{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3658", "width": "2481", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class lffi3\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00a3A\\nIl3\\nBook\\nfogyiiglitS^.\\nC^sxHiGicr DEPosm", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "THE IMPENDING CRISIS,\\nCONDITIONS RESULTING FROM THE CON-\\nCENTRATION OF WEALTH IN\\nTHE UNITED STATES.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "THE IMPENDING CRISIS\\nCONDITIONS RESULTING FROM THE\\nCONCENTRATION OF WEALTH\\nIN THE UNITED STATES.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0I BY\\n4. BASIL A. BOUROFF,\\nGraduate Student of the University of Chicago.\\npublishers,\\nMidway Press Committee,\\nCHICAGO.\\n1900.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "2r^ e^ J?\\n72232\\ni-iorary of Co nr\\nI JUL 27 1900\\nI Copyright entry\\nSECOND COPY,\\nDfe!iverfld to\\nOI^DER DIVISION,\\nCopyright, 1900, by\\nMIDWAY PRESS COMMITTEE.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE,\\nThis is not a novel, nor a work of fiction; it is\\nbased on the facts of the Eleventh Census and\\nother statistical reports, and on the most reliable\\nauthorities on these subjects. This book repre-\\nsents the most essential and fundamental features\\nof the nation s situation. It shows the reasons why\\nyour cities rapidly become the property of a com-\\nparatively very few persons; why the American\\nfarmers lose their ground, and the urban popula-\\ntion lose liberty; and why all become absolutely\\ndependent upon a few multi-millionaires. It ex-\\nposes the conditions in consequence of which the\\nwhole nation becomes a nation of mere tenants of\\nfarms and homes, paying rents; and, while the\\nwealth increases, the greatest majority of the peo-\\nple come into desperate struggle not for pleasure,\\nbut for simple existence.\\nIn order to impart as much knowledge in regard\\nto the situation of the nation as possible, it was\\nfound necessary to supply the readers with a suf-\\nficient comparison of statistical facts, pointing to\\nthe differences of averages made by different au-\\nthorities on the subject. This comparison has also\\nbeen introduced for the purpose of indicating cer-\\ntain truths of special value, and for finding the true\\nV", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "VI\\nPREFACE.\\nbases of reasonably dealing with the most vital\\nproblem of the national existence. This problem\\ninvolving conditions that cause the commonly rec-\\nognized social unrest of the present time is a prob-\\nlem which grows in intensity.\\nRecognizing the difficulty in solving the prob-\\nlem and the danger of the situation, we should\\nnot wonder, if the very persons who are always\\nincHned to make discounts in estabUshed truths,\\nwill be profoundly surprised to know from the final\\nconclusions here presented, that the time of dis-\\ncounts has passed away, and that it is now too late\\nto ignore the facts of so serious significance.\\nIf this work should come to be regarded as a\\ngeneral diagnosis of the diseased situation, we may\\nrest assured that there are many thousands of peo-\\nple who will count it their sacred duty to find the\\nproper remedy for curing the disease of the na-\\ntional organism. For it will be seen that the situ-\\nation is rapidly growing worse every year with\\nthe increase of population, and there must be an\\nend to the disease. Surely, if the increase of the\\nnational wealth is becoming less than the continual\\nnet incomes of the private monopolies, trusts and\\ncombinations, it is not difficult to recognize that\\nthe situation is already very bad. It is therefore\\ndesirable that every one should carefully learn the\\nsituation. THE AUTHOR,\\nChicago, April i, 1900^", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nDISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH IN THE UNITED\\nSTATES.\\nPage.\\nPreliminary: opinions and views i\\nConclusions of Mr. G. K. Holmes, U. S. Census Expert,\\nillustrated by diagrams and Table 1 5\\nConclusions of Mr. Thos. G. Shearman ii\\nDiagrams, Table II, and explanation 12\\nConclusions of Dr. C. B. Spahr 18\\nDiagrams, Table III, and explanation 20\\nCHAPTER II.\\nSTATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS.\\nStatistics of aggregate wealth 27\\nEconomic classes of families analysed 28\\nHolders of wealth, tenants and mortgagors 32\\nReciprocal comparison of contradictory classes 39\\nComparison of the poor and the rich families 42\\nRight table resulting from comparisons 45\\nComparison of families in tables of different authorities:\\naverages of family wealth 47\\nIllustrative chart showing worth of individuals 50\\nCHAPTER III.\\nTHE PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE.\\nFundamental difference in number of resources of the\\npropertied and propertyless 53\\nSources of multiply incomes of the wealth owners 54\\nvii", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "viii CONTENTS.\\n(Extent of mechanical forces applied to labor in favor of\\nthe wealthy) 57\\nA propertyless man himself is a source of multiple ex-\\npenses in favor of the propertied 6i\\nPrimogeniture replaced by dividogenesure, the principle\\nof dividogenesure defined and explained 70\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nABNORMITY OF THE SOCIAL SITUATION.\\nNumbers of the people subject to dividogenesure 78\\n(Percentage of the homeless population in cities and\\ntowns and of the landless on farms) 79\\nThe propertyless a great nation 83\\nBread-winners and others in gainful pursuits 89\\nProductivity of the American people superior 93\\nThe people labor in favor of speculators 95\\n(Artificial world a witness for justice and rights) 98\\nYearly net gains of the natural monopolies loi\\nRates of injustice of dividogenesure expressed in daily\\nincomes derived from millions of dependent individ-\\nuals by the wealthy few 103\\nCHAPTER V.\\nTHE MORTGAGOR FAMILIES.\\nLoss of rights precedes loss of property no\\nStatistics of farm and home families in debt in\\nPercentages and numbers of families in debt in the\\nUnited States after 1890: double table 116\\nIncrease of mortgages on acre-tracts and lots 119\\nAmounts of indebtedness and life of mortgage 121\\nPer capita debt and average rate percent on the debt. 122\\nAnnual interest charges on debts combined 126\\nPublic and other debts in force after 1890 stated 126\\nSignificance of mortgages: dififerent views 128\\nLoss of property by foreclosure of mortgages I35", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. ix\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nCONCENTRATION OF WEALTH IN MONOPOLIES,\\nETC.\\nIncrease of the national wealth in seven years 139\\nWages: the doctrine of; artificially kept up; the fall of. 141\\nNet incomes of the natural and mortgagee monopolies\\nfrom 1891 to 1897 inclusive 145\\nNet incomes of monopolizers of rentable houses for the\\nsame period 146\\nNet incomes of monopolies of rentable farm lands for\\nthe same period 148\\nNet incomes of some trusts unascertained 151\\nNet incomes of the owners of offices, hotels and other\\nrentable properties in the centers of cities 152\\nDevelopment of trusts in manufacture and mechanical\\nindustries; concentration of capital 154\\nNet incomes of manufacture and mechanical trades 157\\nNet incomes of mining monopolies 161\\nIncrease of the propertyless population 164\\nGrand total of the total-net-incomes of monopolies,\\ntrusts, and combinations in seven years 169\\nExcess of the net incomes over the total increase of the\\nnational wealth in seven years explained 170\\nNational and local taxes for seven years paid 174\\nIncrease of the propertyless and that of national wealth\\nafter 1897 up to 1900 stated 180\\nAppendix 187\\nIndex 191", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nDISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH IN THE UNITED\\nSTATES.\\nWhen a heavy mass of clouds suddenly rises in\\na clear sky, every one thinks that a terrific storm\\nis to follow, displaying a great store\\nof pent up forces. And many people ^tLes\\nnever make a single mistake in pre-\\ndicting from so ominous a summer sky what is\\ngoing to take place. Some similar forecasting is\\nnow going on within the consciousness of the peo-\\nple. For nearly every one more or less clearly\\nfeels that he is heavily pressed upon by some por-\\ntent in the national life. And every one whose\\nmental horizon is clear enough and wide enough\\nsees, beyond the outward appearance, that some-\\nthing dangerous is stored in the nation. It may\\nbe something so unusually great in its force, some-\\nthing so explosive, something so combustible, that\\nwith the new century it may terribly shake the\\nworld.\\nIt was quite recently when the North Ameri-\\ncan of Philadelphia asked the question, What\\nhas the Nineteenth Century in store for Philadel-\\nphia? And by its own admission the replies\\nrepeiyed were ^mazing. In summing them up^\\n3", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "2 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nbefore spreading them at large before its readers,\\nit said:\\nSubstantial business men, whose names are al-\\nmost household words, solemnly affirm that with\\nOPINIONS OF the new century will come revolu-\\nBusiNEss tion and bloodshed. Leading law-\\nMEN.\\nyers say the tendency will be toward\\nsocialism. Bankers join with labor leaders in fore-\\ncasting the triumph of the single-tax theory and\\nthe consequent overthrow of existing social condi-\\ntions. That such a tremendous undercurrent of\\ndissatisfaction and unrest exists in this city will\\nundoubtedly come as a shock to thousands of con-\\nservative citizens. The opinions given are not those\\nof labor agitators or anarchists. They are the\\ncareful expressions of men of wealth and of broad\\neducation. The revolutionary suggestions were\\nnot shouted upon the street in time of riot and\\nexcitement, but were given deliberately while the\\nspeakers sat in their well furnished offices, sur-\\nrounded by comforts and evidences of prosper-\\nity.* So then the Nineteenth Century has stored\\nup in the social organism of the nation enough\\nmaterial to produce revolution and bloodshed in\\nthe Twentieth Century.\\nAnd Mr. Louis Post says in The PubHc of\\nChicago: Our leisurely friends of Philadelphia,\\nQuoted from The Public, Number 69, July 29, 1899.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 3\\nwho are to be envied, by the way, and not sneered\\nat, for being philosophical enough and sensible\\nenough to keep so much unwholesome hustle out\\nof their Hves these slow and sober people must\\nhave been startled by the above revelations of\\nthe Philadelphia North American, that ancient\\nlandmark, now in its 128th year.* It was undoubt-\\nedly an amazing surprise in view of its age that\\nthe answer of its readers was, as you see, revolu-\\ntion and bloodshed.*\\nIf similar questions were presented to the think-\\ning public of the various cities of the United States,\\nwe might have thousands of like opnions and all\\nof them would be conditioned by sufficient reasons.\\nOne of the most prominent thinkers of the city\\nof Chicagof also quite recently said that the\\nTwentieth Century will bring to us\\nthe bloodiest revolution that human learned^iwen.\\nhistory ever witnessed. And his\\nassertion was not less amazing than was the affirm-\\nation of the substantial business men of Philadel-\\nphia. If it were honest and right to expose the\\nnames of men whose confidential conversations led\\nto the same or similar assertions, I alone could\\nmake a long list of these names.\\nThey all admit that the nation, as an organism,\\nhas long been diseased; its nerves have long been\\nLouis Post, ibid.\\nt His name cannot be here given.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "4 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nabnormally strained. But, like the friends of Phila-\\ndelphia, they speak about revolution and blood-\\nshed which is but the last and most convulsive\\nstage of any nation s serious disease. And it is true\\nthat, when this stage is reached, it is impossible to\\navoid the most intolerable operation.\\nBut the amazing feature of such opinions is that\\ndifferent men agree in afifirming that revolution\\nand bloodshed is almost unavoid-\\nUNREST. able; yet different men, as I know,\\nassign different causes for such an\\nundesirable event.* Some say it must come be-\\ncause the population increases and the unemployed\\nlaborers increase. Others say that the trusts, com-\\nbinations, and monopolies must ruin the nation.\\nStill others say that progress and poverty, being\\nvery rapid in their diverse directions, must rapidly\\nbring the wealthy and the poor into the state of\\ncut-throats against each other. And only very\\nfew men understand that all these causes are but\\nsecondary, though working to the same horrible\\nend. While the real, effective cause for revolution\\nand bloodshed, with the nation, is the exceedingly\\nunequal distribution of wealth, and its rapid con-\\ncentration in a very few hands.\\nIt is this situation that our democratic people\\nwill not be able to endure, because they are born\\nThis work will show the real causes of it and the rapid\\ntendency toward it.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH.\\nfree, whereas the storing up of wealth in a few hands\\nmakes them all economic slaves; deprives them of\\nthe privileges they enjoyed; makes\\nthem absolutely dependent upon the think they are\\nmercies of the rich, which, if shown\\nto them, they may live; if withheld from them,\\nthey must starve to death.\\nLet us see, then, what it is that the Nineteenth\\nCentury has stored up, which is to result in such\\na terrific convulsion in the Twentieth Century.\\nThe following diagrams present the Logical\\nPremises from which the revolution and blood-\\nshed, as a conclusion, must inevitably follow, pro-\\nvided their action is not checked.\\nDistribution of Wealth in the United States.*\\nPopulation: 62,622,250. Wealth: $65,037,091,197.\\nm0H\\nA\\nmm\\nMillionaires .03 aa\\nRich 8.97 r.UD\\nMiddle... 28\\nLower.... 11\\nPoor.\\n^.91\\n!i!i!i i!i!ii!i!l!ii\\nMillionaires.20\\nRich.\\nMiddle ....20\\nLower.\\nPoor\\n.71\\n.29\\nAxr ^S?-^ P^^ of Social Reform, p. 1435. Ed. by Rev.\\nWm. Bhss and published in 1897 by Funk and Wagnalls\\nCompany, New York and London.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nThese diagrams showing by percentages the\\npopulation and wealth distribution in the United\\nStates, according to tables compiled by George K.\\nHolmes, U. S. Census Expert on Mortgage Statis-\\ntics, are from the Encyclopedia of Social Reform.\\nThe contents of the above diagrams show on\\nthe bases of statistics that in 1890 three hundredths\\nPERCENTAGES P^^ population,\\nOF WEALTH AND which are the millionaires, held 20\\nper cent of the nation s wealth.\\nEight per cent and ninety-seven hundredths of one\\nper cent of the population, which are the rich, held\\n51 per cent of the wealth. The middle class, con-\\nsisting of 28 per cent of the population, held 20\\nper cent of the wealth. The lower class, consisting\\nof II per cent of the population, held 4 per cent of\\nthe wealth. And the poor class, consisting of 52\\nper cent of the population, held but 5 per cent of\\nthe national wealth, as this table shows:\\nTable I.\\nPercent-\\nages of\\nPeople.\\nPopulation in\\nGroups.\\nPercent-\\nWealth.\\nAggregates of Wealth\\nin Dollars.\\nDistribution\\nof wealth per\\nhead\\nin dollars.\\n00.03\\n08.97\\n28.00\\n11.00\\n52.00\\n18,786\\n5,617,172\\n17,534,216\\n6,888,432\\n32,563,644\\n20\\n51\\n20\\n4\\n5\\n13,007,418,274\\n33,168,916,461\\n13,007,418,253\\n2,601,483,644\\n3,251,854,565\\n691,867\\n59,041\\n741\\n377\\n99\\n100.00\\n62,622,250\\n100\\n65,037,091,197\\n1,036\\n*This 5 per cent includes personal, unproductive property\\nof all sorts.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 7\\nThis illustrative table represents the exact value\\nof the diagrams on p. 5. And nothing is more\\ninteresting in this table than the sad differences in\\nthe worth of the groups, and especially when their\\nrespective wealth is divided per every head. The\\nright-hand column shows that there are 18,786\\npersons whose aggregate wealth, if divided equally\\namong them, w^ould give $691,867 to each man,\\nwoman, and child. And there are 32,563,644 per-\\nsons* in the last group, whose wealth, if equally\\ndivided among them, can give but $99 to every\\nperson. These two groups present the greatest\\npossible extremes of group-poverty and group-\\nopulence.\\nThe other three groups, as their averages clearly\\nshow, are intermediary between the two extremes.\\nAnd if all the wealth of the nation\\nwere equally divided among its pop- ^wealtT^\\nulation, we could have $1,036 to\\nevery man, woman, and child. This per capita\\nwealth indicates that the nation is very rich on the\\nwhole, but its riches, as you see, belong to a very\\nfew persons.\\nWhat then is the difference between a rich man\\nand a poor man, between a rich woman and a\\npoor woman?\\nIf the 32,563,644 men, women and children had\\n_ Mind that these statements are of one authority only,\\nVIZ.: Mr. G. K. Holmes.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "8 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\n$100 per capita wealth, then one rich man of the\\nfirst group of the above table, would be worth more\\nthan 6,918 men of the last group of\\n^\u00c2\u00b0MEN.\u00c2\u00b0 the same table. A rich man s horse\\noften worth more than 10, 20, 30, or\\neven more, poor men taken together. A rich\\nwoman s finger alone worth more than 10 or 20\\npoor women taken together, because that finger is\\noften embellished with the diamond rings that cost\\nthousands of dollars. A complete ladies dress or a\\ncostume often amounts to more than $5,000, and\\nhence it is worth more than 40 or 50 women taken\\ntogether with their dresses. Such are the differ-\\nences between the rich and the poor people when\\nthey are valued by the dollar.\\nBut the dollar differences cause a great many\\nother differences between the rich and the poor.\\nThe poor man is not only poor in\\n^^RiGHTS^^ weahh, but he is poorer still in social\\nrights and privileges. And there is\\nno possibiHty for the poor to rise up out of his pov-\\nerty. For he has no resources of wealth which the\\nrich people have; and he has no property of his\\nown; for if he is worth but $99, which is really his\\nhouse-scarb,* he has no productive property at\\nall; he is then absolutely dependent upon the mercy\\nof the wealthy, without which he cannot exist even\\n*House-scarb means: all domestic or household property\\nthat may be carried on from one rentable house to another.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 9\\nfor six months. He cannot acquire higher educa-\\ntion and training, because he is encompassed with\\npoverty which furnishes no means for the educa-\\ntion that helps men to acquire wealth. Hence, the\\nlack of education keeps the poor in poverty; and\\nthis poverty prevents him from getting the helpful\\neducation. So that, poverty and ignorance become\\nthe bitter enemies of the above millions of indi-\\nviduals in the modern world of progress. Yet the\\nmodern poor have a far more potent enemy than\\npoverty and ignorance combined, which we shall\\nsee later on.\\nMeanwhile, we will say here, that the rich are\\nthe masters over the poor in the sphere of law,\\nin the sphere of politics, in the club,\\nin the theater, in the church, at home ^^ZTmn^^\\nand abroad everywhere; as if all\\npower were given unto them under the heavens\\nover the poor. And how many church-ministers\\nwould not give them the same power and the best\\nplaces in the hereafter? For the very character of\\nsermons in our days depends upon the pleasures\\nof the rich in many churches, because the ministers\\ndepend upon the wealthy few more than they de-\\npend on the millions of the poor. While all these\\npoor are the rich men s economic slaves, spending\\nhalf of their labor energy in favor of the wealthy.\\nThat is what the Nineteenth Century has provided\\nfor the nation.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "10 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nBut the above statistical conclusions were by\\nmany regarded as roseate and extremely mod-\\nerate conclusions. And it was in\\n^^ToStV consequence of this that Dr. Spahr\\nwas obliged to reiterate the expres-\\nsion: Since the completion of this study, a vol-\\nume has appeared that must set at rest all question\\nas to the extreme moderation of the estimates\\nreached. For it was clear that every new investi-\\ngation of the distribution of wealth confirmed the\\nfact of a more and more rapid concentration of the\\nnational wealth in fewer hands than before. And\\nit is the question of poverty, that spreads like con-\\ntagion, that the Am,erican people have now to deal\\nwith, in view of a phenomenal increase of the\\nnational wealth which concentrates in the few\\nhands. And it is this question that cannot be set\\nat rest while millions grow poorer and poorer and\\nthe propertyless increase in numbers, as we shall\\nsoon see.\\nThe people cannot set this question at rest un-\\ntil they know the truth of the different statistical\\ntables, indicating the nation s situation and des-\\ntiny. And we cannot rest until we make a series\\nof propositions for the purpose of producing more\\nequal distribution of wealth in this country. And\\n*Dr. C. B. Spahr, Pres. Distribution of Wealth in the U.\\nS. (1896), p. 69; published by Thos. Y. Crowell Company,\\nBoston.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 11\\neven then we cannot rest, until our propositions be\\napplied to the irrational life of the nation, with the\\npurpose of working out justice for the people.\\nWhen we see all this in their actual life, then we\\nshall rest, as the people shall be regaining their\\nfreedom, their property, their resources of income,\\ntheir rights to work and to enjoy the fruits of their\\ntoil. The intelligent people cannot and must not\\nrest before they reach a resting place. They can-\\nnot always be deceived by the shallow and selfish\\narguments which prove that the national wealth\\nincreases enormously, for it so increases only\\nwith the few and rapidly decreases with the entire\\npeople. But the time will come when the tens of\\nmillions will no longer vote for men who deprive\\nthem of all rights, self-respect and liberty.\\nAs we shall see later on, the 32,563,644 persons\\nof the last group of the table I possessed no real\\nwealth at all even at the census in\\n1890. For though the diagrams rep- ^vvealth^^\\nresent them as having had $99 worth\\nof wealth to every head, yet this wealth was per-\\nsonal and not productive.\\nSTATISTICAL CONCLUSIONS OF MR. SHEARMAN.\\nAn estimate of the distribution of wealth in the\\nUnited States was made by Mr. Thomas G. Shear-\\nman in the To rum for 1889, and for January, 1891.\\nIt was based on careful estimates of the wealth of", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "12\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nRESEARCHES OF\\nMR. SHEARMAN.\\nthe very wealthy, a list of which he gave, and esti-\\nmates of the division of the remaining wealth of\\nthe country between the middle class\\nand the poor based on assessors\\nreturns.\\nMr. Shearman came to the conclusion that 1.4\\nper cent of the population own 70 per cent of the\\nwealth; 9.2 per cent of the population own 12 per\\ncent of the wealth; and 89.4 per cent of the popula-\\ntion own only 18 per cent of the wealth.\\nIn these conclusions, we have a still greater\\ntwist of facts by wrong handling. Now, to illus-\\ntrate these conclusions as they stand by another set\\nof diagrams, they will be as follows\\nPopulation;\\n62,622,250.\\nThe wealthy.. 1.4\\nIndependent.. 9.2\\nWealth: $65,037,091,197.\\nThe poor and\\ndependent...\\n1\\nI l ll l l l l\\nThe wealth\\nof the\\nwealthy\\n.70\\nJ\\nIndependent.. .12\\nDependent\\nand the poor\\n.18\\nConclusions of Unrestrained Averages of 1890.\\n*Encyclopedia of Social Reform, p. 1388.\\ntibidem, p. 1388.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH.\\n13\\nThese diagrams indicate by percentages the ex-\\nact conclusions of Mr. Shearman in respect to the\\npopulation and the wealth distribu-\\ntion in this country. The author averages\\nof these conclusions obviously put\\ntoo much salt of his own into his averages; for, by\\nparceling out the wealth of a number of the well-\\nto-do and rich people, he succeeded in persuading\\nhis readers, that, in America, the body of tens of\\nmillions of propertyless people, the paupers and\\nthe tramps, do not possess, on an average, less than\\n$200 worth of wealth for each person, including\\nwomen and children of all ages. Whereas, in re-\\nality, the wealth from which he made the fictitious\\naverages, belongs to a very few persons of the\\nnation. While an astonishing majority of the peo-\\nple, as we shall see, have no rights whatever to\\nthis wealth.\\nLet us again illustrate the conclusions in a tabu-\\nlar way for the sake of definiteness\\nTable 11.*\\nPercent,\\nof popu-\\nlation.\\nPopulation in\\neconomic groups.\\nPercent.\\nof\\nwealth.\\nAggregates of wealth\\nper group in dollars.\\nWealth per\\nhead\\nin dollars.\\n1.4\\n9.2\\n89.4\\n876,710\\n5,761,242\\n55,984,298\\n70\\n12\\n18\\n45,525,973,867\\n7,804,450,932\\n11,706,676,398\\n51,928\\n1,354\\n209\\n100.00\\n62,622,250\\n100\\n65,037,091,197\\n1,036\\n*This table gives you the exact equivalent of diagrams\\nfound on p. I2.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "14 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nThe first glance at this table and a glance at the\\ntable on page 6 show the reader that Mr. Shearman\\ndivided the population into three\\nTF^VEVEoTL^^^o^^Ps; and Mr. Holmes divided it\\ninto five groups. The bases of di-\\nvision are economic in both tables; but the lines of\\ndivision are very different with the one statistical\\nauthority and the other. If we examine these lines,\\nwe shall find that Mr. Holmes fifth group consists\\nof over 32^ million persons who, taken together,\\nhad been worth a little over 3 billion dollars; so\\nthat, each person of the group could have about\\n$99 worth of wealth, as the average of table I\\nshows. The next higher group of the same author,\\nwhich comprises nearly 7 million persons, had, on\\nan average, more wealth to each person, than each\\nperson could have in the fifth group, hence the\\nper capita wealth of the fourth group of people\\nwas $377. While the group still higher up in\\nwealth, which consists of little over 17-I million\\npersons, and which had over 13 billion dollars\\nworth of wealth, could have $741 to every head,\\nthat is, if this wealth were equally divided among\\nthem. The second group of Mr. Holmes division\\nconsists of over 5^ million persons, among whom\\nthe poorest ones had, probably not less than\\n$5,000 worth of wealth, as their average worth of\\nover $59,000 shows. Such a division of the popu-\\nlation into five economic groups, if every family is", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 15\\nrightly and honestly valued, presents an immense\\namount of truth to the public judgment.*\\nBut what Mr. Shearman really did with his esti-\\nmates and conclusions is this Seeing that the\\nextent of poverty is appalling, he\\nmade the division hne in the group of aveI^age.^\\nwell-to-do people; he thus made the\\ngroup of the very poor extend so far as to comprise\\nnearly 56 million persons; and then, by dividing\\nthe wealth of the well-to-do persons among all\\nthese millioiis, he obtained an average of $209\\nworth of wealth to every pauper, to every tramp, to\\nevery man, woman and child,^ who have had no\\nwealth, and have had no rights whatever to the\\nwealth they are nominally represented as entitled to.\\nConsequently, his distribution of wealth among\\nthe third group of people is merely on paper, is\\nnominal, is showy, and it does not\\ncorrespond to reality with reference ^DlsTRmiTTioN\\nto more than 35 milHon persons as\\nrepresented in Mr. Holmes distribution of this\\nwealth. Mr. Shearman might as well follow the\\nexample of Mr. Carroll D. Wrightf and, by a\\nsingle effort in calculation, divide among all indi-\\nviduals the 70 per cent of wealth that belongs to\\nhis 1.4 per cent of the people. In doing that, he\\nmight apportion more than $1,000 worth of it to\\nSo far, we give honor to Mr. Holmes in advance.\\nt One of the best authorities in statistics.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "16 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nevery penniless individual, and then might say,\\nWhy, we are all rich, we are the most civilized and\\nrighteous people in the world But such an effort,\\nand such an assertion, however, would not at all\\nalter the real situation; no more than Galileo, when\\nin view of the danger of death, signing the Jesuit\\nverdict in favor of the non-revolution\\n^^GAULEo of our planet round the sun, could\\nthereby stop the actual revolution of\\nthe earth; for the earth s progressive motion went\\non, in spite of the ardent desire and policy of the\\nJesuits to make it stand still by a verdict. Nothing\\nbut an indescribable shock of the earth against an-\\nother heavenly body can change its principles of\\nmotion.\\nThe same is true of the nation. Once the prin-\\nciple of concentration of wealth is left unimpeded\\nin its action, it must work out its end;\\nDANGER. it must of living necessity produce\\nrevolution and bloodshed. And\\nneither the extremely moderate statisticians, nor\\nthe false averages, of even of the meanest falsehood,\\ncan prevent its action toward such a horrible result.\\nYou remember the French revolu-\\nt^oTromT tion? asked Hon. Jno. S. Crosby\\nof his audience in Binghamton,* N.\\nY., and then he said: In France all the lands\\nhad come intO the hands of a few people, the king\\nReported in Binghamton Independent of Aug. 12, 1899.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 17\\nand nobles, and a majority of the people were de-\\npending on them for a living. The time came\\nwhen these down-trodden people rose up and Paris\\nstreets ran with blood. Your country will have\\nthe same experience if you keep on fooHng with the\\nlaws of God.\\nRome was once the mistress of the whole\\nwodd. She lorded it over the other countries. But\\nshe fell, and Pliny, her historian, lays the cause of\\nher downfall to land monopoly. And so it was\\nwith ancient Egypt; so it was with ancient Assyria,\\nand so it was with the Byzantine Empire, those\\ngreat and powerful nations that perished for similar\\nmisconduct in relation to themselves.\\nExactly so, this young nation alsO irrationally\\nstrides in the way of Rome. The concentration of\\nher wealth in a few hands is now\\nmore rapid than it was before the last a^ion\\ncensus. That census brought about\\nastonishing conclusions, yet the nation rushes as\\nfast as she can to her ruin. And who can locate\\nthe weight of responsibility for her end? Every\\none seems to think about his selfish interests. Con-\\nsequently, nothing has been done in the past tO\\nevade the ruin; nothing but the greatest national\\nharm is being done in the present; and no funda-\\nmental measure, no rational remedy, no serious\\nThe Public, Chicago, No. 74, Sept., 1899.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "18 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nmeans appear for delaying it in the future. While\\nr,o^.\u00c2\u00bb.^,.\u00c2\u00ab the Los^ical Premisesf for revolution\\nLOGICAL PRER.11SES\\nFOR THE YEAR and bloodshed have been estabhshed\\nin the nation s life, and their forces\\nhave been working to that inexorable end.\\nNow we are ready to present another conclusion\\nthat the statisticians of 1890 reached. It deals\\nwith the numbers of famihes, leaving out the indi-\\nvidual inhabitants.\\nWe have been assured that the U. S. nation in\\n1890 consisted of 12,690,152 families, and that each\\nfamily, on an average, consisted of little less than\\n5 members, namely 4.93 members.* The distri-\\nbution of the national wealth among families, there-\\nfore, was expressed as follows\\nLess than half the families in America are prop-\\nertyless; nevertheless, seven-eighths of the families\\nhold but one-eighth of the national\\nnation^ z\u00c2\u00a3;^a/^/j/ and vice versa. While one\\nper cent of the families hold more\\n(wealth) than the remaining ninety-nine, says Dr.\\nC. B. Spahr.l\\nAt last we have struck in these conclusions a\\nt The diagrams and statistical tables supply the life con-\\ntents for these premises.\\nThe exact statistics of the Eleventh Census, 1890, have\\ngiven the average at about 4.93 members to a family, which\\nmeans that in each 100 families 93 have 5 and 7 have only 4\\nmembers. In 1880 this average was 5.04, and in 1870, 5.09\\nmembers to a family.\\nt Ibid., p. 69. I italicize these conclusions. See Enc. of\\nSec. R., p. 1389.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 19\\npiece of more serious reality. Less than half the\\nfamilies in the United States are propertyless/\\nHere you are! Less than half.\\nYet even here, we are far from the ^oTREAUif\\nfulness of truth. It seems as if the\\nstatisticians themselves were afraid to reveal the\\nfull truth to the people. And there are many intelli-\\ngent persons who believe that the pure and com-\\nplete truth should be known only to God Omnis-\\ncient, while His creatures must be content to know\\nbut particles of truth mixed with falsehood.\\nAs long, however, as the U. S. nation remains a\\ndemocratic nation, and as long as responsibility for\\nits prosperity or distress and disaster\\nrests upon a majority of its people, c fTheTopJe.\\nthis people ought to know not par-\\nticles, but the whole truth of the conditions of their\\nexistence. Otherwise the least possible minority\\nof the sharks in human form or the wolves in\\nsheep s skin, may devour or ruin the greatest bulk\\nof the people.\\nLet us then illustrate here one of the above con-\\nclusions, while leaving the two others for later\\ndiscussion.\\nSeven-eighths of the families hold but one-\\neighth of the national wealth, and vice versa, as\\nthe diagrams on the following page indicate,\\nwhere the 12,690,152 families represent 62,622,250\\nindividuals as in the preceding diagrams,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "20\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nPopulation: 12,690,152.* Wealth: $65,037,091,197.\\nPoor\\nfamilies\\nRich\\nfamilies.\\nThese diagrams represent exactly the truth of the\\nconclusion Seven-eighths of the families of this\\nnation held but one-eighth of the national wealth\\nor seven-eighths of the nation s wealth was held by\\nbut one-eighth of the families.\\nThe table on the next page illustrates some of the\\ndetails of the above conclusion.\\nThe upper division of that table presents the\\ndistribution of wealth among the families, where\\nthe two per family averages indi-\\nFAMiLiES. cate a difference in the worth of\\nmore than 11 -million families that\\nheld $732 each, and the worth of little over i^-\\nmilliou families that held $35,875 each. So that,\\nDr. C. B. Spahr, The Present Distribution of Wealth in\\nthe U. S./ 1895.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH.\\n21\\neach family of the latter group was worth as much\\nas 49 families of the former. While the general\\naverage of $5,125 shows that, if the national wealth\\nhad been equally distributed among all families,\\nevery one of them would have had this average\\namount as its own.\\nTable III.\\nNumbers of families\\nin groups.\\n^3\\nOS a\\na?\\nAggregate wealth\\nper group, in dollars.\\nAverage\\nwealth per\\nfamily.\\nn\\n11,103,883\\n1,586,269\\n8,129,636,399\\n56,907,454,798\\n732\\n35,875\\ni\\n12,690,152\\n8\\n8\\n65,037,091,197\\n5,125\\nA\\ni\\nNumber of\\nindividuals.\\nWealth\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the same\\nin dollars.\\nWealth\\nper head.\\n54,794,468\\n7,827,782\\n8,129,636,399\\n56,907,454,798\\n148\\n7,269\\n62,622,250\\ni\\n65,037,091,197\\n1,036\\nThe lower division of the table represents the\\nsame amounts of national wealth, the same popu-\\nlation, only individually considered;\\nand both the wealth and the popula- individuals.\\ntion were divided into eight parts\\neach, in order to carry out the proportions between\\nnumbers of the individuals and the wealth they\\npossessed. The result in this division is that\\n7,827,782 individuals have had an average wealth\\nof $7,269 each man, woman and child, and 54,-\\n794,468 individuals had but $148 worth of wealth", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "22 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nto every head.* The difference between the worth\\nof one person of the one group, and one person\\nof the other group, is $7,121 in favor of the rich\\nperson. And that, again, one person of the\\nweahhy class, on an average, is worth more than\\n49 persons of the poor class.\\nBut the most astounding fact is that we have\\nover 54|-million inhabitants of this poverty-\\nNUMBERS NEAREST st =ken class, and we have only a\\nTO THE little more than 7j-million inhabit-\\nants of the wealth-swollen class. So\\nthat, these 54^-million individuals appear to be\\ntotally dependent upon the mercies and motions of\\n7j-million persons who are steadily growing richer\\nand decreasing in numbers, while the poor are\\ngrowing poorer and rapidly increasing in numbers.\\nFor such has been the growth of economic slavery\\nthat the above millions have to combat with.\\nBesides all this, we have seen the statistical con-\\nclusion that, Less than half the families in Amer-\\nTHEPROPERTYLESS ica are propertyless, which certainly\\n^T ittIVbet^^ means, that these propertyless fami-\\nTER OFF. Hes must be found included among\\nthe 54-millions of the poor. So that the present\\naverage wealth of these millions, which is $148\\nper every head, was made of the wealth of the\\nupper classes, which average was not at all pos-\\n*Whereas the general average of per capita wealth was\\n$1,036.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 23\\nsessed by the poor. The economic conditions of\\nthe poor must be still worse than Table III repre-\\nsents them. But we shall find this out in the next\\nchapter; while the conclusion that, i per cent\\nof the families hold more wealth than the remain-\\ning 99 per cent of them,, nearly corresponds with\\nthe conclusion of Mr. Shearman, as represented on\\npp. 12 and 13.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nSTATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS.\\nIn the preceding chapter, we have dealt with\\nready-made conclusions of different statistical\\nauthorities-, which, by the way of\\nfirstIhapter^ analysis, revealed to us, that 32,563,-\\n644 persons* of the population had\\non an average $99 worth of wealth, according to\\nMr. G. Holmes; that 55,984,298 personsf had on\\nan average $209 worth of wealth, according to Mr.\\nThos. Shearman; and that 54,794,468 personst out\\nof 62,622,2^0 inhabitants, with $65,037,091,197\\nworth of wealth, had on an average $148 worth of\\nwealth apiece, according to Dr. Spahr.\\nThese differences in conclusions indicate that\\nthe national wealth is very strongly concentrated\\nwith a few persons, and that in order\\n^hm!d?o ffew^ obtain the nominal average of\\n$148 worth of wealth to every poor\\nperson, one has to move the line of division of\\nwealth so far up toward the wealthy few as to\\ninclude nearly all the people among the masses of\\nthe poor. While, without this unfair moving of\\nthe line, more than 30-millions of the population\\nwould have no real wealth at all. For $56,907,-\\n*Here, p. 6.\\ntHere, p. 13.\\nIHere. p. 21.\\n24", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 25\\n454,798 worth of the wealth actually belongs to\\none-eighth of the population, or to 7,827,782 in-\\ndividuals, including men, women and children.\\nAnd among these, we are told, i per cent of the\\npopulation held more wealth than the remaining\\n99 per cent held together. So that the day is\\nnot far off when these 99 per cent of the people\\nshall absolutely depend upon the i per cent of the\\nrich and far reaching.\\nRegarded as the Logical Premises of the life of\\nthe nation, this extremely unequal distribution of\\nwealth cannot be other than ex- situation is\\ntremely dans^erous for the existence dangerous for\\nr 11- THE FUTURE.\\nof the nation as it is, for the logic is\\ninexorable: Whatever you have sown, that shall\\nyou alsoi reap, is a saying that cannot be mistaken\\neither by the wealthy or the poor. The situation\\nindicates that this apparently polished nation pre-\\nsents only an enormous v/orking mechanism, made\\nnot of steel and iron, but a m.echanism of wood,\\nwhich may be broken into pieces at any future\\ntime, in consequence of any insignificant occasion,\\nif it continues tO work heedlessly on with a wrong\\nspeed against itself. A rational regulation of its\\nspeed is absolutely necessary, in order to save it\\nfrom an otherwise unavoidable destruction. A\\ncivilized nation cannot live long without a highly\\nintelHgent regulation of all its working principles.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Here, see p. i3,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "26 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nFor, to live a national life is not to play a childish\\ngame.\\nYes, we have examined the above conclusions,\\nbut we have not realized the entire truth of the\\nxo^o,...\u00c2\u00ab-..^...^ situation. For we were told that,\\nWORSE THAN Lcss than half the famihes in i\\\\mer-\\nINDICATED. ^j.^ propertyless, which clearly\\nmeans that the distribution of wealth among the\\npeople is much worse than we have a right to sup-\\npose upon the basis of the stated conclusions\\nof 1890. As these conclusions differ from each\\nother in contents, we have the moral right to re-\\nexamine the varying statistical tables that testify\\nof the same distribution of wealth. And we have\\na right to find the naked truth in the mass of ma-\\nterials we have, and to look it straight in the\\nface, if we can.\\nBut before proceeding to compare the main\\ntables of statistics, it will be well to show what the\\nwealth of the nation in 1890 consisted of. Ac-\\ncordingly, the table on the next page represents\\neight items into which the wealth was classified.\\nAnd it represents the summary of all kinds oi\\nwealth that was found existing in the United States\\nin the year of the nth census. While the next\\ntable, following it, represents the history of the\\naccumulation of wealth, by application of the labor\\n*Dr. Spahr, Present Distribution of Wealth in the United\\nStates, p. 69.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Enc. of Soc R., p. 1389,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS.\\n27\\nenergy of the people upon various resources of\\nland.\\nSTATISTICS O-F WEALTH.\\nThe census valuation of real and personal\\nproperty in the United States (Alaska excluded)\\nin 1890* was prepared by J. K. Upton, as follows:\\nTable of Wealth.\\nReal estate with improvements\\nthereon\\n1\\n^39,544,544,333\\nLive stock of farms, farm imple-\\nments and machinery\\n2\\n2,703,015,040\\nMines and quarries, including\\nproduct on hand\\n3\\n1,291,291,579\\nGold and silver coin and bulhon.\\n4\\n1,158,774,948\\nMachinery of mills and product\\non hand, raw and manufactured\\n5\\n3,058,593,441\\nRailroads and equipments, in-\\ncluding street railroads\\n6\\n8,685,407,323\\nTelegraphs, telephones, shipping\\nand canals\\ni\\n701,755,712\\nMiscellaneous\\n8\\n7,893,708,821\\nTotal (United States)\\n^65,037,091,197\\nAccumulation of Wealth\\nYears.\\nAggregates of wealth.\\nPer capita wealth.\\n1850\\n1860\\n1870\\n1880\\n1890\\n7,135,780,228\\n16,159,616,068\\n30,068,518,507\\n43,642,000,000\\n65,037,091,197\\n308\\n514\\n780\\n870\\nl,036f\\n*iinc. of Soc. R., p. 1384.\\ntC. D. Wright, Atlantic Monthly, Sept., 1897.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "38\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nThe last historic table shows that the accumula-\\ntion of wealth by the nation has been phenomenal,\\nand equal to the expense of labor\\nINCREASE OF i i- i i i\\nWEALTH energy which was embodied by the\\nPHENOMENAL ^^^^i^ j^to that wealth. And if the\\namount of wealth existing in 1890 had been equally\\ndistributed among the people, every man, woman\\nand child, would have had more than $1,000 of\\nit, 01- exactly $1,036 as the nominal per capita dis-\\ntribution of it by Mr. Carroll D. Wright indicates.\\nLet us, however, see the actual distribution of\\nwealth, as it was in 1890:\\nThe United States, 1890^\u00e2\u0080\u00941 st Table.\\nESTATES.\\nNumber\\n(of families).\\nAggregates of\\nwealth per class\\nin dollars.\\nAverage\\nwealth per\\nfamily.\\nThe wealthy clas-\\nses, ;^50,000 and\\nover\\n125,000\\n1,375,000\\n5,500,000\\n5,500,000\\n33,000,000,000\\n23,000,000,000\\n8,200,000,000\\n800,000,000\\n264,000\\nThe well-to-do\\nclasses, ^50,000\\nto ;S5,000\\nThe middle clas-\\nses, $5,000 to\\n;g500\\nThe poorer clas-\\nses, under $500\\n16,000\\n1,500\\n150\\nTotals\\n12,500,000\\n65,000,000,000\\n5,200\\nEncyclopedia of Social Reform. (p. 1388), 1897, by Rev.\\nWm. Bliss.\\ntDr. Spahr, Present Distribution of Wealth in the U. S.,\\np. 69, 1896, who held each family at five members.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS.\\n29\\nIt is difficult to understand why this important\\ntable has been published in round numbers almost\\nthroughout. It is, however, not at all difficult to\\nsee that it represents an extremely unequal dis-\\ntribution of the wealth among the American peo-\\nple.\\nAnd in order to restore the figures of this table\\nso as to bring the whole into accord with the last\\ncensus, it is necessary to regard the\\nsize of each family at 4.93 members, ^^equalized.^^\\nas the census represents them. In\\ndoing this, it is also necessary to restore the round\\nnumbers, supplying all omissions in the aggregate\\ntotals and in the wealth of the groups. Before giv-\\ning a further explanation, then, the restored table\\nwill appear as follows:\\n1st Restored Tabie.\\nEconomic clagses of\\nfamilies.\\nNumber\\nof families.\\nAggregates of\\nwealth per class\\nin dollars.\\nAverage\\nwealth per\\nfamily.\\nThe wealthy clas-\\nses, ;^50,000 and\\nover\\n126,750\\n1,394,250\\n5,584,576\\n5,584,576\\n33,000,000,000\\n22,676,863,197\\n8,522,541,600\\n837,686,400\\n260,355\\n16,264\\n1,526\\n150\\nThe well to do\\nclasses, ;^50,000\\nto ^5,000\\nThe middle clas-\\nses, ;g5,000 to\\n^500\\nThe poorer clas-\\nses, under ;S500\\nTotals\\n12,690,152\\n65,037,091,197\\n5,125", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "30 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nNow, this restoring has been made up by bor-\\nrowing $323,136,803 from the wealth found in the\\n2d group; and again by adding $37,091,197 worth\\nof wealth which was omitted in the round numbers\\nof the total aggregate of wealth. These two\\namounts, consisting of $360,228,000 in the re-\\nstored table, have on the basis of the original aver-\\nages been distributed among the families of the 3d\\nand the 4th groups. So that the 3d group of\\nfamilies appears to be richer by $322,541,600;\\nwhile the 4th group by $37,686,400; and the 2d\\ngroup appears to be poorer by $323,136,803 worth\\nof wealth. Hence, we have made the ist R. table\\nrepresent the distribution of wealth by $360,228,-\\n000 more equal than the author of the original\\ntable has actually found it to exist.*\\nOn the other hand, in restoring the numbers of\\nfamily-members to. the census average of 4.93, we\\nadd about 7 members to every 100\\nFAMILIES MADE\\nEQUAL families of five members each, as Dr.\\nTO CENSUS. Spahr represents them. This addi-\\ntion of 190,152 families to the whole renders the\\naverage-family and the total number of families in\\nthe United States exactly as they were given by\\nthe census in 1890.\\nBut in restoring this table to the census status,\\n*It should be borne in mind that, Goods, wares, mer-\\nchandise, utensils, furniture, cattle, provisions, and every\\nother species of personal property, was included among the\\nassets representing wealth. Dr. Spahr, lb., p. 55.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 31\\nwe do not for a moment disregard its original\\nvalue, as the most reliable work, nor do we think\\nof making an argument, or anything of the kind,\\nin favor of anybody, upon the ground of the sur-\\nface restoration. No, there is a deeper sense and a\\ndeeper ground in the restored and the next table,\\nand we have an abundance of other material for\\nour purpose of showing the truth. Meanwhile,\\nthis restoring of the ist table that had omissions,\\nhas been necessary for many reasons, and because\\nit seemed to many thinkers as probably an ex-\\ntreme representation, though it was true to the\\nfacts. For these thinkers desired that the dis-\\ntribution of wealth should be more equal than it\\nhas really been.\\nAnd, further, holding a conservative position, it\\nwas necessary too to avoid a serious disturbance in\\nthe original averages of the family wealth found by\\nDr. Spahr, thus making the table comparable with\\nanother table, which is the most important one, be-\\ncause it indicates the tenants of farms and homes\\nand the owners of mortgaged farms and homes.\\nFurthermore, the restored table may serve as\\na means o^f comparison of its classes of different\\nworth with the corresponding classes in the follow-\\ning table, based upon the eleventh census facts.\\nAccordingly, the next table represents the families\\nof different worth which were classified upon the\\nsame economic bases as in the table of Dr. Spahr.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "32 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nU. S. 2d Table, 1890.*\\nHolders of Wealth.\\nNumber.\\nValue in Dollars.\\nTenants of farms and\\nhomes\\nOwners of mortgaged\\nfarms and homes worth\\nless than $5,000\\nOwners of free farms and\\nhomes worth less than\\n^5 000\\n7,871,099\\n1,483,356\\n3,078,077\\n1,257,620\\n2,837,049,500\\n2,614,955,764\\n10,946,616,952\\n48,600,000,000\\nOwners of farms and\\nhomes worth ;^5,000\\nTotalsf\\n13,690,152\\n64,998,622,216\\nWe have read on pp. ii and 12 that, when Mr.\\nShearman made his Hst of statistics of wealth dis-\\ntribution, that his table was based\\n^rYsearch careful estimates of the wealth of\\nthe very wealthy; while the wealth\\nof the poorer classes was estimated on the bases of\\nassessors returns; just as the table of Dr. Spahr,\\np. 28, which represents the very wealthy families in\\nthe 1st group, the well-to-do in the 2d, and the\\npoor families in the 3d and 4th groups. This\\narrangement and representation of the famiHes\\nevidently agrees with that of Mr. Shearman, and\\nproves the fact that both distinguished authorities\\nused the same or similar methods in studying the\\n*Encyclopedia of Social Reform (publ. in 1897), p. 1388. 3\\ntThese totals have been summed up by me.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 33\\nactual distribution of wealth, and in representing\\ntheir co uclusions to those that were anxious to\\nknow of the distribution.\\nBut the 2d statistical table, on the preceding\\npage, was based upon the carefully averaged con-\\nclusions of Mr. G. K. Holmes, the U. S. Census\\nExpert on Mortgage Statistics in 1890.;\\nMr. Holmes, as the author of the 2d table\\nsays, follows a method contrary to that of Mr.\\nShearman, and by estimating the wealth of the\\npoor, arrives at the wealth of the rich. He finds\\nthat .03 per cent of the people own 20 per cent\\nof the wealth; 8.97 per cent of the people own 51\\nper cent of the wealth, and 91 per cent of the\\npeople own only 29 per cent of the wealth.*\\nThe fact that Mr. Holmes is not a partisan\\neither of conservatism or radicalism, gives to his\\nestimates an unwonted value. As published in the\\nPolitical Science Quarterly, says the Editor of the\\nEncyclopedia of Social Reform, and in the Jour-\\nnal of the Royal Statistical Society, these estimates\\nhave resulted in these four groups of families seen\\nin the 2d table, p. 32.\\nWe agree with Rev. W. Bliss and others in re-\\ngarding the estimates of Mr. Holmes as exceed-\\ningly valuable, because without them\\nwe could neither have known the Ses wor\u00c2\u00b0k.\\nnumber of the tenant families, nor\\nthe number of the mortgagor families, in the", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "34 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nUnited States. And hence, we could not have\\nknown the seriovisness of the situation in the eco-\\nnomic conditions of the nation. While having the\\ntable based upon his estimates, the reader may,\\nat the very slight examination of the first two\\ngroups of it, reflect and know the great danger\\nimplied in them for the nation. And it is this\\ntable that can tell the number of the propertyless\\nfamilies in the United States, even witho Ut regard-\\ning any further material on the subject.\\nBut the first trouble about this tablef is, that\\nthe author of it has omitted $38,468,98 1{ worth\\nof wealth from the aggregate wealth\\nDiFFJCULTY. group 4, for the sake of round-\\nness in the great numbers, I sup-\\npose. Otherwise it is impossible to admit that the\\nomitted wealth did not belong to anyone in\\nthe United States at the time of his making up the\\ntable. So that, restoring the $38,468,981 worth\\nof wealth to the 4th group, we find its aggregate\\namounting to $48,638,468,981 worth of wealth.\\nAnd it thus begins to correspond with the great\\nmasses of wealth owned by the first two groups in\\nthe 1st table, p\u00c2\u00bb 28 or 29. This omission cannot be\\nregarded as a serious one; but, to reach a definite\\nconclusion, we must restore it.\\nThe second trouble in the same table, p. 32, is,\\ntTable, p. 32, here.\\nI^Compare the total wealth of this table with that on p. 27.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 35\\nthat the total of famiHes in it contains exactly\\n1,000,000 families more than the nation consisted\\nof in the year .1890. For there were\\n12,690,152 families in the United difficulty.\\nStates, whereas the second table\\nrepresents 13,690,152 of them, an absolutely round\\nnumber having been added to some group of the\\nfamilies. As this table has been published since\\n1896, it may be that the author of it had a reason\\nto add one milHon families to the ist group, be-\\ncause, as the population has increased, so the fami-\\nlies without property have also greatly increased\\nduring the seven years since 1890. And he is un-\\ndoubtedly right in his calculations as to the growth\\nof the propertyless. The statistics of 1890, also,\\nrepresented an ample ground for similar calcula-\\ntions on the part of anyone who has studied them.\\nThe estimates of Mr. G. Holmes, however, do\\nnot warrant the conclusion that there were 7,871,-\\n099 family-tenants of farms and\\nhomes in the United States in 1890. Venants.\\nFor, whatever degree of moderation\\nmight be in his estimates, this number of the prop-\\nertyless families could not have existed at that\\ntime in the United States. For, if so many prop-\\nertyless families had been in existence ten years\\nago, a thousand presidents at this time might lose\\ntheir heads in view of the national troubles that\\ncould result from that abnormal situation of so", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "36\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nvast an extent. The individuals that now howl\\nabout an unusual prosperity might be the indirect\\nbutchers of human flesh before they themselves\\nare butchered. No, we drop out the surplus mil-\\nion families from the ist group of the 2d table,\\nand the table will be more correct as follows\\n2d Table\\nRestored.\\nHolders of Wealth.\\nNo. of Farms.\\nValue in Dollars.\\nTenants of farms and\\nhomes\\nOwners of mortgaged\\nfarms and homes\\nworth less than\\n^5,000\\nOwners of free farms\\nand homes worth\\nless than ^5,000.\\nOwners of farms and\\nhomes worth ^5,000\\nand over\\n1\\n2\\n3\\n4\\n6,871,099\\n1,483,856\\n3,078,077\\n1,257,620\\n2,837,049,500\\n2,614,955,764\\n10,946,616,952\\n48,638,468,981\\nTotals\\n12,690,152\\n65,037,091,197\\nThe conclusions in the first two groups of fami-\\nlies of this table now appear as trustworthy as the\\nentire conclusions of Dr. Spahr in\\ncoNcTsS the ist table, p. 28 or 29; and, that\\nthe first two groups, made up on the\\nbasis of Mr. Holmes estimates, actually surpass\\neverything in statistical importance for this coun-\\ntry, no one will doubt, when he has read this work.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 37\\nFor the first group represents the tenant-famiUes\\nthat hire their farms and homes from others, be-\\ning themselves propertyless. And the second\\ngroup represents famihes that are in debt, and that\\nare also rapidly becoming propertyless, as we shall\\nsee in Chapter V.\\nThe differences between the ist and the 2d\\ntables, however, appear very great. The ist table\\nshows that the national wealth is\\nquite abnormally concentrated in a in the ^tables.\\ncomparatively few hands, repre-\\nsented by the first two groups. The 2d table shows\\nthat the same wealth is more equally distributed\\namong the families of the last two groups, than is\\ntrue in the ist table. And it is the 2d table which\\nwas compiled from the estimates that by some men\\nwere regarded as extremely moderate, and, there-\\nfore, inconsistent with the real situation of the\\npeople.\\nIt is certainly not dif^cult to misrepresent the\\nwhole situation even without intending to do any\\nwrong to the nation. For the right\\nor the wrong representation of reali- uZten?ionTly.\\nties depends very greatly upon the\\nhandling of the averages in the distribution of\\nwealth among the people. The census facts or the\\nassessors returns may be right, as well as the class-\\nifications of these facts or returns. And yet the\\nfinal representations of them may be twisted, either", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "38 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\naccording to the desire of the statisticians or ac-\\ncording to the abstract rules of arithmetic. So\\nthat these rules and desires may be satisfied, but\\nthe realities may easily be obscured, and even the\\ngreatest national dangers may be concealed under\\nan improper use of the averages.\\nThus, we have seen the average of Mr. Shear-\\nman, which, including some of the well-to-do fami-\\nlies among millions of the poor,\\nBIAS OF WILL. iT^akes these poor appear as if every\\none of them possessed $209, because\\nMr. Shearman s average covered nearly 56-millions\\nof individuals.* While Mr. Carroll D. Wright,!\\ndescribing the problem: Are the rich growing\\nricher and the poor poorer? makes a single aver-\\nage on the basis of the entire population. His\\nsweeping average actually and correctly makes, not\\nonly the 56-millions of the poor of Mr. Shearman,\\nbut every pauper, every tramp, and everyone in\\nhundreds of the lunatic and other asylums, worth\\n$1,036 of wealth. Whereas, in reality, i per cent of\\nthe population held more wealth than the remain-\\ning 99, as Dr. Chas. Spahr has proved.!\\nNow, something similar has taken\\nmSation. Pl^ce i the 3d group of the 2d table,\\nwhere more than 3-million families\\nare represented as the owners of free farms and\\nhomes worth less than $5,000. And, con-\\n*Here, p. 13. tAtlantic Monthly, Sept. 1897.\\n$See here, p. 18.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS.\\n39\\nsequently, the difference between the ist table and\\nthe 2d table in the wealthy groups appeared. The\\n2d table contradicts nearly all statistical authori-\\nties and has been spoken of as based upon extreme-\\nly moderate conclusions. It is, therefore, neces-\\nsary to show the degree O f moderation implied in\\nits distribution of weatlh.\\nThe fact that all families in the United States\\nwere classified according to their economic worth,\\nas families worth $5,000 and over\\nand $5,000 and under, gives us the claIiSon.\\nbest basis for a comparison of the\\ntwo contradictory tables of the great authorities.\\nLet us first see the inconsistency in the groups\\nof families which represent the middle classes in\\nthe two tables.\\nReciprocal Comparison.\\nFamilies worth $5,000\\nand under.\\nNumber\\nThe wealth of\\nAver-\\nages.\\nDifference from the\\nnumber below.\\n2,424,075,352\\nMiddle classes of the\\n1st R. table*\\nFree owners of the\\n2d orig. tablet..\\n5,584,576\\n3,078,077\\n8,522,541,600\\n10,946,616,952\\n1,526\\n3,556\\nDifference from the\\nnumber above..\\n2,506,499\\n*This is the restored group of the ist table, p. 29.\\ntad group, p. 32 or 36.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "40 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nNow, the restored group of the middle classes\\nof the first R. table should be absolutely in favor\\nof diminishing the differences in the\\npomis TO truTh. worth of the identical families and in\\ntheir number. Yet the two groups\\nreciprocally exclude each other by their opposite\\nterms. So that, the comparison shows that the\\ngreater number of families has much smaller\\namount of the aggregate wealth; and the lesser\\nnumber of families has much larger amount of the\\naggregate wealth; and that the difference in family-\\nnumbers is greater than 2j-millions in favor of the\\ngroup of the ist table; and the difference in the\\nwealth, nearly 2j-billion dollars worth is in favor\\nof the group of the 2d table. Hence, the opposite\\nterms of the two economically similar groups can\\nin no way coincide with one another.\\nThis being so, it is not difficult to find out the\\ntrue situation as to the actual distribution of\\nwealth which ought to have been\\n^^H^fcTu^s.^ represented by the 2d table. The\\nalleged moderation of this table has\\nbeen brought about by the same influence of\\naverages which we have seen in the conclusions of\\nMr. Shearman.* One average of this gentleman\\nhas covered 89.4 per cent of the population, and\\nthus made the wealth of the richest of them to be\\ndistributed among the millions of the very poor.\\n*See Diagrams, p. 12, and Table II, p. 13.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 41\\nThe 89.4 per cent includes nearly 56-millions of\\nindividuals, whose aggregate wealth amounts to\\n18 per cent of the national wealth, and apportions\\n$209 worth of it to every individual. But if you\\nexclude only 20 per cent out of the 89.4 per cent\\nof this great mass of people, selecting the wealthi-\\nest of all for the exclusion, you will thus have 69.4\\nper cent of the people left with less than 9 per\\ncent of the national wealth. Your average then\\nwill be altogether different; it will cover masses of\\nthe poorest people, and every one of them will\\nhave less than v$99 worth of wealth.\\nIt is by a similar inclusion of a number of the\\nwell-to-do families among the group of owners\\nof free farms and homes that the\\nSOME OF THE RICH\\nmore equal distribution of wealth averaged\\nhas been obtained in the 2d table.\\nOtherwise, this table could represent a more mel-\\nancholy array of facts than the presentation of\\nthese facts which appeared in the first table. But,\\nhowever bitter the truth may be, it is ahvays better\\nto taste it than to be ignorant of its existence, be-\\ncause one falsehood must create thousands of other\\nfalsehoods, and, accumulated and multiplied into\\na tremendous mass, these falsehoods may lead the\\nnation to self-destruction even as many other nations\\nwere led to it.\\nDividing again all families of the nation into the\\nfamilies worth less than $5,000, and families worth", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "42\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nover $5,000, we shall now compare these two classes\\nof families in both tables upon their common basis.\\nAnd, as this basis presents the very\\nTHE SAPJIE\\nECONOiviic BASES bottom of statistics, the comparison\\nOF THE AUTHORS, therefore cannot fail to show us the\\nvery naked truth as to the actual distribution of\\nwealth which has partly been obscured by the 2d\\ntable.\\nComparison of the Poor,\\nFamilies worth under $5,000.\\nNumber of\\nfamilies.\\nAggregates of wealth\\nin dollars.\\nFirst three groups of the\\n2d table^\\n11,432,532\\n11,169,152\\n16,398,622,216\\n9,360,228,000\\nLast tv/o groups of the\\n1st R. tablet\\nDifferences from the 2d\\ntable\\n263,380\\n7,038,394,216\\nComparison of the Rich,\\nFamilies worth $5,000 and over.\\nNumber of\\nfamilies.\\nAggregates of wealth\\nin dollars.\\nTwo first groups of the\\nKt R tahle-f-\\n1,521,000\\n1,257,620\\n55,676,863,197\\n48,638,468,981\\nThe fourth group of the\\n2d restored table^\\nDifferences from the 1st\\nR. table\\n263,380\\n7,038,394,216\\n*Compare these families in the 2d restored table, p. 2\\ntCompare the same families in the ist restored table, p. 29.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 43\\nAs you see, the comparison of the families of the\\nsame worth in the different tables shows that the\\npoor classes of the 2d table are lar-\\nger by 263,380 famihes, and richer ^rev^ealed^^\\nby $7,038,394,216 worth of wealth,\\nthan they are in the first table. On the contrary,\\nthe comparison of the wealthy classes that consist\\nof families worth. $5,000 and over, shows that the\\n1st table is larger by 263,380 families, and richer\\nby $7,038,394,216 worth of wealth, than the same\\nfamilies in the 2d table. Hence, the concentration\\nof wealth in the first table is by $7,038,394,216\\nworth greater than it is in the 2d table. And it is\\nclear that this amount of wealth is closely con-\\nnected with the 263,380 families of the well-to-do\\nclasses. The question, therefore, is. Where could\\nDr. Spahr find so many more families worth $5,000\\nand over, than Mr. Holmes has found?\\nWe know that both these great authorities\\ndealt with the same primary facts of statistics,\\nthough Dr. Spahr dealt with them\\nas they appeared in the Surrogate unaIterable.\\nCourts, thus raising the value of the\\nfacts. And we know that these facts or returns\\nrepresent the worth of every family, just at it\\nactually was at the timxc of the nth census. Sup-\\nposing then that the above families were repre-\\nsented as worth $26,723 each, could Dr. Spahr\\nmake each one of them worth $4,000 of v\\\\^ealth,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "44 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nwith the purpose of including them among the mil-\\nlions of families worth $5,000 and under in each\\ncase? And could he thus rob the 263,380 families\\nof their ownership of wealth, in order to make the\\ndistribution of wealth so abnormal as his table\\nshows it? No, sir; this is an utter impossibility\\non anyone s part. And Dr. Spahr represented the\\nabove families among those that were worth\\n$5,000 and over in each case, and that is what any-\\none ought to have done in his place.\\nWhile in the case of the second table, the little\\nmore equal distribution of wealth appeared not\\nUNREAL BASIS OF bccause it was actually so, but be-\\n^TRfeSo t^^^ ^bove 263,380 families,\\nWEALTH. with their $26,723 worth of wealth\\non the average, unintentionally or accidentally,\\nwere included among the families worth less than\\n$5,000. Consequently, their aggregate wealth,\\namounting to $7,038,394,216 worth, has been\\nnominally distributed among the group of owners\\nof free farms and homes worth less than $5,000\\nto every family. This inclusion was as easily per-\\nformed a^s was the inclusion of the well-to-do\\namong the poor by Mr. Shearman. ;We therefore\\nsubtract the above families and their wealth from\\nthe 3d group and add them to the 4th group of\\nfamilies worth $5,000 and over, in order to show\\nthat these families and wealth belonged to another\\nclass of the people, as follows", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 45\\n2d Right Table.\\nHolders of Wealth.\\nNumber.\\nValue in dollars.\\nTenants of farms and\\nhomes\\nOwners of mortgaged\\nfarms and homes worth\\nless than $5,000\\nOwners of free farms and\\nhomes worth less than\\n\u00c2\u00ab5 000\\n6,871,099\\n1,483,356\\n2,814,697\\n1,521,000\\n2,837,049,500\\n2,614,955,764\\n3 908 222 736\\nOwners of farms and\\nhomes worth ;^5,000 and\\nover\\n55 676 863 197\\nTotals\\n12,690,152\\n65,037,091,197\\nNow this table represents the very essence of\\nstatistics on the distribution of wealth which was\\nworked out by the two contradictory\\nauthorities. The 4th group of it con- ^Jaluable.^\\ntains the 263,380 families with their\\naggregate wealth, and equals the first two groups\\nin the ist R. table, these two and that being made\\nof the famihes each worth $5,000 and over.\\nIt should be noticed here, that neither the 263,-\\n380 families that we have now included in the\\nproper group of the table, nor their\\naggregate wealth, had anything to significant.\\ndo with the groups of mortgagors\\nand tenants in the 2d table. These twO groups of\\nfamilies have been separated from the influence", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "46 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nof the free owners of wealth, by being debtors and\\ntenants, who have a definite significance of their\\nown in the statistics. And this is the reason why\\nthe subtracted famiHes worth $5,000 and over\\ncould only be lodged in the 3d grcap of families\\nworth below $5,000 under its wholesale average.\\nIt should also be remembered that, though the\\n4th group of the last table represents an enormous\\namount of wealth, yet there are hun-\\n^ONLY^Ew dreds of thousands of families in it\\nwhich are worth but few dollars\\nover $5,000 worth of wealth. So that, the real\\nconcentration of that enormous amount of wealth\\nremains in the possession of less than half a million\\nfamilies, as these facts have been represented by\\nMr. Shearman and the others in the first chapter.\\nAnd nothing can be said against the accuracy of\\nthe careful estimates of the wealth of the very\\nwealthy by Mr. Shearman and the other authori-\\nties.\\nIn order to have a more definite idea of the\\ndistribution of wealth, let us compare both tables\\non one page, and remember that if the group\\nwealth v/ere equally divided among the group-fam-\\nilies, each family could have such amount of it as\\nthe averages indicate. And mind that the next two\\ntables, being based upon the same census facts, repre-\\nsent the results of careful comparison of the original\\nones.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS.\\nThe 1st Table as Restored.\\n47\\nOwners of Wealth.\\nNumber.\\nThe wealth of\\nAverage.\\nThe poorer classes\\nunder $500\\n5,584,576\\n837,686,400\\n150\\nThe middle clas-\\nses $500 to $5,000\\n5,584,576\\n8,522,541,600\\n1,526\\nThe well to do\\nclasses $5,000 to\\n$50,000\\n1,394,250\\n22,676,863,197\\n16,264\\nThe wealthy clas-\\nses $50,000 and\\nover\\n126,750\\n33,000,000,000\\n260,355\\nThe totals.\\n12,690,152\\n65,037,091,197\\n5,125\\nThe 2d Table as\\nRestored.\\nOwners of Wealth.\\nNumber.\\nThe wealth of\\nAverage.\\nTenants of farms\\nand homes.\\n6,871,099\\n2,837,049,500\\n413\\nOwners of mort-\\ngaged farms and\\nhomesworthless\\nthan $5,000\\n1,483,356\\n2,614,955,764\\n1,762\\nOwners of free\\nr\\nfarms and homes\\nworth less than\\n$5,000\\n2,814,697\\n3,908,222,736\\n1,388\\nOwners of farms\\nandhomes worth\\n$5,000 and over.\\n1,521,000\\n55,676,863,197\\n37,117\\nThe totals.\\n12,690,152\\n65,037,091,197\\n5,125\\nIt should be noticed again, that the differences\\nin the family averages of the corresponding groups", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "48 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nof the two tables, depend on the differences in the\\nnumbers and in the aggregate wealth of the same\\ne:roups of the tables. And these dif-\\nAVERAGES OF\\nFAMILIES WORTH ferences could not be avoided, snice\\nDIFFER. ^YiQ two authorities have made a\\ndifferent classification of the families of different\\nworth.\\nBut the comparative importance of the two\\ntables consists in the fact, that the last group of the\\nI St table shows the extremely ab-\\npo or groups normal concentration of wealth in\\nthe hands of 126,750 families, which\\npossess more wealth that the remaining 12,563,402\\nfamilies do, on the one hand. While, on the other\\nhand, the first group of the 2d table shows that\\nthere have been 6,871,099 families without real\\nproperty; and the second group shows, that there\\nwere 1,483,356 families in debt and in danger of\\nlosing their properties, and that both these groups\\nof families have been in the state of economic slav-\\nery to the wealthy few. But we shall examine\\ntheir conditions of existence later on.\\nGREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND GERMANY..\\nThe distribution of private property in Great\\nBritain and Ireland in 1891, was such that it was\\nthepropertyless that less than 2 per cent of the\\nIN BRITAIN. families of the United Kingdom\\nhold about three times as much private prop-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS. 49\\nerty as all the remainder, and that 93 per cent\\nof the people hold less than 8 per cent of the\\naccumulated wealth. There remains, therefore,\\nnearly 6,000,000 families i. e., 30,000,000 indi-\\nviduals or more than three-fourths of the people\\nof Great Britain and Ireland, without any regis-\\ntered property whatever. They have indeed their\\nhousehold goods, but the total value of these can\\nhardly exceed \u00c2\u00a3100,000,000, which is little over\\n$16 to every individual.\\nThe ownership of land is an important factor\\nin the social condition of a people, says Mayo\\nSmith.f And if we contrast the\\nDISTRIBUTION OF\\npeasant proprietorship system of land in France\\nFrance, with more than 4,500,000 ^^^^and.\\nowners of land, with the landlord system of Eng-\\nland, with its 325,000 owners, the social as well as\\nthe economic influence must be very different t\\nin the two nations. Certainly the French people\\nfeel and enjoy economic freedom, while the British\\npeople are pressed down by an economic slavery.\\nIn fact, the statisticians seem to agree that the\\ndistribution of wealth, even in Paris, the capital of\\nFrance, and in Berlin, the capital of Germany, is\\nproportionally much more equal than it is in the\\nnation of Great Britain or In that of the United\\nStates, although it is natural that the largest\\n*Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1389.\\ntStatistics and Sociology, p. 201-2.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "50 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nILLUSTRATIVE CHART.\\nEach oiie out ot the 625.362 individ-\\nuals has owaed so much wealth as the\\nlargest block shows\\nEach one out of the 6.879.935\\nSiidividuals has owned so much of it.\\nEach one out of the 13.888,-\\n979 individuals has owned\\nso much\\nlEach one out of the\\n7,319.697 individ-\\nuals has owned so\\nmuch\\nEach one of the\\n33.908,277\\nIndividuals\\nSO much\\nGroups 1st 2d 3d 4t!i 5tli\\nEvery block here represents a comparative average wealth\\nof one man, woman, or child of the respective groups in the\\n2d Corrected Table, p. 51; while the figures above show the\\nnumbers of individuals owning one block each, as indicated.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "STATISTICS OF WEALTH OWNERS.\\n51\\ncities, as a rule, have the distribution of wealth\\nmuch worse than the nations behind them.\\nWhile the thirty millions of British people have\\non the average $i6 w^orth of wealth, the American\\npeople of the same class have somewhat more of\\nthis kind of wealth than the British, as the last\\ntable, individually regarded, shows the\\nproperty of every person of the families,\\nfollows\\nThe 2d Corrected Table, 1890.\\naverage\\nIt is as\\nHolders of Wealth.\\nIndividuals.\\nThe wealth of\\nAverage.\\nTenants of farms\\nand homes\\n33,908,277\\n$2,837,049,500\\n83\\nOwners of mort-\\ngaged farms and\\nlomes worthless\\nthan $5,000\\n7,319,697\\n2,614,955,764\\n357\\nOwners of free\\nfarms and homes\\nworth less than\\n;^5,000\\n13,888,979\\n3,908,222,736\\n287\\nOwners of farms\\nand homesworth\\n$5,000 to $50,000\\n6,879,935\\n22,676,863,197\\n3,296\\nOwners of farms\\nand homes worth\\n$50,000 and over\\n625,362\\n33,000,000,000\\n52,769\\nThe totals.\\n62,622,250\\n65,037,091,197\\n1,036\\nThe average of $83 w^orth of personal property\\nin the ist group of individuals here is a little too\\nlarge, because, subtracting the surplus million", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "52 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nfamilies from this group,* we have left the wealth\\nof it untouched. In any way, this group contains\\n27,117,000 individuals having on\\nJussTs^S the average $30 worth of prop-\\nerty each, according to the last\\ngroup of families in the table of Dr. Spahr.f It\\ndoes not, however, make a great difference on the\\nwhole, because the group of tenants, since 1890,\\nhas undoubtedly increased up to 38,837,849 with-\\nout having been able to add anything more to its\\naggregate wealth.\\nThe increase of the propertyless accrues from\\nthe natural increase of the population, and from\\nCAUSES OF THE mortgaged properties\\nINCREASE OF THE by forcclosurc of the mortgages in\\nPROPERTYLESS\\nIhe 2d group, and from the immigra-\\ntion of the propertyless foreigners! without special\\nmeans; while the people of the 3d group have\\nsunk by thousands into debt from having mort-\\ngaged their properties; and only about a million\\nfamilies of the last two groups have been exceed-\\ningly prosperous, as we shall understand the situ-\\nation later on.\\n*Subtraction has been made on p. 36.\\ntSee table, p. 29.\\nIThe total number of immigrants entered into the United\\nStates from 1891 to 1897 inclusively was 2,854,834. The World\\nAlmanac, 1899, p. 176.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III,\\nPROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE.\\nThe statistical authorities told us that Less\\nthan half the families in the United States are prop-\\nertyless, and we desire to know the chances for,\\nand resources of, their living; and what it means\\nto be a propertied person or tO be a propertyless\\nperson upon earth.\\nLet us see the clear distinction between the\\nstate of a property owner and the state of a prop-\\nertyless person; between the condi- conditions of\\ntions of life of the former, and the er tie\u00c2\u00b0d7 d% rop.\\nconditions of life of the latter, and ertyless.\\nhow both are affected by and related to these\\nconditions.\\nFirst of all an owner of property and a prop-\\nertyless person, are, on an average, perfectly equal\\nin that they have physical strength,\\nand in that they have equal rights to ^^^l strength.\\nuse or to apply that strength some-\\nwhere upon the wealth of an owner of wealth.\\nAnd here we meet the first difference between\\nthem An owner of property has a chance to\\napply, and to spend his strength upon his own\\n*Here, p. i8.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Dr. Spahr, The Present Distribution of\\nWealth in the United States, p. 69.\\n53", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "54 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nproperty if, for instance, this property is land that\\ngives him any kind of returns in exchange for his\\nTHE ONE HAS, THE propcrtylcss pcr-\\nOTHER HAS no son has neither this chance nor this\\nCHANCE. i-ight to toil anywhere, unless he\\npays for the opportunity of using his strength, by\\ndividing the results of his labor between himself\\nand the owner of wealth who permits him to draw\\nsome income from the reso urces of his own prop-\\nerty or wealth. So far, the advantage of thie prop-\\nertied person is such that he has twice as much\\nright in his strength, and twice as much chance to\\nprofitably use his personal strength.\\nNow, -every one knows that whatever the wealth\\nof a nation may be, it is primarily derived from\\nland which is the only inexhaustible\\noRiGiroF WEALTH, ^ource of richcs, or, of derived\\nwealth. And when a person gets\\ninto his possession a portion of land, whether it\\nwill be in a city, town, or in the country, he then\\nobtains a number of resources for his life; he\\nbecomes a propertied man, and he can apply his\\nstrength, his skill or his intellect upon his own\\nproperty and thus reap the fruits of his labor.\\nThe land then is the first store of wealth; but it\\nalmost never yields anything to man, unless he\\nlabors, works upon it, with a hoe, a plough, a\\nscythe or some other implement that aids him to\\ndraw greater returns from his land. Again, if iron,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 55\\nfor instance, is primarily derived from land, then\\nwhen it comes to the forge, where the hammer, the\\nanvil and the other tools aid the blacksmith to\\nmake an ax out of the rough iron, the ax will be\\nof a greater value than the material he used for it.\\nBut what really made the ax is his\\npersonal strength and the skill that o^F^ wEALm\\nwere aided by the tools he used.\\nThese tools with the blacksmith, and those imple-\\nments with the farmer are economically called\\ncapital, because they aid tO draw more wealth\\nby the labor of man. It follows, that land is the\\nmain factor of wealth; that human\\nSKILL SECOND\\nenergy or labor is the next factor of factor of\\nwealth; and that capital, as aiding health.\\nlabor and land to produce more wealth than they\\ncan yield without it, is the third factor of wealth.\\nMoney is not regarded as direct capital here.\\nAs capital is a very important source of income\\nto a propertied man, and as it is perhaps not clear-\\nly understood by all, let me iUustrate this factor of\\nwealth by introducing more examples of it.\\nCapital from an economic standpoint is that\\nwealth which produces farther wealth, or simply\\naids to create farther wealth. A\\nCAPITAL THIRD\\nneedle is capital, because it aids to factor of\\nmake a shirt that costs more than health.\\nthe material used for it. A sewing machine is\\ncapital of more effective kind than the needle used", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "56 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nby hand, because it aids to produce rnore wealth\\nthan the tailor or the seamstress can produce with-\\nout it. A lathe is capital, because it\\n/TRTmcuL wealth! not Only shapes the round forms of\\nany material more accurately than\\nthe artizan would ever be able to make without it,\\nbut it greatly saves his time on every piece of the\\nwork; thus saving time it aids in producing more\\nwealth. A factory, as a whole (including the\\nbuilding and machinery), is capital, because all\\nthe machinery, all tools and instruments used in it\\nproduce farther wealth from the raw materials, and\\nserve as sources of income to the owner of this\\nproperty. Under the care of the stock-raiser, cattle\\nare capital, because they grow and multiply but the\\nmeat or beef is utility, because it may be unproduc-\\ntively consumed.^ Agricultural implements, as well\\nas the fertilizers, like guano, phosphates and many\\nothers are capital, because they increase fertility and\\nincrease the produce of land, which makes a greater\\n*Even the uncultivated land is a great source of income\\nto its owner. And if it were not so, the great landowners\\nof England and Scotland would not have owned fully\\n20,000,000 acres of the U. S. land. But now five of them\\nown it, and draw large incomes from it, while remaining at\\nhome beyond the Atlantic. And the Holland syndicate and\\nthe German syndicate could not have owned 7,000,000 acres\\nof the U. S. land, if it were not a source of incorne, even\\nwithout special application of any labor energy to it. But\\nnow the former syndicate owns 5,000,000 acres of grazing\\nland in Western States; and the latter owns 2,000,000 acres\\nof it in various States, as the Up to Date, Coin s Financial\\nSchool, has indicated, pp. 108-118.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 57\\nincome in favor of its owner. A thousand different\\nmachineries and special instruments might be intro-\\nduced here to show that each one of them has been\\ninvented for the purpose of aiding to create more\\nwealth out of less wealth. And that all of them\\nand every one, when used by an owner of wealth,\\nis a definite source of income and of profit to him,\\nbecause it aids his own skill and energy to obtain\\ngreater returns in exchange for his labor and\\nmind, than he can obtain without it.\\nBut the most effective factor in aiding to pro-\\nduce more wealth and a much greater income for\\nan owner of wealth is the energy of\u00e2\u0080\u009e^\u00e2\u0080\u009e\u00e2\u0080\u009e^\u00e2\u0080\u009e,^^^\\nsteam or any other mechanical force, increase of\\napplicable to various forms of labor\\nand completely obedient to the bidding of man.\\nSteam power has increased in the United States\\nfrom 3|-millions, in i860, to 17-millions horse\\npower in 1895; while in Great Britain and Ireland\\nit has increased from 2^- to 13-millions; Germany\\nfrom to 7^ millions, and in France from\\nI to 5-millions horse-power. The increase of\\nthis capital has been most manifest in manufac-\\ntures, says Dr. Henderson.* But it should be\\nremarked at once that no one of the families worth\\nbelow $5,000 could apply these milHons of horse-\\npowder of steam force upon their properties. This\\nenergy has all the time been a profitable source of\\n*Chas. R. Henderson, D. D., Social Elements, p. 144,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "58 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ngreat income in favor of the families that made the\\nwealthiest group in the tables of statistics, where-\\nas the others have had but little crumbs of its\\nincrease of wealth. The mechanical force, as every\\none knows, is in service of the capitalists.\\nBut when we look into the limits of towns and\\ncities, we find millions of rentable properties of all\\npossible kinds; and every factory,\\n^^iNCowfE^ every storehouse, every shop and\\nevery dwelling house there is a sure\\nsource of income to the propertied man. The very\\nsweat-shops, where the working people can not,\\non an average, live longer than 28 years even\\nthese dens of poison and pestilence are inexhaust-\\nible sources of income and profit to their owners.\\nAs to the town and city lots, they are all sources\\nof greater or less income tO the men who own\\nthem. Whether these lots of land are occupied by\\nanything or are remaining waste, makes little dif-\\nference, because as the town population increases,\\ntheir values also increase in proportion as the city\\npopulation and its business increase; the owners\\nof properties towards centers of the cities are usu-\\nally bound to be rich out of the resources of rent.\\nEven a simple house, somewhere\\nTmNCOME abo^^t the marginal line of a city or\\ntown is usually a source of indirect\\nincome to its owner, because he and his family\\nmay have a comfortable shelter in it, without", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 59\\nwhich they would pay the rent for another s house,*\\nand would carry on all other expenses of life, just\\nas they do in their own house, in which they save the\\nrental money for some other purposes of living.\\nNow then, whatever property you may think\\nof whether natural or artificial, whether animate\\nor inanimate, that a person has possession of it is\\nalways wealth, and a source of income in his favor.\\nThe natural wealth is the land, wherever it may be\\nin convenient places, it may always\\nprovide one or more resources of ^^^by laboI?!^^\\nincome in exchange for the applica-\\ntion and expense of strength or skill of labor upon\\nit. The artificial wealth includes all capital, what-\\never it may be, it is capital, if it can assist the labor\\nenergy to double, triple or multiple the income\\nand profit, drawn from the natural resource to\\nwhich the labor-strength is applied. The rentable\\nhouse or any other building is artificial wealth.\\nAnd it is also a source of income to its owner who,\\nby a use of skill and by an application of labor\\nenergy, can make his source of income give a mul-\\ntiple yield, in return for the expense of his personal\\nstrength upon it.\\nThus, the indirect and direct resources of a prop-\\n*Some one may of course prefer to live In another s house,\\nas they say, not willing to pay taxes for his own property.\\nBut a just taxation can never cause this trouble. The abnor-\\nmity of taxation is shown here in Chapter VI.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "60 THE lAIPENDING CRISIS.\\nertied person, therefore, are always many and\\ncomplete when he works out the wealth himself.\\nCOMPLETE AND IN- By Complete I mean this, that what-\\ncomes of1 rop. intelligence and strength can\\nERTY OWNERS, draw out of the source they are\\napplied to, it is always his and is always to his\\nbenefit. An incomplete income or yield from a\\nsource of wealth, to its owner, will be this, that, if\\nhe hires the energy, or the skill of another person\\nto apply upon his property, then his income is\\nincomplete, because he has to pay for the hired\\nlabor energy as well as for hired skill. In this\\nway an owner of wealth of any kind may even\\ndivide the yield and the product of the source of\\nincome into halves.\\nBut as long as a person is an owner of wealth,\\nan owner of capital, and an owner of physical and\\nmental energy, he is a possessor of\\n\u00e2\u0084\u00a2tyoVlife resources; his labor energy and his\\nexistence are then fully guaranteed\\nfor himself, his wife, and children by his wealth,\\nbecause wealth or property becomes a direct\\nsource of income, when he himself labors on it,\\nand an indirect, when he rents it to others. A\\npropertied man, therefore, is safe forever by the\\nresources of his property, which yield incomes and\\nprofits for sustenance of the highest possible life,\\nhighest education, freedom, and enjoyment.\\nBut what about the propertyless man? How", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 61\\nmany resources, or how many sources of income\\nhas he for his own Hfe, the Hfe of his wife and chil-\\ndren? What sources of income has\u00e2\u0080\u009e.^\\nHAS THE PROPERTY-\\nhe for education, for bread and butter, less any source\\nfor clothes and dress, for their shel-\\nter and his own? What resources has he for his\\nsustenance in this world, when the entire world tends\\nrapidly to be the property of a very few persons\\nHe has neither land, nor capital, nor house; he\\nhas neither natural, nor artificial wealth to serve\\nhim, and hence, has not a single oneiHEPROPERTYLESS\\nof the above described sources of so rq|^qp|J,ulti.\\nincome and profit which the Creator ple expense.\\nprovided for man s enjoyment. On the contrary,\\nthe propertyless man himself is a source of multiple\\nexpense; he has but a store of labor energy within\\nhimself, which store must be supported by its own\\neffort, and that too while his life is guaranteed by\\nnothing but by his physical strength and natural\\nmind. And it is only these two that unite to sup-\\nport him who is the single source of the following\\nmanifold expenses in favor of many owners of\\nproperties and wealth, who sometimes make enor-\\nmous fortunes by the efforts of the propertyless.\\nIf a propertyless man desires to exist at all in\\nthe sight of his God in this quasi-civilized world,\\nhe must spend his life in the following ways:\\nI. He must pay from it for a shelter to one\\nor ano ther property owner, when this owner has", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "62 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\na rentable house, which house serves as a source of\\nincome and profit to the owner. So that the tenant\\nof his house becomes a permanent resource for the\\nowner s well-being, because he cannot avoid paying\\nrent to the one or the other.\\n2. He must pay for his clothes to another prop-\\nerty owner or an owner of wealth, who gets in-\\ncome and profit from selling the\\nCLOTHES^ etc goocls, and who gets incomes and\\nprofits for making and producing\\nthe goods. And as a consumer, the propertyless\\nman is relied upon as a source of income by these\\nowners of wealth, and hence, he is a resource of\\ntheir own well-being. He must also pay for\\nlaundry to another owner of wealth and must be a\\nreal source of income and profit for him, because\\nhe too is a propertied man and has many resources\\nfor life.\\n3. He must pay for his board, whether in a\\nboarding house or in a restaurant, it makes some dif-\\nference; but by boarding in either\\n^^^^i^ufnl^T one or the other, he must be a source\\nNOURiSHIVlENT.\\nof income and profit to servants and\\nwaiters every day, and to a crowd of owners of\\nwealth who are ever ready to draw all from him\\nthey can. But if he boards in the house he rents,\\nand if his wife performs the domestic duties in his\\ncase, then the expense of his life is reduced through\\nthis channel in favor of the wife. Nevertheless, he", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 63\\nmust continue to be a source of income in favor of\\nthe butcher, the baker and grocer, and some other\\npropertied men who derive their profits from him\\nat a certain per cent in the way of his nourishment.\\n4. The propertyless man is another source of\\nexpense in favor of the support of the general gov-\\nernment of the nation, a state gov-\\nernment, a county government, and eolSMENTfETC.\\nperhaps a municipal one. And he\\npays the taxes in the prices of the goods and\\nclothing he wears; in the prices of food and the\\ndrinks he consumes, these expenses make him a\\nsure source of income to many other owners of\\nwealth, and so on. And to this channel of drain\\nmust be added his expenses for education, for dif-\\nferent asylums, for churches and other institutions;\\nexpenses for the books and newspapers he reads;\\nexpenses for the carfare, etc., he cannot avoid;\\nexpenses for the physicians he is cured by, and the\\ndrugs his strength is invigorated with, and so on.\\nThus every one of these propertied persons obtains\\nhis own percentage of income from the resource-\\nless man. And certainly there are many other\\nchannels of expense for him in the society he\\ncomes into contact with. It is really impossible to\\nnumber here even the unavoidable expenses of the\\npropertyless man.\\nIt is then in the above directions that the physi-\\ncal and mental energy must run out of the prop-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "64 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nertyless person. And of course it runs out in the\\nform of currency or the mouey by which he pays\\nHIS ENERGY IS shelter, for clothing, etc., for ser-\\nDRAiNED BY THE viccs and all utilities, to the owners\\nPROPERTIED MEN. ^^^j^j^ jj j,^^ propertykss\\nman himself is only a source tO be drained by\\nthe Others, and if he has neither land, nor capital,\\nnor any other natural or artificial wealth to draw\\nan income from, then his very strength is good for\\nnothing. For the strength itself can neither be\\neaten nor can he pay with it any one who has\\nthe right to draw on it. His energy must, there-\\nfore, be first exchanged either for money or for\\nsome other utilities of value which are derived out\\nof wealth, out of property that he does not possess.\\nHow then can this persistently drained source be-\\ncome filled or supplied again? Where is the\\nresource of his own income? Surely he can not\\nexist without one at least. And, being property-\\nless, he naturally does not have even the single one\\noutside of himself. Yet he has to live from with-\\nout or he must die of starvation from within.\\nNow, the only chance for the propertyless man\\nto live is to go again to an owner of wealth, and\\nHAVE BUT some one or another resource\\nONE CHANCE of income from him and to apply\\nFOR A PAYMENT. p^^j^^ p^^_\\nmission. Again paying, paying is the only hope\\nfor the propertyless man. And this is the most", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 65\\nimportant point after all, because he must pay even\\nfor the application of his personal energy to all\\nnatural and artificial resources of wealth, or in-\\ncome. Has any one understood what it means\\nto pay for an application of labor energy to wealth\\nthat the merciful Creator provided for man? I am\\nsure that the politico-economists do not under-\\nstand it. A few of them hit this point, sometimes,\\nbut unconsciously, without conceiving its signifi-\\ncance.\\nThe propertyless person, then, who Is drained in\\nall directions, and who has but one chance to\\nrestore his expended energy from a single source\\nof income this man again becomes an additional\\nsource of expense in favor of an owner of wealth,\\nan additional source of income and profit to prop-\\nertied men.\\nBut where, and how, can this unfortunate\\ncreature of God, this multiple source of income\\nand profit for men, further pay and expend his\\nstrength, for becoming a still further source of\\nincome in favor of the propertied men?\\nThis question, after the, four previously ex-\\nplained series of drains of the propertyless man,\\ndemands the next point.\\n5. The propertyless man can not even make\\nhimself the source of income and profit to others\\nwithout paying an exorbitant price for it to^ an\\nowner of wealth. If, for instance, he labors for", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "6Q THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nwages, his employer and others finally obtain from\\n25 to 50 or 75 per cent or even more profit out oi\\nthe results of his labor. If he works on a farm,\\nH,S EXPENSES FOR i P 3^ t\\nEMPLOYNiENT IN with Capital, or works in making\\nANY SPHERE. i i r\\ncapital, he must m any way di-\\nvide the results of his work between the owner of\\nwealth and himself. His portion is usually paid\\nby time in money, as wages, as a salary, or in some\\nother way; while the whole result of his work\\nremains, and is dispensed by the owner of wealth\\nwho is profited by him. If the propertyless person\\nserves to an owner of wealth as a clerk, a book-\\nkeeper, salesman, or in any other capacity, he can-\\nnot serve unless he or she is a profitable source of\\nincome to the propertied master who gives him the\\nchance to supply his ever drained source of mul-\\ntiple expenses. If, further, the propertyless man\\nleases a farm or any other wealth of a propertied\\nperson, he has always to divide the results of his\\nlabor between himself and the owner of wealth.\\nWhereas, if the owner of it himself labors on his\\nwealth, then, the whole result of his toil must\\nremain as a reward to himself. And there is the\\ndifference The tenant or the lessee is obliged to\\nlabor twice as hard as the propertied man in order\\nto derive so much income for himself, as the owner\\nof wealth can derive by working half as hard and\\nthat is because the owner of property is drawing", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 67\\nall income of his labor for himself, while the prop-\\nertyless man is drawing income for himself and for\\nthe propertied man, to whom the former is a\\nsource of income by paying rent. If, finally, the\\npropertyless man labors upon a rentable source\\nof income, and then borrows money for improve-\\nments, in addition to the paying for that source, he\\nthereby makes himself a source of income in favor\\nof the creditor, by paying per cents for the loan;\\nand, consequently, he must divide the results of\\nhis toil between himself and between two owners\\nof wealth. The improvements, being a capital,\\nmust aid him to produce more wealth than he can\\nproduce without it; but the high rate of percent-\\nage which exists in America must surely ruin the\\ndebtor, because per cents in favor of lenders of\\nmoney, etc., generally run from 6 to 12 per cent\\nper annum; and in some cases the money sharks\\nobtain even from 15 to 18 per cent.\\nWhat then are the advantages of the propertied\\nperson and the disadvantages of the propertyless\\nman?\\nFrom the preceding it is clearly seen that both\\nmen are on an equality merely in the physical\\nenergy. And the propertied person\\nhas an absolute advantage for devel- TsTdvan?agk\u00c2\u00b0\\noping his mental energy or skill. We\\nhave, therefore, to regard their physical energy as\\nan equal in both. But, with the propertied man.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "68 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nthis energy is surrounded by multiple resources of\\nincome; so that to whatever resource he applies\\nhis energy, it always yields him the whole results\\nof his labor. An application of capital in his power\\nmultiplies the yield in his favor. An application\\nof the hired labor energy still farther multiplies the\\nyield and increases his income. His\\nA PROPERTIED IS A\\nMAN OF MULTIPLE physical energy, therefore, must be\\nINCOMES. regarded as a source of multiple in-\\ncome even in relation to a small amount of wealth\\nor income-bearing property.* On the contrary,\\nwhen there is plenty of employmicnt, the energy of\\nA PROPERTYLESS propertylcss person is itself a\\nIS A MAN OF MUL- sourcc of multiple expense in favor\\nTIPLE EXPENSES. r ^i i A J\\nof the propertied men. And agam,\\nwhen there is employment, he is permitted to\\napply his energy but to a single resource of\\nincome; and when permitted to do so, the prop-\\nertylcss man can only draw about half the income\\nthat this resource can yield to his energy, while\\nthe other half of it must go to the multiple in-\\ncomes of the propertied men who employ him as\\nthe people call it. Hence, being surrounded with\\nthe inexhaustible wealth of nature, with innumer-\\nable resources of income, the propertylcss man is\\nonly a semi-sourced mani a man of semi-sourced\\nincome. He is a man who is entitled to a portion\\n*Land, Capital, Rentables, Salables are income-bearing\\nproperties.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 69\\nof the yield, for the expense of energy which is\\nequal to two or more portions of it. And there is\\nnothing more in the whole realm of wealth than a\\nsemi-income from one source for the man who\\nhimself is a source of multiple expenses in the\\nfavor of many owners of wealth. A greater injus-\\ntice than this could not be fabricated by mankind\\nunder the heavens.\\nBut what about the propertyless, when there is\\nno employment at all? Or, when the caprice of\\nthe propertied is not satisfied by the\\nhalves of the yields produced by the ^^p^^f^^..^\\nlabor energy and skill of the prop-\\nertyless people? What, when they demand still\\nmore impossible efficiency in product from the\\nemaciated energy of their victims? The answer is\\nclear and but one. These economic slaves, these\\nvictims of the greatest injustice and absurdity are\\nthrown back by thousands into the sphere of\\nhumiliation under public relief. And who con-\\nstitutes this public? Nearly all the same prop-\\nertyless millions, who relieve the others, when they\\nthemselves are not yet on the point of starvation.\\nAnd who is after all accused? Who is searched?\\nW^hose character and history of life is mercilessly\\nscrutinized at the bars of charity?\\nAgain the same propertyless vie- AfiN^^ERioR!\\ntims, the same economic slaves,\\nwhose lives have been spent in working for the", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "70 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nowners of wealth, owners of property, of fortunes.\\nIt is certainly not with Japan, nor even civilized\\nEngland, where primogeniture persists to reign,\\nand where the hereditary noblemen\\n^justice equally continue to suck the energy\\nof the British and Irish people and\\nof the peoples of their colonies that we have to deal\\nwith. In 1 89 1 Great Britain and Ireland had had\\nnearly 6,000,000 propertyless families*; and they\\nhave been accustomed for centuries to spend more\\nthan half of their energy in favor of the lords of\\nproperty, who are the lords of nearly all resources\\nof wealth in Britain and in many other parts of the\\nworld. But we have to deal with the people of\\nthe United States, whose fathers tried by all means\\nto escape the influence of primogeniture, and\\nwhose children have now reached the same eco-\\nnomic condition of slavery, but\\nDiviDOGENESURE. uudcr a different title, viz., that of\\ndividogenesure.f As its definition\\nhere shows, the principle of dividogenesure in-\\nvolves both the individual and class dependence of\\nEncyclopedia of Social Reform, p. 1389.\\nDividogenesure means: (As a class and as an individual,\\nI am the owner of land, of wealth and capital): Divide with\\nme your sole results of active energy upon my source of\\nwealth, or else you may be sure you have only the right\\nto starve from drain by others without this supply. [Latin:\\ndivido,^W\\\\de, part, separate. Greek: genesis, origin, source,\\ncreation, origination, production. Latin: ure, (perish) by\\nrust, by fire, by cold, v/ither, dry up, or starve to death.]", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 71\\nthe needy upon the wealthy and applies to the\\nentire millions of the group of tenant families, as\\nwell as to the- group of mortgagor families of the 2d\\ntable.J For all these families have been dividing\\nthe sole results of their labor or toil, in one way or\\nanother, between themselves and their economic\\nmasters that they wholly or partly depend upon.\\nThe subsequent chapters, however, will better ex-\\nplain the situation of their dependence.\\nWhile here we shall but briefly indicate that\\ndividogenesure, as a principle of tacit reality, sepa-\\nrates the people into two classes: ist, into indi-\\nviduals of multiple expenditure in\\neach case, but with a possible semi- classes^\\nincome for supplying this expendi-\\nture; and 2d, into individuals of also multiple\\nexpenditure for living, but at the same time of\\nmultiple incomes sufficient to leave a considerable\\nnet profit or balance for their future. This balance\\nor profit, in some cases, gradually amounts to mil-\\nlions of dollars v/orth of wealth, remultiplying\\nfurther incomes most rapidly; while the indi-\\nviduals of the first class become absolutely depend-\\nent upon the second even for the semi-income\\nwhich may at any time be refused them on account\\nof too many individuals in need of resources for\\nincomes belonging to the second class.\\niHere, p. 32 or 36.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "72 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nAnd it further follows, that when the resource-\\nless are admitted into the sphere of dividogenesure,\\nthen their multiple expenditure is\\nONE SPHERE, meagerly supplied. But when they\\nare refused admittance into this\\nsphere, then their unavoidable fate is starvation or\\nfalling back into the realm of public relief for the\\nunemployed.\\nAs to their fate under the public relief, Dr.\\nAmos G. Warner says The most difficult\\nproblem in the whole realm of .poor-\\notherspheITe. r^li^^ ^s this of providing for the\\nunemployed. England has worked\\nat it intermittently from the time of Elizabeth\\n(i 558-1603) up to date V\\\\^ithout success. For there\\nwere more than 30-millions of individuals without\\nproperty in Great Britain and Ireland, when Dr.\\nWarner was writing, and he continued as follows\\nThe most careful investigation made in this\\ncountry regarding enforced idleness was probably\\nthat conducted by the Massachu-\\nLoss OF TIME, sctts Bureau of Labor during the\\ndepression of 1885. There were\\nduring that year in Massachusetts 816,470 per-\\nsons engaged in gainful occupations; of these\\n241,589 were unemployed during part of the year.\\nThe time lost, if we consider only the principal\\noccupation of each individual, was 82,744 years;\\nbut many persons, when unable to work at their", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 73\\nprincipal occupation, had some subsidiary work.\\nMaking the proper deductions for the time thus\\nput in, the net absolute loss of working-time\\namounted to 78,717.76 years. Aver-\\naged among those who lost a certain amount of\\ntime, the loss per man was 3.91 months. or near-\\nly four months.\\nThis description shows the absolute helplessness\\nof the resourceless people in the State of Massa-\\nchusetts alone, while there were 48\\nother States and Territories besides loss of money.\\nMassachusetts in this country. In\\nall these States and Territories, therefore, not only\\nmillions of years of working-time must have been\\nlost during the depression of 1882 to 1885, but\\nmillions of dollars of public and private money was\\nunproductively spent for the rehef of the property-\\nless from starvation, cold and from other distresses.\\nAnd after all, that was a comparatively mild reality.\\nFor the same Dr. Warner further writes\\n*This present chapter passes from my hand in\\nMarch, 1894, when special relief-work for the un-\\nemployed is being carried forward\\non a scale never before known or stan^t factor!\\nneeded in this country. It is there-\\nfore not possible to give the results of this\\n*pr. Warner, American Charities, pp. 178-9, Dr. T. Ely s\\nedition.\\ntl italicized his words.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "74 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nemergency work. But the relief must\\nbe given. The present chapter is concerned\\nespecially v/ith the problem of the homeless poor\\nas a constant factor in the administration of chari-\\nties. The question of how to deal with the tramp\\nis said to be of special urgency in every locality\\nin the United States with which I am at all\\nacquainted. From Boston to San Francisco, and\\nfrom St. Paul to New Orleans, complaints come\\nof a number of tramps, which is alleged to be\\nespecially large in each case. t\\nIn fact, Dr. Warner s book of more than 400\\npages is one that represents the saddest spectacle\\nof human misery on the largest\\n\u00e2\u0084\u00a2\u00c2\u00b0imQmTY^ scale. It treats all possible causes\\nof the misery, excepting the main,\\nand all-powerful, cause of all the minor causes,\\nwhich I have named dividogenesure, because it is\\nthe sister of primogeniture, the one being as\\niniquitous for millions of families as the other.\\nAs a universally pernicious principle, divido-\\ngenesure is always working in behalf of a few\\nfavorites. It has always been unjust\\noMNJUsifcE^^^ to the employees, even when those\\nfavorites commanded an equal num-\\nber of places of employment to the number of the\\nemployees in a nation, because the latter have\\nI italicized his words.\\nt Dr. Warner, ibidem, p. 181.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "PROPERTIED AND PROPERTYLESS PEOPLE. 75\\nalways been obliged to divide the results of their\\ntoil at an unjust rate of per cent with the former.\\nThe injustice of dividogenesure, however, intensi-\\nfies as soon as the number of the employees be-\\ncomes greater than the number of the places of\\nemployment, and this injustice grows especially\\nintense when these employees appear to be the\\npropertyless individuals. And when a nation has so\\nmany propertyless individuals as to outnumber by\\nmillions the places of employment, then, the great\\ninjustice of dividogenesure changes into the very\\nfoundation of iniquity. For its favorites, then,\\nmake all possible devices, like the blanks with tens\\nof scrutinizing questions, and other humiliating\\ndevices for the purpose of selecting the most\\nefficient applicants for employment at the cheapest\\npossible rates of payment. Thus, the employed\\nones become harder and harder economic slaves\\nof these favorites, while the unemployed are cast\\nout of the sphere of the slavery without bread, etc.,\\ninto the sphere of starvation and the public rehef.\\nFurther, dividogenesure is not a system of ordi-\\nnary slavery, where the slaves are dependent upon\\ntheir masters for living and dying.\\nIt is not the slavery that imposes a iliyiARrs^AVERY.\\nmoral obligation upon the masters\\nin favor of the slaves who are subject to them. No,\\nno, dividogenesure has made millions of families\\nabsolutely dependent on its favorites, but it has", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "76 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nremoved from these favorites all moral obligations\\nin. favor of the modern economic slaves. The mod-\\nern master of hundreds of the slaves can extort the\\nlast inch of labor energy from each of them, and\\nyet can live in perfect peace under the shield of\\ndividogenesure without responsibility and with-\\nout the slightest remorse of conscience. He does\\nnot compel any of the slaves to make applications\\nfor employment, for working out his wealth and\\nfortune. But he knows very well that there are\\ninvisible, omnipotent and omnipresent forces,\\nnamely: Hunger and thirst, or the\\nUNSEEN FORCES, multiple expenditure in every indi-\\nvidual case, which mightily push the\\nslaves to his commanding mastership. And the\\nonly duty dividogenesure bids him to perform, is to\\nchoose the most efficient applicants for the lowest\\npay, as they would seem to be the most profitable\\nfor himself. As to the rejected ones, it is neither\\nhis business nor his duty to care whether they live\\nor perish by fire, by cold, by disease, wither away\\nor starve to death.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nABNORMITY OF THE SOCIAL SITUATION.\\nThe preceding chapter has shown the differ-\\nences between the conditions of life of the prop-\\nertied and of the propertyless people. ^,^^^^^^^,^3 in\\nIt has explained the multiple expen- conditions of\\nditures of the resourceless, and how\\nthey are obliged to labor under the principle of\\ndividogenesure without ever being able to appro-\\npriate the full results of their labor to themselves.\\nThe present chapter will reveal the astonishing\\nnumber of the propertyless in the United States,\\nand the places w^here they are mostly to be found.\\nHowever, before proceeding to examine the\\ninvestigations about the people without property.\\nwe must add here, that the property- property-\\nless are those that occupy houses, or less pay rent or\\n1 ,1 11 ^1 ARE EXPELLED.\\nrooms, or simply little cells m the\\nrentable properties of the propertied, paying rent\\nfor them. They are, therefore, regarded as the\\ntenants of homes, and when occupying rentable\\nfarms, they are regarded as the tenants of farms.\\nAnd as long as they are able to earn and to pay\\nthe rents on time, they are regarded as good peo-\\nple, good families and respectable persons, because\\n77", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "78 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nthey constitute the real sources of income to the\\nowners of the rentable properties. But as soon as\\nthey cannot find a situation, cannot find employ-\\nment, cannot find work, cannot find a job, cannot\\nborrow money, cannot pawn anything, hence can-\\nnot pay rent at the well defined times, then they\\nare gently or ruthlessly kicked out of the rooms,\\nand regarded as no good, as degenerates.\\nExpelling them from the tenement houses or\\nfarms, some gentlemen or lady-proprietors some-\\ntimes even express sympathy or\\nTHEsrmAiloN sorrow to lose their tenants; and\\nsometimes they anticipate further\\nsufferings and privations for their unfortunate\\nroomers, etc., but cannot help them under the\\nexisting conditions. The expelled tenant then\\nwanders about, suffers privations, humiliations, till\\nhe falls into prison, or she falls into prostitution,\\nand into all the miseries of the world. And it is\\nonly at the point where these propertyless lose\\ntheir real manhood and womanhood that they\\ncease to be the sources of income for the prop-\\nertied.\\nNow let us deal with the homeless and landless\\nin the statistical accounts, where the tenants and\\nmortgagors are described together, but with\\ngreater details in respect to the mortgagors than\\nto the tenants. For the sake of clearness, there-\\nfore, I must prominently represent here the tenant", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 79\\nfamilies, as the propertyless, and must leave the\\nmortgagor families for the next chapter.\\nThe following census statistics represent only\\npercentages of families occupying farms and homes\\nin the United States, while I have supplied the\\nfigures implied in the relative percentages of these\\nfamilies.\\nSTATISTICS OF THE TENANTS.\\nExtra Bulletin No. 98 of the United States\\nCensus, 1890, says:\\nThere are 12,690,152 families in the United\\nStates, and of these families 52.20 per cent, or\\n6,624,259 families, hire their farms or homes, and\\n47.80 per cent own them.\\nIn regard to the families occupying farms the\\nconclusion is, that 34.08 per cent, or 1,624,655\\nfamilies, hire, and 6^.g2-\\\\ per cent\\nown, the farms cultivated by them. farm families.\\nSo that among every 100 farm fam-\\nilies 34 hire their farms, being landless.\\nThe corresponding facts for the families occu-\\npying homes are, that 63.10 per\\ncent, i. e., 4,999,396 families hire, home families.\\nand 36.901 per cent, i. e., 2,923,560,7\\nfamilies, own their homes. So that in every 100\\n*Remember that these conclusions are moderate.\\ntThese owning families include the mortgagors.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "80 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nhome families, on the average, 63 hire their homes,\\nand 2)7% own them.\\nThere are 420 cities and towns that have a\\npopulation of 8,000 to 100,000, and in these cities\\nCITIES towns 64.04 per cent of the\\n64.004 PER CENT, homc-families hire and 3S.Q6t per\\nHIRE r\\ncent own their homes. So that in\\nthese cities and towns, 64 out of every 100 families\\nhire their homes, and 36 own them, or as the Bul-\\nletin states: in 100 home families, on the average,\\nare found 64 that hire their homes, and 36J own\\nthem.\\nBesides this, the cities that have a population\\nof 100,000 and over, i. e., cities up to millions,\\nLARGE CITIES Philadelphia, Chicago, New\\n77.17 PER CENTo York and so on, number 28, and in\\nHIRE-\\nthese cities 77.17 per cent of the\\nhome families hire their homes and 22.83$ per cent\\nown them. It follows, that in these large and\\nvery populous cities of the United States more\\nthan yy families out of every 100 are tenant fami-\\nlies or those that hire their homes, and 23$ own\\nthem. Or, as the Bulletin says In these cities\\namong 100 home families, on the average, yy hire\\nand 23I own their homes.\\nNow then, what this Extra Bulletin reveals to us\\nis as follows:\\n$_Many of these home-owning families are in debt, and\\ntheir homes serve as securities for it.\\n\u00c2\u00a7Enc. of Soc. R., pp. 899-900.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 81\\nI. That in 1890 we had 1,624,655 families hir-\\ning* farms. The difference between hiring a farm\\nand owning a farm is this, that an\\nowner of a farm reaps all the benefits lies hiring\\nof his own farm; whatever amount ^RWiS.\\nof energy he spends upon his farm, he obtains all\\nthe results of it by himself and for himself, re-\\nmaining all the time an independent man. A farm\\ntenant is just the contrary. He is a dependent\\nbeing and is a subject to dividogenesure. He\\nworks upon a rentable property and m.ust first of\\nall satisfy the rightful owner of the farm. He must\\ndivide the results of his labor between his master\\nand him.self, by paying rent. And in order to be\\nequally well off with the farmer that works upon\\nhis own farm, the tenant must exert almost twice\\nas much of labor energy as the owner of a farm.\\nBut this is impossible. And this Impossibility rests\\nupon all the tenants of farms. They are economic\\nslaves of their masters, slaves under the principle of\\ndividogenesure. If they don t wish to divide the\\nsole results of their labor, then they must starve,\\nand there is no other alternative for them, because\\nthey are propertyless and hence resourceless.\\n2. That at the same time we had\\n4,999,412 other families that were lies hiring\\nhiring not the farms but rentable\\nhomes of the propertied men. And these nearly\\n5-million families were not only the sources of", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "82 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nincome and profit in favor of the owners of the\\nhomes, but also the sources of income for the\\nemployers that permit them to labor. So that a\\nfarm tenant is a direct* source of income to one\\nlord of property; while a home tenant is a directf\\nsource of income for two owners of wealth. And\\na great injustice hangs on the neck of every one of\\nthese millions, because they have no property of\\ntheir own. But the principal point is this, that\\nneither one of them has the right to expend or\\napply his labor energy anywhere without paying\\nfor it to those that may not labor at all and live.\\nAdding now the two classes of tenant families,\\nwe have 6,624,259 of them; and regarding their\\nnumbers individually, we have 32,-\\ncolimNED 656,808 propertyless persons who\\nare in bondage of dividogenesure,\\nbecause they have neither the right to expend\\ntheir strength nor to restore it without paying for\\nboth to the propertied.\\nThe question now is, Do these numbers show\\nthat we had less than half the families in the\\nUnited States without property? J Even without\\nexamining the numbers of the propertyless in\\ncities and towns, the Extra Bulletin proves that\\nthere were 279,023 more of the propertyless fami-\\n*He pays rent.\\ntHe pays rent and divides the results of his labor, p. 58-61.\\ntSee conclusion, p. 18.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 83\\nlies than the half of the entire population. And\\nthis little more than the half represents 1,345,683\\npropertyless individuals who could\\nbuild and could inhabit yet another Targe^cit?.\\none of the largest cities in the world,\\nwhile under the unjust principle of dividogene-\\nsure they have neither a farm, nor a lot, nor a\\nsingle house of their own.\\nBut what do you think about the whole number\\nof the propertyless? We had fully 32,656,808\\nindividuals of them in 1890, accord-\\ning to this Bulletin, and they could ^lLVcities^^\\nlikewise build and inhabit 32 great\\ncities having in each more than a million of good\\ncitizens. A million population in one city, as you\\nknow, constitutes one of the most populous cities\\nin the world; and we could have thirty-two such\\ncities in the possession of these now propertyless\\npeople. These millions of people could make one\\nof the finest nations on earth with 32 of most\\npopulous cities which they could erect by their\\nlabor energy. How is it, then, that they are\\nobliged to remain homeless, landless, propertyless,\\nresourceless? Have they been lazy to work? Have\\nthey been incapable of doing anything for them-\\nselves? Have they been degenerates? No, no,\\nthese tens of millions have been working hard, but\\nthey have been deprived of the results of their labor\\nby the unjust principle of dividogenesure that com-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "84 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\npelled them to labor for the few families of the\\nwealthy group of the two tables on p. 47, which\\nown the results of their labor and toil.\\nAnd do you realize what it means to have 420\\ncities and towns with the population of 8,000 to\\n100,000 individuals in each? Do you know what\\nit means to have nearly seven-tenths of their pop-\\nulation without property, when they cannot exist\\nwithout it? And what it means to\\nBY^LABoSs. cities whose population is\\nabove 100,000, and which goes up to\\nmillions in some of them; and yet nearly four-\\nfifths of their people are without homes, without\\nproperty, and without any resources of their own?\\nAnd do you know that these very cities (and towns^\\nhave almost all been built out of the realized labor\\nenergy or on account of the results of labor of\\nthese slaves of dividogenesure?\\nAnd this is not all, for, according to the Bul-\\nletin, we had 32,656,808 of the propertyless indi-\\nviduals, while the 2d R. table, p. 36,\\n^GRE^T^cmEs! which resulted from the 2d table on\\np. 32, and which was pubHshed in\\n1897 this table authoritatively demands that we\\nshould add 1,251,469 more propertyless people to\\nthe number found in the Bulletin. This additional\\nnumber of the propertyless could make yet an-\\nother one of the most populous cities in the world.\\nAnd, being added together, these people could", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 85\\ninhabit not 2i^ but 33 cities, with the total popu-\\nlation of 33,908,277 individuals or nearly 34-mil-\\nlions of souls.\\nImagine! The whole nation in 1865 was made\\nup of this number of people, whose wealth aggre-\\ngated over $24,000,000,000 worth, whole nation\\nNow the principle of dividogenesure pRo^JmESS\\nrequired but 25 years to render the n ibso.\\nnumber of the propertyless equal to the entire\\nnation of 1865. Is it not an astonishing fact that\\nwhile this great number of the prop- gy increasing\\nertyless people orrew up, the national property men\\nLOST PROPERTY.\\nwealth actually mcreased by the\\nworth of about $41,877,475,129? For in i860 the\\ntotal aggregate of it was $16,159,616,068, whereas\\nin 1890 it aggregated to $65,037,091,197 worth of\\nwealth.\\nIn view of these contrasting facts, can any one\\nsay that the 33-miillions of the property-losers v/ere\\nidle? or that the phenomenal in- human energy is\\ncrease of the wealth was produced oV e1?atoTin\\nby the very few owners of it because production.\\nthey had the most effective capital at their own\\nhands? No, sir, the capital itself is dead in every\\nrespect and form, and not a single piece of it can\\nproduce anything by itself. But, being effective\\naid, assistant in production, capital only helps the\\nliving human energy to increase the results O f its\\nlabor. And it follows that whatever the increase", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "86 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nin production due to mechanical forces or to other\\ncapital may be, it must be attributed to the activity\\nof human energy which manipulates all invented\\nforms of capital. And surely the blessings of the\\nvarious inventions consist in the fact that the in-\\nventions can aid the labor energy to produce more\\nwealth than it can produce without them. Hence the\\nreal blessings of the invented capital ought to have\\nbeen preeminently in the fact of its increasing the\\nwell-being of the millions of laborers in the various\\ngrades of industry.\\nHow is it, then, that the wealth of the United\\nStates nation, from 1865 to 1890, increased by\\nmore than 42-billion dollars worth,\\nIS ST LOGICALLY\\nCORRECT OR whilc the well-being of its producers\\nMORALLY RI8HT7 decreased? How is it that\\nthe tens of millions of the workers not only could\\nnot obtain the due share of the wealth they in-\\ncreased, but many millions of them in addition\\nlost their own properties? How is it that the great\\nblessings of the inventors have been changed into\\ngreat curses against their well-being, because now\\nthey appeared to be absolutely dependent for life\\non the wealthy few, having nothing of their own?\\nNo explanations of minor causes can answer these\\nquestions, but the great injustice of dividogenesure\\nexplains them.\\nBut what can the propertyless people do when\\nthey increase and when all the wealth and capital", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 87\\nproduced by the people are monopolized by a few\\nfamilies, as even the ist and 2d tables, p. 47, show\\nthe facts? What can the 33,908,277 individuals\\nwithout property do, when they have nothing to\\nhope for but labor under the principle of divido-\\ngenesure for the wealthy few that consist of less\\nthan a million families in the enlarged nation?\\nIt is evident that their fate condemns them to\\nlabor, as slaves, on permission, and tO satisfy first\\nthe demands of dividogenesure and afterward take\\nfor themselves what may be allowed ^_\\nTHE CLAIMS OF\\nfrom the results of their toil on the dividogemesure\\n1 1 r 1 -1 ^1 -11 i REGARDED FIRST.\\nrentable farms, while the millions of\\nfamilies which hire homes in the 448 cities and\\ntowns are still harder slaves of dividogenesure than\\nthe families that hire their farms. They are harder\\nslaves because they are more liable to be freed\\neven from the oppression of dividogenesure, and\\nliable to remain months and months in the sphere\\nof starvation without employment.\\nCan there be a greater iniquity in the world\\nthan the iniquity that proceeds from the abnormal\\nsystem of dividogenesure?\\nNo No nation in human history has seen an\\niniquity that can be compared with the results of\\ndividogenesure as they are at pres- usvicogenesure\\nent, for it now deprives men of their is a fountain of\\nr V r -1 X ^i. i. J -x GRSAT EVILS.\\nfruits of toil to the utmost degree; it\\ndeprives them of their energy, of their rights, and", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "88 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nof their property; it deceives them by the medium\\nof exchange of commodities and products; it\\nmakes them economic slaves of the very few mas-\\nters or throws them out of the region of the slavery\\ninto the region of resourceless starvation and de-\\ngeneration; it concentrates masses of the people s\\nwealth into a few hands, leaving millions of fami-\\nlies without income in despair and casts them out\\nof the rentable homes; it drags them into the\\ncourts, throws them into prisons; drives them into\\npenitentiaries, fits them for and chases them into\\nthe lunatic and insane asylums. And not only\\nthis, but nearly all causes of murders, of parricides,\\nof infanticides, etc., and of the suicides perpetrated\\nby the people, can indirectly be traced to the ab-\\nnormal system of dividogenesure, which most\\nfundamentally conditions almost all national, so-\\ncial and private crimes, because sound life always\\ndepends upon sound economic basis of a nation.\\nThe system of dividogenesure, however, is per-\\nnicious not only to the tens of millions of the\\nIT COMPRISES Pi opertyless people alone, but it has\\nTHE PROPERTIED euslavcd milHons of families that\\nhave homes and have other little\\nproperties not bearing direct incomes for subsist-\\nence. These families therefore are also compelled\\nto be in gainful pursuits under the same conditions\\nwith the landless and homeless. And Mr. Carroll\\nD. Wright, onesided and severely criticised, wrote", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 89\\nabout some of them as the American bread-\\nwinners, as follows\\nBread-winners in 1870 engaged in supporting\\nthemselves were 12,505,923, or 32.43 per cent of\\nthe population. The bread-winners in 1880 were\\n17,392,099, or 34.67 per cent of the total popula-\\ntion of that time. The bread-winners in 1890\\nwere 22,735,661, or 36.31 per cent. By bread-\\nwinners he meant wage earners, salary receivers\\nor any one who was engaged in gainful\\npursuit, including proprietors of whatever grade\\nor description, and all professional persons.\\nI must here make a diversion to examine this\\nauthor s argument.\\nFor the purpose of proving that the poor, the\\nproducers of wealth, were getting better off from\\n1870 to 1890 by their gainful pur-\\nsuits, Mr. Wright has placed in the mr. c. d. wright.\\nsame class individuals of incompar-\\nable description, and, by making averages upon\\nequally incomparable basis of their gains, logical-\\nly arrived at the false conclusion that the wages\\nin general had risen during that period of time.\\nAnd hence, he added that the rich are grov/ing\\nricher and the poor are getting better off. He\\nthus arrived at the same nominal conclusion at\\nwhich Mr. Shearman has arrived in making nearly\\n56-minions of individuals appear to be in pos-\\n*Mr. Wright, Atlantic Monthly for September, 1897.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "90 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nsession of $209 each.f And it is exactly in the\\nsame way Mr. Wright himself made the per capita\\nwealth in the United States, as a whole, amount to\\n$1,036 for every inhabitant of the nation. The\\nrules of arithmetic are accurate in every calcula-\\ntion. But the nominal distribution of wealth has\\nnever made the millions of the people better ofif;\\nand it has never altered the fact, that in 1890 we\\nhad nearly 34-millions of them without property;\\nand we had a little over 7-millions of other in-\\ndividuals owning more than 55-l-billion dollars\\nworth of wealth. J .Whereas, at the same time,\\nthere were more than 27-millions of individuals\\nwhose aggregate wealth was only $825-millions,\\nwhich is but $30 to each person.*\\nThis little diversion from our main thought\\nonce more testifies that the increase of the 42-\\nbillion dollars worth of wealth which accrued from\\n1865 to 1890 did not in the least raise the wages\\nof those producers of the wealth who were com-\\npelled even to lose their own properties. On the\\ncontrary, while the salaries and incomes of some\\nprofessional persons had decidedly increased, the\\nwages in general had fallen, as we shall see later on.\\nConsequently, the tens of millions of the creators of\\ntSee his conclusions and my explanation of them, here,\\npp. 12, 13.\\n^Compare for this the original tables, pp. 28, 32 and 51.\\n*See 1st R. table, group ist, p. 47, and as individuals, p. 51.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 91\\nthat wealth appeared to be all the worse off, as we\\nhave seen on pp. 85, 86.\\nAnd when Mr. Wright adds that the transpor-\\ntation has been so perfected, during the same\\ntime, as to bring to the door of the\\n1 1 THEPROPERTYLESS\\npoor man and the rich the results of have neither\\nindustry of far away people in order ~Q\u00c2\u00ab ^^^^o^-\\nthat they may buy them from different monopol-\\nists; this sentence really sounds like a mockery to\\nthe 34-milHons of individuals who had in 1890\\nneither their own door nor even window, and who\\nwere absolutely dependent upon chances for a\\nsemi-income under the oppressive dividogenesure.\\nBut as to how many people were engaged in the\\ngainful pursuits and how many of them were en-\\ntirely subject to the system of dividogenesure, we\\ncan better know from the researches of Prof. Mayo\\nSmith. He says as follows\\nPersons in gainful pursuits, United States 1890,\\nby classes of occupations, in ten years of age and\\nover, were 47,413,559. Out of them\\n24,352,659 yvQve males and 23,060,- prof, mayo smith.\\n900 were females. After this state-\\nment he innumerates their respective occupations\\nand adds That 9,013,201 persons were in gainful\\npursuits in agriculture, fisheries and mining, and\\nthat 8,333,692 of these last are males and 679,509\\nare females. So that out of 62,622,250 inhabit-\\n*Mayo Smith, Statistics and Sociology, pp. 200, 201-2.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "92 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nants of the country 47,413,559 individuals of 10\\nyears of age and upwards were engaged in the\\ngainful pursuits.\\nNow these nearly 47j-millions of persons in\\ngainful pursuits could not all be the slaves of\\nFAVORITES OF ^ividogenesurc. For some of these\\nDiviDOGENEsuRE pcrsons scrvc its favorites for very\\nSPECULATE, 1-1 1 J .1\\nhigh salaries and their services are\\nwell remunerated. Nor could this number include\\nmany of the favorites of this unjust principle. For\\nits real favorites are those that possess extensive\\nrights in natural and artificial resources of wealth;\\nthey are those that earn their enormous incomes\\neven in their comfortable beds, by simply speculat-\\ning on and relying upon the energy and productiv-\\nity of the subjects to dividogenesure. And as the\\nproductivity of the American people is very high,\\nit therefore becomes as easy for them to grow very\\nwealthy under the favor of dividogenesure as for\\nthe millions of m.akers of their fortunes to grow\\nvery poor and emaciated.\\nReviewing then the various occupations of the\\npeople in the United States as these are repre-\\ni,ooo.oooFAMiUEs ^y authorities, we\\nAND 33,837.849 havc sufBcicnt Tcasou to iudsfe that\\nINDIVIDUALS. o .1 11\\nSince the year 1890 there have been\\nabout 38,837,849 persons who may be regarded as\\npositive slaves to dividogenesure on the one hand.\\nAnd there have been about one million families", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 93\\nthat were more or less profited by their highly\\nproductive labor and skillful energy on the other\\nhand. The above number includes nearly all the\\nhomeless and landless of the last census, and in-\\ncludes about six millions of those who had their\\nlittle homes and other properties of no importance.\\nThe productivity of these people may be exem-\\nplified by the following reports\\nMr. Mulhall, in the North American Review/\\nfor June, 1895, says:\\nAn ordinary farm-hand in the United States\\nraises as much grain as three in England, four in\\nFrance, five in Germany, or six in\\nAustria, which shows what an enor- of\u00c2\u00b0farmers!\\nmous waste of labor occurs in\\nEurope, because farmers are not possessed of the\\nsame mechanical appliances as in the United\\nStates. (Enc. of Soc. Ref. p. 1093.)\\nMr. Edward Atkinson gives the following\\nstatements on the industrial productivity of the\\nUnited States. He says:\\nOne thousand barrels of flour, the annual ra-\\ntion of 1,000 people, can be placed in the city of\\nNew York from a point 1,700 or \u00e2\u0080\u009er.n.\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb,o\\n7 PERSONS\\n2,000 miles distant with the exertion serve 1,000\\nof human labor equivalent to that of\\nonly four men, working one year in producing,\\nmilling and moving the wheat. It can then be\\nbaked and distributed by the work of three more", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "94 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\npersons, so that seven persons serve i,ooo with\\nbread.\\nThe average crop of wheat in the United\\nStates and Canada would give one person in every\\n20 of the population of the globe a\\n^TnlVm\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 b^^^^l of flour in each year, with\\nenough tO spare for seed. The land\\ncapable of producing wheat is not occupied to any-\\nthing like one-twentieth of its extent. We can\\nraise grain enough on a small part of territory of\\nthe United States to feed the world. f\\nThe general conclusion at which I have ar-\\nrived is that in the year 1880, the census year,\\nwhen the population of the United\\n^rvlAR ^sm St^t^s numbered a little over 50,-\\n000,000, the annual product had a\\nvalue of nearly, or quite $10,000,000,000 at points\\nof final consumption, including, at market prices,\\nthat portion which was consumed upon the farm,\\nbut which was never sold. Omitting that con-\\nsumed upon the farm, it was about $9,000,000,-\\n000. I\\nAt an average of 200 pounds per head in the\\nUnited States, the largest consumption of iron of\\n\u00c2\u00abr,,.\u00c2\u00bbn,^\u00c2\u00ab any nation, we may yet find that the\\nONE OPERATOR\\nSERVES HUNDREDS equivalent of one man s work for\\nWITH GOODS. y^^^^ divided between the coal-\\n*Mr. E. Atkinson, The Distribution of Products, p. 15.\\ntib., p. 22,\\nJEd. Atkinson, ib. p. 27.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 95\\nmine, the iron-mine and the iron-furnace, suffices\\nfor the supply of 500 persons. One operator in\\nthe cotton factory makes cloth for 250; in the\\nwoolen factory for 300; one modern cobbler (who\\nis anything but a cobbler), working in a boot or\\nshoe factory, furnishes 1,000 men or more than\\n1,000 women with all the boots and shoes they re-\\nquire for a year. t\\nThese paragraphs sufficiently indicate the gen-\\neral capability of the American people for produc-\\ntion under the existing conditions.\\nIf an Austrian wine-producer or a farmer is six\\ntimes less capable to produce than an American\\nfarmer; and if this Austrian farmer\\ncan easily defray the multiple ex- ,g ,^\u00c2\u00b0p^o s s1ble.\\npenses of his family and his own out\\nof the results of his less capable labor and live com-\\nfortably every year, the American farmer ought to\\nhave five times as much of net profit from the re-\\nsults of his capable labor energy as the Austrian\\nfarmer can spend every year for his living. So\\nthat, living in the same way as the Austrian, the\\nAmerican farmer ought to be in six years fully\\nthirty times wealthier than an Austrian farmer of\\nan ordinary type.\\nHow is it then that the wealth of the sturdy\\nAmerican farm tenant consists on the average of\\nbut $360 per family of nearly five members each;\\ntEd. Atkinson, ib., pp. j, 78. Also, Enc. of S. R., p. 1093.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "96 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nwhile an Austrian farmer is incomparably better\\noff, being almost always a propertied man?\\nAnd if seven American laborers are able to serve\\n1,000 persons with bread and feed themselves every\\nyear, it is perfectly legitimate, then, that every one\\nof them should have a yearly profit of his labor,\\nwhich is equal to the value of bread, yearly con-\\nsumed by nearly 143 men. And this yearly profit\\nmust quickly make a considerable amount of\\nwealth in his store.\\nHow is it then that the millions of American\\nproducers of bread, each supplying hundreds of\\npersons, are obliged to live from\\nPOVERTY EXISTS, hand to mouth, having neither prop-\\nerty nor land, nor any other wealth\\nin store for their future? And if their productivity\\ntestifies that they are able to feed and clothe the\\nworld, as Mr. Atkinson very reasonably affirms, is\\nit not highly important to find out who profits by\\ntheir remarkably efficient labor energy? Or, who\\nyearly devours the surplus of their products, leav-\\ning them in poverty?\\nFurther, the work of one American miner, for\\none year, divided between the coal-mine, the iron-\\nmine and the iron-furnace, ulti-\\nForpovERTY ^^tely sufiices for the supply of 500\\npersons with the metaUic goods and\\nutilities they consume in a year. One operator\\nin the cotton factory can provide goods for 250, in", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 97\\nthe woolen factory for 300, in a boot or shoe fac-\\ntory for 1,000 men or more than 1,000 women\\none worker in any of these industries, in one year,\\ncan work out the respective goods these numbers\\nof consumers require for a year, thus showing that\\nthe productivity of every operator is simply phe-\\nnomenal.\\nHow is it then that these very operators who\\ncan and do supply hundreds and even thousands\\nof consumers with different utilities yet poverty\\nfor living and enjoying, are unable ^ABSByicVcF^\\nto support their own families for six justice, etc.\\nmonths after they cease to be in their exceedingly\\nproductive employment? And why are nearly all\\nof them homeless? Is it the essential and neces-\\nsary demand of modern ethics, that the more one\\nproduces the poorer one must be? Or is it exactly\\nthe demand of modern justice that millions of\\nhuman beings should only toil and work for others,\\nwithout having the right to work for themselves\\nand to partake of the fruits of their own labor? And\\nwhere is the court of justice to be found which can\\nvindicate their cause in view of their unusual pro-\\nductivity?\\nMany consumers are convinced that these opera-\\ntors as well as all other American la-\\nborers are always paid what they de- reas^oning.\\nserve, though they cannot provide for\\ntheir future. Many other consumers think that", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "98 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nthey could not be so productive if it were not for\\nthe highly efficient aid of costly capital under their\\noperations. And as a logical inference, these con-\\nsumers further think that this capital must be high-\\nly paid for its own productivity. Hence the capital-\\nist must have a lion s share from the results of\\nthe active energy of every operator with the me-\\nchanical forces in production. And, although the\\nerror of such reasoning is transparent from begin-\\nning to end, yet it seems that justice itself is thus\\noften satisfied.\\nThese reasoners seem to never ask, Whose energy\\nis embodied in the capital that the inventors have\\nJUSTICE CLAIMS ^2 blessing for working\\nA DEEPER BASIS humanity And whose energy has\\nrealized, or rather materialized, the\\nexisting inventions after they had been created in\\nthe minds of the great men? Has all this been\\ndone by inanimate dollars or money, or by the same\\nanimate and intelHgent beings whom we now re-\\ngard as the mere operators in every sphere of\\nhuman activity? Is it not their energy that flows\\nlike a river into all things of utility?\\nThen they say that the organizers, the managers,\\nthe superintendents must be paid manifold for\\ntheir superior work and intelligence. All right,\\nnobody denies that.\\nBut will you show me a single article in use, in\\nexistence, or an object in the process toward use", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 99\\nand existence, which does not represent the energy\\nof the laborers in need of some of the necessaries\\nof mere existence? Show me a brick the whole ar-\\nor a stone in its use, an iron-bar, a p ^i^^^ expende d\\nsteel-rail, a machine or an engine, human energy.\\na steamer or cable, or whatever you please,\\nwhich has not been washed with the sweat of the\\nbrow of their makers in need Show me that build-\\ning, that palace or mansion, a house or home,\\nwhich does not directly imply, or does not testify\\nof the energy of the propertied poor and the home-\\nless?\\nOr show me that article, a heavy stone in a struc-\\nture, a lump of iron or coal, a coin of silver or gold,\\nor show me anything in the world, which should\\nprove to have been only stained with the sweat of\\nthe brow of a mere speculator in motions of values,\\nin rentable farms and homes, or in products of the\\nworkers in need I am sure you cannot.\\nWhile as facts I can show that the crystallized\\nenergy of the homeless, the poor and the landless,\\nin possesion of others, floats on the\\nrivers, the seas and the oceans; it justly paId^for.\\nfills up the land, builds up the towns\\nand cities, heats them in winter, lights them at\\nnight. In possession of others, their energy is sold\\non the markets, and is laid in the stores and the\\nbanks of others. Further, their energy stands in\\nthe forms of the plants and the factories working in\\nttrc.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "100 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nspeed throughout the country; and it burns in the\\nstoves, in the furnace of the various works; it\\nsteams in the boilers and moves the machines of its\\nov^n making; and it pulls on the cables and the cars\\nupon the roads made by its muscle and bone. It\\ncrystallizes in goods and all objects of use; it then\\nmoves on in masses upon the lines of rails, and runs\\non from cities to cities, obeying speculators com-\\nmands. So, having been shaped into millions of\\ndifferent forms, and having escaped from the work-\\ning hands of its genuine owners, the energy quickly\\nchanges into more and more durable forms; and\\nafter several motions, it finally rests in the clean\\nhands of the speculators, as if it were their righteous\\nnet profit and wealth.\\nEven this picture indicates the true basis where\\none should look for justice and rights, for losses\\nand profits.\\nThe profits of the Wall street kings the past\\nyear were enormous, says Dr. Josiah Strong,*\\nabout January, 1880. It is estimated that one of\\nthem made $30,000,000; another, $15,000,000;\\ntwo, $10,000,000 each; one, $8,000,000; and four,\\nfrom $1,000,000 to $2,000,000 each; making a\\ngrand total for 10 or 12 estates of about $8o,ooo,~\\n000 in one year.\\nWhile Mr. F. C. Waite, special agent of the\\nSocialism and Christianity, p. 205. Also Enc. of Soc.\\nR., p. 289.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 101\\nEleventh Census, in charge of True Wealth, makes\\nthe following statement as to the gross and net\\nearnings of important natural monopolies for the\\ncensus year 1890.\\nItems.\\nGross Earnings.\\nNet Earnings.\\nRailroads:\\nFrom operation.\\n$1,051,877,632\\nOther sources\\n126,767,064\\nUnreported roads\\n;^331,373,057\\n(about)\\n50,000,000\\nExpress com-\\npaniest\\n53,000,000\\n11,000,000\\nStreet railways\\n90,000,000\\n28,000,000\\nWater transporta-\\ntion\\n191,000,000\\n31,000,000\\nTelegraph compan-\\nies\\n25,000,000\\n7,000,000\\nTelephone compan-\\nies\\n16,404,583\\n5,260,712\\nInsurance Com-\\npanies:\\nLife\\n90,000,000\\n59,000,000\\nFire, etc\\n54,991,613\\n19,000,000\\nBanks:\\nNational\\n144,614,053\\n72,055,564\\nAll others (esti-\\nmated)\\n200,000,000\\nArtificial Gas\\nCompanies:\\n(Estimated)..\\n25,000,000\\nTotal earnings I\\n2,118,654,945\\n553,689,333\\n*Prof. John R. Commons, Distribution of Wealth, p. 258.\\nAlso, see iinc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1102. t^Gross receipts less\\ngross disbursements. ITotals made up by me.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "103 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nNow, these totals show what an enormous\\namount of the people s crystallized energy accrues\\nto the monopolists in one year, and in every year,\\nbesides covering all yearly expenses. No wonder,\\nthen, vv^hy we find that the highly productive peo-\\nple, of which Mr. Atkinson speaks and which could\\neven in 1880 put upon the market, at final points\\nof consumption, the annual surplus of $9,000,-\\n000,000 worth of various kinds of products, ap-\\npeared in 1890 to be in possession of only about\\n$10,000,000,000 worth of aggregate wealth, belong-\\ning to more than 55-millions of individuals. Where-\\nas, on the other side, there appeared less than 7^-\\nmillions of individuals in possession of more than\\n$55,000,000,000 worth of wealth.*\\nIt is certainly understood that all products, while\\nreaching the points of final consumption, rise in\\ntheir value, on account of the enormous earnings\\nderived from them by the speculators in the prod-\\nucts of human energy, while they move these\\nproducts by the cheapest possible labor of millions\\nof employees, under the principle of dividogene-\\nsure. The rising of their value is, of course, in-\\nevitable from beginning to end. Foi; as the raw\\nmaterials, or the products of any kind, continue to\\nacquire their consumable state in the hands of the\\noperators, more and more energy is being spent\\n*Compare the last two groups with the first two of the\\ntable, p. 28. And compare the same groups of table, p. 51.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 103\\nUpon them or added to them. And it is just and\\nmeet that the persons who thus add their energy\\nto the products should be paid for it, whether en-\\ngaged in the factory, in the plant, in transporta-\\ntion or in the final distribution among consumers.\\nYet what do we find? We find that the 38,837,-\\n849* slaves of dividogenesure, who work in the\\nwhole field of production and dis-\\nTHEY LABOR FOR\\ntriDution, are losmg a great amount less than\\nof their energy in favor of about one\\nmillion* families that employ them for less pay-\\nment than these families finally derive from the\\nresults of the labor energy of these employees. By\\nless payment I mean that net profit which is\\ncalled the undue concentration of the producers\\nwealth in the employer s hands; and I mean what\\nis absolutely due to the laborers and not what is\\nundue. The facts of the undue concentration of\\nwealth in the hands of these few families will be\\nshown in chapter VI.\\nIf we now regard one million families of the\\nwealthy group of one of the tablesf as the employ-\\ners of the 38,837,849 propertyless\\nand the propertied poor, the daily ,|comes.\u00c2\u00b0^\\ninjustice of the million families will\\nbe expressed in their daily incomes from every in-\\ndividual as follows:\\n*See this number and families, p. 92.\\ntSee tables, p. 36 or 45.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "104\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nObtaining daily from each individual worker:\\nic.\\n2C.\\n4c.\\n5c.\\n6c.\\n7c.\\n8c.\\n9c.\\nIOC.\\nlie.\\nI2C.\\n15c.\\n20c.\\nthey derive 388,378.48\\n776,756.96\\n1,165,135.44\\n1,553.513.92\\n1,941,892.40\\n2,330,270.88\\n2,718,649.36\\n3,107,027.84\\n3,495,406.32\\n3,883784.80\\n4,272,163.28\\n4,660,541.76\\n5,825,677.20\\n7,767,569.60\\nSo that, if only 20c is obtained from each of the\\npropertyless and the propertied poor in any em-\\nployment whatever, then every one of the million\\nfamilies on the average gets daily more than $7\\nof the unjust income. And that is simply because\\nthe resourceless people cannot apply their energy\\nanywhere without oppression. But, if the prin-\\nciple of dividogenesure allows these families to\\nsqueeze out of every one s energy daily 25c, then\\nthe daily dividend of these families will amount to\\n$9,709,462.25, which is nearly $10 to each family\\namong the million. And this is one way how the\\nrich are growing richer and the poor are growing\\npoorer. While the next chapter will show another\\nway of getting rich and the poor.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 105\\nNo one ought to suppose, however, that the\\nmillion families, variously employing the above\\nnumber of the absolutely dependent j^^gg^g\\npeople, obtain equal shares of the profits are\\nunearned profits from the workers in\\nthe United States. Nor ought one to suppose that\\nthese workers lose equal amounts of energy in\\nfavor of the owners of capital, means of transporta-\\ntion, or distribution of products, in favor of land-\\nlords and houselords, etc. No, some of the workers\\nlose more than others, just as some of the fam-\\nilies get much more than others. The net profits of\\nthe different m.onopolies, p. loi, as represented by\\nthe census agent, illustrate these differences in the\\ngains of several families connected with the mo-\\nnopolies.\\nBut, notwithstanding the differences in the de-\\ntailed gains and losses, there cannot be any doubt\\nor discrepancy in the general fact, that if the nat-\\nural and other* monopolies shall continue to\\nearn billions of dollars worth of wealth every year,\\nall the nation will soon be absolutely enslaved by\\na very few families of the wealthiest type. The\\neconomic slavery of the nation then will grow\\nharder and harder upon the people absolutely de-\\npendent on the principle of dividogenesure.\\n*By the other monopolies, I mean some monopolies,\\ncompanies, trusts and combinations which have not been\\nmentioned here at all, and many of which deal with rentable\\nhouses in cities, and so on,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "106 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nFor if each one of the 38,837,849 individuals now\\ndaily loses, on the average, 25c worth of wealth\\nproduced by his energy, the con-\\niNmvmuALS tinual increase of these dependents\\nmust bring about a continual in-\\ncrease in the rates of the daily incomes in favor of\\nthe wealthy few at the rates shown on p. 104,\\nwhich shall then go higher up. The concentration\\nof wealth will go on, and from the standpoint of\\ndividogenesure, these rates wih indicate a con-\\ntinual increase or decrease in the unjust concen-\\ntration of wealth in a few hands.\\nNo one must suppose, however, that by the rates\\nof dividogenesure we mean only the underrated\\nwages and salaries. No, we mean here the losses\\nof the people in all stages of productive and dis-\\ntributive activity and the final gains of those that\\nunjustly profit by this general activity of the peo-\\nple. And I view the nation as a whole with its fu-\\nture.\\nIf the situation be left, as it is at present, many\\npossibilities can unmistakably be predicted for the\\nnation s future.\\nWhen the nation is rapidly growing into the\\neconomic slaves of a few favorites of dividogene-\\nsure, there is no use to think about\\nPOSSIBLE FUTURE, the freedom and political power of\\nthe enslaved people, because such\\nthinking or talking will only be a general mock-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "ABNORMITY OF SOCIAL SITUATION. 107\\nflattery against the helpless by the ignorant or dis-\\nhonest men who may also be slaves over the slaves.\\nAnd this modern dependence of the people will\\ncertainly be to their own harm. The tens of mil-\\nlions of families together shall neither be able to\\nsupport the public schools, colleges, churches, nor\\nany other public institutions without the means of\\nthe wealthy few. Then it will be that the very\\nteachers, professors, ministers and every one else\\nin the public service will also be in bondage. Then\\nit will be that they shall be bound to educate the\\npeople by so shaping their nervous system as to\\nbear even greater economic slavery than any\\nsavages could tolerate. Then it will be that they\\nshall be unable to teach any truth valuable for the\\nwell-being of the people even if they know it per-\\nfectly well.* And then it will be that every one\\nshall feel his impotency and littleness in attempting\\nto throv/ off the heavy yoke of the few rich fam-\\nilies.\\nBesides, we may see here a type of the Venetian\\nRepublic with all its inherent miseries, on a large\\nscale; while the people shall continue\\nto groan even as the Venetians did rIpubuc\\nunder a few prosperous families. But\\nthe American groaning and misery may undoubt-\\n*Prof. George Herron s dismissal from the Iowa College\\nis a striking example, foreboding the nation s near future.\\nThis professor was forbidden b}^ financial necessity to teach\\nwhat is good for the people. The Public, Nov. ii, 1899,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "108 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nedly be even greater than theirs, because they were\\noppressed and labored as beasts of burden, but they\\nwere never compelled to work on a par with the\\nmodern mechanical forces. And as the misery of\\nthe American Republic will be g-reater, the oppres-\\nsion heavier, and the economic and other forms of\\nslavery will be more degrading, it will be necessary\\nto have a greater Napoleon Boneparte in order to\\nHberate the future Americans from their oligar-\\nchic plutocracy than the one who spoke to the\\nVenetians: I am your liberator; I am not your\\nenemy; I am your friend; don t be afraid, and so\\non.\\nIt is, however, to be hoped that the present\\nAmerican fathers will not hesitate to provide some-\\nthing better for their children.\\nChicago. The Public No. 115, 1900, has now on record\\nfour other professors similarly dealt with in different col-\\nleges on grounds similar to that of Prof. G. Herron. One of\\nthese four is President Henry Wade Rogers, of the North-\\nwestern University, at Evanston, 111.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nMORTGAGOR FAMILIES.\\nIt must be borne in mind that in this chapter we\\nhave to consider only those families of the nation\\nwhich were in possession of real or artificial* prop-\\nerty before and after the year 1890. And we have\\nespecially to consider those of them whose prop-\\nerties were mortgaged; and those whose properties\\nwere to be lost in consequence of the mortgages\\nthey were encumbered with. While the property-\\nless or the tenant families, that were treated in the\\npreceding chapter, will now be kept in the back-\\nground of the statistics with which we have to deal.\\nWhen, however, we are through with the statis-\\ntics, we may make references to and may even\\nmake special statements about the tenant families\\ntreated before; while the prominent position will\\nnow be given to the mortgagor families, showing\\nhow they fall from the class of property owners, be-\\ncome debtors to the owners of greater wealth, lose\\ntheir properties and increase the numbers of the\\npropertyless.\\nIt is important to note here that the loss of the\\nrights to property always precedes the actual loss\\n*Artificial property again means all things that were cre-\\nated or invented by man in the past or the present.\\n109", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "110 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nof property itself; and that the fall of the prop-\\nertied into the sphere of dividogenesure, also pre-\\ncedes the actual economic slavery of those that be-\\ncome propertyless.\\nThe very day in which a propertied person\\nmortgages his property he loses his rights for the\\nwealth he has owned, because his\\nLOSS OF RIGHTS\\nPRECEDES LOSS property goes from him as a secur-\\nOF PROPERTY, ity for thc loau hc makcs. And while\\nlosing the rights, he takes upon himself the obliga-\\ntion to divide the results of his labor between the\\nlender and himself, and thus falls under the in-\\nfluence of dividogenesure. For, henceforth, he\\nspends his active energy in favor of the creditor\\nand himself, and is obliged to regard the interests\\nof the creditor as of more importance than his\\nown. The rate of interest to the creditor must be\\naccurately paid so much per cent per annum for\\nthe loan. Hence, the mortgagor at once appears\\nin the position of a tenant of farm or of any other\\nproperty. And it depends on the rate of the per-\\ncentage he agreed to pay out of the results of his\\nlabor whether he is better off or worse even than a\\nmere tenant. It also depends on the fact whether\\nhis mortgaged property is a large one or small, and\\nwhether he has mortgaged one part or the whole\\nof his resources of wealth. In any way, a mort-\\ngagor, according to the degree of his indebtedness,\\nis an economic slave of the owners of greater", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. Ill\\nwealth. And he must have a supernatural ability\\nand must use an extraordinary effort in order to\\npay his debt or to redeem his property. Otherwise\\nhis property must pass into the absolute owner-\\nship of the wealthy families that millions of other\\nindividuals already labor for under the modern type\\nof slavery.\\nBut let us now see the statistical facts and then\\nwe may better judge of what mortgages signify\\nand what they mean to the nation. We shall take\\nthe other class treated in the same bulletin out of\\nwhich we extracted the 6,624,259 tenant famiHes\\nfor the preceding chapter.*\\nSTATISTICS.f\\nExtra Bulletin No. 98 of the United States\\nCensus, 1890, (of the mortgagor families) says:\\nThat out of the whole 4,767,1791: farming fam-\\niHes in the United States only 65.92 per cent, or\\n3,142,414 families own the farms\\ncultivated by them. And that ^Tn debl\\n28.22 per cent, or 886,839 fam.ilies\\nout of the 3,142,414 owning ones, own subject to\\nencumbrance, i. e., they are in debt; and 71.78\\nper cent, or 2,255,575 families, own free of en-\\ncumbrance. So that among every 100 farm own-\\n*See the same number on p. 79.\\ntEnc. of Soc. Reform, p. 899.\\nJThis number contains 1,624,765 tenant farming families.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "112 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ning families 72* own without encumbrance and 2S\\nown with encumbrance.\\nAnd the same Bulletin further says That on\\nthe owned farms there are Hensf amounting to\\n$1,085,995,960, which is 35.55 per\\nPER CENL^ o^ value of the encumbered\\nfarms, and this debt bears interest at\\nthe average rate of 7.07 per cent, which is more\\nthan 7 dollars for every $100 borrowed. It is at\\nthis rate per annum that the farmer s labor energy\\nis drained by the wealthy creditors or by the bank-\\ners. Each owned and encumbered farm on the\\naverage is v/orth $3,444. This average, of course,\\nincludes the families far above $3,444 worth and\\nfar below it and each, on the average, is sub-\\nject to a debt of $1,224.\\nHence it follows that the principle of divido-\\ngenesure, in these cases, has a yearly demand that\\nevery debtor should, on the average,\\nINTEREST. pay about $86.53 worth of the results\\nof his labor energy to his creditor.\\nAnd it is a question whether even a highly effective\\ncapital worth $1,224 is really able to increase the\\nyearly results of the debtor s labor to the extent of\\n$86.53 I mean an increase in his product abso-\\nlutely due to the aid of the borrowed capital on\\nwhich he is to pay this sum as the annual interest\\n*Remember that the tenant families are excluded here._\\ntLien means a legal claim on property which must be paid.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 113\\ncharge. It is rather probable that the majority of\\nthe mortgagors pay more than half of this annual\\npercentage at the expense of their personal energy,\\neven under the condition of the most effective use\\nof the borrowed means. For the rate of 7.07 per\\ncent is unconscientiously exorbitant and is gen-\\nerally abnormal.\\nAs to the families owning homes, the corre-\\nsponding facts are that 27.70* per cent, or 809,-\\n831 famines, out of the 2,923,577\\nhome-owning families, own their \u00c2\u00b0~|n debII\\nhomes with encumbrance, and 72.30\\nper cent, or 2,113,746, own them without en-\\ncumbrance. So that in every 100 home-owning\\nfamilies 28 are in debt and ]2 are free of debt.\\nThe debt on owned homes aggre-\\ngates $1,046,953,603, or 39.77 per 6.23 ^plR cLt.\\ncent of the value of the encum-\\nbered homes, and bears interest at the average rate\\nof 6.23 per cent. An average debt of $1,293 en-\\ncumbers each home, which has an average value of\\n$3,250. This average again includes the family\\nhomes worth far above and far below the indi-\\ncated value. While the homes below this value\\nmay have greater encumbrances than the others;\\nand it is certainly the poorer families that lose their\\nproperties first, if they attempt to get rich by\\n^Remember that the 4,999,396 tenant families are excluded\\nhere.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "114 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nmeans of the loans they can obtain at the rate of\\nexorbitant per cents.\\nIf then the average debt of these 809,831 fam-\\nihes is $1,293 and the rate per cent for it is 6.23 per\\ncent per annum, every one of them\\n^inTe^re^st^ is, therefore, a subject to the prin-\\nciple of dividogenesure at the rate of\\n$80.55 a year. It must, hov^ever, he understood that\\nthe averages indicate only the general truth, and\\nalways conceal the particular miseries and distress\\nof many millions of the people. And I understand\\nthat many of these debtors have been in the gain-\\nful pursuits spoken of by Mayo-Smith, and hence\\nthe dividogenesure presses upon them from twO\\nor even more sides. But it is only the next census\\nthat will show us the situation these debtors are in.\\nLet us now speak about the cities and towns\\nwith one side of which we have become acquainted\\nin the preceding chapter.\\nCITIES AND TOWNS.\\nThere are 420 cities and towns that have a\\npopulation of 8,000 to 100,000, and in these cities\\nOWNERS OF THE and towns 64.04 per cent, i. e.,\\n\u00e2\u0084\u00a2mL?AT. 1,120,433 of the home families hire\\nAiWONG 414,544 t^OU\\nFAiwiLiES. and 35.96 per cent, i. e., 629,146\\nfamilies own their homes, and of the home-\\nowning famihes 34.11 per cent, i. e., 214,602 own\\nwith encumbrance and 65.89 per cent, i. e., 414,-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 115\\n544 own free of encumbrance. The liens on\\nthe owned homes are 39.55 per cent of the vahie of\\nthose subject to lien. Several averages show that\\nthe rate of interest is 6.29 per cent; value of each\\nowned and encumbered home is $3,447; lien on the\\nsame is $1,363. (See Appendix I.)\\nSo that these debtors of the 420 towns and cities\\nare also subject to the principle of dividogenesure\\nat the rate of $85.73 ^^^h per every year, as long\\nas the mortgages remain in force and are not fore-\\nclosed.\\nThe cities that have a population of 100,000\\nand over (up to millions) number 28, and in\\nthese cities 77.17 per cent, i. e., owners of the\\n1,503,911 of the home famiHes hire large cities\\nand 22.83 per cent, i. e., 444,923 276,744 far^sues.\\nown their homes; 37.80 per cent, i. e., 168,179 of\\nthe latter families have encumbrance and 62.20\\nper cent, i. e., 276,744 families are free of en-\\ncumbrance. Averages for owned and encum-\\nbered homes are: Encumbrance, $2,337; value,\\n$5,555; rate of interest, 5.75 per cent. Homes are\\nencumbered for 42.07 per cent of their value. This\\nis the largest average encumbrance among all en-\\ncumbered homes and farms.\\nSo that every debtor in these 28 large cities (and\\nthere are 9 of them in every 100) is a subject to\\nthe principle of dividogenesure at the rate of\\n$134.37 each in every year as long as the mort-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "116\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ngage is in force and is not foreclosed. It is after\\nthe foreclosure that the debtor cannot even redeem\\nhis mortgaged property; he has then to remain\\npropertyless. Let us now sum up the preceding\\nconclusions in a tabular way, as follows:\\nUnited States Farms and Homes.\\nThe Farm-Families.\\nPer Cent\\nThe total of families occupying\\nfarms\\n(1) out of them: The families\\nhiring farms\\n(2) and the families owning farms.\\nOut of the last 65.92 per cent, of\\nthem are those owning farms\\nwith encumbrance\\nAnd those owning them free of\\nencumbrance\\nThe Home-Families.\\nThe total of families occupying\\nhomes\\n(1) out of them: The families\\nhiring homes\\n36.90\\n(2) and the famiHes owning homes.\\nOut of the last 86.90 per cent, of\\nthem are those owning homes\\nwith encumbrance\\nAnd those owning them free of\\nencumbrance i 72 30\\n34.08\\n65.92\\n28.22\\n71.78\\n63.10\\n27.70\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05f\\nTotal of farm and home families\\nwith encumbrance\\nNumber of\\n4,767,179\\n1,624,765\\n8,142,414\\n886,839\\n2,255,575\\n7,922,973\\n4,999,396\\n2,923,577\\n809,831\\n2,118,746\\n1,696,670\\n^These percentages are from the Official Bulletin, No. 98", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 117\\nThis double table shows clearly enough that\\nthere were 8,320,831 tenant and mortgagor fam-\\nilies that have been subject to the\\nprinciple of dividogenesure. And omowjESyuRE.\\nthat these famihes had 41,061,563 in-\\ndividual members, including children that have\\nnow grown up to the same fate of the drain of\\nlabor energy, under which their unfortunate par-\\nents have been. For all these individuals, of\\ncourse, cannot exist without working in favor of\\nthe few money lenders and propertied men, because\\nthe tenants have no resources to apply their energy\\nto, and the mortgagors cannot profit themselves by\\nthe loans of exorbitantly high per cent of interest.\\nHence, they are all drained and all are economic\\nslaves of the wealthy few.\\nBesides, the necessary life-expenses of every one,\\nsubject to a strong dividogenesure,* are absolute-\\nly greater than the same expenses of any one in the\\nwealthy group. While the incomes of the rich that\\nthe millions of other individuals and the forces of\\ncapital work out, cannot even be compared with\\nthe semi-incomes of the poor that are obliged in\\nany way to work for the wealthy, when these are\\ndisposed to give them a chance to work.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Dividogenesure is the stronger, the larger the per cent\\nan employer obtains from the results of the labor of every\\nemployee; and is the weaker, the smaller the per cent he\\nobtains from every one dependent on him for life.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "118 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nFurther, is it not an abnormal reality that the 420\\ntowns and cities in the United States should belong\\nCITIES owMED BY to less than 24 per cent of the entire\\n^cey\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 TOEiR^^ population in them? And is it not\\nPEOPLE. Strange that the remaining 76 per\\ncent of the inhabitants in these cities and towns\\nshould live and labor with the purpose of feeding,\\nfattening and enriching these 24 per cents of the\\npeople who are really the ov/ners of these towns\\nand cities? And is it not abnormal in the extreme\\nto have 28 cities, populated by hundreds of thou-\\nsands and by millions of individuals; and that these\\ncities, including all kinds of buildings, machines,\\nCITIES OWNED BY houscs, ctc, ctc, sliould actually be\\n^c^Ey o1^\\\\^HE!R possessed by less than 14 per cent of\\nPEOPLE. their population? And that, in addi-\\ntion to this extreme abnormity, the remaining 86 per\\ncent of their people should be obliged to divide all\\nresults of active and creative energy with these\\nfew owners of the great cities?\\nBut what is inconceivably strange is that this ex-\\ntremely abnormal situation should be produced in a\\nnation governed by the people s representatives\\nchosen by their good will and purpose; and that\\nthis will and purpose should bring about the results\\nof so great injustice and wickedness against this\\npeople, is only possible on the basis of ignorance,\\nneglect of duty and selfishness.\\nLet us now have an idea of the progress of de-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 119\\nvelopment of the principle of dividogenesure in the\\nUnited States, and of the rapidity with which the\\npeople fall under its oppressive influence, thus\\ngradually becoming propertyless or the absolutely\\nhelpless economic slaves of those that capture\\nthem within the extensive nets of that principle.\\nExtra Census Bulletin No. 71 gives the statis-\\ntics on mortgages by amounts, length of mortgage,\\nrate of interest for the United States from 1880 to\\n1889.\\nIt says: That during that time 9,517,747 real\\nestate mortgages, stating amount of debt incurred,\\nwere made in the United States, rep-\\nresenting an incurred indebtedness mortgages!\\nof $12,094,877,793. The number of\\nmortgages made during one year* increased from\\n643.143 in 1880 to 1,226,323 in 1889, or 90.88 per\\ncent, and the yearly incurred indebtedness in-\\ncreased from $710,888,504 in 1880 to $1,752,568,-\\n274 in 1889, or 146.53 per cent.\\nWith regard to mortgages on acre-tracts, the\\nnumber made during 10 years was 4,747,078, rep-\\nresenting an incurred indebtedness\\nof $4,896,771,112. The increase in acre-tracts.\\nmaking them was as follows The\\nnumber of these mortgages made in the year\\n*That is, the rate of making mortgages in 1880th year\\nwas 643,143, and the yearly rate in 1889th year was 1,226,323\\nin one year.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "120 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ni88o was 370,984; in 1889, 525,094. So that\\nduring the years between these an increase of\\n41.54 per cent was made; while the incurred in-\\ndebtedness increased from $342,566,477 in 1880 to\\n$585,729,719 in 1889, an increase of 70.98 per\\ncent.\\nThe increase was relatively larger in the case\\nof mortgages on lots. They numbered 4,770,669\\nduring the 10 years, and the indebt-\\nON LOTS. edness incurred under them\\namounted to $7,198,106,681. From\\n1880 to 1889 the annual number made increased\\nfrom 272,159 to 701,229, an increase of 157.65 per\\ncent. During the same time the amount of an-\\nnual indebtedness incurred increased from $368,-\\n322,027 in the year 1880, to $1,166,838,555 in\\nthe year 1889, an increase of 216.80 per cent. t\\nAs you see, the yearly increase in the numbers\\not making new mortgages was astonishingly great\\non all sides. This progress of falling under the in-\\nfluence of dividogenesure, falling into debt, indi-\\ncates that the people could not avoid becoming\\nslaves to the percentages for loans. This progress\\nindicates that they were compelled by the general-\\nly abnormal conditions of existence to take the risk\\nof losing their properties. And all cities thus grow\\nas New York City, where but 6 1-3 per cent of\\nthe families owned their homes in 1890.\\ntEnc. of Soc. Reform, p. 901. JDr. Spahr, ib. p. ^y.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 121\\nAMOUNTS\\nDuring the decade 622,855,091 acres were cov-\\nered by 4,758,268 mortgages stating and not stat-\\ning the amount of indebtedness incurred under\\nthem. The number of acres covered by mortgage\\nin 1880 was 42,743,013; in 1889, 70,678,257; an\\nincrease of 65.36 per cent. In the case of lots\\ncovered by mortgage the increase was 198.25 per\\ncent. The number thus covered by mortgages\\nstating and not stating amount of indebtedness in\\nthe former year being 429,955; in the latter year\\n1,282,334.\\nAt the end of the decade, January i, 1890, the\\nreal estate mortgage indebtedness amounted to\\n$6,010,670,985, on the whole, rep-\\nresented by 4,777,698 mortgages, ^^^f\\nwhich were divided into the mort-\\ngages on the acres and the mortgages on the\\nlots.\\nIt was also computed that the average length of\\na mortgage in the United States is longer than\\nfour and a half years, or exactly\\n4.660 years. The Bulletin calls it ^^or^Jce.\\na life of a mortgage, which may\\nlast as much longer without being paid oft\\nthat is, a mortgage may last as long as the creditor\\ngets his rate of interest, or as long as his increasing\\n*A11 expressions under the inverted commas ?ire from Bul-\\nletin,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "122 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ninterest is secure in the whole value of the mort-\\ngaged property. Otherwise a mortgage is fore-\\nclosed.\\nBut what is specially important for us is whether\\nthe mortgagors are able to extinguish their debt\\nwith the same rapidity with which it was incurred\\nby them? If they are able to pay off their debts\\nat the proper times, then mortgaging of property\\nwould at least appear uninjurious to their well\\nbeing, though it could not be regarded as profit-\\nable to them.\\nThe same Bulletin No. 71, however, states\\nthat, since mortgages in force were made, 12.68 per\\ncent of the orisfinal amount of in-\\nORlGiNAL DEBT\\nPAID: 12.68 PER dcbtedncss incurred under them has\\nbeen extinguished by partial pay-\\nments. Now, it was time to extinguish all the\\noriginal amount on mortgages in force. Yet 87.32\\nper cent of the original indebtedness could not be\\npaid off by the debtors. And this is a sign of the\\nomGiNAL LOSS OF forcibk argument, showing\\nPROPERTY: 87.32 that the greatest majority of the\\nPER CE?JT. 11 1\\nmortgagors have been on the way\\nto ruin, and on the way of losing their properties.\\nIt is thus the millions of tenants appeared in 1890.\\nTHE PER CAPITA DEBT.\\nInstead of being paid off at proper times, the\\nmortgage debt was accumulating so far that if it", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 123\\nwere divided among the entire population in 1890,\\nevery man, woman and child would have been in\\ndebt of $96. Just as the Bulletin\\nsays that the mortgage debt per smES^\\ncapita in the United States is $96;\\nthe three largest state averages (omitting the Dis-\\ntrict of Columbia) are $268 in New York, $206 in\\nColorado, and $200 in California. The smaller ones\\nare found in the south and the Rocky Mountain\\nregion/ Such is the per capita debt in these\\nthree States.\\nIn 41 States 28.86 per cent of the taxed acres\\nare covered by mortgages in force. The largest\\nproportion of mortgaged acres is in Kansas, where\\n60.32 per cent of the total number of taxed acres\\nare mortgaged. Nebraska stands next, with 54.73\\nper cent; South Dakota third, with 51.76 per cent.*\\nTn the five States, Illinois, Kansas, Missouri,\\nNebraska, and South Carolina, 23.99 per cent of\\nthe taxed lots are covered by mortgages in force,\\nand so on in the other States. But the most im-\\nportant fact is the annual interest the people have\\nto pay to the wealthy few for their loans.\\nAVERAGE RATE PER CENT ON THE\\nDEBT.\\nThe average rate for all mortgages in the\\nUnited States is 6.60 per cent. For mortgages on\\n*Bulletin No. 71, Encyclopedia of Social Reform, p. 901.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "3 24 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nacres/ the average is 7.36 per cent; for mort-\\nu. s. RATE gsg^s on lots, 6.16 per cent. These\\nPER CENT. rates make the annual interest charge\\non the existing real estate mortgage in the United\\nStates amount to $397,442792.\\nNow Vv^e have reached the principle point in\\nthese statistics. Imagine that the families in debt\\nare annually charged with the rate\\ncharge! interest amounting to $397,442,-\\n792 vv^orth of the results of their la-\\nbor, and that the group of creditors get this amount\\nof wealth yearly without work. And think that,\\nif the average life of a mortgage is even 4J years\\nlong, these families have to pay $1,788,492,564\\nworth of wealth produced by their energy during\\nthis time. But we were told that the average\\nlength of a mortgage life continues as much\\nlonger without being paid off, that is, it lasts\\nnearly 10 years, and these families have, therefore,\\nto pay nearly $4,000,000,000 worth of the wealth\\nproduced by them during this time. That is how\\nthe debtors are affected by the principle of divido-\\ngenesure which steadily works in all directions in\\nfavor of the wealthy few. This is the economic\\nslavery that the Nineteenth Century has estab-\\nlished for the people of the United States.\\nThe Bulletin shows that this interest charge is\\ntContinuation, On the debt in force against acres, $162,-\\n652,944; on lots, $234,789,848, is the yearly interest.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 125\\nfor mortgages on acre-tracts and on lots, against\\nwhich the debt of $6,010,670,985 was in force in\\n1890, after which it continued to exist and to in-\\ncrease probably with the same rate as it increased\\nin the previous decade. For, nothing special has\\nbeen done to prevent the needy people from\\nmortgaging their properties. So the mortgages\\nwere increasing and the annual interest charge\\nagainst lots and acres, too, continued to increase.\\nBut the Extra Bulletin No. 98 shows that the\\nindebtedness on owned farms was equal to $1,085,-\\n00^,060,^^ and the same on owned\\nINTEREST CHARGE\\nhomes was equal to $1,046,953,603 ;t on farms and\\nso that, added together, these two\\nclasses of debt amount to $2,132,949,563, as\\nwas stated in this Bulletin. And the average rate\\nof interest on this debt is shown at the end of the\\nsecond Bulletin to have been 6.65 per cent per\\nannum. And the annual interest charge is $141,-\\n910,106 that has been a burden on 1,696,670 fam-\\nilies represented here in the table, p. 1 16. Of course,\\nthousands of these families have now lost their\\nproperties forever, as there were liens on their\\nfarms and homes representing the above total of\\nmore than 2-billion dollars.\\n*Here, p. 112.\\ntib., p. 113.\\n$Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 902. This interest charge is at the\\nend of the Extra Bulletin No. 71.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "126 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nIf we now unite the annual interest charge on\\nthe acres and lots mortgage debt, and the annual\\ninterest on farms and homes mort-\\nINTEREST CHARGE. S^S^ ^^^t, wc find that thcse chargcs\\namount to $539,352,898 in every\\nyear, which must be paid in any way.\\nIt is certainly not the yearly charge of the me-\\nmorial past, but it was stated as existing in the\\nyear 1890, and would naturally continue as an\\nannual interest charge up to the present day. The\\ndebtors must use an extraordinary efifort in their\\ntoil, in order to get sufficient results from their\\nappHed energy for clearing up this annual interest\\ncharge, and keeping themselves alive.* And to\\nspeak about an unusual prosperity of the people\\nunder such conditions is as absurd as to say that\\nthe creditors are growing poor from receiving the\\nannual interest charge consisting of $539,352,898\\nworth of wealth because they get it yearly without\\nwork.\\nYes, every one that speaks about prosperity in\\nthe United States knows what he means. For the\\nstatistical facts prove that there is an unusual pros-\\n*Yet, it should be remembered that we do not here deal\\nwith the debts of Railroad Companies, Street Railway, Tele-\\ngraph, Telephone and other companies and corporations; nor\\ndo we deal with the U. S. debt of $891,960,104; States, $228,-\\n997,389; Counties, $145,048,045; Municipalities, $724,463,060;\\nSchool districts, $36,701,948, which in 1890 made the grand\\ntotal of $18,027,170,546 including the debt under our consid-\\neration. But we deal with family-debtors, for whom debt is\\nequal to ruin. Whereas debt to the others is prosperity.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 127\\nperity for the very few that the tens of mihions of\\nindividuals are bound to work for. But, is it pros-\\nperity for these mihions of the propertyless i^\\nand debtors? No, there is positive enslavement for\\nthem and their children. And it is the innocent\\nchildren or posterity that are to be specially pitied.\\nThese tens of milHons of individuals become\\nweaker and weaker consumers of their own prod-\\nucts and products of the nation. So that, the few\\nprosperous families are obliged to look after wider\\nforeign markets to export to the produce that the\\nmilHons here have no means, no purchasing power\\nto acquire. It has long been the case in England,\\nwhere millions of the people wear overcoats, for in-\\nstance, from 5 to lo years each, without being able\\nto procure new ones; while the exports of all goods\\nare ever going on to the different foreign markets.\\nAnd the United States are growing similar to Great\\nBritain in almost every respect.\\nThe percentages representing encumbrance for\\nvarious rates of interest, says the Extra Bulletin\\nNo. 71, show that the larger en-\\nRATES OF INTEREST\\ncumbrances bear the lower rates of are hsgher on\\ninterest, as a general fact. And the\\ndifferences in the rates of interest are from less\\nthan 6 to greater than 12 per cent. Hence, the\\npoorer the mortgagors, the greater the weight of\\noppression they bear; and the greater oppression\\nthey bear, the quicker they lose their properties.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "128 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nand the greater becomes the number of tenants and\\nof economic slaves which we have.\\nThe brute-minded creditors think that it is nat-\\nural to skin the helpless, because they have no\\ngreat security for the loans.\\nWhat is the significance of mortgages for the\\nnation? And what do other men acquainted with\\nmortgages think of them?\\nThe significance of mortgages has already been\\nconsidered by many thoughtful men, and it is not\\nout of place to quote here the ready views of some\\nof them.\\nSIGNIFICANCE.\\nAs there are two economic classes of the people\\nin the United States,* so there are two views, both\\nof which must be understood. The\\n^viEws! view presented by writers like Mr.\\nEdward Atkinson is known to some\\npeople as worthy of regard, notwithstanding that\\nthese writers knock their heads against a moun-\\ntainous wall of facts. They argue that the mort-\\ngage is an indication of prosperity. Mr. Atkinson\\nsays, in the Forum for May, 1895, writing (be-\\nfore the complete mortgage returns given above\\nhad been reported) concerning the census returns\\nfor 33 States:\\n*That is, if we divide them by the line of families worth\\n$5,000 and over, and families worth $5,000 and under; and\\nthe latter will include the economic dependants.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 129\\nThe first startling fact is that in these 33 States\\nand Territories nearly 7,000,000 mortgages have\\nbeen recorded in ten years for a total sum of nearly\\n$9,500,000,000. The final statement, covering the\\nwhole country, which has not yet been published,\\ndiscloses the fact that 9,517,747 mortgages were\\nexecuted in the decade 1880-89 to the amount of\\n$12,094,877,793.\\nAnd then because on the first of January, 1890,\\nthe amount of these mortgages remaining unpaid\\nin the whole United States was $6,019,679,985,$\\nMr. Atkinson says It therefore appears that dur-\\ning the decade one-half of the mortgage debt in-\\ncurred had already been paid. But he forgets to\\ndeal with the process of losing property by the\\nthousands of the debtors who appeared without\\nproperty in 1890.\\nAnd being uncertain about mortgages on acres\\nand lots at the beginning of the last decade, he\\ninfers that the least estimate of the sum due on\\nacres and lots at the beginning of this period\\n(1880-90) would be $1,500,000,000. And con-\\ntinues that these original mortgages executed\\nprior to 1880 must have been wholly liquidated,\\nmostly by payment.\\nAs regards this point we have equal or even\\ngreater reason to say that those mortgages have\\ntHere, p. 119.\\nIHere, p. 121.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "130 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nmostly been liquidated by an absolute loss of prop-\\nerty, because at the end of the decade we have had\\nmany millions of propertyless families.\\nBut the chief feature of the situation Mr. Atkin-\\nson wishes to vindicate is that the mortgage\\ngrowth indicates prosperity and not the system of\\ntenancy and landlordism as in Great Britain. He\\nsays\\nThe evidence is conclusive that the increase of\\nhired farms does not imply the permanent estab-\\nlishment of the relations of landlord\\nPRIMOGENITURE. tcuaut after the English fashion.\\nIt does not imply the concentration\\nof land in fewer hands, but rather the reverse. It\\ndoes imply better and more intelligent methods of\\nagriculture, larger and more varied crops pro-\\nduced from lessening areas of land throughout the\\nwhole great grain-growing section, and so on.\\nAs to the prosperity, I will say, that a family se-\\ncuring a large amount of borrowed money or cap-\\nital at low rates of interest may\\nCONDITIONS OF i j. u az i.\\nPROSPERITY. prosper under mortgage by emcient-\\nly applying the capital on its wealth,\\nby efficiently applying the labor energy of the\\nfamily members, and, especially, by efficiently ap-\\nplying hired labor upon its farm or any other kind\\nof property. So that, only those mortgagor fam-\\nilies can have prosperity, which are aided by many\\n*Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 904, Edition of 1897.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 131\\nagencies in drawing incomes from their land.\\nWhile all the poorer families must be ruined by the\\nmortgages.\\nAs to the argument that we have no establish-\\nment of tenancy after the English fashion of primo-\\ngeniture, it is enough to refer the reader to the\\nthird chapter of this work, and beg him to under-\\nstand it well by reading a second time. For the\\neffects of primogeniture and dividogenesure are\\nthe same, as both principles demand that millions\\nof individuals should divide the sole results of their\\napplied energy with the few owners of capital and\\nwealth, or else these millions must starve without\\nemployment. They produce economic slavery in\\nEngland and in the United States, where most of\\nthe people are now propertyless and therefore help-\\nless.\\nDividogenesure, however, differs from primo-\\ngeniture by including all mortgagors into its\\nsphere of oppression.\\nAnd it seems to me perfectly naive to assert that\\nlarger and more varied crops are produced from\\nlessening areas of land throughout\\nthe whole grain-growing section of\\nthe country. For it really means\\nthat the more land the people lose through mort-\\ngages, the better crops they will produce, and\\nhence the best crops must be produced by them\\nwhen they lose all the land they formerly owned.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "132 THE IxMPENDING CRISIS.\\nBut Mr. Atkinson does not here deal with the\\nfact that more than 64 per cent of the population\\nin 420 cities and towns, and jy per cent of it in\\nthe 28 largest cities are also tenants of homes, be-\\nside the tenants of farms he writes about. He\\ndoes not speak of the fact that the 420 cities and\\ntowns actually belong to less than 24 per cent of their\\npopulation, and that the 28 great cities in the United\\nStates really belong to less than 14 per cent of their\\npopulation and that the whole population of the 448\\ncities and towns are bound, by dividogensure, to\\nwork in one or other way for the small per cent\\nof their wealthy neighbors, the only independent\\npopulation that holds the others in slavery. A\\ndealing with these tenants would disprove his posi-\\ntion. See appendix I.\\nMr. G. H. Holmes, writing in the Annals of the\\nAmerican Academy and Social Science Quarterly,\\ngives a more balanced view on the subject. He\\nsays\\nWhile mortgage debtors must admit that they\\nhave done better to obtain real estate on credit\\nthan not to obtain as much of it as\\nEi^FECTS^ they have done, or not to obtain it at\\nall, they are nevertheless in a situa-\\ntion where they feel the pinching effects of a reduc-\\ntion or loss of income more than real-estate owners\\n*Enc, of Soc, Reform, p. 904,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 133\\ndo who are not debtors. This is owing to the in-\\nterest that is wanted by the mortgagee.\\nWhile a still better view is given by Rev. Wm.\\nBliss, editor of the Encyclopedia of Social Re-\\nform, f He says:\\n^The mortgage indicates a hope of progress, but\\nalso a slavery to interest under which many sink.\\nIt is exactly the point of reality, for many prop-\\nertied families borrow money with the hope of get-\\nting economically better off, but the\\nhopes mostly deceive them, and they o^f^vVrTmTny^^\\nfind themselves in the trap of slavery\\non account of paying too high rate of interest for\\nthe loans they obtain. And it is this slavery to in-\\nterest that makes them absolutely propertyless,\\nslaves to dividogenesure.\\nAnd it follows that the claim of Mr. Atkinson,\\nthat mortgages are profitable to both the mort-\\ngagor and the mortgagee is only true in the cases\\nof paying the rates of interest not exceeding 3 per\\ncent per annum, which, however, does not exist in\\nAmerica. And if this rate had been in existence,\\nthen, an effective application of all possible\\nagencies of production could make the mortgages\\nprofitable to the mortgagors and the mortgagees.\\nWhile under the present conditions they are only\\nruinous to the former and most profitable to the\\nlatter.\\ntib., p. 904.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "134 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nBut let us see the other view on mortgages which\\nmust be understood too.\\nThe view that America is becoming a nation\\nof tenants is well known, says Mr. J. P. Dunn, Jr.,\\nwriting in the Political Science\\nsEMi-PES^snviisTic Quarterly for March, 1890, after de-\\nscribing the situation as regards the\\nWestern States.*\\nBURDEN OF DEBT.\\nThe mortgage indebtedness of the Western\\nStates is a matter worthy the attention of econ-\\nomists and statesmen, as well as of\\niMrvm the people of those States. What-\\never may be thought of its effects, it\\nis a fact mountainous and immovable. And more,\\nthe probabilities that loom far above the figures\\nhere presented make it very questionable whether\\nthe alarmists who have discussed the subject have\\nin fact materially exaggerated the existing condi-\\ntions.\\nIf the people of the Western States may be con-\\nsidered thrifty and judicious, the people of Mich-\\nigan may, and by the official records their condi-\\n*Mr. Dunn could not have known at the time that some\\nEastern States were even worse than the Western ones, and\\nthat New York, for instance, is more conspicuously\\nprominent as having a real estate mortgage indebtedness of\\n$1,607,874,301, which is 26.71 per cent of the total indebted-\\nness on acres and lots in the United States,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 135\\ntion appears to be as bad as that of their\\nneighbors in Indiana. In 1887 an attempt was made\\nby the bureau of statistics to ascertain the mort-\\ngage debt of the State through personal declara-\\ntions of the owners of land. The re-\\nturns show (report of 1888) that the real estate\\nmortgages of the State amount to $129,229,553,\\nwith an annual interest payment of $9,451,851 on\\na total realty valuation of $686,-\\n614,741. Of this amount $64,392,- ^SrIcSres\\n580 is on farms, and the annual\\ninterest charge is $4,636,265, which the farms pay\\nout of their produce. The number of foreclosures\\nmade during the year was 1,667, and in only 131\\ncases were redemptions made, leaving a net loss of\\n1,536 pieces of property by foreclosure in one year.\\nThe situation apparently justifies the statement of\\nCommissioner Heath that a very large per cent of\\nthe people seem to be in a financial rut, and are\\nunable to extricate themselves.\\nHere you are. Mr. Dunn s view is not an argu-\\nment based upon an inference from a guess, but on\\nimmovable facts of evidence which\\ntestify that the State of Michigan jioffo losses!\\nalone assists the prosperity of the fev/\\nv/ealthy families by the yearly contributions of\\n$9,451,851 worth of wealth produced by the labor\\nenergy of its debtors. And that in addition to this\\ncontribution, the same debtors make a net loss of", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "136 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\n1,536 pieces of property by foreclosure in one year.\\nThat s how this civilized nation regulates the sys-\\ntem of money-lending for helping the people to\\nlive. And that s how the civilized slavery is insti-\\ntuted. It is by becoming mortgagors that the fam-\\nilies pass from a bad degree of slavery to a worse,\\nuntil they lose all property, and become totally\\nhelpless slaves of dividogenesure.\\nBut do not flatter yourself by thinking that this\\nis only the fate of Michigan. No, the people s\\neconomic conditions are more or less similar in all\\nthe States and Territories, and some States are\\nmuch worse ofT than Michigan, as the statistics\\nshow their situation.\\nMr. D. R. Goodloe, in the Torum for Novem-\\nber, 1890 (not knowing yet the facts of the East),\\nsays:\\nThe conclusion from this melancholy array of\\nfacts is irresistible. The virgin soil of the West is\\nrapidly ceasing to be the home and\\n^HUwiAmTY. possession of the sturdy Amer-\\nican freeman. He is but a tenant at\\nwill, or a dependent upon the tender mercies of\\nsoulless corporations and of absentee landlords.\\nWe have abolished monarchy, and primogeniture,\\nand church establishments supported by the State,\\nyet the universal curse of humanity, the monopoly\\nof the earth by the wealthy few, remains.\\nAnd I can tell Mr. Goodloe that these few have", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "MORTGAGOR FAMILIES. 137\\nmonopolized, not only the earth of the country,\\nbut also the hundreds of cities and towns, together\\nwith their buildings, their capital, their natural and\\nartificial wealth, their houses, etc., etc., and the\\ntens of millions of the inhabitants of these towns\\nand cities too, have been economically enslaved,\\nunder the system of dividogenesure, to the same\\nwealthy few.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nCONCENTRATION OF WEALTH IN MONOPO-\\nLIES, ETC.\\nThe first and the second chapters have revealed\\nto us that, since the year 1890, there have been\\nnearly 34-millions of individuals without property\\nin the United States. The third chapter has shown\\nthat about one-half the results of their labor must\\nbe expended for the necessary support of exist-\\nence, while the other half must go to enrich the\\nowners of rentable farms and homes for which these\\nowners draw incomes from the propertyless, with-\\nout any labor or without any expenditure of their\\nown energy. Besides this, out of the more than\\n47-millions of individuals in the gainful pursuits/\\nthere must have been hundreds of thousands of\\nfamilies who have small properties, like homes, but\\ntheir members have been obliged to support them-\\nselves by laboring under the same conditions of\\ndividogenesure as did the propertyless.\\nIf we admit then that there have been only 38,-\\n837,849 individuals in the gainful\\nFROM^HE^pooR. P^fsuits absolutcly under the prin-\\nciple of dividogenesure, and that if\\none million families have employed them in vari-\\n^Here, pp. 91, 92, or Mayo Smith, Statistics and Sociology,\\np. 200.\\n138", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 139\\nous ways, gaining 25 cents daily from each person\\nthus employed, the total daily income of these fam-\\nilies would be $9,709,462 per every day. And if\\nthe labor year on an average, for all, consists of 250\\ndays, the yearly income of the million families\\nwould amount to $2,327,365,500. This amount\\nthen would be yearly added to the aggregate\\nwealth of the fourth group of the 2d R. table, p.\\n47. Though most of the income would go to only\\na few families among the million.\\nAnd if the mortgagor families continued to exist\\neven without an increase in their numbers which\\nis really impossible, for the mort-\\ngages certainly must have increased thTdebjq^s\\nand continued to pay the annual\\ninterest charge at the rate of $539,352,898, as has\\nbeen stated on pp. 125, 126, then the yearly income\\nof the wealthy families in the 4th group of the 2d\\nR. table must have been still greater than what\\nthey could get from the propertyless alone on the\\ncondition of giving them employment, and renting\\nthem the rentable farms and homes. In fact, the\\ndirect and indirect profit in favor of the wealthy\\nfew from the appHcation of the labor energy of\\nthe above millions of the economically enslaved\\nwould amount to $20,067,028,786 worth of wealth\\nduring seven years. And what do we have?\\nMr. G. B. Waldron, continuing the estimates of\\n*As the rates of their gains show, pp. 104, 105.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "140 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nthe increase of wealth by the Director of the Mint,\\nfrom 1870 to 1897, has shown that by 1890 the in-\\ncrease of wealth had reached $65,037,-\\n^WEALTH^ 091,197, as has been already stated\\nin several places, while in 1897 the\\nincrease amounted to $86,825,000,000 worth/^ So\\nthat an addition of $21,787,908,803 worth of wealth\\nhas been made by the people s energy during seven\\nyears. Yet, with this enormous increase of the\\nwealth in seven years, listen listen to what the\\nstatisticians said in 1897:\\nIn the United States wealth has increased\\nphenomenally; wages since 1873 have fallen (on\\naccount of too great supply of la-\\nco\u00e2\u0084\u00a2usioNS concentration of capital has\\nincreased; the number of the out of\\nwork has grown. t Some men tried to minimize\\nthe significance of these statements by proving\\nthe contrary situation. Mr. Atkinson is one of\\nthose who said that wages have risen and prices\\nfallen, which view he entertained on the bases of\\ngovernment reports. But all such arguments\\nhave been shown in the article Wages of Enc. of\\nSoc. Reform, to be false. J And Prof. Mayo Smith\\n*Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1386. Wa!droi\\\\, Handbook on\\nCurrency or Wealth.\\ntReferences: Enc. of Soc. R., see Unemployment. Dr.\\nSpahr, Present Distribution of Wealth in U. S. (1896). J.\\nR. Common s Distribution of Wealth, Enc. p. 1392.\\n$Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1392.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 141\\nhas disproved all attempts of these men to show\\nthat the wages have risen, on the whole, by show-\\ning the falsehood of the averages such men repre-\\nsented in their argumients.f\\nFurther, the fundamental doctrine of wages in\\neconomics is that the rates of wages depend prin-\\ncipally on the efficiency of labor and economic\\non supply and demand of labor, doctrine of the\\n-ru -r.-u re c ^u 1 u RATE OF WAGES.\\nThat IS, if the emciency of the labor-\\ners is high, the wages can be high, and if the de-\\nmand is great and the number of the laborers small,\\nthe wages are again high; but if the demand for\\nlaborers is small, and the supply is large, the wages\\nmust naturally be low, whether the ef!iciency of the\\nlaborers is high or low.\\nThe wages in the United States since 1873, on\\nthe whole, have gradually fallen, but not so low\\nas they ought to have done. For, as\\nthe propertyless people have in- ^^fcVr^ ow!\\ncreased in numbers up to tens of mil-\\nlions, the wages should have fallen twice as low,\\notherwise only half the employees at a time should\\nhave employment, because of the over-supply of\\nlaborers. But, since the trade-unions have been\\norganized, the wages have artificially been kept up\\n(for the employed) by these organizations, and by\\nthe employers themselves to some extent.\\nA trade union, says Mr. Webb, is a continu-\\ntEnc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1370.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "142 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nous association of wage-earners for the purpose of\\nmaintaining or improving the conditions of their\\nemployment.* The chief object of\\nficTau.y\\\\eptup elevate the social position\\nof its members. It is a\\nunion of individual forces in order to compete\\nagainst the undue and unfair encroachments of cap-\\nital into the continuance of the established well-\\nbeing of the united individuals. f Hence, the\\ntrade unions wish to keep up the rates of wages,\\nand to prevent a laborer from accepting employ-\\nment, under stress of starvation, on terms which\\nin its common judgment would be injurious to the\\nunion s interests. And they would rather encour-\\nage idleness than cheap labor. Such idea existed\\nwith them since the beginning, or when it orig-\\ninated. This idea originated in 1741, says Mr.\\nWebb,t but the special enforcing of it commenced\\ndt the beginning of the eighteenth century.\\nAnd surely many an employer knows very well\\nwhat the Strike in Detail of the trade unions un-\\nder this enforcing means.\\nThe trade unions have used all the means in their\\npower for the purpose of holding up the wages.\\nBut, if the wages have fallen notwithstanding the\\n*Mr. and Mrs. Webb, History of Trade Unionism, p. i\\nor 2.\\nt Introduction and Mutual Insurance, vol. I, pp. 148-9,\\n1 50- 1 164.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 143\\nartificial support, their falling testifies to the pres-\\nence of a mightier force pressing them down.\\nIn 1896 it was said that, according to the last\\nvolume of the Connecticut Labor Report and the\\nMassachusetts Statistics of Manufac-\\nGROSS INCOMES\\ntures, the nominal rate of wages in of workers\\n1894 had declined 7 per cent below\\nthe level of 1892, while the yearly incomes of labor-\\ners had been still farther reduced by the lack of\\nemployment. The Connecticut Report testifies\\nthat wages for the same period fell about 10 per\\ncent, and it says that the heavy losses of the wage-\\nearners, however, came not from reduced pay, but\\nfrom reduced employment, and that the reduction\\nin pay and in the employment had decreased the\\ntotal wage-payments 25 per cent. And the great\\nmass of famihes in Connecticut had had their in-\\ncomes reduced one-fourth, says Dr. Spahr.* So\\nthat, in Connecticut and Massachusetts, together,\\nthe family incomes of the laborers between 1892\\nand 1894 fell at least 20 per cent. In Pennsylvania\\nthey fell 24 per cent. The fall of wages in agri-\\nculture from 1890 to 1894 reduced the incomes\\nof laborers to the extent of 20 per cent. t And the\\nrents of houses, on the whole, have risen against\\nthe homeless.\\nIt is not necessary to multiply the same examples\\n*Enc. of Soc. Reform, pp. 1370, 1373 and the Labor Re-\\nports. tDr. Spahr, ib., pp. 116, 117.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "144 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nin the remaining States, since we know that the\\nsupply of labor has increased throughout in the\\nUnited States; and since we know that the demand\\nfor labor has proportionately decreased. And, con-\\nsequently, the wages in general must have fallen\\naccording to the fundamental principles of econom-\\nics, because of the increase of population without\\nproperty and without resources.\\nNow then, if the incomes of, say, 40-millions of\\nindividuals in the gainful pursuits, have on the\\n\u00c2\u00ab,uo nonr.To wholc bccu rcduccd; and all these\\nWHO rnOrlTS\\nBY THE INCREASE miUious of pcoplc havc been made\\nOF WEALTH?\\nto ask Who was profited by the phenomenal in-\\ncrease of wealth during the period of the seven\\nyears? In other words: Who had obtained the\\namount of $21,787,908,803 worth, the increase of\\nwealth up to 1897? Is it the group of tenants, or\\nthe group of mortgagors? or is it the group of\\nowners of free farms and homes worth $5,000 and\\nunder, as they are represented in the 2d R. taHe,\\np. 47? And was it possible for all these highly\\nproductive families to retain a goodly share of this\\nphenomenal increase of the wealth?\\nThe above total of the increased wealth, divided\\nby the 7 years, gives, on the average, an increase\\nof $3,112,558,400 every year. It being, of course,\\nunderstood that this average was smaller in the\\nyear 1891, and augmenting year by year, it became", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 145\\nlargest in the year 1897. And this augmenting\\nnecessitates a progressive increase in the business\\nof all monopolies, trusts and combinations, highly\\nincreasing the gross and the net incomes of all.\\nTHE TOTAL ITEMS OF THE CONCENTRATION\\nOF WEALTH.\\nLet US then sum up the net earnings of the nat-\\nural monopolies alone, as they are given on p. loi,\\nleaving out their necessary increase\\nconsequent upon the unavoidable .^.f^^^^.S^^LfES.\\ngrowth of business in their favor dur-\\ning the seven years. The net earnings of $563,-\\n689^333 by these monopolies in every year amount\\nto $3^945.825,33 1 worth of wealth in seven years.\\nThis is one item of positive loss by tens of millions\\nof the people in favor of a few families, connected\\nwith the monopolies.\\nAnother item of similar earnings, we have seen\\non pp. 125, 126, consists of the annual interest\\ncharge, equal to $539,352,898, from\\nthe results of labor of the mortgagor mortgagee\\nfamilies, who are compelled to lose ^\u00c2\u00b0po -ies.\\nthis amount of their substance yearly in conse-\\nquence of the abnormal distribution of wealth in\\ngeneral. And, as there is no reason to suppose\\nthat mortgages were not increasing in their num-\\nbers, and the mortgagor families were not losing\\ntheir properties by foreclosure, so there is no reason\\nwhatever to suppose that the above annual interest", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "146 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ncharge against mortgages, on the whole, had\\ndiminished up to 1897. Hence, we consider that the\\nabove annual interest charge continued to be paid\\nat least as it was paid in 1890. For, in order to\\ndiminish it or to stop its ruinous effects, some im-\\nportant reform must be accomplished, which, how-\\never, has not been done.\\nThe annual interest charge of $539,352,898,\\nagainst the private family-mortgages, in seven\\nyears amounts to $3,775,470,286 worth of wealth\\nor of the products of the mortgagor families, lost\\nduring the period in favor of group 4 of the 2d\\ntable (p. 45 or 47). This amount is in addition to\\nthe net earnings of $3,945,825,331, which accrued\\nto the same group of families in the table.\\nFurther, we have seen in the lower table, p. 116,\\nthat there were 4,999,396 families that hire their\\nhomes, because being homeless.\\nSS homes A^^ this number of the homeless\\nmust be augmented by 246,938 fam-\\nilies, found in the group of the tenants of farms\\nand homes, which are represented by the author\\nof the same 2d table to be so many more than the\\nlower and upper tables, p. 116, contain of the ten-\\nant families. We have therefore tO deal with\\n5,246,334 families that hire their homes* mainly\\n*The above 246,938 families could not be here classified\\namong the tenants of farms consisting of the 1,624,765 fam-\\nilies, because after losing their country properties, these\\nhomeless hurry on to crowd up cities.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 147\\nin the 448 cities and towns we have spoken about\\non pp. 81, 1 14-15, 132. For it is they that find\\nshelter in the rentable houses of these cities, towns,\\netc., by paying rents. And our problem is to find\\nthe amount of rent they paid to the owners of these\\nhouses.\\nAn example of average monthly rentals may here\\nbe presented for Boston, as follows:\\nMonthly rentals under $5 average $4\\nFrom $5 to $10 average 8\\nFrom $10 to $15 average 12I\\nFrom $15 to $20 averagei6\\nFrom $20 to $25 average 22*\\nThese averages may be too small for many cities\\nand too large for the whole United States. But if\\nwe take the general average for all\\nfamilies at $9.50 a month, it will hquseTent.\\nprobably be little below,t but cannot\\nbe above the true one. In fact, if every family of\\n4.93 members paid an average of $9.50 of monthly\\nrent, it would indicate only the net income in favor\\nof the owners of the rentable houses, and absolute\\nlosses on the side of the homeless.\\nNow then, by paying $9.50 a month each, the\\n5.246,334 homeless families paid $598,082,076 rent\\nin one year. And by paying the same amount\\nseven years, without regarding the increase of fam-\\n*Dr. Spahr, ibid, p. 122-3.\\ntAs numerous inquiries convince me.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "148 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nilies, they paid $4,186,574,532 v/orth of their\\nenergy, as an unavoidable tribute to those that\\nspeculate in their comfortable beds, while perform-\\ning every action by the hired labor of agents and\\nbuilding new houses by hired laborers.\\nFurthermore, we have seen in the upper table,\\np. 116, that there were other 1,624,765 families that\\nhire their farms, because being landless.\\nIf we regard the average tenements of these\\nfamilies at 136 acres of land per family,* we shall\\nfind that the 1,624,765 tenant fam-\\nREN^ABLE urs. 220,968,040 acres of\\nland every year. Although this gen-\\neral average for all farmers in the United States\\nmay be a little too small for the tenant famiUes, be-\\ncause their acreage increases much more rapidly\\nthan that of the families owning their farms, as we\\nshall soon see, yet we shall consider this average\\nas it is given.\\nAs to the average rent per acre of the farming\\nland for the United States, the general average\\nwas $2.81 for wheat and $3.03 for corn raising\\nlands.f\\nSupposing, however, that many farm tenants\\nhold the grazing and other less valued lands, let\\nus even admit that the general average rent per\\n*According to the U. S. Census of 1890, there were 4,564,-\\n641 farms consisting of 623,218,619 acres of land, or an aver-\\nage of 136 acres to a farm. World Almanac, 1899, P- 184.\\ntEnc. of Soc. Reform, pp. 22, 23; also based on the census.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 149\\nacre was only $2.75 for all lands hired by these\\ntenants.\\nBy paying then $2.75 of rent per acre, the\\n1,624,765 tenant families paid $607,662,110 in one\\nyear for the 220,968,040 acres of land\\nthat does not belong to them. And lamd monopolies.\\nby paying the same amount seven\\nyears from 1891 to 1897 inclusive they paid\\n$4,253,634,770 worth of wealth to a number of the\\nspeculators upon land and upon the energy of the\\nfarmers who are the slaves of dividogenesure. It\\nfollows that every farming family of this group, on\\nthe average, paid about $374 for the land alone.\\nIt seems, however, that there are many farm\\ntenants that pay separate rents for the farm houses.\\nAnd in the year 1890 these paid\\nthe total of $140,000,000 of the on rirmT\\nhouse rent, says Dr. C. B. Spahr.\\nBy paying this rent seven years they paid an addi-\\ntional amount of $980,000,000 worth of their\\ncrystalHzed energy. Including this total into the\\ngeneral total of house rents, let us now sum up the\\nabove losses of the productive people, which are\\nthe gains of the few monopolists and speculators\\nfor the seven years as follows in the ist table of\\nconcentration of wealth on the next page:\\nTresent Distribution of Wealth in the U. S., pp. 104,\\n105; (see here: Appendix I.). The same: Enc. of Soc. Re-\\nform, p. 1385 table of incomes, 1890.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "150 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\n1st Table of Concentration of Wealth.\\nMonopolies and Combinations.\\nTotal Net Incomes.\\nThe natural monopoliesf\\nMortgagee monopoliesf\\nCompanies, etc. of rentable houses.\\nMonopolies of rentable lands\\n3,945,825,331\\n3,775,470,286\\n5,166,574,532\\n4,253,634,770\\nCxrand total\\n^17,141,504,919\\nEven this grand total indicates that a nation of\\nthirty millions of individuals would be rich by it,\\nyet it does not include many other net incomes.\\nBesides these certain facts, the highest rentals\\ntSome one may suppose that some net earnings of the\\nnational banks might overlap some net earnings of the mort-\\ngagee monopolies, since mortgage profits are often obtained\\nby banks. But such a supposition cannot have a real ground\\nhere, because the national banks are prohibited by the law\\nof the United States to make investments in mortgages; and\\nbecause mortgages of real estate, being not easily convertible\\nsecurities for loans, would not be admissible by them. The\\nonly exception made by the law for these banks is that, for\\na necessary accommodation of their business, a mortgage\\nmay sometimes be held as a security, collateral to some\\nother which is more easily convertible into currency. (See\\nRevised Statutes, \u00c2\u00a75137. Prof. Dunbar s Theory and Hist,\\nof Banking, p. 26.\\nIt is the non-national or State banks that often directly\\ndeal with mortgages. But estimating their gross earnings\\nat $200,000,000 for the year 1890 (see p. loi), Mr. Waite evi-\\ndently could not ascertain their enormous net incomes,\\nhence we leave them to be understood as surplus above all\\nour concluding totals of net incomes.\\nAnd whereas, the net incomes of the national banks de-\\ncreased $110,378,930 in the 7 years, those of the life insur-\\nance companies increased $108,932,030 (World Almanac, 1900,\\np. 180, 184) and with the help of the omitted net incomes of\\nthe gas companies (p. loi) more than offset the loss, leaving\\nour totals correct.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 151\\nderived from the offices, hotels, and other rentable\\nproperties found in the central parts of the cities\\nabove and below 100,000 population are to be as-\\ncertained. And no one will doubt that the com-\\nparatively very few owners of these city-centers\\nmust have collectively drawn a greater amount of\\nthe net incomes from rent, than can be expressed\\nby three billion dollars worth of v/ealth, derived\\nwithout work by the few owners of the most valu-\\nable parts, especially of the 28 cities far above 100,-\\n000 population.\\nFurther, we have not treated the net earnings of\\nthe companies and combinations filling up the\\nlarge storehouses of the wholesale and retail busi-\\nness in the same great cities, which distribute the\\nindustrial products of the people, for consumption\\nat home and abroad. And while the distribution of\\nthese products is carried on by cheap laborers, we\\nhave not represented here the few monopohsts that\\ngrow into multi-millionaires behind the busy work\\nof the distribution. The net incomes of these will\\nbe included into the incomes of the Manufacture and\\nMechanical Trades hereafter.\\nBut further still, we entirely omit the indication\\nof the net earnings of the meat companies in\\nthe large cities, like those of the Chi-\\nTHE TRUSTS\\ncago stockyards, the cattle compa- net incomes\\nnies, uniting more than $100,000,000 ^i^ tted.\\ncombinations of the millions, invested in the ele-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "152 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nvators of the Northwest against the wheat-grow-\\ners; in whiskey and beer about $100,000,000; in\\nsugar, $75,000,000; in leather over $100,000,000\\n(1894). The trust of piano-makers was to have a\\ncapital of $50,000,000, and there is the Cordage\\nTrust that gets from 40 to 50 per cent on its cap-\\nital; the Cotton Seed Oil Trust and Lard Trust\\nand others.*\\nFinally, we have not treated the earnings of some\\nother well-known monopolies, trusts and combina-\\ntions, which have, as all the others, been established\\nwith no other purpose or end in view than to draw\\nfrom the productive people all they can for them-\\nselves by means of speculation. For, drawing\\nwealth by combined speculation is the easiest thing\\nin the world for those who were enabled to make\\nits beginning.\\nOmitting the above trusts and combinations, be-\\ncause of the uncertainty of their net earnings, we\\nOWNERS OF THE positivc mcaus to find out the\\nCENTRAL PARTS his^hcst rentals of all central parts of\\nOF THE CITIES. i r u\\nthe cities and towns spoken of be-\\nfore. In estimating the total income of the nation\\nfor the year 1890, Dr. Spahr found that the total\\nincome from house and office rents, as estimated in\\nthe text (his text) is one-seventh of the total in-\\n*Enc. of Soc. Reform, 18^7, pp. 1346-7; from Philadel-\\nphia Times, etc.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 153\\ncome of the non-agricultural population. And\\nthe total income of the latter population was\\n$8,200,000,000,** one-seventh of which is equal to\\n$1,171,428,571 3-7 apart from the agricultural\\nland rents. This one-seventh, then, paid seven\\ntimes in seven years, amounted to the same $8,200,-\\n000,000, which amount shows that the owners of\\nthe central parts of the cities and towns obtained\\nat least $3,033,425,468 rent from their properties.\\nIt does not, however, make a difference whether\\nwe accept the whole amount of rent estimated by\\nDr. Spahr or simply add the three billions and over\\nto our grand total, p. 150. In any way, these facts\\nindicate that the wealth has concentrated with the\\nvery families that were enormously wealthy in 1890\\nand appeared to be much wealthier in 1897.\\nYet the concentration of wealth is not only very\\nrapid in drawing the wealth of all the 11,190,152\\nfamilies worth $5,000 and underf to concentration\\na very few families of the 4th group of wealth in\\nin the 2d table,tt but it is also rapid\\namong the families worth $5,000 and over,J so\\nthat all are crushed by the monopolies, the trusts\\nand combinations. In order to illustrate it, I here\\nquote the same authority that estimated the in-\\n*Dr. Spahr, ibid., pp. 104-5.\\n**It was the gross income.\\ntSec the upper table, p. 42.\\nttTable, p. 47.\\ntLower table, p. 42, ist two groups.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "154 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ncrease of the wealth from 1890 to 1897 before mak-\\ning a conclusion from the foregoing, respecting\\nindustries, as follows:\\nAs to development of the trusts before 1890,\\nMr. G. B. Waldron says\\nOf the manufacturing and mechanical indus-\\ntries, whose statistics were returned in the census\\nof 1890, there are 43 whose nianu-\\niNDUSTRiES factured product for the year 1889\\nwas about $30,000,000, whose capital\\naveraged above $10,000 per establishment, and\\nwhich admitted of comparison with the census of\\n1880. Of these 43 industries we have chosen 30 as\\nespecially illustrating the growing concentration of\\ncapital during the 10 years from 1880 to 1890.\\nIt is a significant fact that while in 1880 these\\nindustries were carried on by 84,708 establish-\\nments, or about 33 per cent of the total number of\\nmanufacturing establishments of the country, the\\nsame industries in 1890 were carried on by only\\n69,659 establishments, or about 22 per cent of the\\ntotal establishments, and fewer in number by over\\n15,000 than in 1880.\\nThe value of the total product of these 30 indus-\\ntries in 1880 was $3,125,915,574, or 58 per cent of\\nthe total manufacturing products of the country.\\nIn 1890 these same industries produced products\\nto the value of $4,595,804,626, or about 51 per cent\\npf the total product,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 155\\nThe concentration of capital in these 30 indus-\\ntries is shown from the fact that in 1880 their total\\ncapital was $1,735,577,540, or an average of $20,-\\n489 per establishment, while in 1890 their total cap-\\nital reached $3,468,277,249, or $49,789 per estab-\\nlishment, a gain of 143 per cent in 10 years. There\\nhas been a similar concentration of employees in\\nthese industries. In 1880 the 84,708 establish-\\nments used 1,340,490 employees, or an average of\\n16 to an establishment. In 1890 there were 1,964,-\\n232 employees in these industries, or an average of\\n28 to an establishment.\\nThis is a separate and an additional item of the\\nconcentration of wealth which undoubtedly con-\\ntinued from 1890 to 1897 to farther aggravate\\nthe general situation, shown by the grand total of\\nthe net incomes in favor of monopolies, on p. 150,\\nbeside the uncertain ones.\\nFor the 30 different industries, taken out of the\\n43, have perhaps forever supplanted 15,049 fac-\\ntories and other establishments in ten years. Dur-\\ning the same time the supplanters did much more\\nthan double their own capital. In fact the increase\\nin the capital of these supplanters reached the\\namount of $1,732,699,709 over the capital they had\\nin 1880.\\nBut, if Mr. Waldron would investigate the same\\n*Mr. Waldron, Hand-book on Currency or Wealth, pp.\\n106 and 107. See also: Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1389.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "156 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nfacts in the total number of industries, he could\\nprobably show us that the supplanting of different\\nestablishments reached at least 21,586, and that the\\nincrease of capital reached over two billion dollars\\nworth with the fewer supplanters. That is, if the\\nabove rate of concentration of the capital were the\\nsame, as it must have been, throughout the indus-\\ntrial operations in the entire country.\\nAnd while there was also the concentration of\\nthe employees, we know that, with the astonishing\\nincrease of the capital in favor of the supplanting\\ntrusts, the wages of these employees have fallen,*\\nnotwithstanding that their highly productive labor\\nenormously increased the capital of the fewer em-\\nployers.\\nAs regards the fall of wages in all the manufac-\\nturing industries since 1890, it will not be out of\\nplace to state here the minimum injury thereby\\nsustained by the employees in the seven years un-\\nder our consideration.\\nWhen all the available data of the Eleventh\\nCensus were published, Dr. Spahr started to esti-\\nmate the total income of the nation for the year\\n1890. In estimating it he found out that the total\\nincome of the manufacture and mechanical trades\\nalone amounted to $2,790,000,000, including their\\n*See the statistical conclusions on the fall of wages, p. 134;\\nalso Dr. Spahr s Present Distribution of Wealth, etc., pp.\\n95-118.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 157\\nnet profits of $1,116,000,000 for the year. The\\ntotal number of persons engaged in these trades\\nwas 5,091,000, of whom 4,650,000 were wage-earn-\\ners, while the remaining 441,000 were officers, firm\\nmembers and clerks. Disregarding these, the aver-\\nage of actual wages of the wage-earners for the\\nyear was $360. After that year these meager\\nwages, by reduction and unemployment, had de-\\ncreased 25 per cent, says Dr. Spahr.*\\nBut if we regard the average reduction of these\\nwages at 10 cents a day only, and the average\\nlabor year at 250 days, leaving thus\\nSPECIAL LOSSES\\na sufficient room for unemployment, of the\\nwe then find that the 4,650,000 ^^^^^^-^^R^^Rs.\\nwage-earners were losing $116,250,000 every year.\\nAnd distributing the same losses over seven years,\\nthey have lost $813,750,000 worth of their energy\\nin favor of the trusts and combinations. The losses,\\nhowever, have been greater than this amount, al-\\nthough we consider only this minimum, which is\\nsimply an increase in the injustice, brought about\\nby the principle of dividogenesure.\\nBut while the real producers of wealth thus con-\\nstantly lose their energy in products,\\nthe net profits of the trusts of these of the~?rus?s\\nindustries for the year 1890 amount\\ned to $1,1 1 6,000,000. t This great yearly income\\nPresent Distr. of Wealth in U. S. (1896), pp. 104, 105,\\n112. Here, pp. 140-143. Average daily wages: 1873, $2.04;\\n1891, $1.69; urban laborers.\\ntDr. Spahr, ibid., pp. 104-5. Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1385.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "158 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nexcludes all expenses, and excludes even the\\nyearly waste of machinery, tools, and of the\\nother capital used in operations. Obtain-\\ning such profits seven times in seven years,\\nthese trusts have profited themselves by about\\n$7,812,000,000. And these enormous profits ac-\\ncrued to them for nothing more than the trouble\\nof buying the machinery and other capital that the\\nreal producers of wealth operated upon, mostly\\nunder hired supervision. And while the human\\nand mechanical forces work out these results, the\\nreal beneficiaries do nothing but speculate on the\\nways of concentrating the entire increase of wealth\\nto their hands.\\nThe speculative efficiency of these trusts and the\\nprofound injustice of it will be more apparent, if we\\nremember that these profits do, not only imply the\\nsystematic extortion of the crystalHzed energy of\\nthe real producers of wealth by means of exorbi-\\ntancy in dividogenesure, but they imply a similar\\nextortion from the public at large, which consume\\nthe products of these industries for excessive pay-\\nments.\\nThe question of the excess of selling price over\\nthe cost of production in these industries has\\nbeen well ascertained. A cost of pro-\\nPRomjCTioN. Auction according to economists, im-\\nplies cost of materials used; salaries,\\nwages, rent, taxes, insurance, repairs paid; waste of", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 159\\nmachinery, instruments, and of other capital valued\\nin short, it implies all expenses, including reasonable\\npercentage on stock and reasonable remuneration for\\nthe troubles of capitalists and entrepreneurs. And\\nall these expenses must be collected by means of\\nselling prices from consumers of the products.\\nWhile what is unreasonable in such prices under\\nordinary circumstances is called an excess of selling\\nprice over the cost of production. This excess\\nwas raised by the trusts up to 12.95 per cent in\\n1890.*\\nIf then we take the selling prices even of the\\ntotal profits of $1,116,000,000 of the manufacture\\nand mechanical trades for the year\\ni890,t and subtract this excess from ^^theTu blic\u00c2\u00b0\\nit, we find that the excess amounted\\nto $144,522,000 in one year. Admitting that the\\nabove percentage sustained some fluctuations, we\\ncannot but think that, with the increasing activity\\nin combinations of the trusts, this percentage of\\nthe excess must have increased soon after that\\nyear. So that the average of it, from 1891 to 1897\\ninclusive, must have been carried on by the trusts\\nin different ways and means. If so, then they\\nmust have exacted from the consuming public\\nfully $1,01 1,654,000 worth of its wealth, as an excess\\n*Dr. Spahr, ibid., pp. 98, 104-5. Also: Statistics of Mas-\\nsachusett s Bureau of Labor, 1890, p. 319.\\ntDr. Spahr, ibid., p. 104-5.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "160 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nof selling price over the cost of production of the\\ngoods consumed. This loss of the public wealth,\\nof course, does not exclude the losses of the families\\nworth $5,000 and over; nor does it include any re-\\nlation to exports of the products of these trades.\\nThe loss simply indicates an extortion from the\\npublic by perverted morality and profound selfish-\\nness of the combines.\\nThe next item in the concentration of wealth has\\nbeen drawn from the agricultural regions.\\nIt has been estimated that the wages and earn-\\nings of all farmers from 1890 to 1895 have fallen\\nover 20 per cent;* and that 8,497,-\\noVther^rS. ^o^ persons engaged in agriculture\\nhave suffered from the fall, according\\nto the estimates of Dr. Spahr,t which he based\\nupon various reports. If, however, we admit only\\n10 cents of this loss from every person, every labor\\nday, in favor of the various monopolies, trusts and\\ncombinations which use the raw materials and\\ntransport the agricultural materials and products,\\nwe find that in about 266 working days in one year\\nthe above people lost $226,020,200 worth of their\\nproducts. Distributing these losses equally over\\nseven years we find that these people have lost and\\nthe monopolies, etc., have gained about $1,582,-\\n141,400 worth of their wealth for nothing. And\\n*Dr. Spahr, ibid., pp. 116, 117.\\ntibid., pp. 104, 105.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. lCil\\nthis is only the minimum loss that was carried\\nthroughout the period of seven years, as constant\\ndrain.\\nAnother item of similar losses is represented by\\nthe 350,000 miners whose wages since 1890 have\\nfallen exceptionally low. So that\\nit would be perfectly safe to regard oF^ji ^E wiNE^fs^\\nthe average fall in their daily wages\\nat 15 cents, and the labor year at 266 days, allow-\\ning again for a possible unemployment. This be-\\ning so, they have lost about $13,965,000 in one\\nyear. And as their average wages did not really\\nrise again during the period under consideration,\\nthey must, therefore, have lost about $97755 ooo\\nworth of their labor energy in favor of the mining\\ntrusts and monopolies. While the profits of these\\nmonopoHes in 1890 amounted to $80,000,000,*\\nwhen the total income was $210,000,000 which we\\nleave out of further consideration. p^Q^^J^ q^ J^^^\\nThe $80,000,000 profits must nat- mining\\n11 1 1 vu .u MONOPOLIES.\\nurally have mcreased with these mo-\\nnopolies. But even if repeated as they were in that\\nyear, they must have amounted to $560,000,000\\nduring the seven years. Considering the excess of\\nselling price over the cost of production here at\\nthe rate of 12.95 per cent, this amount of net profits\\nincludes $72,520,000 worth of the pubHc losses, of\\nunjustifiable extortion.\\n*Dr. Spahr, ibid., p. 104-5.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "162 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nBeside all this, I find the telephone and tele-\\ngraph monopoliesf had an increase of $229,624,-\\n566, and the railroad monopoliesf of $80,377,053\\nin their net earnings over and above the amount\\non pp. loi, 150. The same course is true of many\\nother monopolies and combinations.\\nAnd as Henry B. Brown, Associate Justice of\\nthe United States Supreme Court, in an address\\nat the Yale Law School, June 24, 1895, said:\\nTf no student can light his lamp without paying\\nto one company; if no housekeeper can buy a\\npound of meat or of sugar without\\nALL PRODUCTS\\nABSORBED BY sweUuig the receipts of two or three\\nCOMBINATIONS, ^^j pervading trusts, what is to pre-\\nvent the entire productive industry of the country\\nbecoming ultimately absorbed by a hundred\\ngigantic corporations? The foregoing facts\\nclearly show that the corporations, whether under\\nboards of trustees or under directors of monop-\\nolies, with the principle of dividogenesure do, not\\nonly absorb the entire mass of products of the peo-\\nple, but absorb even the wealth that was formerly\\nproduced and now being gradually lost.\\nBut let us now turn to the meaning of the in-\\ncrease of the population in connection with the\\npreceding facts and estimates for the seven years.\\nThe table on the next page shows it.\\ntWorld Almanac, 1899, pp. 200, 225.\\n*Quoted from Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1347.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH.\\n163\\nIncrease of Population.\\nYears.\\nIndividuals.\\n1790.\\n1800.\\n1810.\\n1820.\\n1830.\\n1840.\\n3,929,214\\n5,308,463\\n7,239,881\\n9,633,822\\n12,866,020\\n17,069,453\\nPercenls\\nin Cities.\\n3\\n3\\n4\\n4\\n6.72\\n8.52\\n35\\n97\\n93\\n93\\nYears.\\nIndividuals.\\n1850\\n1860\\n1870\\n1880\\n1890\\n1897\\n23,191,897\\n31,443,321\\n38,588,371\\n50,155,783\\n62,622,250\\n71,551,571\\nPercents\\nin Cities.\\n12.49\\n16.13\\n20.93\\n2.57\\n29.20\\nt\\nThe preceding table shows that, from 1891 to\\n1897 inclusively, the population of the United\\nStates increased by about 8,929,321\\nindividuals, or, distributing this population.\\nnumber over seven years, the in-\\ncrease will be 1,250,000 souls in each successive\\nyear. And the approximate proportions of this in-\\ncrease indicate that every year about 105,665 new\\nfamilies were reproduced by the 5,246,334 famihes\\nthat hire their homes; and about 31,698 by the\\n1,624,765 famihes that hire their farms, leaving out\\nhere the propertied. And the heritage of these\\n137,363 newly formed famihes under the condi-\\ntions is to be homeless and landless subjects of\\ndividogenesure, even as their unfortunate parents\\nare. For scarcely any of them could acquire prop-\\nerty and thus escape paying rent.\\ntFor 1897 is an approximate estimate of The World\\nAlmanac, 1899, p. 200, foot note.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "164 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nIf then we conclude that the one set of the newly\\nborn families consisted of the tenants of rentable\\nhomes, while the other of the tenants\\nFolf^HousEs rentable farms, we must admit\\nthat they paid at least the same\\naverage rents for homes and farms as their parents\\ndid. Therefore, the first set per family paid $9.50\\na month as follows\\nTable of the House Rent Paid.\\n105,665 families in 7 years paid 84,320,670\\n105,665 families in 6 years paid 72,274,860\\n105,665 families in 5 years paid 60,229,050\\n105,665 families in 4 years paid 48,183,240\\n105,665 families in 3 years paid 36,137,430\\n105,665 families in 2 years paid 24,091,620\\n105,665 families in i year paid 12,045,810\\n739,655 Total $337,282,680\\nThus the homeless famihes of the year 1891 paid\\nthe largest amount of the house rents up to the\\nend of 1897. Meanwhile the other\\nFcmFARMS. yearly additions of the new families\\npaid less and less, on account of\\nhaving been younger in age. The number of the\\nincreased families renting houses, then, was\\n739,655, and the total of the rent they paid was\\n$337,282,680.\\nThe increased families of the farming occupa-\\ntions, by having paid the average rent of $2.75 per", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 165\\nacre, for the average of 136 acres of land per fam-\\nily,* have paid sums as follows\\nTable of Rent Paid for Land\\n31,698 families in 7 years paid 82,985,364\\n31,698 families in 6 years paid 71,130,312\\n31,698 families in 5 years paid 59,275,260\\n31,698 families in 4 years paid 47,420,208\\n31,698 families in 3 years paid 35^565,156\\n31,698 families in 2 years paid 23,710,104\\n31,698 families in i year paid 11,855,052\\n221,886 Total $331,941,456\\nThat s what the increase of the homeless and\\nlandless population means. The newly formed\\nfamilies could neither avoid paying the rents in\\nfavor of the same landed and propertied rich; nor\\ncould they avoid paying indirect taxes in favor of\\nthe national government, as we shall soon see.\\nAnd they could not avoid being the slaves of\\ndividogenesure, nor of being victims of extortion\\nby various trusts and monopolies. In making our\\nfinal conclusion of the profits and losses, the above\\namounts of $669,224,136 worth of paid rents by\\nthe increased families will be included into the\\nprevious totals of house and land rents.\\n*It might be that some of these families paid house rents\\non farms beside the land rent, as Dr. Spahr has shown; while\\nsome others might pay simply house rents, and thus oflfset\\neach other, making the above sum correct.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "166 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nBut, in respect to all farmers rents and the aver-\\nage acreage, it should again be noticed that we have\\ndealt only with minimums of their\\nRE^N^TED^FAR[irs expenditure in favor of the land mo-\\nnopolies. For, according to the\\nabstract of the eleventh census (p. 97), farms culti-\\nvated by their owners increased 9.56 per cent;\\nrented farms, 41.04 per cent, and farms rented for\\na share in product, 19.65 per cent. In the north\\ncentral division farms cultivated by their owners\\nincreased less than i per cent, while rented farms\\nincreased 66 per cent. In the North Atlantic di-\\nvision, rented farms increased only 6 per cent,\\nwhile farms cultivated by their owners actually\\ndiminished. The farmers thus complain that they\\nare losing possession of their farms and becom-\\ning tenant farmers. f\\nOn p. 112 we have seen the enormous amount of\\nindebtedness on the owned farms in the United\\nStates.J The percentage of incum-\\nINDEBTED \u00c2\u00ab\u00e2\u0084\u00a2s. bered farms was, for the United\\nStates, 47; Kansas, 30; Iowa, 32;\\nNew Jersey and Mississippi, 34; Nebraska, Dela-\\nware, and South Carohna, 35; South Dakota, 39;\\nand at the other extreme, Oklahoma, 95; Utah\\nand New Mexico, 85; Arizona and Idaho, 74;\\nFor a share in product is an initial form of serfdom\\npure and simple.\\nt Enc. of Soc. Reform, pp. 606-7.\\nt Also here, p. 125.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 167\\nMontana, 73; Maine, 71. This economic state\\nof the farms and farmers continued to exist from\\n1890. Consequently there is enough evidence to\\nmake one sure that thousands of farm mortgagors\\nhave lost their mortgaged farms by foreclosure,\\nand have become merely tenant farmers without\\nreal property. The increase of the propertyless\\nthrough mortgages may even be greater than\\nthrough the increase of the population, though we\\nregard only the latter.\\nSeeing also that the Principal of Public Debt\\nhas increased from $1,549,206,126 in 1890 to\\n$2,092,686,024 in 1899,1 it is probable, therefore,\\nthat the indebtedness of private fam-\\nilies has also greatly increased up to puBifc^D^EBT.\\nthe end of 1897. Yet, except the\\nannual interest charge against the indebtedness in\\nforce from 1890, neither the increase of the mort-\\ngage losses, nor the increase of the gains from\\nthem, has entered into our accounts, even as the\\ngreat net earnings of the non-national banks, often\\ndrawing immense profits from mortgages, etc.,\\nhave been totally omitted from our estimate.if.\\nIf, therefore, there should be any decrease in the\\nfew unrevised net earnings of the natural monop-\\nolies after i890,\u00c2\u00a7 the net earnings of the above\\n*Enc. of Soc. Reform, pp. 606-7.\\ntWorld Almanac, 1900, p. 174.\\nIHere, see foot-note, p. 150.\\n\u00c2\u00a7Table of profits, here, p. loi.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "168 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nbanks alone would abundantly fill up the loss with\\na great remaining superfluity. Seeing also that the\\ncities grow and the population increases, increas-\\ning every business in favor of the same monopolies,\\nno one will doubt that our conclusions will be\\nmoderate, and especially so, because we have failed\\nto ascertain the net incomes of several trusts.\\nAs to the trusts, the American Anti-Trust Jour-\\nnal, No. 3, Chicago, says: Go and talk to the\\nthousands of commercial travelers* those skir-\\nmishers on the firing line of commercial indepen-\\ndence\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -who have been thrown out of employment\\nby the trusts. They wiU tell you of hundreds and\\nhundreds of business men who have been forced\\nout of business within the last four or five years.\\nThey will tell you how the trusts ordered one man\\nafter another to close his estabUshment. They will\\ngive you the names of ambitious and thriving pro-\\nprietors who are now clerks or agents of gigantic\\ncorporate combinations, all hope dead, all oppor-\\ntunity gone. Dealing as it does with the trusts of\\nstill later development, the array of facts in this\\nJournal shows that our final conclusions for 1897\\ncan only be very moderate.\\nThis being so, and disregarding the crooked\\nways of making profits, let us then make up the\\ncomplete summary of the preceding losses by the\\nUnited States people during the period from 1891\\nto 1897 inclusive, as follows:", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 169\\n2d Table of the Concentration of Wealth.\\nMonopolies and Combinations.\\nTotal Net Incomes.\\nThe natural monopolies*\\nMortgagee monopoliesf\\nOwners of rentable housesj\\nMonopolies of rentable lands\\nOwners of rentable offices, etc.,\\n4,255,826,950\\n3,775,470,286\\n5,503,857,212\\n4,585,276,226\\n3,033,425,468\\nManufacture and mechanical\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f;\u00c2\u00bbr1p c\\n7,812,000,000\\n560,000,000\\n$29,526,156,142\\nNational and local taxes paid by\\nthem*-^\\n3,455,963,952\\nThe Total Concentration of\\n\\\\A/fat th\\n$26,070,192,190\\n21,787,908,803\\nThe total increase of national\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0uTf alth\\nExcess of net incomes over and\\nabove the total increase of the\\nnatinnal Wfalth\\n4,282,283,387\\n*Licludes the increase of $310,001,619 by the railroad, tele-\\ngraph and telephone monopolies, p. 162.\\ntExcludes net incomes of the artificial gas companies and\\nthose of the non-national banks (beside mortgages) as not\\ngiven in the table on p. loi. See foot note, pp. 150, 167, 168.\\nIlncludes the house rent on farms and that of the increased\\npopulation, pp. 149, 164.\\n\u00c2\u00a7Includes the rent of land paid by the increased popula-\\ntions, p. 165.\\n*This amount of double taxes is calculated to have been\\nfully paid for 7 years on the net incomes here stated, and\\non all the property these trusts, etc., have had in the be-\\nginning of 1891 and after, according to the tax rates to be\\nhere indicated,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "170 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nThe above table of the net ititcomes shows the\\nconclusions that must deeply astonish the thinking\\npeople. It shows that a terrible change has oc-\\ncurred in the conditions of life in America within\\nfifteen or twenty years. But this concentration\\nof wealth has taken place within seven years, when\\nthe national expenditures for wars and the incomes\\nof monopolies and trusts started to increase. The\\nlatter obtained $26,070,192,190.\\nThink of this total concentration of the w^ealth\\nin seven years It is twenty-six thousand seventy\\nmillions of dollars worth of wealth.\\noTvik^UH. While the total increase of the na-\\ntional wealth, during the same time,\\nonly amounted to $21,787,908,803, which was en-\\ntirely concentrated in the hands of monopolies and\\ncombinations, together with the additional con-\\ncentration of yet another amount of $4,282,283,-\\n387. This astonishing fact indicates that the net\\nincome of about one million families in the United\\nStates has been greater by 4,28 2, 28^, ^8 f than the\\ntotal increase of the zvealth collectively produced\\nby the nation during the period under considera-\\ntion.\\nThe whole increase of the wealth then has been\\nlost in favor of the few. But what does this over\\nfour billion dollars difiference between the total in-\\ncrease and the total net incomes of the monopolies\\nand combinations mean in view of the situation?", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 171\\nWhere does this over four bilUon dohars worth of\\nwealth come from?\\nThis surplus amount of $4,282,283,387 of the\\nnet incomes certainly cannot mean anything else\\nthan that the families, unconnected\\nwith monopolies, trusts, and other vmus wealth^\\ncombinations were quickly eating up\\nthemselves. They not only have absolutely lost all\\nthat they produced during the time of seven years,\\nbut have also lost $4,282,283,387 worth of the\\nwealth which they owned in 1890. So that the\\naggregate of about $9,260,228,000 worth of\\nwealth which was owned by the 11,190,152 fam-\\nilies worth $5,000 and under in that year, must\\nhave been greatly reduced by monopolies, trusts\\nand combinations. There cannot be any doubt,\\ntoo, that hundreds of thousands of the families\\nworth $5,000 and over have also suffered from\\nthe same causes. Hence, the absolute loss of\\n$4,282,283,387 worth of the previously owned\\nwealth must have been shared by all in favor of\\nthe very few families whose undoubted prosperity\\nhas indeed been unusual. For they have concen-\\ntrated the enormous total of over $26,000,000,000\\nworth of the people s wealth in seven years, and\\nhave thus made the greatly increased population\\nmuch poorer in 1897 than it was in the year 1890.\\n^Compare tables, here, on pp. 42 and 47.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "172 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nAnd this fact of growing poverty has not been\\nunsuspected. For, if Mr. W. H. Mallock, in try-\\nTHE POOR GROW P^^^^ coutrary, admits\\nABSOLUTELY that the rich in England do grow\\nricher and the poor grow relatively\\npoorer, because their numbers increase, although\\nit seems that in the distribution of wealth a\\ngreater share (of it) falls on their part. t As for\\nthe United States, it was also said that since 1873\\nthe poor have grown relatively, if not absolutely\\npoorer. The method used here for establishing\\nthis fact leaves no doubt that the rich in both\\ncountries do grow absolutely richer and the well-\\nto-do and the poor in the United States do grow\\nrelatively and absolutely poorer: accordingly, the\\nlargest fortunes in this country are increasing\\nmost rapidly, says Dr. Charles R. Henderson.*\\nThe reasons why the largest fortunes are in-\\ncreasing most rapidly have already been indi-\\nTHE REASONS WHY catcd in this and in the preceding\\nTesoLUTELr chapters. The most potent of these\\nRICHER. reasons are: i. The profoundly un-\\njust and abnormal principle of dividogenesure,\\nwhich further and further underrates the value of\\nhuman labor energy and overrates the value of\\nmechanical forces in favor of the wealthy. 2. The\\ntMr. Mallock s Classes and Masses (1896.)\\n$Enc. of Soc. Reform, p. 1392.\\n*His work on Social Elements, p. 162.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 173\\ntoo high percentages for loans and capital, which\\ndeprive mortgagors of the fruits of their labor and\\ncause the losses of property. 3. Abnormal excess\\nof selling prices over cost of production, and low-\\nering prices on raw materials. 4. Different frauds\\nand extortions carried on by means of watering-\\nstock and so on. All these and other unjustifiable\\nmeans are freely used by monopolies and combina-\\ntions against the general well-being of the United\\nStates people who are constantly robbed and spec-\\nulated upon by a very few members of the nation.\\nAs an example of the stock-watering by railroad\\nmonopolies, I introduce here the exact paragraphs\\nof Dr. Spahr who, after representing the table of\\nfigures of stocks and bonds and the cost of rail-\\nroads to original investors, says\\nIt should be observed, however, that the sum\\nupon which the public is paying interest is not the\\ntotal capitalization of the railroads,\\nnor even the stocks and bonds not ^l^u^milT\\nheld by other railroads, but rather\\nthe sum upon which five per cent net is realized\\nby the roads. This sum in 1890 was $6,627,000,-\\n000.* Not from the standpoint of socialism, but\\nfrom the standpoint of common morality, which\\ncondemns as robbery both the refusal of the public\\nto pay interest upon capital actually lent it, and the\\ncompelling of the public to pay interest on capital\\nStatistics of Railways, 1890, p. 58.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "174 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nnever lent it, the tzvo thousand and odd millions of\\nrailroad capital representing no investment^ is\\nsimply capitalized extortion.\\nBut not even the fruits of this extortion have\\ngone to the original investors. The expenditures of\\nrailroads and the dividends they de-\\nTHE^mGHWAYS. ht^xi SO largely in the\\nhands of loosely controlled directors,\\nthat railroad construction, railroad purchases, and\\nrailroad speculation have all served as means to\\ndivert the property of the stockholders on the out-\\nside, into the pockets of the managers on the in-\\nside. Nearly all the profits of this extortion from\\nthe public have passed into the hands of a com-\\nparatively few men intrusted with the management\\nof the pubHc highways. These passages simply\\nindicate another way of extortion from the public\\nof the wealth it creates.\\nIn addition to these crooked ways of concen-\\ntrating all that the public has and al] it produces,\\nlet us examine the amounts of the\\nTHE TAXES. dircct and indirect taxes paid by the\\nwealthy and the poor during the\\nsame time of seven, years. Upon this subject Dr.\\nSpahr speaks as follows\\ntl italicized the words.\\n*Dr. Spahr, ibid., pp. 41, 42. The total capitalization of\\nrailroads in 1890 was represented by $9,437,300,000, while the\\ntotal investment amounted to only $3,714,400,000. And Mr.\\nVan Oss stated that shares now return at least 18 per cent\\nper annum on the actual investment. Ibidem.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH.\\n175\\nOF INDIRECT\\nTAXES.\\nWhen we consider only the revenues actually\\nreceived by the government the conclusion inevit-\\nably reached is that the wealthy class proportions\\npays less than one-tenth of the indi-\\nrect taxes, the well-to-do class less\\nthan one-quarter and the relatively poorer classes\\nmore than two-thirds. The table summing up the\\nincidence of these taxes in 1890 would stand as\\nfollows\\nClass of Incomes.\\nTotal Incomes\\nin Dollars.\\nTotal Property\\nin Dollars.\\nNational\\nTaxes\\nin Dollars.\\nTaxation to\\nIn-\\ncome.\\nProp-\\nerty.\\n$5,000 and over.\\n$5,000 to $1,200\\nUnder $1,200..\\n8,110,000,000\\n2,890,000,000\\n4,800,000,000\\n85,500,000,000\\n21,500,000,000\\n9,000,000,000\\n85,000,000\\n85,000,000\\n260,000,000\\n.01\\n.08\\n.05\\n.001\\n.004\\n.028\\nThe above table of indirect taxes indicates that\\nthe poorer classes (including the homeless and\\nlandless) which had only little over $9,000,000,000\\nworth of the aggregate wealth, paid more than\\ntwice as much of these taxes as did the well-to-do\\nand the wealthy classes taken together. Dr.\\nSpahr, therefore, adds:\\nIn the domain of direct taxation such injustice\\nwould not be tolerated one month,\\nbut in the domain of indirect taxa- ^^^^^g p,^^Q\\ntion it is endured year after year.\\nSo that, enduring similar injustice seven\\n*Dr. Spahr, ibid., p. 143. The total incomes in the table\\nof taxes above represented are gross incomes.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "176\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nyears from 1891 to 1897 inclusive, the increased\\nnumber of families paid the totals of indirect taxes\\napproximately as follows:\\nTable of Indirect Taxes Paid, 1891-7.\\nClasses\\nof Famines.\\nNumber.\\nTotals of Property.\\nTaxes Paid.\\nFamilies worth\\n$5,000 and over.\\nFamilies worth\\nunder $5,000..\\n1,695,117\\n12,755,310\\n^79,825,000,000\\n7,000,000,000\\n840,000,000\\n1,479,179,059\\nThe fact that the total revenue, including- cus-\\ntoms, etc., received by the government in the seven\\nyears amounted to $2,319,179,059,! indicates, that\\nwhile the population has increased, the indirect\\ntaxes seem to have decreased by $340,820,941 be-\\nlow the amount which would be required by the\\nrates paid in 1890. This diminution would average\\nabout $48,688,705 in each successive year, and may\\nTHE TAXATION passagc of the Wilson\\nMOST UNJUST TO Bill. Although Dr. Spahr says that\\nthis bill has not materially changed\\nthe situation, because the poorer classes, as we see,\\nhave paid $639,179,057 more for the support of\\nthe government than did the well-to-do and the\\nwealthy classes together. He therefore adds that\\nour system of national taxation remains in pro-\\nportion to its weight the most unjust toi poorer\\nclasses of any now tolerated in any popularly gov-\\ntStatistics, World Almanac, 1899, p. 165.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 177\\nerned country. Of course, ^the situation was\\nthe most unjust, when the families worth $5,000\\nand under were smaller in numbers and when they\\nowned over $9,000,000,000 worth of collective\\nwealth. But the injustice now surpasses all de-\\ngrees of comparison, because these families in-\\ncreased by about 1,565,158, even without counting\\nthe families worth $5,000 and over whose wealth\\nmust have been reduced below the worth of $5,000.\\nAs to the distribution of local taxes in the year\\n1890, these were paid as follows\\nTABLE OF LOCAL TAXES PAID.\\nFamilies with incomes of $5,000 and\\nover $220,000,000\\nFamilies with incomes of $5,000 to\\n$1,200 170,000,000\\nFamilies with incomes of under\\n$1,200 125,000,000!\\nFrom this table it is clear that the local taxation\\nis not so unjustly imposed upon the\\npoorer families as the indirect taxa- s^less^ust!\\ntion is.t Yet judging from the facts\\nthat the above table represents gross incomes,\\nDr. Spahr, Present Distribution of Wealth in the\\nUnited States, p. 143-4. tib., p. 156-7.\\nExtra Census Bulletin No. 70 represents taxes on prop-\\nerty including corporations for i8go $465,000,000\\nLicenses, poll taxes, etc. (about) 50,000,000\\nTotal (the same as that contained above) $515,000,000\\nThe Bulletin adds that three-fourths of this tax falls upon\\nthe relatively poorer classes. Dr. Spahr, ibid., p. 156.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "178\\nTHE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nand that the poorer classes lose all the wealth they\\nproduce in favor of monopolies and combinations,\\nthe injustice against these classes cannot again be\\nregarded other than a profound injustice. For,\\nhaving been paid seven years from 1891 to 1897\\ninclusive these taxes amount to as follows\\nTable of\\nLocal Taxes Paid.\\nClasses\\nof Families.\\nNumber\\nof Families.\\nTotals of Property\\nin Dollars.\\nTaxes Paid in\\nDollars.\\nFamilies worth\\n$5,000 and\\nover\\nFamilies worth\\nunder $5,000\\n1,695,117\\n12,755,310\\n^79,825,000,000\\n7,000,000,000\\n2,615,963,952\\n875,000,000\\nAs to these taxes Dr. Spahr says that from the\\nincomes less than $1,200 less than three per cent\\nis taken; from the incomes above $5,000 seven\\nper cent is taken. Nevertheless, even these rela-\\ntively humane burdens rest twice as heavily upon\\nthe property of the poorer classes as upon the\\nproperty of the rich. When these local taxes are\\njoined with the national, the aggregate tax is one-\\nTHF TOTAL OF ^wclfth of tlic lucomc of cvci y class.\\nTAXES PAID IN There is no exemption of wages. All\\nthe resourceless individuals,* even\\nthe absolute slaves of dividogenesure, who divide\\nthe results of their labor with the wealthy, are com-\\npelled to pay taxes from their wages. And the\\n*See here, pp. 64, 65, 68, 72.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 179\\nwealthiest class is taxed less than one per cent on\\nits property, says Dr. C. B. Spahr, while the\\nmass of the people are taxed more than four per\\ncent on theirs. Consequently we see that the\\n1,695,117 families whose wealth, at the end of 1897,\\naggregated to $79,325,000,000 v/orth, paid $3,455r\\n963,952 of the national and local taxes. While the\\n12,755,310 families whose aggregate wealth, at the\\nsame time, was reduced to about $7,000,000,000\\nworth, also paid $2,354,179,059 of these taxes,\\nthough these families could not have any net in-\\ncome at all.\\nWhatever might be the gross income of the\\n12,755,310 increased families under the network of\\nimposition spread by the combines,\\nthey could not have any net income YKs iN i89r\\nat all, because at the end of 1897\\nthese families represented about 63,150,136 indi-\\nviduals of a multiple expenditure in every individ-\\nual case. And as these families include about\\n7,832,640 propertyless families which represented\\nabout 38,785,279 homeless individuals, each of\\nwhich in addition to his multiple expenditure, is\\nobliged to pay rent for shelter and to pay for per-\\nmission to labor, the multiple expenditure of every\\none of these, therefore, surpasses that of each indi-\\nvidual of the remainder of the population.\\nIt would, hov/ever, be wrong to suppose that\\ntDr. Spahr, ibid., pp. i57, 158.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "180 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nwe had only 7,832,640 propertyless families at the\\nend of the period. For beside these families there\\nwere thousands of the mortgagor\\nNOT ALL THE r o\\nPROPERTYLESS families in the begmnmg of 1891\\nCOUNTED YET. ^^^j^-^j^ j^^^^ p-^^^^\\nmortgaged property. And they could not but lose\\nthe very last under the heavy pressure of the com-\\nbines and of the taxation, thus becoming property-\\nless, too, though we are unable at present to\\nascertain their number. Yet we may be sure of the\\nfact, that the more propertyless famiUes we have,\\nthe more house and farm rent they must pay to the\\nwealthy; and hence the more rapid the concentra-\\ntion of the wealth and more extensive slavery of\\ndividogenesure must be caused thereby.\\nIt would also be groundless to think that the\\nyears 1898 and 1899 have altered the firmly estab-\\nlished machinery of concentration of\\nAF/ER^isg?. national wealth. No, the con-\\ncentration of wealth in these two\\nyears has undoubtedly been more rapid than in any\\ntwo previous years. For the trusts, etc., have been\\nmore active, and have obtained greater net in-\\ncomes on account of the war than in any two years\\nbefore. While in addition to the\\nINCREASED ^lorc rapid concentration of wealth\\nbv the combines, the war revenue\\ncaused a great increase in the rates of the indirect\\ntaxes, etc. And since these taxes were imposed by", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 181\\nCongress, under the Revenue Act approved June\\n13, 1898/ both the propertied and the propertyless\\npeople continue to pay them up to date as a drain\\nadditional to the other losses in favor of the wealthy\\nfew.\\nIt should also be remembered that, remaining\\nunabated, the more rapid concentration of wealth\\nand of property rights to-day, pro- increase of the\\nduces a still more rapid concentra- ^^^n^ll IJ.^ZI?\\nOF WEALTH\\ntion of wealth and of rights to-mor- and rights.\\nrow, because increased and concentrated wealth\\nconsolidates into interest-bearing property the\\nrate of interest being derived from the growing\\npopulation which by hunger, thirst, and other\\nforces is compelled to work for the mighty few.\\nAnd what will be the consequence?\\nAccording to Mr. J. K. Upton, special agent of\\nthe Eleventh Census, the estimated increase of\\nwealth from 1880 to 1890 was 49 per cent. A\\nproportionate increase from 1890 to 1900 would\\nindicate wealth of nearly $100,000,000,000 at the\\nbeginning of the twentieth century, say, at the\\nend of 1 90 1. And if the present situation continue,\\nit will not be difficult to guess the time when nearly\\nthe whole nation would consist of desperate slaves\\nof dividogenesure, and of about 1,000,000 masters\\ndistributing places of employment at will in ac-\\n*The World Almanac, 1899, p. 164. Mr. Upton, here, p.\\n27.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "183 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\ncordance with the highest efficiency and profitable-\\nness of the employed for the cheapest remunera-\\ntion favorable to a few multimilHonaires.\\nAs exposed in this work, the situation precludes\\nthe entertaining of any better view, however desir-\\nable it may be. For the following estimates of the\\nincrease of the people prove that the situation has\\neven been worse than here represented.\\nPRESENT POPULATION OF THE\\nUNITED STATES.\\nAccording tO estimates made for the World Al-\\nmanac by the governors of the States and Terri-\\ntories for 1900, exclusive of Alaska and the In-\\ndian Territory, the grand total, January i, 1900,\\nis 79,354,444 individuals.\\nIt is quite probable that the average family will\\nnow be at the most 4.9 members each.f If it is so,\\nTHE PROPERTY- 16,194,581 fam-\\nLESS IN 1900 A ilics iu the nation. And, disregard-\\nGREAT NATION. ^j^^^^ g^^;^\\nlosing the last pieces of their mortgaged, property,\\nwe should now have about 8,958,437 families with-\\nout real property, which would represent 43,896,-\\n342 propertyless individuals of multiple expendi-\\nture in every case. So that, paying monthly rent\\n*The World Almanac, 1900, p. 539.\\ntThis average would^ mean that in every 100 families 90\\nhave 5 and 10 have only 4 members. See the decrease of\\nfamily membership: foot note, p. 18.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 183\\nat $9.50 each, these homeless families must pay\\n$1,021,261,198 for the year 1900 alone. But if we\\nadmit the regular increase of the\\nfarm tenant families, we may now ^be^paid\\nhave about 1,941,745 of them occu-\\npying rentable lands at the averages of acres and of\\nrent previously stated, the total rent of all the ten-\\nants of farms and homes would, therefore, reach\\n$1,526,114,903 for one year. And the rent will be\\nhigher the next year, although nelw rentable houses\\nand fiats are built by the speculators every year.\\nFor, with the active monopolies and combina-\\ntions concentrating a greater amount of national\\nwealth than the people can produce, h^jpossibility\\nthe increase of population causes of acquiring\\nPROPERTY\\nUtter inability of about 65,000,000 of\\nindividuals to acquire property. And this very\\ninability causes a constant rise in the average land\\nand house rent. So that, if some years ago the\\naverage house rent was $9.50 a month per family\\nof nearly 5 members, it may now be above $11 every\\nmonth. The 8,958,437 tenant families would,\\ntherefore, pay over $1,687,367,389 of farm and\\nIt is interesting to remark that, while in 1893 the num-\\nber of the propertyless families reached over 7-millions, the\\nnational and local Building and Loan Associations having\\nnet assets of over $450,000,000, have, in 25 years, helped to\\nsecure only probably over 400,000 homes, says Mr.\\nWright, U. S. Commissioner of Labor. The World Almanac,\\n1899, p. 168; ib., 1900, p. 172. But that inability is aggravated\\nby the taxation unjust to the poor. See here, pp. 174-178.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "184 THE IMPENDING CRISIS.\\nhouse rent to the few owners of cities, towns, and\\nof lands in one year.\\nThence, the phenomenal net incomes of the om-\\nnipotent afford the ample reasons for defending by\\nall means in their power the present situation of\\nthe nation s toiling for the few.\\nFinally, as long as the concentration of wealth\\nin the private monopolies, trusts and combinations\\nnot only absorbs all the yearly in-\\nof\\\\?ivi^ only! crease of wealth produced by the na-\\ntion, but absorbs the wealth formerly\\nowned by the people, it does not make a difference\\nwhether these combinations raise or lower the high\\nprices of utilities which they speculate in upon the\\nmarket, the whole wealth and the entire rights for\\nwealth must sooner or later be concentrated in the\\nhands of a very few families, because all the means\\nof concentration are within their hands. Conse-\\nquently, it is not a question whether these all per-\\nvading combinations are beneficent or malificent in\\ntheir character, as in either case they work out\\nthe same evil result. But the question is only a\\nquestion of time how long before the people with\\nall their superior productivity and phenomenal in-\\ncrease of wealth will have neither wealth nor prop^\\nerty, nor rights, nor sufficient means for existence?\\nHow long before they all shall in all details be\\nabsolutely dependent upon the very few specu-\\nlators, whose unbounded fortunes the tens of mil-", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. 185\\nlions of workers are constantly compelled to in-\\ncrease? See Appendix II.\\nAgain, this concentration of wealth can neither\\nbe hindered by raising the prices of the raw ma-\\nterials and products, nor even by the\\nraising of wages, nor by lowering the J^eITessary.\\nprices of consumable utilities, nor by\\nlowering the present rents, because the rate of con-\\ncentration of wealth now surpasses all degrees of\\nchange which may be effected by such regulation,\\nwhile the net profits from the nation s energy and\\nlabor are ultimately derived only by the few, whO\\nare becoming fewer.\\nThe millions of individuals must therefore free\\nthemselves from the delusive hopes of some day\\nbecoming rich; for the strong ten-\\ndency, as we have seen, is to deprive ^t^I^ people\\nevery one of his proper food and of\\nthe satisfaction of other increasing needs. In or-\\nder to become free from the economic bondage and\\nslavery of dividogenesure, it is necessary that the\\ndistribution of wealth should be made to bring\\nabout more equal results, and that the present\\nmeans of the concentration of wealth should work\\nin favor of all the people engaged in the numerous\\nspheres of human activity. See Appendix III.\\nAnd it is again to be hoped that the present\\nparents in the United States would in nowise hesitate\\nto provide some better conditions of life for their\\nchildren in the far and near future,", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX,\\nPercentages and numbers of families in the\\nUnited States in 1890, under owned and rented\\nhomes and farms, were represented by Dr. C. B.\\nSpahr as follows:\\n[Families Identified with Farms\\nand\\nHomes.]\\nOwned:\\nPercent.\\nNumbers.\\nRented\\nPer-\\ncent.\\nNumbers.\\nIn cities above\\n100,000 popula-\\ntion:\\nHomes owned.\\n22.83\\n444,879\\nRented:\\n77.17\\n1,503,955\\nIn cities from 8,000\\nto 100,000:\\nHomes owned\\n35.96\\n629,092\\nRented\\n64.04\\n1,120,487\\nOutside such\\ncities:\\nHomes owned.\\n43.78\\n1,849,700\\nRented:\\n56.22\\n2,374,860\\nFarms owned\\n65.92\\n3,142,746\\nRented\\n34.08\\n1,624,433\\nTotals and averages\\n(for all) owned t\\n47.80\\n*6,066,417\\nRented:\\n52.20\\n6,623,735\\nt As we have seen on p. 116 that 1,696,670 families out of the\\ntotal of the owning ones* in 1890, were in debt, having their\\nproperties under mortgage. And only 4,369,747 families out\\nof 12,690,152 in the United States were free owners of wealth.\\nCompare the above totals with statistical averages on p. 79.\\nSee Dr. Spahr s Present Distribution of Wealth in the\\nUnited States, 1896, p. 53.\\n187", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "188 APPENDIX.\\n11.\\nDEFINITIONS OF TRUSTS AND MONOPOLIES.\\nA trust, as defined by a committee of the New\\nYork State Legislature, is a combination aiming\\nto destroy competition and to restrain trade\\nthrough the stockholders therein combining with\\nother corporations of stockholders to form a joint\\nstock company of corporations, in effect renouncing\\nthe powers of such several corporations, and placing\\nall powers in the hands of trustees. The general\\npurposes and effects among them are to control the\\nsupply of commodities and necessities to destroy the\\nvery possibility of competition to regulate the qual-\\nity of all commodities and to keep the cost to the\\nconsumer at prices far beyond their fair and equita-\\nble value. Further, Trust is an acting scheme\\nwhere, by a device of trusteeship, various corpora-\\ntions practically form one monopoly without losing\\ntheir separate corporateness. The novel character-\\nistic of such a trust is not in its being a mionopoly,\\nbut the way in which the monopoly is attained.\\nMr. Charles W. Baker in his Monopolies and the\\nPeople, says:\\nA trust is a combination to restrain competition\\namong producers, formed by placing the various\\nproducing properties (mills, factories, etc.) in the\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Encyclopedia of Social Reform, p. 1346.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 189\\nhands of a board of trustees, who are empowered to\\ndirect the operations of production and sale, as if\\nthe properties were all under a single ownership and\\nmanagement.\\nMONOPOLY IN PRIVATE HANDS.\\nA monopoly in industry may be defined as the\\ncontrol of some natural agent, of some line of busi-\\nness, or of some advantage over existing or possible\\ncompetitors, by which greater profits can be secured\\nthan other competitors can make. t\\nAll these definitions indicate that the private\\nmonopolies and combinations have one and the same\\npurpose or end in view It is to find such devices and\\nmeans and to establish such organization of business\\nactivity, which will enable the organizers and man-\\nagers to obtain from the people the greatest profits\\nfor the least cost, thus concentrating the people s\\nwealth in a few hands without paying anything to\\nthe people in return.\\nIII.\\nOn the contrary, a monopoly of the government\\nor of municipahty may be defined as a system of\\ncontrolling the natural or artificial agencies of public\\nservice and utility at such a cost to the public served,\\n*Encyclopedia of Social Reform, p. 1346.\\ntibid., p. 888.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "190 APPENDIX.\\nwhich will merely cover all expenses necessary (to\\nconstruct and) to keep these agencies in the best\\nserviceable and available condition or state, thus\\nleaving no room for the unjust concentration of\\nthe people s wealth in any private hands.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAverage: rate per cent on debt, 123, 124; average wealth\\nof the rich, the well-to-do, the middle, and of the poor\\nclasses, 28, 29; of over 27-millions, 51, 52; average, for\\nhomes in debt, 113; for farms in debt, iii, 112; differ-\\nences in averages of different authorities, 38; rents, see:\\nRent.\\nBlocks illustrating comparison of individual wealth, 50.\\nBread-winners by C. D. Wright, 85.\\nCapita: per capita wealth, 27, 38; per capita debt, 122, 123.\\nCapital: aids to increase production of wealth, 55-57; con-\\ncentration of capital increased, 140, 155.\\nCities: per cent of the homeless in, 80; cities families in!\\ndebt, 114, 115; large cities families in debt, 114, 115;\\ncities belong to 24 and 14 per cent of their population,\\n118, 132.\\nComparison of the poor and the rich by dollars worth,\\n8; comparison in tables, 42; of the family-groups, 39; of\\nthe U. S. with France at the time of Revolution, 16;\\nwith Rome, 17; by Crosby Hon. Ino. Reciprocal com-\\nparison of the middle classes of two tables, 39.\\nConcentration: of wealth in higher spheres, 153; of em-\\nployees, 15s, 156; 1st table of concentrated wealth, 150;\\n2d and final table of, 169; explanation of this concen-\\ntration, 170; concentration of wealth increases, 180, 181;\\nconcentration of wealth greater than the total increase\\nof it, 170, 171.\\nConsumers opinion on rem.uneration of capital and labor-\\ners, 97, 98; do not know the bases of justice and rights,\\n98, 99-\\nDebt: on farms, iii, 112; on homes, 113; increase of, 1880-89,\\n119-122; increase of public debt, 167; total debt on acres\\n191", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "192 INDEX.\\nand lots in 1890, 121, 124-5; percentages of families in\\ndebt in cities, 114, 115; debt of the U. S., states, counties,\\nschool districts, etc., foot note, 126; of New York, foot\\nnote, 134; amounts of, on real estate, 121; per capita, 122;\\nextinguished debt, 12.68%, 122; interest charge against\\ndebt, 124; combined interest charge against families\\ndebt, 125, 126.\\nDistribution of wealth: ist table, 28; ist R. table, 29; 2d table,\\n32; 2d R. table, 36; 2d Right table, 45; ist and 2d tables,\\n47. Table I, 6; diagrams for conclusions of Mr.\\nHolmes, 5; diagrams for conclusions of Mr. Shearman,\\n12; Table II; conclusions of Mr. Shearman, 12; dia-\\ngrams for conclusions of Dr. Spahr, 20; double table\\nIII for these diagrams, 21; conclusions of Dr. Spahr, 18;\\nconclusions of Geo. K. Holmes, 5, 6.\\nDividogenesure: defintion and origin of, 70; divides people\\ninto classes, 71; its tacit power of enslaving the people\\nor expelling into the sphere of charities, 72; it enforces\\nidleness, 73; is the main cause of misery, 74; is sister of\\nprimogeniture, 74; is a pernicious principle, 74; its fa-\\nvorites without moral responsibility, 75; is a system of\\nslavery distinct from any other slavery, 75, j^i the prop-\\nertyless are special victims of it, 92, 103-4; is a founda-\\ntion of iniquity, 87, 88; implies degrees of hardship\\nagainst its dependents, 117, 74; its hardship according to\\nthe rates of gain from each employed individual, 103-4;\\nits rates are not wages, but pure losses, 106; dififers\\nfrom primogeniture, 131; future of the nation under\\ndividogenesure, 106-7. 181.\\nEnergy: human energy embodied in objects, 98, crystallized\\nin articles, 99; human energy concentrates into the hands\\nof speculators, 99, 100.\\nExtortion: from the public by excess of selling prices over\\ncost of production, 158, 159; by mining monopolies, 161;\\nby stock- watering, 173, 174,\\nFamilies: groups compared, 39, 42; basis of family-worth,\\n39, 41, 42; statistics of occupying farms and homes, 79,\\nhire farms, 81, hire homes, 81, 82; farm families in", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "INDEX. 193\\ndebt, III, 112; home-families in debt, 113; table of farm\\nand home families, 116; one million of rich families, 92,\\n103-4; dividends of the million families, 103, 104 and\\n138-9; one million (families) masters, 181-2; 263,380\\nfamilies of the well-to-do class included into the average\\nof the poor of the 2d table, 32; exposed by comparisons,\\n39, 42; surplus million families found in the tenant group,\\n2d table, 32, 34, 35.\\nFarms: acreage of, 148; rent per acre, 148-9 acreage for the\\nincreased population, 164-5; rent, 165; increase of rented\\nfarms, 166; percentage of incumbered farms, 166, 167;\\nfarms in France, 49.\\nFuture of the nation (possible), 106-7.\\nGainful pursuits, persons engaged in, 91-2.\\nGalileo signed Jesuit Verdict, 16.\\nGermany, Berlin, 48, 49.\\nGreat Britain, distribution of private property, 48, 49.\\nHerron, George (Professor dismissed from the Iowa Col-\\nlege), 107.\\nHolmes, G. K. U. S. Census Expert on Mortgage Statistics,\\n6, 14, 15, 24; not partizan, 33, 35. Holmes, G. H., view\\non mortgages, 132.\\nHouse-Scarb defined, 8.\\nIncome: daily income from the poor, 138-9; gross incomes\\nof the workers decreased, 143; net incomes of many trusts\\nomitted, 151-2; net incomes of the owners of the cen-\\ntral parts of cities, 152-3; net incomes of the manufac-\\nture and mechanical trades, 157-8; net incomes of the\\nmining monopolies, 161; total net incomes of the natural,\\nmortgagee, rentable house, and land monopolies, 150;\\ntotal net incomes of all monopolies, etc., table, 169; ex-\\ncess of the incomes over the total increase of wealth,\\n169, 170-1.\\nInventions: as aid to human energy, 85, 86; they are blessing\\nand curse, 86; inventors were a blessing to humanity, 98.\\nLandowners of England, Scotland, Holland and of Germany,\\n56.\\nLogical Premises, 5; logical premises of life, 25.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "194 INDEX.\\nLosses: special of the wage-earners, 157; special of the farm-\\ners, 160; special of the miners, 161; loss of the previous\\nwealth by the people, 171; total loss of wealth in 7 years\\nby the U. S. people, 170.\\nMayo Smith, Prof., compares French proprietorship of land\\nwith that of England, 49.\\nMonopolies: definitions of, Appendix II and III; profits of\\nthe mortgagee, 145; profits of the natural, loi, 145-6;\\nprofits of monopolies of the rentable homes, 146-7; profits\\nof rentable lands, 149; the total net incomes of 4 classes of\\nmonopolies, 150; grand total of the total net incomes\\nof the monopolies and combinations, 169; explanation\\nof the net incomes of the monopolies, 170-1. See: In-\\ncomes, the excess of.\\nMortgages: statistics of, iii; development of, 119; signifi-\\ncance of, 128; semi-optimistic views on, 128; view of\\nMr. E. Atkinson on, 128-132; of Mr. G. H. Holmes, 132;\\nview of Rev. Wm. D. P. Bliss, Editor of Enc. of Soc.\\nReform, 133; Semi-pessimistic views: view of Mr. J.\\nP. Dunn, Jr., Burden of Debt, 134; losses of property\\nby foreclosure, an example, 135, 136; view of Mr. D. R.\\nGoodloe, 136. See: Debt.\\nMulhall, Mr., comparison of farmers of dififerent countries, 93.\\nNapoleon Bonaparte, 107-8.\\nPoor: grow absolutely poorer, 172.\\nPopulation: in families, 18; in individuals, 5, 12; increase\\nof in 1897, ^^3, 164, 165; in 1900, 182.\\nPrimogeniture, Great Britain and Japan, 70, 74, 136.\\nProductivity of the Americans: on farm, 93; in industry, 94,\\n95, 96.\\nPropertyless: Less than half the nation, 18; tenants,\\ngroup 1st, 2d table, 32; causes of the increase of the\\npropertyless, 52; propertyless is a resourceless man of\\nmultiple expenditure, 61-68-71; he is a source of multiple\\nincome for many propertied, 68; without employment,\\n69; pay rent or are expelled, 77-78; unseen forces com-\\npel him to be a slave, 76; more than half the popula-\\ntion, 82; made the nation in 1865, 85; could build and", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "INDEX. 195\\ninhabit 33 most populous cities, 83, 84; have nothing to\\nhope for, 86-7; number of in 1897, 179; number of in\\n1900, 182.\\nRates of interest are higher against the poor debtors, 127-8.\\nSee: Debt.\\nReal estate indebtedness, 121. See: Debt.\\nRent: house rent per family, 147; house rent on farms, 149;\\nrent paid for homes and farms by increased population,\\n164-5; average house rent, 147; for farms, 148-9; totals\\nof rent paid, table, 169; according to Dr. Spahr for 1890,\\nhouse and office, 152-3; rent for 1900, 182-3-4.\\nResources: of the propertied, 53-60; of the propertyless, 61,\\n64-5; a semi-resourced man, 68.\\nRich: comparison of, 42; deeper reasons why the rich grow\\nabsolutely richer, 172-3. See: Distribution.\\nRome, mistress of the world, 17.\\nShearman, Tho. G., conclusions of, 11, 12, 24, 32; his basis\\nof averages differ, 38; one average covers 89.4% of the\\nentire population, 40.\\nSpahr, C. B., Dr. conclusions of, 18, 20, 24; table, 28, 31.\\nSee: Taxes.\\nStatistics of wealth, by J. K. Upton, special agent of the nth\\ncensus, 27, 181. See: Mortgages,\\nSteam power: increase of, 57.\\nTaxes: proportions of national taxes, 175; indirect taxes\\npaid, 176; decrease of national taxes, 176; unjust to the\\npoor, 176; local taxes: proportions of, 176; local taxes\\nless unjust to the poor, 177; local taxes paid, 178; the\\npoor pay taxes on gross incomes, 179; total taxes paid\\nby the rich and the poor, 178, 179; taxes increased by\\nthe war, 180-1.\\nTenants of farms and homes, 32; the correct number of,\\ntable, 36. See: Propertyless.\\nTrusts: definitions of, Appendix II; development of, 154-156;\\nincomes of some trusts omitted, 151-2; trusts more\\nactive, 180; the view of Henry Brown, Associate Justice\\nof the U. S. Supreme Court on trusts, 162.\\nWages: economic doctrine cf the rate of, 141; wages would", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "196 INDEX.\\nbe twice as low, 141; artificially kept up, 142; reports on\\nthe fall of wages, 142-3.\\nWaite, F. C, special agent of the nth census in charge of\\nTrue Wealth: ascertained the earnings of the natural\\nmonopolies for 1890, 99, loi.\\nWealth: table of, 27; accumulation of, 27; True wealth, 99,\\nloi; land is the source of wealth, 54, 55; average wealth\\nper family, $5,125, table, 29, 47; per capita, lower table,\\n27, 38, table, 51; aggregates of wealth owned by differ-\\nent classes, ist table, 29, 45; wealth owned by individuals,\\ntable, 51; chart, 50; concentration of wealth, tables, 150,\\n169 (for 1897); increase of wealth (for 1900), 181; in-\\ncrease of in 7 years, 139, 140; increased phenomenally,\\n140; who profits by the increase of, 144-5; concentration\\nof in industries, 154; largest fortunes of, increase most\\nrapidly, Dr. Henderson, 172; wealth reduced with the\\nincreased number of families, 171. See: in the tax table,\\n178.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "PRICE, 35 CENTS\\nTHE\\nIMPENDING CRISIS\\nCONDITIONS RESULTING FROM THE\\nCONCENTRATION OF WEALTH\\nIN THE UNITED STATES\\nBy BASIL BOUROFF\\nPUBLISHERS\\nMIDWAY PRESS COMMITTEE\\nCHICAGO", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "4\\nII\\nyn.", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3587", "width": "2323", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3668", "width": "2431", "jp2-path": "impendingcrisisc00bour_0220.jp2"}}