{"1": {"fulltext": "HB 172\\n.H76\\nCopy 1\\n2\u00c2\u00a7S\\n/ov ua^h Cityii uo^ aoo ^io\\\\b 6(o\u00c2\u00ab lyo \\\\S 6^\\\\b (^o\\\\b\\nOV)UO\\\\3tJO\\\\\\nPublic and Private\\nRights\\nBY\\nW. W. HOPKINS\\n4^*\\nPRICE. 15 CENTS\\nThe Christian Publishing Company\\nSt. Louis", "height": "3717", "width": "2451", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "Public and Private Rights\\nJ\\nBy W. W. HOPKINS\\nFor ten years pastor of the Second Christian Church,\\nAnd six years Assistant Editor of the Christian -Evangelist, St. Louis.\\nThe spirit of the I,ord God is upon me because the I^ord hath\\n,nointed me to preach good tidings unto the meek he hath sent me\\nto bind up the broken hearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives,\\nand the opening of the prison to them that are bound. Isaiah 6i: i.\\nSt. Louis:\\nCHRISTIAN PUBLISHING COMPANY,\\n1900.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "27719\\n73790\\nHit\\nLibrary of CongreeB\\nTwo Copies Received\\nAUG 1 1900\\nCooy right entry\\nSECOND COPY.\\nDelivered to\\nORO\u00c2\u00a3R DIVISION,\\nAUG 3 1900\\nCopyright, 1900,\\nBY\\nW. W. HOPKINS.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "To all those persons who are seeking the\\nfreedom, elevation and moral, material, and\\nspiritual wellfare of their fellow-men, these\\nlines are prayerfully dedicated by\\nThe Author.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nThe dullness of the public conscience toward\\nthe perversion of public possessions to private\\ninterests has suggested the need for the follow-\\ning treatise. Our courts distinguish between\\npublic and private rights in the interpretation of\\nour laws, but the principle is not very closely\\nadhered to in the political administration of our\\nmunicipal, state and national affairs. The abuses\\nof the distinction are so flagrant and widespread\\nand the public mind so indifferent about the\\nmatter that there seems to exist urgent need for\\nan awakening on this subject. There is much\\nliterature indirectly bearing on the subject, but\\nnothing pointing out the importance of this dis-\\ntinction to our national prosperity in a particular\\nway. Even reforms based on the distinction be-\\ntween Public and Private Rights have not em-\\nphasized the same as its importance demands. If\\nthe following pages shall, therefore, in any way\\nassist in making manifest the importance of this\\ndistinction and its bearing on society, on our in-\\ndustries and on the general welfare of the peo-\\nple, the writer shall feel abundantly rewarded\\nfor his pains. The Author.\\nSt. Louis, Mo., July 4, 1900.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "Public and Private Rights\\nINTRODUCTION.\\nHowever optimistic our view of the future, we\\ncannot close our eyes to the fact that there are\\nconditions of life extant in our civilization that\\nno thoughtful, unselfish man can view without\\nsome feeling of indignation, resentment and\\nalarm. It is not the purpose of this treatise to\\nattempt the portrayal of these conditions, but to\\nspeak of some of the causes and their present\\nmost promising remedies. The rapid trend of\\nthe population from rural toward urban districts;\\nthe rapid trend of public and private lands to-\\nward fewer lords; the rapid centralization of\\nwealth; the frequent labor troubles, low wages,\\nstrikes, lock-outs, shut-downs, enforced idleness\\nand sweat-shop horrors, are but the ominous\\nsigns of underlying forces which, if not arrested\\nor Christianized, mean the overthrow of our na-\\ntion. They declare in unmistakable terms the\\nexistence of radical wrongs somewhere in our\\ncivilization, g,nd to aid in the discovery and re-", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "8 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nmoval of these wrongs is the duty of every law-\\nabiding citizen in the nation.\\nAlarming as are some of these signs at times,\\nwe do not predict a national catastrophe, as do\\nsome, for the reason that there is intelligence,\\nmoral sentiment and Christianity enough in the\\nland to overcome the danger. God has decreed\\nthe overthrow of all unrighteousness, and his\\nplans cannot be defeated. The victory may be\\ndelayed, but it cannot be prevented.\\nBut let us not think that these evils will be re-\\nmoved or remedied independent of human reason\\nand human action. God as much expects to es-\\ntablish righteousness in the social, civil and the\\nindustrial departments of life as in the church or\\nthe individual; and He expects to do it through\\nHis Word, His Spirit and His people. Here is\\nwhere too many people err. They say and\\nrightly, too that the gospel is the solvent of all\\nour national evils but they forget that the gos-\\npel preached only in the churches is a failure;\\nthat is only putting the light under the bushel.\\nThe gospel of Christ to be effective in the regen-\\neration of society must be absorbed by it. Its\\nrighteousness must be crystallized into action in\\nthe business world, into customs in the social\\nworld, and into laws in the national domain.\\nGod s will contemplates the regeneration of so-\\nciety, of communities, of business and of gov-\\nernment, and he who does not so read His Word", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHT.S 9\\nfails to comprehend the significance of Christ s\\ncoronation and reign, of which the conversion of\\nthe individual is but the beginning.\\nChristianity has achieved great victories in the\\npast. It met and overthrew idolatry in the Ro-\\nman Empire; it has about destroyed civil slavery\\nthroughout the world; it has elevated woman-\\nhood; it has developed the worth of childhood;\\nit has modified the tyranny of governments; its\\nblessings are peerless and countless, but its work\\nis not done. There are other forms of idolatry,\\nslavery and oppression to be removed, and this\\nis the great work of the church to-day.\\nThe real work of the church has only just be-\\ngun. There are greater and graver problems\\nconfronting Christianity to-day than ever before.\\nThe government of our cities, the right use\\nof money, the social evil, the liquor traffic,\\nthe labor problem, the amelioration of the\\nmasses, and the evangelization of our great\\ncities, are all questions of momentous import,\\nand to be solved before we are entitled to be\\ncalled a Christian nation. To say that the evils\\nof our nation cannot be suppressed, and our\\nmost intricate and involved social, civil and in-\\ndustrial questions solved, is to pronounce the\\nreign of Christ a failure, and to refuse to aid in\\ntheir accomplishment is to delay the victory.\\nChristians have been too exclusive with their\\nChristianity. They have kept it too much con-", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "10 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nfined to churches and Sundays. The religion of\\nChrist is not a cathedral ornament, but an every-\\nday affair and until we begin to exemplify the\\nrighteousness of God in business, in our indus-\\ntries, in politics and in all other departments of\\nlife, it is a failure and worthless. Remember\\nthat the leaven in the meal means the gospel in\\nthe world.\\nSome people seem to think that these great\\nproblems are insolvable. It takes but a mo-\\nment s reflection to see that their solution is im-\\nplied in the success of the gospel. Are we not\\ntold in the Holy Book that righteousness is to\\ncover the earth, and that every enemy is to be\\ndestroyed? The trouble is that the dominant\\npowers have never set themselves to the solution\\nof the task in a very active and general way;\\nneither will they until the pressure of enlight-\\nened public sentiment shall compel them.\\nFor a long while inventors tried to discover a\\ndevice for coupling cars automatically that would\\nbe acceptable to the railroads, but seemed to\\nfail. The presumption was that the inventions\\nsubmitted to the railroad companies were im-\\npracticable. But by and by the States began to\\ntake cognizance of the matter, and a law was\\npassed compelling all railroad companies to\\nadopt some self-coupling device instead of the\\nold-fashioned, man-killing coupling-links, and in\\ndue time all complaint about a practical way to", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 11\\ndo it had ceased. The railroads soon found a\\npractical self-coupler. The same principle ap-\\nplies in moral reforms. Make public sentiment\\nstrong enough, and our political parties will soon\\nfind a practical solution of all our industrial,\\nsocial and civil troubles.\\nOne reason why so many reform measures fail\\nis that they are too superficial, too narrow. Re-\\nforms, to be effective, must reach primary\\ncauses. Take the condition of laboring men for\\nan illustration. It is said, for instance, that\\ntheir condition is due to intemperate and im-\\nprovident living. That there is ground for this\\ncharge is too sadly true, but the accusation does\\nnot hold against all laboring men affected by the\\nconditions. The real difficulty lies back of the\\ncharacter and deportment of the laboring classes.\\nAll men should live soberly, righteously and\\ngodly in this present life, for their own and their\\nfamilies sake, but there is no law under heaven\\nthat compels a man to live on bread and water,\\nand keep his family in rags and ignorance, simply\\nthat he may enable his employer to pay larger\\ndividends on watered stock. The laborer and\\nhis family, and not his employer, are entitled to\\nall of the fruits of an economical life over and\\nabove honest time and honest work for his em-\\nployer. The fact is, labor is not receiving its\\nrightful share of the profits thereof, and under\\nthe present order of things it cannot. It is in-", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "19 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\njured by unjust competition; it is robbed by un-\\nscrupulous lawmakers; it is burdened by false\\nideas of government; it is weighed down by\\ntaxes it is compelled to pay dividends on ficti-\\ntious captital; it is made the slave of capital.\\nAnother difficulty in the way of benefiting the\\ncondition of the laboring class is the prejudice\\nthat exists against a change in the prevailing cus-\\ntoms or present order of things; an inexplicable\\nfear of new things an inexcusable devotion to\\nthe ways of our fathers. In the first place, there\\nare those who are opposed to a change, to re-\\nforms, to progress, for purely selfish reasons.\\nThey are in good positions, a paying business, on\\ntop, or in some way hold the reins of prosperity,\\nand are so inhumanly selfish as to have no con-\\ncern for the welfare of others. Such idolatry is\\ncruel and unworthy of the protection of a civil-\\nized government.\\nThere are some, of course, who are conscien-\\ntiously opposed to changes. They think that\\nbecause things have been as they have so long\\nthey must ever remain so; and, to their minds,\\nall efforts at reforms are but wasted energies.\\nAnd yet the logic of their position, if enforced,\\nwould arrest all progress, defeat all the promises\\nof God, and continue to lay all advantages in this\\nworld at the feet of unscrupulous and wicked\\nmen.\\nBut we have come to an age of the world in", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 13\\nwhich reason and righteousness are demanding a\\nhigher and broader application in the affairs of\\nmen. Nothing, however hoarj with age, is too\\nsacred for criticism. There was a time when the\\ncriticism of established customs, laws and gov-\\nernments endangered the life of the critic, but\\nthat day is past. The spirit of investigation is\\nin the air, and no man can stay its work. There\\nis a growing consciousness of wrong woven into\\nthe fabric of things that have come down to us\\nfrom the past, and an enlightened human nature\\nis demanding an investigation of the facts there\\nis a growing sense of unfairness and unreason-\\nableness in the fortunes and misfortunes of men,\\nand an awakened public conscience is demanding\\na correction of the evil; there is an increasing\\nsense of injustice underlying civil and industrial\\naffairs, and an enlightened public sentiment is\\ncrying out against the iniquity.\\nThere was a time when any departure from es-\\ntablished customs, tradition, creed or party was\\nconsidered the greatest wrong within the moral\\ndomain. It was called the sin of heresy, and it\\noutranked all other sins. But a better concep-\\ntion of righteousness has dawned, and we are\\nbeginning to make room for the golden rule.\\nSin and iniquity are by no means confined to\\nthe common people. Criminals are to be found\\nin the uppermost seats in the synagogue and in\\nthe social, civil, industrial and commercial high", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "14 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nplaces in the land. Some of these may be un-\\nconscious of the nature of their character, but\\nthey are none the less the enemies of righteous-\\nness, of humanity and of God. To them the\\npresent order of things is good enough, and they\\nare opposed to anything that would disturb their\\ngains. To all such persons all reformers are dis-\\nturbers of the peace, enemies, anarchists. That\\nthe many should be the servants of the few, and\\nmust so remain while the world stands, they re-\\ngard a part of the divine economy.\\nBut there is another view of things rapidly\\ncoming to the front founded upon the father-\\nhood of God and the brotherhood of man, and\\nbefore this new conception the old order of\\nthings must give way. The days of the oppressor\\nin the industrial world are numbered; piracy in\\npublic utilities is beginning to be outlawed, and\\nthe political boss is beginning to feel the pressure\\nof public disapproval. Man is a brotherhood,\\nand governments must be so adjusted that the\\nrights of the humblest subjects will not be vio-\\nlated. The strong men who now hold the posi-\\ntions of favor in the world will not willingly\\nsurrender to the new order of things, but the\\nbattle is on, and will not end until we have that\\nnew heaven and new earth wherein dwelleth\\nrighteousness of which God s inspired seers\\nhave sung.\\nThat the present order of things in our social,", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 15\\ncivil and industrial systems is imperfect is a self-\\nevident proposition. Man, coming out of the\\nignorance and darkness of the past, could not\\ninvent perfect institutions. He could only de-\\nvise according to his ability, and revise according\\nto later experiences. Civilizations, like children,\\noutgrow their garments. We have only to look\\nat our present social and industrial conditions to\\nsee the truth of this statement.\\nAny government in which the few grow rich\\nand the many poor is certainly faulty. That we\\nhave the finest country and government in the\\nworld is admitted, but that is no reason why we\\nshould not have a better one if we can. And so\\nlong as the present striking contrasts between\\npoverty and wealth exist, who shall say that there\\nis no room for improvement?", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES.\\nA man can no more live apart from his fellow-\\nmen and prosper, as he ought to prosper, than\\nhe can live without food. Society is essential to\\nhis proper development. Men will organize into\\nsocieties for social, civil, commercial, industrial,\\nmoral, religious, and other purposes, and these\\norganic collective bodies must be endowed with\\ncertain rights and possessions in order to the\\nfulfillment of their respective missions. No\\nsociety can exist without constitutional powers\\nand possessions. There must, then, of necessity\\nbe a division of rights and possessions between\\nmen as individuals and men in collective organic\\nbodies. There is no such thing as unlimited\\npersonal liberty. Every organic collective body\\nessential to man s moral, material and spiritual\\nwelfare has rights and must be protected in\\nthem; especially is this true of civil govern-\\nments. The matter, therefore, of distinguishing\\nbetween that that rightfully belongs to the indi-\\nvidual and that that rightfully belongs to an\\norganic collective body, becomes a matter of\\nsupremest importance; disregard for this dis-\\ntinction, a matter of supremest danger. But\\n16", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 17\\nwhile this principle holds throughout all organic\\nbodies, it is not our purpose to follow it beyond\\nits application to civil governments in this dis-\\ncussion.\\nNo civil government of any size can do busi-\\nness without constitutional rights and a working\\ncapital. It has its expenses and must meet\\nthem. And if the distinction between that that\\nrightfully belongs to the public and that that\\nrightfully belongs to the individual was always\\nrightfully made and observed, no government\\nwould ever be without a working capital. Nei-\\nther would labor ever be taxed to supply a treas-\\nury bankrupted by theft or by unwise legisla-\\ntion. And any civilization that does not regard\\nand enforce this distinction between public and\\nprivate rights, is essentially unchristian and\\noppressive, and headed toward destruction.\\nAll true reform measures must likewise recog-\\nnize this distinction. The weakness of many\\nreform movements is their narrowness they are\\ntoo exclusive. No public measure in conflict\\nwith essential private rights can succeed without\\ninjuring the individual. Upon the other hand,\\nno private or corporate measure in conflict with\\npublic interests can succeed without injuring the\\npublic. These rights are equally sacred and\\nmust be equally conserved, or friction, wrongs,\\noppression, tyranny and injustice of every sort\\nwill appear.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "18 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nThe most casual observer cannot fail to see\\nthat a large per cent of our industrial, social and\\ncivil troubles as a nation have had their origin\\nin the confusion and abuse of public and private\\nrights, and not until the distinction between\\nthese rights is more clearly defined and enforced\\nwill these difficulties disappear.\\nIt is an undeniable fact that our public lands\\nhave been squandered, our cities plundered of\\ntheir franchises, and other public possessions\\nturned into private channels for private uses.\\nNot a few of our millionaires and multi-million-\\naires have become such by the private possession\\nor use of that which belonged to the city, the\\nstate, or the nation, and just to the extent that\\nthese organic collective bodies have been de-\\nprived of their rightful possessions, the burdens\\nupon labor have been correspondingly increased.\\nIt could not be otherwise. These institutions\\nmust meet their current expenses, or cease to\\nexist; and when deprived of their natural re-\\nsources they have been compelled to levy a tax\\nupon labor.\\nThe reforms most urgently needed at present,\\ntherefore, are, first, the restoration to our various\\ncivil governments of their respective rights and\\nresources; and, second, the restoration of all civil\\ngovernments to the people. The government con-\\ntrol of a public utility amounts to nothing if\\nthat government is controlled by a corporation.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 19\\npolitical boss, ring, or machine. One reform\\nwithout the other would be useless. Govern-\\nments must not only own and control all public\\nutilities, but must themselves be owned and con-\\ntrolled by the people. Restore to governments\\ntheir rightful possessions, and then restore to\\nthe people their rightful governments, and you\\nwill have the key to the solution of about all of\\nthe national evils of which we complain, and\\nunder which we groan.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES ILLUS-\\nTRATED.\\nTake, for instance, the land question. Pri-\\nmarily, all lands belonged to the government,\\nand the people are now beginning to see that\\nperpetual right to no part of the public domain\\nshould ever have been granted to any individual.\\nNo man can live in this world without the use of\\nland; it is as essential to his existence, and as\\nGod-given, as air or water. His use of land,\\ntherefore, should be regulated by law in the in-\\nterest of all men, and not of the few. But un-\\nfortunately our government has erred at this\\npoint, so that large tracts of land that should\\nhave been held in trust for homes have been\\ngiven to corporations and to individuals for\\nspeculative and commercial purposes. Much of\\nthe public domain given to railroad and to other\\ncompanies was given to foster internal improve-\\nments; but the excess to which this has been\\ncarried and the instances of fraud which have\\nbeen perpetrated, have greatly modified the sup-\\nposed good in these enormous land grants.\\nThe land grants to railroad companies alone now\\namount to 215,000,000 acres, an area almost\\nequal to eight States the size of Ohio. At a\\n20", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 21\\nmoderate price for farms this land would have\\nmore than paid the national debt at its highest\\npoint; or it would have built all the railroads\\nfor which they were given; or it would have\\ngiven to every man, woman and child in the\\nUnited States, upon the basis of the census of\\n1890, almost thtfty acres of land.\\nBut the evil does not stop with land grants to\\nrailroad corporations. Vast areas of the public\\ndomain have been secured at a nominal cost by\\nforeign capitalists for speculative purposes.\\nThe public records show that fifty-six foreign\\ncorporations and persons now own 26,000,000\\nacres of land in the United States, of which\\n7,500,000 are owned by two Dutch syndicates,\\n1,800,000 by one English syndicate, and 500,000\\nby one Scotch syndicate. And of the foreign\\nindividuals now owning land in the United\\nStates, Baron Tweedsdale claims 1,750,000 acres,\\nByron H. Evans 700,000 acres, M. Ellerhousen\\n600,000 acres, Robt. Tenant 530,000, and the\\nDuke of Southerland 422,000 acres, besides\\nmany smaller tracts to many others.*\\nNeither is this the end of the evil. The num-\\nber of land-holders for homes and farming pur-\\nposes in the United States is rapidly decreasing.\\nOr, in other words, the homes and farms in the\\nFor a larger discussion of this evil, see The Land Question,\\npublished by C. F. Taylor, 1520 Chestnut Street, Philadel-\\nphia, Pa.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "32 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS-\\nUnited States are rapidly passing into the hands\\nof fewer owners. In 1880 there were 1,024,599\\nrenters in the United States. In 1890 this num-\\nber had increased to 1,624,431 renters, an in-\\ncrease of 599,832 in ten years. It is said that\\n126,000,000 acres of our best farm lands in\\nthe United States are now owned by 115,940\\nmen, an average of over 1,000 acres each. The\\nmeaning of all of this is too plain for comment.\\nIt points to a centralization of wealth which, if\\nnot arrested, can be viewed only with alarm. It\\nmeans that we are passing from a nation of land-\\nowners to a nation of land-renters. If all of\\nthese lands were passing back to the control of\\nthe government, it would be the promise of bet-\\nter conditions; but this is not the case. As it\\nnow appears, it means the loss of rural inde-\\npendence, and in due time the serfdom of the\\npeople of the rural districts.\\nWe do not believe in the confiscation of prop-\\nerty in any form nor is this necessary in order\\nto right these wrongs; but we do believe that\\nthe absolute control of all land in the United\\nStates should have remained in the national\\ngovernment. The system of parting with the\\npublic domain in fractional sections has proved\\nan open door for speculation, fraud and op-\\npression. Land given in perpetuity for homes\\nshould have been more carefully guarded and\\nthe door closed against speculators, land-rob-", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 23\\nbers and franchise-grabbers. There is no reason\\nwhy the title to a tract of land should be per-\\npetual, and that to an invention limited to a\\nterm of years. If any difference, the argument\\nfor perpetuity of title is in favor of the inven-\\ntion over that of the land. An invention is the\\nproduct of the brain, while the land is the gift\\nof God to all men.\\nOne of the best solutions of the land question\\nwe have yet seen is the Single Tax theory. We\\ndo not claim that the Single Tax theory is fault-\\nless, but we do claim that it is founded in right-\\neousness, and if put into practical operation\\nwould mark a new era of prosperity in our\\nnation.\\nThe Single Tax theory, as we understand it, is\\nunfortunately named. Properly speaking. Single\\nTaxers do not believe in any kind of tax what-\\never. What is miscalled a land tax, in their\\ntheory, when rightly understood, is nothing more\\nnor less than an equitable rent paid to the gov-\\nernment for the use of land according to its\\nvalue. They would have but one landlord, the\\ngovernment, and put all users of land upon the\\ncommon basis of renters.\\nThe fear that this system would work a hard-\\nship to farmers is wholly imaginary. The differ-\\nence is that rents now paid to landlords by rent-\\ners would be paid to the government but these\\nrents would be greatly reduced. While the so-", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "24 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\ncalled tax on land would be increased to include\\nthe tax on personal property, and paid to the\\ngovernment, not as a tax on land, but as a rental\\nvalue for its use, the total of the farmer s tax\\nwould not be so great. To pay more taxes upon\\nland and correspondingly less on personal prop-\\nerty is not increasing a man s burdens even\\nunder the present system but under the Single\\nTax rule the present expensive system of tax-\\ngathering would be abolished and a much sim-\\npler and cheaper plan substituted.\\nBut the beauty and righteousness of the Single\\nTax theory is that it would prevent the holding\\nof land in large or small tracts for speculative\\npurposes. Land owners or users would be com-\\npelled to improve their holdings, or part with\\nthem to parties who would improve or use them.\\nAll idle lands would be in the hands of the gov-\\nernment. There is no reason for believing that\\nany honest farmer or user of land would be dis-\\nturbed in his home, his plans, or his possessions\\nby the Single Tax theory beyond that of the\\npresent system. If a man is a renter, and fails\\nto pay his rent, or a tax-payer, aud fails to pay\\nhis taxes, as the law now is his holdings are\\nplaced in jeopardy, and they could not be more\\nso under Single Tax rule.*\\nFor a full presentation of the Single Tax doctrine and its\\nmerits, see Progress and Poverty, by Henry George.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 25\\nThe claims of a city to the site value of its\\nlots seem to us to be indisputable; and if indis-\\nputable, then the rents paid for their use should\\nbe paid to the city. The claims of the public to\\nthe agricultural, timber and mineral values of\\nland seem also to be equally just. It hardly\\nseems reasonable that God grew the great for-\\nests of the earth and planted vast treasures of\\niron, lead, zinc, tin, copper, gold, silver, granite,\\ncoal, oil and gas in its bowels for a few individ-\\nuals, corporations and trusts. A more equitable\\ndistribution of these vast fields of wealth would,\\nit seems to us, far better comport with the doc-\\ntrine of the fatherhood of God and the brother-\\nhood of man.\\nThat the government is allowing these vast\\ntreasures to pass to private owners without proper\\nrecompense to the public is an injustice of such\\nmagnitude that it seems to entirely elude the\\ngrasp of the public mind. Certainly there must\\nbe some way whereby this peculiarly legalized\\nsystem of robbery can be arrested and this\\nwealth turned into the hands of its rightful\\nowners. If not the wealth already accumulated\\nby individuals, corporations, syndicates and\\ntrusts from public possessions, let us insist that\\nwhat yet remains of the earth, on the earth, and\\nunder the earth, in the United States, shall be\\nheld in trust for the public and not for juggling\\npoliticians and greedy corporations. Let the", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "26 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\ngovernment lease its lands, its forests and its\\nmines upon some basis whereby these resources\\nshall become sources of revenue that will, in\\nsome degree at least, afford relief to the tax-\\npayer. In this way the people for whom God\\ncreated these mines of wealth would at least\\nshare with those who work them. Canada has\\nalready adopted a profit-sharing plan in the\\nKlondike gold fields.\\nNext to the land question is that of public\\nutilities. A government has no moral right\\nwhatever to give to any individual, corpora-\\ntion or trust any of its possessions without\\nadequate compensation therefor. To do so\\nis to rob the public of its just holdings. One of\\nthe strongest arguments in favor of the govern-\\nment ownership and control of all railways and\\ntelegraph lines, and of the municipal ownership\\nand control of all municipal franchises, outside\\nof their moral rights, is the fact that franchise-\\ngrabbers and robbers are opposed to the scheme.\\nAnd the humorous part of it is that they are op-\\nposed to it on the ground that it would increase\\nthe facilities for civil and municipal corruption.\\nAbout all manufacturers of intoxicating liquors\\nare opposed to legal prohibition for similar rea-\\nsons.\\nThat a city should give to any individual or\\ncorporation the right to operate cars on its\\nstreets at a profit that pays large dividends on", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 27\\nwatered stock, without due compensation to the\\npublic, is a crime of the first magnitude. Street\\ncars should be run at the cost of labor, and the\\ninterest on actual investments, or else the\\nprofits turned over to the cities; and what is\\ntrue of street railway franchises is true of every\\nmunicipal franchise. Without the city these\\nfranchises would have no value. The same is\\ntrue of railway and telegraph lines. Their val-\\nues are created by the public and belong to the\\npublic.\\nThe arguments in favor of municipal, state\\nand national control of all lands, mines and pub-\\nlic utilities may be briefly stated as follows:\\n1. It is a question of 7noral right. All lands,\\nmines, canals, railways and municipal franchises\\nare public rights by virtue of their dependence\\nupon the public for their values. Many of the\\nmillions now owned by many of the millionaires\\nby all moral rights belong to the public, and\\nought to have been paid into our municipal,\\nstate and national treasuries, less interest on\\nactual investments, in the place of taxes directly\\nand indirectly collected from individual holdings.\\n2. It would take out of politics one of the\\nchief causes of political corruption. Our public\\nutilities are a continual temptation to unscrupu-\\nlous politicians, speculators and wealth-seekers.\\nThey have been used for political spoils, political\\npulls and for personal emoluments. They have", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "28 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nbeen bartered away for a mess of pottage, given\\nbirth to a horde of boodle politicians, and made\\nthe basis of some of the most oppressive and\\ntyrannical monopolies.\\n3. Traffic in public utilities has had a demor-\\nalizing effect upon business. It has stimulated\\nthe thirst for sudden wealth, fostered the specu-\\nlative spirit, created unjust competition, preju-\\ndiced men against the more legitimate invest-\\nments, and, by use of fictitious capital, oppressed\\nlabor and robbed the people.\\n4. It would discourage strikes by paying labor-\\ners better wages and giving them more satisfactory\\nworking hours. Some of the worst industrial\\nupheavals this country has yet known have oc-\\ncurred in a private business founded upon some\\none or other of our public utilities.\\n5. Profits from the operation and use of these\\nutilities by the governtnent would greatly reduce\\ntaxes. There are urgent moral reasons why all\\nforms of government should raise their revenue\\nfor current and other expenses, in part at least,\\nfrom what in all justice belongs to the public, in-\\nstead of the present direct and indirect system of\\ntaxation. If properly adjusted, about all reve-\\nnues for governmental purposes could be raised\\nby rentals on lands, mines and forests, and from\\nthe profits or rentals of public utilities, instead\\nof taxes levied upon individual holdings.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 29\\n6. The government control of the railroads\\nupon the postal system would put all men upon an\\nequal footing as to the marhets, and do away with\\nspecial favors to the larger shippers. It has been es-\\ntimated that the government could take full con-\\ntrol of the railroads in the United States, and\\noperate them upon the postal system at an aston-\\nishingly low and uniform rate for both passenger\\nand freight traffic. In the June number of The\\nComing Age, 1899, is a valuable article on this\\nsubject by Jas. L. Cowles, entitled The Post\\nOffice the Citadel of American Liberty. Mr.\\nCowles is the author of a bill now in Congress\\nseeking such a change in our railway system. He\\nhas estimated that the government can operate\\nall of the railroads in the United States on the\\npostal system at the following fares\\nBy local post, ordinary cars, 5 cents per trip.\\nBy local post, palace cars, 25 cents per trip.\\nBy express post, ordinary cars, 25 cents per trip.\\nBy express post, palace cars, $1 per trip.\\nBy fast post, ordinary cars, $1 per trip.\\nBy fast post, palace cars, $5 per trip.\\nThese fares are only for continuous trips in one\\ndirection, without stop-over privileges; when\\nnecessary, transfers would be provided until the\\ntrip was completed.\\nThe freight schedule contemplated by the bill-\\nis as follows", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "30 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nBy local post, per standard box car, $6 per haul.\\nBy local post, per standard open car, |5 per haul.\\nBy local post, per ton in box car, $1 per haul.\\nBy local post, per 100 pounds in box car, 5 cents per haul.\\nBy local post, per ton in open car, 50 cents per haul.\\nBy local post, per 100 pounds in open car, 2}4 cents per haul.\\nThe above figures might require some change\\nafter a trial, but the plan is certainly an ideal\\none, and has every appearance of practicability.\\nThe rates are based on the speed and conven-\\niences of the trains used, and not on miles or\\ndistance. Under such a schedule a man could\\ntravel from New York City to San Francisco for\\nany one of the fares named in the schedule as he\\nmight elect, and the farmer in the inland or\\nWestern States would be as near the markets as\\nany farmer on the coast or near the larger cities.\\nUnder this bill there would be no free passes,\\nfree baggage, rebates nor special rates. But for\\nfurther particulars about this system we must\\nrefer the reader to the article referred to in The\\nComing Age, or Senate bill number 4,935.\\n7. The rental system of lands would release\\nvast tracts of land for homestead purposes now\\nheld by speculators. It would also release vast\\nsums of money for more legitimate investments.\\nUnder the rental or single tax rule men could not\\nafford to keep land for speculative purposes.\\nThey would have to improve it or let it pass to\\nthose who would.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "/PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 31\\n8. The rental or profit-sharing system of all\\nmines luould prevent their waste., or the building\\nup of oppressive trusts or their falling into the\\nhands of men who have no conception of the right\\nuse of wealth nor interest in their fellow-men. It\\nwould render unto Caesar the government the\\nthings that are Caesar s.\\ny. The municipal, state and national owner-\\nship of all lands, mines, forests and public utili-\\nties would then constitute a substantial business\\nbasis for the issuance, when necessary, of munici-\\npal, state and national bonds. Our cities, states\\nand the nation are about the only institutions in\\nour civilization that issue bonds on what they\\ndo not own. There is something peculiarly\\naverse to sound business and sound morals in a\\ngovernment selling or giving away its legitimate\\npossessions, and then afterwards issuing blanket\\nmortgages in the shape of bonds on them.\\nStill other arguments might be advanced in\\nthe support of the municipal, state and national\\nownership of lands, mines, railroads and other\\npublic utilities, but it is not within the purpose\\nof this book to treat the subject exhaustively.\\nCertain qualifications in the arguments pre-\\nsented, however, might assist the reader to a\\nclearer conception of the general subject.\\nIt is not claimed that the Single Tax theory\\nwould be satisfactory without all the relative\\nconditions advocated by its distinguished author,", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "32 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nHenry George, obtaining. To think of the Sin-\\ngle Tax theory obtaining in this land under pres-\\nent industrial and commercial conditions is to\\nsee it confronted with almost defeating obsta-\\ncles. The ideal Single Tax contemplates abso-\\nlute free trade, and the municipal, state and\\nnational ownership or control of all lands, mines,\\nforests, canals, railways, and other public utili-\\nties.\\nAgain, whether public utilities should be\\nowned and operated by the government at cost,\\nor at a profit for revenue, is a question iu which\\nthere may be room for argument. In either\\ncase, however, there would be a great saving to\\nthe people. If owned by the government and\\noperated at fair living expenses for the em-\\nployees, there would be a corresponding saving\\nto the people in the decrease of tariffs. But if\\nthe government owned yet leased its utilities to\\ncompanies to operate them, unless well safe-\\nguarded, the expenses of the lease would soon be\\nadded to the operating costs, and tariffs corre-\\nspondingly increased. The argument as it stands\\nto-day points most strongly to the government\\ncontrol of the utilities, either at reasonable\\noperating expenses, or else at a profit for reve-\\nnue in the place of taxes. The taxing of fran-\\nchises, incomes and estates looks toward a rem-\\nedy for some of the evils underlying our present", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 33\\nsystem, but does not cover the ground; does not\\nremedy the difficulty.\\nBut our contention is chiefly for the principles\\ninvolved in this discussion rather than plans that\\nhave been suggested for working them out.\\nWhatever may be thought of the plans, the\\nprinciples are of vital importance to the future\\nwelfare of this nation, and the people are begin-\\nning to appreciate them. And we believe the\\ntime is at hand for their embodiment in some\\npractical way. If better plans can be suggested\\nthan those given, the people are ready to hear\\nthem; if not, the plans already suggested, to-wit,\\nthe municipal, state and national control of all\\npublic possessions, utilities and rights, will be\\nput in operation in whole or in part in the near\\nfuture. Public sentiment is now so strong in\\nfavor of these reforms that they can hardly be\\nprevented. The people will not be satisfied\\nuntil a trial of them has been made.\\nThe objections urged against the government\\nownership of public utilities as seen in European\\ncountries do not hold against the theory as advo-\\ncated in America. The conditions are too dis-\\nsimilar to give weight to the objections.\\nUpon the other hand, where the control of\\nstreet-railways, water-works and gas-plants has\\nbeen given a fair trial, as in Glasgow, Scotland,\\nand a few other cities, wholly or partially, the ex-\\nperiment has resulted favorably to the doctrine.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENTS MUST BE RETAINED IN\\nTHE HANDS OF THE PEOPLE.\\nNext to the need of a restoration to munici-\\npal, state and national governments of all their\\nrespective rights, privileges and possessions, is\\nthe need of a complete restoration to the people\\nof their essential governments. A government\\nof, by and for the people is the American con-\\nception, and it should be adhered to. The dark\\ncloud on our government to-day is the fact that\\nit is too largely controlled by trusts, rings, ma-\\nchines, bosses, corporations or other private in-\\nterests it is ceasing to be a representative gov-\\nernment. Primary elections, *boodle, spoils,\\ncampaign barls, party platforms, lobbies,\\nsubsidized newspapers and other factors and\\nagencies are made use of to defeat the will of\\nthe people, and unless these evils can be over-\\ncome there is little hope for relief or improve-\\nment from any of the reforms suggested. The\\nreins of government must be taken out of the\\nhands of machines, trusts, corporations, or other\\nprivate interests, and restored to the people.\\nExperience has demonstrated that it is unwise\\nto trust the government of a city. State or na-\\ntion to any one party, political or religious, per-\\n34", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 35\\nmanently; sooner or later they begin to abuse\\ntheir trusts, use their power to the advancement\\nof their party, or otherwise corrupt, pervert and\\ndestroy the government. It is necessary to have\\nchanges of administration; or, better still, to\\nhave a strictly representative government.\\nOne of the latest and most promising reforms\\nin the direction indicated is that of Direct Leg-\\nislation by what is called the Initiative, Refer-\\nendum and the Recall measure.\\nWhile Direct Legislation involves no new prin-\\nciple of government, it would be far-reaching in\\nits effect upon the laws and conditions of our\\ncountry. It is merely the extension of a princi-\\nple which lies at the bottom of our political sys-\\ntem.\\nDIRECT LEGISLATION.\\nDirect Legislation may be explained, briefly,\\nas follows\\n1st. The Initiative. By the Initiative a\\ncertain per cent (say five per cent) of the citi-\\nzens could compel any new legislation they might\\ndesire, which lawmakers fail or refuse to act\\nupon. By this the people could compel the en-\\nactment of laws more conducive to the welfare\\nof the public.\\n2d. The Referendum. By this, upon demand\\nof a certain per cent (say five per cent) of the\\ncitizens in a district affected, any measure passed", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "36 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nby a lawmaking body could be submitted to a\\ndirect vote of the people for approval or disap-\\nproval at the next following election. This\\nwould give the people the right of vetoing laws\\nenacted against the public welfare.\\n3d. The Kecall. By this power a majority\\nof voters could recall any public official who\\nmight prove inefficient or unfaithful to his\\nduties. This would give to the public immediate\\nrelief from an incompetent or dangerous official.\\nThe arguments in favor of this measure are so\\nclear and strong that it seems that they need\\nonly to be stated to be accepted. Direct Legis-\\nlation means honesty, fair play, and better laws\\nfor the people. It would rob political dema-\\ngogues and tricksters of their power, defeat\\nboodlers and lobbyists in their influence over\\nour lawmakers, and separate between politics\\nand legislation. It would facilitate legislative\\nreforms.\\nIn the language of another:\\n**Every meritorious plank in the Republican,\\nDemocratic, Populist, Liberalist, Prohibition, or\\nother platforms, would be more certain of\\nspeedy adoption under Direct Legislation than\\nunder the present method. Now we must not\\nonly convert the voter to the desired reform, but\\nalso convince him that its adoption is of such\\nimportance that he must be willing to see other\\nissues or candidates he may be friendly to de-", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 37\\nfeated, if need be, in order to get the one re-\\nform. By means of Direct Legislation the voter\\ncould vote directly for what he favors, not em-\\nbracing men or measures obnoxious to him.\\nThe constitution in each State would have to\\nbe amended before such a law could be enacted,\\nand steps should be taken at once in each State\\nto have such an amendment submitted to the\\npeople at the earliest opportunity. The people\\nhave a right to say what laws shall govern them,\\nand no man or party should oppose the adoption\\nof such a measure in any city or State.\\nHOME RULE FOR CITIES.\\nNext to the Initiative and Referendum, where-\\nby the power of legislation is placed in the\\nhands of the people, we should seek home rule\\nfor our larger cities in all local matters.\\nIt is becoming more and more apparent that\\nlarge cities must have larger legal privileges in\\nthe management of purely local matters. Home\\nrule for cities is one of the rapidly approaching\\nevents of the future. As a reform measure it is\\nrapidly coming into favor. In the North Amer-\\nican Review for June, 1900, Bird S. Coler\\nargues strongly for a larger independence for\\nmunicipalities, for commercial and other rea-\\nsons. Two governments in a city, state and mu-\\nnicipal, cannot exist without friction, detri-\\nmental to the business and morals of the city.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "38 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nThe state s control of a city s local matters\\nafford too many temptations to political corrup-\\ntionists. The experience of our larger cities\\nhave demonstrated that the state s control of\\ntheir local affairs is unwise and dangerous. The\\npeople of a city must hold the reins of govern-\\nment in their own hands in all matters pertain-\\ning strictly to the city. Under the present order\\nof things there is too much machinery too\\nmany chances for boodle. Things could and\\nshould be simplified. There is no reason why a\\ncity should not be run on strictly business prin-\\nciples the same as any other business enterprise\\nor corporation. There is no reason why there\\nshould be any politics in a city government at\\nall.\\nTO SIMPLIFY MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS.\\nAfter securing home rule for our larger cities,\\nefforts should be made to simplify their govern-\\nments and protect them against selfish politi-\\ncians, boodle aldermen and franchise-grabbers.\\nOne of the best suggestions that has come to our\\nknowledge on reforms in municipal government,\\noutside of their divorcement from the state, and\\nthe adoption of the Initiative and the Referen-\\ndum, is that of Orlando J. Smith, in a book re-\\ncently issued by the Brandur Publishing Com-\\npany, New York City, entitled *The Coming\\nDemocracy.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 39\\nMr. Smith s theory is that a city should be\\ngoverned by a board of directors elected annu-\\nally, as in any other corporate body, the board\\nto be thoroughly representative. To secure this\\nMr. Smith suggests the following unique method:\\nLet each political party in the city have its\\nticket at each voting precinct at each municipal\\nelection. Each voter then selects the party\\nticket most agreeable to his method of thought.\\nThe number of tickets voted by each party de-\\ntermines the number of directors each party is\\nentitled to have on the board. But the most\\nstriking feature of this system is that no voter is\\nentitled to vote for more than one man on the\\nboard at any one election. On each party-ticket\\nthere is a blank space in which to write the\\nname of any one person who, in the judgment of\\nthe voter, is competent to a place on the board.\\nThe results of an election under Mr. Smith s\\nsystem would be determined as follows:\\n1st. The number of tickets voted by each\\nparty would determine the representation of\\neach party on the board.\\n2d. The persons on each set of party-tickets\\nvoted receiving the highest number of votes, up\\nto the number of persons to which each party\\nwas entitled on the board, would be the persons\\nelected to fill those places. In this way the\\nboard would always be thoroughly representa-\\ntive.", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "40 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nSuch a system would head off all wire-pullers,\\nward-healers, machine-slates, and other persons\\nand methods from tampering with and defeating\\nan honest ballot. The voter would be absolutely\\nfree and his vote absolutely secret, if he so\\nwanted. There would be no slate-ticket to vote,\\nno convention nominee, no primary elections.\\nPrimary elections are the bane of politics and a\\nnuisance to business and professional men. This\\nsystem would eliminate this evil.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "MONEY.\\nWe wish next to speak of money as a function\\nof the government. The political discussion of\\nthis subject is bewildering, and intentionally so.\\nUpon no subject has more foolish things been\\nsaid than upon the money question. That it is\\nsomewhat of an intricate and involved question\\nis admitted, but that does not mean that it is too\\ndeep for the common people to comprehend.\\nOne of the first things to understand about\\nmoney is that it is a creature of law. Any mate-\\nrial substance may have a commercial or other\\nvalue in the world, according to its use, but it\\ncannot have a money-value without the sanction\\nof law. The right to coin or create money is a\\nprerogative of the government.\\nThe article or articles selected by a govern-\\nment to be used as money may or may not have\\na value or values other than that imparted by\\nlaw. The distinction between the legal or money\\nvalue of a piece of gold, or a piece of silver, or\\na piece of nickel, or a piece of copper, or a piece\\nof paper, is as clear in one case as the other,\\nand as clear in all of them as the difference be-\\ntween the seed and the food- value of corn, the\\nfarm-value and the gambling-value of a race-\\nhorse, or the sentimental and the real value of\\n41", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "42 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nan heirloom. In the case of gold the two values\\nthe legal and the commercial coincide, are\\nequal; in the other substances named they differ,\\nthe greatest difference being in the case of paper\\nmoney.\\nThe value of all money proceeds from the gov-\\nernment. The idea that all money must carry\\nan intrinsic or commercial value equivalent to\\nits legal or money value is absurd. The asser-\\ntion is contradicted by history, by facts and by\\nactual conditions in every civilized nation. No\\nnation has yet existed that has not used money\\nthe intrinsic value of which was less than its\\nmoney value, and this has been and is to-day\\nespecially true of the United States.\\nThe general stock of money in the United\\nStates, June 1, 1900, is given as follows:\\nGold Coin (including bullion in Treasury), $1,041,531,374\\nStandard Silver Dollars 487,497,976\\nSubsidiary Silver 81,672,075\\nTreasury Notes of 1890 79,440,000\\nUnited States Notes 346,681,016\\nNational Bank Notes 300,569,759\\nTotal 2,337,392,300\\nOf this total the amount in circulation June 1,\\n1900, is placed at $2,074,687,871. But this in-\\ncludes much that is not in actual circulation. Of\\nthe gold said to be in circulation the repoit says\\nthat there is $618,624,530 in coin, and $204,049,-\\n299 in gold certificates. By circulation this", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 43\\nreport probably means that there is this amount\\nscattered about over the country, but in bank\\nvaults, etc. Of the silver dollars in circulation\\nthe report gives $67,645,528, and of silver cer-\\ntificates $408,477,649, nearly double the gold\\ncertificates.\\nDuring the last two years the volume of cur-\\nrency has been considerably enlarged by trade\\nwith foreign nations and by legislation, and\\nthere has been a corresponding stimulus given to\\ntrade, which practically demonstrates the cor-\\nrectness of the claims of those persons who ad-\\nvocate bimetallism or an independent national\\npaper currency. Even if the purported two\\nbillions of dollars of all kinds of money were in\\nactual circulation, as claimed in the above fig-\\nures, the amount would still be inadequate to\\npresent demands. The greatest prosperity the\\npeople of this nation have yet known not the\\ntrusts was at a time (1865) when they had a\\ncurrency as good as gold and a volume of it\\nequal to $50 per capita. Now it is but little\\nmore than half that amount per capita, and\\neverybody who knows anything about our pres-\\nent currency system knows that there is not two\\nbillion dollars of money in circulation. It is\\nchiefly in the hands of capitalists and trusts, or\\nhoarded in vaults, and the prosperity of which\\nso much has been said has chiefly been a pros-\\nperity of the trusts and larger corporations", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "44 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nrather than of the country. The prosperity the\\nnation needs, and that the people are looking for\\nand are justly entitled to, is a prosperity in which\\nthey can justly share, and this they cannot have\\nwithout an adequate currency. Any attempt,\\ntherefore, to contract the currency, whether by\\ndemonetizing silver, eliminating the greenbacks,\\nor a corner on the money market, is a crime of\\nthe worst sort. We need to enlarge, not to con-\\ntract, our present volume of money.\\nThere are now three systems of money promi-\\nnently before the American people. They are\\nthe Gold Standard, the Bimetallic Standard and\\nthe Multiple Standard. The latter is compara-\\ntively new. The Gold Standard is based upon\\none article of commerce gold; the Bimetallic\\nStandard is based upon two articles of commerce,\\ngold and silver; the Multiple Standard proposes\\na currency based upon all of the leading commo-\\ndities of life. Concerning the respective merits\\nof these systems we can speak only in brief.\\nThe Gold Standard is based upon the theory\\nthat the commercial or intrinsic value of the\\narticle used for money must be equal to its face\\nvalue. This, as before stated, is a false concep-\\ntion of money. It would be just as wise to argue\\nthat a title to a piece of land must be written\\non a plate of gold of equal value to the land.\\nIn the language of another\\n**The object of commerce is not to get gold.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 45\\nIn 999 out of a thousand sales the vendor does\\nnot want gold or silver. The dollar is not sought\\nby him for the sake of the 23.22 grains of gold\\nin it. Most of the dollars he gets contain no\\ngrains of gold at all, but are made of paper. He\\ndoes not think of asking for gold, and would\\ndeem it a burden if he were required to take\\nlarge payments in gold. His object is to ex-\\nchange his commodities for other commodities,\\nand he takes money because it is a convenient\\nmeans of making that exchange. The pic7yose\\nof money is not to convey a certain weight of\\ngold, 23 grains to the dollar, or any other num-\\nber of grains to the dollar, but to transfer a pur-\\nchasing power equal to that of the goods which\\nare being paid for, or the loan that is being\\nliquidated. The receiver of the dollar takes it\\nbecause it will buy the means of life and happi-\\nness commodities in the broad sense. The\\ndollar is taken as the representative of the\\nmeans of living, the representative of commodi-\\nties and in order that it may be a true repre-\\nsentative it must be based on commodities and\\nkept in harmony with them. Parsons.\\nThe objections to the Gold Standard, in brief,\\nare as follows:\\n1. It is a physical impossibility for a nation\\nto transact all of its business with a gold cur-\\nrency, or upon a gold basis. The total currency\\nof the United States is now more than two", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "46 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nbillion dollars, of which less than one-third is\\ngold. Imagine this nation trying to transact its\\nbusiness on $600,000,000 in gold, even if it could\\nretain all of this at all times in the country and\\nin circulation. Wendell Phillips once said: If\\nEngland, the richest nation in the world, the\\nreservoir and refuge of coin, cannot, without\\nsubterfuge, support one specie-paying bank in\\nLondon, the world s business-center, how can we\\nexpect to hoard gold enough to form a basis for\\ntwo thousand (now over twice that number)\\nbanks scattered over the continent?\\n2. It is an uncertain quantity. On this point\\nwe cannot do better than to quote from Ex-Sen-\\nator Ingles great speech in the Senate Feb. 15,\\n1878. He said: No people in a great emer-\\ngency ever found a faithful ally in gold. It is\\nthe most cowardly and treacherous of all metals.\\nIt makes no treaty it does not break. It has no\\nfriend it does not soonor or later betray. Armies\\nand navies are not maintained by gold. In times\\nof panic and calamity, shipwreck and disaster,\\nit becomes the agent and minister of ruin. No\\nnation ever fought a great war by the aid of\\ngold. On the contrary, in the crisis of the great-\\nest peril it becomes an enemy more potent than\\nthe foe in the field but when the battle is won\\nand peace has been secured, gold reappears and\\nclaims the fruits of victory. In our own Civil\\nWar it is doubtful if the gold of New York and", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 47\\nLondon did not work us greater injury than the\\npowder and lead and iron of the South. It was\\nthe most invincible enemy of the public credit.\\nGold paid no soldier or sailor. It refused the\\nNational obligations. It was worth most when\\nour fortunes were the lowest. Every defeat\\ngave it increased value. It was in open alliance\\nwith our enemies the world over, and all its en-\\nergies were evoked for our destruction. But as\\nusual, when danger had been averted and the\\nvictory secured, gold swaggers to the front and\\nasserts its supremacy.\\n3. It cannot be kept in the country. One\\nhas only to watch the money-centers of the\\nworld to see the truth of this statement. It is\\nalways on the go, first to one country, then to\\nanother. It is the most migratory of all metals.\\nIt is always in search of the securest places or the\\nlargest profits. Any nation dependent upon\\ngold for money may be robbed of its currency by\\nanother nation, or by its own people at any time.\\n4. It cannot be kept in circulation. Let a\\npanic or a scare come, and gold suddenly dis-\\nappears, it goes into hiding. We have had\\nample demonstrations of this in our own na-\\ntional history. The disposition to hoard gold is\\nstrong even in times of prosperity, and this dis-\\nposition becomes an almost uncontrollable pas-\\nsion at the sight of approaching danger. It was\\nestimated, or rather guessed, that more than", "height": "3689", "width": "2342", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "48 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nhalf of the gold in the United States went into\\nhiding during the last panic; the balance was\\nlocked up in the vaults of banks and of the\\nnation.\\n5. It is an instrument of panics. In Mr.\\nParsons book on Rational Money, he says:\\nLooking over the history of England and\\nAmerica, we find that panics of the first magni-\\ntude occurred in England in 1763, 1783, 1793,\\n1797, 1816, 1825, 1837-8, 1847, 1857, 1866, 1875\\nand 1890-3, and in the United States in 1819,\\n1825, 1837, 1839, 1847, 1857, 1873 and 1893 (with\\na plentiful supply of lesser disasters in interme-\\ndiate years), and every one of them was either\\ndirectly caused by the movement of money, or\\ngrew to ruinous dimensions because the money\\nvolume failed to expand at the proper time to\\nrelieve the financial pressure, metallic money\\nbeing far more apt to shrink away and hide itself\\nin time of danger than to come to the rescue of\\ncommerce when credit money is shaken.\\nThe Bimetallic Standard is an improvement on\\nthe Gold Standard in that it decreases the ability\\nof money gamblers and manipulators to control\\nand corner the nation s currency. When money\\nis to be cornered by gamblers, they want every\\navenue of relief for the people whom it is their\\nintention to rob closed. The intentional con-\\ntraction of a nation s currency is a crime differ-\\ning from a corner on money only in degree. The", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 49\\ndemonitization of silver was an act purely in the\\ninterest of Wall Street.\\nThe chief objection to silver is not that it is\\ndishonest money it is as honest as any other\\nmoney bearing the impress of national authority;\\nnot that it is a forty-five-cent dollar no man\\nhas yet refused to take a United States silver\\ndollar at its face value but that it is subject to\\nthe same faults of gold, already mentioned, in a\\nlarge measure; and, second, that, joined with\\ngold, the two metals do not furnish the country\\nwith an adequate currency. The currency now\\nin the United States, all told, is far too small at\\ntwo billions of dollars, and yet the total of all\\ncoin in the United States in circulation hardly\\nequals one billion. Even if all of this coin could\\nbe kept in the country and in circulation, it\\ncould not possibly do the business of the country.\\nThe objection of some capitalists and politi-\\ncians to silver is not that the silver dollar lacks\\nintrinsic value, but that it decreases their power\\nover the currency of the nation by increasing its\\nvolume. They would like to have the green-\\nbacks out of the way for the same reason that\\nthe coinage of silver was stopped. The fight\\nfor the reopening of the mints to the coinage of\\nsilver and for the greenbacks is therefore a fight\\nfor public as against private rights a fight for\\nthe people as against the capitalists of the na-\\ntion a fight for larger commercial and industrial", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "50 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nliberties as against money famines and panics.\\nThe Multiple system, now advocated by some\\nof the ablest men of the nation, and rapidly\\ngrowing in favor, is a proposition to issue a na-\\ntional paper currency wholly independent of\\nbanks, and based upon the largest possible num-\\nber of commodities for its basic value. This, it\\nis argued, will give the people an adequate, flex-\\nible and safe currency of uniform value at all\\ntimes and in all places.\\nIn his California speeches, as reported in the\\nDenver New Road of July, 1897, Mr. Bryan ad-\\nmitted that neither gold nor silver represents an\\nhonest dollar. An honest dollar, said he, is\\na dollar that will always buy the same amount of\\nproducts; and if such a dollar could be con-\\nstructed, a man would not be called upon in ten\\nyears to pay back a debt in dollars worth four\\ntimes the dollar he borrowed; neither would he\\nbe enabled to pay off a debt with dollars four\\ntimes as cheap as the dollar he borrowed. The\\nreport continues: Mr. Bryan advocates a paper\\ndollar based upon ten leading products of the\\nnation, and when he does so he recommends the\\nmost scientific money the world ever saw. Given\\na dollar based upon oats, corn, wheat, rye, petro-\\nleum, pork, cotton, sugar, tobacco and coal, the\\nvalue of which would be controlled by the aver-\\nage of these commodities, would give us an\\nhonest dollar.", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 51\\nThe Multiple system embodies the principle\\nindicated by Mr. Bryan, but proposes to enlarge\\nthe basis of the dollar so as to include all of the\\nleading products of the nation instead of ten.\\nWe have not the space to go into the merits\\nclaimed for this system in detail, neither does\\nthat come within the scope of this book, but we\\ncannot pass the matter without some further\\nexplanatory remarks.\\nIn the first phice, paper money is coming to be\\nthe money of all modern civilizations. The peo-\\nple want neither gold nor silver beyond the small\\ntransactions of daily life. During the last panic\\nin New York City paper money was at a higher\\npremium than gold 4 to 1 per cent. And of the\\n$487,497,976 silver dollars in the United States\\nover $400,000,000 circulates in the form of silver\\ncertificates. Of the gold over one-third is in\\ngold certificates. The people do not want\\nmetallic money.\\nIn the next place, they are entitled to a safe\\ncurrency, and in this they cannot improve upon\\nthe credit of the nation. Even gold can be pur-\\nchased by national bonds in any market.\\nAnd in the third place, they are entitled to a\\ncurrency at the lowest cost, and this they cannot\\nhave when the right to furnish the currency is\\ndelegated to national banks, or other corpora-\\ntions, or dictated by capitalists.\\nThe Multiple system, therefore, seems to em-", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "53 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nbody all of the essential elements of an ideal\\nnational currency. It is safe, having the wealth\\nand the authority of the nation behind it; it is\\nhonest, in that it holds both buyer and seller,\\ndebtor and creditor, to the same uniform stand-\\nard of values; it is adequate, because not limited\\nto mines; it is independent money, because not\\nissued nor controlled by banks or foreign finan-\\ncial conditions. It is said that for over six hun-\\ndred years Venice had no commercial panic. Her\\nindependent national money, under wise public\\nmanagement, was always so well adjusted to the\\nneeds of trade that a crisis was impossible.\\n**It is clearly absurd to say that the Govern-\\nment cannot give value to paper. An individual\\ncan do it, why not a nation? A deed has value,\\nand a note, and a bit of manuscript. Tennyson\\ncould make a sheet of paper worth $1,000 by\\nwriting a few verses upon it. A postage stamp\\nhas value, and is just as good as gold or silver all\\nover this country, although it is irredeemable\\nin coin redeemable in service only. Anything\\nthat is useful has value. The difference between\\ngold money and paper money is not that gold has\\nvalue and paper has none, but that the gold\\nmoney has a value aside from its character as\\nmoney. It has another utility, and therefore an-\\nother source of value, while paper in general has\\nonly value as money, because it has only that\\none utility (or rather its other utilities are insig-", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 53\\nnificant in comparison with its money utility,\\nbulk for bulk). But in that utility it is as useful\\nas gold, and therefore has the same value for\\nmoney as gold, and frequently more. Par-\\nsons.\\nOur present national currency is a mixture of\\nall of the systems named, embarrassing alike to\\nthe government and the people. Instead of a\\ncurrency founded on a composite basis, as it\\nought to be, we have a composite currency sup-\\nposed to be based on gold. Aside from the in-\\nconvenience of so many kinds of money,\\nalthough they are of equal value in commerce,\\nall legal tender, the present system is objection-\\nable:\\n1. Because it is inadequate. The volume of\\nmoney does not keep pace with the demands of\\nthe country.\\n2. It is irresponsive. It does not quickly re-\\nspond to the emergencies of trade.\\n3. It is unnecessarily expensive. Paper could\\nperform the same service, and release all of our\\ngold and silver now locked up in metallic money.\\nThis gold and silver could be used in produc-\\ntive industry, or sent away to buy American se-\\ncurities held abroad, and pay American debts in\\nforeign countries, relieving us of a considerable\\nburden of interest, increasing the volume of\\nmoney and raising prices across the water,\\nwhereby a better market would be made for our", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "54 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nproducts, and a bit of the prosperity that comes\\nwith the impetus of rising prices would be intro-\\nduced into Europe. Parsons,\\n4. It enslaves the government to capitalists.\\nThe government is in bondage to its bondholders,\\nand dare not conduct its financial and commer-\\ncial affairs independent of their interests, as was\\nshown in the new financial bill passed by the last\\nCongress.\\n5. It is a perversion of public rights to pri-\\nvate uses. To delegate to national banks the\\nright to furnish its subjects with money is an\\nabuse of a fundamental principle of a righteous\\ngovernment, to say nothing of the additional in-\\nterest-burden put upon the people by this\\nmethod.\\n6. It subjects the business of the country to\\nmoney famines and panics at the will of money\\nmanipulators. Mr. Parsons says that there is\\nevidence tending to show that the panic of 1893\\nwas not entirely a natural phenomenon. The\\nmoneyed interests desired the unconditional re-\\npeal of the silver-purchase law. It was openly\\nsaid that *the quickest if not the only way to re-\\npeal the silver-purchase law is to precipitate a\\npanic upon the country, as nothing short of that\\nwill convince the silver men of their error and\\narouse public opinion to a point which will com-\\npel the next Congress to repeal the Sherman law", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 55\\nwhether it wants to or not. The panic came and\\nthe silver law was repealed.\\n7. It promises no relief from the bondage of\\ndebt. It does not appear to be the intention of\\ncapitalists to whom the government is in bond-\\nage to permit the payment of the national debt.\\nGovernment bonds have been and will continue\\nto be refunded as long as it can be done as a\\nbasis for a national bank currency and other rea-\\nsons.\\n8. Our present national bank notes are in\\nviolation of the American principle of govern-\\nment. They are simply corporation notes en-\\ndorsed or secured by the government. National\\nbanks are simply private corporations doing\\nbusiness under a national title. The govern-\\nment s notes would be just as good if issued\\ndirect from the government as they now are\\nissued by a national bank and endorsed by the\\ngovernment, and would be far less expensive to\\nthe people. National bank notes are another in-\\nstance of the private use of a public right of a\\nspecies of favoritism that is becoming intoler-\\nable to the American people.\\n9. It is unnatural, because it is inadequate\\nand arbitrarily forced upon the nation.\\n10. It is unscientific, because the theory is\\nmathematically incorrect and impossible.\\nTake the present redemption fund of $150,-\\n000,000 in gold, to be kept exclusively for the", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "56 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS\\nredemption of greenbacks and treasury notes, of\\nwhich there are jointly $426,121,016. According\\nto the intrinsic-value theory, there ought to be a\\ngold dollar actually in the national treasury for\\nevery dollar of United States and treasury notes\\nin circulation, as in the case of the gold and sil-\\nver certificates; but as it is, the gold behind this\\nvolume of paper currency is less than thirty\\ncents on the dollar. And yet some men make a\\ngreat noise about an honest dollar, a dollar\\nworth 100 cents. This money is all honest\\nmoney, and worth 100 cents on the dollar, but\\nnot on the intransic value theory. It is worth it\\nbecause it is national money. On the intrinsic\\nvalue theory the so-called 45-cent silver dollar is\\nworth more than the greenback dollar, but on the\\nnational credit theory they are of equal value,\\nand that is their face value of 100 cents on the\\ndollar. To talk about gold enough to do the\\nbusiness of the country is to talk about an im-\\npossibility; and to talk about a paper currency\\nfounded on gold is to beg the question and aban-\\ndon the theory.\\n11. It is dangerous, because it subjects the\\ninterests of the country to conscienceless politi-\\ncians, capitalists and gamblers. When the mon-\\neyed classes of the country threaten a financial\\nearthquake if they cannot have the President\\nthey want, as was hinted in the campaign of\\n1896, it is time that the interests of the country", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RIGHTS 57\\nbe placed beyond the reach of such anarchists.\\nWe have now carried this investigation as far\\nas we contemplated in this treatise. In closing,\\npermit us to again remind you that we are prima-\\nrily concerned with the rights of the public. We\\nare opposed to the invasion of these rights by\\nmercenary, wealth-seeking individuals. We have\\nbriefly set forth some of the latest and best sug-\\ngestions for preventing this very ancient system\\nof robbery. We believe them to be practical\\nand worthy of immediate trial by the people.\\nWe believe that they will be tried in the near\\nfuture. If not practical, they will suggest reme-\\ndies that are. What we want is to arouse the\\npeople to their privileges, their rights, their pos-\\nsibilities. If our methods of civilized life are\\nnot to keep pace with our wants, our education,\\nthen we had better close up our schools and our\\ncolleges. But we cannot go backward. We\\nmust go forward. We can and must have a\\ngovernment by the people, of the people and for\\nthe people. The world is done with the **di-\\nvine rights of kings and the assumed rights of\\ncapital. Man and not money character and not\\nthe dollar\u00e2\u0080\u0094 liberty and not oppression must\\nstand at the front of the civilization of the\\ntwentieth century.", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "Appendix,\\nThe following classification of public and pri-\\nvate rights, privileges and possessions may help\\nto a clearer perception of the distinction between\\npublic and private right and of the reforms of\\nwhich our civilization now stands in need\\nPRIVATE RIGHTS.\\nAll Trades.\\nProfessions.\\nArts.\\nSciences.\\nInventions.\\nLiterature.\\nPrivate Schools.\\nReligion.\\nPUBLIC RIGHTS.\\nAll Lands.\\nMines.\\nForests.\\nRailways.\\nTelegraph Lines.\\nTelephone Lines.\\nStreet Railways.\\nRivers.\\nCanals.\\nHarbors.\\nMunicipal Water Works.\\nMunicipal Light Plants.\\nPublic Schools.\\nAnd Qurrency (Money)\\nFor some of the latest and best literature on\\nthe things spoken of in this book we commend\\nthe reader to Rational Money/ The Land\\nQuestion, and **A City for the People, all of\\nwhich may be had by addressing Equity\\nSeries, 1520 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia,\\nPa., or the author of this book, 1522 Locust St.,\\nSt. Louis.\\n59", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "60 APPENDIX.\\nSince putting our message into type a new\\nbook has appeared from the press of Dodd, Mead\\nCo., New York, entitled, Problems of Life,\\nbeing selections from the writings and sermons\\nof Rev. Lyman Abbott, D. D., by S. T. D., in\\nwhich are some paragraphs on Labor and Gov-\\nernment that are so apt and timely that we\\ncannot forbear the following quotations:\\nIndustrial peace is to be brought about, not by\\na well-balanced conflict of self-interest, by capi-\\ntal buying labor in the cheapest market, and\\nlabor selling itself in the highest market, and\\neach trying to outwit the other, but by a frank\\nrecognition of partnership between the power of\\nthe brain and the power of the muscle, which\\nshould be united in the community as they are\\nunited in the individual, and should work to-\\ngether for the largest service to humanity; not\\nthe greatest acquisition of wealth, but the great-\\nest development of mankind.\\nMost commodities in our time even agricul-\\ntural commodities are gradually coming under\\nthese conditions are produced by an organized\\nbody of working-men, carrying on their work\\nunder the superintendence of a captain of in-\\ndustry, and by the use of costly tools. This\\nrequires the co-operation of three classes, the\\ntool-owner or capitalist, the superintendent or", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX 61\\nmanager, and the tool-user or laborer. The re-\\nsult is the joint product of their industry, and\\ntherefore belongs to them jointly. It is the bus-\\niness of political economy to ascertain how\\nvalues can be equitably divided between these\\npartners in a common enterprise. This is the\\nlabor question in a sentence.\\n**Conciliation, the recognition by employer and\\nemployed that they are partners in a common\\nenterprise; arbitration, the adjustment of all\\nquestions of self-interest, that cannot be ad-\\njusted through conciliation, by reference to a\\nmutually chosen tribunal and the intervention\\nof law where public rights are infringed upon by\\ncontroversy between laborer and capitalist, this\\nseems to me to be the application of Christ s\\nmethod for the solution of the labor war, until\\nwe come to the full recognition of the fact that\\nthe working-man and capitalist are partners in a\\ncommon enterprise, and the very motives of war\\ncease to exist.\\nThere are six standards by which we may\\nmeasure any existing civilization by the charac-\\nter of the government; by the condition of\\nlabor; by the moral standards which prevail in\\nthe social life by the state of the home and the\\nposition of woman; by the quality and extent of", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "62 APPENDIX\\neducation and by the nature and influence of\\nthe religious institutions.\\nWhat is a Christian nation? Not a nation\\nwhich has no vices, which has no foes within its\\nown borders, which is perfect; but a nation\\nwhich is battling against the evil within itself\\nand against the evil without itself, and struggling\\ntoward a higher and better ideal of justice,\\nmercy, truth, reverence. It is a nation which is\\nendeavoring to give equal rights and equal jus-\\ntice to all men; it is a nation which has consid-\\neration for the poor, the ignorant, the oppressed,\\nand the suffering, and which loves mercy as well\\nas it does justice; and it is a nation which shows\\nreverence not merely nor mainly by temples in\\nwhich its people assemble from time to time to\\npray and praise, but reverence, because it seeks\\nto ascertain what are God s laws and to incor-\\nporate those laws into its own commonwealth,\\nand to conform its national life to those laws,\\nand because in some measure it trusts to the\\nforces which God has set at work in the world\\nfor obedience to those laws within its own com-\\nmonwealth; a nation which in its organic, legal,\\nconstitutional action does justice, loves mercy,\\nand walks reverently and humbly. Just in the\\nmeasure in which it attains this, in which it sets\\nthis ideal before it and walks toward this, is it a\\nChristian nation. If a Christian is one ^ho", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX 63\\nserves others, then a Christian nation is one\\nwhich seeks not its own glory, its own prestige\\nand power, but seeks the welfare of the human\\nrace.\\nGovernment is founded on force; and no\\nman has a right to use force against his fellow-\\nman except to protect him from his own evil, to\\nprotect him from the evils threatened by others,\\nor to protect others from evil threatened by him.\\nThe end of government is protection of life and\\nof person and of property. Government takes\\nfrom its citizens their property by force, that\\nis, taxation. Taxation is taking the property of\\na citizen by force because if he does not yield it\\nvoluntarily the government comes and takes it\\nfrom him whether he will or not. But to take a\\nman s property from him by force without ren-\\ndering him a just equivalent is robbery. If it is\\ndone by one man, it is robbery; by a group of\\nmen, it is robbery; by a whole nation in its col-\\nlective capacity, it is robbery. To take property\\nfrom a single individual, or from a group of in-\\ndividuals for the benefit of another individual or\\ngroup of individuals, from one class for the ben-\\nefit of another class, from one person for the\\nbenefit of another person, whether by taxation\\nor by any other method, without the purpose of\\nrendering a fair and legitimate equivalent there-\\nfor, is robbery. If it is done by a government.", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "AUG 1 1900\\n6i APPENDIX\\nit is a governmental robbery. If it is done by\\nmilitary law, it is military robbery. If it is done\\nby civil law, it is civil robbery. To hold a man\\ndown and rifle his pockets for the benefit of\\nthose who are rifling them, is robbery, no\\nmatter by whom, no matter under what forms of\\nlaw it is done.*", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "BY J. H. GARRISON.\\nAI^ONB WITH GOD. A Manual of Devotions. One of the most\\nuseful, most needed, and best adapted books we have ever issued,\\nand therefore it is not strange that it is\\nproving one of the most popular. In\\nwork of this kind its distinguished, gift-\\ned, pious and beloved author is at his\\nbest. While this book will be helpful\\nto every minister, church oflScial and\\nSundaj -school superintendent, as well as\\nevery private member of the church of\\nall ages, it is particularly well adapted to\\nthe wants of members of the Y. P. S.\\nC. E. It has models of prayer, suitable\\nfor the service of the prayer-meeting,\\nwhile its suggestions, meditations and\\ninstructions are pre-eminently calculated to be of service in prepar-\\nation for the solemn duties that rest upon the Active Members. 244\\npages, cloth, 75 cents.\\nHEAVENWARD WAY. This popular little book, addressed to\\nYoung Christians, with Incentives and Suggestions for Spiritual\\nGrowth, has lately undergone a thorough revision, and much new\\nmatter has been added, making it a fit companion-book for Alone\\nWith God, and Half-Hour Studies at the Cross. It is meeting with\\na large sale among Christians, young and old, and hundreds have\\nexpressed themselves as greatly benefited by reading it. It should be\\nin every Christian household. 100 pages, cloth, 75 cents.\\nHAI^E-HOTJR STUDIES AT THE CROSS. A Series of De-\\nvotional Studies on the Death of Christ, designed to be helpful to those\\nwho preside at the lyord s Table, and a means of spiritual preparation\\nfor all who participate. This little volume is designed by its author to\\nfill a vacancy in religious literature by furnishing a treatment of the\\natonement in the devotional rather than in the controversial spirit.\\nThe cross is used as a means of spiritual culture, rather than as an\\ninstrument of argumentative warfare. Cloth, 75 cents.\\n-wThe Three Volumes, Uniform in Binding, Sent Prepaid for $2.ooii-\\nTHE CHRISTIAN PUBLISHING CO., ST. LOUIS, MO.", "height": "3654", "width": "2359", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n002 426 485 3", "height": "3671", "width": "2319", "jp2-path": "publicprivaterig00hopk_0068.jp2"}}