{"1": {"fulltext": "oiyHLAL\\n-1^^^^^\\nA\\\\\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\\\;h^ j ~^,j..,^\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0I \u00e2\u0080\u00a2^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2-v;_:\\nVs\\nT~l", "height": "3069", "width": "1961", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.\\nCliap. r _ CopyriiTht No\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "V", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "Books by William Root Bliss\\nColonial Times on Buzzard s Bay\\nWith Map and Facsimiles. New Edition.\\nCrown 8vo, gilt top, ^1.50.\\nQuaint Nantucket\\nCrown 8vo, gilt top, ^1.50.\\nThe Old Colony Town, and Other\\nSketches\\nCrown 8vo, gilt top, $1.25.\\nSide Glimpses from the Colonial Meet-\\ning-House\\nCrown 8vo, gilt top, ^1.50.\\nPublished by\\nMessrs. Houghton^ Mifflin b Company\\nSc Sold by all the Booksellers", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "Colonial Times on\\nBuzzard s Bay\\nby\\nWilliam Root Bliss\\nilifio CDition\\nBoston and New York\\nHoughton, Mififlin and Company\\n^\\\\)z RiUcraibe ^pxzH^ Cambribfle\\n1 900", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "2( 0r G\\nLibrary of Congresfe\\n^\\\\l^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J Copies Received\\nJUL 28 1900\\nCopyright entry\\nSECOND COPY.\\nOeilvered te\\nOR[)ER DIVISION,\\nAUG 7 1900\\nCopyright, i888, igoo\\nBy WILLIAM ROOT BLISS\\nrt^Ais reserved\\n67152\\nThe Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.\\nElectrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton Company", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "31 \u00c2\u00a9cbicate tW 2Booft\\nTO MY WIFE,\\nELIZABETH FEARING,\\nONE OF THE GREAT-GREAT-GRANDDAUGHTERS OF\\nISRAEL FEARING, Esquire,\\nOF THE AGAWAME PLANTATION, WHO WAS A GRANDSON OF\\nJOHN FEARING,\\nOF NORFOLK COUNTY IN OLD ENGLAND,\\nWHO LANDED AT HINGHAM, MASSACHUSETTS,\\nIN THE YEAR 1 635.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "In preparing this book I have used the fol-\\nlowing original manuscripts namely the\\nRecords of the Rochester Propriety^ begin-\\nning in the year lOjg the Records of the\\nAgawame Plantation, beginning in the year\\nl68^ the Records of Rochestertoivn, be-\\nginning in the year l6g/f the Records of\\nIVareham, town and chnrch, beginning in\\nthe year IJJQ, the diary and account book\\nof Israel Fearijig, farmer and justice of the\\npeace from I J 20 to 1 7541 similar zvrit-\\nings by his son John and his grandson John,\\nfarmers and justices of the peace Jinder the\\nroyal government and binder the independent\\ncommonwealth also various old manuscripts\\nbelonging to Mr. Gerard C. Tobey of Wareham.\\nStudying these writings, I have tried to illu-\\nmine their skeleton sketches of men a7id events\\nwith the color a?td spirit of their times.\\nGreystones, Short Hills,\\nEssex County, New Jersey.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nA Prelude\\nThe Lands of Sippican\\nThe Agawame Plantation\\nColonial Farmers\\nThe Squire\\nThe Birth of a Town\\nThe Town s Mind\\nImpressments for the King\\nThe Town s Meeting-House\\nA Sunday Morning in 1771\\nThe Town s Minister\\nThe Town s Schoolmaster\\nTown Life in the Revolution\\nTown Life after the War\\nThe British Raid\\nThe Town s Bass-Viol\\nFinal Transformations\\nAppendix\\nIndexes\\nPAGE\\nII\\n19\\n44\\n55\\n71\\nn\\n84\\n104\\nIII\\n127\\n136\\n161\\n169\\n192\\n210\\n218\\n223\\n239\\n24s", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "The Upper Shore of Buzzards Bay.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "A PRELUDE\\nHE story told in this book begins in\\nthe year 1680, when a few English-\\nmen of the Plymouth colony made a\\nplantation near Sippican harbor on the upper\\nshore of Buzzard s Bay and it ends in the\\nyear when a railroad, creeping down from\\nBoston, entered the same region and changed\\nthe morals, manners, and occupations of its\\ninhabitants.\\nThese planters belonged to the class which\\nGovernor Bradford described as used to a\\nplaine countrie life and ye innocente trade\\nof husbandrie in pursuit of this trade they\\ncame to seek richer pastures than were to\\nbe found on the Plymouth shore. When they\\nlaid out their new homesteads, allotting to\\neach associate sections of woodland, salt\\nmeadow, cedar swamp, and sea beach, they\\nprovided for certain future necessities by\\nreserving lands for the yuse of the minis-\\ntrie, for a grist-mill, a saw-mill, a fishing", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "12 A PRELUDE.\\nStation, and one lonesome acre for a burying\\nplace.\\nThe dreariest spot in all the land\\nTo death they set apart,\\nWith scanty grace from nature s hand\\nAnd none from that of art.\\nThe solitude of the situation and its re-\\nmoteness from English settlements forced\\nthem to rely upon their own resources.\\nThey wove flax and sheep s wool into mate-\\nrials for clothing they made and shared in\\nuse the plows and tools needed in their\\nmethods of agriculture they cut firewood\\nin a common forest and grazed cattle in\\ncommon pastures; they built sloops for\\nfreighting and fishing, and traded with each\\nother by truck and dicker. Their re-\\ncords show that they had no religious big-\\notry, no enmity to Quakers, no belief in\\nwitchcraft, no enthusiasm for public schools,\\nno disloyalty to the king.\\nIn the course of time, families expanded\\naround the homesteads and formed small iso-\\nlated villages. Before them was the open\\nbay behind them was a primeval forest\\nstretching away for miles and miles, offering\\nno lines of travel except the meandering", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "A PRELUDE. 13\\npaths trodden out by Indians on their jour-\\nneys to the shore for shell-fish, or by herds\\nof deer going to and from the watering\\nplaces. At the outset this forest was es-\\nteemed as a valuable inheritance. From its\\npine knots tar was made in restricted quan-\\ntities and sent to the West Indies, to be\\nbartered for such tropical products as were\\nneeded at home and lest a time might\\ncome when the inheritance would be in\\nruins because of a wasteful felling of its\\npine, oak, and spruce trees, it was decreed\\nthat no timber of any sort shall be carried\\naway that no man shall cut posts, rails, or\\nhouse-frames except for his own use and\\nevery boat s load of white cedar brought to\\nthe landing for shipment abroad shall pay\\nan export tax in money. Their principle of\\npolitical economy was the protection of\\nfuture values. To this action the upper\\nshore of Buzzard s Bay owes its picturesque\\nwoodlands while the highlands of Cape\\nCod, not far away, are barren of trees, al-\\nthough they were once covered by a dense\\nforest.\\nCircumstances disciplined these people to\\nhabits of severe frugality. It was their", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "14 A PRELUDE.\\ncustom to record all barters with each other\\nand all bargains for labor, and to make the\\nfinal reckoning in presence of debtor and\\ncreditor, each of whom searched the record\\nfor errors. If one was found, as a mistake\\nof two quarts of molasses, it was noted and\\na settlement of the account was recorded as\\nfrom the beginning of the world to the\\ndate hereof. A laborer who hired himself\\nout for a year was sure to find his account\\ncharged with time lost in sickness, as Dr\\nto the fever and ague 4 fits one week and\\n2 fits the next. To the readers of this\\nbook such petty economies and small ways\\nof trade will appear mean and ridiculous if\\ncontrasted with the generous methods of\\nmodern times. But let us remember that\\nthese men and women were poor at the be-\\nginning, that they had known things only\\nin the small, that their daily life was labor\\nfrom sunrise to sunset, that there was little\\nor no money to be had, that those who got\\nany earned it farthing by farthing, and its\\ngreat cost made them loath to part with it.\\nIt is good, said James Russell Lowell,^\\nto commemorate this homespun past of\\n1 Address at the 250111 anniversary of Harvard College.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "A FH ELUDE. 1$\\nours good in these days of a reckless and\\nswaggering prosperity to remind ourselves\\nhow poor our fathers were.\\nThe four towns which have grown up\\nfrom the little villages that were formed by\\nthe settlers on the upper shore of Buzzard s\\nBay, have from early times been the homes\\nof explorers, sea-captains, and shipbuilders.\\nOf these towns, Rochester, once the most\\nimportant of all, whose territory included\\nthe western shore of the bay as far down as\\nDartmouth, has given all its salt-water front\\nto its offsprings, Wareham, Marion, and\\nMattapoiset. It is now an inland farm,\\nhalf drowned in sleepy peace.\\nOld, seagoing, whale-catching Mattapoiset,\\nonce busy with ships and shipbuilding, is\\nnow looking off upon the sparkling bay from\\ngrass-covered wharves. To its summer in-\\nhabitants, returning every year from distant\\ncities, it appears to be the enchantress of\\nrepose, while from their lawns and beaches\\nthey watch the tides\\nO er-creep the ridgy sand,\\nOr tap the tarry boat with gentle blow,\\nAnd back return in silence, smooth and slow.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "1 6 A PRELUDE.\\nMarion, stretched along the southern edge\\nof an almost land-locked harbor, has lost its\\ncolonial name of Sippican (the oldest name\\non the bay), under which it long retained\\nthe simple characteristics of a self-support-\\ning village. Its men who chanced to go to\\nsea returned after a while to live in their\\nsmall, square houses, decorating them with\\ntropical shells, bunches of coral, and other\\ntokens of long voyages. Now the old houses\\nare summer homes of persons at leisure,\\nbrand new cottages overlook the bay, and\\nthe modernized town is annually thriving on\\nthe business of a summer season,\\nWareham, the most active town on the\\nbay, stretching its domain from the western\\naround to the eastern shore, is the very land\\nof trout brooks and cranberry harvests.\\nThe abundance of fish both in its rivers\\nand streams, and also in the bay, in fresh\\nwater and in salt water alike, was charac-\\nteristic of Wareham in colonial times, and\\nit still continues to be the chief attraction\\nto the many sportsmen with rod and hand-\\nline who annually seek its woods and shores.\\nThe town also attracts a numerous summer\\npopulation which sometimes lingers into the", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "A PRELUDE. 17\\nautumn, when large patches of blue fringed\\ngentians are to be seen blossoming by the\\nroadsides. Its belts of oaks, in which chil-\\ndren search for mayflowers when south winds\\nhave melted the snow its pine woodlands,\\nwith soft-brown silence carpeted; its\\nthree rivers, its ponds and far outlooks over\\nthe bay, are allurements to those who have\\ncome from a distance and built cottages on\\nOnset bluffs, or costly dwelling-houses on the\\nnecks and headlands of Agawame.\\nIn none of these towns does there remain\\nanything that belonged to the life of colonial\\ntimes except a few volumes of old records,\\nwhich have an agreeable savor of quaintness\\nand were written with laborious care, as if\\nthe unskilled writers were conscious of an\\nobligation resting upon them to preserve\\nwhat has been said to be one of the most\\ninteresting forms of human knowledge a\\nknowledge of the details of the Past.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL TIMES\\nON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nTHE LANDS OF SIPPICAN.\\nEAVING the cars of the Cape Cod\\nrailroad at a junction where iron-\\nworks have gathered around them a\\ndun-colored village, you enter a wagon and\\ndrive away over a sandy road which passes\\nthrough oak and pine woods, crosses other\\nsandy roads, and after many windings brings\\nyou to Fearing Hill. Here you turn into a\\nyard shaded by elm-trees, and alight at a\\ndwelling-house built in the low, square style\\nof the early part of the last century, where,\\nin colonial times, lived Our trusty and well-\\nbeloved John Fearing Esquire as he was\\ncalled in the Commission which he held as a\\nJustice of King George the Second.\\nIn front of the house passes an old high-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "20 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nway called the country road, coming from the\\neast, and going down the western shore of\\nthe bay. It was an ancient path when the\\nEnglish settled in this region, and in the ear-\\nliest lay-out of lands it was mentioned as then\\nexisting. Against the rude stone walls mark-\\ning its boundaries purple wood-asters and\\nblackberry vines are clustered, in the adja-\\ncent fields yellow primroses and meadow\\npinks are blooming, and the soft September\\nair is laden with the perfume of Indian posies.\\nLooking around, you are impressed by the\\npicturesque scenery and the quiet of the neigh-\\nborhood. On the northern horizon stretches\\nan edge of Plymouth Woods, whose tree-tops\\ncatch the mists blown over from the ocean\\nwhen the wind is northeast. Half a mile\\neastward stands a ridge of low hills covered\\nwith pine-trees, and through the valley at\\ntheir feet runs the Weweantet River south-\\nward to the bay. The highway crosses the\\nriver by a narrow bridge, the approach to\\nwhich is hedged by tall bushes of syringas,\\nbuttonwoods, and alders. Below the bridge\\nthe stream is checked by a dam which ex-\\npands it to a broad pond, creeping over mead-\\nows on this side and into wooded coves on the", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIP PIC AN. 21\\nOther, When the water is low a few tree-\\nstumps dotting its surface appear in the\\nshadowy distance like little boats at anchor.\\nYou hear the hum of a nail factory, out of\\nsight, and you see its steam-jets floating away\\nbehind the hills. You hear the whish of a\\nscythe a man is mowing the aftermath in an\\nold orchard. Yonder you see the dust raised\\nby an ox-team coming up from the salt mead-\\nows with a load of hay. A traveler rarely\\npasses along the highway, save the baker from\\nSippican village, an oysterman, or a butcher\\ndriving a tidy white-covered wagon from Ware-\\nham Narrows, or itinerant merchants in lad-\\nders, fruit-trees, and tin wares, from the inte-\\nrior of the State, Occasionally a sunburnt\\ndoctor flits by in a one-horse shay, carrying\\nan apothecary s shop in a little box at his\\nfeet. But none of these disturb the universal\\nrepose.\\nAll around are pine and oak woods. In\\nmany places and at diverse times the woods\\nhave been cut down and have again grown\\nup, occupying fields where stone walls now\\ntestify that within their leafy enclosures corn\\nand grass formerly grew, and where a few\\nscraggy apple-trees and the weedy ruins of a", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "22 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ncellar-wall show that an old home has disap-\\npeared. The present occupants of the farms\\nyet unreclaimed by the forest are making a\\nhard struggle to draw their living out of the\\nexhausted land, which they till as it was tilled\\nin colonial times, when the soil was more fer-\\ntile and the seasons more propitious than now.\\nThe earliest authentic memorial of this re-\\ngion is to be found in the Plymouth Colony\\nRecords of the year 1639; when a graunt\\nof a plantacion called Seppekann was made\\nto John Lothrop, a non-conformist minister,\\nwho, to escape persecution by Archbishop\\nLaud, had fled from London to New England\\nwith a part of his congregation. The grant\\nwas not accepted the minister and his con-\\ngregation having been induced to settle near\\nthe great marshes of Barnstable where, like\\ntrue Presbyterians, they observed days of\\nthanksgiving for the Lord s admirable pow-\\nerfuU working for Old England by Oliver\\nCromwell.\\nAfter the desolating war with King Philip\\nwas ended, all the lands on the western shore\\nof the bay were purchased by a company\\nwhich comprised many of the principal men\\nin Plymouth Colony. As some of these were", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SJPFICAN. 2$\\nof Kentish descent, the purchased territory\\nbecame known as the Rochester Propriety.\\nIt was esteemed valuable for its fisheries, its\\npine woodlands, its cedar and spruce swamps,\\nand especially for its great necks extending\\ninto the bay, containing rich meadows which\\nhad been used by the English to winter\\ncattle upon, when the limited pasturage on\\nthe Plymouth shore became insufficient for\\nthe increase of their herds and flocks. North\\nof it was a wilderness encompassing the thinly\\nsettled township of Middleborough, known by\\nthe Indian name Nemassaket west of it was\\na forest covering the Quaker township of\\nDartmouth, through which went the path to\\nRhode Island south of it was the sea, and\\neastward was the Agawame Plantation.\\nThe purchasers went to work to turn their\\nproperty to a good account. On March lo,\\n1679, they met at Joseph Burgs his house\\nat Sandwitch, and Ordred that mr Thomas\\nHinctly mr william Pay body Joseph warrain\\nSamuel white and Joseph Lothrop shall take\\na vew of the Lands of Scippican and determin\\nwher the house Lots shall be Layed out and\\nif the Land will Beare it to Lay 40 ackors to\\na house Lot and to have for thair paines 2s", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "24 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\n6d a day a peece in mony and Samuel\\nwhite to stay ther with mr Pay body to help\\nLay out the Lands and Joseph Doty to goe\\nther to help them and to have 2s p day a\\npeece in mony. Then to attract emigration\\nthey declared that those that first settell and\\nare Livers there shall be allowed to make on\\nthe commons ten Barrells of tarr a peece\\nfor a yeare, for their own use and that\\none man s barrel should not be larger than\\nanother s, it was distinctly stated that the\\nfree tar measure is to be such as are com-\\nonly called small Barrells. Lest purchasers\\nwho did not emigrate to the new lands should\\nclaim the privilege of making tar which, at\\nthat time and until after the Revolution, was\\na valuable article of commerce, it was furder\\nordred that ther shall be none of the said\\npurchasers alowed to Burne or make any\\nTarre of the pine knots or wood that is\\nwithin the Limmits for five years, upon\\nthe penalty of five pound for every default.\\nThe value of the great forests for other prod-\\nucts was recognized by an order that ther\\nshall be no Tymber of any sort convaied or\\ncarry ed a way out of the Lymits of Scippican\\nunder the penilltie of twentie Shilings for", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPFICAN. 2$\\nevery Tree or part of a tree so used and sent\\nor carried away.\\nThe first necessities of the new settlers\\nwere a grist-mill and a minister of the Gos-\\npel for a law of the Colony declared that\\nnoe pson be admited to goe to Inhabite upon\\nany such lands that lye soe remote as the\\nInhabitants thereof can not ordinaryly fre-\\nquent any place of publicke worship. There-\\nfore, when, in April, 1680, the purchasers\\ndrew lots for homesteads and meadows, they\\nappropriated the first and second house lots\\nwith the twentie Ackar Lots that are enpled\\nto them in the great Neke, and two lots in\\nthe best of the woodland, for the minister\\nand for the ministrie. Three years later\\ntwo of the company were chosen to hunt for\\nsom meet person to preach the word of\\ngod to them at Scippican and to procure him\\nif they can and also to treat with some per-\\nsons to build a mill. Soon after this the rec-\\nords refer to a grist-mill about to be built of\\nsuch a capassitie as Shee may grind the corne\\nof the Inhabitants for the space of twentie\\nyears; and also to the house or frame\\nthat is got up for Mr. Samuel Shiverick,\\nwhom the proprietors agreed to pay at the", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "26 COLONIAL TLMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nrate of five shillings a share for his paines\\nin preaching. The next year they ordered\\nthose that are setled Inhabitance to pay\\nhim yearly ten shillings in mony a peece\\nduring the time he shall preach the word of\\ngod.\\nTradition points to Minister Rock, a huge\\nboulder near the head of Sippican harbor, as\\nthe* place where the pioneers first met for\\npublic worship\\nOn Minister Rock they stood, and as they gazed\\nUpon the white-caps sailing out to sea,\\nTheir prayerful souls to heaven devoutly raised,\\nThey praised the Lord for christian liberty.\\nAnd as they sang The hill of Zion yields\\nTo contrite souls A thousand sacred sweets\\nThe fragrant marshes seemed like heavenly fields,\\nThe yellow sedges glowed like golden streets.\\nThe wandering wind had healing in its breath,\\nDistilled from cedar, pine, and spicy birch\\nThe sea had saving salt nor second death\\nItself could fright a member of the church.\\nIn ages past the servants of the Lord\\nWere glad to seek the shadow of a rock\\nHere was the ponderous substance, to reward\\nThese scions of a puritanic stock.\\nNot long afterwards a few of these thrifty\\nEnglishmen, attracted by the streams, fish-", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 2/\\neries, and meadows of the easterly part of\\nthe territory, planted their homesteads nearer\\nto Fearing Hill and the picturesque banks of\\nthe Weweantet.\\nMeanwhile the title to the lands, which the\\ncompany held acording to the deed granted\\nby the Court, was disputed by some of the\\nIndian sachems. These were Charles, who\\nclaimed a neck of land which still bears his\\nname, Manomet Peter, and Will Connet, as\\nthey were called by the English. The claims\\nwere bought, except that of Will Connet, who,\\nclaiming to be lord paramount of all the ter-\\nritory bordering on the Weweantet and Woon-\\nkinco rivers to Plymouthes westerly tree at\\nAgawaame, did disclaime and defie the\\ntitle of every these men called the purchasers\\nof Sepecan. In 1682 the purchasers prose-\\ncuted a suit to dispossess him but they were\\nglad to settle it by paying a pound sterling, a\\ntrucking cloth coat valued at ten shillings,\\nand by making him a member of their com-\\npany. His name was then written upon the\\nroll of shareholders Substanciall men that\\nare prudent psons and of considerable es-\\ntates, as the Plymouth Court had described\\nthem and when they were taxing themselves", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "28 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nten shillings a peece in silver mony to\\nmeet their contract for building the grist-mill,\\nit was recorded that Will Connet promised\\nfor him self and his brother John to give six\\nbarrells of tarr to wards sd mill.\\nIn 1686 the lands of Sippican were incor-\\nporated, and became Rochester Towne in\\nnew England but the management of affairs\\nremained with the proprietors, who continued\\nto carry on the general government of the\\ntown in entire separation from the body of\\nthe inhabitants.\\nTheir supreme authority was used in vari-\\nous ways. To prevent the exportation of\\nlumber they met, in 1687, at Elder Chap-\\nmans house in Sandwitch, and Ordred\\nthat all Timber Bourds Bolts Shinales Cla-\\nboude Cooper Stuf or shuch like that is\\nbrought to the water side or any Landing\\nplace where it may be Judged that it will\\nbe transported out of the Township shall be\\nforfited the one half there of to the Inter-\\nmen and the other halfe there of to the\\nTownes use. They also ordered that no\\nPerson what so ever should gett timber upon\\nthe undivided Lands for Posts Rails or house\\nframes except the timber so gotten be used", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPFICAN. 29\\nwithin the township. They made laws for-\\nbidding strange Indians to hunt or catch\\ndeer within the town, and forbidding the\\ninhabitants to imploy anny such indian in\\nhunting. They made a decree to prohibit\\nevery person from cutting cedar spruce or\\npine except he fairly demonstrate that he\\nstands in need of it. They gave to their\\nassociates liberty to sett up a grist mill\\nupon the River called mattapoicitt, and\\nto sett up a mil for Iron works whear it\\nmay be secur from hurting people by cuting\\nchoyce timber or fire wood. In 1698 they\\nfixed a boundary line with Plymouth in\\n1701 they ordered Samuel Prince Lieut\\nJohn Hammond and Aron Barlow to setle\\nbounds an run the Line with Dartmouth\\nin 1702 they had a controversy with the\\nLathrops of barnstable and the tomsons of\\nmidleberry whear the bounds shall stand be-\\ntween them and the Proprietors of roches-\\nter. In 1706 they fixed a tax upon what\\ntar hath bin gotten or shall hear after be\\ngotten by the inhabitance of rochester\\nfrom their lands, those yt git it shall pay\\neight pence for every full gaged barell they\\ngit into the dark of the propriety. In 1708", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "30 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\nthey ordered a fine of five pounds to be paid\\nby every English or Indian or others who\\nshall set on fire the woods in anny part of\\nthe Township and neglect to put it out be-\\nfore they depart the Spott whear the sd fire\\nwas made. They ordered that undivided\\nlands in all the four necks shall remaine\\nafter the manner of a common field; they\\nappropriated lands for highways, and to\\nmake a training field and for a burling place\\nand to sett a meeting hous upon for the\\nbenifit of the Town in Genarall.\\nOther matters fell to the town meeting,\\nwhere orders were generally conditioned\\nwith the consent of the proprietors, whose\\nprerogative appears to have been regarded\\nlike that of the King. The town meeting\\ndealt with wolves, wildcats, and foxes, mak-\\ning havoc of the farmers sheep, and with\\ncrows, blackbirds, robins, and squirrels, de-\\nvastating planted fields. Forty shillings were\\npaid in 1699 for killing of two grown\\nwoulves in our town at the same time it\\nwas made obligatory upon every inhabitant\\nto bring unto Peter Blackmer the town\\ndark, annually, the heads of four crows\\nand the heads of twelve blackbirds killed b}", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 3 1\\nthe bringer, before the last day of May.\\nBut it was voted that whosoever shall kill\\neither squerels, Red birds or jay birds\\nbring 12 of their heads to the town clark\\nthey shall be exsepted and entered in the\\nRoom of black birds crows. So numer-\\nous were these farm pests that the town was\\ncompelled to enforce their destruction by a\\nfine of two shillings levied upon every man\\nin Rochester of 21 years old and upward\\nwho did not kill his yearly quota, and cary\\nthe heads of the birds or squarils so killed to\\nthe man that is to take a Count of ye wild\\ncats. There was always a bounty to be\\npaid for wildcats and foxes killed in the town,\\nif the head of the beast was brought to one\\nof the selectmen with both thire eares on to\\nbe cut off.\\nDogs, kept by farmers to protect their\\n1 a Count of wild cats and foxes killed in the year\\n1722 capt Holmes family killed eleven foxes James\\nStuart fouer wild cats Timothy Stephens i cat caleb cow-\\ning I cat Anthony cumbs i cat moses Barlow i fox John\\nWing I cat John Briggs i fox Jabez Hillard 2 foxes Ben-\\njamin hammond 2 foxes i wild cat Seth hammond i wild\\ncat Benj Dexter Junr James Hammond i cat Jonathan\\nHammond Junr i fox Thomas Turner i fox Benjamin Dex-\\nter I fox David Joseph i fox. Rochester Town Records.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "32 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nsheep from wild beasts, were also a pest, for\\nthey persisted in uprooting the early corn.\\nWith each return of spring, alewives came up\\nMattapoiset River from the sea and entered\\nSniptuit pond, where they were taken by\\nAnthony Comes, who was chosen to tend\\nthe Herring ware carefully and dilligently,\\nand were dealt out to each inhabitant that\\ncame for them for a peck of corne or 6d in\\nmoney for each looo. When cornfields\\nwere planted alewives were put into the hills,\\nand the hungry dogs, getting nothing to eat\\nat home, pawed open the hills and ate the\\nfish. This made business for the town\\nmeet of May, 1703, when, as the records\\nsay, it was taken into consideration the\\ngreat dam that this town hath in time passed\\nsuffered by dogs going at Liberty when ale-\\nwives are planted in cornfields with Indien\\ncorn and then it was ordered that every\\ndog Bitch or dog kind shall be annually\\nfettered on the 20th of April for forty days\\nby haveing one of theire fore feet fastened\\nup to their neck so as to prevent their dig-\\nging up of fish so planted.\\nBut neither wolves, dogs, crows, nor ale-\\nwives distracted the thoughts of the people", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 33\\nfrom a meeting-house to be sit on the west-\\nerly Sid of the long bridg and they did\\nagree to pay for the meeting-house which\\nwas to be builded by a free will offering of\\nfifty pounds. It was a square building of\\nfour gables, finished in 1699, and is described\\nas having a pulpit and flours and Seats\\ngirts for 3 galerys with 3 Seats apew and\\nwindows as the undertakers Shall see con-\\nvenient. In 1 714 it was declared to be too\\nsmall for the congregation, and it was then\\nenlarged by an addition made to ye back-\\nside. Seats were built nye the pulpit stairs\\nfor Antiant parsons to sett in. Rights to\\nbuild pews in the enlarged house were sold\\nat vandue to those that would give most\\nfor them and buld sd pues in three month\\nand pay in mony for them in Six months;\\nit being understood that the pues be al of a\\nhaith and bult work men like. The allotted\\nspots for pews were gradually occupied, and\\nthen permission was given to certain per-\\nsons to build pews, on the beams over the\\ngaleries, and upon other lofty perches above\\nthe heads of the congregation, provided\\nthey do it decently, and on their own cost.\\nOne of these lofty-pew builders was Timothy", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "34 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nRuggles, junior. He had just graduated at\\nHarvard College and had returned to his\\nnative town to begin the practice of law,\\nwhen he obtained permission to build the\\npew whose commanding -position on the\\nbeams of the meeting-house was typical of\\nhis position in subsequent years as one of\\nthe most prominent citizens of New Eng-\\nland, in civil and military affairs.\\nThe natural parsimony of the people which\\nled them to prefer to patch out the old meet-\\ning-house rather than spend money for a new\\none was again shown in December, 1730,\\nwhen the shabby condition of its windows\\nwas making the cold house colder and it\\nwas voted to mend the Glass that is Least\\nbroken and where the Glass is Quite Gone\\nto nail up bords in Lue thereof for ye\\npreasant.\\nThe first minister in this meeting-house\\nwas Samuel Arnold, who had begun to preach\\nto the town in 1690, and to whom, in 1697,\\nthe proprietors of the lands gave a whole\\nshear of upland and meadow ground, upon\\ncondition that he continucth in the work\\nof the ministry among them till prevented\\nby death. After continuing in this work", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 35\\nfor thirteen years he organized a church, and\\nrecorded the fact in these pious words It\\nhath pleased our gracious God to shine in\\nthis dark corner of this wilderness and visit\\nthis dark spot of ground with the dayspring\\nfrom on high, through his tender mercy to\\nsettle a church according to the order of the\\nGospel October 13, a, d. 1703.\\nAs some townsmen, who were not of the\\nprevailing religious faith, protested against\\npaying the ministry taxes, a town meeting of\\n1709 was charitable enough to abate the\\nsum of ten pounds upon such inhabitance as\\nare of contrery judgement now professed\\nQuakers. Then they raised forty pounds\\nfor the incoragement soport of a min-\\nister and, mr Arnold being dead, they\\nmade choice of mr Timothy Ruggles, in\\n1710, to be their minister, to be by them\\nTreated with duly incoraged in order to\\na Settlement. He was a graduate of Har-\\nvard College, and a great-grandson of Thomas\\nDudley, the second governor of the Colony of\\nMassachusetts Bay. He was incoraged\\nto settle by a salary of thirty pounds, a\\ngift of seventy acres of land for a farm, the\\nuse of the glebe, or, as it was designated in", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "36 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nthe records, the uplands medovvs ceadder\\nspruce swamps of the ministreys shear,\\nby building for him a house the sd mr\\nRuggles finding and providing all the nails\\nglasse, and by boarding him at Roger\\nHascols until the house was done. He con-\\ntinued to be the town-minister for fifty-eight\\nyears, or till prevented by death.\\n1 The following letter from the Rev. Timothy Ruggles,\\naddressed to the Rev. John Howland, of Plympton, is pre-\\nserved among the papers of the Rev. Ezra Stiles in the\\nlibrary of Yale College Revd. Sir, In answer to yours\\nof the 30th of Aug. last I would say I am not able to say\\nanything as to any uneasiness of the Neighbour ministers\\nwith Relation to the settlement of The Revd Mr Saml\\nArnold c. This I find by the Church Records he left\\nnow in my hand that he lived Thirteen years in the work\\nof the ministry before his ordination in Rochester as I\\nwell Remember the only Reason of that was for want of\\nmembers to Imbody. I find by sd Records he was or-\\ndained 13th of October, 1703 there was seven members\\nbeside himself Imbodied at his ordination and he was in\\nthe 56 year of his age and he dyed in the year 1708. I\\nremember I often heard the antientest people brightest\\nChristians say that they had one Mr Shievereck, a lay\\npreacher, with them before Mr Arnold who was in their\\nopinion not comparable with Mr Arnold, who after settled\\nat Falmouth. Mr Arnold, by all I could learn by the\\nbrightest Christians here at my first coming, was an Emi-\\nnent Christian who walked close with God. His Father\\nwas a minister gave him a good Education, who had only", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 37\\nThe proprietors also left the school, the\\nhighways, and the poor to the care of town\\nmeeting, which in 1706 chose mrs jane\\nmashell for to teach childered youth to\\nReed to writte for her panes she was\\nto have her dyet and to receive twelve\\npounds. She kept her school in different\\nplaces between Mattapoiset Neck and Woon-\\nkinco River. For two or three years she\\nwas the chosen teacher but doubts arose\\nabout the soberness of her conversation and\\nit is recorded that three ungallant men,\\nJoseph Benson John dexter ichabod burg\\nrequested to have theire protest entered for\\nthat they accounted she was not as the law\\ndirects.\\nIn 1 712, John Myers was made choice of\\nto sarve in the office of a Skoll master, and\\nit was voted to raise twelve pounds in\\nmoney to pay him for his pains in keeping of\\na private Education himself. I have often heard from\\nsome of the Neighbouring Ministers who survived him\\nthat they esteemed him as a worthy minister approved\\nhim as a good Divine but not so well skilled in Church\\nDiscipline as some others. Sir, with sutable compliments\\nto yourself Madam I rest yours to serve,\\nTiMO. RUGGLES.\\nRoch. 8. Sept. 1764.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "38 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nSkool to teach children youth to Read\\nwrite to have his dyet provided for him.\\nHis school was to be kept at five places in\\nthe town during the year, first at White\\nHall then at the centre 3 y at mattapoisit 4 y\\nat the fresh meadows and 5 y at Sepecan.\\nThe distance between the third and fourth\\nplaces was about ten miles by the country\\nroad. After him there were years when no\\nschool was kept, for a teacher was not to be\\nhad and, in 1 720, the town having been\\npresented by the grand jury of the county\\nfor not being provided with a Scoolmas-\\nter, paid Capt Winslow twenty shillings\\nfor Answaring the Towns presentment.\\nWhen in 1732 Benjamin Delano undertook\\nto keep the town school in five places dur-\\ning the year, his compensation was thirty\\npounds with Dyat washing Lodging\\nhors to Ride. As pounds were then of\\nsmall value in silver money his principal re-\\nward was his board and washing and the use\\nof the horse that carried him to his work.\\nThe northeasterly boundary of Roches-\\ntertown was then an imaginary line in\\nthe woods crossing the Woonkinco River.\\nThereabout were natural fresh meadows, and", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 39\\nOil the river a grist-mill, and a mill pond, the\\nsame that now, with its wooded banks and\\nshaded coves, forms an attractive picture in\\nthe centre village of Wareham.^ Near the\\nmill stood a cluster of dwelling-houses known,\\nfrom the meadows, as the Fresh meadow\\nVillage. It was one of the stations of the\\ntown s migratory school and a town meet-\\ning of 1722 specified it as one of the five\\nvillages in which notice of the arrest of\\nA Ram or Rames in Rochester Running at\\nLarg must be posted\\nif in the village called the center at the hous\\nof John Clapp\\nif in the villeg called Sepycan at the hous of\\nJohn Briggs\\nThe celebrated Peter Oliver, the last Chief Justice of\\nthe Province of Massachusetts Bay, was in 1746 an owner\\nof this mill pond. He settled at Middleborough in 1744,\\nand for thirty years carried on a successful business as an\\niron founder, living in ostentatious style in a sightly man-\\nsion known as Oliver Hall. In 1774 he was impeached\\nfor receiving his salary from the king. Departing with\\nother loyalists for Old England, he wrote in his diary\\nBoston, 1776, March 27, Here I took my leave of that\\nonce happy country, where peace and plenty reigned un-\\ncontrouled, till that infernal Hydra Rebellion, with its hun-\\ndred Heads, had devoured its happiness, spread desolation\\nover its fertile fields, and ravaged the peacefuU mansions\\nof its inhabitants.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "40 COLOiXIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\nAnd if in the village called Sneptuet at the\\nhous of Capt Edward Winslow\\nif in the fresh meadow village Weweantet\\nat Isaac Bumpus his mill\\nif at Mattapoyset village at the house of\\nJohn Hammond\\nAs these people were born into a life of\\nfrugal habits, and had learned to know the\\nlarge value of small things, they could not\\nsink into abject poverty. Their wants were\\nsupplied by their daily labors, and by the\\nvoyages of their sloops to the islands of the\\nWest Indies, to which they sent tar, rosin,\\nand turpentine, to be exchanged for rum,\\nsugar, and molasses. The only allusion to a\\npauper during the period with which this\\nnarrative has to do is in the town records of\\n1 72 1, when it was voted, in regard to an un-\\nfortunate neighbor, that Eleven pounds be\\npaid in money to any man that will take and\\nkeep him a year, and find him vettuals\\nclose sutable unless the Court Determines\\nhim to be maintained by his Relations.\\nOne December day in 1729 the selectmen\\nsummoned the householders of the town In\\nhis Maj^*\u00c2\u00ae name to assemble and meet to\\nGeather att ye Meeting house to consider", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 4 1\\na work of charity. It was announced that\\nsome townspeople needed aid, and espe-\\ncially ye family of Benjamin Burges De-\\nceased who are in Great want at preasant.\\nThen they who had been too parsimonious\\nto give anything for the building of a new\\nmeetinghouse when it was said to be needed,\\nopened their cellars and handed out corn\\nand wheat by the peck and half bushel, beef\\nand pork and butter by the pound, molasses\\nby the gallon all which were entrusted to\\nSam Look to Deliver ye same to the use\\nof sd family as they shall stand in need.\\nThe people were generally prosperous in\\ntheir affairs. They had a small commerce\\nby sea as early as 1697, when the Townes\\ngennarall Landing place was established on\\nthe northerly side of Sippican harbor. A\\nwharf was built at the harbor in 1708, and\\nfor its maintenance a tax of one shilling in\\nmoney for every boats load of whet saeder\\n1 Whear as Samuel briggs hath alowed a cart way\\nthrough his Lands down to the Townes gennarall Landing\\nplace on the northerly side of the harber in case sd bridggs\\nReceave damage by anny Cart or parson either by break-\\ning or Leaving open.sd briggs his Gattes or Railes he or\\nthey shall surly pay the whol damage that doth accrew to\\nsd briggs thereby. Rochester l^ozvn Records, 1697.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "42 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\nbrought on or carried of, was decreed.\\nThe freeholders of the town were wealthy-\\nenough as early as 17 14 to send Samuel\\nPrince as their representative to the Great\\nand General Court at Boston, and after him\\nThomas Dexter, paying them five shillings\\na day and their expenses. As long as the\\nroyal government lasted they continued to\\nsend representatives, one of whom was the\\nfamous Timothy Ruggles, son of the town\\nminister, a man of lordly address, strict in-\\ntegrity, high talents, and strong convictions,\\nalways loyal to the King, even when loyalty\\ncaused him to lose his property and his\\ncountry. 1\\nIn 1734 the inhabitants of Mattapoiset\\nVillage, having complained that they were\\nso remote from the centre of the town as\\nto make their Difficulty Great in all publick\\nConserns, were allowed to become a pre-\\ncinct, by which they were entitled to a min-\\nister, a parish, and a meeting-house of their\\nown while they continued to be a part of\\n1 In the years immediately preceding the Revokition he\\nwas leader of the King s party in the legislature. He em-\\nbarked from Boston with the King s troops in 1775, and\\nmade his home near Annapolis, Nova Scotia, where he\\ndied, an exile, in 1795.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "THE LANDS OF SIPPICAN. 43\\nthe town. In the same year, on the petition\\nof sundry Bumpases, Rochester consented\\nto set off its east end to be joined to the\\nAgawame Plantation, in the composition of a\\nnew town, by a boundary described as be-\\nginning at the moutli of Sepecan River\\nRunning up the River to mendalls Bridge\\nThence as ye Rhode now Lieth to plymouth\\ntill it meets with middleborough line.\\nThis road still lieth to Plymouth as of\\nyore. As the traveler worries his horse\\nthrough its wheel-deep sands, a covey of\\npartridges breaks out of the berry bushes at\\nthe roadside, a hare or a gray squirrel scam-\\npers across the ruts, the pale blossoms of a\\nclump of house-leeks tell the place where a\\nhearthstone once stood, and he may see at\\nintervals in the openings of the forest granite\\nposts marked with an R and a W, defining\\nthe exact line between the old town and the\\nnew.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "II.\\nTHE AGAWAME PLANTATION.\\nDJOINING the east end of Roches-\\nter was the Agawame Plantation of\\nabout eight thousand acres. Its early\\nhistory has been preserved in an old Booke,\\nwhose yellow leaves of English paper, water-\\nmarked with crown and fleur-de-lis, are writ-\\nten in quaint characters difficult for an un-\\ntrained eye to read.\\nThe territory is mentioned in the early\\nrecords of Plymouth Colony as a discovery\\nthe South Meddowes towards Aggawam\\nlately discovered and the convenyent uplands\\nthere abouts. The colony bought it from\\nIndians natives of New England they\\nwere called, and in 1682 sold it to six English-\\nmen for two hundred and eighty pounds,\\ncurrent money, to obtain the means of build-\\ning a meeting-house in Plymouth town. It\\nwas more attractive than the colder lands on\\nPlymouth shore, where divers come fields", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "o 0..\\nQ cr? c c/2 i-d 5*\\ni-i S o 2.\\n\u00c2\u00a3i 8 rt g- 3 S\\nCL c\\n3 2 w T g\\nE _\u00e2\u0096\u00ba M fij W a-\\na sr cl S Si _\\ntc) f O 2.\\no 3- I 1^ S ft\\n_ p\\nV3 p\\nCL C- ft) CTv^\\nn\\nK 3\\np -J\\nDBS\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2t _ ni y\\nsi\\n3 (fl\\no o\\nP 2\\n?i S-\\np irT f ff ;i. era\\n3^ 3\\ng^ cu 5\\nS S---.\\nw 3 3 w 3\\n2 C Hrj p CL\\nC- re re ;r\\nCL 5 o re\\n3- o 2 S- R? o\\nS; 3 S re 3\\n1 n\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2-t p\\n2. c\\nre 3\\nc ?L\\n3\\nre\\np r; p t^\\nre 3 3 Ore\\nP p O^ v; Bj 5:\\n-L o 2. en\\nT O D. g o\\ng, 5 5: ft- W cr\\n.-i\\n7 :f\\nI Ml", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "46 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nand little running brookes, seen under a\\nDecember sky, had invited the Mayflower\\npilgrims to stay. It contained many springs\\nof sweet water, and small lakes on whose\\nshores beaver and otter were trapped. In\\nthe vast forest which covered the uplands\\ndeer were hunted and streams ran abounding\\nin trout. It had rich salt meadows which\\nwere intersected by creeks whose marshy\\nbanks were a resort of curlew and plover, and\\nthere was abundance of bird life along the\\nshores when the mud slopes were left bare by\\nthe ebbing tide. It lay at the head of the\\nbay, whose waters washed it on three sides,\\nand its coast line is still indented by coves\\nrich in shellfish, is fringed by islands and\\nsandy beaches, and fronts the slumbering sea\\nby a long ridge of highland from which the\\neye ranges southward as far as the Elizabeth\\nIslands, and over as pleasing a panorama of\\nsea and shore as is to be found in New Eng-\\nland.\\nThe purchasers, who had divided their es-\\ntate into six shares, met and laid out six\\nhome lotts of sixty acres each, to build\\nany hous or housen upon. They met again\\nand laid out sixe tracts of meadow, and to", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE AGAWAME PLANTATION. 47\\nprohibit the making of tar in the common\\nforest, they ordered that not any pine notts\\nliing upon ye undevided lands should be\\nmade use of by any man untill such time as\\nther was an allowance by the said owners soe\\nto doe. Desiring to divide more uplands\\nand meadows and to lay out convenient\\npublike private high waies, they appointed\\nfour of their number to carry on these im-\\nprovements and when they met, in 1696,\\nthey declared thar selves contented and\\nsatisfid with what was don and there set too\\nthare handes in the smal bucke where all\\nthes devisins ware first writen.\\nBy this time some dwelling-houses had\\nbeen built. The records of 1688 mention\\nthe house of Joseph Warren as now stand-\\ning thare. From him the promontory, near\\nto which Bostonians have built their summer\\ndwellings, took its name it is quaintly de-\\nscribed as bounded by the see esteward\\nand southward and northward by his own\\nmedo on the cove. Other houses were clus-\\ntered near a secluded place where\\nA winding wall of mossy stone,\\nFrost-flung and broken, lines\\nA lonesome acre thinly grown\\nWith grass and wandering vines,", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "48 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwhich, in the records, is designated as the\\nplace where some persons have been laid\\nalready at. It was the neighborhood of the\\nearly settlers they lived in sight of the acre,\\nand within it they were buried.\\nIn 1 701 the proprietors, intending to Laye\\noiite sum hie waye into the Neckes on the\\nbay, looked into their old Booke and found\\nthat a highway must of neseseti come over\\nthe southerd end of Samuel Bate his home\\nlots which was veri much damig to him.\\nTherefore each gave him as compensation\\nhis sevrel rite in two or three small peses of\\nmedo, an illustration of the equity with\\nwhich the members of this agrarian commu-\\nnity dealt with each other. In the same year\\ntwo lots of land and a meadow were laid\\noute two and for the yuse of the ministre.\\nIn 171 1 it is recorded that they built a good\\nand sufficient pound. A pound-keeper was\\nappointed, also two haywards to bring out\\nand impound such cretures as were found\\nin the commons without right to be there,\\nfor which service they were paid what shall\\nbe Judged Reasonable more then what ye\\nLaw will give for ye poundage. The build-\\ning of the pound, the most ancient of all", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE AGAWAME PLANTATION. 49\\nEnglish institutions, is the first evidence of\\nthe existence of a village community in\\nAgawame. It was needed before there was\\na schoolhouse, a meeting-house, or a town\\norganization.\\nThe authority of the proprietors was still\\nsupreme in the community. It appears in a\\nlaw which they made to protect the produc-\\ntion of turpentine; prohibiting ani parsen\\nfrom boxing or chiping and milking ani pine\\ntre or tres on the common on the penelty of\\npayeng Ten Shilengs for everi tre, of which\\nfine the informer shall have won halfe for\\nhimself e and the other halfe to the proprie-\\nters. Following the custom of ancient Teu-\\ntonic farmers who felled wood in a common\\nforest and grazed cattle in a common pasture,\\nthey stinted the pastures, restricting each\\nproprietor to graze only thurtitoo nete catel\\nand fouer horses for a sixte parte, or six\\nsheepe instead of one Beast. They ap-\\npointed an officer to watch the pastures to\\nsee that they were equitably enjoyed and to\\nreport if any man sent in more cattle than\\nhis proportion; the watchman to have his\\nhorse go into ye Necks freely so long as\\nother horses go in. Farmers who were not", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "50 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nproprietors were allowed pasturage on un-\\nused rights if they brought to the watchman\\na note or token to his sattisfaxion whose\\nRite they come upon, In winter, when cat-\\ntle and horses ran wild in the necks along\\nthe bay shore, the times of turning in and\\ndriving out were fixed. In summer the pas-\\ntures were stinted severely, excluding all\\ncattle or reducing their number, that the grass\\nmight have a chance to grow. This was an\\ninconvenience to some of the farmers, but\\nthey had no relief. The proprietors of Aga-\\nwame were lords of the manor, and although\\nthey owed allegiance to Plymouth there was\\nno one who ventured to challenge their au-\\nthority.\\nHere was the image of a town system\\nbased upon the rights of property in land.\\nIts superintending power was the owners of\\nthe land in regular meeting assembled, enact-\\ning such regulations as a major part of them\\nsaw fit, and appointing such ofificers as they\\ndeemed to be necessary for their purposes.\\nIn their acts they were preparing for the\\ntime when their agrarian commune must be\\nexpanded into a town organized under the\\nlaws of the province when new-comers as", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE AGAWAME PLANTATION. 5 I\\nwell as old residents would have an equal\\nright to be heard in the town meeting.\\nAfter the shareholders had dedicated one\\nacre for a Burying place, and lands for a\\ngrist-mill, a saw-mill, and the fisheries, they\\nordered that the common lands be laid out and\\ndivided to themselves. Their numbers had\\nincreased and their meetings were not always\\nharmonious there was a minority whose in-\\ndependent spirit often delayed the action of\\nthe majority and sometimes caused to be\\nentered upon the records a formal protest\\nagainst the proceedings. For example, it is\\nrecorded that, at a meeting in 171 2, Oliver\\nNorris himself being present did desire it\\nmight be Entred by ye Clarke that he did\\nprotest agenst ye most of ye votes that\\nware Past.\\nAt each annual meeting they elected a\\nmoderator, listened to the clerk as he read the\\nrecords from their old Booke, adopted their\\ncustomary orders, refreshed themselves at the\\nbar of the inn and went their ways. As years\\npassed by, and estates were divided from\\nfather to sons, their transactions decreased in\\nimportance, and their business was finally re-\\nduced to re-surveys of boundary lines in", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "52 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ndispute because the old landmarks (a whit\\nock tree, or a stake with a heepe of stones\\nlaide to it had disappeared, to the renting\\nof an island, and to the care of the alewives\\nwhich, with each return of spring, entered the\\nAgawame River. The old Booke relates some\\nof their proceedings during this time, as,\\nfor example, that in 1763 they undertook to\\nestablish a free school by appropriating for\\nthat purpose two promissory notes which had\\nbeen given for two catches of fish in the\\nriver, of the value of a few Spanish dollars\\nthat in 1773 they undertook to increase the\\nalewife fishery by making a tide-way up Red\\nBrook into White Island Pond. This hopeful\\nspeculation turned out as profitless as the\\nSouth Sea Bubble; but when its thirty pro-\\nmoters met they were in such jovial spirits in\\nanticipation of the success of their enterprise,\\nthat their meeting, at the village inn, was\\ncalled in the records a merry meeting, and\\nwhen their overflowing bumpers had been\\nemptied they named their new river the\\nMerry Meeting River, and voted to carry\\nHerring into sd River to Breed.\\nOften at their annual meetings they\\nVoted to vandue Wickets Island for plant-", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE AGAWAME PLANTATION. 53\\ning, an island off the camp at Onset,\\nand as late as 1791, touched with sympathy\\nfor the miserable relics of the original owners\\nof their ancestors lands, they ordered their\\ntreasurer to pay out the money to the poor\\nIngings that he received for the use of the\\nisland.\\nAnd so a run of fish and a little island con-\\ntinued to be their business until they met no\\nmore. All their interests had been absorbed\\nby the larger interests of the town. But their\\nancient and well-thumbed Booke of Records\\nremains as the foundation of the titles by\\nwhich every estate in that large territory is\\nnow held. It also preserves the quaint\\nnames of the old landmarks there is the\\nbig rocke nigh ye gret salte poun which run-\\nneth into the Se there is the broocke\\nwhich Cometh oute of the willo swamp\\nthere is the plas wher the fenc of the pine\\nneke goieth into the water; there is ye\\nLong Look down the bay, and the small\\nfrech poun there is the ford of the river\\ncalled the place whear the horses com-\\nonly goe over/ and ye old mans spring,\\nand ye sandy pointe at ye upland,\\nand the letel harber, and that island", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "54 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nof flates bounded round with ye chanel.\\nThe Booke preserves the first names of the\\npromontories jutting into Manomet Bay, as\\nit was then called, of the islands, the coves,\\nthe creeks, the springs, and the many nooks\\nof meadow which stretch into the pine woods\\nfrom the salt marshes by the shore.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "III.\\nCOLONIAL FARMERS.\\nijHE largest landowner in the plantation\\nwas Israel Fearing, He kept a diary\\nof local events, blended with some\\ncarefully written accounts, stating the values\\nof all sorts of things entering into the com-\\nmerce of his times. It makes a picture of the\\nfarming life of his neighbors, framed in a\\nparchment-bound volume on which is inscribed\\nIsrael Fearing his Booke bought lanuary the\\nlo day 1722 when George the First was\\nKing. This antique book tells of trades and\\nbarters, of agreements and indentures, of im-\\npressments into the King s military service, of\\nmarriages and trials by His Majesty s justice\\nof the peace, and whatever else concerned the\\npeople living upon the farms. It tells us that\\nthese people were shrewd in their bargains,\\nhonest in their reckonings, industrious in\\ntheir habits, and bound by a close economy", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "56 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwhich made them contented with small sav-\\nings and small gains. The whole family\\nsons, daughters, and indentured servants, took\\nup their daily work before sunrise, suspended\\nit only for their meals, and ended it only\\nwhen the candles were put out at early bed-\\ntime. The women did the housework, tended\\nthe hens, the geese, and the calves, scoured\\nthe brass warming-pans and pewter dishes,\\nspun flax and wool yarns, and wove them into\\ncloths from which the clothing and bedding\\nof the family were made by their own hands\\nand if more was made than was needed at\\nhome, it was bartered away. The purpose of\\nall was to get out of the farm every farthing\\nthat it would yield, and to squander nothing.\\nThese men and women were of pure Eng-\\nlish blood, of an even social condition, de-\\nscended from those who had come to the\\ncoasts of Massachusetts between the years\\n1620 and 1650. Their farm labors were too\\nexacting to allow many opportunities for men-\\ntal culture but they were people of good\\nsense, who feared God and honored the King,\\nwho wrote the English language as well as it\\nwas commonly written by the people of Eng-\\nland at that time, and better than it is written", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL FARMERS. $7\\nby some New England farmers to-day. Their\\npeculiar phrases and grotesque forms of\\nspeech had grown out of the fashions of Puri-\\ntanism and if their writings amuse us by the\\ncomical combination of letters which formed\\ntheir words, it is because they often wrote by\\nsound although they made peculiar devia-\\ntions from their phonetic system (as in writ-\\ning idpsland for island), and sometimes they\\nspelled words as they are spelled in the\\nEnglish Bible, which, with Bunyan s Pilgrim s\\nProgress, first printed at Boston in 1681, was\\ntheir principal reading. They scorned punc-\\ntuation in their writings, and in the use of cap-\\nital letters they were all at sea.\\nThe wonder is that they could write at all.\\nWhen we consider their isolated situations,\\nthat there were but few schools in the colony,\\nand these were of short duration and of low\\ngrade, that all laws intended to maintain\\nschools had been, as the legislators declared,\\nshamefully neglected, we must attribute\\nthe ability of the farmers to write so well as\\nthey did to an education received by the fire-\\nside at home.\\nTheir principal interests were in the use\\nof the soil, which they fertilized with fish and", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "58 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nsea-weeds, producing abundant crops of corn,\\nrye, wheat, oats, and flax. They also traded\\nin peltries, fish, and timber. They gathered\\niron ore from bogs and ponds, and turpentine\\nfrom pine-trees. So valuable was the right\\nto gather turpentine regarded that it was\\nspecially mentioned in deeds of woodlands,\\ngranting All ye privilidge of milking of pine\\ntrees. Their larder was bountifully sup-\\nplied with food, and they supplemented their\\ntables with game from the forests, with water-\\nfowl and shore birds, which frequented the\\nmaritime parts of the plantation in great\\nnumbers. Besides what food the sea liberally\\nfurnished, they had a choice from flesh of\\nbeef, mutton, venison, partridge, and wild\\nturkeys.\\nThey dealt with each other in trade by\\nbarter, and accounts were allowed to stand\\nopen for years before they were balanced.\\nWhen the amounts had been carefully reck-\\noned and certified, the balance was adjusted\\nwith a promise to rectify thereafter any mis-\\ntake. Here are some illustrations from the\\nqueer and precise entries in the old book\\n1 729. Reconed with Joseph blakmor and thare\\nis due him one bushall of wheat and 12 bushalls", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL FARMERS. 59\\nof otes and 11 bushalls of inden corn and one\\nshilling\\n1 73 1. Reconedwith margret bates as Execter\\nto har husband and ol acounts balanced A mistak\\nin Reconing 6 shilling for my hos\\n1733. Reconed with Ebnezer Swift and thare\\nis a mistak of 2 quarts of maleses\\n1738. Reconed with Ebnezer Luce and\\nacounts balanced from the begining of the world\\nto the date here of\\n1746. Reconed with Epram Tobey and\\nacounts ballenced all but ye 6 pounds and 12\\nShillings Left for consideration\\n1747. Reconed with Nathaniel chubback\\nAnd Acounts balanced and hee saith he is sattes\\nfied about ye fouer pound and will say Nomore\\n1748. Reconed with Olever Nores and\\nacounts balenced and thare is due to me twelve\\nShillings in mony and one days worck\\n1750. Reconed with Ester Savery before\\nbiniamin Bese and She and I promas If thare\\nbee any mestack to Rit it\\nAccounts with laborers were written in the\\nbook and it was not forgotten to charge for\\ntime loost, even when it was lost in fever-\\nand-ague fits:", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "60 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nJanuary the 28 day 1727 Theopilus Wood\\nhiered him self to mee for i Yeare for 36 pounds\\nApril Dr to siknes the fever and ago 4 fites\\none vveke and three the next\\nfebuary 1736 Samuel bates to worck with\\nme 6 mounth for 22 pounds and if he loos Any\\ntime to abate acordingly and If I se cause to\\nhave him make up the los of timme after he hath\\nmade his Salt hay he is to du it\\nNovembers 1737 Ebnezer bessee to work\\nfor mee to 10 day of March at night with his own\\nax and I am to find him meet drink washing and\\nloging And I am to give him the vallew of 10\\npounds but not in mony and hee is to cut 2 cords\\nof wood in a day when hee doth no other work\\nAnother bargain was made with this man\\nand his axe to work eight months,\\nand I am to pay him one half in goods and the\\nother in bills of credit and if I think he dont ern\\nhis wages he is to go Away\\nTwo Indians who had agreed to dig a ditch\\nwere paid in rum, cider, corn, pork, 2 mugs\\nof fieep I knife i Ax i Shurt i diner,\\nThe following are examples of bargains\\nrecorded in the book\\nMemarandum of a bargen with John Nores\\nand Roulan Swift for pine wood abouf y^ going", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL FARMERS. 6 1\\nover y\u00c2\u00ab River on y^ Northerly Side and I am to\\nhave two Shillings per cord and thay are to cut\\noff y^ pine If thay can git it down and thay are to\\ncut one lood At y^ Uperind of y^ Loot and If they\\ncannot git them down then I am to Loos y*^ wood\\nand they to Loos thare Labour\\nA bargen with Jonathan Chubbuck hee is\\nto clear a peace of ground of mine at ye River\\nfor one pound and one Shilling And hold plow\\nfor 6 Shillings and hee is to plant ye ground\\nand how 3 times and I am to plow ye ground and\\nfind ye seed and I am to have one half And hee\\nis to gather ye corn and to cut ye Stocks and wee\\nare to devid In ye heap And Shock and hee Is\\nto how in ye Rie and Reep and Shock ye rie and\\nwee are to devid in ye Shock and hee to find ye\\nrie and I to put in my creaters as I ues to dow\\nA bargin with hanary Sanders Juner for pine\\nwood to cut it on the South Side of ye Croked\\nRiver and to put on bord y^ Sloop hee to have 6\\nShillings and I to have y^ Rest and hee is to cut\\n20 cords on ye furder side of ye Muddy cove and\\nhee is to have 8 Shillings old ten when hee hath\\nput it on boord ye Sloop and I ye rest of ye mony.\\nWhatever v^as wanted by one neighbor\\ncould be obtained in barter from others.\\nApril 1737 Receved of Joseph Giford two\\nhox sets of melases for my turpen tine one hun-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "62 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ndred and 6 gallons 4 shillings and 2 pence the\\ngallon one hoxet one hundred and 7 gallons\\nA load of hay was exchanged for five pairs\\nof new shoes, which were afterwards sold\\nwith stockings made by Israel Fearing s\\neldest daughter Ann, and a skin for a pair of\\nbreeches, as stated in this account\\nfebruary 2od 1745 marck hascul Dr for one\\nLood of hay fouer pound and 12 shillings old\\ntener. Recived of marck hascul five pars of\\nShues fouer pounds 12 Shilling old ten\\nApril 25 day 1745 Jonathan Chubback Dr for\\none pare of Shues twenty shillings If hee pay it\\nin one month And If not then to give mee twenty\\ntwo shillings\\nJuly 1746 Elezer King D for one\\npare of Shues ^01-05-00\\nto one pare of Stockens of\\nAnn 00-16-00\\nto one Seen for briches 00-05-00\\nto patterns and thread and\\ntow cloth 00-05-00\\nThe book shows that the variety of the com-\\nmodities exchanged included cradles and\\ncoffins, cloths, and clothing. To the widow\\nMargret Bates hordes and nayles for a\\ncofen were supplied, and to Thomas Bates", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL FARMERS. 6^\\nhordes and posts for your cradel, and\\ntimber for your house.\\nSwapping horses was a common form of\\nbarter. A note in the old book reads\\nJohn bump promased to give mee fouer\\npounds old tener by ye foot of ye year beetween\\nour mars in ye Swap\\nSome of the farmers built scows for trans-\\nporting wood, and sloops for freighting it to\\nmarket, and also craft for fishing and whaling.\\nA launch of a vessel, which was usually built\\nin the woods, sometimes more than a mile\\nfrom the water, was an event which attracted\\ngeneral attention. It was loaded on two\\npairs of wheels, and was hauled by many\\nyoke of oxen to the launching place. The\\nwheels were then run into the water until\\nthe vessel floated off. Whaling voyages in\\nwhich the farmers were associated occupied\\nbut a few months at sea, as the blubber was\\nbrought home in casks and tried out on\\nshore. The old book says\\nfebuary 26 in 1737 agread with Josiah peary\\nfor Josiah Wood to go this Spring coming A\\nWhael Vige with him for 5 pounds and 5 shillings\\nper mounth from the time he goeth from hom\\nAnd one pound of whale bone more in all", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "64 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nMarch the 28 day 1737\\nJosiah Wood went Easterd on the Whale Viage\\nAugest the 12 day att night Josiah Wood was\\ncleared from Josiah peary from whalin\\nThe outcome of this voyage was probably\\nin the following memorandum\\ndesemberthe i day 1737 Receved of Josiah\\npeary forteen pounds And he saide If the mony\\nis not good he will take it and give me better\\nOne of the laws of the province required\\nthe farmers to send to a tanner all hides or\\nskins as either by casualty or slaughter came\\nto hand; it forbade butchers, curriers, and\\nshoemakers to exercise the feat or mystery\\nof a tanner, and it forbade him to exercise\\nany other trade. The farmers had accounts\\nwith tanners like the following\\nIchabd King had of me 2 skens to dres in\\n1733 december 6 day to 4 mor skens to tan for\\nme the one maid 47 one 52 one 51 pounds the\\nother a cones sken the 52 paide for in parte of\\nexcainging of a hos in 1734 to 2 doges skens to\\ndres and 2 sheep skens in 1735 to one cow hide\\nThis tanner took in payment of his account\\ncorn and rye and one dog to balance it.\\nSome took one half of the skins in payment\\nfor the exercise of their mystery", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL FARMERS. 65\\nApril 1737 cared to Ebenezer Peary to dres\\none hos hide for a bage one cow hide and 4 kepes\\nScenes to tan and to curey to the halves Dr to\\none calves Seen that he dresed and I am to have\\nthe neext\\nThe currency w^as so bad that leather was\\nsometimes used as an equivalent of money\\nas in 1749, paide to Roulan Tupper one\\npound and Seventeen Shillings and Sixpence\\nin leather.\\nIron was also used in the same manner\\ndesember 1744 Sold to mr Joshua bensen 20\\nbushalls of corn and 20 bushalls of rye for twelve\\nshillings per bushall and to be paide in bloomary\\nIron to be delivered at my hous at four pounds\\nold tener per hundred but good liron\\nNovember ye 18 1746 benianan Eles D for\\nIron to be paid in Smith worck twenty-fouer\\npounds ten Shillings and Six pence\\nSo also rye and corn were of value in\\ntrading\\nJohn Fearing bought a gun of Nehemia bese\\nfor 3 bushalls of corn and 3 bushalls of rye at six\\npounds twelve Shillings and If ye corn or rye\\nfecheth more by the 18 day of Augest he is to\\ngive it and to pay for mending his gun If he Re-\\ndeemeth her\\nThe prices of all things were affected by\\nthe varying value of colonial bills of credit,", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "66 COLONIAL TLMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwhich, according to a letter written by Gov-\\nernor Belcher at Boston in 1739, were not\\nworth five shillings in the pound of the cur-\\nrent silver money of this Province. This\\ncurrency, known as old tenor, described in\\nthe General Court records as printed bills\\nof equal value with money, was first issued\\nby the Massachusetts colony in 1690 and 1691\\nto defray the cost of an expedition sent to\\ncapture Quebec. The first legislature under\\nthe charter of 1692 made these bills equiva-\\nlent to money, by which was meant equiva-\\nlent to gold and silver coinage, for all pay-\\nments except in specified cases. Their credit\\nwas maintained by receiving them in public\\npayments at a premium. After the passage\\nof this legal-tender act gold and silver coins\\nwere rapidly exported to England. Other\\nissues of printed bills in subsequent years\\nwere made equal to money, and it became\\na general complaint that gold and silver coins\\nwere not to be had. Trade came to a\\nstand-still. Farm produce was the best of all\\nvalues.\\nIn 1737 a new issue of paper money, called\\nnew tenor, was made. It was to be redeemed\\nafter five years in silver money at six shil-", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL FARMERS. 6/\\nlings and eight pence per ounce. One shil-\\nling of this was valued as three shillings of\\nold tenor. Representatives whose pay had\\nbeen six shillings a day for attendance at the\\nlegislature and for traveling to and fro, count-\\ning twenty miles as a day s journey, were\\nnow paid two shillings a day in new tenor\\nbills. But the redemption promised was not\\nmade, and by a further repudiation, four\\npounds for one was fixed as the rate of ex-\\nchanging old tenor for new.\\nIn 1749 by legal enactment forty-five shil-\\nlings of old tenor, or eleven shillings and\\nthree pence of new, were redeemed by a\\nSpanish-milled dollar and it was also enacted\\nthat after March, 1750, all debts and con-\\ntracts shall be understood to be payable in\\ncoined silver at these rates. The means of\\nmaking this adjustment were furnished by\\nthe receipt of one hundred and eighty-three\\nthousand six hundred and forty-nine pounds\\ntwo shiUings and seven pence sterling granted\\nby Parliament to reimburse the Province\\ntheir Expenses in taking and securing for his\\nMajesty the Island of Cape Breton and its\\ndependances.\\n1 Sunday Aug. 6. The Mermaid man-of-war, Capt Mon.\\ntague sailed from Portsmouth for Boston having on board", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "68 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nThe value of the colonial pound in its rela-\\ntion to the Spanish dollar was now tixed by-\\nlaw it was equal to three dollars and thirty-\\nthree and one third cents in silver, and a shil-\\nling was one sixth of a dollar. This currency\\nand its reckonings continued in use in New\\nEngland more than a hundred years.\\nThe man whose accounts and writings\\nhave been quoted was a representative of\\nthe thrifty class of farmers of his time. His\\nbook shows that he was sought for as an\\narbitrator in differences between neighbors\\nas when in 1747 he charged Zacceus Bump\\nfor going to plimoth to stop ye action\\nwith Squer Bartlet More to going to\\n650,000 ounces of foreign silver coin and ten tons of cop-\\nper purchased by Sir Peter Warren and Mr. Bollan, agents\\nfor New England, with the money paid them at the Ex-\\nchequer, for indemnifying that colony for their expenses\\nabout Cape Breton. Getitleman s Magazine, August, i74g.\\nI congratulate you, Gentlemen, upon the favour of\\nDivine Providence in the Safe Arrival of the Money\\nallowed by the Parliament of Great Britain, whereby we\\nare enabled in a good Measure to pay off the great Debt\\ncontracted by the Charge of the late War now lying\\nupon this Province And We by the Blessing of God upon\\nOur wise faithful management of this Advantage, deliver\\nthis Province from the Evils Mischiefs arising from the\\nuncertain sinking value of the Paper Medium. Lieut.-\\nGoz ernor Phips, Nove7nber 2^, iy4g.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "COLONIAL FARMERS. 69\\nRogester for power of Aturny fech Squire\\nWinslo down here ;^i-S-6. By his acqui-\\nsitions he came to be regarded as one of that\\nclass which the colony court had described\\nas Substanciall men that are prudent psons\\nand of considerable estates in the Lands of\\nScippican. He received the first commis-\\nsion given to an inhabitant of Wareham as\\nHis Majesty s justice of the peace, an oi^ce\\nof great dignity. His court records, written\\nin a medley of farming accounts and notes\\nof bargains, contain only the two cases here\\nquoted of cursing and swearing in violation\\nof the law, indicating that conversational\\nlanguage was, in his day, kept under a closer\\nrestraint than it is now\\nOctober 21-1748 Ebnezer Swift of falmouth\\nfor profain Swaring two times in my hearing paide\\n1 At Israel Fearing s death in June, 1754, his real estate\\nwas appraised at ;^4,ooo, and his personal estate at ;^5io.\\nIn the latter there was pewter ware ;^is, but no china\\nware there were two saddle mares, two saddles, two carts,\\nbut no vehicle for traveling purposes. The inventory\\nspecified 2-13-4 in Loombs and Tacklg, ;i^5 in books,\\n;^225 in money and notes, ,i in bedding and furniture,\\nj^55 in Chest-drawers and chests, \u00c2\u00a3i(i in apparel.\\nHis wife Martha, daughter of Benjamin and Ann Gibbs\\nof Sandwich, where her birth is recorded on ye last day\\nof Oct 1699, died in September, 1754.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "yo COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\nhis fine twenty Shillings old tener to mee Israel\\nFearing Justes of peac\\nMarch y\u00c2\u00ae 2d day 1749 A complant came to\\nmee of Joseph Savery of Rogester cursing Ensin\\nEbnezer burg two times and hee paid his fine\\ntwenty Shillings old tener to mee Israel Fearing\\nJust of peac\\nAt his death the account-book fell into the\\nhands of his son Noah, as executor, who, after\\ndividing the large estate, made this quaint\\nnote concerning the remnants\\nApril 1755 The a Count of what Every one\\nReceived That was Fathers Estate old tener.\\nBenjamin Had a pair of Shues \u00e2\u0080\u00a2;^i-5-o\\nJohn Had a pair of Nee Buckels Silver 4-0-0\\nDavid Had a Beaver Hat 4-0-0\\nDavid Had Cash i-io-o\\nI Had one wosted Cap and a pair of\\nold Shoues i-io-o\\nI had a ox and Benj Had another ox 30-0-0", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "IV.\\nTHE SQUIRE.\\nOHN, who received the silver knee-\\nbuckles, having taken unto himself\\na wife, became the proprietor of\\nthe farm on Fearing Hill and having been\\nappointed to succeed his father in the office\\nof His Majesty s Justice of the peace, the\\ntitle Esquire was written as an appendage to\\nhis name. The people, looking upon him as\\na unique figure in their community, spoke of\\nhim as The Squire and treated him with\\nrespect, for they regarded him as the repre-\\nsentative of our Soveraign Lord the King.\\nTo speak profane words in his presence was\\nan offense punishable by a fine, or by a sit-\\nting in the town stocks. He had to do with\\nthe domestic as well as with the civil life of\\nthe town. By his consent only could indent-\\nures of service be entered into;^ and a\\n1 Rebeekah wickod indenters at Capt Edward Wens-\\nlows And she is to live With me fourteen vears and nine", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "72 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nfuneral could not take place on the Lord s\\nDay or evening following, except by his per-\\nmission, to be given only in urgent cases.\\nHe was not nominated for the office by the\\nruling power because he was wise and learned\\nin the law but rather because he was one\\nof the most sufficient persons dwelling in\\nthe county, known to be loyal, of dignified\\ndeportment, and possessed of lands or tene-\\nments yielding a certain annual value. The\\noath to which he subscribed bound him to\\nmounths from 2d day of Ma}-, 1729. Israel Fearing s\\nBook.\\nAn Indenture of service was a written agreement entered\\ninto with the consent of two of His Majesty s justices of\\nthe peace for the county. By its usual form the woman\\nservant bound herself to learn the Art Trade or Mystery\\nof her master to dwell at his house obey his reasonable\\ncommands gladly his Secrets keep close Damage not\\nwillfully to do Goods not to waste, embezel, purloine or\\nlend to others at Cards, Dice, or any other unlawful\\nGame not to play Fornication not to commit, nor Matri-\\nmony contract with any Person during said Term. On\\nthe other part the master was bound to cause her to be\\ntaught the Trade Art or Mystery of Spinning both Wol-\\nlen and Linen and to read English to provide for her\\ngood and sufficient Victualls and Drink Washing and\\nLodging and Cloaths of all kinds and at the end of her\\nterm to dismiss her with two Good Suits of Apparell for\\nall parts of her Bod\\\\-, one for Holly Days and one for\\nWorking Days.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "and a\\ngeneral\\nices\\nin the\\n_:dbe\\nr.? ~T\\nersrri\\nvi-\\nrri srls\\nthat\\nwith\\n:\u00e2\u0080\u0094t ex-\\nlare i ivearmg, nor cursmg c:\\ntures; no dnuikennes?\\ndebtors must\\nmoney or with _: _; ji:\\ntracts finnn die ^records written bv His Ma-\\njesty s justice oi the peace i t\\nexecuted the !aws of the pre r^ re\\n7 t: -e 2^ Dav i-f: The- Jt :t-\\nl c:", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "74 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\non The ground and Spit in his face and Poled his\\nhare and Rubed his Ears in Wareham the sum\\nof Four Shilings To me\\nMay 23 Day 1763 Then Eliz Bump the wife\\nof Juhn Bump Junr paid a fine of Ten Shihngs to\\nme for Burning the Daughter of Jonathan Chub-\\nback named Susanah Tho she said she did it\\nBy an axatant\\nDecember 5 Day 1767 then Samuel Barrows\\nof wareham parsonly appeared and acknowledged\\nhimself Gilty of Being over Tacken with Strong\\nLecker and paid a fine of 5 Shilings to me\\nMay 1769 then Joshuea morse personly and\\nacknowledged him Self Gilty of prefane Swaring\\nat Benjamin Fearings Before Josiah Carver\\nGrand Jurey man and paid Six Shilings to me\\nWhereas William Parcker of Wareham La-\\nborer Stands Convicted Before me John Fearing\\nEsqre one of his majesties Justics of the pece\\nfor the County of Plymoth In a complaint by\\nJabez Burggs of sd wareham Cordwinder For\\nTheft the Damages and Corst of Proscution\\namounting to the sum of Two pounds Seventeen\\nShillings nine pence Lawful money he the\\nsd William not having any Estate To Satisfie sd\\nJudgment I do In obediance to ye Law of this\\nProvince put bound out and Set over Ye said\\nWilliam to the said Jabez and to his bars or", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE SQUIRE. 75\\nasignes To Serve him or them the Term of one\\nyear From the Date hearof he Finding him Good\\nand Sufficent meet Drink Lodging apperel\\nDuring Said Term and I do Injoin ye sd Wil-\\nliam Parcker to serve ye sd Jabez Burggs or as-\\nsighns faithfully During Said Term Wittness my\\nhand this Fif tenth Day of March Ad 17 71\\nIf offenders did not pay the fines imposed\\nupon them, he could place them in the stocks,\\nor order them to be whipped. Persons who\\nlived disorderly, misspending their precious\\ntime, he could send to the work-house, to\\nthe stocks, or to the whipping-post, at his\\ndiscretion. He could break open doors\\nwhere liquors were concealed to defraud His\\nMajesty s excise. He could issue hue-and-\\ncries for runaway servants and thieves.\\nThere are instances on record in which a\\njustice of the peace issued his warrant to\\narrest the town minister about whose ortho-\\ndoxy there were distressing rumors, and re-\\nquired him to be examined upon matters of\\ndoctrine and faith. But a more pleasing\\nfunction of his office was to marry those who\\ncame to him for marriage, bringing the town\\nclerk s certificate that their nuptial intentions\\nhad been proclaimed at three religious meet-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "76 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\nings in the parish during the preceding fort-\\nnight. If the bride was an insolvent debtor,\\nand it was necessary to prove that she was\\npossessed of no goods whatever, she was\\nmarried with no more clothes on than her\\nshift and this fact was certified in the\\njustice s record.^ For the marriage fee he\\nclaimed four shillings and gave out of it six-\\npence to the town clerk, as said a law of 1716.\\nNot always did the town clerk receive the\\nsixpences for the dignity of office did not\\nhinder His Majesty s justice of the peace\\nfrom practicing the parsimony of the times.\\n1 In her smock with head and foot all bare, as Chau-\\ncer wrote. Hence they were called smock marriages.\\nAccording to the records of Kingston in Rhode Island,\\nNathaniel Bundy took ye widow Mary Parmenter in ye\\nhighway with no other clothing but shifting or smock on\\nye evening of the 20th day of April 1724 and was joined\\ntogether in that honorable estate of matrimony per me\\nJohn Saunders, Justice. Five men were witnesses of\\nthis marriage. The same records certify, in February\\n1719, a ceremony in which the bridegroom took her in\\nMarriage after she had gone four times a cross the High-\\nway in only her shift and hair lace and no other clothing.\\nThere was no law requiring this form of marriage yet\\nthe minister of a town on Buzzard s Bay wrote Sep-\\ntember ye 5:: 1749: then did nathan Shearman take the\\nwidow mary tailor in her Shift without head Cloath and\\nbare foot and led her a Cross the highway where two\\nhighways mett as the Law directs in such cases and was\\nthen married by me phillip taber minister of Dartmouth.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "V.\\nTHE BIRTH OF A TOWN.\\nS the farmers of Agawame were sep-\\narated by fifteen miles of forest from\\nPlymouth meeting-house, they felt the\\nneed of a parish and a town government of\\ntheir own. So also felt the farmers at the\\neast end of Rochester, who, having obtained\\na separation from their old parish in 1734, de-\\nsired to unite with those of Agawame in form-\\ning a new town. No one was active to ac-\\ncomplish this end until Israel Fearing went,\\nin April, 1738, to lobby the matter with the\\nselectmen of Plymouth. He made a second\\njourney thither in May, carrying the petition\\nof himself and his neighbors for a precinct.\\nThe result was so satisfactory to him that af-\\nter the meeting had adjourned he treated the\\nselectmen at an expense of three shillings,\\nand returned at once to Agawame to prepare\\nhimself to take a petition to the legislature at\\nBoston.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "78 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nEarly in the morning of the 29th of May,\\n1738, his mare having been newly shod and\\ncarefully saddled, Israel Fearing started on\\nthe journey to Boston. The road which he\\ntraveled was narrow and tortuous a lane\\nthrough a forest, having rocks and quagmires\\nand long reaches of sand, which made it al-\\nmost impassable to wheels, if any there were\\nto be ventured upon it. Branches of large\\ntrees were stretched over it, so that it was\\nunvisited by sunlight except at those places\\nwhere it crossed the clearings on which a sol-\\nitary husbandman had established his home-\\nstead, or where it followed the sandy shores\\nof some of those picturesque ponds which\\nfeed the rivers emptying into Buzzard s Bay.\\nOccasionally a deer bounded across the\\npath, and foxes were seen running into the\\nthickets.\\nThe nimble mare, accustomed to such ways,\\ncarried her rider at a steady pace during the\\nday, baiting at Scituate village, and reaching\\nRoxbury Neck about five o clock in the after-\\nnoon, where a stop for a half hour was made\\nat the St. George tavern. From this elevated\\nsite the traveler saw the steeples of Boston,\\nits harbor lively with vessels, the King s ships", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "THE BIRTH OF A TOWN. 79\\nriding before the town, Cambridge and the\\nshores of the mainland in the distance. Hav-\\ning refreshed himself and the mare he trotted\\nalong the narrow way leading into the great\\ntown, on which the most prominent object at-\\ntracting his attention was a gallows standing\\nat the gate.\\nWhen he rode within he found in every-\\nthing around him a wonderful contrast to the\\nquiet and monotonous scenes which had al-\\nways surrounded his life at Agawame. The\\nstreets were paved with cobble-stones, and\\nwere thronged with hackney-coaches, sedan-\\nchairs, four-horse shays, and calashes, in some\\nof which gayly dressed people were riding,\\nthe horses being driven by their negro slaves.\\nGentlemen on handsome saddle-horses paced\\nby him, in comparison with whom he made a\\nsorry figure. But he was reassured of his\\nown manliness when he encountered a flock\\nof sheep, and ox-carts just in from the coun-\\ntry laden with fire-wood, fagots, and hay.\\nHe noticed with amazement the stately brick\\nhouses and their pleasant gardens, in which\\npear-trees and peach-trees were blooming. In\\nthe Mall, gentlemen dressed in embroidered\\ncoats, satin waistcoats, silken hose, and full", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "80 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwigs, were taking an after-dinner stroll with\\nladies who were attired in bright silks and\\nfurbelowed scarfs, and adorned with artificial\\nflowers and patches on their cheeks. Boston\\nwas an active, thrifty trading town its shops,\\ndistilleries, wind-mills, and rope-walks were\\nall agoing and as he turned his mare into\\nKing Street and pulled up at the Bunch of\\nGrapes tavern, which, being near to the Town\\nHouse, was conveniently situated for the\\nbusiness on which he was bent, he probably\\nfelt that in such a wealthy and worldly place\\nhis simple errand would receive but little at-\\ntention. At the shutting in of the evening,\\nJames Warren, an influential member of the\\nlegislature from Plymouth, came to his assist-\\nance. To him the petition was intrusted, and\\nhaving paid him twenty shillings, Israel Fear-\\ning rode back to Agawame.\\nA precinct did not meet the public wants,\\nand next year Ebenezer Burgess, Thomas\\nHamlen, and their neighbors petitioned the\\nlegislature for a town finding ourselves,\\nthey said, too small and Impotent to main-\\ntain the Public Worship of God. Israel\\nFearing s record of the business was this\\nApril 1738 going to the Selectmen to work\\nthe meeting for a presink one day ;^i-oo-oo", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "THE BIRTH OF A TOWN. 8 1\\nMay 1738 going to the town of plymoth with\\na petision two dayes Mony to treet the Select\\nmen 3 shillings\\nMay 2g 1738 going to carey the peticion to\\nboston one pound and twenty shillings of mony\\nto Cornol Woring\\nMarch ^i day 1739 going to plymouth to\\nCornol Woring to fetch the Copey of the Cort\\nfor a precenk and paid to Cor Woring three shil-\\nlings\\nHis book tells us nothing of the discus-\\nsions by the farmers when he reported to\\nthem the result of his journeys across the\\nwilderness to Boston, carrying in his saddle-\\nbags their hopes for self-government and the\\nshillings which they had contributed to pay\\nthe expenses of this momentous enterprise.\\nBut the book tells who his backers were, and\\nwhat number of shillings each gave or prom-\\nised to give to procure the act by which the\\nplantation was converted to a town. Here is\\nthe list\\nRecevd to goo with the petion of my\\nown mony 10 shillings\\nand of mr John Eles 05\\nand of mr Joshua gibbes 05\\nand of mr Samuel buerg 05", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "82 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nand of mr thomas bates the promas of 05 shillings\\nand of mr Ebnezer beese 04\\nand of mr Ebnezer Swift the promas of 05\\nand of mr Uriah Savery 05\\nand of mr Jirey Swift 05\\nand of mr micah gibbes 05\\nGovernor Belcher signed the act incorpo-\\nrating the town July 10, 1739, and was soon\\nafter removed from office. He was succeeded\\nby Governor Shirley, who, ambitious of royal\\nfavor and thinking that the number of towns\\n.was increasing too rapidly, determined that\\nWareham should be the last until His Ma-\\njesty s pleasure shall be known.\\nThe little town then became the text for a\\ncorrespondence between the governor and\\nthe British ministry, the object of which was\\nto establish the right of the King of England\\nto limit the number of representatives in the\\ncolonial legislature. The governor wrote to\\nLondon that an increase in the number of\\ntowns was an increase of representatives\\nthat the present number of these men hath\\nbeen sufficient to embarrass His Majesty s\\nGovernment here, and, taking the act incor-\\nporating the town of Wareham as an illustra-\\ntion of the facility with which towns had been", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE BIRTH OF A TOWN. 83\\ncreated, he proposed to prevent the further\\nincrease of representatives by refusing to\\ngive his assent to any act incorporating a\\nnew town or dividing an old one until it had\\nbeen approved by the King.\\nBut if His Majesty had inquired of the\\nfarmers of Wareham, who had so sparingly\\ncounted out their shillings to Israel Fearing,\\nhe would have learned that they had no\\nmoney to give for the expenses of a repre-\\nsentative at Boston, and that they never had\\ndesired to be represented there.\\nThe town having been incorporated, the\\nnext thing for the farmers to do was to hold\\na town meeting.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "VI.\\nTHE TOWN S MIND,\\nHE object of all town meetings was to\\nknow the Town s Mind whether it\\nwas for doing this, or for doing that,\\nor for doing something else. In the warrants\\nit was written with capital letters, and was\\nalluded to as if it were a distinguished per-\\nson, slow to act, and to be consulted on every\\nmatter, small and great. On the sixth day of\\nAugust, 1739, the Town s Mind of Wareham,\\nof the County of Plymouth, of the Province\\nof Massachusetts Bay, was summoned for the\\nfirst time to make Choice of a town Clark\\nand all other town officers.\\nThe town clerk recorded in the town book\\nthe decisions of the Town s Mind. In the\\nsame book he recorded births, marriages, and\\ndeaths transfers of pews in the meeting-\\nhouse descriptions of articles lost and found\\nof estrays taken up, as a Reed Stray Hefar", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 85\\ntwo years old and she hath sum white In the\\nface. Here he also recorded the marks by\\nwhich farmers identified their cattle, although\\nthe reader of the records may suppose that\\nthey were the marks by which farmers them-\\nselves were identified. For example Joshua\\nBrigs mark Is a Scware Crop In the under\\nside of ye Right ear; Thomas Whittens\\nmark Is a mackrels tales In Both Ears.\\nThere is no romance in the clerk s annals\\nthey deal only with such facts as interested\\nthe townspeople, who were accustomed to\\nthink more about their woodlands, crops, cat-\\ntle, and salt marshes than about anything else.\\nIt must be confessed that, important man as\\nhe was, he did not always write the records\\nin a scholarly style nor in a readable hand.\\nHe was frugal-minded. His closely written\\nlines, running zigzag like a rail fence across\\nthe pages, reveal a desire to be saving of the\\nbook, and the formation of his words shows\\nthat no extravagance could be allowed in the\\nuse of the alphabet. The Wareham book\\ntestifies that one of the qualifications of can-\\ndidates for this office was an entire want of\\nskill to write the English language correctly\\na want which sore beset the men and women", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "86 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nof colonial New England, notwithstanding the\\ncompulsory school laws.\\nIn the judgment of the Town s Mind the\\nhonors of the clerk s office were a fair com-\\npensation for its labors he was elected to\\nserve for nothing; as, in 1761, maid chois\\not Beniamin Fearing Town Clarck for the\\nyear Insuing without fees from ye Town and\\nhe Excepted. Sometimes the clerk was\\ngranted a small amount of money, to be raised\\nby a general tax, that he might piece out the\\nfees allowed him by law for special work,\\ncalled in the vernacular the Proffites of the\\nTownes Bookes for example, Rochester\\ntown, in 171 1, agreed with Peter Blackmer\\nthat twenty shillings in money should be\\nraised by Rate to satisfie him for keeping\\nof the town Booke for about eleven years\\npast.\\nThe treasurer of the town did not fare so\\nwell. A province law declared that he should\\nhave such allowance for his services as the\\ntown shall agree to; and when he was\\nelected the Town s Mind agreed to allow him\\nnothing. For example 1745, chose Samuel\\nBurge Town treasurer and he is to Serve the\\nTown for Love and good will. After a time", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 8/\\nsix shillings a year or sex shelangs, as\\nthe clerk of the period wrote it were,\\nallowed the treasurer for his services, and in\\n1780 his salary was increased to ten dollars.\\nThis extravagance can be accounted for by\\nthe fact that the paper currency of the coun-\\ntry was at that time almost worthless silver\\ncoins were scarce, and farm products, such as\\ngrain, wool, flax, and meats, were their only\\nequivalents in trade and barter. The ten\\npaper dollars paid to the treasurer in 1780\\nwere not worth more than the sex she-\\nlangs of peaceful times, which, by the prov-\\nince laws of 1749, had been made equal to\\na Spanish milled dollar.\\nIn addition to the clerk and the treasurer,\\nthe town s officers annually chosen were\\nnumerous. Some of them were authorized\\nby legislative enactments and some by custom\\nonly. There were men to make up ac-\\ncounts with the treasurer others to per-\\nambulate the boundaries; one able man,\\ncalled in the records the Clark of the\\nmarkit, to affix the town s seal to all weights\\nand measures found to be true according to\\nthe standards sent out of England in the\\nreign of William and Mary, and to destroy", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "88 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nthe false. To enable this officer to do his\\nduty fairly, the town bought a London set of\\nwates and mesuers, as the clerk wrote it,\\nat a cost of ten pounds.\\nGood orthodox leather was considered to\\nbe a prime necessity, like orthodox preaching,\\nand therefore men were chosen, who by au-\\nthority of law stamped the town s mark upon\\nall leather well and sufficiently tanned or\\ncurried and who seized all unstamped and\\ndefective leather offered for sale, whether it\\nhad been worked up or not. And as no man\\nwas allowed to make his own theology, so\\nnone was allowed to make his own leather,\\nunless he was skilled in what the law styled\\nthe feat or mystery of a tanner and if so\\nskilled he was prohibited from exercising any\\nother trade.\\nThere were fence-viewers chosen to adjust\\ncontroversies between the owners of adjoin-\\ning lands. There were inspectors of high-\\nways and bridges. There were inspectors of\\nrivers, who were sworn to secure to shad and\\nalewives a free passage up and down the\\ntown s streams. Once a year they came be-\\nfore His Majesty s justice of the peace and\\ntook an oath to look after the welfare of the\\nfish, who recorded the fact as follows", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 89\\nMarch the 22 day 1756 Insign Swift and Eb-\\nenezer Brigs hath taken ye oatli Taking Care of\\nthe Ale wives not Being Stoped from going up the\\nRevers to cast their Sporns before me John Fear-\\ning.\\nThere were hog-reeves, to see that when\\nhogs went abroad they wore rings in their\\nnoses, and yokes of the regulation size on\\ntheir necks. The law called them meet per-\\nsons they were unpopular, as they made\\nfees by using their authority to seize swine\\nfound without a keeper, a yoke, a tethering\\nline, or snout rings, so as to prevent damage\\nby rooting. Benjamin Smith, of Taunton,\\nsent a petition to the Massachusetts Legis-\\nlature, in December, 1722 Shewing That\\nbeing the Hog Reve of the said Town He\\nsuffered much in the Execution of that Office,\\nAnd Praying that this Court would determine\\nWhether his Oath is not a good lawful\\nEvidence Though he be Hog Reve. When,\\nin later times, as swine became less numer-\\nous, the office became a sinecure, the popular\\ncandidate for it was usually the last bride-\\ngroom in the town.\\nTwo tything-men, called in the vernacular\\ntidymen, were chosen from those who", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "go COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwere supposed to be prudent and discreet.\\nEvery incumbent of this office had need of\\nprudence and discretion, for, although he no\\nlonger, as in earlier times, took the charge\\nof ten or twelve Familyes of his Neibour-\\nhood to diligently inspect them, he was\\nrequired to watch licensed houses of enter-\\ntainment, and to make complaint of all dis-\\norders and misdemeanors discovered therein.\\nAs he reported to His Majesty s justice of\\nthe peace all idle persons, prophane swear-\\ners or cursers Sabath breakers and the like\\noffenders, his presence in the tavern, the\\nshop, or the store, was a signal for silence\\nand sobriety.\\nBecause, said a province law, bundles of\\nshingles are mark d for a greater number\\nthan what they contain, two skillful men\\nwere chosen to see that neighbors did not\\ncheat each other in trading for lumber. Then,\\nthere was a town ganger, appointed to gauge\\nand mark all casks of rum and molasses ex-\\nposed for sale. The necessity for this officer\\ngrew out of the total depravity of His\\nMajesty s good subjects, in whose casks and\\nhogsheads, said the law of 171 8, there hath\\nbeen wanting seven or eight gallons and", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 9 1\\nsometimes more which persons are obliged to\\npay for.\\nAs military service was compulsory upon\\nmen between sixteen and sixty years of age,\\nthe town had its militia company and mem-\\nbers of the county horse troop and a military\\nclerk, who four times a year listed all persons\\nrequired by law to bear arms and attend\\nmusters. He collected fines from those who\\nfailed to answer the roll-calls on training\\ndays. Those who did not pay the fines were\\npunished by being made to lie neck and heels\\ntogether, or to ride the wooden horse.\\nOther officers of the town were a cattle-\\npound keeper, who lived by fees a sheep-\\nyarder, who yarded stray sheep, if they be\\nnot badgd, from December to March, at two-\\npence a head and expenses of keeping; a\\nman to Tack care of the meeting House and\\nSweep the Saim, and to keep the dores\\nwindows shet. Wardens were chosen, to\\nInspect ye meeting Hous on ye Lord s Day\\nand see to Good Order among ye Boys for\\nit was customary to separate children from\\ntheir parents, to place them together in un-\\ncomfortable seats, and to set inspectors over\\nthem. If they were discovered laughing or", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "92 COLONIAL TliMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nplaying during the time of public worship,\\nthe wardens complained of them to His Ma-\\njesty s justice of the peace, who inflicted\\npunishment according to law. Gamekeepers\\nwere annually chosen, whose duty was to\\nprevent the untimely killing of deer, or hunt-\\ning them when they were imprisoned in\\ncorries by deep snows. The town clerk said\\nin his records that they are To Bee the men\\nfor Prevesation of the Deare for the yeare\\nInsuing.\\nThe office of constable was of high reputa-\\ntion, and, as in old Saxon times, so now, it\\nwas intended that only those should have it\\nwho were honest and able men both in body\\nand estate and not of the meaner sort.\\nEvery constable, said a Plymouth Colony law,\\nshall have a Black Staffe tip t with Brasse\\nas a Badge of his office which as he hath op-\\nportunity he shall take with him when he\\ngoeth to discharge any part of his office. He\\nwas therefore popularly known by the irrev-\\nerent as tipstaff. He gathered the taxes al-\\nlotted for general expenses of the town, and\\nthose allotted for support of the minister.\\nThe warrant for town meeting was addressed\\nto him by the selectmen. It ran In his", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 93\\nMajesties name to Require you to notifie the\\nFreeholders and other inhabitants QualHfied\\nas the Law Directs to vote in Town Meeting\\nthat they meet and assemble themselves to-\\ngether at the meeting House to know the\\nTown s Mind in regard to the various ques-\\ntions stated in the warrant. This document\\nwas copied in the town book to establish the\\nauthenticity of the meeting and the consta-\\nble therein certified that he had notified the\\ninhabitants by setting up the warrant at the\\nmeeting House, by which he meant that he\\nhad nailed it upon the principal door of that\\nbuilding, where everybody could read it on\\nSunday.\\nNo one sought the office of constable, but\\nwhoever was elected was required to accept\\nit, or to pay the fine fixed by law for refusing\\nto take the oath. In 1751 a town meeting\\nwas adjourned six times to elect men who\\nwould consent to take the constable s oath of\\noffice, and David Besse was chosen to prose-\\ncute delinquent constables on behalf of the\\ntown. It was necessary for the Town s Mind\\nto be lenient in dealing with this antipathy to\\nthe office; therefore the fine imposed upon\\nBenjamin Fearing for being delinquent in", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "94 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nthe office of constable was remitted on con-\\ndition that he procured a substitute. In 1752\\nButler Wing, being elected constable, refused\\nto serve whereupon he was prosecuted, and\\nhe gave his promissory note for the amount\\nof the fine. He appealed repeatedly to be\\nexcused from the debt but the Town s Mind\\nwas unmoved, and in 1755 it directed the\\nclerk to enter upon the book its decision, that\\nit would not a Bate mr Butler Wing any\\nPart of the money that he gave a note for for\\nhis Refusing to Sarve in the office of Consta-\\nble when chosen by the Town in ye year\\n1752. The sequel of this matter is found in\\nthe town treasurer s records of 1756, viz. I\\nhave Reseved a fine paid by Butler Wing for\\nnot Sarving Constable in the Town of Ware-\\nham 2 pounds 14 ShilUngs.\\nOf all the town officers the selectmen were\\nchief. There were three of them chosen\\nannually to direct prudential affairs, holding\\nsessions at the tavern, where they usually sat\\nthe day out, having the town clerk at hand to\\nrecord their orders, served with victuals and\\ngrog at the town s cost, and regarded by their\\nhost with a respect due to servants of the\\nKing. They prepared business for the town", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 95\\nmeetings and nominated town officers for\\nelection. They looked up undesirable resi-\\ndents and were active (to quote the records\\nof 1767) in worning Pepel oot of Town. In\\n1768 they sent Jeams Baker out of town at a\\ncost of fifteen shillings; Nathan Bump was\\nexported at a cost of six shillings eight shil-\\nlings were paid for carrying away a black\\nchild and Elisha Burgess received twenty\\nshillings for carting out a whole family.\\nRams were in higher favor than these friend-\\nless sojourners. They had the freedom of the\\ntown until 1781, when it was ordered that\\nthey shall be taken in by the ist of Sep-\\ntember. But as they continued to stand at\\nthe street corners, the Town s Mind rose in\\nanger, and declared that if a Ram goes at\\nlarge the owner shall pay a dollar to him that\\ntakes up said Ram.\\nThe selectmen offered to the town meeting\\na variety of subjects for consideration. Some\\nrelated to the extermination of foxes, crows,\\nand other farm pests to the protection of\\noyster fishing; to the catching and selling of\\nalewives to the acceptance of highways and\\nthe building of bridges to repairs of the\\nmeeting-house; to the minister s salary and", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "96 COLONIAL TLMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nthe ministry lands to the herding of sheep\\nand yoking of hogs on the commons to such\\nquestions as what amount of money is to be\\nraised for defraying necessary expenses\\nwhether the town will have a school this\\nyear; or will choose a representative at the\\nGreat and General Court appointed to be con-\\nvened for His Majesty s service in Boston;\\nor will make new irons for the town stocks\\nor a new whipping-post. Some measures dis-\\ncussed were medical, as not to have Small\\nPox set up by Inoculation some were con-\\nvivial, as To pay Joshua Gibbs for two bowls\\nof Grog drunk while on the town s service\\nsome were pathetic, as voted for makeing a\\nCoffen for Alice Reed ten shillings for her\\nWinding Sheat three and four pence for\\ndigging her grave three shillings to pay\\nthe Wido Debre Savery for Fethers she Put\\nin Jemima Wing s bed when Sick Six Shil-\\nlings to pay Six Shillings to Sam^ Savery\\nfor his Trouble and care of John Pennerine.\\nThis last-named beneficiary was one of a\\nlarge number of poor, ignorant, and super-\\nstitious peasants, prisoners from Acadia, kin\\nof Evangeline and Gabriel Lajeunesse, who\\nwere billeted upon the towns of Massachu-", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 97\\nsetts by orders of the royal Governor and\\nCouncil, like the following, dated 1757 To\\nremove John Pelerine Wife and Children,\\nsupposed to be Five in Number a Family\\nof French Neutrals to the Town of Ware-\\nham, and that the Select Men of the Town\\nof Wareham be and hereby are directed to\\nreceive them and provide for them.\\nAlice Reed, whose cofhn, winding-sheet,\\nand grave thus cost the town sixteen shillings\\nand four pence, had been one of the town s\\npoor, annually put out by the selectmen to be\\nkept at public expense. How to dispose of\\nsuch people was a subject which periodically\\nexercised the Town s Mind, and it was doubt-\\nless a consolation to know that some of the\\noaths and curses uttered in public had been\\nturned by His Majesty s justice of the peace\\ninto shillings for their benefit, as the law di-\\nrected. They began to call for support in\\n1746, when the town paid \u00c2\u00a3,\\\\2 for keeping\\nJane Bump so called with victuals and\\ncloaths. The next year she was returned to\\nthe selectmen, who, not knowing what to do\\nwith her, pressed the town to do Sumthing\\nfor ye Support of Geen Bump. In 1754\\nappeared the widow Reliance Bumpus, who", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "98 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA V.\\nplaced her whole reliance upon the town\\ntreasury for twenty years. A short time be-\\nfore she had enjoyed a merited credit with\\nher neighbors, in regard to which the old ac-\\ncount-book testifies as follows November\\nye 24 1 75 1 ye widow Reliance bumpus Dr\\nfor 16 pounds of porck i bushall of corn and\\nI gallon of malases and i pound of Ches\\nJuly 1752 Reconed with Relyanc bumpus\\nand all accounts balanced. Her widowhood\\nwas soon followed by poverty, and then she\\nturned to the selectmen for help. John\\nBishop, the town clerk, says\\nWhen the votable inhabitance convened in\\nHis Majesties name September 24, 1754 John\\nBumpus ye 3d Came Into ye meeting and maid\\nthe offer ye town that he would Keep ye widow\\nReliance Bumpus one year Kuming for six Pounds\\nThirteen Shillings and four Pence Lawfull money\\nand ye Mordarator Put it to vote to know ye Mind\\nof ye town whether they ware willing to allow ye\\nsd Jno Bumpus ye 3d the money he asked to keep\\nye aforesd widow one year and ye vote Past in the\\nAffarmative.\\nThus the poor widows Bump and Bumpus,\\ndescendants of Edward Bompasse, who came\\nto Plymouth in the little ship Fortune from", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. 99\\nLondon in 162 1, secured a place in recorded\\nhistory. Many poor widows achieved the\\nsame distinction, and became their compan-\\nions at the public crib, A warrant for a\\ntown meeting in 1757 stated a wish To\\nknow the Towns Mind whether they will do\\nanything for the Support of Sarah Chubbuck\\nit being the Desire of her Brother Benjamin\\na request which suggests that family pride\\nin this respect was not a virtue universally\\nappreciated. In the same year others joined\\nthe poor widows band, among whom was\\nJane George, who became famous inasmuch\\nas she participated in its joys and sorrows\\nfor fifty years.\\nThe prices at which the poor widows were\\nfarmed out varied annually, but in 1770 their\\nvalue was uniform at ;^3 each per annum,\\ntaken as they ran. Their keeping was so\\nprofitable, in services rendered by them, as\\nto induce the town to vote repeatedly Not\\nto build a poor-house, and a convenient plan\\nfor disposing of them was adopted it was to\\nsell them at auction. At a town meeting in\\n1776 it was voted, to vandue the Widow\\nLovell. She was accordingly set up by the\\nselectmen, and, as the records state, was\\nLtfC", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "lOO COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nStruck of to Josiah Stevens for to keep\\none year for the Sum of nine pounds Six\\nshillings if She did not live the year in he\\nto have in that proportion. But she lived\\nthe year in, and continued to appear at the\\nannual auction. In 1782 the town voted to\\nbuy her a shirt, and then sold her again.\\nAfter transfers to various homes, her death is\\ndisclosed in this record of September, 1784:\\nVoted for a winding sheet and a shift for\\nthe Widow Lovell eight shillings. And that\\nwas the end of her. But Jane George lived\\non, and into the next century, surviving all\\nher numerous contemporaries. She began to\\nbe one of the town s poor in 1757 she was\\nset up at vendue for the last time in 1808,\\nwhen, before she passed from the public\\nstage, dilapidated as she undoubtedly was,\\nthe town voted to pay for Extra Mending\\nJane George four dollars.\\nNot every one who came to town meeting\\nwas allowed to vote there. The laws of\\n1692 described qualified voters as owners of\\nreal estate in fee simple, and inhabitants\\nwho are ratable at twenty pounds estate.\\nIn 1743 the laws compelled voters to be per-\\nsonally present at the meeting, and all could", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. lOI\\nvote on town matters who had a ratable\\nestate of ;^20 value in the town but at the\\nelection of a representative to the Great and\\nGeneral Court at Boston, only those could\\nvote who owned a landed estate yielding an\\nannual income of forty shillings at the\\nleast. This qualification was fixed by the\\ncharter of William and Mary, and it is wor-\\nthy of note that the same ruled in the town\\nof Kingston-upon-Hull, incorporated in the\\nyear 1439 by Henry VI, To remedy the\\ngreat evils arising from the elections being\\nmade by outrageous and excessive numbers\\nof people dwelling in the counties, most part\\nof small substance, pretending to have a\\nvoice equivalent to the most worthy knights\\nand esquires,\\nThe colonial town meeting was a primary\\nand not a representative assembly the law\\ndeclared that no matter or thing shall be\\nvoted or determined but what is inserted in\\nthe warrant for calling it. As it recognized\\nno distinction of persons, disorders were fre-\\nquent. A law of 1 71 5 gave special powers\\nto the moderator because, as the law said,\\nby reason of the disorderly carriage of\\nsome persons in said meetings the business", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "I02 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nthereof is very much retarded and ob-\\nstructed. And it was sometimes necessary,\\nwhen -weighty matters were to be consid-\\nered, to make a registry of the names of\\nthose who had a title to vote as in Septem-\\nber, 1774, when the Boston Port Bill was in\\nforce, the town of Wareham chose a commit-\\ntee to join with the selectmen to make out\\na list and say who should vote in town meet-\\ning.\\nIn many respects the colonial town meet-\\ning always held in the meeting-house\\nresembled the parish meeting of Old Eng-\\nland, always held in the nave of the church.\\nThe selectmen, as trustees of the town, ad-\\nministered its income and rendered an ac-\\ncount of receipts and expenses to the annual\\ntown meeting so the churchwardens, as\\ntrustees of the parish, rendered their ac-\\ncount of receipts and expenses to the annual\\nmeeting of parishioners and in each place\\ndiscussions ensued on any important mea-\\nsures done or proposed by the trustees.\\nThe accounts of the Chyrchewardens of\\nNorth Elmham, from the year 1539\\nyear 1577, show payments of money, for the\\nwelfare of the town, identical in character", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MIND. IO3\\nwith payments made two hundred years later\\nby the selectmen of Wareham. When a\\nbridge was to be built the churchwardens\\nhired a woodcutter to fell an oak-tree in the\\npark, then a sawyer to saw the oak into tim-\\nbers, then a digger to dig a pit under the\\nfelled oak, for the run of the saw. All this\\nis told in the Chyrchwarden s accounts\\nA. D. 1545 payed to Roger Hamonde\\nfor felling of an coke in y^ peke for y^\\nmendying of y^ brydge by Rudds 3d.\\npayed to Robert Barchham for y^ sawying\\nof y^ Tree wherewith was made y^\\nbrydge by Rudds 7s. 8d.\\npayed for ye makying of a pytt to saw y^\\nseyd tree 4d.\\nThe churchwardens paid, as did the Ware-\\nham selectmen, for making a payer of\\ntowne stocks for carting gravel to mend\\ny^ noysome wayes within y^ town for\\nfoxes heades according to ye statute and\\npolecattes and a wild cattes hed. In the\\nyear 1546 they paid for makying of y\u00c2\u00ae\\nChyrche door keye mending of y\u00c2\u00ae locke\\nand likewise, in the year 1748, did the select-\\nmen of Wareham pay for a lock and kee\\nfor ye meeting hous.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "a;\\nr-\\n1 v^^i\\n^H\\nf\\n3^:i--^_\\n^^i\\nVII.\\nIMPRESSMENTS FOR THE KING.\\nESS than two years had passed, after\\nthe organization of the town, when\\nwarrants to impress men into the\\nKing s miHtary and naval service were re-\\nceived by the captain of the town s militia\\ncompany. Impressment was not a new\\nthing. A line written on the inside of the\\ncover of Israel Fearing s book reads May\\nthe 26 in 1707 I was preesed to the easel for\\n6 mounth referring to his impressment\\ninto Queen Anne s military service at her\\nmajesty s Castle William on Castle Island\\nin Boston harbor which fortification was at\\nthat time garrisoned by impressing men s\\nsons and servants every spring.\\nImpressment was a grievance, and yet\\nthere was a plenty of law for it. Although\\nit had not been directly authorized by act\\nof Parliament, it was recognized as lawful in-", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "IMPRESSMENTS FOR THE KING. 105\\nasmuch as there were acts which made pro-\\nvision for the exemption of certain persons\\nfrom impressment to which they would other-\\nwise have been subject. Moreover the earU-\\nest laws of Massachusetts provided for Im-\\npresses of laborers, cattle, goods, soldiers,\\nand sailors and the way to do it was de-\\nscribed by the Great and General Court from\\ntime to time during the entire period of co-\\nlonial legislation. The laws authorized im-\\npressments of laborers and artificers for\\npublic works of goods and cattle for public\\nservice of sailors and soldiers from the\\nmilitia for wars conducted by act of the co-\\nlonial legislature. They exempted from im-\\npressments men who were suffering from\\nany natural or personal impediment, as\\nwant of years, greatness of years, defect of\\nminde, failing of senses, or impotency of\\nlimbs. Members of the Provincial Council,\\nrepresentatives at the Great and General\\nCourt and judges of assize, while in office,\\nwere allowed by the law of 1704 to enjoy\\nthe priviledge of having one son or servant\\nexempted and freed from all impresses.\\nEach person liable to impressment was\\nrequired to appear himself or by a substitute", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "I06 COLONIAL TLMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nat the time and place appointed, on pain of\\nsuffering imprisonment, unless he paid down\\nwithin two hours the fine fixed by law.\\nThose who paid the fine or who procured\\nsubstitutes were to be esteemed as persons\\nthat have served. Soldiers were impressed\\nfor the Indian wars as well as for wars in the\\nsucceeding century and extraordinary favors\\nwere sometimes expected by those who re-\\nturned home after having served their King\\nin this compulsory manner.^\\nThere was of course a natural desire to\\nescape impressments, and it was favored by\\nphysicians certificates of inability to serve,\\nwhich were easily obtained. These means,\\nemployed by divers persons fit and able for\\nservice, were described by the legislature as\\ncorrupt and fallacious certificates written\\nby some practitioners in chirurgery. Many\\nwho failed to get the fallacious certificates\\nran away. The laws, having recited the fact\\nthat the ablest and fittest for service have\\nabsconded and hid themselves from the im-\\n1 Sept. 6, 1746, Barnabas Bates and Ebenezer Perry, Jr.,\\nasked, in town meeting, to be excused from paying Rates\\nthe Ensuing year by Reason of their being on the Expedi-\\ntion at Cape Britton the Last year. IVarcham Records.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "IMPRESSMENTS FOR THE KING. lO/\\npress, gave authority to public officers to\\npursue the fugitives, and to levy a tax of five\\npounds upon their body goods or chattels.\\nAs Massachusetts by the charter of Wil-\\nliam and Mary had power to enact such laws\\nonly as were not repugnant or contrary to\\nthe Lawes of this our Realme of England,\\nit is to be presumed that all impressment\\nlaws of the province were of this character.\\nBut they were often executed in a despotic\\nmanner. In 1757 the Provincial Council\\ndirected the sheriff of Suffolk County to\\nImpress Thirty Seamen for Manning the\\nSnow Prince of Wales as soon as may be\\nand in 1759 the General Court authorized\\nthe captain general to impress out of the\\ninward bound Vessels so many Seamen as\\nto make up the Compliment of Men to com-\\npleat the number allowed to man the Ship\\nKing George. The inhabitants of Boston\\nfrequently protested against the oppressive\\nmanner before unknown to Englishmen and\\nattended with tragical consequences, in\\nwhich impressment warrants were executed.\\nIt could be said of the officers of the law\\nthat, like Falstaff, they misused the King s\\npress most damnably, thereby causing riots.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "I08 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nand compelling the govern-or to promise that\\nimpressments should be stopped.\\nThere was reason for the farmers of Ware-\\nham to be alarmed when the King s ship (or\\nsnow) came up Buzzard s Bay in 1741, and\\nagain in 1742, and sent warrants to the cap-\\ntain of the militia to impress men into the\\nKing s service. Although some took to the\\nwoods, none offered resistance. In Israel\\nFearing s book are written the names of his\\ntownsmen who were impressed at various\\ntimes between the years 1740 and 1748, to\\nassist in carrying on the wars of England\\nagainst France and Spain\\nApril, 1740 Robert Bese impresed and Na-\\nthan Brigg s man and Nathan Briggs gave\\nRobert Bese fifteen pounds old tener for half a\\nman and Robert Bese went to the Estward.\\nMay 1741 Josiah Cunit Impresed to goon\\nbord ye snow And he Recived ten pounds in\\nmony.\\nAnd Edward Bump paid him 5 pounds for his\\nsons.\\nAnd John bump y^ 3 two pounds.\\nAnd After hadawa two pounds for his sun.\\nAnd Joseph doty one pound for his sun.\\nMarch 1742 Joshua bese Impresed to go on", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "IMPRESSMENTS FOR THE KING. IO9\\nbord y^ sno and Joseph Landers paid 4 pounds\\nfor his son to him.\\nMarch 1743 Noah bump Imprest for his\\nmagests sarvis and Runaway.\\nJune 1744 Jonathan bump Jun Impresed\\nand Samuel peary for his magist sarvis and they\\nboth went to the Est frontters.\\nMarch 1745 Oliver Nores impresed and Run\\naway and Joseph doty Jun and Run away Ed-\\nward bump impresed and Joshua bump. And\\nbarnabas bates and these 3 went in his magest\\nsarvis to cap britan.\\nJune 1745. Ebenezer peary Jun and Jona-\\nthan bump Junr Listed for cap britten and I gave\\nthem fouer pounds apeace old tener.\\nJabez bensen was Impresed and went to y\u00c2\u00ae\\nEstward.\\nJoshua Gibbes Jun Impresed and paul Ra-\\nment and paul Rament Recived twenty pouns old\\ntener and If Either of these are Impresed the\\nother is to Apear and go Into his magestys sar-\\nvis or Else to give 20 pounds old tener.\\nJuly 1746 biniamin Chubback Impresed and\\ngave Noah bump twenty pounds old ten to goo\\nhalf for him.\\nSamuel peary and Noah bump impresed to\\ngo to the Westward frunttery and Samuel peary\\nReceived 40 pounds old ten 20 pounds of John\\nbushap for his sonn and ten pounds of Jorg\\nWhit and ten pounds of Joh gibbes", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "1 10 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA V.\\nSepr 1746 Jonathan Chubback Jun Impresed\\nfor Zeccues Bump At five pounds old ten Joseph\\nGiford Jun presed at five pounds and ten shillings\\nold tener for Edward bump to goo in his magty\\nsarves.\\nMarch 1748 Judah Swift and Joseph doty\\nand Edward Rayment Imprest and hired Robart\\nbese for 55 pounds.\\nThe record shows that these men were\\nequipped for the service on which they were\\ngoing with muskets, halberds, drums, and the\\nroyal ensign and that opportunity was given\\nthem to buy substitutes, to obtain compensa-\\ntion, and even to run away.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "VIII.\\nTHE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE.\\nfT Stood on the common where the\\nflagstaff now stands, a plain square\\nbuilding, stained silver-gray by the\\nsun and rains. On its front side there was a\\nporch, on top of its front gable there was a\\nlittle turret, and over the turret, on a stumpy\\nrod, whirled a whale-shaped wind-vane. The\\nturret and the vane gave to the building an\\nair of humble respectability. Around it were\\na few oak-trees, outposts of the primeval\\nforest which extended behind it to the shore\\nof the bay, a mile distant. In front was the\\nprincipal highway of the region, called by the\\nearliest settlers ye contry rode. It was\\nalong this way that Englishmen of Plymouth\\ndrove their cattle to the Mattapoiset necks to\\nbe wintered, as long ago as the year 1655, and\\nover the same path English soldiers traveled\\nin 1676 to attack the Indian King Philip. A", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "1 1 2 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\nway branched from it to some meadows and\\nhouses on Cromeset Neck where three chim-\\nney stacks may yet be seen, in the woods, the\\nonly relics of those seaside homes of the\\nparish. The Woonkinco River was so near\\nthe meeting-house that the hum of its grist-\\nmill could have been heard above the voice of\\nthe preacher in the pulpit, if the miller had\\nbeen allowed to run his grindstones on Sun-\\nday. Beyond the river was that stretch of\\nverdant meadows which had given the name\\nof Fresh-meadow Village to the small settle-\\nment in the neighborhood.\\nThe Agawame planters began to build the\\nmeeting-house in the year 1735. It was a\\nprivate undertaking by a few farmers, who got\\ntheir sustenance from the soil and from the\\nsea, their clothing from sheep s wool carded\\nand spun at home, and who, for trade, made\\ntar and gathered turpentine in the pine\\nforests. As times were hard, because the\\ncurrent paper-money of the province was\\nalmost valueless, the undertaking dragged\\nheavily on their hands. Four years later\\nthey were glad to turn it over to their new-\\nmade town, which immediately levied a tax\\nupon them wherewith to finish it. In the", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE. 1 13\\nrecords the tax was called the meeting hous\\nRat. Some paid the Rat with labor,\\nsome paid it with lumber, some with nails\\nwrought in the home smithies, some with\\nfarm products which were exchanged for\\nlabor for example, Uriah Savery gave y^\\npounds of beef toward building ye meeting\\nhous at 6 pence a pound.\\nAs soon as it was habitable for public wor-\\nship the town appointed agents to sell ye\\nSpots for Pues, and chose two serious men\\nto police the Sunday services. It was the\\nduty of these men to watch all playful boys\\nand girls, especially boys, whom the elders of\\nDuxbury had publicly stigmatized as the\\nwretched boys on the Lord s day. By com-\\nmon opinion they were regarded as an annoy-\\nance to the minister and an offense to the\\ngravity of the town.\\nIt was a small meeting-house, but it had\\nmore than one door, as appears from the elec-\\ntion of a man to sweep it and unlock the\\nDoores. It was customary in those times\\nnot only to separate men from women and\\nboys from girls in seating the congregation,\\nbut to provide separate doors for them there-\\nfore the little house had a great door for men", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "114 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\non its front, and two small doors on opposite\\nsides, of which one was for women and the\\nother was probably for symmetry.\\nThe sweeping and the locking it were sub-\\njects which exercised the Town s Mind annu-\\nally; and although the doorkeeper s emolu-\\nment had been twenty-five shillings old tenor\\na year, which was equivalent to nearly two\\ndollars in silver, the town was willing to pay\\nmore for a better service. It is recorded that,\\nat a town meeting in 1747, Ye modarater\\nPute to vote whether the town would Give\\nSam^ Savery forty Shillings old teener to\\nSweep and keep the kee of the meeting hous\\nye Insuing year and It Past In in the affearm-\\nitive and ye sd Sam accepted.\\nBut in 1748 the said Samuel was no longer\\nthe town s doorkeeper. The compensation\\nwas increased to sixty shillings, and Ichabod\\nSamson was chosen for the service. Instead\\nof keeping the key he lost it, compelling the\\nselectmen to put into the tax levy seven\\nshillings and sixpence for a Lock and kee\\nfor ye meeting hous. Notwithstanding this\\nloss Ichabod continued in charge but in\\n1754 his meagre salary was cut down. There\\nwas some reason for the cutting the Great", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE. I15\\nand General Court at Boston had established\\na silver currency, and shillings were worth\\nmore than they had been. Besides, he had\\nbegun to show that carelessness in the dis-\\ncharge of his duties which a long tenure of\\noffice is apt to beget. He had neglected to\\nuse his broom, and had fallen into the habit\\nof locking people in the meeting-house on\\nSundays, or of locking them out of it for a\\ntown meeting gave him positive orders To\\nopen ye dores shutt them when wanted,\\nand it directed hirn to sweep the house once\\na month, the general expectation being that\\nhe was to sweep it so often as there shalbe\\nocation to keep it deesent.\\nIt needed a great deal of sweeping. There\\nwere days when the doors were swinging\\nopen, inviting all wandering sheep, dogs, and\\nboys to explore it. Children played in it on\\nSunday noons, if the warden was out of sight,\\nthereby Prophanning the Sabbath in the\\nIntermission Season, as the elders said\\nwhile the latter ate luncheons there, smoked\\ntobacco, and scattered trash upon the floor\\nwithout prophanning the place at all. It\\nwas used for town meetings and for elections,\\nat which times boys climbed into the pulpit", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "1 1 6 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA V.\\nand imagined themselves to be ministers. In\\nits loft were stored the town s drum, halberds,\\nmuskets, ammunition, and the British colors\\nwhich had been carried in the French and\\nIndian wars, and were always flaunted through\\nthe town by the train-band on training days.^\\nNotwithstanding these uses of the meeting-\\nhouse, the people had some regard for it.\\nWhen the adjacent common became a dump-\\ning ground for superfluous stones and a\\nmarket-place for firewood, they ordered that\\nno stones shall be dumped nor wood piled in\\nfront of it. When the rains leaked into it,\\n1 It is worth while to note the vulgar uses to which\\nchurches (or meeting-houses) were sometimes put in Eng-\\nland in the 17th century, as showing that the careless-\\nness and disrespect in which these edifices were held by\\nNew England colonists were inherited from Old England.\\nIn Bedford, as related in Brown s Li/t^ aud Times of John\\nBiinyan, a man got into trouble for folding some sheep in\\nthe church during a snow storm a woman for hanginge\\nher lynnen in the church to dry. The curate of the parish\\nwas presented in 161 2 for baiting a bear in the church at\\nWoburn the church wardens of Knotting and their sons\\nand the rector, because they permitted and were present\\nat cock fightings in the chancel! and the rector of Carlton,\\nbecause immediately before service he did lead his horse\\nin at the south doore into the chancell of the church where\\nhe sett him and there continued all the time of said service\\nand sermon.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE. W]\\nthey voted to put some scattering shinggles\\non the roof. Once they bought a pulpit\\ncushing. In 1764 they altered the front\\nGallery so the men has the whole of it to Set\\nin; and in 1767 they appropriated four\\npounds, equivalent to thirteen dollars and\\nthirty-three cents, for Doing ye meeting\\nhous and for a Suppolidge, whatever that\\nstrange thing may have been. Moreover, His\\nMajesty s justice of the peace, a rugged\\nfarmer whose loyalty to the King was bred\\nin his bones, fined all boys and girls who\\nlaughed in it during the time of worship.\\nThis worthy opened his court records in 1755\\nwith these writings\\nDeborah Bergs hath paid me as a fine for Lafing\\nin the VVareham meeting house on the Sabarth\\nday In the time of Publick Devine Sarvice By the\\nhand of Ebnezer Brigs 5 ShilUngs\\nHanah Elis hath paid me as a fine for Breach of\\nSabath for Lafing in the meeting house on the\\nLords Day In the time of Devine Sarvice By the\\nhand of Rholand Benson 5 Shillings\\nEverybody in the town, whether living near\\nthe meeting-house or far from it, went to the\\nSunday services. A celebrated petition to", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "I 1 8 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA V.\\nthe King, in 1731, from the rector of the\\nChurch of England in Boston, most humbly\\ninforms your Majesty that it is very common\\nfor the people in New England to go ten or\\nfifteen miles to Church. This custom filled\\nthe seats of the Wareham meeting-house so\\nfull that some worshipers must bring chairs,\\nwhich they placed wherever there was an\\nopen space on the floor. The chairs became\\nan annoyance to the pew-owners, the aristoc-\\nracy of the place, who in 1757 got an order\\nfrom the town to clear the Alleys of the\\nmeeting Hous of chairs and all other Incum-\\nbrances. Whether the ousted worshipers\\nstood during the services thereafter, or seated\\nthemselves on doorsteps and window sills, the\\nrecords say not.\\nReligion filled a large space in the thoughts\\nand in the laws of the province.^ The laws\\n1 A prolonged observance of the Sabbath continued to be\\nthe custom in New England until the influence of railroads\\nbroke it up.\\nI remember being despatched when a lad oue Saturday afternoon in\\nthe winter, to bring home a few bushels of apples engaged o\u00c2\u00a3 a farmer a\\nmile distant how the careful exact man looked first at the clock, then\\nout of the window at the sun, and turning to me said I cannot measure\\nout the apples in time for you to get home before sundown you must\\ncome again Monday. Rev. Horace BusJuiell, at Litchfield, Conn.,\\nin 1S51.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE. II9\\ndirected that the Sabbath time shall begin at\\nthe going-down of Saturday s sun and shall\\ncontinue through the evening of Sunday. On\\nSaturday evening the usual labors of the\\nhousehold were suspended, and when Sunday\\ndawned preparations were made to go to the\\nmeeting-house. Then traveling and walking\\nafield were forbidden. To travel was not to\\npass from one town to another only it was\\nalso passing from house to house in the vil-\\nlage. His Majesty s justice of the peace was\\nwithin the instructions of the law when he\\nwrote in his book\\nMay th 10 Day 1769 then Parsonly appeared\\nJaphath washburn and acknowledged himself Gilty\\nof a Breach of Sabbath In traveling From my\\nhous onto Zaphanier Bumps on the 16 Day of\\napril on a arond To Git Benjamin Benson to\\nworck for him and he hath paid Ten Shillings as\\na Fine To me John Fearing Justis of peace\\nNor can the hay be winrowed on Sunday,\\nnor may children pick apples in the orchards.\\nThe same justice wrote in his book\\nSeptember th 5 Day 1772 personly appeared\\nWilliam Estes and acknowledged him Self Gilty of\\nRacking hay on The First Day of the week or\\nLords Day and paid Fine Ten Shillings to me", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "I20 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nJuly th 27 1774 then Elizabeth Mosse paid Five\\nShillings For her son Job for a breach of Sabath\\nfor puling aples in Benjamin Fearing s orchard\\ncomplained of by Ebenezer Swift warden to me\\nReligion was also the romance of the\\npeople. The humor and pathos of Banyan s\\nstory depicting the progress of his pilgrims\\nfrom this world to that which is to come\\ntouched all hearts. It was the delight of\\ntheir imagination, in the Sunday twilights, to\\nfollow Christian and Hopeful while they\\ncrossed the Inchanted Ground, and, entering\\nthe Land of Beulah, whose air was very-\\nsweet and pleasant, journeyed on to the\\nCelestial City for many believed that they\\nwere going thither by the same way.\\nTo such a people, going to the meeting-\\nhouse for divine worship was a duty to be\\nthere was a social pleasure by which the duty\\nwas enforced. The intermission between the\\nforenoon and the afternoon service furnished\\nopportunity for greetings to those who, living\\non almost impassable roads, had not seen each\\nother during the preceding six days. Many\\nthings were to be talked about, some of which\\nwere suggested by announcements tacked\\nupon the great door of the meeting-house.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE. 121\\nThere they read, as from an old newspaper,\\nof an intention of marriage between persons\\nknown to everybody and although the town-\\nclerk had stood up in the congregation and\\nscreamed it at the top of his voice, it was an\\nendless subject for comment, especially if the\\nwoman had as publicly renounced the inten-\\ntion as women sometimes did. There they\\nread of a sale at outcry to come off during\\nthe week, and the wise ones were asked to\\nforetell how much the property would fetch,\\nand to explain why it was to be sold. They\\nread of stray cattle lost or found, of a trinket\\npicked up on the highway, of the last bounty\\noffered for a fox s head, of taxes due, of a\\nwhaling sloop about to sail and would take a\\ngreen hand, of a townsman going to Boston,\\nof the next town meeting, and they threshed\\nout the questions there to be voted upon.\\nThese Sunday noon gatherings, which were\\nnot unlike the meetings of a village club,\\nsupphed not only news and gossip, but also\\nopportunities for a trade or a barter not to be\\nneglected.\\nThus the Sundays came and went for\\nthirty years, when it appeared that the large\\ncongregation must have a larger meeting-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "I 22 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\nhouse and the town having refused to build\\nit, preferring to patch out the old one, a few\\ntownsmen undertook the building. Although\\nthere had been migrations to Connecticut\\nduring these years, the town had retained\\nthe natural increase of its population, save\\nwhat part death and the King s impress had\\ncarried away. There were more farms, more\\nsheep and neat cattle, more sloops going to\\nsea, and a more general prosperity than\\nthere had been. A forge had been set up in\\nthe woods to work iron ore dug from bogs\\nand ponds the schoolmaster had become a\\npart of the community and the political\\nstrifes in Boston had hardly been heard of.\\nThe new meeting-house was set up Nigh\\nwhere the old meeting-house now stands,\\nas the location of the land given for it is\\ndescribed in the conveyance, dated March\\n1 6th in the tenth year of his Majesties\\nreign annoque Domini 1770. No barrels\\nof rum were tapped at its raising, because it\\nwas a private undertaking, to be done without\\nwaste. The farmers who built it followed the\\narchitectural style of the old house they\\nknew no other style, and used a part of the\\nold materials in the new building. They", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE. 1 23\\nwere to repay themselves for their expenses\\nfrom the sales of pews, the deeds of which\\nran in very unscholastic language, showing\\nhow destitute of a school education these\\ntown fathers had been when they were boys.^\\nNear the new meeting-house was Benjamin\\nFearing s inn, which in the early part of the\\ncentury had been the dwelling-house of Isaac\\nBumpus, the miller. He had been a prom-\\nWe the Subscribers Major part of the Commity Chosen\\nby Subscribers of the New Meeting hous in Wareham to\\nbuild for them said Meeting hous agreabell to thear articales\\nSubscribed to and to give to them a Tittle of thear pew or\\npevves theay shall Drow by Lott and it appearing to ous\\nthat John Fearing Esquire of Wareham haith Subscribed\\nand paid to ous the following Sumes to Wit the Sum of Six-\\nteen poundes and the Sum of Six pounds Eleven shillings\\nand Six pence for the Building said Meeting hous and a\\nfurther Sum of four poundes Eight shillings for a pew he\\nBoght of ous at publick Veandew\\nWe Do In ower Capacety Intitle to him the said John\\nFearing Esq of Wareham the following pewes which he\\nDrew by Lott and Chose and that he Boght beeing Num-\\nbered ass foloweth to wit one N\u00c2\u00b0. 31 another N\u00c2\u00b0. 54 and the\\nother N\u00c2\u00b0. 43 To him the said John Fearing Esquire his\\nheirs and assigns soo Long as Shall be thought proper by\\nthe said proprity of Wareham to Continue said Meet Hous\\nWareham June Barnabas Bates 1\\nT-i -n I Commity of\\nye 4: 1774. Eben Bnggs I\\nT u rThe New\\nJosiah Carver i\\nt Meeting Hous\\nSamuel bavery J", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "124 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ninent man in the work of organizing the\\ntown, was chosen town treasurer, and in 1739\\nwas appointed by the church to settle with\\nDeacon Haralen, as the records state, to\\nsee how he had disposed of ye contributions.\\nBut the tables were turned when, in 1747,\\nthe town Chose Decon John Ellis to Prose-\\ncute Isaac Bump for ye money that Is due\\nfrom sd Bump to the Town, which he had\\ncollected while he was its treasurer.\\nThere were no stage-coaches to pull up\\nat the inn, but travelers on horseback from\\nPlymouth and Cape Cod, and those coming\\nby sloops from Nantucket and the Vineyard,\\nrested there. Its bar-room was a crowded\\nresort on town-meeting days there the mili-\\ntia captain had his headquarters on training\\ndays, and all the year it was the home of the\\ntown s municipal business,\\nWhere village statesmen talk d with looks profound,\\nAnd news much older than their ale went round.\\nIts gardens extended to the river, where sea\\ntrout were to be caught in great numbers on\\n1 The surname of Edward Bompasse has received from\\nhis descendants varied spellings, such as Bumpas, Bumpus,\\nBump. In a deed of 1793 Jeremiah Bump, for \u00c2\u00a3y o,\\nconveys his old farm and house in Wareham to his son\\nJeremiah Bumpus Jr.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MEETING-HOUSE. 1 25\\nspring mornings. Sloops and scows were\\nmoored a little way down the tide, and families\\nthat sailed to meeting from the bay shores\\ngrounded their boats near by. From its\\nwindows could be seen the town stocks, in\\nwhich drunkards who had left their money in\\nthe bar-room were seated until they became\\nsober, jeered at meanwhile by the village\\nboys. The stock-irons also held fast at times\\nthose unfortunate offenders who had not\\nmoney to pay the fines imposed upon them\\nby His Majesty s justice of the peace.\\nOne November day in 1763 this dignitary\\ndismounted in front* of the inn and entered\\nthe bar-room. He laid aside his beaver hat\\nand red camlet cloak trimmed with fox skins,\\nand seated himself by the great fireplace to\\nchat with his brother the landlord when\\nthere entered a sailor from a sloop just ar-\\nrived from Nantucket, who, after drinking a\\ngrog, became boisterous and finally profane.\\nWhereupon the scene was changed. The\\nbar-room was transformed into a court-room,\\nand this audacious offender of the King s\\npeace was tried, condemned, and punished\\naccording to colony law. The sentence which\\nplaced him in the stocks was this", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "126 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nAt a cort held before John Fearing Esquire\\none of his majesties Justices of the peace at the\\nHouse of Benjamin Fearing In Wareham on the\\nII of November 1763 Jonathan Wing marriner\\nbeing Convicted for prefainly Swaring in the\\nPreasence and hearing of said Justice Two prefain\\nOaths It is considered by said Justice that the\\nsaid Jonathan pay a fine of Five Shillings for the\\nfirst of said Oaths and one Shilling For the other\\nto his majesty For the use of the Poor of Wareham\\nor In Default thereof that the said Jonathan being\\na common sailor shall be sett in the Stocks an\\nHour and halfe.\\nIn sight fron\\\\ the new meeting-house stood\\nthe whipping-post, at which convicted thieves\\nwere flogged by a constable, and tramps, or\\npersons who by the law of England were\\naccounted vagabonds, were whipt with rodds\\nso as it exceed not fifteen stripes.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "IX.\\nA SUNDAY MORNING IN 1771.\\njiET US turn away from the whipping-\\npost and enter into the new meeting-\\nhouse on a Sunday morning of June\\nin the year 1771.\\nAlong the highways, the green lanes and\\nfield paths, and from the boat landings, come\\nthe worshipers in family groups, followed\\nby their dogs. Some are on foot, some are\\non horseback, the wife riding on a pillion be-\\nhind her husband, their youngest child on\\nthe saddle in front of him all are of one\\nblood and of one faith. Young men are\\ncarrying their best homespun coats on their\\narms, and young women are carrying their\\nbest shoes in their hands, intending to put\\nthem on before they enter the meeting-house.\\nHis Majesty s justice of the peace comes\\nin a dusty shay, drawn by a stiff-limbed\\nmare that refuses to quicken her gait not-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "1 28 COLONIAL TIMES t N BUZZARDS BA V.\\nwithstanding her master s repeated objurga-\\ntions, accompanied by a jerk of the reins, to\\nGit along, yer old dumb toad The people\\nexchange greetings with each other as they\\narrive at the doors, and when the Squire\\nalights they salute him respectfully, for no\\nman except the minister is considered to be\\nhis peer.\\nWe enter by the great door, whose face is\\ncovered with all kinds of announcements to\\nthe public. Opposite to us as we enter stands\\nthe pulpit, lofty and formidable in appearance.\\nThere is a large window behind it, a dome-\\nshaped sounding-board above it, and a steep\\nstaircase leading up to its entrance. When\\nthe minister has ascended the stairs and shut\\nthe pulpit door behind him he is entirely lost\\nto sight. At the foot of the pulpit and facing\\n^he congregation are the seats of the deacons.\\nBefore them stands the communion table,\\nwhich is not served on sacrament days with\\nunfermented wine, as we know from an order\\nof the church at Milton in May, 1734, that\\nthe Deacons be desired to provide good\\nCanary wine for the Communion Table.\\nNext to the pulpit is the pew of the minis-\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^r s wife. Out of it a i arrow door opens", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "A SUNDAY MORNING IN 1771. IIC)\\ninto a closet under the pulpit, in which the\\ntown s broom, the demijohn of Canary wine,\\nand the pewter baptizing-basin and com-\\nmunion flagons and cups are kept.^ From\\nthis pew a line of square pews runs along the\\nwalls of the house, around to the other side\\nof the pulpit. They are of clearest oak, whose\\nbeauty is not covered by paints. They were\\nmade with the best skill of the village\\ncarpenters.^ They are topped by balustrades,\\nand are so high that when the congregation\\nis seated a few heads only appear in sight\\nabove them. Seats are hung by hinges on\\nthree sides of each pew, and are lifted when\\nthe worshipers stand up for long prayers,\\nJuly 1750. Then Esq Fearing delivered me eight pound\\n(Old tenor) desired me with it to procure a Flaggon which\\nhe intended to give to this church as a gift, have the two\\nfirst letters of his name set thereon, and if the money was\\nnot enough he would make it up to me when I had pro-\\ncured it.\\nMay 6. 1752. Our sister Mary King wife to Ichabod\\nKing of Rochester presented this church with a Bason for\\nbaptism with the two first letters of her name thereon The\\nchurch voted their thanks to her therefor. And it was the\\nsame time proposed voted that I should have the old\\nBason allowing therefor what the two Deacons should Judge\\nit to be worth. ReV^ Rowland Thacher, in the Wareham\\nChurch Records.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "I30 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\npermitting them to lean against the parti-\\ntions, where they get some assistance in\\nstanding. The pews are the upper seats of\\nthe synagogue. The lower seats are two\\nranges of benches in the centre of the house,\\nfronting the pulpit and separated by the great\\nalley. In the fore-seats of these ranges, elder-\\nly people and those who are hard of hearing\\nare seated the hind-seats are occupied by\\nyounger persons. Of the same rank are cer-\\ntain seats in the galleries, reached by stairs\\nin the corners of the house.\\nMr, Rowland Thacher is the minister. He\\ncame fresh from Harvard College to this\\nsecluded town more than thirty years ago\\nand here he has stayed, occupied in preach-\\ning, farming, marrying, burying, and repre-\\nsenting all the scholastic learning of the\\ncommunity. It is said that he is not as\\nyoung as he used to be but he is still able\\nto sympathize in the fortunes and misfor-\\ntunes of his flock. He has been poorly paid\\nfor his labors his small salary has always\\nbeen small and always in arrears, and even\\nnow the town is owing to him that of last year.\\nNevertheless, with a cheerful countenance he\\nappears at the parapet of the pulpit, and", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "A SUNDA V MORNING IN 177 r. 1 3 I\\nStretching out his hands as signal for the con-\\ngregation to stand up, he begins the services\\nwith a prayer thirty minutes long.\\nWhen it is ended the seats in the pews are\\nlet fall, making a noise like an irregular dis-\\ncharge of muskets there is a shuffling of\\nfeet on the sanded floor, an uneasy settling\\nof the congregation in the seats, and at last\\neverybody is still. During the stillness Mr.\\nThacher appears again and announces a\\npsalm to be sung. There are not many psalm\\nbooks in the house, there is no choir and but\\nlittle knowledge of music. But there is Dea-\\ncon William Blackmer, of Blackmer s Pond,\\nwho has a strong voice, and for that reason\\nhas been appointed to read and tune the\\npsalms in meeting. He stands on the pulpit\\nstairs with a pine pitch-pipe in hand. He\\nblows the key-note, recites two lines of the\\npsalm, adjusts his voice, which is somewhat\\nraspy by reason of too many shoutings to his\\noxen yesterday, and then he starts away.\\nThe congregation joins in an arduous pursuit.\\nIt lags behind, its tones are dreadfully dis-\\ncordant. Some dogs sitting in the alleys\\nutter cries of distress, and Mr. Thacher s\\ncollie, lying at the pulpit door, howls patheti-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "132 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARHS BAY.\\ncally at the music. But Deacon Blackmer,\\nas in duty bound, keeps on liis winding way,\\nby turns reciting and starting, until all the\\npsalm is worked off and the congregation\\nthen relapses into quiet.\\nFrom this condition it is summoned by a\\nsignal to stand up while Mr. Thacher becomes\\nmore large in prayer. This prayer is an\\nimportant part of the service. It has a sys-\\ntematic beginning, middle, and end. It takes\\nalternately the form of a petition and a nar-\\nration, and includes within its sweep Noah,\\nAbraham, the ancient Hebrews, the sick and\\nthe afflicted of the parish, and His Majesty\\nKing George the Third. When its long-\\ndrawn end is reached there is another slam-\\nming of seats and another shuffling of feet\\non the sanded floor.\\nIn the hush that follows, Thomas Samson,\\nson of Ichabod, doorkeeper, floor -sweeper,\\ngrave-digger, is seen going up the pulpit\\nstairs. His earlier duty was beating the\\ntown drum to announce meeting-time. Now\\nand then he has swept the meeting-house\\nfloor and has sifted fresh sand upon it. He\\nalso has provided cold water for the ferocious\\ncustom of baptizing babies in the meeting-", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "A SUNDAY MORNING IN 1771. 133\\nhouse on the first Sunday after their birth,\\nhowever inclement the weather or perilous\\nthe journey thither a cruel custom as we\\nnow estimate the value of infant life. John\\nCotton, minister at Hampton, wrote in his\\ndiary Being Ld s day my wife was de-\\nlivered of a Son who was baptised by myself\\non ye Sabbath following viz Dec 28. 1701\\nwas called Simon.\\nNow, the principal business of Thomas\\nSamson is with the tall, brass-bound hour-glass\\nstanding on the pulpit s edge. He turns it\\nin view of the preacher, who is to preach\\nan hour, or as long as the sands are run-\\nning. It is not the tender mercy and love, but\\nthe inflexible justice and anger, of the Su-\\npreme Being that the preacher sets before the\\ncongregation. He declares that the saints\\nin heaven will rejoice in seeing the justice of\\nGod glorified in the sufferings of the damned.\\nThe doctrine is cut into many divisions, in\\nwhich the objections of skeptics are stated\\nand successfully controverted. Then comes\\nthe application, followed by reproof and ex-\\nhortation adapted to the supposed needs of all\\nhearers. Perhaps it will be necessary to turn\\nthe hour-glass for another run before every", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "134 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nhearer can get the teaching fitted to his\\ncondition.\\nThe dreadful doctrine of the sermon and\\nthe loud voice of the preacher are a contrast\\nto the cheerful and peaceful surroundings of\\nthe house, whose doors and windows are open,\\nadmitting freely the summer air and the\\nbeneficent sunshine. The rustling of leaves\\non neighboring oaks, the songs of birds, the\\nstamping of horses hitched to the trees, the\\ndrowsy hum of insects, are interludes to the\\nlong argument. Now a great bumble-bee\\nsails into the house as if it were a traveler\\nturned aside to inquire about the noise in the\\npulpit. Every eye turns to this new-comer\\nas to one that brings relief. It circles around\\nthe preacher s head, it buzzes against the\\npulpit window, skims back and forth over the\\ncongregation, and encourages the restless\\nboys and girls to believe that it is about to\\nahght on the bald head of Barnabas Bates,\\nthe warden.\\nIn spite of the energetic tones of the\\npreacher a drowsiness comes over some of the\\nfarmers, who try to resist it by standing up,\\nor by taking off their heavy homespun coats,\\nor by going out to quie^t their horses. A", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "A SUNDAY MORNING IN lyyi. 1 35\\nbabe lying on its mother s lap as she sits in\\nthe doorway of the porch utters a cry, and\\nsuddenly every head turns towards the babe.\\nBut the preacher continues to unfold his\\ngloomy theme, unmindful of the weariness\\napparent in the congregation. He began at\\nfirstly, he has now passed twelfthly,\\nand he begs his hearers to follow him once\\nmore as he opens another gradient.\\nWhen at last finally is ended, with\\naymen there is a noisy rush of boys to\\nthe doors, by which they escape into the open\\nair, unless constables have been placed there\\nto keep, as the Salem records have it, ye\\ndoores fast and suffer none to goe out before\\nye whole exercise bee ended.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "X.\\nTHE TOWN S MINISTER.\\nLTHOUGH Rowland Thacher was\\nthe first minister of the town, he\\nwas not the first minister of the peo-\\nple who formed it. The Agawame planters,\\nin their lay-out of lands in 1701, appropriated\\ntwo lots for tillage and one lot of meadow,\\ntwo and for the yuse of the ministre, as\\ntheir records say, and this was before they\\nhad a minister or knew where to get one. In\\n1712 they voted that Mr. Rouland Cotton\\nshould have Improvement of ye meadow for\\nseaven years next ensewing. He was the\\nminister of Sandwich town, ten miles to the\\neastward and this grant indicates that he\\nrode over to the plantation at certain times\\nto preach, perhaps under the forest trees,\\nwhile he continued to live in Sandwich and\\nbe its minister. He was paid for this itiner-\\nant service by the mowing and pasturage of\\nthe ministry meadow. In those days there", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 37\\nappears to have been a relation between min-\\nisters and horses which made it necessary\\nthat measures for the maintenance of each\\nshould be taken simultaneously. Mr. Cotton\\nhad not only the Agawame meadow for the\\nsupport of his horse, but he also had the\\nprivilege of pasturing that omnivorous ani-\\nmal in the Sandwich burying-ground, pro-\\nvided he fenced it around. This privilege is\\nnot to be considered as an indication of pov-\\nerty, for a burying-ground was, in colonial\\ntimes, a favorite browsing ground of the\\nminister s horse. But it was sometimes\\nnecessary for a town to request its minister\\nnot to have more horses there than shall\\nbe really necessary as a Plymouth town\\nmeeting requested the Rev. Chandler Rob-\\nbins, in 1789, when he was pasturing several\\nhorses on Burial Hill, much to the damage\\nof the grave-stones.\\nMr. Cotton had another privilege as the\\nSandwich town minister. The town had voted\\nto him a portion of all such drift whales as\\nshall during the time of his ministry come\\nashore. Samuel Maverick, in A Briefe De-\\nscription of New England, written about\\n1660, .speaks of a good Towne called Sand-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "138 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwich, a Towne which affords some yeares a\\nquantity of Whalebone made of Whales- which\\ndrive up dead in that Bay. And the Ply-\\nmouth Court had, in 1662, announced that it\\nwould bee very comendable and beneficiall\\nto the townes where God s Providence shall\\ncast any whales if they should agree to sett\\nappart some pte of every such fish or oyle\\nfor the Incurragement of an able Godly min-\\nnester amongst them. Thus Sandwich was\\na good Towne, and with its whales it en-\\ncouraged Mr. Cotton in the work of the min-\\nistry, while he encouraged the Agawame\\nplanters.\\nAfter these planters had organized their\\ntown under the corporate name of Wareham,\\na name taken no one knows why from\\nthe ancient town in Dorset, on the English\\nChannel, their first duty was to provide them-\\nselves with an able, learned, orthodox min-\\nister of good conversation to dispense the\\nWord of God unto them, according to the\\nprovince laws. They immediately accepted\\nRowland Thacher as a man answering to\\nthis requirement, and agreed to maintain\\nhim by a settlement of three hundred pounds,\\nand an annual salary of one hundred and", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 39\\ntwenty pounds old tenor. These sums, al-\\nthough of large denomination, were of small\\nvalue in coined money. The new minister,\\nwhose grandfather, Antony Thacher, came\\nto Boston from Salisbury, England, in 1635,\\nwas thirty years old, and married to Abigail\\nCrocker. The town which called him was\\ncomposed of frugal husbandmen, who made\\ntheir small gains by small savings. They\\ntherefore wished an inexpensive ordination,\\nand instructed their master of ceremonies,\\none Edward Bump, to provide not accord-\\ning to the custom of Taverns Selling of Vict-\\nuals but as shall be Judged Reasonable by\\nthe People. And so the minister was or-\\ndained in a reasonable way December 26,\\n1739- The next day he organized a church of\\nforty-four members. It was the frame upon\\nwhich the town was built every inhabitant\\nbeing included within the fold of the parish.\\nAfter a time the town became neglectful\\nof its duty to its minister, and as often as\\nit was assembled to consider the constantly\\nrecurring problem, How much money the\\ntown is for raising for defraying the neces-\\nsary charges arising within the same, the\\nquestion of the amount of salary to be paid", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "140 COLONIAL TLMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nto Parson Thacher caused disagreeable dis-\\ncussions. In this respect Wareham did not\\nstand alone. A similar feeling in regard to\\nthe support of ministers prevailed in other\\ntowns. In an address to the legislature of\\n1747, Governor Shirley said: I have heard\\nso much of the Difficultys which many of\\nthe Ministers of the Gospel are brought un-\\nder thro the great Depreciation of the Bills\\nof Credit in which their Salarys are paid and\\nthe little care taken by their People to make\\nthem proper allowances for it, that it seems\\nprobable many will soon be necessitated to\\nquit the Ministry. This promised to be the\\ndestiny of Parson Thacher. But there was\\na law which declared that if a town neglected\\nfor six months to make suitable provision for\\nits minister, the Court of Quarter Sessions\\nshall order a competent allowance for him\\nout of the estate and ability of the people.\\nThe town, being reminded of this, was warned\\nto assemble, in May, 1748, to Cum as\\nthe town clerk of the period recorded it\\nto Sum a Greement with Mr. Thacher that\\nmay Be to his Satisfaction as to ye Support\\nthat he ought to have from the town that\\nthear may Be return maid to ye General", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 141\\nCort. In consequence of this warning, a\\ncommittee was chosen to treat with him\\nconsearning his Salery to know how much\\nmoney would content him and the record\\nsays that he came in town-meeting and\\nthear said he Declined saying anything in\\nthat affare, a decision which showed the\\nhonorable character of the man. The result\\nwas that three hundred pounds were voted to\\nhim as a salary for that year. This was paper\\nmoney, and the value of the sum was about\\nseventy-five Spanish milled dollars. In 1750\\nhe was given to improve the ministry lands\\nin Agawame, where Mr. Cotton had pastured\\nhis horse thirty-eight years before, and he\\nwas authorized to bring a suit to dispossess\\nthe occupant of them, who was Esquire Is-\\nrael Fearing, His Majesty s justice of the\\npeace, and consequently the greatest man in\\ntown. This disagreeable task he probably\\ndid not undertake, as it was evidently an at-\\ntempt of the town to employ him to pull its\\nchestnuts out of the fire. His salary was\\nsoon after made ,Z ^s. 8d., which, by the\\nnew law, was equivalent to one hundred and\\nseventy-eight Spanish milled dollars and he\\nwas told that he might have the town s", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "142 COLOiV/AL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nmoney lying in the treasury of Middleborough\\nfor his own use if any be there. Probably\\nthere was not a penny there.\\nParson Thacher had occasion to discipHne\\nsome members of the cliurch who refused to\\nmake, in pubUc, a penitent confession of their\\nerrors, according to a custom derived from\\nOld England.-^ Those who were absent from\\nthe communion table on sacrament day were\\nsummoned to account for their absence. Per-\\nhaps the absentee pleaded that he could not\\ncommune with a neighbor who had cheated\\nhim in trading, or had spoken bad words of\\nhim, or whom he had seen overcome with\\nstrong drink. Both persons were summoned\\nbefore the church, their statements were\\nheard, and the erring one was advised to offer\\nchristian satisfaction by a public confes-\\nsion of penitence. A refusal to do this\\ncaused the member to be suspended.\\nA troublesome case of discipline was that\\nof Abigail Muxom, who in 1750 became the\\nsubject of a town scandal which was proba-\\nbly relished by the gossips as thoroughly as\\n1 By coaches to church four miles off, where a pretty\\ngood sermon and a declaration of penitence of a man that\\nhad undergone the church s censure for his wicked life.\\nFepys s Diary, June i6th, 1665.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 43\\nsimilar scandals are relished now. Three\\nyears later the church took notice of it on\\nthe complaint of four members, the gist of\\nwhich was that this our sister has been\\nguilty of immodest conduct. It met to con-\\nsider the evidences on which the complaint\\nrested. These were three old and unsworn\\nstatements, running as follows\\nElisha Benson Saith That he was at Edmund\\nMuxoms house some time since saw sd\\nMuxoms wife very familiar with Joseph Benson\\nby talking of balderdash stuff kissing hug-\\nging one another in the absence of her husband.\\nAt another time I saw them coming out of the\\nhouse together discovered none but they two.\\nMiddleborough, Octr. 1750.\\nCaleb Cushman his wife do Testify say\\nThat we some time since have seen Joseph Ben-\\nson Abigail Muxom at our house their be-\\nhaviour was uncommon for married people; she\\nfawning about him sometimes in his lap or\\nupon his knee he haleing of her, running his\\nface up to hers, as we suppose kissing of her\\nor aiming to do so talking joacking like\\nyoung people. Plymton, Octr. 1750.\\nJedidah Swift wife to Eben Swift Junr Saith\\nthat she was at the house of Edmund Muxom", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "144 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nfour times the summer past his wife Abigail\\nMuxom did several times call her child to her\\nask the child who its father was, the child\\nwould answer Doctor Jo s at which she would\\nlaugh make sport of. Wareham, Decern 3.\\n1750.\\nThe records, written by Parson Thacher,\\nstate that the complaint and the above evi-\\ndences were read to the church in the pres-\\nence of this our sister. She denyed the two\\nfirst evidences as having no truth in them,\\nbut the last she owned to be true. She was\\nthen, by a vote, suspended from the com-\\nmunion table till she give a christian satisfac-\\ntion and soon the matter was forgotten.\\nIn 1753, while perplexed about his salary,\\nhis wife died. In the same year also died\\nthe eldest son of Esquire Israel Fearing,\\nleaving a pretty and pious young widow. Nat-\\nurally the thoughts of Parson Thacher turned\\nto her, and occasionally he might be seen\\nriding his mare to Agawame to visit her. It\\nwas a lonesome ride, across the Woonkinco\\nRiver by a causeway over the dam, then east-\\nward two miles on a sandy road winding\\nthrough silent pine woods in which sheep\\nwere pastured and foxes were hunted, until", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 145\\nit reached Deacon Swift s inn, where the\\nfarmers were accustomed to barter mutton\\nand hay for rum by the gallon. The inn\\nstood on a picturesque site near the bank of\\nthe Agawame River near it were a lumber\\nmill and a*merchant s store, making a fussy\\nlittle centre of trade. But the parson does\\nnot pull up there. He rides a half mile fur-\\nther, and reaches the neighborhood, nigh\\nthe burying-acre, where the Squire s dwell-\\ning-house stood, and stands to this day. He\\nwas not a stranger there. The Squire s\\naccount -book mentions him as a buyer of\\ncheas, malases, hay, hunny, an ox waying\\n427 pounds, laths, mutten. But his errand\\nnow is for nothing of that sort. He wants\\nthe pretty widow for a wife. He is many\\nyears her senior, yet, being the town minister\\nand a graduate of Harvard College, he is the\\nman whom any woman might be glad to wed.\\nHis suit was short and successful, and in the\\neleventh month from the day he became a\\nwidower he married Hannah Fearing.^\\n1 The will of Israel Fearing, Esquire, 1754, contained\\nthe following bequest I give and allow to my daugh-\\nter in law Hannah Fearing during her widowhood, the fol-\\nlowing privilege namely, the use of the Westerly lower", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "146 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nThe large and increasing family of the de-\\nvoted parson needed for their maintenance\\nall that he could earn but whatever was\\nthe amount of salary voted by the town, it\\nwas always far in arrears. This condition\\nof things continuing year after year made it\\nnecessary for the town to do something. In\\nSeptember, 1771, it appointed Dea William\\nBlackmer mr Barnabas Bates and Esqr Fear-\\ning and Ensign John Gibbs agents to treat\\nwith Mr Thacher about his Sallery to know\\nwhat he is willing to tack for ye Insuing year.\\nBut this game had been played too often\\nroom in the dwelling liouse I have given to my son Benja-\\nmin with the westerly garret, one third of the cellar, one\\nthird of the Leanter at the West end with liberty to bake\\nand wash in said Leanter. Also pasturage for two cows\\nyearly in the season of pasturing to go with sd Benj s cows\\nwith privilege of using one third of the little barn on said\\nfarm. Also liberty to improve a small field about half an\\nacre on the South side of the road near said house now\\nfenced in. Also liberty of cutting ten cords of wood yearly\\noff of the lot I bought of Ebenezer Perry. Also one half\\nof the fruit yearly which shall grow in the orchard by said\\nDwelling House. Also pasturage and hay for ten sheep\\nyearly on the farm I have given to her son Israel only in\\nthe Spring, Fall and Winter. Also fodder or salt hay to\\nwinter two cows yearly off of the place I have given her\\nson Israel. All these privileges she gave up to marry the\\ntown minister.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 47\\nduring the thirty years preceding, and Par-\\nson Thacher would not treat with them.\\nTherefore in October the selectmen issued a\\nwarrant for a town meeting. The warrant\\nrecited in detail the several questions to be\\nvoted upon, as follows\\nto Raise money to Pay ye Rev mr Thachers\\nSallery for ye Present year\\nand Likewise to agree with mr thacher as he\\nIs Not Satisfied with ye Poorness of his former\\nPayment what sum or sums he Shall Have for ye\\nFuter yearly and at what time in ye year it shall\\nbe paid him\\nand Likewise weather sd town will voate to\\nGive him any Interest for that Parte that be Neg-\\nlected to be Paid in at such Set times or ye\\nwhole upon Neglect of Payment at sd time\\nand Likewise wheather sd town will allow\\nany Interest for what is behind for Last years\\nSallery by reason of it not being Paid in seasion-\\nably.\\nIt does not appear that these Likewises\\nwere ever answered.\\nHis promised salary never promptly paid,\\nhe tilled the soil for a living as well as the\\nsouls of the parish, and found his only rec-\\nreation in walks about the sandy Zion. For", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "148 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nsuch an humble laborer there were no lux-\\nuries, and no vacations except to exchange\\nfor a Sunday with the minister of a neigh-\\nboring town. So Parson Thacher lived in\\nhis parish, and died there in the winter of\\n1775. During his fatal illness the town\\nmeeting discussed his poor financial condi-\\ntion, and voted not to allow him anything\\nfor the year past more than his stated\\nsalery. But he was soon to be free from\\nthe tyranny of town meetings. Twelve days\\nafter this vote he entered into his rest, leav-\\ning a good savor of godlyness behind him.\\nSeven months after he was dead the town\\nchose a committee to settle with his eldest\\nson relative to his Hon d Father s Sallery\\nthe last year which was behind. Whether\\nthe son ever received the arrears of money\\ndue to his honored father, no one now\\nknoweth.\\nWareham must have a minister even if it\\nwill not pay his salary promptly and no one\\nhaving offered himself as a successor of Mr.\\nThacher, a town meeting held on the 3d of\\nApril, 1775, chose Lieut. John Gibbs to Pro-\\nvide a minister for the towne a Place for\\nhim to bord at. Those were rebelHous times", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 49\\nin the province and John Gibbs was a com-\\nmissioned officer in the county miUtia, which\\nresponded to the Lexington alarm three\\nweeks after he had been chosen to supply the\\npulpit. He therefore had no time to attend\\nto ministry matters, and went off with his\\ncompany to join the provincial army near\\nBoston, leaving the pulpit without a minister.\\nDuring the ensuing summer a young man\\nnamed Josiah Cotton was found at Plymouth\\nwaiting a call to preach. Immediately the\\ntown was assembled to consider the matter,\\nand a committee was appointed to wait on\\nthe Rev. Mr. Cotton to see on what Terms he\\nwill Preach and on what Terms he would set-\\ntle. This having been done, the formalities\\ncustomary in those times between the town\\nand the church were attended to. The town\\nnominated Mr. Cotton, or, as the phrase of\\nthe time was, improved him as a candidate\\nfor the Resettlement of the Gospel Minis-\\ntry. The church then voted that it is its\\nMind and earnest Desire to take him as its\\npastor, and the town voted to concur and\\nJoin with ye Church in a call to settle Mr.\\nCotton.\\nHis annual salary was to be j[,6^ 13s. 4d.,", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "I50 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nequivalent to two hundred and nineteen\\nSpanish milled dollars, and he was to have a\\nsettlement of \u00c2\u00a3,\\\\6o, to be paid in three years.\\nThere was no parsonage in the parish, and\\nthe new minister was disinclined to board\\nround, as did the schoolmaster and the shoe-\\nmaker while practicing their professions. He\\nwrote a letter, in which he said, if the town\\nwould furnish him with a parsonage, he\\nwould, on account of the difficulty of the\\ntimes, relinquish the sum of six pounds thir-\\nteen shillings and four pence for the year to\\ncome, and after that time if the day should\\nstill continue distressing by a stoppage of\\ntrade, make a proportionable relinquishment if\\nconsistent with necessary support. He fore-\\nsaw that a war with Great Britain, which the\\npoliticians of the seditious town of Boston\\nwere then trying to inflame, would impover-\\nish his parish, and bring distress upon the\\nprovince. The town did not stop to think of\\nthese things, nor did it provide a parsonage,\\nbut immediately made plans for the ordina-\\ntion.\\nAs ministers were settled for life, an ordi-\\nnation, on account of its rare occurrence, at-\\ntracted all the inhabitants of the town and", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 151\\nmany from neighboring towns to see the pro-\\ncession of the ordaining council escorted by\\ndrums and fifes, and to enjoy the services at\\nthe meeting-house and the free lunch at the\\ntavern. It was arranged to accompany the\\nordination of the new minister with joyous\\nfestivities of eating and drinking. The job\\nwas farmed out to the lowest bidder, who\\nhappened to be the eldest son of the previous\\nminister, and who did not get his pay for\\nit until the next spring, when ten pounds\\nand two shillings were voted to Rowland\\nThacher for making Entertanement for the\\nordernation. His instructions were to make\\nentertainment for the Counsell, Ministers\\nSchollars for the Sum of Two Shillings\\nEight Pence for Each Man Horse. In\\naddition to this there was a feast of a more\\nprivate character arranged by the selectmen,\\nwho commissioned Samuel Savery and Eben-\\nezer Briggs to Provide an Entertainment\\nfor Some Particular Gentlemen Mr. Cot-\\nton s friends, and to nominate and Invite\\nsuch persons as they shall think Proper.\\nDoubtless there was great hilarity at this\\nmunicipal junket. It may be presumed that\\nstriped bass and scup, mutton, venison, and", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "1 5 2 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\ncorn puddings, wild ducks, oysters, crabs,\\nand clams, adorned the board. Shell-fish\\nwere plenty along-shore then, as they are\\nnow, and perhaps it was in anticipation of\\nthis high time that in the spring of this\\nyear the town had ordered that there shall\\nbe no shell-fish nor shells carried out of the\\ntown. The courses were probably served\\nwith Canary wine and Barbados rum, and\\nwith these the selectmen and their Particu-\\nlar Gentlemen drank Parson Cotton s health\\nand wished him a successful ministry.\\nNotwithstanding these good wishes, his\\ncareer in Wareham was short. The distress-\\ning days to which he had referred in his let-\\nter became more and more distressing. The\\nrebellion against the King, and the ensuing\\nwar, had made the farmers poor, silver coins\\nhad disappeared from circulation, and the\\nvalue of the new paper money was reduced\\nto such a low degree that the minister s sal-\\nary became a mere pittance, utterly inade-\\nquate for his support. Mr. Cotton was obliged\\nto ask again and again for more compensa-\\ntion. Six hundred pounds were voted to\\nhim. This not being sufificient for his sup-\\nport, and the people being unable or unwilling", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 53\\nto afford him further relief, he was dismissed\\nby a vote of town meeting in March, 1779.\\nHe packed his sermons in his saddlebags,\\nmounted his horse, and returned to Plymouth,\\nwhere he abandoned the ministry, which could\\nnot give him a maintenance, became clerk of\\nthe courts, and a much respected citizen of\\nthat town.\\nAfter he rode away there was an interval\\nof nearly four years before another town\\nminister was secured, during which time the\\ndeacons or selectmen were riding hither\\nand thither after a candidate. This riding is\\nnoted in a record of the town clerk of 1782,\\nin which the union of diverse subjects in one\\nvote is characteristic of the methods of do-\\ning public business at that time Voted to\\nJeremiah Bump for rideing after a Candidate\\nto Preach, 4s. od. to Prince Burgess for\\na Shirt for wd Lovell keeping mr Parmalys\\nhorse \u00c2\u00a30 i8s. od.\\nIn 1782 Noble Everitt, a graduate of Yale\\nCollege, was called to be the town minister.\\nHe showed much shrewdness by not accept-\\ning the call until by a negotiation with the\\ntown he had obtained satisfactory terms of\\ncompensation. It was agreed to give him", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "154 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nland, and to build upon it a two-story dwell-\\ning-house for him in a decent and hand-\\nsome manner with a convenient cellar under\\nthe same, to be finished in November, 1783\\nto give him a salary of ;^56 silver money,\\nfree use of the ministry lands and meadows,\\nand wood for the maintenance of his fires.\\nThe town went to work in earnest to carry\\nout this undertaking. The selectmen issued\\na warrant directing the collector to levy and\\ncollect of each person on a list prepared for\\nthe purpose his or her proportion, as set\\ndown, of the sum of three hundred and\\nforty-three pounds, five shillings, three pence,\\ntwo farthings, for defraying the necessary\\nexpenses for building the Rev. Mr. Noble\\nEveritt s house and other ministeral charges.\\nThe collector was directed to seize the goods\\nand chattels of those refusing to pay the as-\\nsessment, to keep the same four days, and\\nthen if payment was not made, to sell them\\nat an Outcry for payment of said money.\\nThose who had no goods or chattels and re-\\nfused to pay, he was directed to arrest and\\ncommit unto the common Goal of the\\ncounty, there to remain until he or they pay\\nand satisfy the several sums whereat they are", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 55\\nrespectively assessed. The list of assessed\\npersons probably contains the name of every\\nhead of a family dwelling in the town, and of\\nevery widow having an estate. It was a se-\\nvere treatment to which they were subjected\\nfor the public good but the house was built,\\nand it is still standing on the old road which\\nwent from the meeting-house to the settle-\\nment on Cromeset Neck,\\nThe first action of Parson Everitt was to\\npropose a season of fasting and self-examina-\\ntion. The members of the church, declaring\\nthemselves to be sensible of our coldness\\nand lukewarmness in religion, voted to re-\\nnew our covenant with God and with one\\nanother, and they appointed a committee\\nto converse with brethren and sisters who\\nare or may be guilty of public offence accord-\\ning to the rule given Mat. 18. These\\ncleansing explorers brought to light an old\\nscandal which had been forgotten. Thirty\\nyears had elapsed since Abigail Muxom was\\ndisciplined. Now an old woman, she was\\nagain called up to listen to the reading of the\\ncomplaint recorded against her in 1753, the\\nevidences written in 1750, and to the state-\\nments of new witnesses as to her conduct\\nupwards of twenty years ago", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "156 COLONIAL TLMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nJohn Benson of Middleborough testifieth\\nthat upwards of 20 years ago he was at the house\\nof Edmund Muxom the husband of said Abigail,\\nsometime in the afternoon before sunset, he saw\\nsaid Abigail on bed with Joseph Benson, in the\\neasterly part of the house. He also saith that at\\nanother time he was at work near Edmund Mux-\\nom s house and heard him repeatedly bid his son\\nLem. go and fetch the horse and on refusal cor-\\nrected him. Abigail came to the door and said\\nWhat do you whip that child for it is none\\nof yours, upon which John Benson said I always\\nthought so, at which she went into the house\\nand said no more. April nth, 1783.\\nHannah Besse testifieth that sometime about\\n20 years ago or upward she went to Edmund\\nMuxom s house late in the evening and there saw\\nAbigail his wife on bed by the fire with Joseph\\nBenson. April nth, 1783.\\nThe accused woman, having listened to\\nthese statements, positively declared, in pres-\\nence of the assembled church, that the\\nevidences of John Benson and Harriet Besse\\nare false. There was no friend or attor-\\nney to represent her before this self-right-\\neous tribunal and, without cross-examining\\nthe unsworn witnesses, the church voted", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 57\\n(men only were allowed to vote) that she is\\nguilty of the charge. Then there was a\\npause in the proceedings, and the people went\\nhome as if to think over the matter. After\\nsome weeks had elapsed, she was again sum-\\nmoned before the church, and was admon-\\nished by the pastor of the perilous position\\nin which she stood. Some of the sinful\\nbrethren who had voted her to be guilty, la-\\nbored with her; and sympathizing women\\nconversed with her. But she refused to con-\\nfess that she was guilty of the alleged sin,\\nand resolutely maintained that the witnesses\\nwere liars.\\nFrom the neighboring towns six ministers\\nwere then summoned to the inquest. They\\ncame and made a holiday the six ministers\\non horseback, and the village idlers, to whom\\nthe spicy story was familiar, crowding around\\nthem and believing that justice must reign\\nthough the heavens fell.\\nAgain there was a meeting of the church\\nAbigail Muxom stood in the sovereign pres-\\nence of the six ministers, while the floor and\\ngalleries of the meeting-house were crowded\\nby curious spectators attracted by what was\\nto them the greatest show on earth. The", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "158 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nevidences were read aloud from the records\\nthe accused woman again denied their truth\\nthe six ministers were requested to give\\ntheir opinion what particular immodest con-\\nduct our sister is guilty of, and how this\\nchurch ought to proceed with her. They,\\nhaving conversed with the Brethren of the\\nchurch and heard what said Abigail had to\\nsay in her own defence, consulted together,\\nand declared that her immodest conduct in\\nformer years with one Doct. Joseph Benson\\nwas forbidden by the 7th commandment,\\nand that it was her duty to make a peni-\\ntent and public confession of her sin; and\\nif she refuse or neglect to do it, the church\\nto proceed after other suitable forbearance\\nto excommunication. The church then\\nVoted that Abigail Muxom is guilty of\\nimmodest conduct according to the opinion\\nof the Rev^ Pastors, and it appointed three\\nstern-visaged men to converse with her in\\nthe hope of obtaining a confession of the\\nalleged sin. Their mission, as they reported,\\nappeared to have no good effect. Then,\\nafter another delay indicating a reluctance\\nto pass such a terrible judgment upon this\\nunhappy sister, the church came together", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S MINISTER. 1 59\\nand the men Voted that Abigail Muxom be\\nrejected and excommunicated from the com-\\nmunion of this church, as being visibly a har-\\ndened and impenitent sinner out of the visi-\\nble Kingdom of Christ, one who ought to be\\nviewed and treated by all good people as a\\nheathen and a publican in imminent danger\\nof eternal perdition. Praying that this sep-\\naration of hers from christian fellowship may\\nnot be eternal, but a means of her true and\\nunfeigned repentance that her soul may be\\nsaved in the day of the Lord.\\nFour years later Parson Everitt was pros-\\ntrated by an illness which continued month\\nafter month, and caused the church to be\\nperplexed respecting its duty on account\\nof their pastor being unable to preach by\\nreason of bodily indisposition. Advice was\\nsought from the town meeting and after a\\nlapse of ten months the six neighboring ec-\\nclesiastics were consulted on the question\\nwhether the church ought to wait any\\nlonger for his recovery or proceed to a sep-\\naration. It looked as if Abigail Muxom was\\nabout to be avenged, when Parson Everett sud-\\ndenly recovered his health and returned to\\nthe pulpit which he had narrowly escaped\\nlosing.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "l6o COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nHe appears to have been a thrifty man. In\\naddition to his labors as a preacher, in which\\nhe gained a good repute, he was a successful\\nfarmer and it is noted in the town records\\nthat he built a rail fence around the ministry\\nfresh meadow with two hundred cedar rails,\\nwhich the town had bought for that purpose\\nfrom the loest bider. He also received\\nfrom the town eighteen shillings a year, or\\nthree dollars, for sweeping the meeting-house\\nand taking care of it. This was an office of\\nhonor as well as of profit, and it was after-\\nwards held by Andrew Mackie, the town phy-\\nsician. The parson increased the interesting\\nvariety of his occupations by leasing a fulling\\nmill on the Woonkinco dam in sight of the\\nmeeting-house. Here on Sunday he preached\\nto his people, and there on Monday ho\\ncleansed their homespun cloths, even unto\\nthe year of his death, which was the year\\n1 8 19, when colonial times had begun to pass\\naway.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "XL\\nTHE TOWN S SCHOOLMASTER.\\nN February, 1741, the farmers of\\nWareham came together and voted\\nto have a School Master this year.\\nHaving done this they rested. A month\\nlater a warrant was posted on the meeting-\\nhouse door summoning a meeting To know\\nthe Towns Mind, whether they are for hav-\\ning a School Master or Mistress. They\\ncame together again and voted to have a\\nSchool Mistress for six months and Jedediah\\nWing to be the man to provide her in each\\nhalf of the town. And then they rested\\nagain.\\nIt is doubtful if Jedediah Wing did as he\\nwas directed to do, for no mention of the en-\\ngagement of a schoolmistress is to be found\\nin the town records. But Israel Fearing s\\naccount-book reveals the fact that there was\\nat this time a teacher who went from house", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "l62 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nto house to fit children with knowledge, as\\nthe shoemaker went in a like circuit to fit\\nthem with shoes and it is probable that the\\nfittings of the latter were fully as good as\\nthose of the former. This is what the ac-\\ncount-book says\\nApril y* 27 day 1741 Mr doty came to keep\\nScool at my hous\\nJune ye 8 day in 1741 Mr doty came to\\nboord at my hous and keep Scool thare to ye\\n22 day of July\\nJenauary y^ 14 day 1742 biniamin tupper\\ncame to my hous to ceep Scool\\nIn May, 1743, a warrant for a town meet-\\ning was issued, stating a desire to know the\\nTowns Mind whether they are for having the\\nSchool Settled and also how often they are\\nfor having it moved and how they are for\\nhaveing Him Dieted. These questions were\\ndisposed of by an agreement to keep a school\\nfour months in each of three sections of the\\ntown and as to the schoolmaster s board, it\\nshould be rated at eight shillings a week, old\\ntenor, which at that time may have been\\nequal to nearly forty cents in honest silver\\nmoney.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S SCHOOLMASTER. 1 63\\nThe treasurer s book shows that a school\\nwas kept in 1743, although this fact would\\nnot be established by the action of the town\\nmeeting. In the opinion of the rural popu-\\nlation of New England, schools were an\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0unnecessary expense. Oftentimes the for-\\nmalities of town meetings, by which it was\\nordered to set up a school this year, had\\nno other intent than to show an outward\\ncompliance with the unpopular school laws of\\nthe province. Whenever the people ould\\ncontrive a way by which the expenses of a\\nschool could be saved, there would be no\\nschool during that year. And when, on ac-\\ncount of this neglect to observe the school\\nlaws, the town was presented by the grand\\njury of the county, it was customary to de-\\npute the most influential townsman to go\\nand answer the presentment by such excuses\\nas could be made.\\nIn February, 1744, the usual routine was\\nrepeated. The farmers were summoned to\\nknow what the Towns Mind is for doing\\nabout a School for the insuing year. The\\nschool of the previous year having cost fifty-\\nfive pounds, old tenor, which may have been\\nequivalent to fifty-five Spanish dollars, and it", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "164 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nbeing necessary to raise this sum by a gen-\\neral tax, the Town s Mind was for doing noth-\\ning and not until the following July did it\\nconsent to have a school opened. Then\\nEleazar King was chosen schoolmaster. He\\ngave satisfaction to his patrons until the day\\nwhen the town clerk stood up in the meeting-\\nhouse and screamed out Eleazar s intention\\nto marry Lydia Bump, who was already mar-\\nried to a wandering husband. This inten-\\ntion being declared by the church to be an\\noffense to the good and wholesome laws of\\nthe province, he was compelled to quit the\\nschool, while Lydia was disciplined, and the\\ntown cast about for another schoolmaster.^\\nJohn Bishup, the town clerk, wrote in the\\n1 At a church meeting July i. 1747. voted that our sis-\\nter Lydia Bump be put by from special ordinances till she\\ngave christian satisfaction for the following offence, viz.\\nIn that she has for some time kept company with now\\nis published to Eleazar King in order for marriage altho\\nher husband has not been absent but about one year half,\\nin which time he has often been seen heard of by us\\nthat too within a year past, which procedure we look\\nupon as contrary to the good wholesome laws of this\\nprovince in that case provided. Also voted yt sd E. King\\nbe denied communion with us ye church in Plymton to\\nwhom he belongs be acquainted with it. Wareham\\nChurch Records.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S SCHOOLMASTER. 1 65\\nrecords of 1748, as follows: DeconElles\\nsays he had discerst mr William Rayment to\\nknow whether he would Sarve the town as a\\nScoolmaster and he Inclined to Sarve the\\ntown if the town will allow him Eightey\\nPounds a year old teener and ye modarater\\nPut It to vote whether ye town would Imploy\\nye sd Raymond In the affare In Keeping\\nScool at the aforesd tearms and the vote Past\\nIn ye Negative\\nOn this rejection of the deacon s candidate,\\nSamuel Savery was chosen to Bee the man\\nto Git a Sutable man, and to report what\\ntarmes such a man would sarve the town for.\\nIn January, 1749, he reported that William\\nRayment had reduced his price, and could be\\nhad to keep scool half a yeare for thirty\\nnine pounds old teener. The moderator, so\\nsays the record, Put to vote whether the\\nTown would have sd Rayment to keep scool\\non ye tarmes offerd or not and the Vote\\nPast in the Negative.\\nIn the mean time the intention of marriage\\nbetween Lydia Bump and Eleazar King was\\natoned in a public and penitent confession by\\nthe woman of her error. This brought Elea-\\nzar into favor, and he was chosen again to", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "1 66 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nkeep the town s school. One of the school-\\nmasters in subsequent years and previous to\\nthe Revolution was Andrew Mackie, the town\\nphysician, who, having studied physic with\\nhis father at Southampton, Long Island, left\\nhis home a young man in search of fortune.\\nArriving at Wareham, dressed in a red coat\\nand small-clothes of good quality, he took\\nlodgings at the inn, where he attracted the\\nnotice of Charity Fearing, the innkeeper s\\ndaughter, who fell in love with him on sight\\nand eventually married him. Here, begin-\\nning his career by teaching the town school,\\nand by riding long distances over bad roads\\nto practice physic upon the farmers as op-\\nportunity offered, he found the fortune of\\nwhich he was in search. There is a writing\\nin the town treasurer s book running as fol-\\nlows July ye 26: 1766 Paid John Fear-\\ning Esqre for Bowrding Docter Maci when\\nhe keept scool 17s. 4d.\\nThe frugal mind of the colonial farmer\\nreckoned the schoolmaster as a day-laborer,\\nand the desire was to hire him at as low a\\nprice, and to spread his labors over as large\\na territory, as possible. Each section of the\\ntown had his services during two or three", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S SCHOOLMASTER. 1 6/\\nmonths of the year, when the scholars were\\ntaught to read, to write, to cipher, and noth-\\ning more. He was paid sometimes in money\\nand sometimes in merchandise, and his diet\\nwas thrown in. There was no standard by\\nwhich to test his skill as a teacher, but the\\none generally esteemed the most skillful was\\nhe whose price was the lowest; even if he\\nwere the chief of blockheads\\nWho tries with ease and unconcern\\nTo teach what ne er himself could learn.\\nHis official seat was a great chair, behind\\na table or desk on which he made a dis-\\nplay of birch rods. There he announced his\\nlaws, whose penalties were floggings and\\nthere he frowned upon the youngsters whose\\nroguish pranks kept him so actively occupied\\nthat the flag bottom of the chair needed fre-\\nquent repairing. Paid ten shillings, say\\nthe Woburn records of 1747, for bottoming\\nthe Scoole Hous Cheer.\\nThe schoolhouse was usually a small un-\\npainted building standing by the roadside like\\nA ragged beggar sunning.\\nIt contained a large fireplace, for whose fires\\nthe children s parents provided wood. Its", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "1 68 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nsquare room was furnished with rough\\nbenches, made smoother and glossier every\\nyear by the friction of the woolen frocks and\\nleathern breeches of restless pupils to whom\\nschooling was a bore.\\nWithin the master s desk is seen,\\nDeep scarred by raps official\\nThe warping floor, the battered seats,\\nThe jack-knife s carved initial\\nThe charcoal frescos on its wall,\\nIts door-worn sill betraying\\nThe feet that, creeping slow to school.\\nWent storming out to playing.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "XII.\\nTOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION.\\nN a back leaf of the town-book, be-\\ntween the records of marriage and\\ndeath, it is written At a Request\\nof ye town of Boston the Inhabatance of the\\nTown of Wareham met togather on ye i8\\nDay of Jan 1773 To Consider of matters\\nof Grevinces ye Provience was under.\\nAt this meeting three men were selected\\nto lay ye above said matters of Grevince\\nbefore the town, and then an adjournment\\nwas voted to the bar-room of Benjamin Fear-\\ning s inn, the 8th day of February. Here\\nthe same persons met on the appointed day\\nto Consider, as the quaint narrative states,\\nof a Letter of Corrispondence from the\\ntown of Boston Occasioned by Sundrey\\nGrievences the People of this Provence at\\nPresent Labour under Respecting Sundrey\\nacts of the Parliament of Greait Brition", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "I/O COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ntherby Drowing a tribute or tax from the\\nPeople of this Provience. Resolutions were\\nadopted similar to those adopted in other\\ntowns, the substance of which was that the\\npeople of Wareham have been and still\\nare deprived of their natural rights as citi-\\nzens of the British empire, and will join\\nother towns in an effort to regain them. The\\nscholarly style of these resolutions, as well\\nas their political statements, show that they\\nwere drafted in Boston.\\nThe assembly at the inn was not a regular\\ntown meeting it was not summoned by the\\nselectmen s warrant it was not held in the\\nmeeting-house, the place appointed for all\\ntown meetings and its proceedings were\\nwritten by Noah Fearing, the town clerk, not\\nin their proper place, but in a part of the\\nbook where they would be concealed from\\ngeneral observation.^\\n1 Voated to aggom this meeting from ye meeting house\\nonto an Oack tree out of Doors. Wareham Records,\\nJune, 1771. Voated the town meetings for the Futer be\\nholden in the Porch Chamber of the meeting House and if\\nat any time the Selectmen thinck that their wants more\\nRoom for to hold any town meeting then to order the\\nDoors opened that the People Go into the Gallarys if they\\nsee cause. Wareham Records, March, 1772.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. IJl\\nIt appears to have been a caucus of par-\\ntisans, aided by the town clerk, who sym-\\npathized with the spirit of rebelhon, as his\\nsubsequent conduct showed. It was an illus-\\ntration of the manner in which the Boston\\nCommittee of Correspondence seized upon\\nthe authority of a town s name to manufac-\\nture a public opinion hostile to Great Britain,\\nwherever such an opinion did not exist.\\nThere is no reason to believe that the\\nfarmers of Wareham loyal, contented, in-\\ndustrious, and living remote from the strife\\nof politics felt any interest in the plans of\\nthe Boston committee, or in its theories of\\nnatural rights. Indeed, the theories of this\\ncommittee were at odds with those of the\\nlegislature of the province, which only two\\nyears previous, March 27, 1771, had accepted\\nan address from the town of Ashfield declar-\\ning that natural rights are in this province\\nwholly superseded by civil obligations, and\\nin matters of taxation individuals cannot\\nwith the least propriety plead them.\\nAs the town had always been contented to\\nbe without a representative in the legislature,\\nwhile paying the province taxes, it had prac-\\ntically assented to the principle of taxation", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "1/2 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwithout representation, which had become a\\nsubject of contention in the refractory town\\nof Boston. In 1773 it was fined by the Gen-\\neral Court six pounds for not sending a\\nRepresentative. At the same time other\\ntowns to the number of thirty were fined for\\nthe same default an indication that a large\\npart of the rural population of the province\\nfelt no interest in the political questions\\nagitated at that time.^ It does not appear\\n1 This lack of interest is also shown in the trivial ex-\\ncuses commonly made by towns petitioning the General\\nCourt for a remission of fines imposed for not sending a\\nrepresentative. In 1771 the town of Westford prayed for\\na remission of a fine of eight pounds because it was at\\nthe expence of Building a new meeting house. The ex-\\ncuse of Southboro was greater expence than usual in\\nsupporting their Poor in making and repairing Bridges\\nand Roads. The excuse of Sherbourn was great ex-\\npence in rebuilding their meeting house and settling a\\nminister. The excuse of Chelsea was the smallness\\nof the said Town and the poverty of its Inhabitants. The\\nexcuse of Upton was great expence in building a meet-\\ning house and a prospect of further expence in purchasing\\nRoads to the said House. The excuse of George Town\\nwas as the Inhabitants were in very distressing circum-\\nstances occasioned by the destruction of their Grass by\\nWorms. The alleged destruction of their liberties by\\nthe British Parliament was of less importance than the\\ndestruction of grass by worms", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. 1 73\\nthat the town sent any delegate to the im-\\nportant convention called by inhabitants of\\nBoston in 1768, at which ninety-six towns of\\nMassachusetts were said to be represented,\\nto protest against the revenue acts, taxing\\nthe colonies, quartering troops upon the\\npeople, and other perils threatening, as was\\nsupposed, their liberties. The import tax on\\ntea That worst of Plagues, the detestable\\nTea, as the Sons of Liberty called it\\nhad been reduced from twelve pence to three\\npence the pound and the Wareham farmers\\nhad no interest in joining in a revolt against\\nit with the Boston importers and tradesmen,\\nwho, as smugglers, had long been defrauding\\nthe King s revenue.\\nThere was at this time a good deal of loy-\\nalty to the King in the Old Colony. Many\\nfamilies had always kept bright the lion and\\nunicorn in the back of the chimney, and if\\nthey avoided discussions with revolutionists\\nthey were none the less proud in the fact\\nthat they were natural-born and loyal sub-\\njects of Old England. In 1773 they caused\\nto be dissolved the celebrated Old Colony\\nClub of Plymouth, an institution established", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "174 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nto keep green the memory of the Pilgrims,\\nrather than allow its name to be used as rep-\\nresenting rebellion against the King. It was\\nthis condition of public opinion that justified\\nJames Warren, the originator of the commit-\\ntee of correspondence, in declaring to Sam-\\nuel Adams that the Plymouth County towns\\ncould not be aroused except by a power that\\nwould arouse the dead. Deeds and other\\nprivate documents written by the colonists\\nof that period, when referring to the royal\\ngovernment, exhibit a veneration for the King\\nwhich was not to be found in the words of\\nthe orators and tavern and wharf idlers who\\ncontrolled public opinion in Boston. Join\\nus or die was their cry early and late.^\\n1 There was at the same time in and about Boston a\\nlarge mob element professing ardent patriotism, and com-\\nmonly regarded as auxiliary to the movements which issued\\nin the war of independence. I believe that this element\\nwas in every respect as harmful and detrimental as it was\\nunlawful and immoral that it thinned the ranks of the\\npatriots, disgusted many worthy citizens with the cause\\nwhich it professed to further, and was of unspeakable bene-\\nfit to the neighboring provinces of Nova Scotia and New\\nBrunswick in giving them from among the exiles from Mas-\\nsachusetts the best judges, lawyers, clergymen, and men of\\nelegant culture that they have ever had, including not a\\nfew graduates of Harvard College. Dr. Andrezv P. Pea-\\nbody s address to the Bostonian Society, April, 1888.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. 1 75\\nAs the farmers of Wareham had frequent\\nintercourse with the neighboring village of\\nBedford, where the famous tea-ship Dart-\\nmouth was owned, they probably knew of her\\narrival at Boston, and that an excited multi-\\ntude in the Old South meeting house had\\nresolved to boycott all teas until the import\\ntax was removed. They knew also that the\\ntea-chests and their contents had been thrown\\noverboard, as if they were, as Samuel Adams\\nclassed them, inveterate enemies of the\\ncountry. They also may have heard of the\\nBoston port bill, an act of Parliament to sus-\\npend the foreign and coastwise trade of Bos-\\nton as a punishment for the tea-chest riot\\nbut they made no sign. Gifts of cattle, fish,\\nfirewood, pork, clothing, butter, flour, grain,\\nvegetables, and money were sent to Boston\\nfrom many towns to relieve its distress under\\nthe port bill, during the summer of 1774.\\nThe records show that nothing was sent from\\nWareham.\\nA few months later a lawless event in their\\nneighborhood brought to the notice of the\\nWareham farmers the disturbed condition of\\npublic affairs. A large number of young\\nmen met in the adjoining town of Rochester,", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "176 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD- S BAY.\\nSeptember 26, 1774, and organized them-\\nselves to make an excursion into the county\\nof Barnstable, and there by forcible means\\nto prevent the Inferior Court of Common\\nPleas from holding its regular session. This\\nwas one of the oldest courts in the province\\nits jurymen were selected in town meeting\\nfrom its decisions an appeal could be taken\\nto the Superior Court of Judicature in which\\njurors were drawn by the sheriff. Political\\nagitators declared that the method of draw-\\ning jurors by a sheriff, instead of drawing\\nthem out of the box in town meeting, put\\nin jeopardy the rights of the people.^ By\\nbreaking up the county court it was intended\\nMay ye 3d 1756 the Town chose Simon Hathaway\\nPetit Jureyman as the Law Directs by Drawing him out\\nthe Box to Serve for Trials at the next Inferior Court to\\nbe holden att Plymouth. July ye 13 day 1756 The\\nTown Drawd Thomas Whitten out of the Box to Serve\\non ye Petitt Jurey. Wareham Records, 1756.\\nAbout eight o clock Sunday evening there passed by\\nhere about two hundred men they had taken Vinton\\n(the Sheriff) they called upon him to deliver two\\nwarrants (for juries). Upon his producing them they\\nmade a circle and burnt them. They then called a vote\\nwhether they should huzza but it being Sunday evening it\\npassed in the negative. Letter of Abigail Adams, Brain-\\ntree, 14 September, 1774.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. I//\\nto destroy an avenue through which business\\ncould pass to the higher tribunal.\\nThis band of young men, intent on disor-\\nder, styled itself The Body of the People,\\na title which recalls the three tailors of Too-\\nley Street, who in an address to Parliament\\nstyled themselves, We the People of Eng-\\nland. It passed through Wareham, where\\nit was joined by Noah Fearing, John Gibbs,\\nNathan Briggs, and Salathiel Bumpus, and\\narrived at Sandwich in the same evening.\\nThe next morning it marched to Barnstable,\\na part on foot, a part on horseback, a drum-\\ncorps at its head, and Wareham men or boys\\nriding as guards in its rear. On arriving at\\nBarnstable the band was increased to a large\\nmob, which took possession of the grounds\\nin front of the court-house and sent scouts\\nthrough the town to ferret out loyal people\\nand compel them to renounce toryism.\\nThe justices, who were dining together, were\\nnotified that the Body of the People de-\\nsired them not to open the court and would\\nsend them an order to that effect in writing.\\nThese worthy men received the order, and\\nsoon appeared in the street, wearing their\\nofficial robes, and led by the high sheriff, on", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "178 COLONIAL TLMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ntheir way to the court-house to discharge\\ntheir duties. As the mob did not make way,\\nthe chief justice asked for what purpose they\\nwere assembled. The leader of the mob,\\nstanding on the court-house steps, replied, in\\nthe style of a modern politician, All that is\\ndear to us and the welfare of unborn millions\\ndirect us to prevent the court from being\\nopened. To this the chief justice answered,\\naccording to the report written by a Roch-\\nester boy named Abraham Holmes, who was\\none of the mob, This is a constitutional\\ncourt, the jurors have been drawn from the\\nboxes as the law directs, why do you inter-\\nrupt us\\nThe leader then justified himself by the\\nreply But from the decisions of this\\ncourt an appeal lies to a court whose judges\\nhold office during the King s pleasure, over\\nwhich we have no control\\nThe mob prevented the session of the\\ncourt and compelled the justices to sign cer-\\ntain political obligations in harmony with its\\nown views. It was not dispersed until it had\\nmade a general disturbance in the town, had\\nresolved to boycott British goods, and to sup-\\npress peddlers who sold Bohea tea.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. \\\\y(^\\nWhile such events were transpiring there\\nwas nothing written upon the town records\\nindicating any sympathy with the rebellion.\\nTown meetings were held, as usual, and the\\nTown s Mind expressed its will in regard to\\nsheep, foxes, hogs, alewives, highways, the\\nminister, the schoolmaster, the meeting-\\nhouse, the rates, the paupers, as it had done\\nin preceding years.\\nThen came the year 1775, and the town\\nrecords began to speak as follows\\nAt a Town meeting regularly warnd held in\\nWareham January ye 16 1775 made i choice of\\nCapt Noah Fearing moderator. 2 Voted not to\\nSend A man to the Provincial Congress. 3 Voted\\nto allow to each minute man I^ 4*^. per Week.\\n4 voted not to make any Province and County\\ntax. 5 y Voted to adjourn to February ye 6th\\nDay.\\nThe wages fixed for minute men, the vote\\nabout the province tax, the refusal to send a\\nrepresentative to the Provincial Congress,\\nshow that rebellion was in the air, but its\\nspirit had not yet seized upon the town. The\\nlittle that exhibited itself had probably been\\nworked up by the moderator, who was one of\\nthe principal men engaged in the Barnstable", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "l80 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nriot.^ The next town meeting was held on\\nthe 20th of March when it was voted to\\nPurchase six Guns for use of ye Town, and\\nthe minute men, having no occupation by\\nwhich they could earn the one shilling and\\nfour pence (22 cents) per week which the\\nAt an adjourned Town meeting held in Wareham\\nthe 6th Day of February 1775\\nily Voted not to allow to the Revd Mr Thacher anything\\nfor the year Past more than his Stated Salery\\n2dly Voted to vendue the Ministree Lands meadows\\nin the West End of ye Town the Improvement of it for\\none year the Profits to go towards Defraying the Revd\\nMr Thachers Sallery\\n3dly Voted Deacon Willm Blackmer Samll Savery\\nJoshua Briggs Be a Committy to Vendue the same\\n4ly Voted to Pay the Province tax to Andw Mackie\\nhe to keep it till the town Shall order it otherways\\n5ly Voted To Dissolve the meeting.\\nBy Virtue of the annual Warrant Set up by the Select\\nMen The Town met together on Monday the twentieth\\nDay of March 1 77 5 acted as follows\\nily made Choice of Capt Noah Fearing moderator\\n2dly Chose Andrew Mackie Town Clerk\\n3dly Voted to chuse three Select Men one in each End\\none in the Middle part of the Town\\n4ly Chose Ebenz Briggs SmU Savery Capt Noah Fear-\\ning Selectmen Assesors\\n5ly Voted to hire constables\\n6ly Chose Barnabas Bump Jabez Besse Jur Wardions\\n7ly Capt Fearing Thomas Whitten Joseph Bump 2d Sur-\\nveyor of highways", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. l8l\\ntown had engaged to pay them were or-\\ndered to assist in takeing Care of the Ale-\\nwives. On the 3d of April it was voted\\nnot to allow the minute men Wages any-\\nlonger.\\nThe news of the battle at Lexington\\n81y Ebenz Swift Rowland Thacher fence Viewers\\ngly Thomas Norris Prince Burgess Tything men\\nloly Sam Savery Surveyor of Lumber Sealor of weights\\nand measures\\nIlly Joseph Sturdifant Sam\u00c2\u00bbl Briggs Enos Howard Hog\\nReaves\\nI2ly Jabez Burgess Sealer of leather\\ni3ly Zepheniah Bump Jonathan Gibbs Deer Men\\ni4ly Deacon Blackmer Thomas Whetten John Fearing\\nNathan Briggs Barnabas Bate to take Care of the Ale-\\nwives\\nI5ly Voted for Capt Israel Fearing with his company to\\nassist in takeing Care of the Alewives\\ni61y Voted that there should be no Shell fish nor shells\\nsold nor carryed out of town.\\nI7ly Chose David Nye Jonathan Gibbs Jesse Swift\\nSaml Swift to Inform relating to the Shell fish\\niSly Chose Jeremiah Bump Town treasurer to serve for\\none Dollar\\nigly Voted Sheep to go at large without a Shepherd\\nSwine yoked ringed.\\n2oly Voted to lay out the road by Zepheniah Bump if it\\ncould be done without Purchasing any land\\n2ily Voted to Purchase Six Guns for use of ye Town\\nlastly Voted to adjourn this annual meeting to the twenty\\nfourth Day of April three o Clock afternoon", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "1 82 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nreached Wareham by a rider from Boston on\\nthe 20th of April. When the town met on\\nthe 24th, no allusion to the battle was made,\\nand the meeting was adjourned for five\\nmonths, with as little concern as to the mag-\\nnitude of current events, as if they involved\\nno issues greater than those which had in-\\nterested town meetings in previous years. On\\nreceipt of the news from Lexington a com-\\npany of mihtia started for Boston, and an-\\nother started for Marshfield, where many\\nAt Town meeting regularly warnd held on the third\\nDay of April 1775\\nI y chose Capt Noah Fearing moderator\\n2dly chose Saml Savery Deacon Blackmer Joshua Gibbs\\nNoah Fearing Barnabas Bates to be a Committee to Ven-\\ndue the Improvement of the ministree lands meadows\\nfor one year\\n^dly Voted not to allow the minute men Wages any\\nlonger\\n4ly chose Lieut John Gibbs to Provide a minister for the\\ntown a Place for him to bord at\\nlastly Voted to adjourn this meeting to the twenty fourth\\nof this Instant at two o Clock.\\nTown Meeting April 24th, 1775. Voted\\nI y to Pay the Province tax to Henry Gardner Esqr of\\nStowe\\n2dly to adjourn this meeting to iStl September next.\\nWareham Records, 1775.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. 1 83\\nloyalists were living under protection of the\\nKing s troops. The latter company was com-\\nmanded by Major Israel Fearing, whose wife,\\nLucy Bourne, was an ardent loyalist. The\\ntradition is that as he passed out of his door\\nto lead the men who were waiting for him,\\nhis wife, desiring to prevent his going, seized\\nfast to the skirts of his military coat. But,\\nlike Captain Sir Bilberry Diddle in the song,\\nSaid he to his lady, My lady, I ll go\\nMy company calls me, you must not say no,\\nand he broke away from her, leaving a part of\\nhis uniform in her hands.\\nDuring the summer of 1775 the town was\\nprincipally interested in efforts to make a\\nshrewd bargain with Josiah Cotton to\\nsee, as the records state it, on what Terms\\nhe will Preach and on what Terms he would\\nsettle, and in preparing for the festivities\\nwhich were to celebrate his ordination in the\\nnew meeting-house. An indifference to pub-\\nlic affairs continued until the Declaration of\\nIndependence, when the town was called\\nupon to express its preference for a new form\\nof government and it declared in favor of\\nthat which had been enjoyed under the\\ncolonial charter, in these words", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "184 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nAt a town meeting regularly warnd held\\non October ye 14: 1776 To Consider of a request\\nfrom the Hon Generall Court. Resolved as\\nfollows that we Judge it best that ye Plan of\\nGovernment by ye late Charter viz by the house\\nof Representatives And Council! be still contin-\\nued strictly adhered to that no alteration be\\nmade therein Respecting a form of Government\\nat least during the present war.\\nThis expression of opinion was elicited by\\na decree of the Provincial Congress, which,\\nsince the first events of the Revolution, as-\\nsumed to act as the government. It had al-\\nready ordered that legal writs and processes\\nshould no longer run in the name of the\\nKing, but in the name of the government\\nand people of the Massachusetts Bay in New\\nEngland, and the towns had been requested\\nto instruct their delegates on the subject of\\nindependence, and to empower them to adopt\\na new frame of government.\\nThe revolutionary cause had now become\\nthe fashion and craze of the day.^ Open loy-\\n1 The American Revolution, like most others, was the\\nwork of an energetic minority who succeeded in commit-\\nting an undecided and fluctuating majority to courses for\\nwhich they had little love, and leading them step by step\\nto a position from which it was impossible to recede.\\nLecky s England in the Eighteenth Century.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. 1 85\\nalists, who were mainly of the most respecta-\\nble and substantial class of citizens, had been\\ndriven out of the colonies, their property was\\nto be confiscated, rebels were to be trans-\\nformed into patriots, and the time had come\\nwhen no man nor measures could reconcile\\nthe people of Massachusetts to British rule.\\nIn every town an organized system of intimi-\\ndation, or bulldozing, was put in operation,\\nthe object of which was to coerce the agri-\\ncultural population into permanent rebellion\\nagainst Great Britain. It was first author-\\nized by a resolve of the Great and General\\nCourt in February, 1776, directing the towns\\nof Massachusetts to choose, by the written\\nvotes of persons qualified to vote in town\\nmeetings, a certain number of freeholders\\nwhose principles were known to be friendly\\nto the Rights and Liberties of America,\\nto serve as a Committee of Correspondence,\\nInspection, and Safety. William Rotch, in\\nhis memoirs of those times, says: There\\nwere so many petty ofificers, as Committees\\nof Safety, Inspection c. in all parts, and too\\nmany of them chosen much upon the prin-\\nciple of Jeroboam s Priests, that we were\\nsorely afflicted. Wareham elected this com-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "1 86 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nmittee every year during the war. It was\\ncharged to ascertain what inhabitants vio-\\nlated the resolves, directions, or recommen-\\ndations of the Continental Congress, or of\\nthe General Court, respecting the struggle\\nwith Great Britain. Such persons were to\\nbe arrested and confined in the county jail,\\nwithout the use of Fire or Candle Pen Ink\\nPaper or conversing with any Person\\nwhomsoever. The committee arrested those\\nwho said, Damn the country! and those\\nwho sold tea, or who, in order to evade the\\nstigma of tory, drank it secretly in their\\nfamilies. They removed those whose resi-\\ndence in the town was thought to be incom-\\npatible with public safety they filed infor-\\nmation before the justices against persons\\n1 Information being given to this Committee that one\\nIsaac Harper had behaved in a very unfriendly manner to\\nhis country, Several Persons were sent for to be in-\\nquired of. Mr Thomas Moor attends, and informd the\\nCommittee that he heard said Harper Damn the Country.\\nMr William Daws attends and says that he had been often\\nat Harpers House and discoursed him, and that he had\\nheard him say that we were more arbitrary than the regu-\\nlars that he had rather be with them than us. Voted\\nthat complaint be entered with the Court of Enquiry\\nagainst Isaac Harper of this Town as a Person inimical to\\nthe American States. Records of Boston Committee.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. 18/\\nwhom they suspected they watched chan-\\nnels through which information might be\\ncarried to the enemy, examined private let-\\nters, detained trading vessels and fishing\\nboats, kept a list of persons capable of bear-\\ning arms, ordered them on parade, appointed\\nofficers to command them, fined those who\\nfailed to answer the muster roll, and from\\nthe ranks of this militia they drafted recruits\\nfor the Continental army.\\nThere are no means of knowing how vig-\\norously this committee worked in Wareham,\\nas its records have not been found. But the\\nrecords of a justice of the peace, commis-\\nsioned by the new Commonwealth, indicate\\nthat the committee had to do with some of\\nthe most respectable residents of the town\\nOn ye Third Day of June 1778 in ye Name\\nof ye Government and People of ye Masschussis\\nBay in Nev/ England Personally appeared Before\\nme Noah Fearing Esqr one of ye Justices of ye\\nPeace for ye County of Plymo David Besse and\\nJoshua Crocker Both of Wareham and acknol-\\nidged themselves to stand Bound each in ye Sum\\nof two hundred pounds For that Doer Andrew\\nMackie of Wareham Shall appear at ye next In-\\nferior Court of General Sessions of ye peace to\\nbe holden at Barnstable within and for sd County", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "1 88 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ntheir to answer to an Inditement Found against\\nhim by ye Grand Jurey in April Courte Last.\\nNoah Fearing Justice of ye Peace.\\nBondsmen also appeared before this justice\\nand bound themselves to produce Rowland\\nThacher and Martha Fearing of Wareliara\\nbefore the same court, whose next session\\nwas to be held on ye Last Tuesday of this\\nInstant June. As the records of this court\\nwere destroyed with the burning of the Barn-\\nstable court-house in October, 1827, no ex-\\nplanation of the proceedings can be made.\\nNearly one hundred men of the town\\nserved in the war. Powder was bought for\\npublic use and when,\\nIn their ragged regimentals\\nStood the old Continentals\\nYielding not,\\nWhile the grenadiers were lunging\\nAnd like hail fell the plunging\\nCannon shot,\\nthe town sent clothing, rations, and recruits\\nto support them. As the struggle was car-\\nried on at a distance, the townspeople suf-\\nfered from none of its desolations, but they\\nfelt the great burden of the war in repeated\\ncalls for money, in the disturbance which it", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. 189\\nproduced in their ways and means of living,\\nand in the yearly increase of the public taxes,\\nwhich caused the prices of all articles to ad-\\nvance rapidly. In order to prevent traders\\nfrom practicing extortion in the sale of the\\nnecessities of life, after the manner of\\nmodern trusts, the legislature passed an\\nact under which John Fearing Esquire\\nJoshua Gibbs and David Nye were chosen to\\nsee that there Bee no Forestalling or Mono-\\npolizing in ye Towne. Nevertheless ofBce-\\nholding was not without profit. Two per\\ncent, was paid in 1779 for going to Boston\\nto fetch the money due to the town, and\\nfrequent ofificial journeys were made at public\\nexpense.^\\n1 The following extract from a petition to the General\\nCourt in November, 1779, from Several Towns in the\\nCounty of Lincoln, may be considered as describing the\\ncondition of the rural population of Massachusetts at that\\ntime When we Look about us and behold the Dis-\\ntress of the People almost Destitute of most of the Neces-\\nsaries of Life, no Exports or Imports by Sea as Usual in\\ntime past, whereby our wood and Lumber, the Little we\\ngot in our perplexd Circumstances Lays upon our hands,\\nand no provision brought to us, and no money to purchase\\nany with, we Stand amazd at the Prospect, and when we\\nLook forward and behold the Monsterous Taxes that are\\nLaid upon us, and no money to Pay it with, we are Aston-\\nishd know not what to do. We humbly trust we may", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "190 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nIn 1780 the town was taxed \u00c2\u00a3,\\\\o^ for the\\nredemption of bills of credit and for paying\\ninterest in specie on notes issued by the\\nProvince colony or now State of Massachu-\\nsetts Bay and it was also taxed \u00c2\u00a3,Zo ^6 for\\ndefraying the public charges and carrying\\ninto execution the resolves of Congress. In\\nthe same year the town paid to each of its\\nsix months recruits for the army, sixty-\\nnine silver dollars and one hundred and\\nthirty dollars as mileage mon ey. In 1781\\nit held a lottery to raise two hundred and\\neighty hard dollars to raise soldiers with\\nat the same time it sent nearly ten thousand\\npounds of beef to the Continental army. On\\nthe nth of February, 1784, its war record\\nwas closed by ordering its British colors to\\nbe sold, and by voting that the five years\\nPay granted to the Continental officers is\\nUnjust and Ought Not to be Paid them.\\nThis opinion was universal with the rural\\npopulation of Massachusetts, which had been\\nimpoverished by the war, and it found ex-\\nDecently petition that Power which has Taxed us Unrep-\\nresented, as we have a President from these Colonies of\\nPartitioning the Parliament of Great Britan in a Similar\\nCase.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE IN THE REVOLUTION. I9I\\npression in many resolves as bitter as those\\nadopted by the neighboring town of Roch-\\nester That however the power of Con-\\ngress may be we think the Grant by them\\nmade to sd officers was obtained by undue\\ninfluence if no Negative to sd Grant is\\nyet to be admitted, notwithstanding all their\\ngood services we shall esteem them Public\\nNusances Treat them in that Curracter.\\nThe army had become a power greater\\nthan the State, and it was not ready to dis-\\nband, after peace had been declared, without\\nsome unusual recognition of its importance,\\nAbigail Adams, writing from Braintree in\\nJune, 1783, said: Congress has commuted\\nwith the army by engaging to them five\\nyears pay in lieu of half-pay for life. With\\nsecurity for this they will disband contented\\nbut our wise legislators are about disputing\\nthe power of Congress to do either, without\\nconsidering their hands in the mouth of the\\nlion, and that, if the just and necessary food\\nis not supplied, the outrageous animal may\\nbecome so ferocious as to spread horror and\\ndevastation. So the farmers of Wareham\\nand Rochester had reason for their opinions.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "XIII.\\nTOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR.\\nEACE was welcomed by everybody.\\nAlthough the town warrants ran no\\nmore in His Majesty s name, and the\\nRevolution had effaced all marks of the royal\\nauthority, the customs and manners of the\\npeople had suffered no change. Farmers at-\\ntended again to their own business ship-\\nping away timber and firewood cut on the\\ndecrease of the moon, making salt by the\\nevaporation of sea water, building vessels,\\nincreasing their flocks of sheep, gathering\\niron ore from the bottoms of ponds, making\\ncharcoal for forges recently set up, and nails\\nfrom slit iron rods in their home smithies.\\nTo those who had been induced to neglect\\ntheir farms for the sake of the war, peace\\nbrought many discouragements and when\\nstories came of fertile lands to be had in\\nthe region known as the Ohio, the pressure", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 193\\nof poverty, and perhaps of public opinion\\nalso, caused an emigration thither, and to the\\ndistrict of Maine, as well as to places less\\nremote, of some who had been active in\\nencouraging the war. From the following\\nquaint soliloquy, written in Israel Fearing s\\naccount-book by a young woman descended\\nfrom him, it may be inferred that many re-\\ngrets were felt on leaving the ancestral\\nhomes\\nThe painful hour is fast approaching when I\\nmust say adieu to my native place. My home,\\ndays of my cheribhed youth farewell. The pain\\nof sepperation is continually hovering on my\\nmind when I must extend a parting hand to many\\ndear relatives. The fond recollection of the many\\nhappy hours I have spent in their edefying com-\\npany fill me with raptures, and now often drenches\\nmy eys in tears.\\nFrom early times there had been a path\\nthrough bars and gates along the river s side\\nfrom the centre village to the Narrows. It\\nwas opened as a highway after the Revolu-\\ntion, and until recent years it was a thor-\\noughfare of sand, into which the ship-car-\\npenter cast his chips, the harness-maker his\\nscraps, the tinman his clippings, and the", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "194 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nbutcher his bones. Now it is a smooth, broad\\nroad, hardened by oyster shells, on which\\nsummer visitors disport themselves in their\\nequipages, and the owner of fast horses tries\\ntheir speed. It ended at the ferry which was\\nkept by a sutable person appointed by\\nthe town, who was allowed to charge two\\npence for a passage in his boat. From the\\nferry stones on the Agawame side of the\\nriver was an old road, called by the first plant-\\ners the Woonkinco Way. Now, shaded by\\noaks, it is a pleasant way to the dwelling\\nhouses of urban families along the shore,\\nwhose yachts may be seen on summer days\\ntrolling the bay or bound on pleasure cruises.\\nNear the ferry at the Narrows several\\nhouses were built, on the close of the war, and\\none now standing has some celebrity as having\\nbeen the home of John Kendrick, discoverer\\nof the Columbia River, who sailed from Bos-\\nton in 1787 as master of the ship Columbia.\\nShe returned in 1790, having, it is said, made\\nthe first American voyage around the world.\\nFour Lombardy poplar-trees stood in front of\\nthe house, and the flood tides nearly reached\\nits door-yard gate. Now its one solitary pop-\\nlar looks down upon a busy street, which is", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 195\\nbordered on the harbor side by warehouses\\nand wharves where schooners are discharging\\ncoal for iron -works, and corn and lumber for\\ntraders in Plymouth and Barnstable counties\\nwho come to Wareham for supplies.\\nAfter the war was over, the farmers con-\\ntinued to make their reckonings in colonial\\nshillings and pence. They called the quarter\\nof the Spanish milled dollar a one-and-six,\\nthe eighth was a ninepence, the sixteenth a\\nfourpence or fopensapny and the coins\\ninto which the dollar was divided were kept\\nin circulation until the marks of their origin\\nin the mint of Spain were almost obliterated.\\nTheir method of trading with each other is\\nshown by the settlement of an account with a\\nshoemaker, which began in 1780 and ended in\\n1803. It was credited every year with shoe-\\nmaking for the family, and was debited from\\ntime to time with salt-hay, cheese, mutton,\\nmolasses, corn, tallow, sheep s wool, hire of\\nhorse, hauling firewood, sole-leather, a goose,\\nwheat, candles, sugar, rye, pork, and three\\nshillings.\\nMoney was not abundant farm products\\nwere the staple values, and were exchangeable\\nat the village stores for merchandise. Sugar,", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "196 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ntea, molasses, rum, and other comforts thus\\nobtained, were kept on hand by thrifty farm-\\ners to be used in paying for hired labor.\\nUndisturbed by the political questions of\\nthe times, the Wareham farmers kept the\\nnoiseless tenor of their way as their fathers\\nhad done under the rule of the King. In\\nearly spring alewives came into the rivers,\\nand for a while formed the staple of trade\\nand conversation. Their annual return with\\nsuch longing desire after the fresh water\\nponds as an old chronicler writes was\\nthe most important event of the year. At\\nthe birth of the town the prosperity of ale-\\nwives was a public concern and from that\\nday to this, these historic fishes have aroused\\nthe state legislature, have vexed town meet-\\nings, and have formed a platform on which\\nthe rising politician has aired his wisdom.\\nThe Woonkinco River, fed by cold springs\\nin Plymouth Woods, and having no ponds at\\nits source, was not inviting to migratory fish\\nfor these reasons, the yield from it was al-\\nways insignificant, while the Weweantet and\\nAgawame rivers, flowing out of large ponds,\\nfurnished attractive spawning grounds, and\\nin these rivers the town s fishery yielded", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 197\\nlarge results. Two kinds of alewives came\\nto the rivers the larger, coming first, sought\\nthe Weweantet, swarming in the deep ravine\\ncalled the Poles in such numbers that it was\\nimpossible for more than a small portion of\\nthem to pass up stream during an ebbing\\ntide the smaller, called black backs, tar-\\nried in the bay until the temperature of the\\nrivers became warmer, and then they invari-\\nably entered the Agawame.\\nIn colonial times the March town meeting\\n1 The Town meet att the Day and time Sot att the ad-\\njurdment. The Modarater Put to vote whether the town\\nwas for Haveing 410 Barels of hering Cetcht out of ye\\nseveral Streems In Wareham ye Present year for markit\\nProvide the men that Cetcht them would Pay to ye town\\nfour shillings Bountey on each Barel for ye youse of the\\ntown and ye vote Past in the Afifarmitive.\\noute of Weantet River 300\\ncute of agewam River 80\\noute of wampinco River 8\\noute of Cohasit Crick socaled 16\\noute of ye Brook By micah Gibbs 6\\n410\\nthe men that appeard in meeting to Cetch ye herings and\\nGive ye 4 pr Barel Cap fering for his suns Decon Joshua\\nGibbs for himself Suns Rowland Swift for himself But-\\nler Wing for himself and ye other men Concernd with him\\nIn ye fishing affare. Wareham Records, March 31, 1747.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "198 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nfixed the number of alewives to be caught\\nand the price to be paid by the catchers. In\\nlater years a change of this custom has added\\nan important day to the town s calendar the\\nday when, at the tavern, is sold by auction\\nto the highest bidder the exclusive right to\\ncatch alewives on three days of the week\\nbetween sunrise and sunset. On these days\\nthe buyer of the right is obligated to sell\\nfour hundred alewives generally called\\nherrin for sixty-four cents to each\\nhouseholder applying for them, and to give to\\nall widows in the town a barrel-full of the fish\\nwithout price. The cruel tradition is that\\nthis bar l o herrin has sometimes appeared\\nto be, as respects the support of a dependent\\nfamily, a full compensation to the widow for\\nthe loss of him of whom she was bereft.\\nAfter the townspeople had pickled and\\ndried their alewives and strung them on twigs,\\nand hung them, away from the reach of do-\\nmestic animals, in wood-sheds and barn-lofts,\\nthe season of sheep shearing came, accom-\\npanied with northeast winds and fogs from\\nthe sea a weather called from generation\\nto generation the sheep-storm. In town-\\nmeeting warrants there was always a stroke", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 1 99\\nabout sheep, and orders were made that they\\nshall not run at large on the Commons\\nfrom shear time til ye Twentyeth of Decem-\\nber if any ram shall Be taken up the\\nOwner Shall forfeit Pay One dollar. To\\nprotect them while pasturing in the woods,\\nthe town kept four hounds and paid a bounty\\nfor every fox s head brought in.\\nIn the autumn, salt grass, shell fish, and\\ncider were cared for. In the winter, firewood\\nwas cut, nails were wrought in the smithies,\\ncharcoal was made, the shoemaker and the\\nschoolmaster went their round of visits. All\\nthe year through, intentions of marriage were\\nscreamed in the meetinghouse. The town\\nclerk certified each intention in his best style\\nof handwriting, and the minister, or the jus-\\ntice of the peace, took the certificate and\\nthree shillings, performed a marriage cere-\\nmony, and drank a bumper to the new man\\nand wife.\\nThe records of a justice of the peace begin-\\nning in 1804 show that the jurisdiction of this\\ncourt was more extensive than it had been\\nbefore the war. On his farm he vegetated\\nwithout a law library, but by his common\\nsense maintaining a tribunal before which", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "200 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA Y.\\neminent lawyers pleaded causes. Once a\\nyear the town officers came before him to\\ntake the oath of office, as their predecessors\\ncame before his father to swear allegiance to\\nKing George the Second. But now it was\\nrequired of the town constables to subscribe\\nan oath before the justice, in which they did\\nrenounce and adjure all allegiance subjec-\\ntion and obedience to the King, Queen, or\\nGovernment of Great Britain, and every\\nother foreign power whatsoever.\\nThe sessions of this court were held in\\nthe dwelling-house on Fearing Hill. Hither\\ncame plaintiffs and defendants from the vil-\\nlage and from neighboring towns to lay their\\ncases before the justice, who was known in\\nall the region as the Squire, and the witnesses\\nloitered by the lilac -trees at the frontdoor\\nwhile they waited a summons to come into his\\npresence. If the defendant did not appear\\nat the time appointed for trial, his name was\\nsolemnly called three times, and, no response\\nbeing heard, judgment was immediately en-\\ntered against him. The wardens brought in\\nall the boys and girls whom they had seen\\nlaughing in the meeting-house, and the\\nSquire fined the girls five shillings and the", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 201\\nboys ten, for they were able to laugh louder\\nthan the girls. Persons against whom com-\\nplaint had been made for traveling on Sun-\\nday, for raking hay on the Lord s Day, for\\ncursing a townsman, or swearing in the pres-\\nence of a neighbor, were brought here to\\npay the fines assessed by law for the benefit\\nof the town s poor. He who had been over-\\ntaken with strong liquor confessed his error\\nto the Squire and paid to him the penalty\\nin colonial shillings. Here the constables\\nbrought the culprit who had pulled an or-\\nchard, or had stolen a sheep, or had willfully\\nknocked down a neighbor, spat in his face,\\npinched his nose, rubbed his ears, or other-\\nwise maliciously dishonored him. The Squire\\ntried the man accused of obstructing the\\npassage of alewives up the town s rivers, as\\nwell as the man who had failed to appear\\nin the ranks of the train-band, according to\\norders, on training day. He listened to the\\nsuit of the schoolteacher for her wages of\\none dollar a week, and to the claim for dam-\\nages to her dignity because the committee-\\nman had locked her out of the schoolhouse.\\nHe took the affirmation of the mother of a\\nbastard child, certified the oath of the admin-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "202 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nistrator of a widow s estate, recorded in sol-\\nemn form confessions of debt, in which the\\ndebtor pledged that the debt should be paid\\noi:-; of his goods, chattels, lands, and tene-\\nments, and in want thereof of my body.\\nHe issued writs against insolvent debtors by\\nwhicb they were put into the county jail,\\ncondemned others who could not satisfy a\\ncreditor s claim to a year s labor in the cred-\\nitor s service, and he married together\\nthose who came to him to be married.\\nIt was custom of the town to put incom-\\npetent per sons under a guardian, and to ex-\\nercise parental authority over those who,\\naccording tc public opinion, stood in need\\nof it. A cai,e of this sort is described in\\nthe records as that business concerning\\nNoah Bump s dc^ughter, that married a certain\\nFrye, which tho town took in hand in 1794.\\nThis certain Frye was an uncertain vagrant\\nwho had obtained employment on the farms\\nand whom an indigent daughter of Noah\\nhad married, instead 0^ marrying a coachman\\nas she probably wolM have done had she\\nlived at the present time. What the town\\ndid with the twain is not known. But the\\nconsequences of the bus; ^ess were tragical,", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "rOlFJV LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 203\\nand illustrative of the heredity of pauperism.\\nYears afterwards, in a drunken brawl the wife\\nwas killed by the husband, and the support of\\ntheir pauper descendants is to this day con-\\ntested judicially between Wareham and the\\nneighboring towns into which they drift.\\nIn 1 801 smallpox appeared and caused\\ngreat alarm. It was ordered by the town to\\nset up Inoculating, and a house was taken\\nfor to Inoculate in, to which families re-\\nsorted, and where they were fed on bread and\\nmolasses while passing through a course of\\nsmallpox, as was the custom of the times.\\nEvery spring the keeping of the town s\\npoor was sold by auction with their children\\nand chattels, if they had any, and the sales\\nwere recorded in the towai clerk s book. For\\nexample: Vandued the Child of Lynda that\\nwas before she was married the Child she\\nhad on Nantucket. Bid in by Ezra Swift at\\n59 Centes pr week to be clothed fed nursed\\nby sd Ezra the Docter s bil by the Town\\ntil neaxt anuel meeting if not taken away\\nsuner. It was a nameless child, needing a\\nhome, a nurse and a doctor, farmed out to\\nlabor by the week, if not taken away sooner\\nby death Another hard-hearted sale by auc-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "204 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ntion was the Suporting of the widder of\\nthe late Jonathan perrey and Child also two\\nmore of the youngest Children and also one\\nCow one heifer a curious herding of\\nchildren and cattle.^ Later it was voted in\\ntown meeting to put up the poor in lump\\nor together, and if, says the record, they\\nwill not go five dollars lower why then they\\nare to go separately. This attempt to\\ncheapen the cost of supporting them failed;\\nand the widows were again set up at auction\\nannually, and sold to be kept one year their\\nclothing to be kept in repair and to be re-\\nturned as they now are. The sales were\\nmade in the bar-room of the inn, where the\\nlandlord, as he served the thirsty guests from\\nhis decanters, discussed with them the value\\nof the services of the paupers for whose\\nkeeping they had come tc bid. The sales\\nrecords ran as follows\\n1814 Jurned from the meeting-hoube down\\nto Benjamin Fearings house to vandue the pour\\n-The town records show many transactions which would\\nr ow be considered as scandalous William Perce was paid\\nifty dollars for keeping his mother, and eight dollars\\nand eight cents for supplying his father and the town\\nalso gave him two hundred and sixty dollars, for which he\\nproaiised to support his mother during her natural life.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 205\\nthe boy Lynda Boyer brot from Nantucket bid\\nof to John Bates at 95 Dollars to be kept til 21\\nyeares the money to be paid in saven yeares\\nin proportion yearly the Wd and Daughter\\nBethany Barrowes bid to prince Burges at $84\\none half Dollars for one year to clothe victual\\nDocter nurse her Salome Bump bid of by\\nJames Leonard at 38 Dollares 75 Centes for\\none year to cloth nurse pay the Docteres\\nbil the Wd Mary Bump bid of by Ebenezer\\nRaymond at 40 Dollares for one year to vittle\\nand cloth nurse Doctor her.\\n1819 Voted to vandue some of the poore\\nChildren such as could not be put out. The\\nFry girl was bid of by Moses S. Fearing at $89\\nto be paid by proposion acording to the number\\nof yeares he keepes her. The perry boy and girl\\nbid of by Joseph Gibbs at fifty nyne Dollares to\\nbe paid in proposion. One boy bid of by Joshua\\nGibbs at Seventy nyne Centes pr week.\\n1822. Voted not to build a poor or work-\\nhouse. Ada Bumpas was then set up to be kept\\nuntill next March meeting and was bid off by\\nCurtis Tobey for $1 pr week.\\nA condition of the sales w^as that the buyers\\nshould pay the doctor s bills a condition\\noften disregarded, and when the unpaid doc-\\ntor sent his bills to the tov^rn meeting they", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "206 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nwere sharply criticised and when Peter\\nMackie, the town physician, rebelled against\\nthis treatment, it was proposed that he\\nshould doctor all the paupers for twenty-five\\ndollars a year. And he agreed to do it for\\nthat sum, triumphantly wrote the town clerk\\nin the town records.\\nPhysic was held in veneration. It was a\\ncustom of all well-regulated families, in the\\nspring, to take large purges of senna, or mix-\\ntures of brimstone, rhubarb, and molasses.\\nIn a serious illness cupping and leeching\\nwere resorted to mercury was administered\\nuntil the teeth became loose water was de-\\nnied to the sufferer in a raging fever, and\\nsalt clam juice was offered to assuage thirst.\\nOne might have an aching tooth jerked out\\nby the fall of a ten -pound weight tied to it,\\nor the pain might be destroyed by pressing\\nquicklime into the cavity. But fortunately\\nthe race was hardy, and many people lived to\\nan old age in spite of the doctor and his nos-\\ntrums. Those who died in old age were said\\nto have died of a hectical decay. Other\\ncauses of death noted in the church records\\nwere of the numb palsie of a dropsical\\nconsumption of the quimsey of a carking", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 20/\\nhumour about the throat of a putrid fever\\nof a canker rash of a perizeneumony of a\\nstoppage by eating cherries of a yellow ner-\\nvous fever of a carbuncle of a cramp in\\nher stomach of a mortification.\\nWhen the war was ended there were no\\nconveniences for traveling to other towns.\\nThe roads, overgrown by trees, were more\\nsuitable for horses than for wheeled vehicles.\\nA coach began to run regularly from New\\nBedford to Boston in 1797, the trees on each\\nside of the highway having been trimmed to\\nmake room for it to pass but as Wareham\\nwas not on its route, a post-rider rode once a\\nweek through the town, calling at the inn for\\nletters and connecting with the coach. This\\nwas the only line of communication with\\nBoston for many years, except by sea.\\nThe isolated position of the town did not\\nhinder its prosperity. Farms were fertile,\\nshipyards touched homesteads at the Nar-\\nrows, where freighting and whaling vessels\\nwere built. The owners of these were the\\nthrifty farmers, tradesmen, and mechanics of\\nthe town, who were able to furnish, for the\\nbuilding of a ship, timber from their lands,\\nmaterials from their stores, and labor with", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "208 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ntheir own hands. The abundant fisheries in\\nBuzzard s Bay and its influent streams also\\ncontributed to the town s prosperity. Colo-\\nnial laws restricted the use of seines and\\nnets in these fisheries and although similar\\nlaws are now in force, contraband fishermen\\nare sometimes discovered in the bay, at early\\ndawn, filling their sloops with fish unlawfully\\ntaken.\\nThe Woonkinco River entered the bay by\\na deep channel, and the harbor was often astir\\nwith sloops, schooners, and ships arriving\\nand departing. Small sailing vessels from the\\nbay passed up the Weweantet River to the\\nbrickkiln landing, near Blackmer s Pond,\\nwhere bricks were made, and farmers landed\\ncrops gathered on the bay shores. Squire\\nFearing s farm included lands in Agawame,\\nand as they were six or seven miles from his\\ndwelling-house, the crops were brought to\\nthis landing, and carted thence to his barns.\\nOne autumn, as the story goes, he had corn\\nto be harvested on the island off Fearing\\nNeck, and his neighbor. Captain Uriah Sav-\\nery, had a sloop which the Squire hired to\\nbring home the corn having assured the\\ncaptain that he knew the channels and could", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "TOWN LIFE AFTER THE WAR. 209\\npilot the way to the island. They started\\nfrom the landing and easily ran down the\\nriver to Great Hill. After passing this prom-\\nontory the Squire lost the way. Looking\\nacross the bay, all the headlands and coves\\nappeared alike to him, and he could recognize\\nno landmark by which to direct a course. He\\ngave the captain orders to steer in so many\\ndiverse directions that the old mariner was\\nconvinced that this justice of the peace, who\\ndispensed the laws of the Commonwealth\\nfrom Fearing Hill, was more of a farmer than\\na navigator. In his humiliation the Squire\\nconfessed that he did not know the marine\\nway to the island, but he had often gone to it\\nby land and swum his carts and oxen across\\nthe channel. The captain put the sloop be-\\nfore the wind, and running her towards Tem-\\npest Knob had the good fortune to make\\nFearing Neck. As they passed along the\\nshores not a landmark was recognized by the\\nSquire. Suddenly he vindicated his claim to\\nbe a pilot by exclaiming Uriah Uriah I\\ntold ye I knew the way; there s old Mac-\\nmanaman and his striped oxen on the shore\\nfor sartin", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "XIV.\\nTHE BRITISH RAID.\\nHE second war with Great Britain,\\ndeclared by Congress in June,\\n1812, excited no interest in the\\ntown. Public sentiment throughout Plymouth\\nCounty was not only opposed to it, but found\\nvent in resolutions which, if they had been\\nmade in 1776, would have caused those who\\nmade them to be expatriated as tories. Public\\nmeetings proclaimed it to be disrespectful\\nin the inhabitants to do anything for the\\nprosecution of the war, and that they would\\nsupport each other against all attempts of\\nwhatsoever nature to injure them for any-\\nthing they rightfully do or say. A spirit\\nof independence was everywhere exhibited,\\nwhich would not have been allowed expres-\\nsion in the years when a Committee of Cor-\\nrespondence, Inspection and Safety tyran^\\nnized over all personal opinions.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "THE BRITISH RAID. 211\\nA Wareham schooner bound home from\\nTurk s Island in the Bahamas, and another\\noutward bound to Brazil, had been captured\\nby the enemy but as hostilities were con-\\nfined mainly to the coast of the Southern\\nStates, the town considered itself secure in\\nits isolated position. This illusion was dis-\\npelled on Monday morning the 13th of June,\\n1 8 14, when the British brig-of-war Nimrod\\ncame up the bay and anchored near Bird\\nIsland. She belonged to a blockading squad-\\nron which for several months had worked off\\nand on the coast, foraging at unprotected\\nplaces, seizing small craft, and harassing the\\ncommerce of Newport, Nantucket, and New\\nBedford. A few days previous her boats had\\ncome up the bay and cut out three sloops\\nbelonging to Wareham and carried them off.\\nFrom her anchorage the Nimrod sent away\\nsix boats containing 220 armed men they\\nspread lateen-sails, and with a fair wind and\\na flood tide, filled away for Wareham. Their\\ncoming was discovered by a man on the\\nbeach at Crooked River, who rowed over to\\nthe Narrows and told the selectmen. An\\nalarm was sounded through the town, house-\\nwives buried their silver spoons and porrin-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "212 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ngers in gardens, and some of the inhabitants\\nassembled at the inn to consider what they\\nshould do. As an armed resistance was im-\\npossible, they sent a white flag to meet the\\nboats at the landing. The British marched\\nup the road unopposed, set fire to a cotton\\nfactory and to several vessels, and then de-\\nparted as they came.\\nNews-gatherers were quickly abroad, and\\nthe Boston newspapers were furnished with\\nvarious accounts of the raid.^ A brief account\\ni Fairhaven, June 14. Yesterday morning we were\\nalarmed by the appearance of the British brig Nimrod\\nwith 7 barges with her manned from the 74 now lying at\\nQuick s Hole. About 8 o clock she bore away up the Bay\\nand as we supposed was bound into Rochester. We there-\\nfore with a party of men proceeded with a small canon to\\nassist the citizens, but the brig had come to an anchor and\\nmanned 6 barges with about 150 men and proceeded to\\nWareham where they arrived at 12 o clock and destroyed\\n12 or 13 sail of vessels, among them a new ship and a brig.\\nThey set fire to the factory and left it soon, when the peo-\\nple collected and put it out. New England Palladijim.\\nJune 16 1814. A gentleman from Plymouth states\\nthat on Monday about 200 men in 6 barges from a 74 and the\\nNimrod brig came in to Wareham and set fire to seven ves-\\nsels, three or four of which were consumed. The others\\nand a factory which was likewise set on fire were extin-\\nguished. Boston Daily Advertiser.\\nJune 18*, 1814. We learn by gentlemen from Ware-\\nham that the 13th inst. several British barges landed about", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "THE BRITISH RAID. 213\\nof it was sent to a New Bedford newspaper\\nby two of the selectmen\\nWareham, June 14.\\nTo the editor of the New Bedford Mercury.\\nSir Yesterday morning we were informed\\nof the approach of the enemy, and at about 11\\no clock A. M. they landed at the village called the\\nNarrows, with a flag. There were six barges con-\\ntaining two hundred and twenty men. They de-\\nmanded (before the proper authority could arrive)\\nall the public property and declared, that in case\\nthey were molested, every house within their\\nreach should be consumed. We were not pre-\\npared to make any opposition, and promised not\\nto. To prevent a violation on our part, they de-\\ntained a number of men and boys as prisoners\\nfor their security declaring that if any of their\\nmen were injured, they should be put to imme-\\ndiate death. Having stationed sentries back of\\n200 men at that place about noon. They proceeded to set-\\nting fire to a large ship and an elegant brig on the stocks,\\nwhich they said was intended for a privateer, and several\\nother vessels. They threw a rocket into a cotton factory\\nwhich they said they considered public property. They\\ndid not molest the fishing craft, and seeing the name of\\nWashington on the stern of one of the vessels, one of them\\nordered it to be burnt. One officer exclaimed Not a\\nhair of the head of this vessel shall be scorched, and she\\nwas spared. Columbian Centitiel.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "214 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nthe village, they proceeded to fire the vessels and\\ncotton manufactory. Twelve vessels were fired,\\nfive of which were totally destroyed the remain-\\nder were extinguished after the enemy departed.\\nThe cotton manufactory was also extinguished.\\nDamage estimated at 20,000 dollars. It is\\nsupposed that the enemy came from the Nimrod\\nbrig, and Superb 74.\\nBenja. Bourne, selectmen of\\nBenja. Fearing, Wareham.\\nA more detailed account was sent by some\\nof the inhabitants to Commodore Perry. It\\nwas as folloviTs\\nWareham, June 21, 1814.\\nTo commodore Perry. Sir The following is\\na correct statement when the British landed at\\nthis place with their barges the 13th of this inst.\\nJune. We the undersigned do testify and say,\\nthat on the 13th of this inst. June, about 11\\no clock, A. M. we saw the British with six barges\\napproaching this village with a white flag hoisted\\nin one of them at which time our flag was not\\nhoisted, but Thomas Young was carrying it down\\nthe street towards the wharf, where it was after-\\nwards hoisted. We the undersigned do further\\ntestify and say, that on the landing of the com-\\nmanding officer from the barge where our flag\\nwas hoisted, he the commanding officer did agree", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE BRITISH RAID. 21 5\\nthat if he was not fired on by the inhabitants\\nthat he would not destroy any private property\\nbelonging to the inhabitants but he would de-\\nstroy public property which did not belong to the\\ntown, and requested one of us to point out the\\nFalmouth property or vessels, which we agreed to\\ndo, and one of us went into the barge with the\\nsecond in command, and then they took down\\ntheir flag of truce and proceeded to set fire to\\nthe Falmouth vessels. They then landed a part\\nof their men, and in violation of their agreement\\nproceeded to set fire to private property, by set-\\nting fire to a vessel on the stocks and five others\\nwhich were at anchor and a Plymouth vessel.\\nThey were reminded of their agreement, and that\\nthey had taken advantage of us by false promises,\\nbut they threatened to set fire to the village, and\\nput the inhabitants to the sword if any resistance\\nwas made or any attempts made to put out the\\nfires, for they did not care about any promises\\nthey had made, also they landed a party of men\\nand set fire to a cotton manufactory. They then\\nreturned to their barges, took twelve of the in-\\nhabitants with them on board their barges, and\\nsaid if they were fired upon by the inhabitants\\nthey would put them to death. Then the com-\\nmanding officer ordered the flag of truce to be\\nhoisted, and the second in command swore it was", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "2l6 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\na damned shame and disgrace to any nation to\\nenter a village under a flag of truce and commit\\nthe greatest outrage and depredations possible,\\nand then return under a flag of truce, but on or-\\nders being again given by the commanding officer\\nthe flag of truce was hoisted. Our men were\\nlanded about three miles below the village, and\\nthe barges proceeded on board the brigantine\\nNimrod, then lying in the bay,\\nDavid Nye, jr. Noble Everett,\\nAbner Basset, Wm. Barrows,\\nIsaac Perkins, Perez Briggs,\\nJosiah Everett, Wm. Fearing.\\nP. S. This is known only by the undersigned,\\nno other person being present, that is, that the\\nBritish fired three muskets under the flag of truce\\nbefore the agreement.\\nAbner Basset,\\nDavid Nye, jr.\\nThe twelve hostages were set free near\\nNobska Bluff on Cromeset, where the rivers\\nmeet the bay. From this point the boats\\nwere watched, on their return to the Nimrod,\\nuntil they disappeared around the point of\\nGreat Hill. Then the little village at the\\nNarrows aroused itself for defense. There\\nwas a mustering of the militia, rifle pits to", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE BRITISH RAID. 217\\ncommand the channels were dug, and senti-\\nnels were posted* to keep watch and ward\\nagainst another surprise from the sea.\\nAlthough this raid attracted attention from\\nall parts of the country, and was commented\\nupon as an unnatural retaliation for the neu-\\ntrality of Wareham, the town having fur-\\nnished neither a man nor a gun for service\\nagainst the British, during the war, up to\\nthis date, the town records are silent about\\nit. The only allusion to it is to be found in\\nthe treasurer s account-book, in which, under\\nthe date of 181 5, it is written Paid Archip-\\npus Leonard for standing guard when the\\nBritish landed, seventy one cents. And\\nthat sum was all that the British raid drew\\nout of the town treasury.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "XV.\\nTHE TOWN S BASS-VIOL.\\nGLIMPSE of the congregation in\\nthe meeting-house, in the early part\\nof this century, is revealed in an old\\nsermon, which mentions Mackie at the holy\\nsupper reading off the hymn in Scottish style,\\nFearing in the gallery leading the choir with\\na loud voice, Savery with white locks bend-\\ning over his staff, Nye with powdered wig\\nlike an English judge, the aged men and\\nwomen sitting in front of the pulpit in open\\nseats, mothers with babes in their arms seated\\nin chairs in the porch.\\nTo this congregation the propriety of using\\na bass-viol in the services of worship was\\nan ever-present question. When new ideas\\nabout church music reached Wareham, in\\n1794, the question was considered by the\\nchurch, and after the town meeting had been\\nconsulted, it was decided, Notwithstanding", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S BASS-VIOL. 219\\nthe opposition of some, to have the Bass viol\\nused. This decision aroused that Puritan\\nprejudice which classed the use of musical\\ninstruments in worship as an abomination\\nand therefore the church called a meeting to\\nreconsider the question, when it was voted\\nthat it is expedient that a Bass vial should\\nnot be used.\\nNevertheless the instrument held its place\\nin the choir until 1796, when, by an order of\\ntown meeting, it was put out of the meeting-\\nhouse. It remained outside, making various\\nattempts to get in, until 1802 then a request\\nfor its readmission was considered, and the\\nchurch was induced to vote, in April, that\\nwe are willing that the singers should make\\nuse of the Bass vial on trial till next sacra-\\nment lecture. On a second request the\\nchurch refused to grant any further indul-\\ngence. The singers then went to the Sep-\\ntember town meeting, and obtained Leave\\nfor the Bass Vial to be brought into ye meet-\\ning-house to be Played On every other Sab-\\nbath to begin the next Sabbath to Play if\\nchosen every Sabbath in the Intermission\\nbetween meetings and Not to Pitch the\\nTunes on the Sabbaths that it don t Play.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "220 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nThe town s bass-viol, like the song of the\\nsirens, lured many pilgrims to forget the\\ncountry to which they were going; and they\\nso far renounced their loyalty as to turn away\\nfrom the meeting-house on those Sundays\\nwhen the instrument was to be heard therein.\\nThe most obstinate of these pilgrims was\\nCaptain Joshua Gibbs. From the outset he\\nwould neither listen to it nor make a compro-\\nmise with it. The thing is an abomination,\\nhe said. Can t we sing in meeting without\\nsich a screeching and groaning My father\\nand grandfather worshiped God in Wareham\\nwithout a bars vile. I won t abide it\\nThe church asked the town to stop it and\\nin October, 1803, the town meeting ordered\\nYe use of the Bass Vial in Publick Worship\\nto be stopped. Then the singers and their\\nallies stayed at home on Sundays, leaving\\nnothing for the town to do but to turn around\\nagain; which it did in February, 1804, when,\\nas the records say,\\nThe Town met i Voted to have Singing\\nin the time of Publick worship.\\n2 y Voted that ye Singers Shall appoint their\\nhead Singer.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "THE TOWN S BASS-VIOL. 221\\n3^^ voted to make use of the Bass Viol the\\none half of the Time to begin with ye Viol\\nnext Sabbath day.\\nYears passed, and through them all the\\nbass-viol held its place in the meeting-house,\\nand its enemies kept themselves safely be-\\nyond the sound of its strings.^ In 1826 a\\nchurch meeting was called to consider the\\ncase of some members who for a long time\\nhad neglected to attend public worship.\\nThree of those brethren, say the church\\nrecords, being present, stated that the rea-\\nson of their withdrawing themselves from\\npublic worship with the church, was the\\nuse of instrumental music in singing. It\\nwas proposed to submit their case to an ec-\\nclesiastical council,^ when Joshua Gibbs, who\\nhad become a deacon of the church, refused\\nto submit his grievances to the decision of\\n1 Decern. 13. 1807. The church tarried and Voted\\nthat the singers be requested not to make use of the Bass\\nviol in public worship in the meeting house unless they\\ngive Cap. Joshua Gibbs, or his family in case of his ab-\\nsence, previous notice. Warcham Church Records.\\n2 The Council advised the Church in behalf of their\\naggrieved brethren, respectfully to request the Society to\\ndiscontinue the use of instrumental music, particularly on\\ndays of communion.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "222 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUiriiARD S BA Y.\\nany council, and abruptly left the meeting;\\nand such was the power of his obstinacy that\\nthis disloyalty was allowed to pass without\\nfurther notice.\\nWhen the church was reorganized, in\\n1828, and was taking possession of a new\\nmeeting-house, the bass-viol appeared at the\\nthreshold like a ghost from colonial times. A\\nnew generation had inherited the prejudice\\nagainst it, and William Mackie, Nathaniel\\nCrocker, and Abisha Barrows were sent to\\nthe singers with an offer to give fifty dol-\\nlars a year for the support of a choir, if the\\nchoir would sing without musical instruments.\\nTheir errand was unsuccessful. Again the\\ncontroversy was renewed in 1829, but the\\nchurch had become weary of it. The spirit\\nwhich for thirty-five years had kept up the\\nrevolt was broken and the venerable Deacon\\nGibbs went to his grave leaving the town s\\nbass-viol triumphant in the meeting-house.\\n^^f", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "XVI.\\nFINAL TRANSFORMATIONS.\\nHE manners and customs of colonial\\ntimes lingered on into the present\\ncentury, until enterprising men/ who\\nhad come into the town bringing capital, be-\\ngan to erect cotton-mills and iron-works on\\nthe dams where, for more than a hundred\\nyears, the farmers had sawn their logs and\\nground their corn. These new enterprises\\ncreated new centres of population, and quick-\\nened the social life of the community and\\nwhen the manufacture of iron hoops for the\\noil-casks of whaling-ships, and of iron nails\\nby machinery, was begun in 1821, the town\\nwas awakened to a new and noisy existence.\\nA brisk commerce enlivened the bay between\\nWareham and New Bedford, conveying\\n1 The Tobeys, Pratts, Murdocks, Lincolns, and Leonards.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "224 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BA V.\\nSwedes iron for the rolling-mills, and return-\\ning hoops to the whalemen s town. Packets,\\none of which bore the ferocious name of\\nGalloping Tiger, loaded with nails, sailed\\nregularly to New York, and brought back\\nores, blooms, flour. West India goods, and\\ncotton. Cotton shirtings made in the Ware-\\nham mills for slaves use were shipped direct\\nto buyers in Virginia. Schooners loaded with\\niron wares from the Wareham furnaces sailed\\nto the Kennebec and Penobscot, the Connec-\\nticut and Hudson, to retail them in the river\\ntowns. Trade increased at the harbor, ship-\\nbuilding yards were enlarged, and the little\\nlanding-places formerly existing alongshore\\nbecame substantial wharves of stone extend-\\ning into the edge of deep water.\\nThe antique meeting-house felt this en-\\nterprising spirit. Its outside was painted,\\nand its neglected surroundings were cleared\\nup. Carters were forbidden to leave their\\nore-laden wagons near it, and farmers were\\nforbidden to cord firewood about it. Inside\\nthe house on Sunday there was the sound of\\nfiddles and a showy parade of singers in the\\ngalleries. The oaken benches bordering the\\ngreat alley were taken away, and one of the", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "FINAL TRANSFORMATIONS. 225\\nthree outside doors was permanently closed.\\nIn the spaces thus acquired pews were built,\\nwhich were sold by auction at high prices,\\nthe town clerk having been cautioned to\\ngive no Deeds till the money is paid. The\\nnew-comers demanded that the money re-\\nceived for new pews should be used to build\\na steeple and to buy a bell. To this the\\nfarmers objected, and as they were a major-\\nity in the town meeting, it was there voted\\nNot to build a steeple neither buy a bell.\\nThe meeting-house had never had a warm-\\ning. During winter its interior was as cold\\nas a refrigerator sometimes so cold that no\\nservice of worship was attempted. Parson\\nThacher wrote in the church records Feb-\\nruary 21. 1773. This was a remarkable cold\\nSabbath. Some by their glasses found it to\\nbe many degrees colder than ever was known.\\nMany were froze. I myself coming home\\nfrom meeting had my face touched with frost,\\nso that we had no meeting in the afternoon.\\nWhen wintry winds whistled through the\\ncrannies of the meeting-house, and fiying\\nsnow drifted under its doors and darkened\\nits rattling windows, the rigors of the Mo-\\nsaic law were preached to an audience shiv-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "226 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nering upon the brink of the freezing-point.\\nWomen found some comfort by resting their\\nfeet upon iron boxes filled with embers\\nbrought from their homes. Men shrugged\\nthemselves into as small a space as possible\\nwhile the preacher, encased in a great-coat\\nand mittens, stood at his post of duty as if\\ndetermined to answer the Psalmist s question,\\nWho can stand before His cold.-\\nThe selectmen proposed to purchase a\\nstove and pipes and furnish wood and attend-\\nance for the meeting-house. But the ma-\\njority in town meeting, believing, it may be\\npresumed, that the preaching ought to be hot\\nenough to warm the house, voted Not to\\npurchase a stove and pipes. Not to furnish\\nwood and attendance. As descendants of\\ncolonial farmers they could read their title\\nclear to mansions in the skies, without the\\naid of fires and bells.\\nAlthough the meeting-house was cold,\\nchurch discipline was active enough to warm\\nthe thoughts of erring members, who, when\\nbrought to a condition of penitence, were re-\\nquired to make confessions in public, as was\\nthe custom in former times. A young man,\\nwho probably, as the song says.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "FIA AL TRANSFORMATIONS. 22/\\nDanced all night, till the broad daylight,\\nAnd went home with the girls in the morning,\\nbecame conscience stricken and, being a\\nmember of the church, sought and obtained\\nits forgiveness. The records of 1823 state\\nthat Harvey Bumpus, having a short time\\nsince mingled with the world in the frivolous\\namusement of dancing, came forward and\\nmade a confession which was read and ac-\\ncepted. One stood up and confessed that\\nshe had been guilty of a breach of the\\nseventh commandment another sinner,\\nwell advanced in years, confessed that he\\nhad indulged to excess in the use of ardent\\nspirits.\\nIntemperate drinking was not unusual\\nin New England towns. Ministers, as well\\nas parishioners, drank rum moderately, or\\notherwise. At the stores it was sold for two\\nshillings and three pence the gallon, and a\\ndecanter of it was at hand in the living-room\\nof every dwelling-house. At an ordination,\\na wedding, a funeral, a house raising, a\\nlaunching, a husking, it was freely offered.\\nIf two men went to the salt meadows to mow,\\nor into the woods to fell trees, they carried a\\npint of rum as a matter of course. Although", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "228 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nfarm laborers worked from sunrise to sunset,\\nif a job was to be done after the day s work\\nwas over, a sufficient compensation to the\\nmen was an invitation to Come in and take\\na grog During the haying season it was\\na custom of the farmer to go to the meadows\\nat eleven o clock in the forenoon and at four\\no clock in the afternoon, carrying a tum-\\nbler and a decanter of rum for the refresh-\\nment of his laborers. In 1830, through the\\ninfluence of the church, a society to promote\\ntemperance in drinking was organized in\\nWareham and to sign the pledge was\\nthen believed to be, for the signer, a com-\\nplete riddance from the sin of drunkenness.\\nAnnually, in April, the governor s fast-day\\nwas observed by going to the meeting-house\\nto listen to a long sermon and in November\\nThanksgiving day was observed by a similar\\nservice, followed by the cheer of an ample din-\\nner at home, for which preparations had been\\ngoing on for a long time. But Easter and\\nChristmas were unknown. Reminiscences\\nof Christmas festivals as described in London\\nstory-books may have caused a child, here\\nand there, to hang up its stockings by the\\nkitchen fireplace, which was spacious enough", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "FINAL TRANSFORMATIONS. 229\\nto allow the entrance of Santa Claus and all\\nhis reindeers. He never came to fill the\\nstockings, and childish faith was turned into\\nunbelief. In the opinion of fathers and moth-\\ners, any special observance of Christmas day\\nwas a deference to the Pope of Rome.\\nStill, social life was far from being gloomy.\\nThere were frolicsome assemblies for husk-\\ning corn and paring apples there were after-\\nnoon quilting-bees, and evenings enlivened\\nby romping games, such as blindman s-buff\\nand spin-the-platter. The sports and pas-\\ntimes of these evening parties not unfre-\\nquently bordered on rudeness the youthful\\nmerrymakers running a gauntlet, dashing\\nthrough files of their companions who, with\\nuplifted hands and waving arms, cut off the\\nprogress of the willing victim, while all sang\\nThe needle s eye that doth supply\\nThe thread that runs so true,\\nIt hath caught many a fair young heart,\\nAnd now it hath caught you.\\nOthers, joining hands and wildly swinging\\naround in giddy rings, chanted Green grow\\nthe rushes, O all the measures of the\\nchant being zestfully marked, and interspersed\\nwith kisses. It was a common custom to", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "230 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ninvite neighbors or kindred to spend the\\nday, the guests arriving at nine o clock;\\nwomen prepared for knitting and needle-\\nwork, the elder men prepared to talk about\\nwool, cattle, and crops. At noon a bounti-\\nful dinner was served for them, the great\\noven having been fired the day before, and at\\nfive o clock in the afternoon the supper-table\\nwas spread with all the varieties of cake, pas-\\ntry, and sweetmeat for which the hostess was\\nnoted. In winter evenings there were sleigh-\\ning parties that pulled up at the tavern to\\ndrink mulled wine there were voluntary sing-\\ning clubs there were neighborhood gather-\\nings of young people, who, seated in a semi-\\ncircle around the large glowing fireplace,\\npassed the hours in telling fortunes, drink-\\ning cider, cracking nuts, and eating apples,\\nwhose peels, pared off without a break, were\\ntwirled around the parer s head, and, falling\\non the floor, were supposed to form the initial\\nletter of somebody s husband that was to be.\\nA joyful event was the arrival of a son from\\nthe city, whose tailor-made clothes and dandi-\\nfied airs were the pride of his mother or of\\na son returned from a whaling voyage, his\\nsea-chest stored with shells and curiosities", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "FINAL TRANSFORMATIONS. 23 1\\nfrom the islands of the Pacific Ocean, and\\nperhaps bringing a piece of China crape or\\nIndia muslin for his sister s wedding-dress.\\nWeddings were important events in the so-\\ncial life of the town. Special journeys were\\nmade to Boston or New York to buy the out-\\nfit, and brides were often arrayed in gowns\\nof such richness that those which have been\\npreserved to the present day are held as\\nheirlooms of great value. Although the\\nchurch looked upon dancing with disfavor,\\nthere were balls at the tavern occasionally,\\nwhere young beaus prided themselves on\\nthe dexterity with which they cut the pig-\\neon wing, and whirled through the meas-\\nures of money-musk and Sir Roger de\\nCoverley. At evening parties, too, the guests\\nwere accustomed to join hands with the\\nhosts in a dance around the chimney,\\npassing from room to room, a merry go-round\\nof old and young. Going to meeting on\\nSunday morning was also a social enjoyment.\\nIt was like going to a country-side gathering\\nof friends and neighbors. The meeting-\\nhouse door was the Sunday newspaper con-\\ntaining, as in former times, all kinds of an-\\nnouncements interesting to the congrega-", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "232 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\ntion and the noon-time intermission fur-\\nnished the great opportunity when women\\nwho had received the latest fashions from\\nBoston could see each other in their new\\nbonnets and dandy-gray russets, and could\\nhumanize their minds by an unlimited range\\nover the fields of gossip.\\nSo old-fashioned were the farmers that new\\nappliances for saving work were not in favor.\\nFarming tools were wrought on the anvil of\\nthe village blacksmith, and so were the plow-\\nshare and the iron straps binding it to the\\nmold-board. The well-to-do farmer kept a\\nhorse and shay, but it was only for hire and\\nto carry the women folks to meeting. To\\nhim time was not money, and if he must go\\nto a neighboring town he preferred to walk\\nthe distance rather than devote the establish-\\nment to his own use for the journey, except\\non unusual occasions. Clothing material was\\nmade on the farms. On the kitchen hearth\\nstood dye tubs in which fleeces were colored\\nred and blue. The industrious wife and her\\ndaughters were skilled in carding the wool,\\nspinning it into yarns, and weaving the yarns\\ninto cloths, which, after passing through the\\nfulling-mill, were made into clothing for the", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "FINAL TRANSFORMATIONS. 233\\nfamily. They also made fine linen from flax\\ngrown in their own fields. The shoes of the\\nfamily were also a home product. Hides sent\\nto a tannery remained in the vats a year, the\\ntanner taking one half of them for his work\\nwhen the leather was sent to the house, a\\nshoemaker was summoned, who made and re-\\npaired for every member of the family shoes\\nenough to last a year, taking in payment for\\nhis labor various products of the farm.\\nWhen the farmer made his last will and\\ntestament he began it In the name of God,\\ndeclaring that he was now of a disposing\\nmind and memory, and expressing his reli-\\ngious faith by the following language\\nIn the first place I give and bequeath my\\nimmortal spirit to God who gave it and my body\\nto the earth to be buried in a decent Christian\\nburial with a comfortable hope that at the general\\nresurrection it will be raised in a glorious state.\\nTo his wife he gives the use and im-\\nprovement of one third part of his real es-\\ntate and household furniture, with perhaps\\ntwo cows, one riding beast, ten sheep, and\\na seat in the family pew in the meeting-house.\\nTo his unmarried daughter he gives the\\nprivilege, or exclusive use, of a designated", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "234 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nchamber in his dwelHng-house, with a feather\\nbed and furniture, so long as she Hves un-\\nmarried, with storage space in the cellar,\\nlaundry space in the lean-to, a seat in the\\nfamily pew, firewood for one fire cut at the\\ndoor, sixteen bushels of Indian corn and four\\nbushels of rye a year, all to be provided by\\nher brothers equally between them. To his\\noldest son he gives the homestead, land and\\nbuildings, subject to the mother s and daugh-\\nter s privileges, and he divides the remainder\\nof his estate between all his sons. On his\\ngravestone, set up in the old churchyard\\nwhere his ancestors were buried, some pious\\nrhymes were carved, expressing the belief of\\nmourning hearts\\nSo sleep the saints and cease to groan,\\nWhen sin and death have done their worst.\\nChrist hath a glory like his own,\\nWhich waits to clothe their waking dust.\\nIn those days there was no mania for trav-\\neling, no longing for fashionable resorts at\\nthe springs or in the mountains, to de-\\nstroy the charm of village life. Perhaps\\nonce a year a farmer with his wife journeyed\\nto Boston in the family shay, a little hair-\\ncovered trunk containing their best clothing", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "FINAL TRANSFORMATIONS. 235\\nstrapped to its axle, to make a brief visit to\\nrelatives. But families generally stayed at\\nhome, excepting the daughter who found a\\nhusband in another town, and those restless\\nsons who longed to see Boston, from which\\nnews came at regular intervals by a stage-\\ncoach and a six-horsed baggage wagon,\\nor who hankered after the sea and gladly\\ntrudged afoot to New Bedford to join a\\nwhaling ship and pursue their sea dreams\\nbeyond Cape Horn. Occasionally one of\\nthe home-staying daughters became so\\nskilled in needlework that her services were\\nsought for by neighbors, the usual compen-\\nsation for a day s labor being her diet with\\nsixteen cents in winter and twenty cents in\\nsummer. Children were taught to work as\\nsoon as they were taught anything, and\\nsome, contented with their labors, grew to\\nbe men and worsen before they had crossed\\nthe boundaries of the town while others,\\nmore ambitious, having inherited the ster-\\nling qualities and steady habits which this\\nhonest mode of life produced, sought serious\\noccupation in distant cities, where they be-\\ncame the founders of prosperous families,\\ndistinguished in social and in commercial life.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "236 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\nThe farmhouses were low, rectangular,\\nbuilt around a large square central chimney.\\nBeneath them were spacious cellars for the\\nstorage of various products of the farm and\\nother household supplies, with which the\\nthrifty farmer was abundantly provided.\\nNear or connected with the dwellings were\\nbarns, cart-sheds, corn-cribs, and wood-piles.\\nA picket fence, or a rough stone wall, sepa-\\nrated the highway from the front door, and\\na straight path divided the turf between.\\nAdown the path the poppies flamed.\\nStiff box made green the border,\\nAnd sweet blue violets, half-ashamed.\\nGrew low in wild disorder.\\nAt last it was in 1847 railroad from\\nBoston, creeping towards Buzzard s Bay on\\nits route to Cape Cod, entered the town\\nand completed the social revolution which\\nfor several years had been in progress. It\\nwrought great changes. It had already\\nchanged the face of the country by starting\\nfires in the woods and turning streams from\\ntheir channels. It now changed the home\\nlife of the people, weakened their religious\\nhabits, lowered the value of their farms, ere-", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "FINAL TRANSFORMATIONS. 237\\nated new wants, and brought in a population\\nof alien blood and faitli. The influences of\\nmanufacturing and commercial affairs domi-\\nnated the town meetings. A stress and\\nhurry of life began and that peace of mind\\nwith time to look about, which was charac-\\nteristic of a farming community in colonial\\ntimes, disappeared never to return.\\nThe farmers, who had been contented\\nwith the world bounded by their town s hori-\\nzon, and with labors which produced such\\nwealth as they required, found it difficult to\\nconform their slow-going habits and inherited\\nopinions to the new conditions surrounding\\nthem and, being no longer lords of the\\nmanor, they lost the independence which\\nthey had always enjoyed.\\nNow the farmer who is tilling the ex-\\nhausted soil pieces out his scanty income by\\ntrifles derived from a mechanical trade. His\\nsons work in the iron mills, the nail factories,\\non the cranberry bogs, on the oyster beds,\\nor they go to sea. Some, seeking a better\\ndestiny, wander away to the great city and\\nto the far West, where a successful career\\nleads them to forget the old homestead, or\\nmisfortune compels them to return at last\\nand seek the shelter of its roof.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "238 COLONIAL TIMES ON BUZZARD S BAY.\\\\\\nOthers, who are nearing old age and who\\ndelight to recall the incidents of their early-\\ndays in Wareham, are sometimes drawn back\\nto gather up the ancient household relics\\nThe varnish d clock that click d behind the door,\\nthe three-cornered arm-chairs, the brass\\nwarming-pan that drove the cold out of fea^\\nther beds in winter, the spinning-wheel, the\\ngrandmother s sampler wrought in strange\\ndevices, and to re-light their fire on their\\npaternal hearthstone.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nThe following names are of persons upon whom a tax\\nwas imposed by the Selectmen of Wareham, in 1 783 and\\n1784, to raise the money necessary to pay the cost of a\\ntwo story dwelhng-house, as described on page 1 54, which\\nhad been built for Mr. Noble Everitt, the town s minister.\\nThese names have been copied from the lists which were\\ncommitted to the tax collector, and they probably repre-\\nsent nearly all the families living in Wareham at that\\ntime:^\\nAbigail Atwood.\\nBarnabas Atwood.\\nJoseph Atwood.\\nWilliam Atwood.\\nRose Barlow.\\nIsaac Barrows.\\nNathan Bassett.\\nAlexander Bates.\\nCapt. Barnabas Bates,\\nBarnabas Bates, 3d.\\nJohn Bates.\\nCapt. Joseph Bates.\\nSamuel Bates.\\nThomas Bates.\\nThomas Bates, 2d.\\nDavid Besse, Jr.\\nJabez Besse.\\nJabez Besse, 2d.\\nJohn Besse.\\nJoshua Besse.\\nSilas Besse.\\nThomas Besse.\\nBenjamin Benson.\\nCaleb Benson.\\nConsider Benson.\\nIchabod Benson.\\nJabez Benson.\\nJohn Benson.\\nDea. William Blackmer.\\nIsaac Boles, Jr.\\nJohn Boles.\\nWilliam Boles.\\nJoseph Bosworth.\\nBenjamin Bourn.\\nEbenezer Bourn.\\nNoah Bourn.\\nStephen Bourn.\\nBenjamin Briggs, S. c\\n(ship carpenter).\\nBenjamin Briggs.\\nEbenezer Briggs.\\nHallet Briggs.\\nJesse Briggs.\\nJoseph Briggs.\\nJoshua Briggs.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "240\\nAPPENDIX.\\nNathan Briggs.\\nPerez Briggs.\\nSamuel Briggs.\\nSeth Briggs.\\nBarnabas Bumpus.\\nEdward Bumpus.\\nJeremiah Bumpus.\\nLieut. Jeremiah Bumpus.\\nJohn Bumpus.\\nJoseph Bumpus, 2d.\\nWidow Mary Bumpus.\\nNoah Bumpus.\\nSamuel Bumpus.\\nSylvester Bumpus.\\nElisha Burgess.\\nJames Burgess.\\nLieut. Prince Burgess.\\nJonathan Church.\\nNathaniel Cleark.\\nWillard Cleark.\\nWilliam Conant.\\nJoshua Crocker.\\nWilliam Estes.\\nBenjamin Fearing.\\nDavid Fearing.\\nIsrael Fearing.\\nIsrael Fearing, 2d.\\nJohn Fearing, Esquire,\\nNoah Fearing, Esquire.\\nSilas Fearing.\\nBenjamin Gibbs.\\nJonathan Gibbs.\\nCapt. John Gibbs, Jr.\\nJoseph Gibbs.\\nCapt. Joseph Gibbs.\\nJoshua Gibbs.\\nCapt. Joshua Gibbs.\\nJohn Gollt.\\nAaron Hammond.\\nEdward Haiiimoiid.\\nWidow Anna Haskell.\\nDavid Haskell.\\nTimothy Haskell.\\nArthur Hathaway.\\nDavid Hathaway.\\nHenry Hathaway.\\nNathan Hathaway.\\nSalathiel Hathaway.\\nSimon Hathaway.\\nHenry Hedley.\\nSeth Hiller.\\nCalvin Howard.\\nEnos Howard.\\nCapt. John Kendrick.\\nJohn LeBaron.\\nJSmes LeBaron heirs.\\nThomas Lothrop, Plymo.\\nDoct. Andrew Mackie.\\nCaleb Mendol.\\nNubery Morse.\\nZebulon Morse.\\nBenjamin Morey.\\nBartlett Murdock.\\nDavid Muxham.\\nEzra Muxham.\\nNathan Muxham.\\nRubin Muxham.\\nOliver Norris,\\nSamuel Norris.\\nCapt. David Nye.\\nJabez Nye.\\nEbenezer Parker.\\nDavid Perry.\\nDavid Perry, Junr.\\nIchabod Sampson, Junr.\\nDavid Sanders.\\nHenry Sanders.\\nJoseph Sanders.\\nIsaac Savery.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n241\\nPhinehas Savery.\\nSamuel Savery.\\nLt. Samuel Savery.\\nThomas Savery.\\nRichard Sears.\\nNathan Shaw, Junr.\\nBenjamin Shurtlif.\\nFrancis Shurtlif.\\nEdward Sparrow.\\nCapt. Josiah Stevens.\\nSeth Stevens.\\nAndrew Sturtevant.\\nCharles Sturtevant.\\nEphraim Sturtevant.\\nHermon Sturtevant.\\nJoseph Sturtevant.\\nRowland Sturtevant.\\nAsa Swift.\\nBenjamin Swift.\\nElisha Swift.\\nEnoch Swift.\\nEnoch Swift, Junr.\\nJesse Swift.\\nJesse Swift, 2d.\\nJosiah Swift.\\nLemuel Swift.\\nSamuel Swift.\\nSamuel Swift, Junr.\\nLot Thacher.\\nRowland Thacher.\\nSamuel Trip.\\nWilliam Washburn.\\nEdward White.\\nNathaniel White.\\nRichard Whitmore.\\nButler Wing.\\nJedediah Wing.\\nJohn Wing.\\nJohn Winslow.\\nTisdel Winslow.\\nSeth Witherell.\\nHenry Young.\\nOf these persons some were taxed as owners of vessels,\\nas Capt. John Kendrick, Capt. Joseph Bates, Capt.\\nJoseph Gibbs, Nathan Bassett, Asa Swift, Jesse Swift, 2d,\\nand many others. Captain Kendrick, the discoverer of\\nColumbia River, is mentioned on page 194. Nathan\\nBassett was the village blacksmith, who probably became\\nan owner in vessels by forging iron work for them. The\\ntown records mention his employment to forge bayonets\\nfor the town s six muskets, when news of the Battle of\\nBunker Hill reached Wareham. Asa Swift was a ship-\\nbuilder, and was building ships at the Narrows village as\\nlate as the year 181 1. Nearly all the Swifts and Besses\\non the tax collector s list were ship carpenters, ship mas-\\nters, or connected in some way with ships.\\nSome persons were taxed as owners of factories,", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "242 APPENDIX.\\nPerez Briggs, Joseph Bumpus, 2d, Nathan Bassett, Ben-\\njamin Fearing, Josiah Crocker, Enos Howard, Dr. Andrew\\nMackie, Enoch Swift, Lemuel Swift, Richard Whitmore,\\nHenry Young, and others. It is difficult to understand\\nwhat was meant by factories. There were small full-\\ning mills, grist mills, and saw mills on the banks of the\\nthree rivers that empty into Buzzard s Bay within the\\ntown limits but there was nothing that could be classed\\nas a factory, in the modern meaning of the word, except\\nseveral structures on the bay shore in which salt was made\\nby the evaporation of sea water, and an iron forge at\\nTihonet, erected soon after the Revolutionary War, by\\nSamuel Leonard of Taunton.\\nIn later years the water power of the three rivers began\\nto attract the notice of manufacturers in other parts of the\\nstate. In 181 2, when cotton spinning by machinery was\\nin its infancy, Jonathan Read of Taunton came to Ware-\\nham and built a cotton factory on the Woonkinco River.\\nThis factory was set on fire by the British raiders of 1814.\\nIn 181 5, Curtis Tobey came from Sandwich and built a\\nfactory for cotton yarns, wickings, and shirtings, on the\\nWeweantet River, near Fearing Hill, with 144 good\\ncast-steel spindles. In 1826, this mill, which was neatly\\nbuilt of stone, was leased to Bartlett Murdock, who came\\nfrom Carver, and Joshua B. Tobey, at ^350 a year. In\\n1S23, a mill for cotton cloths was built by Benjamin Lin-\\ncoln, who came from Norton, and Curtis Tobey, on the\\nWeweantet River, near Bump s bridge. It started with\\n420 spindles, and employed two men, one boy, and seven\\ngirls.\\nThere were iron works in the town before the Tihonet\\nForge was built. Surveys of land made in 1739 mention\\nBrigg s Iron Works on the Weweantet River these", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 243\\nstood on the present site of the Tremont Iron Works.\\nIn 1 82 1, Isaac and Jared Pratt, who came from Middle-\\nboro, established the manufacture of nails by machinery\\non the Woonkinco River, at the dam, where the first cot-\\nton mill was built. In 1826, a rolling mill and a nail\\nfactory were erected at The Poles on the Weweantet\\nRiver by George Rowland, who came from New Bedford.\\nIn 1836, nail factories were built on the Agawame River\\nby Samuel T. Tisdale, who came from Taunton, on the\\nsite where, in 1824, Thomas Savery built a cupola iron\\nfurnace.\\nIn addition to these cotton and iron factories, a paper\\nmill was started in 1824 by Pardon Tabor on the Wewe-\\nantet, near County Bridge; and in 1829 a stave mill for\\nnail kegs was started by Lewis Kinney farther up the", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAbigail Muxom accused and tried,\\n143, 144. 55. 156.\\nAbomination of the bass-viol, 220.\\nA ferocious custom, 132.\\nAgawame Booke, facsimile extract,\\n45-\\nAgawame Ferry, 194.\\nAgawame Proprietors annual\\nmeetings, 51, 52.\\nAgawame River, 52, 61, 197.\\nAgawame meadows and uplands,\\n44, 46.\\nAlewive (or herring) fisheries, 32,\\n52, 8g, iSi, ig6, 197, 198.\\nAlice Reed s burial, 96, 97.\\nArrest of Tories, 187, 188.\\nBaggage wagons from Boston, 235.\\nBargains for labor, 60, 61.\\nBarnstable rioters, 177, 178.\\nBar-room of the village inn, 124,\\n204.\\nBenjamin Fearing s Inn, 123, 125,\\n126, 166, 169, 204.\\nBills of credit depreciation, 66, 140.\\nBlackmers Pond, 131, 208.\\nBoston Committee of Corre-\\nspondence, 169, 171, 174.\\nBoston Port Bill, 101, 175.\\nBostontown (in 1738) and journey\\nthither, 78, 79, 80.\\nBounties paid for killing wild\\nbeasts, 30, 31, 199; received for\\nherring catch, 197.\\nBountiful larders, 58.\\nBumble-bee in the meeting-house,\\n134-\\nBurning warrants for jurors, 176.\\nBusiness concerning Noah\\nBumps daughter, 202.\\nButler Wing s promissory note,\\n94.\\nCarding and spinning, 56, 232.\\nCastle William, impressment for\\nits garrison, 104.\\nCattle marks, 85.\\nCattle pound (most ancient Eng-\\nlish institution), 48.\\nCharity for the poor, 40, 41.\\nCliurch discipline, 142, 159, 164,\\n226, 227.\\nClerk of the market, 87.\\nCold weather, 225.\\nColonial shillings and pence, 68,\\nIDS, 195.\\nCommittee of Inspection and\\nSafety, 185-187, 210.\\nCommunion wine, 128.\\nConstable, his badge and duties, 92,\\n93 his oath, 200.\\nCornfields planted, 32.\\nCromeset Neck, 112, 216.\\nCrooked River, 61, 211.\\nCurrency, old and new tenor de-\\nscribed, 66-68.\\nDamn the Country 186.\\nDance around the chimney, 231.\\nDancing at the tavern, 231.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "246\\nINDEX.\\nDancing confessed in church meet-\\ning, 227.\\nDeacon Swift s Inn, 145.\\nDeclaration of Independence, in-\\ndifference to, 183.\\nDelinquent constables, 93, 94.\\nDissolution of Old Colony Club,\\n73-\\nDrawing jurymen, 176.\\nDreadful doctrine of the sermon,\\n\u00c2\u00ab33-\\nDye-tubs on the kitchen hearth,\\n232.\\nEmbargoes on tar, timber, lumber,\\netc., 24, 28, 29, 41, 49.\\nEntertainment at ordinations, 139,\\n151, 152.\\nExcommunication from the church,\\n159.\\nExcuses for not sending repre-\\nsentatives to Legislature, 172.\\nExiles from Acadia, 96.\\nExpedition to Cape Briton, 67, 106,\\n109.\\nExtermination of farm pests, 30,\\n31. 95-\\nFarmer s inventory of personal\\nproperty, 69, 70.\\nFarmer s last will and testament,\\n145. 233-\\nFarmers reckoning accounts, 59,\\n60 their work in winter, igg.\\nFarmhouses described, 236.\\nFashions from Boston, 232.\\nFearing Hill, 19, 27, 200, 209.\\nFence-viewers, 88.\\nFettering the dogs, 32.\\nFirst church organized, 35.\\nFish-inspector s oath, 89.\\nFresh-meadow Village, 39, 40, 112.\\nFrigid meeting-house, 226.\\nGager of liquors, 90.\\nGame keepers, 92.\\nGoing to meeting, 118, 120, 127, 231.\\nGrievances of Joshua Gibbs, 220.\\nGristmill, subscriptions, 25, 26, 28.\\nGrog in the haying season, 228.\\nHaywards, or poundkeepers, 48,\\n91.\\nHighway inspectors, 88.\\nHog-reeves, 89.\\nHorses grazing in burying grounds,\\n1.36, 137. 4i-\\nHouse of Capt. John Kendrick,\\n194.\\nHouse of Joseph Warren, 47.\\nHow a parsonage was built, 154.\\nHunting for a minister, 25, 153.\\nHunting for a schoolmaster, 38,\\n165.\\nImpressment laws of Mass., 105\\nexecuted in despotic manner,\\n107 of men in Wareham for mili-\\ntary service, 108, 109.\\nIndenture of service, 72.\\nIndian sachems defy the title to\\nSippican, 27.\\nInfluences of peace, 192.\\nInoculation for smallpox, 96, 203.\\nInspector of rivers, 88.\\nInspectors of lumber, 90.\\nIntemperate drinking, 227.\\nIntermission at the meeting-house,\\n115, 121, 122.\\nJurisdiction of a Justice of the\\nPeace, 72, 73, 75, 199, 200, 201.\\nLaunching a vessel, 63.\\nLetter from Rev. Timothy Ruggles\\n(1764)10 Rev. JohnHowland, 36.\\nLetter (1814) to Commodore Perry,\\n213.\\nLobbying the Plymouth selectmen,\\n77, 80, 81.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n247\\nLoyalty to the King, 173, 174.\\nManomet Bay, 54.\\nMariner in the town stocks, 126.\\nMeeting-house, rat, 113; key,\\n114; hour-glass, 133; pews, 33,\\n113, 123, 129, 225 doors, 93, 113,\\n115, 121, 128, 161,231; wardens,\\n91, 134, 200; loft, 116.\\nMeeting-house of the year i6qg\\ndescribed, 33 of the year 1770,\\n122, 123 transformed, 224 no\\nsteeple, no bell, 225.\\nMending Jane George, 100.\\nMigratory schools, 37, 39.\\nMilitary clerk, 92.\\nMinister Rock, 26.\\nMinisters horses, 137.\\nMinister s salary not paid, 140, 141,\\n146, 147.\\nMinistry of Timothy Ruggles, 35.\\nMinistry to be encouraged by whale\\noil, 138.\\nMisfortunes of Reliance BuBipus,\\n98.\\nModern trusts foreshadowed, 189.\\nNatural rights and civil obligations,\\n171.\\nNeighbors to spend the day, 230.\\nNewspaper reports of British raid,\\nOccupations of women, 37, 56,\\n232, 235.\\nOld landmarks, 53.\\nOrthodox leather, 88.\\nParson Cotton s ostentatious ordi-\\nnation, 151 his salary inade-\\nquate, 152; abandons the min-\\nistry, 153.\\nParson Everitt s bargain with the\\ntown, 154; his season of fasting,\\n155 his secular occupations, 160.\\nParson Thacher s humble ordina-\\ntion, 139 visit to town meeting,\\n141; death of his wife, 144 courts\\nand marries Hannah Fearing,\\n14s his salary not paid, 147 his\\ndeath, 14S.\\nPhysic held in veneration, 206.\\nPoor of the town at auction, 99, 100,\\n203, 205.\\nPunishments, for breach of his\\nMajesty s peace, 73 for cursing\\nand swearing, 69, 70, 74, 125 for\\nbeing overtaken by strong liquor,\\n74 for theft, 74 for laughing\\nin the meeting-house, 117; for\\ntraveling, raking hay, and pick-\\ning apples on Sunday, 119, 120;\\nfor delinquent constables, 93, 94\\nfor inability to pay a fine of six\\nshillings, 126.\\nQuakers taxes abated, 35.\\nQualifications for voting, 100, loi.\\nQuarrels of the singers, 219, 220.\\nRepresentatives in the legislature,\\n42 not desired, 83, 171 qualifi-\\ncation of electors, loi the town\\nfined for not electing, 172.\\nRocliester rioters, 177, 178.\\nRochestertown incorporated, 28.\\nRural population in 1779, condi-\\ntion of, 189.\\nSelectmen, 94, 95, 102, 103, 214.\\nSelling the British flag, 190.\\nSchoolhouse, 167.\\nSchoolhouse chair, 167.\\nSchoolmaster s wages and diet, 37,\\n38, 162, 167, 201.\\nSchoolmistress, not as the law di-\\nrects, 37.\\nSchools in private houses, 162.\\nSchools, popular opinion of, 163.\\nSheep-yarder, 91.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "248\\nINDEX.\\nShipbuilding, 63, 207.\\nShoemaker s account, 195.\\nShoes bartered for load of hay, 62.\\nSmock marriages, 76.\\nSneptuit, 32, 40.\\nSocial life at evening assemblies,\\n229, 230, 231.\\nSoliloquy of young woman going\\nWest, 193.\\nSpanish silver money, 52, 67, 68,\\n87, 141, 163, 195.\\nStage coach route to Boston, 207.\\nStinting the pastures, 49, 50.\\nSunday laws and observance, 73,\\n118, 119.\\nSweeping the meeting-house, 91,\\n115, 160.\\nTanner s account, 64, 65, 233.\\nTar and turpentine, 24, 29, 49, 58,\\n62.\\nTaxes for Revolutionary War, 190.\\nTipstaff, 92.\\nTown clerk, 84, 85, 86.\\nTown meeting, warrant for, 93\\nbusiness of, 95, 96 character of,\\n100 resemblance to English par-\\nish meeting, 102, 103 adjourned\\nto an oak-tree, 170; adjourned to a\\ntavern, 204 town-meeting nomi-\\nnates the minister to the church,\\n149; record of town meetings in\\nthe year 1775 at Wareham, 179,\\n180-182; in the year 1776, 184.\\nTown physician arrives at the inn,\\nmarries Charity Fearing, and\\nteaches school, 166 cures the\\npaupers, 206.\\nTown system based on property in\\nland, 50.\\nTown treasurer, 86, 87, iSi.\\nTown s doorkeeper, 91, 114, 115.\\nTown s fox hounds, igg.\\nTown s stocks, 96, 125.\\nTrades and barters, 58, 62, 63.\\nTything-men, 8g, 90.\\nVeneration for the King, 173, 174.\\nWages of the village seamstress,\\n235-\\nWareham town incorporated, 82.\\nWarning people out of town, 93.\\nWeweantet River, 20, 27, 40, 196,\\n197, 208.\\nWhaling voyage, 63, 64.\\nWhipping post, 126.\\nWickets Island, 52.\\nWidow Lovell, 99, 100, 153.\\nWoonkinco River, 27, 37, 38, 112,\\n144, 160, 196, 197, 208.\\nWork of the village blacksmith, 232.\\nWretched Boys on the Lord s\\nDay, 113, 135.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n249\\nPERSONAL NAMES.\\nArnold, Rev. Samuel, 34-36.\\nBaker, James, 95.\\nBarcham, Robert, 103.\\nBarlow, Aaron, 29.\\nMoses, 31.\\nBarrows, Abisha, 222.\\nBethany, 205.\\nSamuel, 74.\\nWilliam, 216.\\nBartlitt, Joseph, 45.\\nBasset, Abner, 216.\\nBates (or Bate), Barnabas, 123, 134,\\n146, 181, 182.\\nMargaret, 59, 62.\\nSamuel, 45, 48, 60.\\nThomas^ 62, 82.\\nBeale, Nathaniel, 45.\\nBenson (or Bensen), Benjamin, iig.\\nElisha, 143.\\nJabez, 109.\\nJohn, 156.\\nJoseph, 143, 156, 1 58.\\nBasse, Benjamin, 59.\\nDavid, 93, 187.\\nEbenezer, 60, 82.\\nHannah, 156.\\nJabez, 180.\\nJoshua, 108.\\nNehemiah, 65.\\nRobert, 108, no.\\nBishop, John, 98, 109, 164.\\nBlackmer, Joseph, 58.\\nPeter, 30, 86.\\nWilliam, 131, 146, 180, i8i,\\n182.\\nBompasse, Edward, 98.\\nBourne, Stephen (of Sandwich), 73.\\nLucy, 183.\\nBenjamin, 214.\\nBriggs, Ebenezer, 123, 151, 180.\\nJohn, 31, 39.\\nBriggs, Joshua, 85, iSo.\\nNathan, 108, 177, i8i.\\nPerez, 216.\\nSamuel, 41, 181.\\nBump, Bamabus, 180.\\nEdward, 108, log, no, 139,\\nEliza, 74.\\nIsaac, 124.\\nJane, 97.\\nJohn, 63, 108.\\nJohn, Jr., 74.\\nJonathan, Jr., 109.\\nJoseph, 180.\\nJoshua, log.\\nJeremiah, 124, 153.\\nLydia, 164, 165.\\nMary, 205.\\nNathan, 95.\\nNoah, 109, 202.\\nSalome, 205.\\nZaccheus, no.\\nZaphanier, 68, ng, i8i.\\nBumpus, Ada, 205.\\nHarvey, 227.\\nIsaac, 40, 123.\\nJeremiah, Jr., 124.\\nJohn the 3d, 98.\\nReliance, 98.\\nSalathiel, 177.\\nBundy, Nathaniel, 76.\\nBurges (or Bergs), Benjamin, 41.\\nDeborah, 117.\\nEbenezer, 80.\\nElisha, gs.\\nIchabod, 37.\\nJabez, iSi.\\nPrince, 153, 181.\\nSamuel, 81, 86.\\nCarver, Josiah, 74, 123.\\nChapman, Elder, 28.\\nChubbuck, Benjamin, gg, 109.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "250\\nINDEX.\\nChubbuck, Cornitt, 45.\\nJonathan, 61, 62, no.\\nNathaniel, 59.\\nSarah, 99.\\nSusanna, 74.\\nClapp, John, 39.\\nComes, Anthony, 31, 32.\\nCotton, Rev. John of Hampton,\\n33-\\nRev. Josiah, 149, 152, 183.\\nRev. Rouland, 136.\\nCowing, Caleb, 31.\\nCrocker, Abigail, 139.\\nJoshua, 187.\\nNathaniel, 222.\\nCunit, Josiah, 108.\\nCushman, Caleb, 143.\\nDaws, William, o\u00c2\u00a3 Boston, 186.\\nDelano, Benjamin, 38.\\nDexter, Benjamin, 31.\\nJohn, 37.\\nThomas, 42.\\nDoty, Joseph, 24, 108, 109, no,\\n162.\\nJoseph, Jr., 109.\\nEllis (or Eles), Benjamin, 65.\\nDeacon, 165.\\nHannah, 117.\\nJohn, 81, 124.\\nEstes, William, iig.\\nEveritt, Josiah, 216.\\nRev. Noble, 153-155, 159,\\n216.\\nFearing, Ann, 62.\\nBenjamin, 70, 74, 86, 123,\\n126, 146, 169, 204, 214.\\nCharity, i66.\\nDavid, 70.\\nHannah, 145.\\nIsrael Squire), 55, 62, 69,\\n70, 77, 78, 83, 104, 129, 141,\\n144, 145, 146, 161.\\nFearing, Israel, Jr., 146, iSo, 181,\\n183, 197 (Feting).\\nJohn Squire), 19,45, 70, 71,\\n74, 119, 123, 126, 166, 181,\\n189.\\nMartha, 69, i83.\\nMoses S., 205.\\nNoah, 70, 170, 177, 179, iSo,\\n182, 1S7.\\nWilliam, 216.\\nGardner, Henry, of Stowe, 182.\\nGeorge, Jane, 99, 100.\\nGiford, Joseph, 61.\\nJoseph, Jr., no.\\nGibbs, Ann (of Sandvich), 69.\\nBenjamin, 69.\\nJohn, 146, 148, 149, 177,\\n182.\\nJonathan, iSi.\\nJoseph, 205.\\nJoshua, 81, 96, 182, 189, 197,\\n205, 220, 221.\\nJoshua, Jr., 109.\\nMicah, 82, 197.\\nHamlen, Thomas, 80, 124.\\nHammond, Benjamin, 31.\\nJames, 31.\\nJohn, 29.\\nJonathan, 31.\\nSeth, 31.\\nHamonde, Roger, 103.\\nHarper, Isaac, of Boston, 186.\\nHaskell (Hascol), Mark, 62.\\nRoger, 36.\\nHathaway (Hadawa), Arthur, 108.\\nSimon, 176.\\nHillard, Jabez, 31.\\nHinkley (Hinctly), Thomas, 23.\\nHolmes, Abraham, 178.\\nHoward, Enos, 181.\\nHowland, Rev. John, 36.\\nJoseph, David, 31.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n251\\nKendrick, Captain John, 194.\\nKing, Eleazer, 62, 164, 165.\\nIchabod, 64, 129.\\nMary, 129.\\nLanders, Joseph, 109.\\nLane, Josiah, 45.\\nLeonard, Archippus, 217.\\nJames, 205.\\nLook, Samuel, 41.\\nLothrop, John, 22.\\nJoseph, 23.\\nLuce, Ebenezer, 59.\\nMackie, Andrew, 160, 166, 180,\\n187.\\nPeter, 206, 218.\\nWilHam, 222.\\nMarshall (Mashell), Jane, 37.\\nMaverick Samuel, (quoted), 137.\\nMoor, Thomas, of Boston, 1S6.\\nMorse (or Mosse), Joshua, 74.\\nElizabeth, 120.\\nJob, 120.\\nMorton, Nathaniel, 45.\\nJosiah, 45.\\nMuxom, Abigail, 142, 143, 144, 155,\\n56, 157. 1581 IS9-\\nEdmund, 143, 156, 158, 159.\\nNorris (or Nores), John, 60.\\nOliver, 51, 59, 109.\\nThomas, 181.\\nNye, David, 181, i8g, 218.\\nDavid, Jr., 216.\\nOliver, Peter, 39.\\nParker, William, 74.\\nParmenter, Mary, 76.\\nPaybody, William, 23.\\nPeabody, Andrew P. (quoted), 174.\\nPennerine, John, g6, 97.\\nPerce, William, 204.\\nPerkins, Isaac, 216.\\nPerry (or Peary), Ebenezer, 65, 106,\\n109, 146.\\nEbenezer, Jr., 106.\\nJonathan, 204.\\nSamuel, log.\\nPope, Seth, 45.\\nPrince, Samuel, 29, 42.\\nRayment (or Raymond), Paul, log.\\nEdward, 1 10.\\nWilliam, 165.\\nReed, Alice, 96, 97.\\nRobbins, Rev. Chandler, 137.\\nRotch, William (quoted), 185.\\nRuggles, Rev. Timothy, 35, 36, 37.\\nTimothy, Jr., 33, 42.\\nSamson, Ichabod, 114, 132.\\nSanders, Henry, Jr., 61.\\nSaunders, John, 75.\\nThomas, 132, 133.\\nSavery, Deborah, 96.\\nEster, 59.\\nJoseph, 70.\\nSamuel, 123, 151, 165, 180,\\n181.\\nUriah, 82, 113, 208.\\nShearman, Nathan, 76.\\nShiverick, Rev. Samuel, 25, 26.\\nSmith, Benjamin, of Taunton, 8g.\\nStevens, Josiah, 100.\\nTimothy, 31.\\nStuart, James, 31.\\nSturdifant, Joseph, i8i.\\nSwift, Barnabas, 73.\\nEbenezer, 59, 6g, 73, 82\\n181.\\nEbenezer, Jr., 73, 143.\\nEzra, 203.\\nJed dah, 143.\\nJesse, iSi.\\nJirey, 82.\\nJudah, no.\\nSamuel, 181.\\nRowland, 60, 197.", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "252\\nINDEX.\\nTaber, Phillip, Rev., 76.\\nThacher, Antony, 139.\\nRev. Rowland, 129, 130, 132,\\n136, 138, 140, 142, 144, 147,\\n148, 180, 225.\\nRowland, Jr., 148, 151, 181,\\n188.\\nTobey, Ephram, 59.\\nCurtis, 205.\\nTupper, Rouland, 65.\\nBenjamin, 162.\\nTurner, Thomas, 31.\\nWashburn, Japath, 119.\\nWarren (Woring), James, 80, 81,\\n174.\\nJoseph, 23.\\nWarren, Joseph, Jr., 45.\\nWhite, George, log.\\nSamuel, 23.\\nWhitten, Thomas, 85, 176, 180, iSi.\\nWickod, Rebecca, 71.\\nWing, Butler, 94, 197.\\nJedediah, 161.\\nJemima, 96.\\nJohn, 31.\\nJonathan, 126.\\nWinslow, Edward Squire), 38, 40,\\n69, 71.\\nReuben (of Freetown), 73.\\nWood, Josiah, 63, 64.\\nTheophilus, 60.\\nYoung, Thomas, 214.", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "JUL 28 1900", "height": "2917", "width": "1737", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2905", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n014 069 409 5\\n^^a", "height": "3084", "width": "1904", "jp2-path": "colonialtimesonb00bli_0266.jp2"}}