhe had great contempt, and with good reason, for much of\\nthe product of the Hellenic system. The lively Greek who\\nfrequented the streets of Rome and other Italian towns, and\\nwho in his easy self-confidence was ready to talk, and to\\ntalk well, on any subject and in favour of any side, was\\nantagonistic to the Roman type of character, and to that\\nserious view of life which had made the Roman and which\\nseemed still to survive in spite of growing luxury, an en-\\nfeebled public spirit, and a decaying morality.\\nI have already said that the loss of the writings of Terentius\\nVarro (died 26 B.C.), the most learned of the Romans, has", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 355\\ndeprived us of much that would have thrown additional light\\non the actual state of education and of learning immediately\\nbefore the birth of Christ. One of his works was entitled\\nLibri Disciplinarum. All the more valuable are the writ-\\nings of Quintilian whicli appeared in the last decade of the\\nfirst century a.d. In him we see the highest type of teacher\\nwhich the ancient world produced, with, perhaps, the single\\nexception of Isocrates and from his writings we can learn\\nboth what the Komano-Hellenic education was in its inner\\nworking, and also what, in his opinion, it ought to have been.\\nHis works, accordingly, are not only of great importance in\\nthe history of education as formulating the aims and method\\nof the best kind of Romano-Hellenic school, both grammatical\\nand rhetorical but they also contain so much practical\\ninstruction for the teacher of all time that I shall now speak\\nof him and his treatise in some detail, confining myself, how-\\never, to what is specially instructive to the teacher of the\\nmodern school. I am justified in giving this prominence to\\nQuintilian by the further fact that he has governed all\\nmodern education since the Eenaissance and, in truth, we\\nhave not even yet advanced so far as wholly to restore the\\nschool of Quintilian. The nearest approach to it were the\\nschools of Vittorino da Feltre in the fourteenth and Hegius,\\nMichael Neander, Trotzendorfl and Sturm, in the fifteenth\\nand sixteenth centuries.\\nCHAPTER V\\nTHE SCHOOL OF QUINTILIAN\\nMarcus Fabius Quintilianus was born at Calagurris\\n(Calahorra) in the upper valley of the Ebro about a.u.\\n38.1 jjg seems to have been taken by his father to Rome\\n1 Many say 35, and till recently 42 was the accepted date. I give a date\\nbetween the two as being the most probable. Seneca was born a year or two\\nbefore the birth of Christ Plutarch 48 or 49 A.D. (about the same time as\\nQuintilian), and Tacitus about 61 a.d.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "356 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwhen quite a boy to prosecute his studies. His father was\\nhimself a teacher of rhetoric. At the age of about 25 he\\nreturned to his native place, where he remained several years\\nin the practice of his profession. At about the age of 30 he\\nagain came to Eome in the retinue of Galba (a.d. 68) and\\nbegan to practise at the bar, attaining some distinction,\\nespecially for his clear, exact, and logical statement of cases.\\nDr. Peterson in his edition of Book X. quotes from Hild as\\nfollows Among the orators of the day, some, ignorant\\nand coarse, had left mean occupations for the bar without\\nany preliminary study, where they made up in audacity for\\nlack of talent, and in noisy conceit for a defective knowledge\\nof law others were trained in the practice of delation to\\nevery form of trickery and violence Quintilian, honest, able,\\nand moderate, stood by himself.\\nLater in life he began to give instruction in the oratorical\\nart, including under this, however, a wide range of gram-\\nmatical and literary culture, which he thought necessary to\\nthe education of the true orator. Among his pupils was the\\nyounger Pliny. He acquired a great reputation as an in-\\nstructor, and more honour than was usually conferred on\\nteachers of rhetoric in those days. Domitian gave him per-\\nmission to wear the insignia of a man of consular rank. It\\nis to this that Juvenal refers in the line (Sat. vii. 186),\\nIf fortune be kind, you will from a rhetor become a consul.^\\nThe well-known passage in Suetonius Life of Vespasian\\n(c. 18) marks the first State action for the maintenance of\\npublic schools Vespasianus, who first fixed out of the\\npublic treasury a salary of 100 sestertia each to the rhetors,\\nGreek and Latin (estimated at about 800iJ. a year). As\\nVespasian reigned from a.d. 71 to a.d. 79-, the most active\\nperiod of Quintilian s scholastic career, we may conclude\\nthat he was one of the rhetors endowed by Vespasian, all\\n1 Si fortuna volet, fies de rhetore consul.\\n2 Qui primus e fisco Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena con-\\nstituit.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 357\\nthe more that the Eusebian Chronicle (Eoth s Suetonius,\\np. 272) says Quintilian, a Calagurritan from Spain, the\\nfirst to open a public school in Kome and to. receive a salary\\nout of the public treasury, flourished. Eeferring to his\\nwork as a pubKc instructor, Martial says,^ Quintilian, su-\\npreme governor of unstable youth Quintilian, glory of the\\nEoman gown\\nAfter twenty years teaching he retired from active life at\\nthe early age of about fifty, although after his retirement he\\nwas employed as a private tutor at court to Domitian s two\\ngrand-nephews (a.d. 93).\\nAt the urgent solicitation of many friends and admirers,\\nand also to put a stop to the circulation of notes of his\\nlectures, published with his name but without his authority,\\nhe now began to prepare and arrange, with a view to publi-\\ncation, the abundant materials amassed in the course of an\\nactive professional life. This occupied him a period of only\\ntwo years (probably between a.d. 93 and 95). The solicita-\\ntions of his publisher led him to issue his work sooner than\\nhe would otherwise have done. He died before the end of\\nthe first century a.d. at the age of about sixty. He himself\\ntells us that he lost his wife when she was only nineteen,\\nand that the two boys she left behind her also died, the\\nyounger at five years old and the elder at ten.\\nThe books which he published, sometimes called Oratori-\\ncal Institutions, are known under the title of Twelve Books\\non the Education of an Orator De Institutione Oratoria\\nare the words which he himself uses in a prefatory letter to\\nhis publisher, Trypho.\\nQuintilian was one of the most Roman of the Roman men\\nof letters. Not only because of the national note in his\\nstyle as a whole, but for the legal precision and directness\\nof his thought and language, and for the soundness and\\n1 Quintilianas, ex Hispania, Calagurritaims, qui primus RoniEe publicam\\nscholam Qaperuit] et salarium e fisco accepit, claruit.\\n2 Quintiliane vagaj moderator summe juventse,\\nGloria Romanse Quiutiliaue togse. ii. 90.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "358 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmoderation of his judgments. There is the calmness of\\nscientific exposition about his reasoning, wholly unlike our\\nmodern style of writing into which we are apt to introduce,\\neven unconsciously, a certain amount of open or latent\\npassion. Political and religious bias dominates even our\\nabstract philosophy and political economy. Every reader\\nwill be disposed to concur in the estimate of Bahr in his\\nGeschichte der Eomischen Literatur, where he says We\\nfind in Quintilian a genuinely critical spirit, a sound judg-\\nment, and a truly practical sense, a pure refined taste,\\na wide literary culture, and an extensive acquaintance\\nwith the whole range of Greek and Koman literature*\\n(p. 325).\\nIn exposition, Quintilian never uses a single word more\\nthan is necessary to express his thought. He has none of\\nthe amplitude of language which belongs to Cicero. It is\\npossible that he did not admire copiousness of language as\\ndistinguished from copiousness of argument. It certainly\\nstrikes the reader that while Quintilian was capable of a\\nfar more exact philosophical style than Cicero, richness\\nand abundance of language were alien to his cast of mind\\nas well as forbidden by the strictly practical aims of his\\nbook.\\nBut how is it, we are first disposed to ask, that a book\\non the education of the orator should in these days con-\\ncern us as educationalists, except in a very subordinate\\nway The answer is alre9,dy partly given in the preceding\\nchapter.\\nQuintilian started with a very enlarged conception of the\\ntraining requisite for an orator. This designation, indeed,\\nas used by him, may be regarded as synonymous with a\\ncompletely cultivated man. Others, he says, have begun\\ntheir treatises on rhetoric as if they were merely putting\\nthe finishing touch of eloquence on pupils already masters\\nof every kind of learning (Prooem. 4) but I am of opinion\\nthat to make an orator we must begin from the beginning,\\nand I consequently/ he adds, shall begin to shape the", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 359\\nstudies of an orator from his infancy just as if he were\\nhanded over to me to bring up. He accordingly proposes\\nto start ah ijjsis cUscendi velut incunabulis (as it were from\\nthe very cradle of learning).\\nQuintilian does not imagine that education can do every-\\nthing. On the contrary, he tells us that unless Nature\\nhelps, all instructions will be useless. lUud tamen in\\nprimis testandum est, nihil praecepta atque artes valere\\nnisi adjuvante natura. Quapropter ei, cui deerit ingenium,\\nnon magis litec scripta sunt quam de agrorum cultu steril-\\nibus terris First of all I must bear witness to this, that\\nprecepts and arts are of no value without the assistance of\\nnature. Wherefore to him who wants talent these writings\\nare of no more significance than an agricultural treatise to\\nbarren lands. At the same time he held with Isocrates and\\nCicero that natural powers could be largely augmented and\\nadorned.\\nCato the elder, in his lost treatise on education, affirmed\\nit to be the aim of education to produce the bonus vir.\\nQuintilian substitutes for this the bonus orator, and in\\ndoing so he places himself in more direct sympathy with\\nthe practical aims of the post-republican Eoman life and\\neducation. He in fact extends the aim of Cato when in\\nthe beginning of the twelfth book he defines the orator to\\nbe The Good Man skilled in speaking Vir bonus dicendi\\nperitus. Mere facultas dicendi he despises. His idea of\\nan orator is in fact that of a learned, cultivated, virtuous\\nphilosopher who, qualified by certain innate or acquired\\naptitudes, is engaged in the highest practical affairs of life.\\nPractical life for all is always assumed. In the twelfth\\nbook, indeed, he talks with some disdain of philosophers,\\nbecause they withdraw themselves from public occupations.\\nHe desires to form a Roman philosopher. The man I\\neducate I should wish to be a Roman philosopher who, not\\n1 Ilium quern iristituo, Romanum quendam velirn esse sapientem, qui\\nnon secretis disputationibus sed rerum experimentis atque operibus vere\\ncivilem virum exhibeat. xii. 27.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "360 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nby disputations apart but by dealing with practical life and\\nby public activity, shows himself to be truly a vir civilis\\n(a man occupied with affairs that concern the commonweal).\\nWe manifestly require in such a man, he says, not only the\\nhighest ability but also every virtue of the mind. Accord-\\ningly, he aims at forming a man who is in the best sense\\nof the word a citizen, adapted for the administration of\\npublic and private affairs, who is competent to govern cities\\nby his counsels, to institute them by his laws, and to\\nimprove them by his judicial decisions. Then as to the\\nvirtues an orator has to discourse on matters relating to\\njustice, temperance, and fortitude, and how can he do so\\neffectively unless he himself is distinguished by these\\nvirtues\\nThe orator, let us remember, had a large and important\\nfunction in the public life of the ancients. He was not\\nmerely a pleader at the bar, but also before public assemblies.\\nHe influenced the whole policy of a country, and among\\nother functions discharged the duty of the modern publicist.\\nAt first sight, we may be disposed to question the necessity\\nof goodness and virtue to a good orator but a little reflec-\\ntion will satisfy us that, when we fully realise the scope of\\nthe orator s function as understood by the ancients, we must\\nadmit with Quintilian that the truly good orator must him-\\nself be good. We all recognise the contrast between learn-\\ning and wisdom but it is important to note also that\\nintellectual ability, even the highest, is not necessarily wis-\\ndom. The moral element must dominate. Quintilian did\\nnot stand alone in his opinion. Depravity, says Aristotle,\\nperverts the vision and causes it to be deceived as to the\\nprinciples of action, so that it is really impossible for a per-\\nson who is not good to be really wise and prudent. And\\nhow can a bad man give sound counsel in an oration To\\nthe extent to which the counsel, the persuasions, the argu-\\nment are unsound, it is bad oratory. Coleridge, in his\\nTable-talk, cites from Stralio the opinion, to be a good\\npoet one must be a good man. Carlyle, again, says, The", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 361\\nreal quantity of our insight how justly and thoroughly we\\nshall comprehend the nature of a thing, especially of a\\nhuman thing, depends on our patience, our fairness, loving-\\nness, what strength soever we have intellect comes from the\\nwhole man as it is the light that enlightens the whole man.\\n(Vol. V. of Miscellanies, p. 125.) The significant thing for\\nus to note as students of education is that Quintilian, like all\\ncompetent thinkers on this subject, aimed at a moral result\\nas the supreme end. In our great schools do we consciously\\ndo this If we do not, then, with all our classical preten-\\nsions, we are followers neither of the best Greeks nor\\nRomans. There must be something wrong. Quintilian\\nheld that a man could not be engaged in the pursuit of those\\nnoble studies of literature and philosophy which were indis-\\npensable to the education of an orator, unless he were free\\nfrom vice. From which may we not conclude that occupa-\\ntion with ennobling studies is the greatest safeguard of\\nyouth\\nMere eloquence in the ordinary sense, fluent faculty of\\nspeech, did not constitute an orator in Quintilian s view. He\\neven absorbed the title philosopher into that of orator, as did\\nIsocrates. He wished to produce a man optima sentientem,\\noptimeque dicentem (xii. 1. 25) thinking the best things\\nand expressing them in the very best way, and not a mere\\nmercenary pleader in the forum, or a claptrap popular talker.\\nBy giving to philosophy a practical character and testing it,\\nas it were, by its power of doing practical service to the\\nstate, he maintained even for philosophy a higher standard\\nthan then existed in many of the schools of Greece and Alex-\\nandria. We do not quarrel with Quintilian, then, because,\\nunder a very natural tendency, peculiar to his age and\\nnation, to magnify the office of the rhetorician, he used the\\nword orator as a synonym for the perfectly trained and fully\\nequipped citizen nor yet because he held that the perfect\\norator w^as also necessarily the perfect citizen. He admits\\nthat no man ever was what he aims at producing but none\\n1 Iq eodem pectore nullum est honestorum turpiumque consortium.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "362 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthe less ought we all to aim at the ideal,^ none the less, are\\nwe to strive after the highest even if this is not attainable,\\nnevertheless those who strive after it will go higher than\\nthose who, having despaired by anticipation of reaching their\\nobject, forthwith pull themselves up and halt at the bottom\\nof the hiU;\\nWe see, then, that the analysis of the writings which\\nQuintilian left behind him must furnish us with a knowledge\\nof the best educational conceptions possible in his time, pre-\\nsented in a form thoroughly trustworthy, inasmuch as they\\ncome from a man of long experience as a teacher, and of a\\ntemper whose ardour was moderated by cool reason and\\nsound judgment. They will also admit us to a knowledge of\\nthe kind of training through which the wealthier classes of\\nKoman youth those who sought to govern their country\\nwere carried at the beginning of the Christian era, when the\\nHellenic influence was completely established.\\nI do not pretend to give an exhaustive account of Quin-\\ntilian, but merely to bring into view his leading principles\\nand methods as these are expounded in his first two books,\\nand only in so far as they may bear on school work in these\\ndays. I shall make such reference to his subsequent books\\nas will enable the reader to form an adequate conception of\\nthe way in which he discharged the task he imposed on\\nhimself.\\nAt the end of his preface, Quintilian gives us a prehminary\\nsurvey of his plan, as follows\\nThe first book will contain those things which precede the\\nproper work of the teacher of rhetoric.\\nThe second book will treat of the elements of rhetoric.\\nThe next five will be devoted to Invctitio, including\\narrangement (Disjpositio).\\n1 Non ideo minus nobis ad snmma tendendum est quod si non con-\\ntingat, altius tamen ibunt qui ad sumina niteiitur quaui qui, prresumpta de-\\nsperatione quo velint evadendi, protinus circa iraa substiterint (i. 19).", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 363\\nThe next four will be devoted to Elocution (i.e. style), in-\\ncluding memory and pronunciation {i.e. delivery).\\nIn conclusion will be considered the cultivation of the\\norator personally, and as a pleader.\\nFirst Booh\\nIn his first book, Quintilian deals with the instruction of\\nchildren before the age of seven. After many warnings as to\\nthe necessity of providing nurses whose moral character is\\ngood, and who have sufficient education to set a good ex-\\nample in speaking, he takes up the intellectual instruction of\\nthe child.\\nHe objects to the learning of the alphabet in a memorial\\nway, so that children early acquire the habit of saying the\\nletters, trusting to their memory alone. He advises that the\\nshape and name be always impressed on the child together,\\nand recommends the tracing over of letters which have been\\ncut on a board. He also recommends the use of ivory figures\\nof letters as playthings. When they begin to read words,\\nlet the reading be very slow and distinct, he says otherwise,\\nby hurrying the child, or permitting the child to hurry, you\\nform a bad habit and retard progress.\\nAs to writing, he evidently considers that this art is best\\nbegun by tracing the letters on the board referred to above,\\nand thereafter by copying good specimens, according to our\\nmodern usage. He thinks that the lines which the pupil is\\nrequired to imitate should convey moral lessons which he\\nwill carry with him to old age. He also thinks that a\\nchild, m learning to write, should not be constantly exer-\\ncised on ordinary words, but on the more unusual words,\\nthat he may acquire betimes a knowledge of terms which, at\\na later period of his studies, may be useful to him. He\\npoints out that, as future progress and cultivation depend so\\nmuch on the art of writing, the pupil should learn to write\\nquickly as well as well, and well as well as quickly.\\nMemory, he thinks, may be even at this early age culti-\\nvated, and passages from the poets and utterances of learned", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "364 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nmen learned by heart. For this he gives a curious reason,\\nthat at this age a teacher can do little for the education of\\nchildren (as they can produce nothing from themselves)\\nexcept cultivate their memory.\\nAbove all, he impresses on his readers that children are\\nnot stupid that they are ready in thinking and prompt in\\nlearning faciles in excogitando et ad discendum promptos\\nthat it is as natural for the human animal to be so as it is\\nfor birds to fly, horses to run, and wild beasts to be savage.\\nCharacteristic of man is a certain stirring and dexterous\\nmovement of mind, and hence the belief in the celestial\\norigin of the soul. It is the want of proper training which\\ndulls the childisli intelligence. Minds naturally stupid and\\nunteachable do certainly exist, but only as monstrosities\\nexist and they are few in number. Yet some have greater\\nnatural aptitude than others.\\nHe objects to Eoman boys learning Greek exclusively for\\ntoo long a period but he holds that they should begin with\\nGreek (he must mean in the secondary or grammar school),\\ntaking to Latin in a year or two. and learning it thereafter\\npari passu with Greek. Greek, let us remember, was at this\\ntime, and, indeed, long before, taught to all the upper classes\\nas the source of Eoman literature, and it was also known\\ncolloquially to the upper classes and to merchants and others\\nthrough the large number of Greek slaves and psedagogi who\\nfrequented Eome, and the universal relations which Eome\\nhad with the whole civilised world.\\nQumtilian now proceeds to discuss the respective merits\\nof public and private education. By public education was,\\nin his time, meant day-schools, such as we are familiar\\nwith in Scotland and Germany. Public schools in the\\nrestricted sense of schools in which boys were educated\\naway from the influence of their parents, being boarded at\\nthe seat of their education, either in the school buildings\\nor in affiliated houses are institutions more characteristic\\n1 Nobis propria est mentis agitatio at(j[ue sollertia, unde origo aniiui coe-\\nlestis creditur.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 365\\nof England than of any other country, though of course\\nknown in other countries in all, indeed, to a cei tain extent\\nindispensable. Quintilian, accordingly, is contrasting domes-\\ntic as opposed to school instruction. He argues the ques-\\ntion, which in his day was evidently of great importance.\\nNowadays it has less interest. We are all persuaded that\\nboys, at least, are better instructed m some public fashion,\\nalthough we may differ as to the desirableness of removing\\nthem from the parental roof altogether.\\nQuintilian draws a very black picture of the domestic life\\nof many Komans their daily habits of luxury, their sensu-\\nality, and their licentious conversation and songs. No day\\npublic school could be otherwise than beneficial to the boy\\nof such a family. That is certain. We feel that the tone\\nof a day-school as a whole could not fail, however defective,\\nto be better than the tone of a boy so reared. The school\\nwould have to guard against him, not he against the school.\\nIn these days we are scarcely, indeed, interested in this ques-\\ntion in the form in which it presented itself to Quintilian\\neducation is now for all, and Quintilian assumes that those\\nwho prefer private education employ private preceptors and\\npedagogues, which is possible only to the few wealthy.\\nPublic day and public boarding schools are both alike with\\nus simply a necessity, and no amount of argument can now\\ntouch the question. The only point which calls for discussion\\nin these days is the relative advantages of these two classes\\nof public schools. We shall find the arguments of Quin-\\ntilian not altogether inapplicable to this modern question.\\nFor he bases his argument for day-schools mainly on the bad\\ninfluences of the pupil s home, and the consequent luxury,\\neffeminacy, viciousness, and self-conceit which flow from\\ntliese. So now we may (without formally entering into the\\ndiscussion here) say that where the domestic atmosphere is\\nbad because of the luxuriousness of homes, the preoccupation\\nof the parents with other things than the bringing up of their\\nchildren, and the evil influences flowing fi-om the subservi-\\nency and flattery of menials, the children should certainly be", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "366 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nremoved to some other place where they may JBnd that true\\nhome which their parents have denied them. For such chil-\\ndren a day-school is better, much better, than nothing but\\na public home school if I may so designate it is best\\nof all.\\nQuintilian remarks, in connection with school work, on\\nthe advantages of emulation, and points out that it is easier\\nfor beginners of tender years to imitate their fellow-pupils\\nthan their teacher. He refers to a custom which prevailed\\nin the school in which he was himself instructed. The boys\\nwere assigned a certain order in speaking or declaiming the\\npassages they had learned the best being assigned the\\nhighest place, and adds (a suggestive fact) that every thirtieth\\nday a fresh arrangement of the order was made according to\\nthe results of a fresh exercise. If we would imitate this,\\nadapting it to modern school life, we should have monthly\\nexaminations to determine the places of boys in a class a\\nfar sounder system than trusting to the chances of daily\\nplace-taking, which, moreover, has many collateral dis-\\nadvantages.\\nOne other observation Quintilian makes which we may\\nhere quote. He counsels masters to moderate their strength\\nso as not to burden the undeveloped powers of the learners,\\nbut rather to descend to the level of their understanding\\nad intellectum audientis descendere. He compares the\\nambitious attempt to give boys more than their stage of\\nprogress admits of to the pouring of a gush of water into a\\nnarrow-necked bottle. The water is lost, whereas a gradual\\ninpouring of it little by Httle fills the bottle. What is\\ngreater than the understanding of a boy, he says, will\\nnot enter his mind at all, because it is not open to appre-\\nhend it. 1\\nHe then is led aside to speak of the natural endowments\\nand disposition of boys. He considers that memory that\\nis to say, that kind of memory which both acquires easily\\nMajora intellectu velut parum apertos ad percipiendum animos non subi-\\nbant (28).", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 367\\nand retains long is the chief early sign of ability in chil-\\ndren. The next indication of talent is the power of imita-\\ntion but if this takes the direction of imitating deformities\\nor peculiarities it is a very bad sign. He speaks strongly of\\nthis, and says that this mimicking tendency in a boy gives\\nhim no hope of his ever having a good disposition. The\\npupil whom he prefers is he who is capable of receiving what\\nis taught without difficulty and is disposed to ask questions\\nbut inclined to follow rather than to run on ahead. The pre-\\ncocious boy seldom yields good fruit in the long run. He\\ncan do little things with great ease, and, instigated by self-\\nconfidence, desires to show at once all he can do. Without\\nany signs of bashfulness, he strings words together fluently.\\nThere is no true force, and what power he shows has not deep\\nroots and so on.\\nAs to natural disposition he points out that all boys do\\nnot yield to the same motives. Some are remiss, unless you\\nurge them on some resent commands some are restrained\\nby fear and others are enfeebled by it continuity of study\\nshapes some, others get on with more of a rush. Give me\\nthe boy, he says, whom praise excites, whom glory urges,\\nwho weeps at defeat.\\nQuintilian advocates relaxation and play but he gives us\\nno indication of the amount of daily headwork he expected\\nof a boy. The time-table of a Koman school would be an\\ninteresting monument. He considers that boys dispositions\\nappear more frequently in play than anywhere else they then\\nreveal themselves unconsciously and we can correct faults\\nwhile the boy is yet of tender years. (The playground, then,\\nseems to be with Quintilian part of the school.)\\nAs to corporal punishments, Quintilian has very decided\\nopinions. The passage is a celebrated one among educational-\\nists, and I shall give it here.\\nI do not at all approve of boys being flogged, although it\\nis an established practice and one approved of by Chrysippus.\\nI object to it, (1) because it is a disgusting practice and fit\\nonly for slaves, and indeed if you change the age of your", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "368 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\npupil, a personal insult (2) because if the mind of a boy is\\nso illiberal (ungenerous) as to be inaccessible to reproofs, he\\nwill simply be hardened to the infliction of stripes Uke the\\nworst of slaves (3) because there will be no need whatso-\\never of castigation if the superintendent of his studies (exactor\\nstudiorum) be persistent. As things are now, it would seem\\nthat the negligence of psedagogi is made amends for, not by\\nrequiring boys to do what is right, but by punishing them\\nfor doing what is wrong [Not to dwell on these matters,]\\nit is enough to say that to no man ought too much liberty to\\nbe allowed in dealing with pupils of tender years and easily\\ninjured.\\nSecondary Instruction\\nQuintilian now supposes a boy to be able to read and write\\nLatin, and he considers that the fundamental discipline next\\nnecessary for him with a view to his cultivation is grammar.\\nHe prefers to begin with the Greek Grammar. Following\\nthe same opinion, it was customary throughout Europe till\\nrecently, as we all know, to begin with Latin Grammar, and\\nto trust that boys would see their way through the grammar\\nof their native tongue by means of the Latin. Hence Gram-\\nmar schools. I have already pointed out that there were\\nboth Greek and Latin Grammar schools. Greek Grammar\\nschools preceded Latin ones. On this point there is an\\ninteresting quotation from a lost letter of Cicero s given by\\nSuetonius in his Life of the rhetorician L. Plotius Gallus,\\nwhich I may here introduce I remember well that when\\nwe were boys, one Lucius Plotius first began to teach Latin\\nand as great numbers flocked to his scliool, so that those who\\nwere most devoted to study were eager to take lessons from\\nhim, it was a great trouble to me that I too was not allowed\\nto do so. I was prevented, however, by the decided opinion\\nof men of the greatest learning who considered that it was\\nbest to cultivate the mind by the study of Greek.\\nPlato and Seneca had objected to severity and force before Quintilian.\\nCicero De Orat. i. 58) is frequently referred to as opposed to coercive means,\\nbut he is speaking quite generally and not of schools.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 369\\nQuintilian lays great stress on the accurate and detailed\\nknowledge of grammar, including what we now call his-\\ntorical grammar, the inquiry into the sounds of letters, the\\ntransposition and substitution of vowels and consonants by\\nreference to ancient Latin and Greek forms then the study\\nof the parts of speech, and inquiry into etymologies, syno-\\nnyms, c. The difficulty of fixing the number of the parts\\nof speech and the difference of opinion as regards their origin\\nand proper classification is, Quintilian thinks, no argument\\nagainst the study. I may be allowed to interpose here that\\nit is an argument /or the study. These grammatical founda-\\ntions should be surely and soundly laid according to Quin-\\ntilian, as the basis of future literary culture. And so far\\nQuintilian was right, if we grant him that the object of all\\ntraining is to train a man who can speak well and write well.\\nIn these days w^e may follow Quintilian with safety, notwith-\\nstanding his apparently limited view of the end of education\\nbecause he has already said that only the man trained in\\nall the virtues and in practical philosophy is the true orator.\\nMutatis mutandis we must indeed heartily concur with Quin-\\ntilian, for a man who would speak well and write well must,\\nfirst of all, know what he is speaking about, and in the\\nsecond place he must have been a student of words, of style,\\nand of literary expression. But words alone, considered\\ngrammatically, though an important and indispensable dis-\\ncipline, w411 not give him power of speaking or writing with\\neffect. In modern times, then, we must extend the matter\\nof education if we are to carry out Quintilian s instructions.\\nBut while so saying, we must concur with him in thinking\\nthat the analysis of language that is, of words and sen-\\ntences, and also of mere forms and of etymologies, is pro-\\nductive of much benefit to the intelligence of a boy, and\\ngives a firmness and solidity to the intellect which even\\nlogic will fail to give where there has been no such prior\\ngrammatical discipline. As to Quintilian s opinion that we\\nshould begin with a foreign tongue, we must bear in mind\\nour change of circumstances the grammar of our own\\n24", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "370 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nlanguage is now considerably developed and systematised,\\nand the science of comparative philology has thrown great\\nlight on origins. Accordingly, English, in the hands of a\\nman of grammatical and philological mind, is now capable of\\nbeing used as a most valuable instrument both of instruction\\nand discipline. Then, again, the grammatical study of\\nGreek was more advanced than that of Latin in Quintilian s\\ntime and there were other good reasons. A potent argu-\\nment also which would not suggest itself to Quintilian for\\nbeginning with the grammar of our own tongue is that the\\nboy already knows it, practically and implicitly. We liave\\nonly, by pursuing the analytico-synthetic method to raise\\nthe indefinite experience to true knowledge make explicit\\nwhat is implicit. This is instruction in the grammar of the\\nvernacular.\\nQuintilian now deals with the use of words, inculcating\\nthe avoidance of barbarisms (which are defined to be faults\\nin respect of individual words), solecisms, c. Quintilian s\\nremarks here contain little of value to us as teachers beyond\\nimpressing on all who may read them the importance of\\nemploying only such words as are correct in substance and\\nin form. It is not wasted time to direct the attention of\\nscholars to mere words this is a popular error the study of\\nwords with special reference to their comparative fitness to\\nexpress a thought, and to their purity of origin, is a valuable\\ndiscipUne. Words carry ideas.\\nIn speaking of correct language generally, Quintilian\\npoints out, to begin with, that it rests on ratio, vetustas,\\nauctoritas, and consuetudo (reason, antiquity, authority, and\\ncustom). He then considers each of these sources, or rather\\nguarantees, of correct language in a chapter full of interest\\nfor the student of the Latin tongue and of general ety-\\nmology. After all, in the selection of words we must be\\nguided by the custom of our time, says Quintilian, not the\\ncustom of the multitude but the consensus eruditorum\\n(learned or educated men), just as the consensus of good", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 371\\nmen determines custom as regards manner of living (Horace\\nspeaks also of the usus loquendi).\\nHe next deals with the ivriting of words as the previous\\nchapter dealt with words spoken. The spelling of words\\nis considered here. His general conclusion as to spelling\\nis that words should be written as they are sounded, inas-\\nmuch as the very use of written characters is to represent\\nsounds. He makes an exception, however, where custom\\ndeclares strongly for a spelling though it be inconsistent\\nwith the sound.\\nTo the teaching of good reading he attaches, as did all\\nEomans and Greeks, great importance. Reading is to be\\ntaught with care, the boy being taught when to read\\nslowly, when with more rapidity, when to speak with\\nvivacity, and when with gentleness of tone. All this\\ndepends on practice; and I have, he says, only one thing\\nto enjoin that he may do all these things let him under-\\nstand what he reads. He adds, and I think the remark\\nas applied to reading is worth our attention, Let the read-\\ning be manly and grave, but grave with a certain sweet-\\nness. The poets are not to be read like prose writers at\\nthe same time they are not to be read in a sing-song tone,\\nnor plasmate effeminata that is to say, rendered effemi-\\nnate by an exaggerated and affected modulation. He tells\\nus that Ctesar once said to a reader of this last kind Si\\ncantas, male cantas si legis, cantas (if you are singing,\\nyou sing vilely; if you are reading, you sing). He objects\\nto speeches in poetry being uttered by the reader as an\\nactor would utter them but thinks a difference of tone\\nnecessary in order to show that they are speeches.\\nThe substance of what is read should be morally good\\nand inspiring, while the literary character of it should be\\nworthy of imitation. Homer and Virgil therefore should\\nbe read, and the poets generally, taking care to give to\\nboys only what is morally pure. Those things are to be\\nchiefly perused by boys which most of ^11 nourish the\\ntalent and enlarge the mind books on learning being", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "372 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\npostponed. Manliness of thought and expression are to\\nbe gained from a study of the older writers.\\nHe then refers to the course to be pursued by the teacher\\niu examining on the passages read. The verses should be\\nparsed and scanned. Peculiarities in the use of words\\nshould then be brought out and the different senses in\\nwhich certain words may be taken. But above all, the\\nteacher should point out the beauty of the arrangement,\\nthe charm of the subject matter, the appropriateness of\\nthe words to the character represented, what is worthy of\\npraise in the substance, what in the words used, and so\\nforth. Historical allusions should be explained but the\\npupil should not be overloaded with these, but confined\\nto what is related by authors of mark.\\nWhile boys are still young and not yet ready to be\\nhanded over to the rhetor, the beginnings of the art of\\nspeaking should be taught. Boys should, after they have\\nleft behind them nursery stories, be exercised in relating\\nthe fables of ^Esop, and afterwards writing down the nar-\\nration. Then they should be required to paraphrase the\\npoets, and to give brief statements regarding events or char-\\nacters which have a moral significance. (This, I think, was\\nwhat was known as description\\nQuintilian now, leaving the study of language, adverts to\\nthose other studies which are necessary to the orator, or com-\\npletely educated man, taking up specially mathematics and\\nmusic.\\nThe word music among the ancients, I may here recall to\\nthe reader, was a word of varying application. Sometimes it\\nhad the limited signification which we attach to it. At\\nother times it was regarded as including also grammar and\\ngeometry and again in its wider sense it included all educa-\\ntion, save that which had to do with the discipline and\\ndevelopment of the body, which was called gymnastic.\\nThe importance of music, in its restricted sense, for the\\norator was evident for he must understand and practise\\nrhythm in his sentences and utterance. Mathematics, which", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 373\\ncovered both arithmetic and geometry, can, I think, be shown\\nto be indispensable only on the presumption that we regard\\nthe orator as our type of an educated man. If we do so, all\\nthat Qumtilian says about the importance of musical and\\nmathematical studies will receive the heartiest support of all\\ncompetent persons. The grounds on which he advocates\\nmusic are of a practical kind, and the same applies to his\\nadvocacy of geometry. The educational ends of the Romans\\nhad always (as I have frequently said) an objective and\\npractical character. The recognition of the fact that there\\nwas a certain constitution of mind and the relation of educa-\\ntional instruments to the full development and discipline of\\nthe mind, as mind, does not seem to have been entertained\\nby them. By this I do not mean to convey that the efficacy\\nof certain studies in sharpening the intelligence, such, for ex-\\nample, as dialectic and mathematics, was not recognised\\nbut merely that the development of mind as such was not\\nthe object they had in view. With the Athenian Greeks,\\nand to some extent even, with the Spartans, it was otherwise.\\nCulture was aimed at a complete harmony of nature\\nmmd and body. The object in view with the Eonians on the\\ncontrary was to make a man apt for affairs, or, as with\\nQuintilian, a perfect orator, which mcluded the former.\\nThe practical issue of all education was never lost sight of.\\nQuintilian, neither in speaking of music or geometry, sug-\\ngests methods of procedure, but he says much that is perti-\\nnent with reference to both. His remarks on the importance\\nand influence of music are eloquent and recall the Ciceronian\\nstyle. When speaking of the importance of musical rhythm\\nto the orator, he says with epigrammatic force Both by the\\ntone of voice and the modulation, music sounds forth grand\\nthings in a lofty style, pleasant things sweetly, ordinary\\nthings gently, and in its whole art it is in harmony with the\\nfeelings that are expressed. The musical education was in\\nfact instruction in rhythm and intonation.\\nEt voce et modulatione grandia elate, jucunda dulciter, moderata leniter\\ncanit, totaque arte consentit cum eorum quae dicuntur affectibus (24).", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "374 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAs to geometry, Quintilian argues not only for its practical\\nutility, but also for its use as exciting the intelligence, sharp-\\nening the wits, and giving greater celerity of perception.\\nThen he shows that geometry is more closely allied to logic\\nthan to rhetoric and lauds it as an exercise in deductive\\nreasoning. Note here that in Quintilian s scheme of educa-\\ntion, physical science was included, because he finally rests\\nthe claims of geometry on its being the engine whereby we\\nrise to a knowledge of the ratio mundi and learn that there\\nis nothing which is not ordered, nothing which is fortuitous.\\nElsewhere (in the introduction to the eighth book) Quin-\\ntilian points to the importance of instruction in things\\nCuram verborum, rerum volo esse solicitudinem (I desire\\nthat there be care for words but a solicitude for things)\\nagain, Sit ergo cura elocutionis quam maxima, dum scimus\\ntamen ^Jiihil verborum causa faciendum, quum verba ipsa\\nrerum gratia reperta sint. Let there be the greatest pos-\\nsible care for expression as long as we recognise the fact that\\nnothing is to be done for the sake of words, since words\\nthemselves have been invented for the sake of things.\\nQuintilian now passes outside general education and pro-\\nceeds to discuss the training which is peculiar to the future\\norator only and although what he says is well deserving of\\nall who hope to distinguish themselves in the pulpit or par-\\nliament or at the bar, it bears only very partially on the\\nquestion of general education. He recommends the student\\nof oratory to take lessons from an actor, but only with a\\nview to pronuntiatio,hj which he means both the correct and\\nfull pronunciation of words, the delivery of passages convey-\\ning different kinds of sentiment, and the facial movements\\nto be used, or rather to be avoided. As the pupil gets older,\\nhe recommends the recitation of good speeches to his master\\nin the style he would liave to adopt in pleading. Gesture\\nshould be learned from the masters in the paltestra. But\\nQuintilian draws a strong line between what is becoming in\\nan actor and in an orator respectively.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 375\\nAs to the capacity of the young to study a great many\\nsubjects together, Quintilian gives expression to what is char-\\nacterised by soundness of judgment and freshness, force, and\\neven fervour of style. People, he says, who talk of the\\ndifficulty of learning many subjects at the same time, forget\\nthe nature of the young mind its facility of movement, its\\n2 liancy and its interest in many things. They also forget to\\nremember that the doing of things is not so fatiguing as cogita-\\ntio or thought further, that children do not put force on tliem-\\nselvcs, but are guided by others. He also points out the\\nrefreshment which is obtained by varying studies, and even\\nby passing from reading to writing about the same subject.\\nHe dwells with force on the importance of early instruc-\\ntion in any department which a man is afterwards thoroughly\\nto know, illustrating this by the case of imported slaves who\\nare very long of overcoming the difficulties of the Latin\\ntongue, whereas children speak freely two years after they\\nhave begun to pronounce words. The Greeks called those\\nwho excelled in their own special art pcedomatheis that is\\nto say, instructed from boyhood. (Plato in his Laws also\\nspeaks of this.) In brief, we try to excuse our own sloth by\\ntalking of the difficulty which attends the thorough study of\\nmany subjects, says Quintilian.\\nHaving now come to the close of the second part of a boy s\\neducation, that pursued under the grammaticus, and given\\nhim a tliorough foundation, Quintilian next hands him over\\nto the rhetor (what we should call university teaching) and\\nthe subjects to be pursued under him are considered in the\\nsecond book.\\nSecond Booh\\nHigher Instruction\\nAfter discussing the age at which a young man should pass\\nout of the hands of the grammaticus into the hands of the\\nrhetor, just as we now discuss the age for passing from a\\nHigh School to an University, in the course of which he", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "376 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nremarks that tlie rhetor had for some time been disposed to\\nleave part of his proper function and do the work of the\\ngrammaticus, he dwells with great force on the importance\\nof selecting instructors who will not only afford an example\\nof the strictest virtue themselves, but be prepared to exercise\\nconsiderable sternness in controUing the morals of those who\\nfrequent their schools.\\nHere, when endeavouring to guide the master, he gives\\nhim advice which shows that he has gone straight to the\\nheart of the whole matter. Act, he says, as if you were the\\nfather of the pupils. Accept all the responsibilities which a\\nparent feels. Avoid a gloomy austerity lest it give rise to\\ncontempt. As a teacher, far removed from heat of temper,\\nbut yet not a compounder of faults which ought to be cor-\\nrected simple in teaching, patient of labour, persistent and\\nsteady rather than immoderate in your demands. Eeady\\nwith an answer to all who ask questions and asking ques-\\ntions of those who do not seek information. In praising the\\nexercises of your pupils neither grudging nor effusive, be-\\ncause in the former case there arises a weariness of the\\nlabour of preparation, and in the latter a disposition towards\\ncarelessness. In correcting what is in need of correction, let\\nnot the teacher be bitter, and least of all contemptuous, be-\\ncause when the master finds fault as if he had a personal\\nhatred the effect is to drive his pupils from the design of\\nstudy. Daily let him say many things which his pupils\\nwill carry away with them, for the living voice is more\\npotent than precepts which are written, especially if the\\npupils love and respect their master.\\nQuintilian objects to allowing the students to applaud each\\nother s exercises, as tending to abuse and as leading the\\npupil to look away from the right source of judgment which\\nis the master. 2\\n1 As a teacher, minime iracundus, nee tamen eorum quse emendanda\\nerunt dissimulator, simplex in docendo, patiens laboris, assiduus potius quam\\nimmodicus (5).\\n2 Chapter 3.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 611\\nHe is now led aside for a moment to animadvert on the\\ntendency of parents to think that a second-rate or tliird-rate\\nmaster will ^o well enough for their sons before they reach\\na certain age and while yet in the elements of a subject, and\\nhe points out the fallacy which underlies this view. He\\nalso maintains that the ablest man is the best teacher.\\nI may remark that it is commonly said that men who are\\nprofoundly versed in any subject often teach it very indifl erently\\nI am disposed to agree with Qumtihan that the ablest and\\nprofoundest scholar will teach most simply, most clearly, and\\nmost successfully. It certainly is the case that many men\\nof profound attainments in a subject cannot teach it but it\\nis equally true that more men who have superficial acquaint-\\nance with a subject cannot teach it. This is because both\\nalike want the disposition to teach and the faculty of teach-\\ning. The question really is given two men of equal teach-\\ning disposition and faculty, which of these will teach a\\nsubject best, the man of shallow, or the man of profound\\nattainment I think there can be no doubt of the answer\\nto this, and we must agree with Quintilian but we must\\nbeware of concluding with him that profound knowledge\\nimplies the fitness to teach. A recent writer in reply to a\\nremark by Dr. Pusey who had said that a man who knew a\\nsubject thoroughly could teach it, answered with great point\\nthat it should rather be said that a man who could teach a\\nsubject thoroughly, knew it. On the other hand, men of\\nknown superficiality often seem to teach exceedingly well.\\nThis is in the experience of us all but I believe it to be a\\ndelusion. They teach well, though their knowledge be super-\\nficial but it is necessary to note that their teaching also is\\nsuperficial, and though it may serve well enough the objects\\nof those who desire a smattering and seek display, it is never\\nsound teaching. It cannot possibly be so. The very words\\nused by such an instructor in teaching will want that exact-\\nness and precision without which there is no true learning.\\nThey will not represent realities either of nature or thought,\\nbut confused and loose images of realities only, while all", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "378 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthat the subject of the lesson truly suggests will be lefv,\\noutside.\\nSome of Quintilian s words in this connection are worth\\nquoting e.g. He will not count that man among precep-\\ntors at all who will not give care to small things. Method,\\nwhich is of such moment in teaching, is plainest and simplest\\nwith the most learned things taught by the most learned\\nare also so taught that they are more easily understood and\\nmore lucid; the less genuine ability a man has, the more\\ndoes he attempt to raise himself up and stretch himself out\\nthe less he is competent the more obscure he will be.\\nLet a preceptor, then, he concludes, be eminent for his\\neloquence [or, as we should say, his learning] and for his\\nmoral character, that so, like Phoenix the tutor of Achilles,\\nII. ix.), he may train his pupils both to speak and to act\\n[i. e. to know and to do]\\nQuintilian now passes from general observations and\\nenters more fully on the duties proper to the Ehetorician,\\nand we shall here part company with him. The extent to\\nwhich the art of oratory was cultivated and the laborious,\\nand (as we now think) vain and futile detail into which it\\nwas carried in ancient times has little save a historic interest.\\nIn its historical aspects, however, it is for the educational-\\nist worthy of separate study.\\nThere are, however, some good remarks on the training of\\nboys in narrative composition and also on the nature of\\nboys themselves. He prefers, he says, the boy whose com-\\npositions show a certain fecundity, although they may be\\ncrude and characterised by want of judgment and taste.\\nThis gives hope of future strength. The cure of fertility is\\neasy but no toil will overcome barrenness. He has little\\nhope of that kind of nature in boys which shows itself in\\njudgment anticipating growth of mind.^ This is, I think,\\n1 Chapter 4.\\n2 Facile remedium est ubertatis sterilia nullo labore vineuiitur. Ilia mihi\\nin pueris natura minimum spei dederit in qua ingenium judicio prtesumitur.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 379\\nwhat Goethe calls a matured judgment in an immature mind,\\nSo he objects to a dry master magister aridus just as\\none objects to a dry hard soil for tender plants. Moisture\\nis needed. Such masters make their boys small and narrow.\\nIn learning merely to avoid faults under such masters, the\\npupils fall into the greatest fault of all that they have no\\nvirtues. The teaching of such a man I may call negative\\nteaching.\\nFor myself I am persuaded that in the teaching of Latin\\nand Greek, and still more of our own tongue, the culture of.\\nthe whole man which flows from the study of Kterary expres-\\nsion and art, is seldom yet adequately understood. It is to\\nthis capacity for giving aesthetic and moral culture as well\\nas a close intellectual discipline, that we must finally rest\\nthe claims of the ancient classics on the continuous attention\\nof youth. Not that I in any way depreciate the work of the\\ngrammaticus very far from it, for I hold that there can be\\nno strict and, therefore, no genuine culture which is not\\nbased on the studies in which it is the special function of\\nthe grammaticus to guide boys. For those who hold these\\nviews, and who desire to give this culture, the study of what\\nQuintilian now says will be fruitful.^\\nHe first lays stress on reading in class from good authors,\\npreferring to take the best authors at once. At the age at\\nwhich boys went to the rhetor there could be little difficulty\\nin introducing them at once to the best literature of their\\ncountry. It is only when good literature is given to minds\\nas yet unripe for it, that it excites aversion, and rightly does\\nso. In studying any piece of literature, the teacher, Quin-\\ntilian says, must direct attention to the circumstances under\\nwhich the writing that his pupils are studying was produced,\\nits logical arrangement and persuasive power, pointing out in\\nbrief all the virtues of language and form. He even thinks\\nthat bad specimens of oratory may be taken, that their vices\\nof language, style, and arrangement may be pointed out.\\n1 Chapter 5.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "380 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nSuch writings, he says, should be commented on to show-\\nthat notwithstanding their popularity, they are full of\\nobscurities, inappropriateuess of language, turgidity, mean-\\nness, effeminacy, c. the very reason, indeed, why many\\npraise them. For there is a tendency (especially I may add\\non the part of youth) to thmk that a direct manner of expres-\\nsion and a natural utterance are destitute of genius, while\\nlanuuaoe out of the ordinary course is held to be in some\\nway more select and worthy of admiration. The preceptor\\nalso will test his pupils by asking questions so as to obviate\\nlistlessness and inattention, and thereby also to lead to inde-\\npendence of judgment; for we teach in order that teaching\\nmay not be always necessary. This kind of literary training\\nQuintilian thinks to be of more value than the study of all\\nthe treatises on rhetoric that ever were written.\\nQuintilian is of opinion that, while the best writers should\\nbe read, those should be first studied whose writings are\\nmost transparent, postponing, for example, Sallust to Livy.\\nHe also thinks that the study of the antique writers of a\\nlanguage should come last, or at least only after the style\\nand judgment are formed, for the reason that while they are\\nweighty with thought, their expression is faulty (though\\ndoubtless excellent for its time). The pupils, not being\\ncompetent to appreciate the thought fully, are apt to run\\ninto an imitation of a style alien to their own time, and to\\nimagine that so they resemble these great writers of antiquity.\\nAs to contemporary writers, however good they may be, he\\nholds that we ought to postpone the reading of them also,\\nlest imitation should take precedence of the power of sound\\njudgment.^\\nQuintilian, speaking of reproduction, thinks that when a\\ntheme is given, the master should for some time at least give\\ninstructions how it is to be worked out before the pupil\\nbegins to work at it and not content himself with merely\\nfinding fault when it is done. He also is of opinion that\\nChapter 5.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 381\\npupils should rarely be allowed to recite their own com-\\npositions, and that the effort of memory necessary to\\ndo this will be better expended by learning by heart\\nand reciting the best passages of eminent writers. The\\nmemory will be better exercised in this way, and the pupils\\nwill also acquire a good stock of phrases and forms of\\nexpression.^\\nHe now deals with a question often discussed since\\nQuintilian, viz. whether the peculiar intellectual tendencies\\nof various boys should be specially cultivated, Nature, as it\\nwere, giving us a hint in what direction it desires different\\nboys to excel. Quintilian, as aiming at producing the perfect\\norator, which is his expression for the perfectly educated\\nman, could not of course take this view. While the special\\ntalent has to be alone cultivated in those whose general\\ncapacity is weak, and who will not yield any return to\\nattempts to educate him all round yet in all stronger natures\\nwe, while promoting the clear purposes of nature hi different\\nboys, must yet give general training concurrently. At the\\nsame time it would be a waste of time to strive after what\\nmanifestly cannot be accomplished, and wrong to turn a\\nyouth away from that which he can do best to something\\nwhich he can do, but not so well.^\\nTurning now from the teacher to the pupil, he calls on them\\nto love their teachers as well as their studies, and to regard\\nthem as jjarentes non quidem corporum sed mentinm. They\\nwill thus come together with pleasure and alacrity found\\nfault with, they will not be angry, praised they will\\nbe glad, by their zeal they will deserve their teacher s\\nlove.^ It is the duty of teachers to teach, but equally\\nof learners to learn. And then he concludes with an ob-\\nservation which merits to be inscribed on the porch of every\\nschool.\\n1 Chapter 7. 2 Chapter 8.\\n3 Einendati non irascentur, laudati gaudebunt, ut sint carissimi studio\\nmerebuntur,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "382 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nAs you may sow seeds to no purpose unless the furrows, soft-\\nened beforehand, nourish them, so eloquence [education] declines\\nto grow and thrive save by the sympathetic concord of giver and\\nreceiver.^\\nHe next refers to the practice in the ancient schools of\\nencouraging pleadings on imaginary or fictitious cases with\\na view to the formation of the pleader, and recommends\\nthe practice with this precaution, that these should not be\\nvague and turgid but as like as possible to the reality.\\nEven names should be put in to give them a more real\\ncharacter, while at the same time elegance is to be aimed\\nat.^ And these remarks lead him to a somewhat severe\\ncriticism of those who think that no training in oratory is\\nneeded and that nature and natural force are to be trusted.\\nThe observations made here strike me as applying with\\ngreat force to those who hold that education is a subject\\nwhich it is superfluous for educators to study. At the\\nsame time, he says that while art is necessary to the study\\nof art, yet the art must be of a general or universal kind\\nand not descend to petty directions, but leave freedom for\\nthe adaptation of an orator to the circumstances under\\nwhich the oration is delivered. In like manner, I would\\nsay It is not our business to give quasdam leges im-\\nmutabili necessitate constrictas studiosis educandi (certain\\nlaws bound together by an immutable necessity to those\\ndesirous of educating), but rather principles and general\\nmethods.^\\nIn the nineteenth chapter he recurs to the question\\nwhether Nature or learning does most for the orator, and\\ncomes to the conclusion that if you consider each as sub-\\nsisting independently of the other, Nature does most; if\\nboth co-exist moderately but in equal proportions. Nature\\n1 Sicut frusti a sparseris semina nisi ilia prsemolitus foverit sulcus,\\nsic eloquentia [for which read educatio] coalescere [grow and thrive] negat,\\nnisi sociata tradentis accipientisque Concordia.\\n2 Chapters 11 and 12. 8 Chapter 13.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 383\\ndoes most but in the finished or perfect orator learning or\\nart does most.\\nThe next five books of Quintilian deal with invention in\\noratory and the arranging of what is invented the logic\\nof an argumentative discourse.\\nIn the introduction to the eighth book he gives a clear\\nand excellent summary of the instructions he has laid\\ndown as to the rules of oratory under the various heads of\\ninvention and arrangement. In modern times we should\\nconsider a young man s time wasted who spent it over\\nthese books, and yet it is generally allowed that Quintilian\\nhad simplified the subject of rhetoric considerably. In\\nthe procemium, Quintilian seems to become half aware of\\nthis himself. Many things, he says, should be taught by\\nNature herself, and precepts should not so much seem to\\nhave been invented by teachers as observed hy them as they\\noccurred. Here we have a hint as to the true method of\\nteaching rhetoric, or the perfect in expression, viz. by\\nreading and criticising excellent models. And what is\\nthis but evolving the abstract out of the concrete along\\nwith the pupil in brief, proceeding analytically and in-\\nductively with a view to the discovery of the general\\nand the abstract It seems to me that rhetoric ought to\\nbe taught as grammar ought to be taught and by the study\\nof rhetoric I mean (1) the study of the logical consecution\\nof an argumentum as uttered and (2) the study of its\\naesthetic characteristics.\\nQuintilian condemns, as strongly as any sense-realist of\\nmodern times could, those who grow old in the empty\\npursuit of words (quodam inani verhorum studio senescunt\\n(Lib. viii. Procem.)). Our business is to see to things, that\\nis, facts and thoughts, first, and thereafter to fit the words\\nclosely to these. By things Quintilian meant realities of\\nthought as well as of sense.^ What, then, would Quin-\\n1 This passage has often been misapplied.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "384 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntilian have said of Latin verses and elegant Latin prose\\nfor English youth if he thus discouraged inane verborum\\nstudium in Latin for a Latin The only possible defence\\nis that Latin verse-writing cultivates the faculty of expres-\\nsion and the aesthetic perceptions generally in connection\\nwith the language in which we think our vernacular.\\nDoes it do so I do not speak of poets, for they stand\\napart, it may be held but are our best prose writers and\\nour best aesthetic critics the men who wrote the best Latin\\nand Greek verses at school and college Is it not in point\\nof fact generally quite otherwise Are not such linguistic\\nperformances actually hurtful Does not Nature avenge\\nitself on those who think too much of words instead of\\nthings Do they not belong to the Xoyo8aiSa\\\\oi, cunning\\nword-artificers of whom Plato speaks Such linguistic\\ntours de force are very clever exercitations the very high-\\nest of clever exercitations, we may admit. But they are no\\nmore. If they are to be cultivated at all (beyond the stage\\nof simple translation of English words into Latin verses\\nwith a view to quantities), the cultivation of them should\\nDC confined to specialists men who mean to live by Latin\\nand Greek. For them it is the efflorescence of their studies.\\nWhy, indeed, do we learn Latin or Greek For the sake\\nof the literature these tongues enshrine of course, and for\\nthe sake of historic culture; but also for the sake of lan-\\nguage-discipline and that training in literary perception\\nwhich is aesthetic discipline. We assuredly cannot attain\\nour end unless we write Latin or Greek prose, and also do\\na little in versification. This may be admitted; but if we\\nkeep in view the end proposed linguistic disciplme, the\\nmost important of all possible disciplines, because lan-\\nguage is the reflex of thought, and, so regarded, covers the\\nwhole of life we shall restrict our exercitations in ancient\\ntongues within narrow limits. In Latin prose, e.g. syntactical\\naccuracy we must have, and also Latinity that is to say,\\nan approach to the Latin cast or mould of expression in\\nverse, however, we shall confine ourselves to the transla-", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 385\\ntion of English sense into Latin verse for the sake of quanti-\\nties and of famiharising the pupil with the poetical idiom\\nof the Konians but beyond this we shall attempt nothing\\nsave as rare and voluntary exercises for the few. So with\\nGreek. Words, as Quintiliau well says, were invented for\\nthe sake of things, not things for the sake of words.\\nWhen Quintilian speaks of the art of elocution, by which\\nhe means the speaking forth, that is to say, the form or style\\nof what has been conceived in the mind, he holds that this\\nrequires much teaching and study. At the same time he\\nnever loses sight of the fact that thought, reality, truth of\\nconception and aim, lie at the basis of all style. The best\\nwords, he says, generally attach themselves to our subject\\nand show themselves by their own light whereas we set\\nourselves to seek for words as if they were always hidden\\nand trying to keep themselves from being discovered. We\\nnever consider that they are to be found close to the subject\\non which we have to speak, but look for them in strange\\nplaces, and we do violence to them when we have found\\nthem. Again, in concluding his introduction he says, Let\\nthe greatest possible care be bestowed on expression, pro-\\nvided we bear in mind that nothing is to be done for the sake\\nof words, since words themselves were invented for the sake\\nof things, and those words are most to be commended which\\nexpress our thoughts best and produce the impression which\\nwe desire. He also says (xii. 1. 30), Nee quidquam non\\ndiserte quod honeste dicitur (nothing which is honestly and\\ntruly expressed is without eloquence). While there is much\\nthat is too technical for modern taste in the eighth and ninth\\nbooks, I doubt if we could not extract from them more sound\\ncriticism of style and of the way of teaching elocution\\n(which is style) than from any modern treatise that I have\\nheard of.\\nWe see that Quintilian, and not only Quintilian but the\\nancients generally, meant by oratory the utterance of thought\\non every variety of subject in fit words adorned by such\\ngraces as the orator could command. We do not in modern\\n25", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "386 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ntimes believe that any instruction in rhetorical forms can\\ngive more than an artificial, and therefore a bad, rhetoric or\\nstyle. And in truth Quintilian sees this clearly enough.\\nAt the same time there is such a thing as criticism and it\\nis to this that Quintilian would introduce the student with\\na view to self-criticism, and so far there is no doubt that a\\nstudent so trained would be preserved from many faults.\\nBut no amount of such training would make him an orator.\\nThat Quintilian had himself this view of his subject is\\neverywhere manifest, not least in his interpretation of\\noratory as the general aim of education. It was the general\\naim only because the utterance of thought (there being first\\nthe thought) was the highest manifestation of human reason.\\nEatio and Oratio summed up the intellectual excellence of\\nman. This was the position of Isocrates also. To reach\\nperfect utterance, according to Quintilian, was impossible,\\nwithout knowledge of a wide and various kind philoso-\\nphy, literature, science and besides these, personal virtue.\\nThus the Eoman educational aim, like the Greek, was a lofty\\none. One can easily understand how the common ruck of\\nteachers in the Eoman Empire would hasten to their end\\nand attract pupils who hoped by a little study of figures,\\ntropes, and other rhetorical devices to become orators in\\ntwelve lessons. The quick degradation of the educational\\naim of men like Isocrates, Cicero, and Quintilian, was cer-\\ntain, because it was so easy. Lucian s satirical observations\\non sophists and orators, about 150 years later, were doubtless\\nmore than justified.\\nBut oratory, as aim, would have been even in all ages\\njustified, had Quintilian s conception of the qualifications\\nfor it been adopted above all, had men never lost sight of\\nthings, not things of sense alone or chiefly, but things of\\nmind, as the main, though not exclusive, object of study.\\nThe tendency of forms and formulae to usurp the place of\\nrealities is the characteristic not only of the history of\\nreligion in all countries, but also of literature, science, and\\nphilosophy. The vestment is more regarded than the body.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "TEE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 387\\nIt is only the single-minded pursuit of truth in all depart-\\nments of thought for its own sake that keeps oratory, style,\\nreligion, and politics ever living and true.\\nThe ninth and tenth books constitute a treatise on\\nstyle, and are full of excellent advice but here again\\nwhatever rules Quintilian prescribes, he seems to be\\nalways conscious of the small part these play in forming\\nthe orator, compared with a knowledge of what has been\\ndone by others, and constant practice by the student him-\\nself. Write, read, mark, and imitate excellencies of style.\\nI know nothing likely to be of more value to young men\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2in a modern class of rhetoric and hterature than the tenth\\nbook. Kead for example the third and fourth chapters.\\nHow excellent is a saying like this, when Quintilian\\nspeaks of polishing the style of any literary production,\\nthat the file should polish our work but not wear it to\\nnothing. That this tenth book should be so seldom pre-\\nsented for graduation examinations is evidence that Latin\\nhas not been taught with a view to what the literature can\\nteach us, but only for grammatical and examination purposes.\\nWhere this can be said the university is, thus and so far, a\\nmere secondary school.\\nThe second chapter of Book XI. contains a very inter-\\nesting discussion of memory, and is, moreover, historically\\ninteresting as summing up all the ancients knew on this\\nsubject.\\nThe third chapter affords much instruction to both actors\\nand preachers as well as public speakers, and should be\\nstudied by them.\\nIn the twelfth book Quintilian gathers up the threads of\\nhis long discourse. He has shown that to be an orator one\\nmust be carried through a thorough discipline, and that all\\nliterature and science must be studied. Now he concentrates\\nhimself on the ethical characteristics of the true orator, the\\nvir honus peritus dicendi, and shows the necessity of high\\ncharacter to genuine success in oratory.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a23S8 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nHow can a man become an orator who is deficient in dis-\\ncernment, judgment, and prudence The vicious man is\\ndeficient in these qualities. How can he prosecute studies\\nwith a single aim to excellence unless he be temperate\\nHow can the unjust man be trusted to speak of justice\\nWlio is most likely to attain the ends of oratory the per-\\nsuading of those whom he addresses the good and truthful\\nman, or the vicious man who has no high moral standard\\nQuintilian always distinguishes between the merely elo-\\nquent man, and the perfect orator. What I have in view,\\nhe says, is a man who, being possessed of the highest\\nnatural genius, stores his mind thoroughly with the most\\nvaluable kinds of knowledge, a man sent by the gods to do\\nhonour to the world, and such as no preceding age has\\nknown, a man in every way eminent and excellent, a thinker\\nof the best thoughts and a speaker of the best words to fit\\nthese thoughts. Even in inferior employments, as in the\\ncourts of law, such a man will be great, but his powers will\\nshine with the highest lustre on great occasions, when the\\ncounsels of the senate are to be directed, and the people to be\\nguided from error into rectitude. Such a man Vergil de-\\npicts in ^n. i. 148. Such an orator plants his feelings in\\nthe breasts of others because they are first active in his own\\nbreast.\\nWith this high standard in view a man must study phil-\\nosophy not that he may be a philosopher who simply dis-\\ncusses and prescribes, but a Bomanus sapiens that is to\\nsay, a man who carries his philosophy into civil life. Phil-\\nosophy is divided into physics, ethics, and dialectics. By\\nphysics or natural philosophy Quintilian (curiously enough)\\nunderstands the general philosophy of life and man, includ-\\ning nature and religion. It is not necessary for a student to\\nattach himself to any sect of pliilosophers but only to\\nstudy philosophy, and get what is noblest and best in it for\\nthe formation of his own character. And in saying this,\\nQuintilian, in my opinion, defines the object of philosophic\\nstudy in an university course even now. In this part of his", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 389\\ntreatise Quintilian again shows how small a part the mere\\nrules of the rhetorician play in the forming of the orator, as\\ncompared with the philosopher, by quoting with approval\\nCicero as saying non tantum se debere scholis rhetorum\\nquantum Academiai spatiis [gardens] De Orat. 2, 23).\\nWhen we say that Quintihan looked to the study of liter-\\nature and philosophy as that which was to make the finished\\norator, let it not be supposed that he ignored the study of\\nnature. Even into the secondary school the school of the\\ngrammaticus mathematics and science entered, as I have\\nshown in its proper place, and it was taken up in the higher\\ncourse.\\nThe following chapters of this book deal with the special\\nqualifications of the pleader, such as a knowledge of the civil\\nlaw, c. In the tenth chapter we have an interesting survey\\nof Greek painting and sculpture, and a parallelism drawn\\nbetween the plastic arts and oratory.\\nThe concluding chapter contains a vigorous and eloquent\\nincitement to study and to the pursuit of all excellence.\\nCHAPTER VI\\nEDUCATION IN IMPERIAL TIMES\\nThe classical decadence\\nThroughout Quintilian s treatise, while rules of composi-\\ntion and of the literary presentation of thought above\\nall, of oratorical expression receive ample treatment, the\\nauthor is always recurring to the substance of knowledge and\\nliterature. The discipline, the gravity, and moral earnest-\\nness of the Eoman are always to the front, and these he\\nwould harmonise with Hellenic ideals. Though himself a\\nprovincial, he is always the grave conservative Roman not\\nby any means so Hellenic and anti-Roman as Cicero and his\\nfriends had been. His aims are not higher than those attrib-\\nuted to Isocrates, but his mode of attaining them is better,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "390 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nas far as we know and this because he takes up the whole\\nquestion of the education of a man. He wrote at a critical\\ntime for tlie ancient world but he was powerless to arrest\\nthe downward progress of the higher education. His book,\\nsays Mommsen,^ is one of the most excellent we possess\\nfrom Eoman antiquity, pervaded by fine taste and rare judg-\\nment, simple in feeling as in presentation, instructive with-\\nout weariness, pleasing without effort, contrasting sharply\\nand designedly with the fashionable literature that was so\\nrich in phrases and so empty of ideas.\\nThe evils of which Tacitus, in the De Oratoribus, com-\\nplains, and which were to be found in Gaul and Spain as\\nwell as at Eome and in the East, were already visible, if not\\nconspicuous, when Quiutihan began to teach. The De\\nOratoribus must liave appeared about 74 a.d. (Bahr, ii. 330),\\nand therefore about five or six years after Quintilian opened\\nhis school.^ The language of Tacitus is, however, wholly that\\nof a laudator temporis acti, yet we find in his protest so\\nvivid a picture of his own conception of former ages and of\\ncontemporary evils, that I may with advantage to the student\\nof education here quote from him.\\nIt was accordingly usual with our ancestors, when a lad was\\nbeing prepared for public speaking, as soon as he was fully\\ntrained by home discipline and his mind was stored with culture,\\nto have him taken by his father or his relatives to the orator who\\nheld the highest rank in the state. The boy used to accompany\\nand attend him and be present at all his speeches, alike in the law-\\ncourts and the assembl}^, and thus he picked up the art of repartee\\nand became habituated to the strife of words, and indeed, I may\\nalmost say, learnt how to fight in battle. Thereby young men\\nacquired, from the first, great experience and confidence, and a very\\nlarge stock of discrimination, for they were studying in broad day-\\nlight, in the very thick of the conflict, where no one can say any-\\n1 Book viii. cap. 2 of Hist, of Provinrcs of Roman Empire.\\nTactitns was a man of letters who wrote alwa) s with a view to literary and\\ndramatic effect. He had also very strong prejudices and a powerfully satirical\\nvein. We must take all he says ciun grano, if I may venture to say so.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 391\\nthing foolish or self-contradictory witliout its being refuted by the\\njudge or ridiculed by the opponent, or, last of all, repudiated by the\\nvery counsel with him. Thus, from the beginning, they were im-\\nbued with true and genuine eloquence, and, although they attached\\nthemselves to one pleader, still they became acquainted with all\\nadvocates of their own standing in a multitude of cases before the\\ncourts. They had, too, abundant experience of the popular ear, in\\nall its greatest varieties, and with this they could easily ascertain\\nwhat was liked or disapproved in each speaker. Thus, they were\\nnot in Avant of a teacher of the very best and choicest kind who\\ncould show them eloquence in her true features, not in a mere re-\\nsemblance nor did they lack opponents and rivals, who fought\\nwith actual steel, not with a wooden sword, and the audience, too,\\nwas always crowded, always changing, made up of unfriendly as\\nwell as of admiring critics, so that neither success nor failure could\\nbe disguised. You know, of course, that eloquence wins its great\\nand enduring fame quite as much from the benches of our oppo-\\nnents as from those of our friends, nay more, its rise from that\\nquarter is steadier and its growth surer. Undoubtedly it was\\nunder such teachers that the youth of whom I am speaking, the\\ndisciple of orators, the listener in the forum, the student in the\\nlaw-courts, was trained and practised by the experiences of others.\\nThe laws he learnt by daily hearing, the faces of the judges were\\nfamiliar to him, the ways of popular assemblies were continually\\nbefore his eyes he had frequent experience of the ear of the\\npeople, and whether he undertook a prosecution or a defence, he\\nwas at once singly and alone equal to any case. We still read\\nwith admiration the speeches in which Lucius Crassus, in his nine-\\nteenth, CiBsar and Asinius Pollio in their twenty-first year, Calvus,\\nwhen very little older, denounced, respectively, Carbo, Dolabella,\\nCato, and Vatinius.\\nBut in these days we have our youths taken to the professor s\\ntheatre the rhetoricians, as we call them. The class made its\\nappearance a little before Cicero s time and was not liked by our\\nancestors, as is evident from the fact that, when Crassus and\\nDomitius were censors, they were ordered, as Cicero says, to close\\nthe school of impudence. However, as I was just saying, the\\nboys are taken to schools in which it is hard to tell whether the\\nplace itself, or their fellow scholars, or the character of their studies,", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "392 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\ndo their minds most harm. As for the place, there is no such thing\\nas reverence, for no one enters it who is not as ignorant as the\\nrest. As for the scholars, there can be no improvement when boys\\nand striplings, with equal assurance, address, and are addressed by,\\nother boys and striplings.\\nAs for the mental exercises themselves, they are the reverse of\\nbeneficial. Two kinds of subject matter are dealt with before the\\nrhetoricians the persuasive and the controversial. The per-\\nsuasive, as being comparatively easy and requiring less skill, is\\ngiven to boys. The controversial is assigned to riper scholars and,\\ngood heavens what strange and astonishing productions are the\\nresult It comes to pass that subjects remote from all reality are\\nactually used for declamation.\\nBrodrick s Translation.\\nPetronius Arbiter, about the same time, laments the decline\\nof the higher education, and satirises the sophists. Con-\\nfirmatory passages might be added from Juvenal, who died\\nabout 120 A.D., but whose satires were probably written in\\nthe concluding decade of the first century. Then, about 50\\nyears after Juvenal s death, we can learn from Lucian what\\nthe tendency of the higher instruction was all towards\\nthe premature fitting out of youth for success in life, by\\nmeans of rhetoric and oratory, and a superficial acquaintance\\nwith the stock commonplaces of argumentation. There was\\nno careful curriculum of severe study in language, history,\\ndialectic, and literature, as was required by Quintilian, and\\ncontemplated, in part at least, by many leading sophist-phil-\\nosophers, who, long before imperial times, had followed\\nIsocrates. Now, nothing is more certain than this in educa-\\ntion, that the moment the vesture of thought becomes an\\nobject of worship whether in the shape of word-cunning,\\nelegance of style, or rules for rhetorical construction and\\nrhythmical effect the result must be decline and decay.\\nWith such an educational end in view, it was not surprising\\nthat young men in the second century a.d. should become im-\\npatient of the slow processes of disciplinary preparation.\\nThey rushed the preparatory grammar, literature, and dialectic", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 393\\nin order to get at the sophistics, the declamation and super-\\nficial politics of the rhetorical or university schools.\\nThe remarkable devotion to Roman literature and rhetoric\\nin the provinces doubtless helped the decline, while it was a\\ngratifying illustration of the rapid diffusion of the Roman\\nlanguage and literature among the native Gauls and Span-\\niards.i They helped the decline because the native provin-\\ncials were essentially imitators, though, doubtless, frequently\\nable, and almost always (at least in Gaul) eloquent.\\nBut we are not entitled, even at the bidding of Tacitus, to\\nspeak of the decline of education as already accomplished in\\nthe first two, or even three, centuries of the empire. On the\\ncontrary, there had been great progress. All the countries\\nof the Mediterranean, including Gaul, as far north as Treves,\\nand Spain as far south as Corduba, were swarming with\\naccomplished men. Some of these were Italians settled in\\nthe provinces, but a large number were native Gauls and\\nSpaniards who lived for the acquisition of Roman literature\\nand eloquence, and were as keen in the pursuit of it as the\\nfervent young men of the post-medieval renaissance. The\\ndecline, such as it was, at the time Tacitus wrote, was in the\\neducational aim it was this that contained the seed of\\ndecay. True, the old Roman idea was now no longer a living\\nforce; but we had in its place the Romano-Hellenic culture\\nbroad, cosmopolitan, and essentially humane. I may here\\nsummarise briefly the grounds for refusing to accept the\\nopinion that education as a national movement was retro-\\ngrading in imperial times.\\nFirst there was the growth of public libraries. From\\n150 years B.C. onwards, it became usual for the wealthy\\nRoman to collect books, almost wholly Greek. This was\\nfollowing the example of distinguished Greeks 200 years\\nearlier, ^milius Paullus, moreover, and Sulla conveyed\\nlibraries from Greece and Asia Minor as plunder of war.\\nThe first Public Library in Rome was instituted by Asinius\\nPollio in the time of Augustus, in the atrium of the Temple\\nEspecially after Tiberius shut up the Druidical colleges.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "394 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nof Liberty on Mt. Aventine. Julius Csesar had, before this,\\ncontemplated a great Greek and Latin Library, but his death\\ncut short his scheme. Augustus himself instituted a library\\nin the temple of Apollo on Mt. Palatine, and a second, the\\nOctavian, in the Porticus Octavia. There were other public\\nlibraries in Kome, but the greatest was the Ulpian founded by\\nTrajan. All this activity was the fruit of Hellenic example.\\nThere had been public libraries in several Greek towns, and\\nin Alexandria, the greatest of them all was founded by\\nPtolemy Soter in 323 B.C. before the time of Juhus Csesar,\\nwhen the greatest part of it was burnt down, it possessed\\ncertainly not less than 500,000 volumes. It was soon re-\\nstored, but only to be totally destroyed during the confusion\\nof the Arab occupation in 640 a.d. At Pergamon also a\\ngreat library rivalling that of Alexandria had been founded\\nby Eumenes the king.\\nIn later imperial times there were twenty-eight public\\nlibraries in Rome. Books (yolumina or rolls) were cheap,\\nand booksellers shops numerous. We are assured that in\\nprovincial towns this activity was imitated, and that with the\\nlarge extension of schools under the emperors, and the\\ngreater accessibility of books, the facilities for education had\\nbeen enormously increased.\\nSecondly not only in Rome, but throughout Italy and in\\nall the cities of the Empire, grammatical schools had arisen.\\nThese were fostered by the municipalities, encouraged by the\\nemperors, and a considerable number of them were endowed\\nwith public money. The wide diffusion of grammar (or\\nsecondary) schools in all the countries round the Mediterra-\\nnean may be inferred from the large number of higher or\\nrhetoric schools which grew up in addition to the great\\nschools of Rhodes, Athens, and Pergamos. We learn from\\nSuetonius and other sources that Vespasian, 70-79 a.d., gave\\nsalaries from the public treasury to both Latin and Greek\\nrhetoricians at Rome. Quintilian was one of these. This\\nrhetorical school was further developed by Hadrian (117-\\n138 A.D.). The number of professors was largely increased,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 395\\na noble building was erected, with lecture-halls where orators\\nand poets held forth, and where Greek and Latin gram-\\nmarians and rhetoricians had numeroui students. This\\ninstitution, called the Atheuceum, was the university of\\nEome for centuries. Antoninus Pius, continued this good\\nwork in the provinces, giving both honour and income to\\nthe higher teachers. He was the first (it is beUeved) to\\nmake them a privileged class by relieving them of rates and\\ntaxes, the obligation to hold municipal offices, to serve in the\\narmy, and to have soldiers quartered on them. These immu-\\nnities were extended to philosophers, rhetoricians, gram-\\nmarians, and physicians. To prevent abuse of these privi-\\nleges he restricted the number of each class who were to\\nenjoy them the smaller towns being allowed five physicians,\\nthree sophists,^ and three grammarians in large towns {i.e.\\ntowns in which a court of justice was established) seven\\nphysicians, four sophists, and four grammarians were recog-\\nnised and in the capital towns of a province, ten physicians,\\nfive sophists, and five grammarians. Under Constantine the\\nGreat (306-337) these privileges were confirmed and ex-\\ntended, and under Theodosius II. (408) the more distin-\\nguished teachers at Constantinople were raised to the rank\\nof counts of the first class. Great schools arose at Mar-\\nseilles, Trier, Autun, Bourdeaux, and elsewhere.\\nMeanwhile, at Athens, which still continued to be the\\nhome of philosophy, the four philosophical schools had kept\\nup a kind of apostolic succession. Marcus Aurelius had, in\\n176 A.D., fixed a liberal state salary to be paid to two teachers\\nin each of these schools, besides two teachers of oratory.\\nThe council of the city appointed to these offices, subject to\\nthe approval of the emperor.\\nAlexander Severus (218) appointed teachers of archi-\\ntecture, mathematics, and mechanics, as well as medicine,\\nrhetoric, and grammar, and even began a system of bursa-\\nries at Eome. And in 376, Gratian ordered that in all the\\ncapitals of the seventeen Gallic provinces the grammarians\\nThis term had become applicable to both rhetoricians and philosophers.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "396 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nand rhetoricians in both Latin and Greek should receive from\\nthe imperial chest a sum equal to their municipal salary.\\nThe higher school or university of Constantinople, which\\nemulated Eome, had its professors increased by Theodosius\\nII. to three Latin rhetoricians, five Greek sophists, ten Latin\\nand ten Greek grammarians, one philosopher, and two jurists.\\nThey were accommodated in the Capitolium.\\nThe great school of Berytus was an university of law.\\nNor must we omit to mention Alexandria. The Museum of\\nAlexandria, founded by Ptolemy Philadelphus about 280 B.C.,\\nwas in full activity. Strabo says (xvii. p. 112, Oxford ed.)\\nPart of the royal palaces is the Museum, which has cloisters,\\nan exedra (these were semi-circular alcoves at the end of por-\\nticoes and fitted with seats where the learned taught their\\nstudents), and a very large house in which there is a common-\\nroom for those who are fellows of the Museum and devote\\nthemselves to letters there are public endowments for the Col-\\nlege (Synod) and it is presided over by a priest formerly ap-\\npointed by the kings, now by Cresar. The great libraries were\\naccessible to these men and their students. There ^vas an ob-\\nservatory and, it is said also, botanical and zoological gardens.\\nThe chief work of this college of learned men was in the\\ndepartments of mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, and\\nmedicine. It is said they chose their own principals if so\\nthey must have corresponded to our Deans of Faculties, as\\nthe president was a state nominee. The Emperor Claudius\\n(died 54 a.d.) added a second Museum, in which his own\\nhistorical works were to be regularly read. Caracalla (died\\n217 A.D.) confiscated the salaries, and the institution came to\\nan end that is to say, in so far as it was an endowed sys-\\ntem of fellowships in the third century.\\nDuring all these centuries, moreover, numerous gramma-\\nrians and sophists wandered from town to town and opened\\nprivate schools.\\nNor do the above facts stand alone in the educational\\nhistory of the time. They indicate the public policy of the", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 397\\nEmpire, but they do not reveal that that pohcy was sup-\\nported by a wide-spread humanity destined soon to super-\\nsede the humanitas of mere culture. We find this well\\nexemplified in a letter (iv. 13), from Pliny the younger (died\\nabout 110 A.D.) addressed to Tacitus\\nI am glad [he says] to hear of your safe arrival at Rome. I am\\nalways anxious to see you, and especially just now. I shall stay a\\nfew more days at Tusculum, that I may finish a little work that I\\nhave in hand, for I am afraid that if I break it off when I have all\\nbut completed it, I shall find it difficult to take it up again. Mean-\\nwhile, that I may lose no time, I send off this letter, so to speak, in\\nadvance of me, to ask a favour of you which I shall soon ask in\\nperson. First, let me tell you the occasion of it. Being lately at\\nmy native town [Comum, about twenty-eight miles north of Milan]\\na young lad, son of one of my neighbours, came to pay me a com-\\nplimentary call. Do you go to school 1 I asked him. Yes, he\\nreplied. Where V At Milan [Mediolanum]. Why not here\\nBecause, said his father, who had come with him, we have no\\nteachers here. No teachers Why surely, I replied, it would\\nbe very much to the interest of all you fathers (and fortunately\\nseveral fathers heard what I said) to have your sons educated here\\nrather than anywhere else. Where can they live more pleasantly\\nthan in their own town or be bred up more virtuously than under\\ntheir parents eyes, or at less expense than at home 1 What an\\neasy matter it would be, by a general contribution, to hire teachers,\\nand to apply to their salaries the money which you now spend on\\nlodging, journeys, and all you have to purchase for your sons at a\\ndistance from home. I have no children myself I look on my\\nnative town in the light of a child or a parent, and I am ready to\\nadvance a third part of any sum which you think fit to raise for the\\npurpose. I would even promise the whole amount were I not\\nafraid that my benefaction might be spoilt by jobbery, as I see\\nhappens in many towns where teachers are engaged at the public\\nexpense. There is only one way of meeting this evil. If the\\nchoice of teachers is left solely to the parents, the obligation to\\nchoose rightly will be enforced by the necessity of having to pay\\ntowards the teachers salaries. Those who would, perhaps, be\\ncareless in administering another s bounty, will certainly be careful", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "398 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nabout their own expenses, and will see that none but those who\\ndeserve it receive any of my money, when they must at the same\\ntime receive theirs as well. So take counsel together and be en-\\ncouraged by my example, and be assured that the greater my pro-\\nportion of the expense shall be, the better shall I be pleased.\\nYou can do nothing more for the good of your children, or more\\nacceptable to your native town. Your sons will thus receive their\\neducation in the place of their birth, and be accustomed from their\\ninfancy to love and cling to their native soil. I trust that you\\nmay secure such eminent teachers that the neiglibouring towns\\nwill be glad to draw their learning from hence so that, as you\\nnow send your children elsewhere to be educated, other people s\\nchildren may hereafter flock hither for instruction.\\nI thought it advisable to explain the whole affair to you circum-\\nstantially, so that you may see more clearly how much obliged I\\nshould be if you will undertake what I request. I entreat you, in\\nconsideration of the importance of the matter, to look out among\\nthe multitude of men of letters whom the reputation of your genius\\ndraws around you some teachers to whom we may apply, but with-\\nout as yet tying ourselves down to any particular man. I leave\\neverything to the parents, I wish them to judge and select as they\\nthink fit I take on myself nothing but the trouble and expense.\\nIf anyone shall be found who has confidence in his own ability, let\\nhim go there but he must understand that he goes with no assur-\\nance but that derived from his own merit. Ancient Classics for\\nEnglish Readers Pliny.\\nFrom this letter we see that two kinds of schools were in\\nexistence in Pliny s day: (1) schools, supported by the\\nmunicipalities, not uncommon {multis in locis and (2)\\nsubscription-schools, where sufficient funds could be raised\\nto engage a teacher. When there was a good school in any\\nplace, boys came from a distance and seem to have taken\\nlodgings in the place in order to attend it. We also see the\\nimportance which Pliny attaches to education, the high\\nvalue he sets on home training and his opinion as to free\\neducation. He sees the danger of bad appointments likely\\nto arise from fixed payments and centralisation, and he also\\nsees the necessity of some subsidy to encourage local effort.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 399\\nPliny s letter is itself evidence of the spirit of humanity to\\nwhich I have already adverted, and which, under the influence\\nof the Stoic philosophy, had already lead to charitable founda-\\ntions. Large benefactions were made not only by the state\\nbut by private individuals, for the maintenance of orphan-\\nages and successive emperors added to these in many\\nItalian towns.\\nNor, as further evidence of educational activity, were\\nwriters on education wanting. There were many whose\\nnames and books are lost, but some of the most eminent are\\nstill household words in the history of education. Omitting\\nthe earlier writers, we have Seneca, Quintilian, Tacitus, Pliny\\nthe younger, Plutarch, and Musonius the Stoic, who all wrote\\non the subject of education, and the opinions of any one of\\nwhom, in so far as they can be now ascertained, might, in\\ntheir educational reference, be the subject of an interesting\\nand instructive monograph.\\nAs regards individual life it is unhappily true that most\\nof the educated intelligence of the empire sought, under very\\nlax moral conditions, the satisfactions of material wealth or\\nthe glory of place and power. The vetus disciplina, the prisca\\nvirtus, was gone from the life even of the senate, now an\\nupstart body of novihommes. The religion of Rome was\\ndead, for, as Professor Flint truly says, Eome had made the\\nworld Roman and become herself cosmopolitan. And yet\\nwe can still find a succession of men of the old Roman type\\namong whom the traditionary dignity of family intercourse\\nand severity of morals survived. The Stoic philosophy, as a\\nnoble scheme of life, had established itself in many minds as\\na motive force, and filled the place no longer occupied by the\\nmemories of a great history and an ancestral religion. When\\nwe note the humanity and even tenderness conveyed in the\\nletter from Pliny quoted above, and realise also the universal\\nhuman relations of the Stoic system, we can see that for the\\ncultured men of the empire a noble and beneficent existence\\nwas always possible.\\n1 History of Philosophy of Histonj, p. 56.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "400 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nIn view of all these facts, I repeat that it seems to me absurd\\nto talk of the decline of education in the first two centuries\\nof the Christian era. It never had been so widely extended,\\nand never before had it received so much fostering care.\\nNor have I found any evidence that the grammar schools\\nwere, in their working, seriously defective. The quality of\\nthe discipline and instruction of the higher schools, it is true,\\nhad degenerated in some quarters because of the large acces-\\nsion to the number of learners and of competing teachers.\\nBut an excellent education could still be obtained at all the\\ngreat centres of the empire.\\nThe ethical element in education was, moreover, making\\nprogress, while the intellectual elements of culture were being\\nextended. The Alexandrian philosophy of the time had a\\nreligious and mystical tendency, and elsewhere the supremacy\\nof ethics in philosophy and the prevalence of purer and more\\nexalted notions of God have to be noted. These were educa-\\ntive forces of the highest kind. Cicero says much on this\\nsubject that might be here quoted. Quintilian, again,\\nadvocating the study of ethics by the orator, says If the\\nworld is governed by a Providence, the state ought surely to\\nbe ruled by the superintendence of good men. If our souls\\nare of divine origin, we ought to devote ourselves to virtue,\\nand not be slaves to a body of terrestrial nature (xii. 2).\\nApoUonius of Tyana was an itinerant preacher of ethics a\\nkind of apostle. The whole universe which you see\\naround you, says Seneca, comprising all things divine and\\nhuman, is one. We are members of one great body. Nature\\nhas made iis relative, when it begat us from the same\\nmaterials and for the same destinies.\\nDepraved superstitions, moral excesses, and brutal pleas-\\nures, meanwhile characterised a large proportion of the\\npeople, who had not yet found a substitute for their lost gods,\\nwhile training to civic virtue had become impossible for them\\nunder the inevitable imperial despotism.\\nBut I need not dwell on what is a commonplace of moral\\n1 Seneca, Ep. xcv., quoted by Mr. Lecky.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 401\\nhistory it will be more to the purpose to give a summary\\nof two writers who exhibit the ethical and humane spirit\\nwhich was then beginning to permeate society, viz. Plutarch\\nand Musonius.\\nPlutakch 1\\nPlutarch, a Greek, wrote his essay on the education of chil-\\ndren about 100 A.D. The following is a summary of his\\nwisdom.\\nThe most pregnant and epigrammatic of his utterances is this,\\nNature without education is blind. In beginning his essay, he\\nsays, Come, let us consider what is to be said regarding the edu-\\ncation of free children, and by what means they may be made\\nvirtuous. But he confines himself within much narrower limits\\nthan a purpose so large would have led us to expect. He more\\nthan once, as might be expected in a Greek, dwells on the impor-\\ntance of gymnastics for the young and of recreation for adults\\nwho are disposed to work hard. Even a bow we have to unbend\\nif it is to do its work properly.\\nFor good agriculture, he says, there must be good soil, a skilful\\nhusbandman, and fruitful seed so in education, nature is the soil,\\nthe master the husbandman, and precepts and instruction the seed.\\nDeficiency in the nature of the child may be supplied by labour\\nand culture. There is a concurrence of three things requisite to\\nvirtue nature, reason, and use. By reason he means instruction,\\nby use he means exercise.\\nLike all other writers on education Plutarch dwells much on the\\nimportance of exercise with a view to habit. Without instruction\\nnature is blind, but even where there is instruction, of what value\\nwill it be without constant practice in the good 1 He presses the\\ncultivation of the memory in the sphere of intellectual instruction,\\nbut beyond this he has little to say on the training of the intellect.\\nIt is on the moral education of the boy and youth that he most\\nstrongly insists. Let them be taught, above all, to keep their tem-\\npers and to control their tongues. A man never regrets having\\nsaid too little. That they should be trained to speak the truth is\\n1 Doubtful whether the essay on education was Plutarch s.\\n26", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "402 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nessential. Lying is for slaves. He points out that the elements of\\nvirtue are love of honour and fear of punishment (rc/^w/jta), and\\nthat the faults of boys are, in truth, trifling in themselves, and\\neasily corrected but in youths these faults may grow to vices.\\nChildhood is a tender thing, and may easily be wrought into any\\nshape.\\nThe main instrument of all education is philosophy. By phil-\\nosophy he means all that bears on the conduct of life. The sole\\nguide of the mind of man is philosophy. By this we are taught\\nwhat is good and bad, honourable and dishonourable, just and\\nunjust, what we are most to desire and what most to shun, and the\\nduties we owe to the gods, to our parents, friends, strangers, soci-\\nety also the regulation of all the passions, c. In this he repeats\\nIsocrates.\\nWith a view to sound instruction, the writers of antiquity are to\\nbe read, confining boys to the good and useful in these.\\nParents are enjoined to care for their children s education, and\\nto be careful in their choice of nurses, pcedagogi, and masters, not\\ngrudging expenditure on so important a matter as education. They\\nare also urged themselves to take an interest in what their children\\nare learning.\\nOn the subject of coercion he says, Children are to be won to\\nfollow liberal studies by exhortations and rational motives, and on\\nno account to be forced thereto by whipping or any other contume-\\nlious punishments. I will not urge that such usage seems to me\\nmore agreeable to slaves than to ingenuous (freeborn) citizens!\\nAnd even slaves when thus handled are dulled and discouraged\\nfrom the performance of their tasks, partly by reason of the smart\\nof their stripes, partly because of the disgrace thereby inflicted.\\nBut praise and reproof are more effectual on free-born children\\nthan any such disgraceful handling, the former to incite them to\\nwhat is good, the latter to restrain them from that which is evil.\\nIt is useful not to give them such large commendations as to puff\\nthem up with pride.\\nAs to amount of work to be demanded of the young, Plutarch\\nsays that some parents, being over hasty to advance their children\\nin learning beyond their equals, overwork them, and so cause them\\nto be ill-affected to study. For, as plants by moderate watering\\nare nourished, but with overmuch moisture are glutted, so is the", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 403\\nspirit improved by moderate labours, but overwlielmed by such as\\nare excessive.\\nMemory should be cultivated. It is the mother of the Muses.\\nNothing doth so mucli beget and nourish learning as memory.\\nFilthy talk is to be checked, because, as Democritus says, words\\nare the shadows of actions. Children must be brought up to be\\naffable and courteous.\\nNothino- can be more modern than all this.\\nMusonius the Stoic, again, is especially interesting, as he\\ndiscusses the question of the education of women.^\\nIn turning over the pages of the Greek Anthology of StobaBus,\\nsays the late Dr. Muir, I found (in the Appendix containing ex-\\ntracts from the collection of John of Damascus, in vol. iv. pp. 212\\nff. and 220 ff.) two passages quoted from Musonius, the one headed\\nOn the question whether men s daughters should be educated\\nsimilar to their sons, and the other affirming tliat Women ought\\nto study philosophy. The author, C. Musonius Eufus, was a\\ncelebrated Stoic philosopher, who lived in the first century of the\\nChristian era (Smith s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biog-\\nraphy and Mythology, s. v.).\\nThe following is a translation of the first of the two passages\\nThe conversation having turned on the question whether people s\\nsons and daughters should receive the same education, the philoso-\\npher (after referring to the analogy furnished by the identical\\ntraining received by both the males and the females of two of the\\nspecies of animals employed by men to render them active service,\\nhorses and dogs) asks whether men ought to receive any special\\neducation and training superior to those allowed to women, as if\\nboth alike should not acquire the same virtues, or if it is possible for\\ntlie two sexes to attain to the same virtues otherwise than by the\\nsame education. But it is easy to learn that a man has not differ-\\nent virtues from a woman. For, first, the one should have good\\n1 The late Dr. J. Muir, founder of the Sanskrit Chair in the university of\\nEdinburgh, and a well-known scholar, printed, or translated, a portion of\\nMusonius about twenty years ago and sent me a copj from which I now give\\nextracts.\\n2 Joannis Stobcei Florilegium, edited by Meineke (Teubner s 12mo edition,\\n1857).", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "404 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nsense as well as the other for of what use would either a foolish\\nman or a foolish woman be Then the man could not be a good\\ncitizen if he were unjust. And the woman could not carry on the\\nconcerns of the household virtuously if not being just, but the\\ncontrary, she should first wrong her husband, as they say Eriphyle\\ndid.^ It is also good that the woman as well as the man should be\\nself-controlled^ (o-w^povciv) Perhaps some one would say\\nthat courage [literally, manliness, dvSpeta] is a quality befitting men\\nalone but even this is not so, for the best woman also should be\\ncourageous, and be free from weakness, so that she may not be\\novercome either by toil or by fear. Otherwise how can she continue\\nvirtuous, if anyone either by terror or by imposing toil can force\\nher to submit to anything disgraceful Women ought also to\\nrepel assaults, for if not they will show themselves weaker than\\nhens, and the females of other birds, which fight for their young\\nagainst animals much bigger than themselves. How, then, should\\nwoman not stand in need of courage 1 And that they share a cer-\\ntain martial vigour was proved by the race of the Amazons, who\\nsubdued many nations by force of arms. So that if other women\\nare deficient in courage, this must be laid to the account of want\\nof training rather than to [weakness of] nature. If, then, the same\\nvirtues must pertain to meii and women, it follows necessarily that\\nthe same training and education must be suitable for both. For\\nin the case of all animals and plants, the application of the proper\\ntreatment ought to impart to each the excellence belonging to it.\\nOr, if both men and women should have to possess equal skill in\\nplaying the flute, or in performing on the harp, and if this were nec-\\nessary for tlieir livelihood, we should impart to both equally the re-\\nquisite instruction. But if both ought to excel in the virtue proper\\nto mankind, and to be in an equal measure wise and temperate, and\\n1 Eriphyle was the wife of Amphiaraus who was bribed by Polynices with\\nthe necklace of Harmonia to betray her husband s lurking place, so that he\\nwas forced to join the expedition against Thebes, where he fell.\\n2 See Dr. Jowett s introduction to his translation of Plato s Cliarmidas,\\np. 3, where he calls temperance, or auxppoffijt rj, a peculiarly Greek notion,\\nwhich may also be rendered moderation, modesty, discretion, wisdom, with-\\nout completely exhausting by all these terms the various associations of the\\nword.\\n3 There being a gap in the text here, I have followed the editor Meiueke s\\nconjecture as the mode of filling it.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 405\\nto partake in courage and righteousness the one no less than the\\nother, shall we not educate them both in the same manner, and\\nteach both equally the art by which a human being may become\\ngood? Yes, we must act thus and no otherwise. What then?\\nSome one will perhaps say, Would you think it right to teach men\\nto spin wool just as you do women and women equally with men\\nto addict themselves to gymnastic exercises No, this I will never\\napprove. But I say that as in the human race men have a stronger\\nand women a weaker nature, each of these natures should have\\nthe tasks which are most suited to it, assigned to it, and that the\\nheavier should be allotted to the stronger, and the lighter to the\\nweaker. Spinning, as well as housekeeping, would therefore be\\nmore suitable for women than for men, while gymnastics, as well as\\nout of door work, would be fitter for men than for women though\\nsometimes some men might properly undertake some of the lighter\\ntasks and such as seem to belong to women and women again\\nmight engage in the harder tasks, and those which appear more\\nappropriate for men, in cases where either bodily qualities, or\\nnecessity, or particular occasions, might lead to such action. For\\nperhaps all human tasks are open to all, and common both to men\\nand women, and nothing is necessarily appointed exclusively for\\neither not that some things may not be more suitable for the\\none, and others for the other nature so that some are called men s\\nand others women s occupations. But whatever things have refer-\\nence to virtue, these one may rightly affirm to be equally appro-\\npriate for both natures, since we say that virtues do not belong\\nmore to the one than to the other. Wherefore I think it is reason-\\nable that both males and females should be similarly instructed in\\nmatters relating to virtue and they should be taught from their\\ninfancy that such and such a thing is good, and such and such a\\nthing is bad (the same thing bad for both) and that one thing is\\nprofitable and another injurious, and that this is to be done and\\nthat not from which wisdom is acquired by those who learn, by\\nboys and girls equally, and in no way differently by each then\\nthey are to be inspired with a feeling of shame in regard to every-\\nthing base. These qualities being implanted in them, it neces-\\nsarily follows that both men and women will become virtuous.\\nAnd those who are rightly instructed, whether males or females,\\nThe words of the original (ixi] 5)] 5k) must apparently bear this sense.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "406 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nare to be accustomed to endure toil, not to fear death, not to be\\ncrushed by any calamity, so that they may become courageous [or\\nmanly] for it has been shown above that women too should par-\\ntake in the character of courage [or manliness, dvSpia]. Then again,\\nit is an excellent thing to teach them to avoid selfishness and to\\nhonour equality, and, as human beings, to seek to benefit and not\\nto injure mankind; and such instruction renders those who receive\\nit just. But why should a man learn these things more than a\\nwoman 1 For if it is fitting that women should be just, then both\\nsexes should be taught these things which are most seasonable and\\nmost important. For if the man should know some little matter\\nconnected with some artist s department, and the woman not, or\\nconversely, this will not prove the education of each to be different.\\nOnly, as regards any of the most important matters let not the one\\nbe taught differently from the other. If anyone asks me what\\nscience is to preside over this instruction I shall reply that as with-\\nout philosophy no man can be rightly instructed, so neither can any\\nwoman. But I do not mean to say that if women are to philoso-\\nphise they ought properly to possess fluency and extraordinary\\ncleverness in discussion for I do not praise this very much even\\nin men but I mean that women should acquire a virtuous char-\\nacter and nobleness, since philosophy is the pursuit of a noble\\ncharacter, and nothing else.\\nThe following is a translation of the second passage mentioned\\nabove And when one asked him if women too should study\\nphilosophy, he began, somewhat in this way, to teach that they\\nshould. Women, he said, have received from the gods the same\\nreason as men, the reason which we use in dealing with each other,\\nand by which we discern, in regard to each act, whether it is good\\nor bad, noble or base. So, too, the female has the same percep-\\ntions as the male seeing, hearing, smelling, and so forth.\\nSo, too, not only men, but women also, have by nature the desire\\nand the adaptation for virtue for the latter, no less than the\\nformer, are so formed as to be pleased with noble and righteous\\nactions and to disapprove the contraries of these. This being the\\ncase, why should it belong to men principally to inquire and con-\\nsider how they shall live nobly which is the province of philos-\\nophy and not principally to women Is it because it is fitting\\n1 irKeovi^la.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 407\\nfor men to be good, and not for women But let us inquire in\\nregard to every particular quality suitable for a woman who shall\\nbe good for it will appear that she will derive each of these char-\\nacteristics principally from philosophy. First, a woman ought to\\nbe a good housekeeper, and capable of judging what things are ex-\\npedient for the house, and qualified to rule the domestics. Now,\\nI say that such qualities would belong most to a woman who\\nstudied philosophy, since each of these things is a part of life, and\\nthe science of matters regarding life is nothing else than philosophy,\\nand the philosopher, as Socrates said, continues inquiring what\\nthings, good or bad, are done in the house. But the woman\\nshould further be self-controlled, so as to keep herself pure\\nnot to be the slave of desires, nor quarrelsome, nor extravagant, nor\\nfond of dress. These are the works of a virtuous woman and, in\\naddition, she should control anger, not give way to grief, be supe-\\nrior to all passion. These things philosophy enjoins, and it appears\\nto me that anyone, whether man or woman, who should learn and\\npractise them, would be a most correct person. What then]\\nThese things are so. Is not, therefore, a woman justified in study-\\ning philosophy, in being a blameless partner of [her husband s]\\nlife, a good helpmeet in housekeeping, a careful guardian of her\\nhusband and children, and in every way free from the love of gain\\nand from selfishness And what woman would possess this char-\\nacter more than the student of philosophy, who would be bound,\\nif philosophy is uniform in its effects] to esteem the doing\\nworse than the suffering of injustice insomuch as it is more dis-\\ngraceful and to regard being worsted as better than gaining an\\nadvantage, and to love her children more than [her own] life?\\nAnd what woman would be juster than she who possessed such a\\ncharacter 1 And it befits the educated woman to be more coura-\\ngeous than the uneducated, and the student of philosophy than she\\nwho is untrained in it, so that she would neither submit to any-\\nthing disgraceful from the fear of death, or through shrinking from\\ntoil, nor succumb to anyone because he was well-born, or powerful,\\nor rich, or even a tyrant. For it is her fortune to have studied to\\nbe high-rainde l,^ and to regard death as not an evil and life as not\\na good, and similarly not to turn away from toil, or at all to in-\\ndulge in indolence. Whence it is to be expected that such a\\nfjiiya (ppovetv.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "408 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nwoman would work with her own hands, and submit to toil, should\\nbe able herself to suckle the infants to whom slie gave birth, and\\nminister to her husband with her own hands, and fulfil without\\nreluctance tasks which some consider as work only fit for slaves.\\nWould not, now, such a woman be a great treasure for her hus-\\nband, an ornament to her relatives, and a good example to those of\\nher own sex who knew her 1\\nBut some will say that the women who visit philosophers must\\ngenerally become bold and presuming when, leaving their house-\\nhold occupations, they live surrounded by men, and practise dis-\\ncussions, and argue subtly, and analyse syllogisms, while they ought\\nto be sitting at home spinning. But I am so far from approving\\nof women who are studying philosophy leaving their proper avoca-\\ntions and devoting themselves solely to discussions, that I should\\nnot even think it fit for men to do this. But I say that they ought\\nto engage in all the reasonings with which they occupy themselves\\nfor the sake of their avocations. For as medical speculations are\\nuseless unless they conduce to the health of the human body, so if\\na philosopher holds or inculcates any doctrine, it is of no value\\nunless it promote the virtue of the human soul. But, above all\\nthings, we ought to weigh the principles which we think that\\nwomen studying philosophy should follow, so as to form a judg-\\nment whether the doctrine which teaches that modesty is the\\ngreatest good can make women bold, or whether that which incul-\\ncates the greatest composure can accustom them to live recklessly\\n[or impudently], or that which shows vice to be the greatest evil\\ndoes not teach virtuous self-restraint, or that which represents\\nhousekeeping as a virtue, and exhorts a woman to be satisfied with\\nit and to work with her own hands, does not dispose a woman to\\npractise household occupations.\\nI have said enough, I think, to justify me in declining\\nto accept the statements regarding the degeneracy of edu-\\ncation in the first or even the second century. The actual\\nfacts compel us largely to discount the opinion of stern\\nmorahsts like Tacitus, or professed satirists like Juvenal\\nor Petronius Arbiter. There is no period of human his-\\ntory which does not afford weaknesses to expose and vices\\nto lash. At the same time, it was the fact that nations", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES 409\\nwhich, like the Greeks and Romans, had lost their tradi-\\ntionary faith, and which regarded rhetoric or oratory\\nwhich at best was only intellectual and aesthetic culture\\nas the highest aim of public education, were doomed to\\nfind their mistake. It was easy for ambitious young men\\nespecially now that oratorical forms and the technique of\\nrhetoric were settled, and innumerable models were avail-\\nable to scamp grammatical and literary preparation, and\\nto mistake glibness of tongue and facility of imitation for\\ntrue oratorical power. It was this tendency which Quin-\\ntilian and Tacitus saw and wished to arrest. It received an\\nimpulse from professed rhetoricians and sophists swarming\\nfrom Greece and Asia Minor in search of the means of\\nsupport. They coidd not but compete with each other,\\nand offer the maximum of accomplishment for the mini-\\nmum of labour on the part of the student. Lucian, towards\\nthe close of the second century, exposes the evils which by\\nthat time had become conspicuous. The third century, I\\nconsider, was the century of decadence, and also of the rise\\nof the Christian schools. Let me here note that it is partly\\nto counteract the tendency to haste and superficiality on\\nthe part of ambitious and active young men that modern\\nsocieties have instituted and endowed universities and\\nschools. Without these, and the conditions of sound at-\\ntainment which they are authorised to impose as conditions\\nof graduation and of professional qualifications, we, in these\\ndays, should be flooded with the same evils as overwhelmed\\nthe education of the ancient world. This mode of regulat-\\ning education had not altogether escaped the attention of\\nthe imperial administration, as I have shown, but the\\nmeasures which were taken were inadequate to counteract\\nthe operation of other causes in a dissolving society.\\nMeanwhile a new formative force had entered the world\\nin humble guise, and was steadily making way. It gathered\\ninto a unity and round a sacred personality the Stoic human-\\nity and universalism, the Platonic ethical ideahsm, and all", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "410 PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION\\nthe purest conceptions of the Divine which the various\\nraces of mankind had painfully, and each only partially,\\nelaborated. God immanent in His own world as a God\\nnot only of law but of love Himself seeking man to raise\\nhim to sonship^was an overmastering thought. In the\\npresence of this sublime conception, all so-called culture\\nseemed an impertinence, and all philosophy merely sub-\\nordinate and contributory. In the light of the great idea,\\ncitizenship, culture, oratory, all alike, as aims of education\\ndisappear. Citizenship of the city of God now -transcends\\nwhile it comprehends the claims of all earthly cities culture\\nis the mere adornment of the life in Christ, oratory the mere\\nvehicle for proclaiming the Evangel. An organised scheme\\nof guidance for the individual spirit during its transitory\\npassage to an eternal life arose out of the central thought\\nof Christianity and this superseded all previous concep-\\ntions of the education of man. Errors, unfortunately, were\\nmade. Philosophy and the products of human genius were,\\nere long, held to be essentially hostile to the new life-\\nMany centuries had to elapse before Eomano-Hellenic cul-\\nture was found to be compatible with the Christian aim.\\nTo some it may appear that in the past pages, while I\\nhave allowed their full educational value to civil laws, and\\nthe social organisation of nations, I have yet attached too\\ngreat an importance to national religious conceptions. I\\nthink not. Outside the prosaic and prudential moralities,\\nwithout which the most elementary society cannot sustain\\nitself for a day, the idea of God and of man as related to\\nHim governs all life, and therefore all education, of the\\nhuman spirit. It determines all ethics, and consequently\\nall civic and political activity, though it may be silently.\\nFor the idea of God is not merely the conception of a world-\\ncause and world-order, but gathers up into itself all the ideal\\nimpulses, infinite in their essential character, which place the\\nmind of man on its highest plane of energy whether in\\nphilosophy and art, or in practical politics and the conduct\\nof life. It is the final interpretation of man. That idea,", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "THE ARYAN OR INDO-EUROPEAN RACES All\\nsuch as it may be from time to time and age to age, lies in\\nthe innermost core of consciousness even when its exis-\\ntence is denied. Epicurus has his God as well as Zeno,\\nPlato no less than Paul, the Aztec as well as the Chinese,\\nand above that idea, which also is the ideal, no man and\\nno nation can rise. The educational administrator has to\\nthink of these things if he is not, with the best intentions,\\nto leave his country worse than he found it, and sow the\\nseeds of dissolution. To govern well, says Milton, is to\\ntrain up a nation in true wisdom and virtue, and that which\\nsprings from thence, magnanimity (take heed of that) and\\nthat which is our beginning, regeneration and happiest end,\\nlikeness to God which we call godliness and this is the true\\nflourishing of a land. Other things follow, as the shadow\\ndoes the substance.\\nAuthorities. Largely loci classici, especially Suetonius, De Graviin.\\nCicero, Dc Graf,. Tacitus, De Drat. Pliny Stiabo Becker s Gallus Erzie-\\nhung und Jugendtinterricht bci den Griechen u. Edmcrn, von J. L. Ussing;\\nIhne s History of Rome Monimsen s History of Rome, also of the Roman\\nProvinces Hegel s Philosophy of History Krause s Geschichte dcr Erz. etc.\\nbeiden Griechen und Romern; Bahr s Geschichte der Romisehen Litteratur\\nEmile JuUien, Sur Ics Profcsscurs de la litterature dans I ancienne Rome;\\nLecky s History of European Morals. Also several books mentioned under\\nGreece and references to numerous historians.\\n1 Of Reformation in England, second book (near beginning).", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "A LIST OF\\nBOOKS FOR TEACHERS\\nPUBLISHED BY\\nLONGMANS, GREEN, CO.\\n91 AND 93 Fifth Avenue, New York.\\nPsychology in the Schoolroom.\\nBy T. F. G. Dexter, B.A., B.Sc, and A. H. Garlick, B.A,, author\\nof A New Manual of Method. 421 pages. Crown 8vo. $1.50.\\nMany students have little difficulty in mastering the general\\nprinciples of the Science of Psychology, but experience considerable\\ndifficulty in applying those principles to the Art of Teaching and\\nit is because special attention has been paid to the application of\\nthe subject that it is hoped that this book will be of some service,\\nnot only to the student and young teacher, but also to teachers\\ngenerally. From the Preface.\\nAdopted for the Professional Course of Study for Teachers in the State\\nof Virginia, and as a text-book in Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.\\nSyracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. College of the City of New York\\nState Normal School, Whitewater, Wis.; State Normal School, Peru, Neb.\\nUniversity of Mississippi; Howard University, Washington, D. C; and\\nmany other leading institutions throughout the country.\\nHon. Joseph W. Southall,\\nState Superintendent of Public\\nInstruction, Virginia: I cannot\\ncommend too highly Dexter and\\nGarlick s Psychology in the School-\\nroom to all teachers who wish to\\nlearn the scientific principles on\\nwhich all correct teaching is based.\\nIt is a model text-book.\\nJohn J. McNulty, Professor of\\nMoral Philosophy in the College of\\nthe City of New York I have\\nrecommended Dexter and Garlick s\\nPsychology in the Schoolroom as\\nbeing the most practical aid to a\\npreparation for meeting the require-\\nments for securing higher licenses.\\nHon. Frank J. Browne, State\\nSuperintendent of Wash.: It\\nmeets the requirements of the most\\nadvanced thought. Its adaptation to\\nthe schoolroom is up to date and the\\nbook will surely make its own way\\namong the teachers of our land.\\nMiss Lucy Wheelock, Kinder-\\ngarten Training School, Boston,\\nMass.: It has proved to be such\\na treasure that we are to adopt it\\nfor our junior class book. I shall\\nsend you an order for it as soon as\\nthe class assembles.\\nAlbert Leonard, Dean of Col-\\nlege of Liberal Arts, Syracuse Uni-\\nversity, Syracuse, N. Y. It is\\naltogether the best book of the kind\\nthat I have seen. It will be adopted\\nfor use in our class.\\nCharles H. Winston, Professor\\nin Richmond College, Virginia,\\nConductor of State Normal School\\nAfter a practical trial, my\\nopinion in brief is that no other\\nbook that I have seen combines so\\nwell sound theory and correct gen-\\neral principles with plain and prac-\\ntical applications of these to the\\ndetails of daily school life.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "Longmans, Green, Go s Publications.\\nGerman Higher Schools The History, Organization, and\\nMethods of Secondary Education in Germany.\\nBy James E. Russell, Ph.D., Dean of Teachers College, Columbia\\nUniversity, New York. 8vo. 468 pages. With 7 Appendices of Tables\\nand a Full Index. $2.25.\\nThis book is the result of Dr. Russell s personal investigation of the Ger-\\nman Schools at the instance of the Regents of the University of the State of\\nNew York, and as the Special Agent of the United States. Very little has\\nbeen written heretofore in English on the secondary education, which is the\\nfoundation of the German University training and the basis of all profes-\\nsional service in the Fatherland, although it is in this sphere that German\\neducation can be studied to best advantage.\\nContents: Beginnings of German Schools The Rise of Protestant\\nSchools The Period of Transition The Reconstruction of the Higher\\nSchools The Prussian School System The Higher Schools of Prussia\\nFoundation and Maintenance of Higher Schools Rules, Regulations\\nand Customs Examinations and Privileges Student Life in the Higher\\nSchools Instruction in Religion Instruction in German Instruction\\nin Greek and Latin Instruction in Modern Languages Instruction in\\nHistory and Geography Instruction in Mathematics Instruction in\\nthe Natural Sciences The Professional Training of Teachers Ap-\\npointment, Promotion, and Emoluments of Teachers\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Tendencies of\\nSchool Reform Merits and Defects of German Secondary Education\\nThe Privileged Higher Schools of Germany in 1897 Attendance in\\nHigher Schools in Prussia System of Privileges Salary Schedules\\nPensions of Teachers in the Higher Schools of Germany- Extracts\\nfrom the General Pension Laws of Prussia Leading Educational Jour-\\nnals of Germany Index.\\nThe Outlook, New York The\\nbook abounds in matters of interest\\nto all professional teachers. The\\nwork is certain to remain, at least for\\nyears, the standard reference-book\\nand authority upon this subject.\\nThe Dial, Chicago: The au-\\nthor shows wide reading on this sub-\\nject and skilful use of the note-book.\\nHe sprinkles quotations over his\\npages most plentifully, but he so\\nweaves them into his narrative or\\nexposition as not seriously to impair\\nthe unity of his composition. But,\\nwhat is more to the purpose, he\\nshows, when dealing with the second-\\nary schools as they now exist, a large\\nfirst-hand knowledge, obtained by\\npersonal visitation of schools and\\nconference with teachers and educa-\\ntional authorities. There is no work\\nin the English language, known to\\nus, that contains so much and so\\nvaluable information about the sec-\\nondary schools of Germany. Nor is\\nthe book a book of facts merely the\\nauthor has an eye also for ideas and\\nforces, and conducts his historical\\nnarration with constant reference to\\nthese factors.\\nPublic Opinion, New York:\\nAn original and very valuable con-\\ntribution to the literature of peda-\\ngogies. For Germany s position in\\neducational matters is an assurance\\nthat one may learn much from a\\nstudy of any of her schools. After\\nseveral historical chapters each study\\nof the secondary schools is taken up\\nseparately a very wise plan which\\ngreatly simplifies a search for par-\\nticular information.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "Longmans, Green, Go s Publications.\\nAMERICAN ariZEN SERIES.\\nA Series of Books on the Practical Worliings of tlie Functions of the\\nState and of Society, with Especial Reference to American Conditions\\nand Experience. Under the Editorship of Dr. Albert Bushnell\\nHart, of Harvard University.\\nOutline of Practical Sociology with Special Reference to\\nAmerican Conditions.\\nBy Carroll D. Wright, United States Commissioner of Labor Lec-\\nturer in the Catholic University of America. Large crown 8vo, with\\n12 Maps and Diagrams. 464 pages. $2.00.\\nContents Fart I. The Basis of Practical Sociology. Intro-\\nduction I. Development of the Science of Social Relation 2. The\\nPopulation of the United States 3. The Status of the Population of\\nthe United States 4. Native and Foreign Born. Pari II. Units of\\nSocial Organism, i. Social Units 2. Political Units. Part III.\\nQuestions of Population, i. Immigration 2. Urban and Rural\\nPopulation 3. Special Problems of City Life. Part IV. Questions\\nof the Family, i. Marriage and Divorce 2. Education 3. Employ-\\nment of Women and Children. Part V. The Labor System, i. Old\\nand New Systems of Labor 2. Appliances of the Modern Labor Sys-\\ntem 3. Relations of Emploj er and Employee 4. Questions Relating\\nto Strikes and Lockouts. Part VI. Social Well-Being. i. The\\nAccumulation of Wealth 2. Poverty 3. The Relation of Art to Social\\nWell-Being\u00e2\u0080\u0094 4. Are the Rich Growing Richer, and the Poor Poorer\\nPart VII. The Defence OF Society, i. Criminology 2. The Pun-\\nishment of Crime 3. The Temperance Question 4. Regulation of\\nOrganizations. Part VIII Remedies Solutions that are Proposed\\nfor Social and Economic Difficulties. Maps and Diagrams. Index.\\nProfessor C. M. Geer, Bates\\nCollege, Lewiston, Me.: I am\\nvery much pleased with the book, as\\nit covers what ought to be given in a\\ncollege course in sociology.\\nProfessor I. A. Loos, State\\nUniversity, Iowa City, la.: I\\nthink Dr. Wright has done his work\\nremarkably well, and he alone could\\nhave given us just this work, crammed\\nwith knowledge and good sense,\\nlighting up the path of the student\\nthrough the mazes of documentary\\nmaterial.\\nAmerican Journal of Sociology,\\nUniversity of Chicago, Chicago, III.\\nColonel Wright could not fail to\\nproduce a notable book on the sub-\\nject to which he has devoted this\\nvolume. There is no equally avail-\\nable compilation and classification.\\nOutlook, New York The in-\\nitial volume sets a high\\nstandard for its successors to pre-\\nserve. These bibliographies\\nfit the book peculiarly for advanced\\nclasses, from which independent\\nwork is expected. The field which\\nthe volume covers is extremely broad.\\nOn all these subjects a\\nprodigious amount of American sta-\\ntistical information is given.\\nDial In this field of thought\\nMr. Wright s book presents more\\nabundant stores of fact than any\\nsimilar publication. The statistical\\nmatter is actually made interesting.\\nThe student of society\\nis here supplied with a mass of data\\nof great importance, and is directed\\nto abundant and valuable sources of\\ninformation and discussion.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "4 Longmans, Green, Go s Publications.\\nThe Art of Teaching.\\nBy David Salmon, Principal of Swansea Training College. Crown\\n8vo. 289 pages. $1.25.\\nThis book is devoted to the exposition of teaching as a Technical Art,\\nfounded on experience, philosophical principle and scientific observation.\\nIn the Introduction the author adopts Milton s definition of a complete\\nand generous education, but points out that the school teacher is really\\nonly one factor in physical, moral, and intellectual culture, and that, even\\nto be efficiently so, he has need of professional training. His aim must be\\ndirected to secure the utility, discipline, and pleasure of the taught as\\nresults of exercised activity. The author takes up in successive chapters\\n(i) Order, Attention, and Discipline, and gives rules applicable to the\\nregulated and successful exercise of these that they may become habitual\\n(2) Oral Questioning how to proceed with and succeed in it, and what to\\navoid while engaged in the process (3) Object Lessons what to aim at in\\ngiving them, and how to accomplish the intended result (4) Reading,\\nSpelling, Writing, and Arithmetic how they should be taught, and the\\nrelative merits of various methods of procedure (5) English, including\\nComposition, Grammar, and Literature (6) Geography, and how to make\\nthe teaching of it educative and valuable (7) History, and the methods of\\ngiving it a living (not a bookworm) interest (8) the Education of Infants\\nas a speciality.\\n[From the New Yo7-k Nation^\\nSalmon s contributions to elementary school literature are many and valu-\\nable. It suffices to mention his Object Lessons, School Grammar,\\nSchool Composition, Stories from Early English History, He has\\nnow collected into the volume before us his views on the Art of Teach-\\ning. The treatment of the subject is orderly, thorough, authoritative. He\\ntakes up first the fundamental matters of order, attention, discipline. Then\\ncomes a charming discussion of the art of oral questioning. Next follows an\\nestimate of the claims upon attention of the main subjects of elementary study,\\nwith invaluable hints as to the teaching of each. The subjects treated are\\nReading, Spelling, Writing, Arithmetic, English, Geography, History. This\\nis, indeed, familiar ground, but the treatment is so able, so acute, so com-\\nprehensive, that there is constant variety and constant interest. A very\\nvaluable portion of the volume is the section of sixty pages on Infant Edu-\\ncation. Not only are the history and development of the kindergarten here\\nadmirably discussed, but the original and valuable contributions of England\\nto the Education of young children are set forth. Most wise and helpful is\\n.Salmon s discussion of the best ways of teaching the elementary studies.\\nThis portion of the book is a true teachers manual. It is a genuine pleasure\\nto commend without qualification this admirable manual. It is a worthy\\ncompanion to Fitch s Lectures on Teaching, and, like that book, ought\\nto be on every teacher s shelf.\\nH. C. Missiraer, Superintendent\\nof Public Schools, Erie, Pa.:\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I\\nhave read Salmon s Art of Teach-\\ning, and believe it to be the best work\\non the subject yet published. It is\\nsimple, direct, clear, practical, and\\nhas evidently been written by one\\nwho has had experience with every\\nproblem and difficulty of the school-", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "Longmans, Green, Go s Publications. 5\\nA New Manual of Method.\\nBy A. H. Garlick, B.A., Head Master of the Woolwich P. T. Centre.\\nCrown 8vo. New Edition. 398 pages. $1.20.*\\nContents School Economy Discipline Classification (Grading)\\nNotes of Lessons\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Class Teaching Object Lessons Kindergarten\\nArithmetic Reading Spelling Writing Geography History\\nEnglish Elementary Science Music.\\nThe experience of the author in the teaching of School Method has led\\nhim to believe that young students require much more help in this subject\\nthan is offered in existing manuals, and that it is essential that the informa-\\ntion contained should be offered in its most serviceable form. His experi-\\nence has shown that no book is suitable unless it is comprehensive in its\\nrange, practical in its nature, and modern in its methods. For this reason\\nall the subject-matter in this book has been carefully methodized, and much\\nof it thrown into teaching form the form which is most difficult to young\\nteachers to acquire, and the most useful in practice.\\nThis work is based on the writer s teaching notes during the past ten\\nyears and as it grew to meet the wants of his own pupils for their recur-\\nring examinations, it is believed that it will be found specially suitable for\\nteachers and students.\\nWilliam H. Maxwell, City Superintendent, New York, in the Educa-\\ntional Review; He treats of all the subjects in the elementary\\ncurriculum. The conspicuous merits of the book are its clear-\\nness, its conciseness, and its fullness. If a teacher is at a loss to know\\nhow to teach an important point, say in arithmetic, history or geography,\\nhe has only to open this book at the appropriate heading, and he will find\\nan excellent method of presenting it, which, if he has any ingenuity, he can\\neasily adapt to his own uses. If he is in doubt about a matter of discipline,\\nsuch, for instance, as how to treat a case of obstinacy, he will find the\\ndifferent kinds of obstinacy classified, and the appropriate treatment sug-\\ngested for each kind. In short, the book is a vade mecum which the teacher\\nshould no more think of reading through than he would of perusing the\\ndictionary from cover to cover, but which he will do well to consult when\\nconfronted with a difficulty.\\nJ. J. McNulty, Professor of Philosophy, the College of the City of New\\nYork: In our pedagogical course, we are using Garlick s Manual of\\nMethod as a practical guide for students intending to teach. The remark-\\nable success of our candidates for state and city licenses, and the satisfac-\\ntory results of the examinations in methods of teaching, I attribute, in large\\nmeasure, to the interesting manner in which the various subjects are pre-\\nsented by Mr. GarHck.\\nNation, New York It is the best manual of its scope in English.\\nThe Independent, New York The notes given on all these topics\\nare those of a master, and of a master from whom any teacher in these\\ngrades of instruction might be glad to receive suggestions.\\nProfessor Carla Wenckebach, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass.:\\nIt is excellent. No teacher can do without it.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "6 Longmans, Green, Go s Publications.\\nTeaching and School Organization.\\nA Manual of Practice, with Especial Reference to Secondary Instruc-\\ntion. Edited by P. A. Barnett. Crown 8vo. 438 pages. $2.00.\\nThe object of this Manual is to collect and co-ordinate for the use of\\nstudents and teachers, the experience of persons of authority in special\\nbranches of educational practice, and to cover as nearly as possible the\\nwhole field of the work of Secondary Schools of both higher and lower\\ngrades.\\nThe subjects treated in the 22 chapters are as follows The Criterion in\\nEducation Organization and Curricula in Boys Schools Kindergarten\\nReading Drawing and Writing Arithmetic and Mathamatics English\\nGrammar and Composition English Literature Modern History Ancient\\nHistory Geography Classics Science Modern Languages Vocal Music\\nDiscipline Ineffectiveness of Teaching Specialization School Libraries\\nSchool Hygiene Apparatus and Furniture Organization and Curricula\\nin Girls Schools.\\nA Manual of Clay-Modelling for Teachers and Scholars.\\nBy Mary Louisa Hermione Unwin. With 66 Illustrations and a\\nPreface by T. G. Roofer, M.A. Balliol College, Oxford. i2mo.\\n$1.00.\\nThe course set forth in this Manual is suitable for children of six or seven\\nyears of age and upwards. It is a great advantage to young children to\\nlearn to handle the clay and to become accustomed to using it. They may\\nbegin with the simplest objects, such as beads, round or flat, of different\\nsizes cherries with string or wicker stalks a sausage, or cigar a small\\nsaucer, or a basket, a bun, or an open pea-pod with loose peas in it made\\nseparately a pat of butter, or a cottage loaf, are also suitable. For the\\nwork of advanced pupils, or for the higher classes in schools, more difficult\\nsubjects may be attempted.\\nKindergarten Guide.\\nBy Lois Bates With numerous Illustrations, chiefly in half-tone, and\\n16 colored plates. Crown Svo. 388 pages. $1.50.*\\nIn addition to a full description of the kindergarten gifts and occupations,\\nthe book shows how ordinary subjects may be taught on kindergarten\\nprinciples.\\nChurchman, New York: A long needed hand-book for the kinder-\\ngarten teacher. The whole course of instruction is elaborately\\nexplained with full illustrations, so that the teacher possesses, in this i2mo\\nvolume, a complete compendium for her work.\\nJournal of Education, Boston, Mass.: Never before has there been\\nso full, varied, and detailed a treatment of the subject from the standpoint\\nof teacher, parent, and child. No family in which there are little children\\nshould be without this sum of all kindergarten virtues.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "Longmans, Green, Sr Cos Publications.\\nCommon Sense in Education.\\nBy P. A. Barnett, M. A. Crown 8vo. 331 pages. $1.50.\\nThis volume is based on a systematic course of lectures on the Practice\\nof Education, which was delivered to Teachers during the last term of 1898.\\nThe lectures have been re-written and enlarged, and additional matter\\ntreated, so as to form a complete introduction to the study of current prob-\\nlems of teaching and school practice. Such points of general theory are\\ndiscussed as determine organization, curriculum, and schoolroom procedure.\\nThe subject of education is treated under the following general heads\\nI. Lessons from the History of Education Warnings from Demonstrated\\nErrors 2. The Physical Basis of Education, and the Hygiene of Learning\\n3. The General Discipline of Character 4. Discipline in Instruction 5.\\nCurricula 6. Audible Speech Native and Foreign Languages 7. Liter-\\nature 8. Science and Mathematics 9. History and Geography 10. The\\nClassical Languages 11. Special Studies and Examinations 12. The\\nMaking of the Teacher.\\nPaul H. Hanus, Harvard Uni-\\nversity, Cambridge, Mass. I\\nhave looked the book through with\\nmuch interest. While I cannot agree\\nwith all the author s views, I am glad\\nto see that the book justifies the\\ntitle. I shall take pleasure in calling\\nthe attention of students and teach-\\ners to it.\\nSelections from the Sources of English History being\\na Supplement to Text=books of English History,\\nB.C. 55\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A.D. 1832.\\nArranged and edited by Charles W. Colby, M.A., Ph.D., Professor\\nof History in McGill University, Montreal. Crown 8vo. 361 pages.\\n$1.50.\\nProfessor Max Farrand,\\nWesleyan University, Middletown,\\nConn. The most satisfactory\\nexpression of opinion that I can\\nmake to you, I suppose, of Colby s\\nSelections, is the announcement that\\nI am so greatly pleased with it that\\nI shall adopt it for use in my class\\nin English History for next year.\\nProfessor Benjamin S. Terry,\\nUniversity of Chicago, Chicago,\\nIII.: It is a good book, and\\nsomething which the teacher of\\nEnglish History has long needed.\\nI shall be very glad to use it in my\\nown work.\\nJulius Howard Pratt, Jr.,\\nMilwaukee Academy, Milwaukee,\\nWis.: It is very satisfactory to\\nhave books of this kind that give\\na glimpse at the original sources in\\na way to attract rather than to repel\\nthe young student.\\nProfessor Allen Johnson, Iowa\\nCollege, Grinnell, Iowa: Let me\\nadd simply that I am greatly pleased\\nwith the presswork of this volume it\\nis a pleasure to put so faultless a piece\\nof work into the hands of students.\\nJournal of Education, Boston\\nFew supplements are as indis-\\npensable to the satisfactory study of\\nany subject as is Dr. Colby s Selec-\\ntions from the Sources of English\\nHistory. It is not too much to say\\nthat no teacher should conduct a class\\nin English history without making\\nconstant use of this book.", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "8 Longmans, Green, Go s Publications.\\nANNOUNCEMENTS.\\nAmerican Teachers Series.\\nMessrs. Longmans, Green, Co. have the pleasure to announce that\\nthey have arranged for the publication of a series of books for the\\nguidance and assistance of teachers in elementary and secondary schools,\\nand of students in normal schools and teachers colleges to be pub-\\nlished under the general title of Amei-ican Teachers Series. The series\\nMrill be under the general editorship of Dr. James E. Russell, Dean\\nof Teachers College, Columbia University, New York.\\nThe folloiving volumes are now in preparation others will be announced\\nat an early date\\nI. English.\\nBy George R. Carpenter and Franklin T. Baker, Professors in\\nColumbia University.\\nII. Manual Training.\\nBy Charles R. Richards, Professor of Manual Training in Teachers\\nCollege late Director of the Department of Science and Technology\\nin Pratt Institute.\\nIII. Latin and Greek.\\nBy Charles E. Bennett, Professor of Latin in Cornell University\\nand George P. Bristol, Professor of Greek in Cornell University\\nIV. History and Civics.\\nBy Henry E. Bourne, Professor of History in the Western Reserve\\nUniversity, Cleveland, Ohio.\\nV. Mathematics.\\nBy J. W. A. Young, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Mathematical\\nPedagogy in the University of Chicago.\\nVI. Chemistry and Physics.\\nBy Alexander Smith, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of General Chem-\\nistry in the University of Chicago; and\\nMessrs. Longmans, Green, Co. will be happy to send their\\nCatalogue, describing more than i,ooo text-books and\\nworks of reference, to any teacher on request.", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "c^\\n,V 1 B\\nO.\\n^^ic;^\\nxO\\no\\nC V\\nV,\\nN V\\n\\\\0\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0V\\n*o\\nb\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^^A C^^\\noo\\n^S^^r^-,\\ni,\\\\\\n,0\\nx^^^\\n.o^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^0\\nx^\\n,V\\no 0^\\nA^\\no A^^\\nj5 -n.\\nAV ^f I i^ \\\\N\\nN 0-\\nA ^j,(\\\\ V, ^P^", "height": "2948", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "b", "height": "2964", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3104", "width": "1965", "jp2-path": "historicalsurvey00laur2_0438.jp2"}}